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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The New Nation, by Frederic L. Paxson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The New Nation
+
+Author: Frederic L. Paxson
+
+Editor: William E. Dodd
+
+Release Date: January 31, 2009 [EBook #27953]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW NATION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by G. Edward Johnson, Charlene Taylor, Graeme
+Mackreth and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Copyright, 1912, Moffett, Chicago
+
+[Signature]Woodrow Wilson]
+
+THE NEW NATION
+
+BY
+
+FREDERIC L. PAXSON
+
+PROFESSOR OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN
+
+[Illustration: logo]
+
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+
+BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO
+
+The Riverside Press Cambridge
+
+
+
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1915, BY FREDERIC L. PAXSON
+
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
+
+
+The Riverside Press
+
+CAMBRIDGE MASSACHUSETTS
+
+U.S.A.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+A new nation has appeared within the United States since the Civil War,
+but it has been only accidentally connected with that catastrophe. The
+Constitution emerged from the confusion of strife and reconstruction
+substantially unchanged, but the economic development of the United
+States in the sixties and seventies gave birth to a society that was, by
+1885, already national in its activities and necessities. In many ways
+the history of the United States since the Civil War has to do with the
+struggle between this national fact and the old legal system that was
+based upon state autonomy and federalism; and the future depends upon
+the discovery of a means to readjust the mechanics of government, as
+well as its content, to the needs of life. This book attempts to narrate
+the facts of the last half-century and to show them in their relations
+to the larger truths of national development.
+
+
+FREDERIC L. PAXSON.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+I. THE CIVIL WAR                                                 1
+
+II. THE WEST AND THE GREENBACKS                                 20
+
+III. THE RESTORATION OF HOME RULE IN THE SOUTH                  39
+
+IV. THE PANIC OF 1873                                           59
+
+V. THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION                                     75
+
+VI. BUSINESS AND POLITICS                                       92
+
+VII. THE NEW ISSUES                                            108
+
+VIII. GROVER CLEVELAND                                         126
+
+IX. THE LAST OF THE FRONTIER                                   142
+
+X. NATIONAL BUSINESS                                           162
+
+XI. THE FARMERS' CAUSE                                         177
+
+XII. THE NEW SOUTH                                             192
+
+XIII. POPULISM                                                 208
+
+XIV. FREE SILVER                                               225
+
+XV. THE "COUNTER-REFORMATION"                                  244
+
+XVI. THE SPANISH WAR                                           258
+
+XVII. THEODORE ROOSEVELT                                       276
+
+XVIII. BIG BUSINESS                                            293
+
+XIX. THE "MUCK-RAKERS"                                         309
+
+XX. NEW NATIONALISM                                            324
+
+INDEX                                                            i
+
+
+
+
+MAPS AND CHARTS
+
+
+THE RAILWAYS OF THE "OLD NORTHWEST"                                     13
+
+THE WESTERN RAILWAY LAND GRANTS, 1850-1871                              23
+
+THE SOLID SOUTH, 1880-1912                                              53
+
+THE POLITICAL SITUATION AT WASHINGTON, 1869-1917                    76, 77
+
+POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION, 1850-1910                                  120
+
+THE WESTERN RAILROADS AND THE CONTINENTAL FRONTIER, 1870-1890     146, 147
+
+THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN, 1789-1904                       153
+
+THE CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION OF 1890                   _between 186 and 187_
+
+THE FLOOD OF SILVER, 1861-1911                                         227
+
+ALASKA, THE PHILIPPINES, AND THE SEAT OF THE SPANISH WAR               259
+
+NORTH AMERICA IN 1915                                _between 340 and 341_
+
+
+
+
+THE NEW NATION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE CIVIL WAR
+
+
+The military successes of the United States in its Civil War maintained
+the Union, but entailed readjustments in politics, finance, and business
+that shifted the direction of public affairs for many years. In the eyes
+of contemporaries these changes were obscured by the vivid scenes of the
+battlefield, whose intense impressions were not forgotten for a
+generation. It seemed as though the war were everything, as though the
+Republican party had preserved the nation, as though the nation itself
+had arisen with new plumage from the stress and struggle of its crisis.
+The realities of history, however, which are ever different from the
+facts seen by the participant, are in this period further from the
+tradition of the survivor than in any other stage of the development of
+the United States. As the Civil War is viewed from the years that
+followed it, the actualities that must be faced are the facts that the
+dominant party saved neither the nation nor itself except by changing
+its identity; that economic and industrial progress continued through
+the war with unabated speed, and that out of the needs of a new economic
+life arose the new nation.
+
+The Republican party, whose older spokesmen had been trained as Whigs or
+Democrats, had by 1861 seasoned its younger leaders in two national
+campaigns. It had lost the first flush of the new enthusiasm which gave
+it birth as a party opposed to the extension of slavery. The signs of
+the times had been so clear between 1856 and 1860 that many politicians
+had turned their coats less from a moral principle than from a desire to
+win. When Lincoln took up the organization of his Administration, these
+clamored for their rewards. There was nothing in the political ethics of
+the sixties that discountenanced the use of the spoils of office, and
+Lincoln himself, though he resented the drain of office-seeking upon his
+time, appears not to have seen that the spoils system was at variance
+with the fundamentals of good government.
+
+It was a Republican partisan administration that bore the first brunt of
+the Civil War, but the struggle was still young when Lincoln realized
+that the Union could not stand on the legs of any single party. To
+develop a general Union sentiment became an early aim of his policy and
+is a key to his period. He was forced to consider and reconcile the
+claims of all shades of Republican opinion, from that of the most
+violent abolitionist to that of the mere unionist. In the Democracy,
+opinion ranged from that of the strong war Democrat to that of the
+Copperhead whose real sympathies were with the Confederacy.
+
+To conciliate a working majority of the voters of the Union States, a
+majority which must embrace many Union Democrats, Lincoln steadily
+loosened the partisan bonds. The congressional elections of 1862 showed
+that he was still far from success. His overtures to the Democrats of
+the border States fell into line with his general scheme. His tolerance
+of McClellan and his support of Stanton, both of whom by sympathy and
+training were Democrats, reveal the comprehensive power of his
+endurance. As the election of 1864 approached to test the success of his
+generalship, he had to fight not only for a majority in the general
+canvass but for the nomination by his own party.
+
+There were many men in 1864 who believed that the war was a mistake and
+that Lincoln was a failure. The peace Democrats denounced him as a
+military dictator; to the radical Republicans he was spineless and
+irresolute. Within his own Cabinet there was dissension that would have
+unnerved a less steady man. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, wanted
+to be President, and had allowed his friends to intrigue in his behalf,
+yet had not withdrawn from the counsels of his rival. At various times
+he had threatened to resign, but Lincoln had shut his eyes to this
+infidelity and had coaxed him back. Not until after the President had
+been renominated did he accept the resignation of Chase, and even then
+he was willing to make the latter Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
+
+Chase, in the Cabinet and in touch with dissatisfied Republicans
+outside, was a menace to impartial administration. Less distressing, but
+noisier than he, was John C. Frémont, the first nominee of the party,
+who had sulked in the midst of admiring friends since Lincoln had
+removed him from important military service in 1861. About him the
+extreme abolitionists were gathered, and in his favor there was held a
+convention in May, 1864. But this dissenting movement collapsed upon
+itself before the elections in November.
+
+The Republicans went into convention at Baltimore, on June 7, 1864. The
+candidacy of Chase had faded, that of Frémont was already unimportant,
+and the renomination of Lincoln was assured. But the party carefully
+concealed its name and, catering to loyalists of whatever brand, it
+called itself "Union," and invited to its support all men to whom the
+successful prosecution of the war was the first great duty. It was a
+Union party in fact as well as name. Delegations of Democrats came to it
+from the border States, and from one of these the convention picked a
+loyal Democrat for the Vice-Presidency. With Lincoln and Andrew Johnson
+on its ticket, with a platform silent upon the protective tariff, and
+with an organization so imperfect that no roll of delegates could be
+made until the convention had been called to order, the Administration
+party of 1864 was far from being the same organization that had, in
+1856, voiced its protest against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill.
+
+The excesses of the Democrats aided Lincoln almost as much as the
+efforts of the party which nominated him. A convention at Chicago, in
+August, presided over by Governor Seymour, of New York, and under the
+dominance of Clement L. Vallandigham, did not need to denounce the war
+as a failure in order to disappoint the Union Democrats. Not even the
+nomination of McClellan, nor his repudiation of the platform, could undo
+the result of such leadership. It was far from certain which ticket
+would receive the greater vote in November, but it was clear that union
+against disunion was the issue, and that men would vote according to
+their hopes and fears. The former were in the ascendant when the polls
+were opened, for Sherman had gained a decisive victory in his occupation
+of Atlanta, while Farragut had gained another at Mobile Bay. On the
+strength of these successes the Union ticket carried every State but
+Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey.
+
+Chase, who left the Treasury during the presidential campaign, had by
+that time finished the work which carried the financial burdens of the
+Civil War and provided party texts for another generation. He had come
+to his task without special fitness, but had speedily mastered the
+essentials of war finance. In his reports he outlined the policy which
+Congress followed, more or less closely. Taxes ought to be increased, he
+urged, to meet all the costs of civil administration, interest on the
+debt, and sinking fund for the same. These were current burdens which
+the country ought not to try to escape. But the extra cost of the war,
+which was to be regarded as a permanent investment by the Union for its
+own defense, might fairly be made a charge upon posterity. To meet these
+he urged the creation of a sufficient bonded debt.
+
+The Thirty-seventh Congress (1861-63) had been more ready to borrow
+than to tax. In all its experience until 1861 the United States had met
+no crisis in which large revenues had been required. In the thirty
+preceding years its total annual receipts had ranged from $20,000,000 to
+$81,000,000, while in the fiscal year in which the war began the total
+had reached $83,000,000, of which $41,000,000 were loans rather than
+revenue. Since the panic of 1857 the Treasury had faced a deficit at the
+end of each year, and had been compelled not only to spend its
+accumulated surplus on current needs, but to borrow heavily. The tariff
+duties, collected at the custom-houses, were, as they always had been,
+the mainstay of the revenue. But these had not met the needs of the
+three lean years before the war.
+
+Had there been no war, the disordered finances of the United States
+might, in 1861, have called for corrective measures and new taxes, and
+these could not have become effective before 1862 or 1863. As it was,
+loans were resorted to for first-aid. In 1862 they alone were more than
+six times as great as the total receipts of 1861; in 1865 they were
+nearly three times as great as in 1862. Taxes were authorized more
+reluctantly than loans, they became profitable more slowly, and did not,
+until the last year of war, reveal the fiscal capacities of the United
+States.
+
+The favorite national tax of the United States had always been the
+tariff. Supplemented by miscellaneous items which included no internal
+revenue after 1849, and no direct tax after 1839, it carried most of the
+financial burdens. Whether parties preferred it high or low, or levied
+it for protection or for revenue, they had continued to cherish it as a
+fiscal device, and had acquired no experience with alternate sources of
+supply. Like the army of the United States, which in time of war had to
+break in its volunteer levies before it could win victories, the
+Treasury and Congress had to learn how to tax before they could bring
+the taxable resources of the United States to supplement the loans.
+
+The tariff was revised and increased several times between 1861 and
+1865, and yielded its greatest return, $102,000,000, in 1864. The result
+was due to both the swelling volume of imports and the higher rates.
+Like all panics, that of 1857 had lessened the buying capacity of the
+American people. In hard times luxuries were sacrificed and treasury
+receipts were thereby greatly curtailed. A return to normal conditions
+of business would have been visible by 1861 had not war obscured it.
+Steadily through the war a prosperous North and West bought more foreign
+goods regardless of the price.
+
+The rate of tariff was based upon the probable revenue, the protective
+principle, and the tax burdens already imposed upon American
+manufacturers. Not until 1863 were the internal or direct taxes
+noticeable, but in 1864 these passed the tariff as a source of revenue,
+with a total of $116,000,000. In 1866 this total was swollen to
+$211,000,000. Like the tariff, the income, excise, and direct taxes were
+often revised and raised, and many of the tariff increases were
+dependent upon them. When the American manufacturer, who already
+declared that he could stay in business only because the tariff
+protected him from European competition, found himself burdened with a
+tax on his income and with others upon his commercial transactions and
+his output, he complained bitterly of the disadvantage at which he was
+placed. To equalize his burdens, the import rates were repeatedly raised
+against the foreigner. By the end of the war, the tariff exceeded
+anything known in American experience, and was fixed less with the
+intention of raising revenue than of enabling the American producer to
+pay his internal tax. Less than $85,000,000 were collected from the
+customs in 1865; while $211,000,000 came from internal sources.
+
+By taxing and borrowing the United States accumulated $88,000,000 in
+1861, $589,000,000 in 1862, $888,000,000 in 1863, $1,408,000,000 in
+1864, and $1,826,000,000 in 1865. The Treasury, unimportant in the
+world's affairs before 1861, suddenly became one of the greatest dealers
+in credit. Its debt of $2,808,000,000, outstanding in October, 1865,
+affected the interests and solidity of international finance, and
+indicated, as well, resources of which even boastful Americans had been
+unaware in 1861. One item in the debt, however, was a menace to the
+security of the whole, which was but little stronger than its weakest
+part.
+
+The physical currency in which the debt was to be created and the
+expenses paid was as difficult to find in 1861 as the wealth which it
+measured. After Jackson destroyed the second Bank of the United States
+there had been no national currency but coin, and too little of that.
+Gold and silver had been coined at the mint, and the former had given
+the standard to the dollar. In intrinsic worth the gold dollar, as
+defined in 1834 at the ratio of sixteen to one, was slightly inferior to
+its silver associate, and by the law of human nature, which induces men
+to hold the better and pass the cheaper money, the value of the gold
+coin had become the measure of exchange.
+
+The coined money did not circulate generally. It was devoted to a part
+of the business of government, and to the needs of the banks which
+provided the actual circulating medium. Scattered over all the States,
+hundreds of state and private banks issued their own notes to serve as
+money. At best, and in theory, these were exchangeable for gold at par;
+at worst, they were a total loss; yet as they were, variant and
+depreciated since the panic of 1857, they were the money of the people
+when the Civil War began. Before the end of 1861 the banks gave up the
+pretense of redeeming their notes in coin. The United States Treasury
+suspended the payment of specie early in 1862, and thereafter for
+seventeen years the paper money in circulation depended for its value on
+the hope that it would some day be redeemed.
+
+The needs of the Treasury, in the crisis of suspension, induced Congress
+to authorize the emission of $150,000,000 of legal-tender paper money.
+These notes, soon known as the "greenbacks," became the measure of the
+difference between standard money and coin. Issued at par, they sank in
+value and fluctuated until in the darkest days of 1864 a dollar in gold
+could be exchanged for $2.85 in greenbacks. Yet they were called
+dollars, and the creditor was forced to accept them in payment of his
+debts. They were themselves a forced loan, borrowed by compulsion from
+the people, and constituting $433,000,000 in the total debts of the
+United States in 1865.
+
+The greenback element in the national debt threatened the integrity of
+the whole. Should redemption take place at par, and at once, the credit
+of the United States could not fail to be strengthened. But should the
+greenbacks be allowed to remain below par, should more of them be
+issued, or should the United States avail itself of its technical
+privilege to pay off part of the bonded debt in "lawful money"
+manufactured by the printing-press, the weakest item in the total might
+easily depress the whole.
+
+The future of American politics after 1865 was largely determined by the
+methods through which the revenue had been increased and by the fate of
+the greenbacks, but more important for the immediate future than either
+of these was the great fact that in five years the United States had
+been able to incur its net debt of $2,808,000,000, and had raised in
+addition more than $700,000,000 through taxation. It was a prosperous
+Union that emerged from the Civil War, and every region but the South
+was strong in its conscious wealth.
+
+The whole of the United States had shared in the unusual growth in the
+period following the Mexican War, in which the new railroads were tying
+the Mississippi Valley to the seaboard. The census of 1860 reported an
+increase of 36 per cent in total population in ten years, somewhat
+unevenly divided, since the Confederate area had increased but 25 per
+cent, as compared with 39 per cent in the North and West, yet large
+enough everywhere to keep up the traditions of a growing population. The
+growth continued in the next decade, despite the Civil War. It is not to
+be expected that it should have touched the record of the fifties, for
+2,500,000 men were drawn from production for at least three years--the
+three years in which most of them would have grown to manhood and
+married, had there been no war. The South, desolated by war, and with
+nearly every able-bodied white man in the ranks, stood still, with under
+9 per cent increase. But the whole country grew in population from
+31,443,321 to 38,558,371 (22 per cent), while the North and West, in
+spite of war, grew 27 per cent,--more than the South had done in its
+most brilliant decade.
+
+How far the North and West would have gone had they not been hampered by
+the depression after 1857 cannot be stated. These regions had suffered
+most from the panic, since in them railroads and banks, factories and
+cities, and all the agents of a complex industrial organization had been
+most active. The industrial disturbance had disarranged for the time the
+elaborate Northern system. The simpler South, with its staple crops, its
+rural population, and its few railways, had suffered less. Southerners
+before the war had seen in their immunity from the effects of panic a
+proof of their superiority over other social orders; they had misread
+the times and prophesied the disintegration of the industrial
+organization of the North.
+
+The South seceded before the rest of the United States emerged from the
+panic period. In the next four years the treasury receipts show the
+resources of the loyal States. Industry, recovered from its depression,
+went ahead unnoticed in the noise of war, yet little impeded by the fact
+of war.
+
+Communication by rail brought the most significant of the single changes
+into the Northern States. Before the panic of 1857 the trunk-line
+railways had completed their net of tracks between the Mississippi and
+tidewater. Nearly ten thousand miles had been built in the Old Northwest
+alone in the ten preceding years. But the effect of this on business,
+certain to come in any event, was not seen until secession closed the
+Mississippi to the agricultural exports of the Northwest. For a part of
+1861 and 1862 traffic piled up along the young railroads extending from
+St. Louis and Chicago to Buffalo, Pittsburg, New York, and Philadelphia.
+But before 1863 these lines, notably the New York Central, the Erie, and
+the Pennsylvania, had adapted themselves to the trade which the South
+had thrust upon them; and never since secession has New Orleans regained
+her place as the great outlet of the Mississippi Valley.
+
+The fundamental change in the direction of its trade added to the
+prosperity of the North. In the additions to the transportation system,
+made to accommodate the new business, new railroads were less prominent
+than second tracks, bridges, tunnels, and terminal facilities. The
+experimental years of railroading had passed before most of the lines
+learned the importance of city terminals. The growth of the cities and
+the rising price of land made the attainment of these more difficult
+than they need have been, while city governments and their officials
+learned that illicit profits could be made out of the necessities of the
+railroads. The great lines, active in the development of their plants,
+and consolidating during the sixties to get the benefits of unified
+management, added to the bustle in the cities in the North.
+
+[Illustration: THE RAILWAYS OF THE "OLD NORTHWEST"
+
+Showing the development between 1848 and 1860, upon which the Civil War
+prosperity of the region was based]
+
+The United States was an agricultural country until the beginning of
+manufacturing and the revolution in communication made it profitable to
+concentrate people and capital in the cities. Between 1850 and 1880 the
+number of cities with a population of 50,000 more than doubled. The
+actual construction of the houses, the water and lighting systems, and
+the sewers for these communities gave employment to labor. As cities
+grew, their more generous distances brought in the street-car companies,
+whose occupation of the public streets added to the temptations and
+opportunities of the officials of government. The swelling manufactures
+increased the city groups and gave them work.
+
+The country life itself began to change. The typical farming families,
+developed by pioneer conditions, had remained the social unit for
+several generations, but these felt the lure of the cities which drew
+their boys and girls into the factories. Domestic manufactures could not
+compete in quality, appearance, or price with the output of the new
+factories. The farmer began to give up his slaughtering and
+butter-making, as he had already abandoned his spinning and weaving, and
+devoted himself more exclusively to raising crops. Here, too, the
+mechanical improvements touched his life. Agricultural machinery was
+coming into general use, while the new railroads carried off his produce
+to the great markets which the rising cities created.
+
+The number of employees of American factories increased more than half
+between 1860 and 1870, while the capital invested and the goods turned
+out were more than doubled. The United States was for the first time
+looking to a day when all the ordinary necessities of life could be made
+within its limits. At Chicago, St. Louis, New York, Boston,
+Philadelphia, and a host of cities in the interior, men were not
+disturbed by the war in their attempt to exploit the abundant resources
+of the continent. The manufacture of food began to shift from the
+household to the city factory, to the advantage of the cities lying near
+the great fresh areas of farm lands. The flour mills of the Northwest,
+the meat-packing establishments at Chicago and elsewhere, the
+distilleries of central Illinois, utilized the agricultural staples and
+transformed them for export. The presence of factories forced upon the
+city governments, East and West, already embarrassed by the pains of
+rapid growth, the problems of police power and good government. Charters
+written for semi-rural villages were inadequate when the villages became
+cities.
+
+Clothing, no less than food, passed into the factory, thanks to Elias
+Howe and his sewing-machine and the shoe machinery of McKay. Before the
+war the influences of this change were visible in the increasing demand
+for cotton. Now came the great growth of the textile regions of the
+East, around Fall River and Philadelphia, and of the shoe factories in
+the Lynn district.
+
+The use and manufacture of machines gave new stimulus to those regions
+where coal and iron, placed conveniently with reference to
+transportation, had fixed the location of smelters and rolling-mills. In
+the middle of the sixties Henry Bessemer's commercial process for the
+manufacture of steel marks the beginning of a revolution in the
+construction of railroads and bridges, as well as in public and private
+architecture. Pittsburg became the heart of the steel industry, and the
+young men who controlled it fixed their hands upon the commercial future
+of the United States. The newest of industries, the trade in petroleum
+and its oils, reached fifteen millions in Pittsburg alone in 1864.
+
+The trunk-line railways with their spurs and branches adjusted
+themselves early in the war to the new direction of business currents.
+They then began to carry the new inhabitants into the cities, the new
+manufactures to their markets, and to press upon iron, coal, and timber
+for their own supplies. Men of business laid the foundations of huge
+fortunes in supplying the new and growing demands. The stock company,
+with negotiable shares and bonds, made it possible for the small
+investor to share in the larger commercial profits and losses.
+
+The growth and elaboration of companies and commerce were projected upon
+a legal system that was most accustomed to small enterprises and local
+trade. Not only had the corporations to establish customs and precedents
+among themselves, but courts, legislatures, and city councils had to
+face the need for an amplification of American law. The speed with which
+the new life swept upon the country, the inexperience of both business
+men and jurists, the public ignorance of the extent to which the
+revolution was to go, and the cross-purposes inevitable when States
+tried to regulate the affairs of corporations larger than themselves,
+make it unnecessary to search further for the key to the confusing
+half-century that followed the Civil War.
+
+The rapid changes in manufacturing, transportation, urban life, and
+business law that came with the prosperity of the early sixties gave to
+these years an appearance of materialism that has misled many observers.
+None of the developments received full contemporary notice, for war
+filled the front pages of the newspapers. The men who directed them were
+not under scrutiny, and could hardly fail to bring into business and
+speculation that main canon of war time that the end is everything and
+that it justifies the means. But though war was not the sole American
+occupation between 1861 and 1865, and though a new industrial revolution
+was begun, material things often gave way in the American mind to
+altruistic concepts and the service of the ideal.
+
+Congress endowed the agricultural colleges in the early years of the
+war, and the state universities, though thinned by the enlistment of
+their boys, established themselves. The creation of new universities,
+the endowment of older foundations, and the beginning of an education
+that should fit not only for law, medicine, and theology, but for
+business, agriculture, engineering, and teaching, all bear testimony to
+the real interests of American democracy. The ideal was as yet far
+removed from the fact, and the intellectual leaders of the United States
+were yet to pass through a period of black pessimism, but the people
+were still firm in their faith that education is the mainstay of popular
+government, and gave their full devotion to both.
+
+The four years of the Civil War carried the United States over a period
+of social and economic transition and left it well started on the new
+course. They enlarged and expanded the activities of government,
+hastening that day when there should exist a public conviction that
+government is a matter of technical expertness and must be run in a
+scientific manner for the common good. They raised the problems of
+taxation and currency to a new importance, and impressed their
+significance upon the men who directed the industries of the country. In
+their prosperity they made it possible to save the Union; and at their
+close a Union party, uncertain of its strength and its personnel, faced
+the problems of a united country which included an industrial North, a
+desolated South, and a vanishing frontier.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+For further references upon the Civil War period, consult William E.
+Dodd, _Expansion and Conflict_ (in this series), and F.L. Paxson, _The
+Civil War_ (1911). The best and most exhaustive narrative is J.F.
+Rhodes, _History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the
+Final Restoration of Home Rule at the South in 1877_ (7 vols.,
+1892-1906), and this may be supplemented to advantage by E.D. Fite,
+_Social and industrial Conditions in the North during the Civil War_
+(1910). There is a convenient account of the election of 1864, with
+platforms and tables of votes, in E. Stanwood, _A History of the
+Presidency_ (1898) and there are many valuable documents in E.
+McPherson's annual _Political Manual_. The biographies of W.H. Seward,
+by F. Bancroft, and Jay Cooke, by E.P. Oberholtzer, are among the best
+of the period. There are no better summaries of finances than D.R.
+Dewey's _Financial History of the United States_ (1903, etc.); W.C.
+Mitchell's _History of the Greenbacks_ (1903); and J.A. Woodburn's
+_Thaddeus Stevens_ (1913). In the _Annual Cyclopædia_ (published by D.
+Appleton & Co., 1861-1902) are useful and accurate accounts of current
+affairs. E.L. Godkin began to publish the _Nation_ in New York in the
+summer of 1865, and H.V. Poore issued the first volume of his annual
+_Manual of the Railroads of the United States_, in 1868.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE WEST AND THE GREENBACKS
+
+
+The activity of the North and the East between 1861 and 1865 was
+imitated and magnified among the youthful communities that made up the
+western border and ranged in age from a few weeks to thirty years. These
+had been mostly agricultural in 1857. Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and
+Kansas had been the frontier before the Civil War. In place of these,
+now grown to be populous and more or less sedate, a new group appeared
+farther west, within what had been believed to be the "American Desert."
+By 1868 Congress completed the subdivision of the last lands between the
+Missouri River and the Pacific, since which date only one new political
+division has appeared in the United States.
+
+The last frontier, that developed after 1857, was novel as well as new.
+It was made up of mining camps. Everywhere in the Rocky Mountains
+prospectors staked out claims and introduced their free-and-easy life.
+Before 1857 the group of Mormons around the Great Salt Lake was the only
+considerable settlement between eastern Kansas and California. Now came
+in quick succession the rush to Pike's Peak and Colorado Territory
+(1861), the rush from California to the Carson Valley and Nevada
+Territory (1861), and the creation of the agricultural territory of
+Dakota (1861) for the up-river Missouri country, where in a few more
+years were revealed the riches of the Black Hills. In 1863 the mines of
+the lower Colorado River gave excuse for Arizona Territory. Those of the
+northern Continental Divide were grouped in Idaho in the same year, and
+divided in 1864 when Montana was created. Wyoming, the last of the
+subdivisions, was the product of mines and railroads in 1868. Oklahoma
+was not named for twenty years more, but had existed in its final shape
+since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in 1854.
+
+The legitimate influence of these mining-camps upon the United States
+was great. It was no new thing for Congress to solve its national
+problems on the initiative of the West. Since the passage of the
+Ordinance of 1787 this had been a frequent occurrence, and the history
+of the public lands had always been directed by Western demands. In 1862
+the agricultural West, whose capacity to cultivate land had been
+magnified by the new reaper of McCormick, had obtained its Homestead
+Act, by which land titles were conveyed to the farmer who cleared the
+land and used it. Thomas H. Benton had fought for this through a long
+lifetime. He died too soon to see the full apotheosis of the squatter,
+who gradually developed, in point of law, from the criminal stealing the
+public land to the public-spirited pioneer in whose interest a wise
+Congress ought to shape its laws. Under the influence of this new
+Homestead Law, aided by the Preëmption Law, which remained in force,
+land titles were established in the Mountain States as rapidly as the
+Indians could be removed.
+
+The frontier mining territories were loud in demanding that Congress
+should give them more land, remove the Indians, extend police
+protection, and give them mails and railroads. The miner disliked the
+isolation which his speculations brought upon him, and Congress unfolded
+new powers to remove it for him. In 1858 it organized the great overland
+mail that ran coaches to California in less than twenty-five days. The
+pony express provided faster service in 1860-61. And after private money
+had built the telegraph line to the Pacific, both Congress and the West
+took up the subject of a continental railway.
+
+In the summer of 1862 a group of railroad companies was authorized to
+build a track from the Missouri River (which had already been reached at
+St. Joseph by a railway from the East) to California. As modified by law
+in 1864 the contract provided for extensive government aid in the
+speculation: twenty sections of land for every mile of track, and a loan
+of United States bonds at the rate of at least $16,000 per mile. But the
+West had little capital, and the prosperous East had better investments
+at home, so that money could hardly be got into this scheme on any
+terms. The Western promoters were driven to shifty extremes before they
+overcame the Eastern belief that no continental railroad could pay. Not
+until 1866 was the construction work begun in earnest.
+
+[Illustration: THE WESTERN RAILWAY LANDGRANTS, 1850-1871
+
+Explanation of the map of
+
+THE WESTERN RAILWAY LAND GRANTS, 1850-1871
+
+(This map is based upon the one in Donaldson, Public Domain, 948, and
+includes certain wagon-road lands.)
+
+There never were any public lands in the State of Texas. Oklahoma lay
+within the Indian Country in which no lands were available for grants
+between 1850 and 1871.
+
+The railway land grants, authorized between 1850 and 1871 lay within the
+areas shaded, and consisted, in all cases, of alternate sections on each
+side of the track. The sections retained by the United States were,
+however, withdrawn from entry upon filing of the railway survey, and
+remained withdrawn until the railway allotment had been made. Regions
+thus impeded in their development often became centers of hostility
+toward the railroads.]
+
+Between 1866 and 1869 the building of the Union Pacific was the most
+picturesque enterprise in America. Across the great plains, the desert,
+and the mountains, from Council Bluffs to Sacramento, it was pushed. In
+the West, Stanford and his group of California visionaries carried the
+burden. The eastern end brought out no single great promoter. Both ends
+fought the problem of timber and stone and railroad iron, but most of
+all of labor. Stanford finally imported the Chinese coolie for the job.
+Civil War veterans and new immigrants did most of the work on the
+eastern end. And along the eastern stretches the Indian tribes of the
+plains watched the work with jealous eyes. The Pawnee, the Sioux, the
+Arapaho, and the Cheyenne saw in the new road the end of a tribal life
+based upon wild game.
+
+Severe Indian outbreaks accompanied the construction of the railroad, as
+the tribes made their last stand in Wyoming, Colorado, and the Indian
+Territory. Before the line was done, the tribes of the plains were under
+control in two great concentration camps, in South Dakota and Indian
+Territory, and the worst of the Indian fighting in the West was over.
+
+In the spring of 1869 the railroad was finished and a spectacular
+celebration was held near Ogden, in Utah Territory. The finishing stroke
+was everywhere regarded as national, since not only had Congress given
+aid, but the union of the oceans was an object of national ambition.
+With the completion, the problem shifted from the exciting risks of
+construction and finance to the prosaic duties of paying the bills, and
+with the shift came a natural falling-off in enthusiasm.
+
+The Union Pacific was the longest railroad of the sixties, and aroused
+the greatest interest. In an economic way it is merely typical of the
+speculative expansion of the North that began early in the Civil War and
+continued increasingly thereafter. The United States was engaged in a
+period of hopeful growth such as has followed every panic. After a few
+years of depression, stagnation, and enforced economy, business had
+revived about 1861. Confidence had increased, loans had been made more
+freely, and capital had taken up again its search for profitable
+investment. In the newer regions, where permanent improvements were
+least numerous, the field for exploitation had been great. The climax of
+exploitation was reached throughout the West.
+
+As had been true at all the stages of the westward movement, the West
+was heavily in debt, and upon a forced balance would generally have
+shown an excess of liabilities over assets. Borrowed money paid much of
+the cost of emigration. During the first year the pioneer often raised
+no crops and lived upon his savings or his borrowings. He and his local
+merchant and his bank and his new railroad had borrowed all they could,
+while the creditor, living necessarily in the older communities where
+saving had created a surplus for investment, lived in the East, or even
+in Europe. The necessary conditions of settlement and development had
+prepared the way for a new sectional alignment of business interests,
+those of the Far West and the Northwest taking their tone from the
+interests of a debtor class, while those of the East represented those
+of the creditor. The possible cleavage was revealed as real when the
+United States Treasury Department, in its work toward financial
+reconstruction, approached the subject of the greenbacks.
+
+The legal-tender greenbacks, which were in circulation to the extent of
+$433,000,000 in 1865, constituted not only a part of the debt of the
+war, but the foundation of the currency in circulation. Throughout most
+of the war they were supplemented by the notes of state banks, local
+token-money, and fractional currency, or "shinplasters," of the United
+States. Coin ceased to circulate in 1862 and was used only by those
+whose contracts obliged them to pay in gold or silver. In 1863 Secretary
+Chase inaugurated a system of national banks, to circulate a uniform
+currency, secured by United States bonds, but these did not become a
+factor in business until the state bank notes had been taxed out of
+existence in 1865. After this time national banks were formed in large
+numbers, replacing the uncertain notes of the state banks with their own
+notes, which were quite as good as greenbacks. But all paper money was
+below par in 1865, and gold remained out of circulation, at a premium,
+until the end of 1878.
+
+The depreciation of the greenbacks reflected a popular doubt as to the
+outcome of the Civil War. They entailed hardship upon all who received
+them as dollars, since their purchasing value was below the standard of
+one hundred cents in gold. When the Government, desperate in war time,
+forced its creditors to accept them at par, it did an injustice which
+it regarded as real, though necessary. The speedy restoration of the
+greenbacks to par received the immediate attention of the Treasury upon
+the return of peace.
+
+Hugh McCulloch, of Indiana, who became Secretary of the Treasury in
+1865, was a banker of long experience and success. He proposed, if
+allowed, to reduce the whole war debt, including the greenbacks, to
+long-term bonds bearing a low rate of interest, and to create a sinking
+fund which should redeem them as they fell due. This involved the
+withdrawal from circulation of the greenbacks, and the destruction of
+that amount of the money used in business. Congress authorized it,
+however, and McCulloch canceled greenbacks from month to month until he
+had reduced the total to $356,000,000 in February, 1868.
+
+The withdrawal of the legal tenders had not been long under way before
+protests began to come in upon the Treasury and Congress from the West.
+Bad as the depreciated currency was, it was the only currency available
+for the active business of the country. If the greenbacks should go
+there would be nothing to take their place until coin should finally
+emerge from hiding. The reduction of the volume of money in a time of
+increasing business would enforce upon each dollar an enlarged activity
+and a greater market value. The price of money rising, the price of all
+commodities measured in money would necessarily fall, and in a period of
+falling prices the West thought it saw financial catastrophe. There was
+enough real truth in the contention that resumption meant a fall in
+prices for the Treasury to be compelled to make the difficult choice
+between this evil and the other evil of a depreciated currency forced
+upon the people.
+
+The creditor East regarded the possible increase in the purchasing value
+of the dollar with entire complacency. Its selfish interests harmonized
+with sound theories of finance. But in the debtor West the process had
+so different an aspect that the financial obligations of the United
+States were obscured by the local interest.
+
+The great "boom" of the West began after the depreciation had commenced.
+Most of the Western debts, whether on the farm of the settler, the stock
+of the merchant, or the bonds of the industrial corporation, had been
+created in legal-tender dollars of the value of the depreciated
+greenbacks. Any appreciation which might come to the greenbacks must
+increase the content-value of the debt. If "dollars," borrowed when they
+were worth sixty cents in gold, were to be repaid in "dollars" worth
+eighty or more cents in gold, the debtor was repaying one third more
+than he had received, and no appeal to the importance of public credit
+could make him forget his loss. He resented not only the decrease in the
+actual amount of money, but the appreciated value of the remainder.
+
+McCulloch, trained in finance, was ready to sacrifice the debtor for the
+sake of national solvency,--and, indeed, one or the other had to yield.
+But Congress felt the pressure, which was strong from all the West, and
+most strong from the Northwest, between Pittsburg and Chicago, whose
+industry had been reorganized during the years of war. In February,
+1868, the retirement of more greenbacks was forbidden by law, the amount
+then in circulation being $356,000,000. The inflation which war had
+brought about was legalized in time of peace, and the Supreme Court
+ultimately ruled[1] that the issue of legal tenders, in either war or
+peace, is at the free discretion of Congress.
+
+Like every other West, the West of 1868 was in debt; like every other
+debtor community, it was liable to yield to theories of inflation, and
+was prone to look to politics for redress of grievances. The farmers of
+Massachusetts and Connecticut had followed Shays for this purpose in
+1786; Ohio and Kentucky had attacked the second Bank of the United
+States when it forced their banks to pay their debts; and now the
+Northwest listened to politicians who told them that more greenbacks
+would cure their ills.
+
+The advocates of the Greenback movement urged that the legal tenders be
+retained as the foundation of the currency, and that all bonds and
+interest payable in "lawful money" be paid in paper. By thus increasing
+the volume of greenbacks in circulation they hoped to avoid a fall in
+prices or an increased pressure on the debtor. Wherever men were heavily
+in debt, they accepted this doctrine. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio,
+became its most prominent spokesman, though it received the support of
+men as far apart as Thaddeus Stevens and B.F. Butler, and on it as an
+issue Pendleton sought to obtain for himself the Democratic nomination
+for the presidency in 1868.
+
+[Footnote 1: In the cases of Knox _vs._ Lee and Juilliard _vs._
+Greenman.]
+
+The aspirations of Pendleton, when his friends brought his "Ohio Idea"
+to the national convention, in Tammany Hall, New York, on July 4, were
+opposed by the similar desires of Chief Justice Chase, who still wanted
+the Presidency, and Horatio Seymour, the Democratic war Governor of New
+York. In its leader, commenting on the convention, _Harper's Weekly_
+asserted that "The Democratic Convention of 1864 declared the war a
+failure. The loyal people scorned the words and fought on to an
+unconditional victory. The Democratic Convention of 1868 declares that
+the war debt shall be repudiated. And their words will be equally
+spurned by the same honorable people." Pendleton failed to secure the
+nomination, which went to Seymour, on the twenty-second ballot, with
+Francis P. Blair, Jr., for the Vice-Presidency, but the "Ohio idea" was
+embodied in the platform of the party, although Seymour distinctly
+disavowed it.
+
+Pledged to what the East commonly regarded as repudiation, the
+Democratic party was severely handicapped at the beginning of the
+campaign. Not only could their opponents reproach Seymour as a
+Copperhead, but they could profess to be frightened by Wade Hampton and
+the "hundred other rebel officers who sat in the Convention." Already
+including "treason," and disloyalty, the indictment was amended to
+include dishonor, by the Republicans, who scarcely needed the strong
+popularity of Grant to carry them into office.
+
+The Republican party was compelled to disguise itself as "Union" in
+1864, and it paid for the disguise during the next four years. Upon the
+death of Lincoln, the Tennessee Democrat, Andrew Johnson, took the oath
+of office. The bond which kept Democrats and Republicans together as
+Unionists had dissolved with the surrender of Lee, so that Johnson was
+enabled to follow his natural bent as a strict constructionist. His
+policies had carried him far away from the radical Republicans before
+Congress convened for its session of 1865-66, and led to a positive
+breach with that body in 1866.
+
+The quarrel between Johnson and the Republican leaders was occasioned by
+his views upon the rights of the Southern States, conquered in war and
+held within the military grasp of the United States. It was his belief,
+as it had been Lincoln's, that these States were still States and were
+in the Union, even though in a temporarily deranged condition. As
+President, entrusted with force to be used in executing the laws, he
+regarded himself as sole judge of the time when force should no longer
+be needed. And in this spirit he offered pardon to many leaders of the
+Confederacy in May, 1865. He followed amnesty with provisional
+governments, and proclaimed rules according to which the conquered
+States should revise their constitutions and reëstablish orderly and
+loyal governments. He had reorganized the last of the eleven States
+before Congress could interfere with him.
+
+The difference between Johnson and his Republican associates lay in the
+character of the restored electorates in the South. The whole white
+population had, in most States, been implicated in secession. There was
+no Union faction in the South that remained loyal throughout the war.
+Pardoned and restored to a full share in the Government, these Southern
+leaders would come back into Congress as Democrats, and with increased
+strength. The Thirteenth Amendment abolished slavery, and raised the
+representation of the negroes in the South from the old three-fifths
+ratio to par. Every State would come back with more Representatives than
+it had had before the war, and with the aid of Northern Democrats it was
+not unlikely that a control of Congress might be obtained.
+
+To Northern Republicans it was unreasonable that the conquered South
+should be rewarded instead of punished, and that any theory of
+reconstruction should risk bringing into power the party that Union men,
+headed by Lincoln, had defeated in 1864. Politicians, interested in the
+spoils of office, were enraged at the thought of losing them.
+Disinterested Northerners, who had sacrificed much to save the Union,
+believed it unsafe at once to hand it over to a combination of peace
+Democrats and former "rebels." Yet this was Johnson's plan, and
+Congress, with radical Republicans in control, set about to prevent it.
+
+Although Johnson, as President, controlled the patronage, Congress
+possessed the power, if not the moral right, to limit him in its use. No
+appointment could be made without the consent of the Senate, which was
+Republican. In 1867 Congress enacted that no removal should be made
+without the same consent, in a Tenure-of-Office Bill that brought the
+dispute to a climax. More important than this power of concurrence was
+the exclusive right of each house to judge of "the elections, returns,
+and qualifications" of its own members. So long as the Southern Senators
+and Representatives were out of Congress no power could get them in
+without the consent of either house. Violent advisers of the President
+argued that a Congress excluding the members of eleven States by
+prearrangement was a "rump," and without authority, but they failed to
+influence either the conduct of the majority or the acts of Johnson.
+
+In the Thirty-ninth Congress, which sat in 1865 and 1866, it was the
+problem of the leaders, Charles Sumner in the Senate and Thaddeus
+Stevens in the House, to hold the party together and to block the
+designs of the President. In the House, the heavy Republican majority
+made this easy. In the Senate the majority was slighter, and could be
+kept at two thirds only by unseating a Democratic Senator from New
+Jersey, after which event both houses were able to defy Johnson and to
+pass measures over his veto. The vetoes began when Johnson refused his
+consent to the Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Rights Bills. These and
+all other important acts of reconstruction were forced upon the
+President by the two-thirds vote.
+
+The split, so far as founded upon honest divergence in legal theory, was
+embarrassing. It was made disgraceful by the violence of the radical
+Republicans and the intemperate retorts of Johnson. In 1866 Congress
+sent the Fourteenth Amendment to the States for ratification. In 1867 it
+passed its bills for actual reconstruction under the control of the army
+of the United States, and defied Johnson to interfere by refusing to
+allow him to remove officials from office.
+
+Johnson carried himself through the partisan struggle with ability and
+success. His language was often extreme, but he enforced the acts which
+Congress passed as vigorously as if they had been his own. So far as any
+theory of the Constitution met the facts of reconstruction, his has the
+advantage, but in a situation not foreseen by the Constitution force
+outranked logic, and the radical Republicans with two-thirds in each
+house possessed the force. There was no lapse in the President's
+diligence and no flaw in his official character which his enemies could
+use. They began to talk of impeachment in 1866, but could find no basis
+for it.
+
+The Tenure-of-Office Act furnished the pretext for impeachment. Advised
+by his Attorney-General that it was unconstitutional, Johnson dismissed
+the Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, for whose protection the law had
+been passed. In removing Stanton he broke with Grant, commanding the
+army, over a question of veracity, and gave to Congress its chance. In
+February, 1868, the House of Representatives voted to impeach him.
+
+The trial of Andrew Johnson before the Senate dragged through April and
+May. The articles of impeachment were long and detailed in their
+description of the unquestioned bad manners of the President, but the
+only specific violation of law cited was in the case of Stanton, and
+here it could be urged both that the law was unconstitutional and that
+it was so loosely drawn that it did not really cover this case. In
+brief, it was the policy of Johnson that was on trial, and it was
+finally impossible to persuade two-thirds of the Senators that this
+constituted a high crime or a misdemeanor. The President was acquitted
+in the middle of May, while the Republican party turned to the more
+hopeful work of electing his successor.
+
+In the fight over Johnson party lines had been strengthened and defined
+so that no Unionist, not in sympathy with congressional reconstruction,
+could hope for the nomination. No other issue equaled this in strength.
+The greenback issue was condemned in a plank that denounced "all forms
+of repudiation as a national crime," but ran second to the basis of
+reconstruction. No other candidate than Ulysses S. Grant was considered
+at the Chicago Convention.
+
+Few men have emerged from deserved obscurity to deserved prominence as
+rapidly as General Grant. In 1861 he was a retired army officer, and a
+failure. In 1863, as the victor at Fort Donelson and at Vicksburg, he
+loomed up in national proportions. In the hammering of 1864 and 1865 it
+was his persistence and moral courage that won the day. In 1868, as
+commander of the army, and fortunate in his quarrel with Johnson, he was
+the coveted candidate of both parties, for he had no politics. Held by
+his associations to the Republican leaders, he was nominated at Chicago
+on the first ballot, with Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, as his
+Vice-President.
+
+The nomination of Grant occurred as the impeachment trial was drawing to
+a close. Before Congress adjourned it readmitted several of the Southern
+States that had been restored under the control of Republican
+majorities. Tennessee was already back; the new States were North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, and
+Arkansas. Only three States remained under provisional control when
+Grant was elected in November and seated in the following March. As he
+took the oath of office there were few, North, South, or West, who did
+not rejoice in his election; he had defeated the Greenback pretension,
+which endeared him to the East; the West remembered that he had been
+born and bred in the Mississippi Valley; and to the South he presented
+the clean hands of the regular army officer, and the welcome promise of
+his letter of acceptance, "Let us have peace."
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+For general accounts of the Far West in this period consult K. Coman,
+Economic _Beginnings of the Far West_ (2 vols., 1912), and F.L. Paxson,
+_The Last American Frontier_ (1910). These should be supplemented by
+E.L. Bogart, _Economic History of the United States_ (1907), K. Coman,
+_Industrial History of the United States_ (2d ed., 1910), W.A. Scott,
+_The Repudiation of State Debts_ (1893), and W.C. Mitchell, _History of
+the Greenbacks_. The more valuable memoirs include H. McCulloch, _Men
+and Measures of Half a Century_ (1888), and J.G. Blaine, _Twenty Years
+of Congress_ (2 vols., 1884). A brilliant analysis of the financial
+interests of the debtor sections is M.S. Wildman, _Money Inflation in
+the United States_ (1905). Rhodes continues to furnish a comprehensive
+narrative, and is paralleled by the shorter W.A. Dunning,
+_Reconstruction, Political and Economic, 1865-1877_ (in _The American
+Nation_, vol. 22, 1907). A detailed account of impeachment politics is
+in D.M. DeWitt, _Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson_ (1903), and in
+J.A. Woodburn, _The Life of Thaddeus Stevens_ (1913). J.P. Davis, _The
+Union Pacific Railway_ (1894), is the standard account of the early
+movement for a continental railroad. S.L. Clemens (Mark Twain) presents
+a vivid picture of frontier life in _Roughing It_ (1872), while A.B.
+Paine, _Mark Twain_ (3 vols., 1912), contains much material of general
+historical interest for this period.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE RESTORATION OF HOME RULE IN THE SOUTH
+
+
+The eight Southern States whose votes were cast in 1868 were far
+different from the States of the same names in 1860, and were, like the
+three still outside the Union, largely under the control of radical
+Republicans. Restoration, after a fashion, they had received, but it had
+been accompanied by a revolution in society, in politics, and in
+economic life. "Reconstruction" is an inappropriate name for what took
+place.
+
+Many efforts have been made to show the price paid by the South for its
+attempt at independence, but these have always failed to be exact. No
+scheme of accounting can uncover all the costs. It is a sufficient
+suggestion as to the total that a million men, at the prime of life,
+were diverted from ordinary production for about three years. Not only
+did the South lose the products of their labor, but it lost many of
+them, while its houses, barns, and other permanent improvements wore
+out, were burned, or went to pieces from lack of care. Its slave
+property was destroyed. Poverty was universal within the region of the
+Confederacy when Johnson issued his amnesty proclamation and the troops
+came home.
+
+The most immediate problems before the Southern planter in the spring of
+1865 were his dilapidated buildings, his spring crops, and his labor
+supply. Without money or credit, he needed all the stiffness of a proud
+caste to hold off bankruptcy. The daughter of a prominent Mississippi
+planter told later how her father, at seventy years, did the family
+washing to keep his daughters from the tub. A society whose men and
+women took this view of housework (for the daughters let their father
+have his way) had much to learn before it could reëstablish itself. Yet
+this same stubbornness carried the South through the twenty trying years
+after the war.
+
+The system of slave labor was gone, but the negroes were still the chief
+reliance for labor. It appears from the scanty records that are
+available that the planters expected to reopen the plantations using the
+freedmen as hired laborers. In 1865 and 1866 they tried this, only to
+find that the negro had got beyond control and would not work.
+Supervision had become hateful to him. A vagrant life appealed to his
+desire for change. At best, he was unintelligent and indolent. In a few
+years it became clear that the old type of plantation had vanished, and
+that the substitute was far from satisfactory.
+
+Failing at hiring the negro for wages, the planter tried to rent to him
+a part of the estate. But since the tenant was penniless the landlord
+had to find much or all of the tools and stock, and too often had to see
+the crops deserted while the negro went riding around the county on his
+mule, full of his new independence. The census records show the decline
+of the plantation as the labor system changed. In 1860 the average
+American farm contained 199 acres, while those of the eleven seceding
+States ranged in average from 245 in Arkansas, to 430 in Georgia, and
+591 in Texas. All were far above the national average, for the economics
+of the plantation system impelled the owner ever to increase his
+holdings. In 1870, and again in 1880, the reports show a rapid decline.
+The average for the whole country went down from 199 to 134 acres in the
+twenty years, as intensive agriculture advanced, but the South declined
+more rapidly than the whole, and in 1880, in all but two States, the
+average farm was less than half its size before the Civil War.
+
+The vagrant, shiftless freedman was a social problem as well as
+economic. To fix his new status was the effort of the legislatures that
+convened in 1865, under the control of those who had qualified as loyal
+in Johnson's scheme. In several States laws were passed relating to
+contracts, apprenticeship, and vagrancy, under which the negro was to be
+held to regular work and the employer was given the right to punish him.
+The laws represented the opinion of the white citizens that special
+provisions were needed to control and regulate the negro population now
+that the personal bond of the owner for the good behavior of his slaves
+was canceled. To the North, still excited and nervous in 1865, the laws
+appeared to embody an overt attempt to restore the essentials of
+slavery. They served to embitter Congress toward Johnson's plans, and to
+convince Republicans that the professed loyalty of former Confederates
+was hypocritical,--that these must not be permitted to return at once to
+federal office or to Congress.
+
+It was not until the summer of 1867 that Congress substituted
+governments of its own design for those which Johnson had erected by
+proclamation. These, meanwhile, had proceeded to revise their
+constitutions and to adopt the Thirteenth Amendment, which was
+proclaimed as part of the Constitution in December, 1865. The direct
+hand of Congress was shown in the strengthening of the Freedmen's Bureau
+in the spring of 1866, and the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment in
+the following summer.
+
+The Freedmen's Bureau had its excuse in the poverty and ignorance of the
+negroes who crowded about the invading armies. Toward the end of the war
+it was authorized to administer abandoned property, and to aid the
+freedmen in farming upon the same. It did wide charitable and
+educational work in easing the abrupt change from slavery to freedom,
+and would have been dissolved a year after the return of peace had not
+Congress maintained it to offset the tendencies of Johnson's
+administration. Hereafter the agents of the Bureau were thrown into
+politics until 1872.
+
+The permanent government of the conquered South by the army was
+repugnant to even radical Northerners, yet the white inhabitants were
+Democratic almost to the last man, and if restored to civil rights would
+control their States. The only means of developing a Southern Republican
+party that might keep the South "loyal" was the enfranchisement of the
+freedman, for which purpose the Fourteenth Amendment was submitted. The
+agents of the Bureau were expected not only to feed and clothe the
+negroes, but to impress upon them the fact that they owed their freedom
+to the Republicans. Some spread the belief that the Democrats desired to
+restore slavery. Many built up personal machines. The responsibility
+upon these white directors of the negro vote was great, and was too
+often betrayed. Generally not natives, and with no stake in the Southern
+community, they lined their own pockets and earned the unkindly name of
+"carpet-baggers." The Territories had always known something of this
+type of ruler, but the States, hitherto, had known bad government only
+when they made it themselves.
+
+The Reconstruction Acts of 1867 ordered the President to divide the
+South into five military districts, whose commanders should supersede
+all the state officers whom Johnson had restored. With troops behind
+them, these commanders were, first, to enroll on the voting list all
+males over twenty-one. The negroes, before the adoption of the
+Fourteenth Amendment, were thus given by Congress the right to vote in
+their respective States, and were included in the lists. Excluded from
+the lists were the leaders of every Southern community, those whites who
+had held important office in the Confederacy; and none was to be
+enrolled, white or black, until he had taken an ironclad and offensive
+oath of allegiance.
+
+Based upon the list of voters thus made up, state conventions were to be
+summoned to revise the constitutions. In every case they must modify the
+laws to admit the status of the freedmen, must ratify the Fourteenth
+Amendment with its guaranty of civil rights, and must extend the right
+of suffrage to the blacks. When all these things had been done, with
+army officers constantly in supervision, the resulting constitutions
+were to be submitted to Congress for final approval or rejection.
+
+No constitutional theory ever met all the problems of reconstruction.
+The war had been fought on the basis that no State can get out of the
+Union. If this was true, then all the States were still States, and it
+was a reasonable presidential function to restore order and withdraw the
+troops. The unreasonable result of this theory was the immediate
+restoration of an enlarged influence to those very men who had tried to
+break the Union, at a moment when the greenback movement threatened the
+foundations of public faith. Yet Congress, by pretending to readmit or
+restore States, denied that they were still States, and by implication
+conceded the principle for which the Confederacy had contended: that the
+members of the Union could get outside it. The power of Congress to seat
+or unseat members, however, placed it beyond all control. Every effort
+to get the courts to interfere broke down, when the suits were directed
+against the President (Mississippi _vs._ Andrew Johnson), or the
+Secretary of War (Georgia _vs._ Stanton). A personal suit that promised
+some relief (_Ex parte_ McCardle) was evaded by a sudden amendment of
+the law relating to appeals. The situation was unpremeditated, and the
+Constitution made no provision for its facts. In the end, reconstruction
+must be judged by its results rather than by its legality. If it brought
+peace, restored prosperity, safeguarded the Union, and created no new
+grievances of its own, it was good, whatever the Constitution.
+
+Johnson enforced the Reconstruction Acts with care, and the Southern
+conventions, meeting in the autumn of 1867, sat into the following
+winter. In five of the States the roll of electors showed a majority of
+negroes, and in none were conservatives able to control the election of
+delegates. The old leaders were still disfranchised, and many of them
+could not believe that the North would permit the radicals to subject
+them to the control of illiterate negroes. The resulting conventions
+contained many negroes and were dominated by white Republicans,
+carpet-baggers, or scalawags as the case might be. An active part in
+directing them was taken by the officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, while
+the freedmen were consolidated by the secret ritual of the Union League.
+Only Tennessee escaped the ordeal, she having ratified the Fourteenth
+Amendment so promptly that Congress could not evade admitting her in
+1866.
+
+An analysis of the conventions of 1867 reveals the extent of the
+political revolution which Congress intended to thrust upon the South,
+whose industrial revolution was now well advanced. Planters had begun
+already to break up their estates and entrust small holdings to cash
+renters, or share tenants, known as "croppers." Their financial burdens
+were heavy, but with intelligent government and reasonable commercial
+credits from the North, the problems of labor and capital might be met.
+But the men who must control the economic future of the South were
+excluded from the Government as traitors. Their places were filled by
+Northern adventurers and by negroes. The Mississippi convention included
+seventeen negroes, and was called the "black and tan." Inexperience and
+incompetence were in control, leading to extravagance and dishonesty,
+but the conventions were generally superior to the legislatures which
+followed them.
+
+Framing new constitutions, most of the States had met the demands of
+Congress by the summer of 1868, with the respectable portion of the
+South looking on in desperate silence. The war had left no grievances
+equal to those now being suffered. Seven of the new constitutions were
+adopted in time for the radicals to give to their States votes in the
+election of 1868. Alabama, making the eighth, was allowed to vote under
+a constitution which Congress had forced upon her after it had failed of
+ratification by the people. Only Georgia and Louisiana, of these eight,
+did not give their votes to Grant. Only Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas
+remained without the pale when Grant was inaugurated in 1869.
+
+The completion of reconstruction in its formal sense was reached during
+Grant's first Congress. Mississippi completed her process in February,
+1870. She had in 1868 voted down the reconstruction constitution, taking
+courage in the leadership of a conservative governor, Humphreys. When he
+was removed, and replaced by a Northern governor, the conservatives lost
+heart and ratified the constitution that they had rejected. Their delay
+cost the State one more humiliation, since in the interval the
+Fifteenth Amendment had been submitted by Congress and made a condition
+of readmission for the recalcitrant States. A Republican legislature,
+the first fruit of reconstruction, accepted this and sent to Washington
+as the new Mississippi Senators the Northern military governor, Ames,
+and a negro preacher named Revels.
+
+Virginia was readmitted in January, 1870. Her original loyal government
+under Pierpont, which Lincoln had respected, had been supplanted by a
+military régime, having lost its last chance for recognition when it
+rejected the Fourteenth Amendment in 1867. Under congressional direction
+a negro-radical convention made a new constitution which was forced upon
+the people in January, 1870. Texas, too, was in her final stage of
+restoration in 1870, and like Virginia and Mississippi was readmitted
+upon conditions that had become more onerous since the passage of the
+Reconstruction Acts in 1867.
+
+Eleven States, all the old Confederacy, had been restored by the spring
+of 1870; but one, Georgia, was ejected after restoration, and thus
+became the last item in congressional reconstruction. In 1868 Georgia
+had ratified her new constitution and moved her capital from its
+ante-bellum location at Milledgeville to the new town growing upon the
+ashes of Atlanta. She had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, but her
+first legislature had so poorly read the meaning of Congress that it
+expelled every negro whom the radicals had elected to membership.
+Congress had thereupon declined to seat the Georgia delegation at
+Washington, and had renewed the probationary period until the
+legislature, humbled and browbeaten, had undone the expulsion, whereupon
+Georgia received her final recognition.
+
+The arbitrary acts of Congress, passed by the radicals over the
+unvarying vetoes of Johnson, find little sanction in the Constitution,
+but it is to be expected that the laws should suffer in a time of war.
+Congress held off the day of restoration until it saw in the South what
+its majority believed to be loyal governments. Its majority could not
+believe that any party but its own was loyal, and was thus led to a
+policy much more debatable than that of actual reconstruction. Step by
+step it moved. The abolition of slavery, in the Thirteenth Amendment
+(effective December 18, 1865), was expected by all and accepted without
+a fight. The next amendment, inspired by a fear that the freedmen would
+be oppressed and by a hope that they might be converted into a political
+ally of the Republicans, was submitted to the States before the
+Reconstruction Acts were passed, and was proclaimed as part of the
+Constitution July 28, 1868. Only compulsion upon the Southern States
+procured its ratification. It left negro suffrage optional with the
+States, but threatened them with a reduction in representation in
+Congress if they refrained from granting it. In the Southern States
+Congress had already planted a negro electorate by law. The Fifteenth
+Amendment forbade the denial of the right to vote on grounds of race,
+color, or previous condition of servitude, and was not submitted to the
+States until after the inauguration of General Grant. A fear that the
+South would disfranchise the freedmen, pay the price, and revert to
+Democratic control seems to have been the prime motive in its adoption.
+When it was proclaimed, March 30, 1870, the radical Republicans had done
+everything in their power to save themselves, and had inflicted on the
+conquered States, in malice, ignorance, or mistaken philanthropy, a
+condition that in the North, with its trifling number of negroes, was
+tolerated with reluctance.
+
+The South was in name completely restored in 1870, but neither
+restoration nor reconstruction was in fact far advanced. In the latter
+process it was yet clearing away the wreckage of the institution of
+slavery, breaking up the plantations, devising new systems of tenure and
+wage, rebuilding the material equipment that the war had left desolate.
+The former process was only commenced. It was unthinkable that an
+American community should permit itself to remain subject to the
+absolute control of its least respected members, yet this was the aim of
+white disfranchisement and negro suffrage. Law or no law, the
+restoration of the South was not complete until its government was back
+in the control of its responsible white population.
+
+Almost without exception, until 1870, the Southern State Governments
+were what Congress had chosen to make them. Their Senators and
+Representatives in Congress were Republican, commonly of the carpet-bag
+variety. Their governors, administrative officers, and legislatures were
+Republican, too. Rarely were they persons of property or standing in
+their communities, and often, as their records show, they were both
+black and illiterate. Had all possessed good intentions they could
+hardly have hoped to meet the local needs, which called for a wise
+revision of law in order that the community might recover and live. That
+their work should be accompanied by error and waste was inevitable.
+
+From the contemporary accounts of travelers in the South, from public
+documents, from the growing body of Southern biography and reminiscence,
+it is easy to gather a mass of detail upon the extravagance of the
+Reconstruction Governments. Printing bills and salary lists rose without
+a corresponding increase in service done. When expenditures exceeded the
+revenues, loans were created carelessly and recklessly. For negroes,
+only a few months out of the cotton-field, there was an irresistible
+attraction in the plush carpets, the mahogany desks, and the imported
+cuspidors that the taxpayers might be forced to provide for the comfort
+of their servants. A free and continuous lunch, with ample food and
+drink, was set up in one of the capitols. Gratuitous waste was the least
+of the burdens inflicted upon the South.
+
+It is unreasonable to lay all the corruption of the Reconstruction
+Governments to the account of the congressional policy. The period of
+the Civil War was one of abuse of power by local officials everywhere.
+It took a Tweed in New York to drive a Northern public to revolt, and a
+Nast to focus public attention upon the crime. In other States, where
+rogues were less brutal in their methods, or prosecutors less acute, the
+evil ran, not unnoticed but unchecked. In the South the same phenomena
+were resented with greater vigor than in the North because the crimes
+were more openly and clumsily committed, and because they were the work
+of "outsiders."
+
+Deliberate theft of public money was so common as to occasion no
+surprise. In no State were books so kept that the modern student can be
+sure he knows where all the money went. Graft in contracts, fraud in the
+administration of schools and negro-relief schemes, sale of charters and
+votes, illegal issues of bonds, improvident loans to railroads, combined
+to enrich the office-holder and to increase the volume of public debts.
+A long series of repudiations of these debts injured Southern credit for
+many years. South Carolina occasioned the most vivid description of the
+orgy in a book entitled _The Prostrate State_, by a Maine abolitionist
+and Republican, named Pike; but several other States would have
+furnished similar materials to a similar historian.
+
+So far as law was concerned, the South was helpless in those regions in
+which the negroes approached a majority. The military garrisons which
+Congress kept on duty saw to it that the freedmen were protected, yet
+were unable in the long run to control the white population. It is a
+vexed question whether negro violence or white was the first to appear,
+but by 1867 events had begun to point the way to the elimination of
+negro control by force or fraud. By law it could not be destroyed unless
+the whites struggled and argued for negro votes, treating the negroes as
+citizens and equals, which was generally as impossible as an acceptance
+of their control.
+
+The Ku-Klux Klan was a secret movement, with slight organization, that
+appeared earliest in Tennessee, but spread to nearly every crossroads in
+the South. It began in the hazing of negroes and carpet-baggers who were
+insolent or offensive to their neighbors. Its members rode by night, in
+mask, with improvised pomp and ritual, and played as much upon the
+imagination of their victims as upon their bodies. Frequently it
+revenged private grievances and went to extremes of violence or murder.
+From hazing it was an easy step to intimidation at election time, the
+Ku-Klux Klan proving to be an efficient means of reducing the negro
+vote. It was so efficient, indeed, that Grant asked and Congress voted,
+in 1871, special powers for the policing of the South. In this summer a
+committee of Congress visited Southern centers and accumulated a great
+mass of testimony from which a picture of both the Ku-Klux Klan outrages
+and the workings of reconstruction may easily be drawn. The reign of
+terror subsided by 1872, but it had done much to dissuade the negro from
+using his new right, and had started the movement for home rule in the
+South.
+
+That the normal politics of the South was Democratic is shown by the
+votes of the border States, where a population of freedmen had to be
+assimilated and Congress could not interfere. Delaware, Maryland, and
+Kentucky voted against Grant in 1868, although all the restored
+Confederate States but two voted for him. In Georgia the Democrats
+swallowed their pride, electioneered among the negroes, and elected a
+conservative State Government in 1870. Tennessee escaped negro
+domination from the start. Virginia, late to be readmitted, had
+consolidated her white population as she watched the troubles in South
+Carolina and Mississippi, and never elected a radical administration. In
+North Carolina, after a fight that approached a civil war, a Democratic
+State Government was chosen in 1870. The rest of the Confederate States
+followed as opportunity offered; after 1872 the process was rapid, and
+after 1876 there was no Republican administration in the old South. The
+Republican party, itself, almost disappeared from the South at this
+time. A bare organization, largely manned by negroes, endured to enjoy
+the offices which a Republican National Administration could bestow, and
+to contribute pliant delegations to the national conventions of the
+party. But the South had become solid in the sense that its votes were
+recorded almost automatically for the Democratic ticket.
+
+[Illustration: THE SOLID SOUTH 1880-1912
+
+Within the shaded area every electoral vote was cast for the Democratic
+presidential candidate between 1880 and 1892; since 1892 the heavily
+shaded area has continued solidly Democratic, while the border States
+have occasionally cast Republican votes.]
+
+Force and fraud played a large part in the restoration of white control,
+but it could not have been effective without some connivance from the
+North. Before 1872 the keenness of Northern radicalism was blunted.
+Thoughtful Republicans began to examine their work and criticize it. "We
+can never reconstruct the South," wrote Lowell, "except through its own
+leading men, nor ever hope to have them on our side till we make it for
+their interest and compatible with their honor to be so." A social order
+which needed the constant support of troops lost the confidence of
+political independents. These, as the presidential campaign of 1872 drew
+near, openly expressed their hostility to reconstruction as carried out
+by Grant, and threatened to prevent his reëlection.
+
+The first term of Grant ended unsatisfactorily. His appointments to
+office were marked by favoritism and incapacity. He appointed the only
+really inferior man who has ever represented the United States in
+London,--one who thought it not incompatible with his high office to
+publish a treatise on draw-poker, and to appear as bellwether in a
+mining prospectus. Grant's personal intimates included shifty
+financiers. Corruption and misgovernment at the South were held against
+him, though Congress was properly to blame for them. Only in his stand
+for honest finance, his effort to improve the Indian service, and his
+conclusion of the disputes with Great Britain, could his supporters take
+great pride.
+
+The settlement with England was his greatest achievement. Since the
+summer of 1862, when the Alabama had evaded the British officials and
+had gone to sea, the American Minister in London had continued to press
+for damages. The Alabama claims were based on the assertion that the law
+of neutrals required Great Britain to prevent any hostile vessel from
+starting, in her waters, upon a cruise against the United States. In the
+face of official rebuff and popular sneers Charles Francis Adams
+formulated the claims. His successor, Reverdy Johnson, reached a sort of
+settlement which the Senate declined to ratify, and which Sumner
+denounced. It was Sumner's contention that the Civil War was prolonged
+by British aid and that a demand for national damages (perhaps
+$2,000,000,000, or Canada, by way of substitute) ought to be advanced.
+So tense did the international situation become in 1869 and 1870 that
+friends of peace were frightened. Boundaries, fisheries, and general
+claims aggravated the situation, which was given into the hands of a
+Joint High Commission, hastily summoned to meet in Washington in 1870.
+The resulting Treaty of Washington, and the successful arbitrations
+which followed it, eliminated Sumner's extreme contention but vindicated
+the main American claims and founded Anglo-American relations on a more
+secure basis than they had ever known. It was Grant's great triumph, but
+it was a political danger as well, for the negotiator in charge, Charles
+Francis Adams, loomed up as the possible presidential candidate of the
+Republican dissenters.
+
+The Liberal Republicans included the enemies of Grant as well as
+dissatisfied reformers of all sorts. Carl Schurz, the great
+German-American independent, was their leader. Horace Greeley, whose
+_Tribune_ had done much to make the Republican party possible, gave them
+his support. Charles Francis Adams was not indifferent to them. Salmon
+P. Chase wanted their nomination. Young newspaper men, like Whitelaw
+Reid and Henry Watterson, tried to control them. And the new group of
+civil service reformers, disappointed in Grant, hoped that the new party
+would take a step toward better government. At Cincinnati, in May, 1872,
+they met in mass convention, and nominated Horace Greeley and Gratz
+Brown. Their platform denounced Republican reconstruction, urged the
+return to self-government in the South, and advocated civil service
+reform, specie payments, and maintenance of public credit. The schism
+became more threatening when the Democrats saw a chance through fusion,
+and nominated the same candidates at Baltimore in July.
+
+No quainter political figure has appeared in America than Horace
+Greeley, thus transferred from his editorial office to the stump. Long
+used to the freedom of the press, he had advocated many things in his
+lifetime, had examined and exploited unpopular social reforms, had
+contradicted himself and retraced his tracks repeatedly. The biting
+cartoons of Nast exploited all these; but no contrast was so absurd as
+that which brought to the great denouncer of slavery and the South the
+support of the party of the South.
+
+The Republican Convention renominated Grant at Philadelphia without
+opposition, refused Colfax a second term, and picked Henry Wilson for
+Vice-President. Its platform, as in 1868, was retrospective, taking
+pride in its great achievements and assuming full credit for the war,
+reconstruction, and financial honor. It offered its ticket to all the
+States for the first time since 1860, and elected Grant with ease. The
+inharmonious Democrat-Liberal-Republican alliance increased the
+Republican majority, but the returns from the South confirmed the
+suspicion that home rule was in sight.
+
+Restored completely to themselves, four years later, the Southern
+Governments ceased to play much part in national affairs and continued
+the economic rebuilding of their region. It was thirty years after the
+war before the South, in population and business, had recovered from its
+devastation, and even then it was far from subordinating its local
+politics to national issues.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The writings of Rhodes and Dunning contain the best comprehensive
+accounts of political reconstruction. For greater detail, the series of
+doctoral dissertations on reconstruction in the several States, directed
+by Professor Dunning and printed generally in the Columbia University
+Studies, has great value. In W.L. Fleming, _Documentary History of
+Reconstruction_ (2 vols., 1906), important selections from the sources
+have been printed; the same writer's _Civil War and Reconstruction in
+Alabama_ (1905) is the best account of the process in a single State.
+J.A. Woodburn, _Thaddeus Stevens_, is useful. The old and new economic
+systems of the South receive their keenest interpretation in the works
+of U.B. Phillips and A.H. Stone. The _Annual Cyclopædia_ continues
+valuable; the Report of the Ku-Klux Committee is invaluable (42d
+Congress, 2d Session, Senate Report, No. 41, 13 vols.). _Harper's
+Weekly_, which supported Grant in 1872, was the most prominent journal
+of the period. C.F. Adams, Jr., has contributed to the diplomatic
+history of these years his _Charles Francis Adams_ (1900, in American
+Statesmen Series), and his "Treaty of Washington" (in _Lee and
+Appomattox_, 1902). Elaborate details of the arbitrations are in J.B.
+Moore, _History and Digest of the International Arbitrations to which
+the United States has been a Party_ (6 vols., 1898). An interesting
+series of recollections of reconstruction events, by Watterson, Reid,
+Edmunds, and others, was printed in the _Century Magazine_ during 1913.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE PANIC OF 1873
+
+
+"Are not all the great communities of the Western World growing more
+corrupt as they grow in wealth?" asked a critical and thoughtful
+journalist, Edwin L. Godkin, in 1868, as he considered the relations of
+business and politics. He answered himself in the affirmative and found
+comrades in his pessimism throughout that intellectual class in whose
+achievements America has taken conscious pride. For at least ten years
+they despaired of the return of honesty. James Russell Lowell, decorated
+with the D.C.L. of Oxford, and honored everywhere in the world of
+letters, was filled with doubt and dismay as late as 1876, at "the
+degradation of the moral tone. Is it, or is it not," he asked, "a result
+of democracy? Is ours a 'government of the people by the people for the
+people,' or ... for the benefit of knaves at the cost of fools?"
+
+It was not without reason that serious men were fearful in the years in
+which military heroes dominated in politics, and in which commerce
+struggled with its revolution. Had they foreseen the course of the next
+generation, noted the progress of new ideas in government, the extension
+of philanthropy and social relief, and the passion for education that
+swept the country, they need not have despaired. Godkin, himself, could
+not have made a living from his _Nation_, with its high ideals, its
+criticism, and its despondency, in a land that was wholly rotten. The
+young college presidents of the period could not have found a livelihood
+in a country that was not fundamentally sound. At Harvard, Charles
+William Eliot broke down the old technique of culture and enlarged its
+range; at Michigan, James Burrill Angell proved it possible to maintain
+sound, scholarly, and non-political education, in a public institution
+supported by taxation; in a new university a private benefactor, Johns
+Hopkins, gave to Daniel Coit Gilman a chance to show that creative
+scholarship can flourish in a democracy. But the essential soundness of
+the Republic was as much obscured in 1868 as its wealth had been in
+1861, and for the present the objects on the surface, brought there by
+violent convulsion, represented its less creditable part.
+
+The years of Grant's Presidency were filled with unsightly episodes,
+that were scandalous then and have been discouraging always. In his
+first year of office, Jay Gould and James Fisk, tempted by the premium
+on gold, tried to corner the market, and Grant's public association with
+the speculators brought upon him fair reproach. Tweed, exposed and
+jailed after a long fight, revealed the close alliance between crooked
+politics and business in the cities, and became a national disgrace.
+Less prominent than these but far from proper were Schenck and Frémont.
+The latter was arrested in France, charged with promoting a railroad on
+the strength of land grants that did not exist. He had been close to
+the old Republican organization, and the figurehead of the radicals in
+1864, so that his notoriety was great. Schenck, while Minister in
+London, posed as director of a mining company, and borrowed from the
+promoters of the scheme the money with which he bought his shares. When
+the company proved insolvent, and perhaps fraudulent, Grant was forced
+to recall him. Critics who saw dishonesty or low ethical standards in
+these men were ready to see in the carnival of the Reconstruction
+Governments wholesale proofs of decadence.
+
+During the campaign of 1872 yet another item was added to the unpleasant
+list. Letters were made public showing how Congressmen had taken pay, or
+its equivalent, from men behind the Union Pacific Railroad. The scandal
+of the Crédit Mobilier touched men in all walks of life, beginning with
+Schuyler Colfax, Vice-President of the United States, including Blaine,
+Allison, and Garfield, Wilson and Dawes, and other men who no longer
+held office. Some of these denied the charges and proved their
+innocence. But none entirely escaped the suspicion that their sense of
+official propriety was low, and their list sampled the Republican party
+at all its levels. One of the victims, Colfax, talked freely in 1870 of
+gifts received--a carriage from a Congressman and horses from an express
+company.
+
+In 1872 the notorious Butler aimed at the governorship of Massachusetts.
+He failed to get the Republican nomination, but the strength of his
+candidacy showed the uncritical devotion of many voters to success. He
+resumed his seat in Congress, unabashed, and put through an act
+properly increasing the salaries of Washington officials, but applying
+also to the men who voted for it and to the session just ending. Its
+makers went home to explain their part in the "salary grab" to their
+constituents, and many never returned to Congress.
+
+Other improprieties of the first Administration of Grant came to light
+in his second term. His Secretary of War, Belknap, confessed to the sale
+of offices. In the Treasury Department were uncovered the whiskey frauds
+which tainted even Grant's private secretary. And the Speaker of the
+House, Blaine, was shown to have urged a railroad company to recognize
+his official aid, promising not to be a "deadhead in the enterprise" in
+its future service.
+
+There is no better illustration of the commercial ethics of the sixties
+than may be found in the letters of Jay Cooke, philanthropist and
+financier. With a lively and sincere piety, and an unrestrained
+generosity, he at once extended hospitalities to the political leaders
+of the day, carried their private speculations on his books, and
+performed official services to the Government. It was impossible to tell
+where his public service ended and his private emolument began, but
+there was nothing in his life of which he was ashamed. A friend of
+General Grant, and liberal patron of his children, Cooke was actually
+entertaining the President at his country home just outside of
+Philadelphia when the failure of his banking house precipitated the
+panic of 1873.
+
+There had been financial uneasiness abroad and in the United States for
+several months, but few had anticipated the collapse of credit that
+followed the suspension of Jay Cooke and Company, September 18, 1873. If
+this house failed, none could be regarded as safe. Jay Cooke had
+established his reputation during the Civil War through his ability to
+find a market for United States bonds. After the war he had carried his
+activity and prestige into railways. In 1869 he had become the financial
+agent of the Northern Pacific, and customers, encouraged by their good
+bargains in the past, continued to invest through him as he directed.
+His personal followers, numerous and confident, had been taught to
+believe his credit as sound as that of the Government whose bonds he had
+handled. When he collapsed, overloaded with Northern Pacific securities,
+in which his confidence was enthusiastic, the panic was so acute that
+the New York Stock Exchange closed its doors for ten days, to prevent
+the ruinous prices that forced sales might have created. Thirty or more
+banking houses were drawn down by the crash within forty-eight hours.
+Others followed in all the business centers, while trade stood still
+through the paralysis of its banking agents.
+
+The distribution of the panic throughout the United States followed the
+usual course. In the first crisis, banking houses broke down, unable to
+meet the runs of their depositors or their original obligations. The
+depositors next, unable to secure their own funds or to obtain their
+usual loans, were driven to insolvency. After the failure of banks came
+that of railroads, the wholesale houses, and the factories. As these
+last defaulted, the loss was spread over their employees, their
+contractors, and their creditors. Confidence was everywhere destroyed.
+Investments were lost, or lessened, or put off indefinitely in their
+payments. After a few days the acute crisis was over, but the resulting
+depression brought stagnation to business. Industries marked time, at
+best; expansions were out of the question; new enterprises were not
+heard of. From 1873 until 1879 the United States was engaged in recovery
+from the injury which the panic had done and from the weakness which it
+had revealed.
+
+The panic, followed by five years of economic prostration, was only
+occasioned by the failure of Cooke. Its real causes lie throughout the
+period of Civil War expansion. Never had the daily necessities of the
+United States equaled its production, and the resulting surplus,
+available for permanent improvements, was larger than ever in the
+sixties because of the growing use of machinery. Funds for investment,
+produced at home and increased through the strong foreign credit of the
+United States, tempted and aided the speculative development of the
+North and West. Yearly greater sums were sunk in municipal improvements
+that brought in no return, or in railroads that were slow in paying, or
+in errors that were a dead loss. The loss from the Civil War was an
+added charge upon the surplus. Great fires in Boston and Chicago
+consumed more of it. By 1870 the United States was using surplus at a
+rate that threatened soon to exhaust it. When the limit should be
+reached, new enterprises must necessarily cease, and all that were not
+wisely planned must fall, dragging down others in their ruins. For
+months before the failure of Jay Cooke, business had been dangerously
+near this margin. His failure, caused by his inability to find a market
+for Northern Pacific, merely precipitated the inevitable crash.
+
+The faulty currency, outstanding since the war, and adding to the
+business uncertainty, now aggravated the panic when it broke. The
+greenbacks were slowly rising in value. They profited by the growing
+credit of the United States, and received a special increase because of
+the development of business. After 1865 business transactions grew in
+number and volume more rapidly than the amount of available money, and
+this, driven to greater activity in circulation, rose in value from the
+increased demand. As the purchasing value of the dollar increased,
+prices, measured by the greenbacks, necessarily fell, while the
+equivalent of every debt that had to be paid in a specified number of
+dollars as steadily rose. Indeed, so great was the increase of
+production from the new farms, reached by the new railroads, and
+supplying raw materials for the new factory processes, that prices fell,
+even when stated in terms of gold. In a period of falling prices and
+appreciating currency, the gap between the poor and the rich was
+widened. The debtor carried a growing burden while the creditor
+harvested an unearned increase. Persons who lived on fixed salary or
+income profited by the fluctuations, but commercial transactions were
+made more difficult for the debtor.
+
+The organized Greenback movement had figured in politics during the
+campaign of 1868, and made a special appeal to the debtor section
+during the hard times after 1873. The Republican Congress had, in 1869,
+sealed the professions of the party's platform by passing a resolution
+"to strengthen the public credit," in which it declared "that the faith
+of the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin or its
+equivalent," of the greenbacks, and that the United States would not
+take advantage of its creditors by paying off its "lawful-money" bonds
+in depreciated paper. All debts created before the war or during its
+early years had lost through depreciation, just as the later debts had
+gained through the reverse.
+
+Despite this pledge, advocates of greenback inflation, with Butler among
+their leaders, became more numerous in both parties after the panic, and
+an attempt was made to have Congress reverse itself. Grant's Secretary
+of the Treasury gave a new construction to the law by reissuing during
+the critical days of the panic some $26,000,000 of greenbacks that had
+been called in by McCulloch. He raised the total outstanding to
+$382,000,000, and Congress in 1874 passed a law increasing the amount to
+$400,000,000, in an act named by its opponents the "Inflation Bill." To
+the surprise of many, Grant sharply vetoed the act, adhering to his
+views of 1869 on the evils of an irredeemable paper currency. During the
+next winter John Sherman, Senator from Ohio, induced Congress to take a
+step in fulfillment of the guaranty which Grant had saved. On January
+14, 1875, it was provided that the Treasury should resume the payment of
+specie on demand on January 1, 1879.
+
+Ultimately Congress was saved from the act of repudiation which the
+Greenbackers urged upon it, but while the movement flourished it added
+another to the catalogue of troubles with which men like Godkin and
+Lowell were distressed. Easterners, in general, had as little
+understanding of the West as they had had of the race problem in the
+South. They were disposed to attribute to inherent dishonesty the
+inflation movement, and to ignore the real economic grievance upon which
+it was founded. The suspicions directed against the ethical standards of
+the West were increased by the Granger movement, to which the panic gave
+volume and importance.
+
+Among the social phenomena of 1873-74 was the sudden emergence in the
+Northwest of a semi-secret, ritualistic society, calling itself the
+"Patrons of Husbandry," but popularly known as the "Grange." It was
+founded locally upon the soil, in farmers' clubs, or granges, at whose
+meetings the men talked politics, while their wives prepared a picnic
+supper and the children played outdoors. It had had a nominal existence
+since 1867, but during the panic it unexpectedly met a new need and grew
+rapidly, creating 1000 or more local granges a month, until at its
+maximum in 1874 it embraced perhaps 20,000 granges and 1,600,000
+persons. In theory the granges were grouped by States, which latter were
+consolidated in the National Grange; in fact, the movement was almost
+entirely confined to the region north of the Ohio River, and even to the
+district northwest of Chicago.
+
+Such a movement as the Grange, revealing a common purpose over a wide
+area and in a great number of citizens, could not but affect party
+allegiance and the conduct of party leaders. Simultaneously with its
+development the legislatures of the Northwest--Illinois, Wisconsin, and
+Iowa--became restive under existing conditions, and assumed an attitude
+which became characteristic of the Grange,--one of hostility to
+railroads and their management. With the approval of the people, these
+States passed, between 1871 and 1874, a series of regulative acts
+respecting the railways, which were known at the start as the "Granger
+Laws," and which became a permanent contribution to American government.
+
+To Eastern opinion the Greenback movement had been barefaced
+repudiation; the Granger movement seemed to be confiscation; for every
+law provided a means by which public authority should fix the charge
+imposed by the railroad upon its customer. Both movements need to be
+studied in their local environment, which at least explains the Western
+zeal in clamoring for the greenbacks, and shows that in the Granger
+movement the West saw farther than it knew.
+
+The Civil War period marks a new era in the history of American
+railways. Prior to the panic of 1837, the few lines that were built were
+local. Few could foresee that the railway would ever be more than an
+adjunct to the turnpike and canal in bringing the city centers closer to
+their environs. In the revival of industry after the panic of 1837, the
+mileage increased progressively, and before the next panic checked
+business in 1857 the tidewater region was well provided, and the
+Alleghanies had been crossed by several trunk lines whose heads extended
+to the Lakes and to the Mississippi. But in these years the change was
+of degree rather than of kind. The lines were built to supplement
+existing routes, like the Erie Canal, the Lakes, the Ohio River, or the
+Mississippi. They connected communities already well developed and
+prosperous, and in undertaking new enterprises promoters had figured
+upon capturing the profits of existing trade.
+
+In the new epoch of the sixties there were only new fields to conquer.
+The great enterprises were forced to speculate upon the development of
+the public domain and to find their profits in the business of
+communities to which they themselves gave birth. Natural waterways and
+roads extended little west of Chicago. The new fields were entered by
+the railroads without prospect of any competition but that of other
+railroads. The resulting communities, born and developed between 1857
+and 1873, were peculiarly the creatures of, and dependent on, the
+railway lines.
+
+This inevitable dependence on railways colored the history of Wisconsin,
+Iowa, and Minnesota, and, to a lesser degree, of all the West. While men
+were yet prosperous and sanguine and without adequate railway service,
+they offered high inducements to promoters of railways. Once the roads
+were built and the communities began to pay for them and to maintain
+them, the dependence was realized and anti-railway agitation began. The
+fact that they were commonly built on money borrowed from the East
+threw debtors and creditors into sectional classes injurious to both.
+
+The antagonism to railways was increased because these yet regarded
+their trade as private, to be conducted in secrecy, with transportation
+to be sold at the best rates that could be got from the individual
+customer. The big shipper got the wholesale rate; the small shipper paid
+the maximum. Favoritism, discrimination, rebates, were the life of
+railway trade, and railway managers objected to them only because they
+endangered profits, not because they felt any obligation to maintain
+uniformity in charges.
+
+In a community as dependent on the railways as the Northwest was, the
+iniquity of discriminatory or extortionate rates was soon seen. The
+East, with rival routes and less dependence on staple interests, saw it
+less clearly. The charges were paid grumblingly in good times; in bad
+times, when the rising greenbacks squeezed the debtor West and the panic
+of 1873 stopped business everywhere, the farmers soon made common cause.
+They seized upon the skeleton organization of the grange and gave it
+life. In 1874 their organized discontent compelled attention.
+
+The Granger Laws were an attempt to establish a new legal doctrine that
+railways are quasi-public because of the nature of the service which
+they render and the privileges they enjoy. This principle was overlaid
+in many cases by the human desire to punish the railroads as the cause
+of economic distress, but it was visible in all the laws. It is an old
+rule of the common law that the ferryman, the baker, and the innkeeper
+are subject to public control, and railways were now classified with
+these. In Wisconsin, the "Potter" Law established a schedule with
+classified rates, superseding all rate-cards of railroads in that State.
+Illinois created a railroad and warehouse commission with power to fix
+rates and annul warehouse charters. In Iowa the maximum rates were fixed
+by law.
+
+The railroads failed to realize at once what the new laws meant. They
+denounced them as confiscatory, and attacked them in court as wrong in
+theory and bad in application. Even admitting the principle of
+regulation, the laws were so crudely shaped as to be nearly unworkable.
+Farmer legislators, chosen on the issue of opposition to railways, were
+not likely to show either fairness or scientific knowledge. Coming at
+the same time with the panic of 1873, it is impossible to measure the
+precise effect of any of these laws, and all were modified before many
+years. But the railroads' objection lay beneath the detail, and the
+fundamental fight turned on two points--the right of public authority to
+regulate a rate at all, and whether state regulation was compatible with
+the power of Congress over interstate commerce.
+
+By 1876 the appeals of the railroads against the constitutionality of
+these Granger Laws had gone through the highest state courts to the
+Supreme Court of the United States. In the spring of 1877 that body
+handed down a definitive decision in the case of Munn _vs._ the State of
+Illinois in which it recognized that the "controlling fact is the power
+to regulate at all." It held that when the institutions in question (in
+this case warehouses) established themselves, they did so "from the
+beginning subject to the power of the body politic to require them to
+conform to such regulations as might be established by the proper
+authorities for the common good." It upheld the rate laws, declared that
+they were not an infringement upon the powers of Congress, and thus gave
+formal sanction to a new doctrine in American law.
+
+The legal consequences of the "Granger Cases" extended through the
+ensuing generation. The need for public intervention grew steadily
+stronger, and as time went on it became clear that this control could
+not be administered by orators or spoilsmen, but called for scientific
+training and permanence of policy. It was one of many influences working
+to reshape American administrative practice.
+
+The Granger movement had close relations with the panic of 1873,
+although it must anyway have appeared in the Northwest at no remote
+date. As a political force it soon died out, leaving the principle of
+regulation as its memorial. With the gradual recurrence of prosperity
+the Northwest found new interests, and as early as 1877, when the
+decisions were made, the passion had subsided.
+
+It was, however, a gloomy United States that faced the end of its first
+century of independence, in 1876. Pessimism was widely spread among the
+best educated in the East. Public life was everywhere discredited by the
+conduct of high officials. The South was in the midst of its struggle
+for home rule, which it could win only through wholesale force and
+fraud. The West was discouraged over finance and still depressed by the
+panic. Yet Philadelphia went ahead to celebrate the centennial as though
+it were ending the century as hopefully as it had begun.
+
+The Exposition at Philadelphia this year was a revelation to the United
+States. Though far surpassed by later "world's fairs," it displayed the
+wide resources of the United States and brought home the difference
+between American and European civilization. The foreign exhibits first
+had a chastening influence upon American exuberance, and then stimulated
+the development of higher artistic standards. In ingenuity the American
+mind held its own against all competition. But few Americans had
+traveled, the cheap processes of illustration were yet unknown, and in
+the resulting ignorance the United States had been left to its
+assumption of a superiority unjustified by the facts. From the
+centennial year may be dated the closer approach of American standards
+to those of the better classes of Europe.
+
+In the summer of 1876 the thirty-eighth State, Colorado, was added to
+the Union. It had been seventeen years since the miners thronged the
+Kansas and Nebraska plains, bound for "Pike's Peak or Bust!" In the
+interval the mining camps had become permanent communities. Authorized
+in 1864 to form a State, they had declined to accept the responsibility
+and had lingered for many years with only a handful of inhabitants. Now
+and then entirely isolated from the United States by Indian wars, they
+had prayed for the continental railroad, only to be disappointed when
+the Union Pacific went through Cheyenne instead of Denver. One of the
+branches of the Union Pacific was extended to Denver in 1870, and
+thereafter Colorado grew in spite of the panic of 1873. Grant began to
+urge its admission in his first Administration, and signed a
+proclamation admitting it in 1876. It came in in time to cast three
+Republican electoral votes in the most troublesome presidential contest
+the United States had seen.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+Among the more valuable books of biography and reminiscence for this
+period are R. Ogden, _Life and Letters of Edwin Lawrence Godkin_ (2
+vols., 1907); H.E. Scudder, _James Russell Lowell_ (2 vols., 1901); C.E.
+Norton, ed., _Letters of J.R. Lowell_ (1894); _Reminiscences of James B.
+Angell_ (1912); J. T. Austen, _Moses Coit Tyler, 1835-1900_ (1911); J.G.
+Blaine, _Twenty Years of Congress_; E.P. Oberholtzer, _Jay Cooke_; and
+A.B. Paine, _Th. Nast_ (1904). The Crédit Mobilier may best be studied
+in Rhodes, in J.B. Crawford, _Crédit Mobilier of America_ (1880), and in
+the reports of the committees of Congress that investigated the scandal
+(42d Congress, 2d Session, House Report no. 77). J.W. Million, _State
+Aid to Railways in Missouri_ (1896), gives a good view of railroad
+promotion schemes. F. Carter, _When Railroads were New_ (1909), is a
+popular summary. In J.R. Commons (ed.), _Documentary History of American
+Industrial Society_ (10 vols., 1910-), are various documents relating to
+the Grange, which organization received its classic treatment in E.W.
+Martin, _History of the Granger Movement_ (1874; his illustrations
+should be compared with those in J.H. Beadle, _Our Undeveloped West_, in
+which some of them had originally appeared in 1873). There are numerous
+economic discussions of the Grange in the periodicals, which may be
+found through Poole's Indexes, the best work having been done by S.J.
+Buck. The _Chapters of Erie_ (1869), by C.F. Adams, is a valuable
+picture of railroad ethics. Much light is thrown upon financial matters
+by the Annual Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury and J.D.
+Richardson (ed.), _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_ (10 vols.).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+The reëlection of Grant in 1872 was almost automatic. No new issue had
+forced itself into politics to stir up the old party fires or light new
+ones. The old issues had begun to lose their force. Men ceased to
+respond when told that the Union was in danger; they questioned or
+ignored the statement. Many of them contradicted it and voted for
+Greeley in 1872, but they were impelled to this by repulsion from
+Republican practice rather than by attraction to Democratic promise.
+Yet, on the whole, the habit of voting the Union or Republican ticket
+retained its hold on so many in the North that Grant's second term was
+insured, and it was even possible that a Republican successor might
+profit by the same political inertia.
+
+The second term (1873-77) added no strength to Grant or to his party.
+Throughout its course, administrative scandals continued to come to
+light, striking at times dangerously near the President, but failing to
+injure him other than in his repute for judgment. The period was one of
+financial depression and discouragement. The best intellect of the
+United States was directed into business, the professions, and
+educational administration. Politics was generally left to the men who
+had already controlled it, and these were the men who had risen into
+prominence in the period of the Civil War.
+
+THE POLITICAL SITUATION AT WASHINGTON, 1869-1917
+
+Showing the party in control of the national government in each Congress
+
+President
++------+ +-------+ +--------+ +------------+ +-------------+ +-----------+
+|GRANT | | GRANT | | HAYES  | | GARFIELD-  | |  CLEVELAND  | | HARRISON  |
+|      | |       | |        | | ARTHUR     | |             | |           |
+| R    | |  R    | |  R     | |    R       | |   D         | |   R       |
++------+ +-------+ +--------+ +------------+ +-------------+ +-----------+
+Senate
+1869      1873         1877         1881           1885      1889    1893
++------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+----+---+
+|  R   |  R  | R   |  R  |  R   |  D   |  R   | R   |  R  |  R  | R  | R |
++------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+----+---+
+House
+    1871        1875          1879        1883        1887         1891
++---+ +----+ +---+ +-----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+
+|41 | |42  | |43 | |44   | |45 | |46 | |47 | |48 | |49 | |50 | |51  | |52 |
+| B | | B  | | B | | R   | | R | | R | | K | | C | | C | | C | | R  | | C |
+| l | | l  | | l | | a   | | a | | a | | e | | a | | a | | a | | e  | | r |
+| a | | a  | | a | | n K | | n | | n | | i | | r | | r | | r | | e  | | i |
+| i | | i  | | i | | d e | | d | | d | | f | | l | | l | | l | | d  | | s |
+| n | | n  | | n | | a r | | a | | a | | e | | i | | i | | i | |    | | p |
+| e | | e  | | e | | l r | | l | | l | | r | | s | | s | | s | |    | |   |
+|   | |    | |   | | l   | | l | | l | |   | | l | | l | | l | |    | |   |
+|   | |    | |   | |     | |   | |   | |   | | e | | e | | e | |    | |   |
+|   | |    | |   | |     | |   | |   | |   | |   | |   | |   | |    | |   |
+| R | |  R | | R | |  D  | | D | | D | | R | | D | | D | | D | | R  | | D |
++---+ +----+ +---+ +-----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+
+
+President
++----------+ +----------+ +-----------+ +-----------+ +--------+ +--------+
+|          | |          | |           | |           | |        | |        |
+|CLEVELAND | | McKINLEY | | McKINLEY- | | ROOSEVELT | |  TAFT  | | WILSON |
+|          | |          | | ROOSEVELT | |           | |        | |        |
+|          | |          | |           | |           | |        | |        |
+|   D      | |   R      | |   R       | |    R      | |    R   | |    D   |
+|          | |          | |           | |           | |        | |        |
++----------+ +----------+ +-----------+ +-----------+ +--------+ +--------+
+Senate
+1893        1897        1901        1905       1909         1913
++------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+-----+-----+-----+------+------+
+|      |     |     |     |     |     |    |     |     |     |      |      |
+|  D   |  R  |  R  |  R  |  R  |  R  |  R |  R  |  R  |  R  |  D   |  D   |
+|      |     |     |     |     |     |    |     |     |     |      |      |
++------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+-----+-----+-----+------+------+
+House
+   1895        1899          1903          1907         1911
++---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+ +----+ +----+ +----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+
+|53 | |54 | |55 | |56  | |57 | |58  | |59  | |60  | |61 | |62 | |63 | |64 |
+|   | |   | |   | |    | |   | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+| C | | R | | R | | H  | | H | | C  | | C  | | C  | | C | | C | | C | | C |
+| r | | e | | e | | e  | | e | | a  | | a  | | a  | | a | | l | | l | | l |
+| i | | e | | e | | n  | | n | | n  | | n  | | n  | | n | | a | | a | | a |
+| s | | d | | d | | d  | | d | | n  | | n  | | n  | | n | | r | | r | | r |
+| p | |   | |   | | e  | | e | | o  | | o  | | o  | | o | | k | | k | | k |
+|   | |   | |   | | r  | | r | | n  | | n  | | n  | | n | |   | |   | |(?)|
+|   | |   | |   | | s  | | s | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+|   | |   | |   | | o  | | o | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+|   | |   | |   | | n  | | n | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+|   | |   | |   | |    | |   | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+| D | | R | | R | | R  | | R | | R  | | R  | | R  | | R | | D | | D | | D |
++---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+ +----+ +----+ +----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+
+
+During only three of the ten Congresses between 1875 and 1895 did either
+party control the national government. The Democrats were in possession
+only once, in the 53d Congress. The Republicans controlled the 47th
+Congress by manipulation of senators, and the 51st by Reed's drastic
+rules. Most of the partisan legislation of twenty years was enacted
+during these three Congresses.
+
+A new and not a better type was brought into American politics by the
+Civil War. Notwithstanding the bad manners and excesses of ante-bellum
+politics, the leaders had been men of defined policy, only occasionally
+reaching high office through trickery or personal appeal. Now came the
+presence of an intense issue which smoothed out other differences,
+magnified a single policy,--the saving of the Union,--and gave
+opportunity to a new type of intense, patriotic, narrow mind. Men of
+this type dominated in the reconstruction days. As the sixties advanced,
+their number was recruited by men who had won prominence and popularity
+on the battlefield, who used military fame as a step into politics, and
+who came into public life with qualifications adapted to an issue that
+was closed.
+
+Few of the leaders of the period 1861 to 1876 ever grew into an
+understanding of problems other than those of the Civil War. The most
+eminent of them were gone before the latter year. Lincoln was dead;
+Grant had had two terms; Stevens was gone; Sumner had been driven from
+party honor before his death; Chase had died Chief Justice, but unhappy.
+With these men living, lesser men had remained obscure. As they dropped
+out, a host of minor leaders, trained to a disproportionate view of the
+war and ignorant of other things, controlled affairs.
+
+About these men the scandals of the Grant Administrations clustered, and
+their standards came to be those of the Republican party organization.
+They represented a dead issue, which they had never directed when it
+was alive, and were chosen by voters whose choice had become automatic.
+In their hands office tended to become a thing to be enjoyed for its own
+sake, not a trust to be fulfilled.
+
+If the Republican organization was drifting into the control of
+second-rate men who misrepresented the rank and file, the status of the
+opposition was no better. At the South the Democratic party was openly
+founded on force and fraud. In the deliberate judgment of the white
+population of the South, negro control was intolerable and worse than
+any variety of political corruption that might be necessary to prevent
+it. The leaders of the party in this section had borne so important a
+part in the Confederacy that it was hopeless to think of them for
+national leaders, while they could meet the Northern charge of fraud
+only by the assertion of a greater alternate evil, which their opponents
+would not recognize as such. The South could be counted on for
+Democratic votes, but not as yet for leaders.
+
+In the North and West the Democratic party was still weakened by its
+past. Its leaders of the early sixties, where they had not joined the
+Union party, were Copperheads, and were as little available as
+ex-Confederates. One of them, Seymour, whose loyalty, though he was in
+opposition to Lincoln, is above question, had been nominated and
+defeated in 1868. So few had been available in 1872 that the party had
+been reduced to the indorsement of Horace Greeley. Even the scandals of
+the Republican administration could not avail the Democrats unless a
+leader could be found free from the taint of treason and copperheadism
+and strong enough to hold the party North and South.
+
+In the paucity of leaders during Grant's second Administration the
+Democrats turned to New York where a reform governor was producing
+actual results and restoring the prestige of his party. Like other
+Democrats of his day, Samuel J. Tilden had few events in his life during
+the sixties to which he could "point with pride" in the certain
+assurance that his fellow citizens would recognize and reward them. He
+had been a civilian and a lawyer. He had not broken with his party on
+its "war a failure" issue in 1864. He had acted harmoniously with
+Tammany Hall while it began its scheme of plunder, in New York City. But
+he had turned upon that organization and by prosecuting the Tweed Ring
+had made its real nature clear. Within the party he had led the demand
+to turn the rascals out, and had been elected Governor of New York on
+this record in 1874. As Governor he had proved that public corruption
+was non-partisan and had exposed fraud among both parties so effectively
+that he was clearly the most available candidate when the Democratic
+Convention met in St. Louis in 1876.
+
+The only competitors of Tilden for the Democratic nomination were
+"favorite sons." Thomas A. Hendricks, a Greenbacker, was offered by
+Indiana and pushed on the supposition that this doubtful State could not
+be carried otherwise. Pennsylvania presented the hero of Gettysburg,
+General Winfield Scott Hancock, through whom it was hoped to bring to
+the Democratic ticket the aid of a good war record. The other candidates
+received local and scattering votes, and altogether they postponed the
+nomination for only one ballot. On the first ballot Tilden started with
+more than half the votes; on the second he had nearly forty more than
+the necessary two thirds. Hendricks got the Vice-Presidency, and the
+party entered the campaign upon a program of reform.
+
+The Republicans had completed their nominations some weeks before the
+Democrats met, and having no unquestioned leader had been forced to
+adjust the claims of several minor men. Six different men received as
+many as fifty votes on one ballot or another, but only three factions in
+the party stood out clearly. The Administration group had sounded the
+public on a third term for Grant, and receiving scanty support had
+brought forward Conkling, a shrewd New York leader, and Morton, war
+Governor of Indiana. The out-and-out reformers were for Bristow, who had
+made a striking reputation as Secretary of the Treasury, over the frauds
+of the Whiskey Ring. Between the two groups was the largest single
+faction, which stood for James G. Blaine from first to last.
+
+The political fortunes of James G. Blaine prove the difficulty with
+which a politician brought up in the Civil War period retained his
+leadership in the next era. Blaine had been a loyal and radical
+Republican through the war. Gifted with personal charms of high order,
+he had built up a political following which his unswerving orthodoxy and
+his service as Speaker of the House of Representatives served to widen.
+Never a rich man, he had felt forced to add to his salary by
+speculations and earnings on the side. In these he had come into contact
+with railroad promoters and had not seen the line beyond which a public
+man must not go, even in the sixties. His indiscretions had imperiled
+his reputation at the time of the Crédit Mobilier scandal. They became
+common property when an old associate forced him to the defensive on the
+eve of the convention of 1876. In the dramatic scene in the House of
+Representatives when Blaine read the humiliating "Mulligan" letters that
+he had written years before, tried to explain them, and denounced his
+enemies, he convinced his friends of his innocence, and evidenced to all
+his courage and assurance. But his critics, reading the letters in
+detail, were confirmed in their belief that if his official conduct was
+not criminal, it was at least improper, and that no man with a blunted
+sense of propriety ought to be President.
+
+Despite all opposition, Blaine might have won the nomination had not a
+sunstroke raised a question as to his physical availability. He led for
+six ballots in the convention, and only on the seventh could his
+opponents agree upon the favorite son of Ohio, General Rutherford B.
+Hayes, who added to military distinction a good record as Governor of
+his State.
+
+Neither Hayes nor Tilden represented a political issue. Each had been
+nominated because of availability, and each party contained many voters
+on each side of every question before the public. Even the appeal to
+loyalty and Union, which had worked in three campaigns, failed to stir
+the States. Blaine, expert in the appeal, had revived it over the
+proposition to extend pardon and amnesty to Jefferson Davis, but his
+frantic efforts, as he waved the "bloody shirt," evoked no general
+enthusiasm. The war and reconstruction were over, but the old parties
+had not learned it.
+
+There was doubt throughout the canvass as to the nature of the issue,
+and when the votes were counted there was equal doubt as to which of the
+candidates had been elected. Tilden had received a popular plurality
+over Hayes of about 250,000 votes, but it was not certain that these
+carried with them a majority of the electoral college. Of the 369
+electoral votes, Tilden and Hendricks had, without question, 184; while
+Hayes and Wheeler were equally secure in 166. The remaining 19 (Florida,
+Louisiana, and South Carolina) were claimed by both parties, and it
+appeared that both claims were founded on widespread fraud. Unless all
+these 19 votes could be secured, Hayes was defeated, and to obtain them
+the Republican party set to work.
+
+For weeks between the election and the counting of the electoral votes
+the United States debated angrily over the result. The Constitution
+required that when Congress should meet in joint session to hear the
+returns, the Vice-President should preside, and should open the
+certificates from the several States; and that the votes should then be
+counted. It was silent as to the body which should do the counting, or
+should determine which of two doubtful returns to count. Since the
+outcome of the election would turn upon the answer to this question, it
+was necessary to find some solution before March 4, 1877.
+
+Failing to find in the Constitution a rule for determining cases such as
+this, Congress made its own, and created an Electoral Commission to
+which the doubtful cases were to be submitted. This body, fifteen in
+number, five each from Senate, House, and Supreme Court, failed, as
+historians have since failed, to convince the United States that the
+claims of either Republican or Democratic electors were sound. Honest
+men still differ in their beliefs. The members came out of the
+Commission as they went in, firm in the acceptance of their parties'
+claims, and since eight of the fifteen members were Republican, the
+result was a decision giving none of the nineteen contests to Tilden,
+and making possible the inauguration of Rutherford B. Hayes.
+
+There was bitter partisanship shown over the contest, and the Democrats,
+with a real majority of popular votes, maintained that they had been
+robbed of the Presidency. Excepting this, there was no issue that
+clearly separated the followers of Hayes from those of Tilden when the
+former took the oath of office. There was likewise, unhappily for Hayes,
+no common bond by which the President could hold his own party together
+and make a successful administration.
+
+Like three of his predecessors, John Adams, John Quincy Adams, and
+Martin Van Buren, Hayes was carried into office by the weight of a
+well-organized machine, rather than by his own hold upon the people.
+Like all of them he fought faction as a consequence, and every new step
+in administration forced upon him increased his embarrassment in
+conducting the Government. At the start, he alienated many Republicans
+by his policy toward the South.
+
+Before the election Hayes had reached the conclusion that coercion in
+the South must be abandoned. The people must be left in control of their
+own institutions, and if they mishandled them must take the
+consequences. This meant that the last of the States, in which only the
+army garrisons had kept the Republicans in office, must revert to the
+control of the Democrats. It also meant an attack upon the President by
+those who still believed the South a menace, and those who cherished it
+as a political issue,--the "sentimentalists controlled by knaves," in
+Godkin's language. Hayes acted upon his conviction as soon as he took
+office, withdrew the troops, and turned over to the South her own
+problems. Political reconstruction, as shaped by Congress, had broken
+down in every part, and it remained to be seen whether the
+constitutional reconstruction, as embodied in the amendments, would be
+more permanently effective.
+
+In addition to taking their issue from them, Hayes deprived the
+politicians of their plunder. The personal conduct of his household
+added nothing to his popularity in Washington, for his wife served no
+wines and gave to the White House the atmosphere of the standard
+middle-class American family. His official family struck a blow at the
+political use of offices.
+
+Although many of the Liberal Republicans of 1872 were still dissatisfied
+and saw no prospect of a change of heart for their party, most of them
+had voted for Hayes, and one of them was taken into the new Cabinet.
+Carl Schurz became Secretary of the Interior, bringing into office for
+the first time an active desire to reform the civil service. Congress
+had made a timid experiment in civil service reform early in the
+seventies, but had soon wearied of it. Schurz announced that his
+subordinates would be chosen on merit, and acted upon the announcement.
+
+The storm broke at once upon the Secretary over the issue of the
+patronage, and soon reached the President. The offices were not only
+valued assets of Senators and Representatives, who held control over
+their followers through them, but had come to be regarded as the cement
+that held the national party organization together. In the absence of an
+issue, the binding force of the offices had an enlarged importance. But
+Hayes generally backed up Schurz in the fight. The Indian Bureau, in
+particular, profited by the new policy. Two serious outbreaks had
+recently occurred as the result of bad administration. In one, Custer
+had been led to his destruction; in the other Chief Joseph and the Nez
+Percés had worried the regular army through a long campaign. The
+Democratic House of Representatives had in this very period been
+striking at the army appropriations in order to shape Grant's Southern
+policy. It had enabled Nast to draw, in one of his biting cartoons, a
+picture of the savage, the Ku-Klux, and the Congressman shaking hands
+over a common policy. Schurz and his Indian Commissioner foresaw the
+changes needed, now that the range Indians had all been consolidated on
+reserves, and took this time to reorganize the service.
+
+Hayes refused to give over all the offices as spoils, and removed some
+officials for pernicious political activity. The most important removal
+was that of Chester A. Arthur, Collector of the Port of New York, whose
+enraged friends, Conkling among them, became the center of the attack on
+the titular head of the party. Sneering at the sincerity of the new
+policy, Conkling cynically declared that "when Doctor Johnson said that
+patriotism was the last refuge of a scoundrel, he ignored the enormous
+possibilities of the word reform." But because Hayes did not in every
+case follow an ideal that no other President had even set, he lost the
+support of the reformers who soon denounced him nearly as fiercely as
+did the "Stalwarts."
+
+Even if Hayes had been able to keep a united party behind him, his
+Administration could scarcely have been marked by constructive
+legislation. His party had lost control of the House of Representatives
+in the election of 1874. The Forty-fifth Congress, chosen with Hayes in
+1876, and the Forty-sixth, in 1878, were Democratic, and delighted to
+embarrass the Administration. Dissatisfied Republicans saw the deadlock
+and laid it upon the shoulders of the President. The Democratic Congress
+checked Administration measures, and managed to advance opposition
+measures of its own. Twice Hayes had to summon special sessions because
+of the failure of appropriation bills, and in his first winter the
+opposition endangered those policies of finance to which the Republican
+party had become pledged.
+
+The Greenback agitation, rising about 1868 and stimulated by the panic
+of 1873, had not subsided when Hayes became President. It had lost much
+of its force, but there continued throughout the West, in both parties,
+a spirit that encouraged inflation of every sort. In Congress there were
+repeated efforts to repeal the Resumption Act of 1875, which the
+Democratic platform had denounced the next year. And when a sudden
+increase in the production of silver reduced its price, a silver
+inflation movement was placed beside the Greenback movement.
+
+The United States had used almost no silver coin between 1834 and 1862
+because the coinage ratio, sixteen to one, undervalued silver and made
+it wasteful to coin it. No specie was used as currency between 1862 and
+1879, and the relative market prices of bullion remained close to their
+usual average until the year of panic. During the seventies the price of
+silver fell as new mines were opened in the West. The ratio rose above
+sixteen to one, and silver, from being undervalued at that ratio, came
+to be overvalued. It would now have paid owners of silver bullion to
+coin it into dollars at the legal rate, but Congress had in 1873, after
+a generation of disuse of silver, dropped the silver dollar from the
+list of standard coins. As silver fell in value, mine-owners asked for a
+renewal of coinage, and inflationists joined them, hoping for more money
+of any kind. During the winter of 1878 a free silver coinage bill,
+passed by the Democratic House under the guidance of Richard P. Bland,
+of Missouri, was under consideration in the Republican Senate.
+
+John Sherman, the defender of gold resumption, was no longer in the
+Senate to fight this Bland Act. He had become Hayes's Secretary of the
+Treasury, and in this capacity was working toward resumption and
+upholding Hayes in his war on the spoilsmen. In his place, Allison, of
+Iowa, forced an amendment to the Bland Bill, taking away its
+free-coinage character and substituting a requirement to buy a specified
+amount of silver bullion each month--from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000
+worth--and coin it. Thus amended, the House concurred in the act, which
+Hayes vetoed in February, 1878. It became a law over his veto.
+
+The Administration was embarrassed in its financial policy, but not
+defeated. The Resumption Bill withstood attacks and, as the day for the
+resumption of specie payment approached, the price of greenbacks
+reflected the growing credit of the United States. It reached par two
+weeks before the appointed day. When that day arrived, Wednesday,
+January 1, 1879, John Sherman had the satisfaction of seeing the change
+to a coin basis effected without a shock. More gold was turned into the
+Treasury for exchange with greenbacks than greenbacks for redemption in
+gold. It appeared that Horace Greeley had been right when he had
+maintained that "the way to resume is to resume,"--that few would want
+gold if they could get it.
+
+The adherence of Hayes to the gold standard and resumption drove from
+his side another body of Republicans. He had now lost the reformers and
+the spoilsmen, the radical Republicans and the inflationists, and no one
+hoped or believed that he would recall his pledge for a single term and
+be renominated in 1880 to succeed himself. The disintegration of his
+party was as complete as the collapse of its issues. On no subject,
+between 1876 and 1880, was it possible to bring before the public a
+distinctive party issue. The uncertainties of the campaign of 1876 were
+increased during the next four years.
+
+Both parties had ceased to represent either policies or the people. The
+office-holders were in no sense the leaders of their communities.
+Industry, social life, education, and religion had parted company with
+politics since the decline of the Union issue, and unless a new
+political alignment could be found there was a prospect of continued
+rivalry for offices alone. Yet men were beginning to realize that a new
+period of growth had begun during the Hayes Administration, and that
+American institutions, formulated before the Civil War, had ceased to
+meet industrial needs.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+J.F. Rhodes terminates his great history with the election of 1876, and
+although he has promised sometime to continue it, he has as yet
+published only a few scattered essays upon the later period. A.M.
+Gibson, _A Political Crime_ (1885), is a contemporary and partisan
+account of the electoral contest; P.L. Haworth, _The Hayes-Tilden
+Disputed Presidential Election_ (1906), is a recent work of critical
+scholarship; E. Stanwood may be relied upon for platforms, tables of
+votes, and other formal details, in his _History of the Presidency_.
+_The Writings and Speeches of S.J. Tilden_ (2 vols., ed. by J. Bigelow,
+1885) are useful, as are the Blaine books: J.G. Blaine, _Twenty Years of
+Congress_, E. Stanwood, _James Gillespie Blaine_ (1905, in American
+Statesmen Series); G. Hamilton (pseud. for M.A. Dodge), _James G.
+Blaine_ (1895, a domestic biography); and the spicy _Letters of Mrs.
+James G. Blaine_ (edited by H.S.B. Beale, 2 vols., 1908). Other useful
+biographies or memoirs exist for R.P. Bland, Roscoe Conkling, Robert G.
+Ingersoll, O.H. Platt, T.C. Platt, John Sherman, and Carl Schurz, etc.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+BUSINESS AND POLITICS
+
+
+A great commercial revival, affecting the whole United States, began
+during the Administration of Hayes. Ingersoll had predicted it, in
+defining his candidate in 1876, when he declared: "The Republicans of
+the United States demand a man who knows that prosperity and resumption,
+when they come, must come together; that when they come, they will come
+hand in hand through the golden harvest-fields; hand in hand by the
+whirling spindles and the turning wheels; hand in hand past the open
+furnace doors; hand in hand by the flaming forges; hand in hand by the
+chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the countless
+sons of toil." In every section and in every occupation commerce revived
+during 1878 and 1879. Manufactures began to invade the South;
+mining-booms gave new life to the camps of the Far West; the wheat-lands
+of the Northwest, reached by the "Granger" railroads and cultivated by
+great power machines, produced a new type of bonanza farming; in the
+Southwest and on the plains great droves of cattle produced a new type
+of cattle king; and the factory towns of the East began again to grow.
+Connecting the various sections, the railroads played a new part, and
+built more miles of track in the next ten years than in any decade
+before or since. The whole country awoke as from an anæsthetic, tested
+its muscles to find that they were stronger than ever, and set to work
+again.
+
+The silent evidence of the United States Treasury testifies to the
+prosperity of the next ten years. The average expenditures of the United
+States from 1850 to 1860 were under $60,000,000; they ranged between
+1880 to 1890 from $244,000,000 to $297,000,000 without exhausting the
+supply. Yearly, despite the heavy drains upon it, a surplus accumulated
+to the embarrassment of the Government and the demoralization of
+Congress. The aggregate accumulation for ten years was over
+$1,000,000,000.
+
+The disbursements of the United States were growing at a higher rate
+than its population, though this was keeping up the traditions of a new
+country. From 31,443,321 inhabitants, with which the nation faced the
+Civil War in 1860, it had grown to 38,558,371 in 1870, and it was now,
+in 1880, 50,155,783. In mobility and activity it had increased even more
+rapidly than this, for it was served by nearly three times as many miles
+of railway (87,000) in 1880 as when the war broke out. Along the old
+frontier the percentage figures for population and railway mileage were
+highest, but everywhere a larger population was moving more actively,
+and studying itself more intently than ever before. It was also
+generating more internal friction than ever. In the silver mines at
+Leadville in 1878 had occurred one of the great forerunners of economic
+clash. This had been preceded in 1877 by the railway strikes of
+Pennsylvania and the East. In California, Dennis Kearney and the Irish
+were driving the Chinese from society in the interest of "America for
+Americans." The murders by the "Molly Maguires" had brought condign
+punishment upon the lawless in the anthracite region; and throughout the
+East men were vaguely conscious of a secret society that called itself
+the Knights of Labor.
+
+Complexity, class interest, and the problems at once of labor and of
+capital, thrust themselves upon a society that had occupied its
+continent and used most of its free land. The Centennial had revived the
+study of American history from patriotic reasons. An intense interest in
+self-analysis now kept this alive, as Henry Adams, James Schouler, and
+John Bach McMaster devoted themselves to a scrutiny of historic facts,
+as colleges began to create chairs of American history, as James Ford
+Rhodes retired from his office to his study to write the history of his
+own times. In the next few years associations for the study of political
+economy, political science, sociology, and history multiplied the
+testimonies to the existence of a new nation.
+
+It was many years before the study of history and institutions reached
+the eighties and began to place events in their true proportion. Then it
+appeared that there was in fact a fundamental economic problem and that
+the political issues of the decade faced it from various angles.
+
+The United States had nearly reached its greatest capacity in production
+by 1880, and was no longer able to consume its output. Through its first
+century there had been a rough plenty everywhere,--enough food, enough
+work, and free land,--so that the industrious citizen need never go
+hungry, although he was rarely able to acquire great wealth. Men had
+worked with their own hands and with the labor of their beasts of
+burden, as men had ever worked. Their land had appeared, indeed, to be
+the land of opportunity. Population had doubled itself in a short
+generation, and America had called upon the oppressed of Europe to aid
+in reclaiming the plains and forests. With all the labor and
+opportunity, there had rarely been either an overproduction or a lack of
+work.
+
+The industrial revolution changed the nature of American society in many
+directions. Through an improved system of communication, whose results
+were first visible between 1857 and 1873, it had broadened the realm to
+be exploited, brought the rich plains of the West into agricultural
+competition with the Middle West and the East, and enabled an increased
+production of staples by lessening freights and widening the area of
+choice. As the result of rapid communication grain, cotton, and food
+animals increased more rapidly than population. The use of manures and a
+more careful agriculture on the smaller farms--and all the farms were
+growing smaller--further swelled the productivity of the individual
+farmer.
+
+Machinery increased the capacity of the laborer as transportation
+widened his choice of home. The factories, as they were reorganized in
+the new period of prosperity, found that invention had lessened the need
+for labor and increased the product. Machine tools in agriculture, in
+iron and steel, in textiles, in shoemaking, rendered the course of
+manufacture nearly automatic, and when steam neared its limit in
+dexterity active minds could see electricity holding out a new promise.
+
+In 1880 population and the capacity to consume American products were
+growing less rapidly than the power to produce. The United States was
+finding every year greater difficulty in selling all its output. It was
+possible to foresee the day when overproduction might be a menace unless
+there should be some reorganization of society to meet the new problem.
+Pending the arrival of that reorganization, prices fell.
+
+A study of the prices of standard commodities shows that there was a
+constant, moderate decline after the Civil War. During the war nominal
+prices, expressed in depreciated greenbacks, rose far above the normal,
+but when corrected to a gold basis they show little change. At the end
+of the war, however, the steady decline set in; by 1880 it was
+perceptible, and by 1890 it had come to be generally admitted. It
+continued until 1900, when the larger production of gold and an extended
+use of bank credits and checks, increased the volume and mobility of
+currency and started a general rise in prices. Inflationists believed,
+in the eighties, that the falling prices were due to an appreciation of
+gold, and demanded more money because they so believed; but
+overproduction appears to give a better explanation of the decline than
+gold appreciation. In the falling prices may be seen a proof of the
+enlarged production and a justification of serious study of remedial
+measures.
+
+Solutions, intended to restore good prices and to correct social evils,
+became numerous as the eighties advanced. Tariff reformers claimed that
+the tariff was a vexatious interference with proper freedom of trade,
+without which a foreign market for American surplus could not be
+obtained. The protected manufacturers retorted that only through a
+higher tariff could manufactures be developed and an enlarged consuming
+population of factory workers be created at home. A Western economist
+brushed both these aside and found the key to the situation in the
+disappearance of free land, and urged a single tax upon land as a
+panacea. United labor found the cause to be unrestricted immigration.
+Too much government, with its extravagance and corruption, was a cause
+in the mind of extreme theoretical democrats. Too little government was
+equally responsible for the discords, in the eyes of growing groups of
+socialists and communists.
+
+Before 1890 the United States was involved in an elaborate discussion of
+its troubles and their causes, but in 1880 the period had only just
+begun and its trend was not clear to the political leaders who were yet
+quarreling over the spoils of office. Hayes was ending his term in
+disfavor, and was passing into the jurisdiction of the historians, which
+was much more kindly disposed toward him than was that of his
+contemporaries. He had gone into office without being the leader of his
+party and without having a single definitive issue. He had alienated one
+faction after another; while in Congress, in which both houses were
+never Republican, it was never possible to pass constructive laws. The
+fight for the next nomination began soon after his inauguration.
+
+Grant and Blaine were the most probable candidates for the Republican
+nomination as the spring of 1880 advanced. For the former there was a
+feeling of affection among the senatorial crowd, headed by Roscoe
+Conkling, who had been so severely disciplined by Hayes. The refusal of
+the President to allow the officials of the United States to engage too
+actively in politics had brought about the dismissal of Arthur and
+Cornell from their posts, and a prolonged quarrel with the Senate. Hayes
+had won here, but the defeated leaders turned upon his Southern policy,
+demanded a "strong" candidate who would really keep the South in check,
+and called for Grant as the only strong man who could lead his party.
+Grant was willing in 1880 as he would have been in 1876. Upon his return
+from his trip around the world his candidacy was pressed and had strong
+support among Civil War veterans and men who were displeased with Hayes.
+
+Blaine, too, was still a candidate, drawing his strength from men of the
+same type as those who stood for Grant. He might have secured the
+nomination had he not been opposed by the Secretary of the Treasury,
+John Sherman, whose friends thought his distinguished service in the
+cause of hard money entitled him to a reward. A special element in
+Sherman's strength was a group of pliant negro delegates, from the
+Southern wing of the party, which was brought to Chicago under close
+guard, fed and entertained in a suite at the Palmer House, and voted in
+a block as Sherman's managers directed. None of these three, Grant,
+Blaine, and Sherman, could please the reform element, that found its
+choice in Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont.
+
+The convention at Chicago was marked by the fight of Conkling to secure
+unity and the nomination for Grant, and by the stubbornness with which
+the opposing delegates held out against a third term and for their own
+candidates. In the end the deadlock was broken when the followers of
+Blaine and Sherman shifted to the latter's floor manager, James A.
+Garfield, and gave him the nomination on the thirty-sixth ballot. The
+Vice-Presidency was thrown to the Conkling men, falling upon Chester A.
+Arthur, who accepted it against the desires of his leader. The platform
+was a "code of memories" as it had been in 1876 and 1872, congratulating
+the party on its successes of the past and having no clear vision of the
+future.
+
+The Democratic party in 1880 was without leader or issue, as it had been
+since 1860. Tilden, who might have been renominated and run on the
+charge that he was counted out in 1876, was sick. He was unwilling to
+run unless the demand were more spontaneous than it appeared to be. In
+its perplexity the party turned to a military hero who called himself a
+Democrat and had been passed over in 1876. General Winfield Scott
+Hancock had never been in active politics, but was now nominated over a
+long list of local candidates. William H. English, of Indiana, who was
+known to have money, and was believed to be ready to use it in the
+campaign, was the vice-presidential candidate.
+
+The canvass of 1880 was fought during a prosperous summer on issues that
+were largely personal. As Sherman said of Ohio in 1879, so he might have
+said of the country in 1880, that "the revival of industries and peace
+and happiness was a shrewd political trick of the Republicans to carry"
+the United States. Following their practice for three campaigns, the old
+line speakers dwelt upon the conditions in the South. An Indiana rhyme
+"for young Democrats" ran:--
+
+   "Sing a song of shotguns,
+     Pocket full of knives,
+   Four-and-twenty black men,
+     Running for their lives;
+   When the polls are open
+     Shut the nigger's mouth,
+   Isn't that a bully way
+     To make a solid South?"
+
+But the audiences were unresponsive. An old political reporter remembers
+being in the national headquarters late in the campaign, and hearing
+Blaine, who had been stumping for Garfield, say, "You want to fold up
+the bloody shirt and lay it away. It's of no use to us. You want to
+shift the main issue to protection." Not until the campaign was nearly
+over did a real issue emerge.
+
+The protective tariff had not played a large part in any campaign since
+1860. In 1868 and 1872 both parties had looked forward to the reduction
+of revenue to a peace basis, adopting mild planks to that effect. In
+1876 the topic had been more prominent in the platforms, but not in the
+canvass. In 1880 Hancock was questioned on the tariff during one of his
+speeches. The question was probably unpremeditated, but it took the
+candidate unaware, for as an officer in the regular army he had never
+given the matter thought. His evasive answer, that the tariff was a
+local issue only, gave an opening to his opponents, who forced the
+tariff to a prominent place in the few remaining days before election.
+They made much of Hancock's ignorance, and perhaps by this maneuver
+offset the disadvantage done to Garfield by a forged letter, which
+purported to show him as a friend of cheap labor and Chinese
+immigration. Garfield and Arthur were elected by a small plurality over
+Hancock. No one received a popular majority, for a third candidate,
+named Weaver, headed a Greenback-Labor ticket and polled 308,000 votes.
+
+General James A. Garfield would have become Senator from Ohio in 1881
+had not his election transferred him to the Presidency. The fifty years
+of his life covered a career that was typically American. The son of a
+New England emigrant, he was born in the Connecticut Reserve in Ohio. He
+worked his way from the farm through the log school to college. His
+service on the towpath of the Ohio Canal, in the course of his
+education, became a strong adjunct to his popularity among the common
+people. He taught Latin and Greek after leaving college, studied law,
+worked into politics, and went to the front upon the call for troops. He
+left the war a major-general to enter Congress, in 1863, where he sat
+until his election to the Senate in 1880. He was the friend of John
+Sherman and had been the manager of his campaign. Like his friend, and
+like most Ohio Republicans, he believed that the tariff was one of the
+bases of prosperity in his State. In his campaign a young Cleveland
+merchant named Hanna raised funds among the local manufacturers on the
+plea that Republican success and their interests would go hand in hand.
+In his inaugural address, however, Garfield said nothing of the new
+issue which was threatening to enter politics, but dwelt upon the
+supremacy of law, the status of the South, hard money, religious
+freedom, and the civil service.
+
+The Republican party had been left broken and in hostile camps by
+President Hayes; Garfield tried in his Cabinet to change this and "to
+have a party behind him." The State Department went to his rival and
+ally, Blaine, whose personal following was larger than that of any other
+American politician. The independent Republicans, who had seceded in
+1872 and had muttered ever since, were pleased by the elevation of Wayne
+MacVeagh, a Pennsylvania lawyer, to the post of Attorney-General. A
+friend of Conkling, who had made a striking record in the New York
+Post-Office through two terms, Thomas L. James, became Postmaster-General.
+The sensibilities of the West, always jealous of the East in matters of
+finance, were appeased by the selection of William L. Windom, of
+Minnesota, as Secretary of the Treasury, for "any Eastern man
+would be accused of being an agent or tool of the 'money kings' and
+'gold-bugs' of New York and Europe." The Cabinet as a whole was received
+with favor, but the harmony which its members promised was soon
+disturbed.
+
+The appointment of Blaine as Secretary of State, which Garfield had
+determined upon a few days after his election, was a blow to Roscoe
+Conkling. Hayes had struck at Conkling in removing Arthur and Cornell.
+Now when Garfield decided to please himself in the New York
+collectorship, Conkling saw in the act the hand of Blaine. He fell back
+upon the practice of senatorial courtesy, and held up the confirmation
+of the appointment. When he found himself unable to coerce the
+President, he broke with him as he had broken with Hayes, and this time
+he and his colleague from New York, Thomas Collier Platt, resigned their
+seats and appealed to the New York Legislature, then in session. The
+move was not without promise. Cornell was now Governor of New York.
+Arthur, with the prestige of the Vice-Presidency, left his chair in the
+Senate to work for the reëlection and triumphant return of Conkling and
+Platt, on the doctrine that the appointments of a President must be
+personally acceptable to the Senators from the State concerned. But the
+New York Legislature failed to give the martyrs their vindication, and
+permitted them to remain in private life. Their friends, the
+"Stalwarts," ceased to support Garfield.
+
+James, who was not enough a follower of Conkling to emulate him,
+remained in the Post-Office, where he had already found wholesale
+corruption. It had been the practice of the Post-Office to classify the
+mail routes according to their method of transportation, and to mark
+those running by stage or rider by a star on the general list. These had
+come to be known as the "star routes." The contracts for the star routes
+were flexible in order to meet the shifting needs of the Western
+population that lived away from railways and depended upon the
+stage-coach. When the business of any route justified a better service
+than it was receiving, the Department was at liberty to increase the
+service, hasten speed, and raise the pay without a re-letting of the
+contract. During the latter seventies the growth of settlement
+throughout the remoter West had justified a large increase in star-route
+costs, but James discovered not only legitimate increase but collusive
+fraud. The official in charge, in collusion with former Congressmen who
+"knew the ropes," and with the mail contractors, had awarded original
+contracts to low bidders who had no intention of fulfilling their bids.
+After the letting of contracts the compensation had been increased
+without investigation or reference to actual needs.
+
+The unearned profits had been shared by the promoters and the dishonest
+officials, and some of it had gone into the Republican campaign fund. A
+former Senator, Dorsey by name, who was indicted for fraud in 1882, had
+been Secretary of the Republican National Committee in 1880, and had
+been hurried to Indiana to save that State. He did this so effectively
+that his friends gave him a dinner, which Arthur attended, and at which
+the allusions to his methods in Indiana were but loosely veiled. Brady,
+the official in the Post-Office, had collected the usual assessments on
+federal office-holders for Garfield's campaign fund. When he and others
+were threatened with criminal prosecution they produced letters by which
+they hoped to prove that Garfield was cognizant of and had approved
+their financial methods. How far they might have succeeded in blackening
+the President and stopping his prosecutions must remain unknown, for he
+was shot on July 2, 1881, while on his way to a college celebration, and
+died on September 19.
+
+The murderer of Garfield declared to the policeman who arrested him, "I
+am a Stalwart and want Arthur for President." It was soon learned that
+he was a disappointed candidate for office, and irresponsible Washington
+gossip soon had it that Garfield's friends wanted him to hang, while
+Arthur's thought he was only insane. The murderer's sister, in an
+incoherent book based on his story, asserted, "Yes, the 'Star-Route'
+business killed Garfield! The claim, 'The Stalwarts are my friends,'
+hung Guiteau!" He was perhaps insane, and was certainly irresponsible,
+but his crime, coming simultaneously with the notoriety of the
+star-route frauds and the demands of Conkling, emphasized the pettiness
+of factions and the need for a reform in the civil service.
+
+The illness of Garfield dragged on through eleven weeks in the summer of
+1881, with bulletins one day up and the next down. The strain told on
+every one in the Administration. The prospect of Arthur's succession
+called attention to the fact that the Vice-President is rarely nominated
+for fitness, but is chosen at the end of a hot convention, in
+carelessness, or to placate a losing side. It led soon to the passage of
+an adequate Presidential Succession Act. The death of Garfield threw the
+control to the Republican faction that disliked him most.
+
+Blaine, the head of Garfield's Cabinet, was most directly affected by
+the catastrophe. He had stepped from the Senate into the State
+Department at Garfield's request. While he was a receptive candidate for
+the Presidency this post suited his needs and gratified his taste. He
+loved business and liked to associate with men. He had a diplomatic
+vision that led him to formulate a more constructive policy than most
+Secretaries have had.
+
+With England, Blaine found negotiations upon the Isthmian Canal pending,
+having been taken up by Hayes. His attitude in his notes of 1881 failed
+to meet the approval of Great Britain, and ignored obligations that the
+United States had long before accepted. But it pointed to an American
+canal and was part of his larger scheme. His America was inclusive of
+both continents, and drew him to hope for larger trade relations in the
+Western Hemisphere. With the approval of Garfield he had started to
+mediate in South America, in a destructive war between Chile and Peru.
+He had on foot, when Garfield died, a scheme for a congress of the
+American States in the interest of a greater friendliness among them.
+The invitations for this gathering had just been issued when Arthur
+reorganized his Cabinet, brought F.T. Frelinghuysen in as Secretary of
+State, and let Blaine out. There was no public office ready for him at
+this time, so he retired to private life and the historical research
+upon which his _Twenty Years of Congress_ was founded. Jefferson Davis
+had just brought out his _Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government_,
+while the Yorktown centenary, like the centennial of independence, had
+stimulated the market for historical works.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The United States Census of 1880 is more elaborate and reliable than its
+predecessor of 1870, and may be supplemented to advantage by H.V. Poor,
+_Manual of the Railroads of the United States for 1880_, which contains
+a good sketch of railroad construction, and by R.P. Porter, _The West
+from the Census of 1880_ (1882). E.E. Sparks, _National Development_ (in
+_The American Nation_, vol. 23, 1907), is a useful survey of the years
+1877 to 1885, and contains a good bibliographical chapter. The
+bibliographies in Channing, Hart, and Turner's _Guide to the Study and
+Reading of American History_ (1912) are specially valuable for the years
+1876 to 1912. E.B. Andrews, _The United States in Our Own Time_ (1903),
+is discursive and entertaining. Special phases of material development
+may be reached through D.R. Dewey, _Financial History of the United
+States_; T.V. Powderly, _Thirty Years of Labor_ (1889); H. George,
+_Progress and Poverty_ (1879; and often reprinted), and the Aldrich
+Report on Prices (52d Congress, 2d session, Senate Report, No. 1394).
+Many interesting details are to be found in W.C. Hudson, _Random
+Recollections of an Old Political Reporter_ (1911); and J.F. Rhodes has
+touched upon this period in his essays, among which are "A Review of
+President Hayes's Administration in the Light of Thirty Years" (_Century
+Magazine_, October, 1909); "The Railroad Riots of 1877" (_Scribner's
+Magazine_, July, 1911); and "The National Republican Conventions of 1880
+and 1884" (_Scribner's Magazine_, September, 1911). Among the economic
+journals started in the eighties, and containing a wealth of scholarly
+detail for contemporary history, are the _Quarterly Journal of
+Economics_ and the _Political Science Quarterly_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE NEW ISSUES
+
+
+Garfield died before he met his first Congress, the Forty-seventh, which
+was elected with him in 1880, but he lived long enough to foresee the
+first chance to do party business that had appeared since 1875. When
+Grant lost the lower house at the election of 1874, the Democrats gained
+control of that body and Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, supplanted Blaine
+as Speaker. On Kerr's death in 1876, Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania,
+took the place, and was continued in it through the next two Congresses,
+in the latter of which, the Forty-sixth, his party controlled the Senate
+too. It had been impossible to produce an agreement between the Senate,
+the House, and the President on important new matters. They could not
+always agree even on appropriations, and all Republicans felt with Mrs.
+Blaine when she wrote, after the election of 1880, "Do you take in that
+the House is Republican, and the Senate a tie, which gives the casting
+vote to the Republican V.P.? Oh, how good it is to win and to be on the
+strong side!"
+
+When the new Congress organized, Randall ceased to be Speaker and became
+leader of the minority, while J. Warren Keifer, of Ohio, took his place,
+with a small Republican majority behind him. In the Senate the
+predictions of Mrs. Blaine were fulfilled, although the accident which
+made a President of Arthur left the Senate without a Vice-President. In
+the even division of the Senate, the two independent members controlled
+the whole. Judge David Davis, transferred "from the Supreme Bench to the
+Fence," became the presiding officer, and generally voted with the
+Republicans, though elected as a Democrat. Mahone, of Virginia, an
+Irishman and an ex-Confederate, called himself a "Readjuster," and voted
+with the Administration. These two men made it possible to carry party
+measures through Congress.
+
+Shortly after Congress met in 1881, Arthur reorganized his Cabinet,
+allowing the friends of Garfield to resign and putting his own Stalwart
+friends in their places. The new Secretary of State, Frelinghuysen, took
+up Blaine's policies and mangled them. He adhered to the general view of
+an American canal, as Blaine had done. He pushed the influence of the
+United States in Europe as far as he could, keeping Lowell, in England,
+busy in behalf of Irish-Americans whose lust for Home Rule got them into
+trouble with the British police. But he dropped the South American
+policy, recalled the invitations to the Pan-American Congress, and kept
+hands off the Chilean war. Blaine protested in vain against this
+humiliating reversal.
+
+The decision of Arthur to take counsel from the Stalwarts aroused fears
+among others of the party that his would be the administration of a
+spoilsman. His first message, however, somewhat allayed these fears, for
+it dwelt at length upon the unsatisfactory status of the civil service,
+and the need for a merit system that should govern removals and
+appointments. He promised his support to measures even more
+thoroughgoing than the reformers had asked, and, in January, 1883,
+signed the "magna carta" of civil service reform.
+
+The use of public offices for party purposes had been regarded as a
+scandal by independents of both parties for four administrations. The
+long list of breaches of trust, revealed in the seventies, had made
+reformers feel that incompetence and spoils endangered the life of the
+nation. As late as 1880, they had heard a delegate in the Republican
+Convention, when asked to vote for a civil service plank, exclaim
+indignantly: "Mr. President, Texas has had quite enough of the civil
+service.... We are not here, sir, for the purpose of providing offices
+for the Democracy.... After we have won the race, as we will, we will
+give those who are entitled to positions office. What are we up here
+for?" And they had become used to the silent or outspoken resistance to
+their demands from men in "practical" politics.
+
+The history of the civil servants of the United States falls into three
+periods: Before 1829, 1829-65, and 1865-83. In the first period they
+were commonly treated as permanent officials. Rarely had they been
+removed for partisan purposes, although it had been the wail of
+Jefferson that "few die, and none resign." Appointments had often been
+given as the reward for past services, but none had felt a need for a
+general proscription of officials upon the entry of a new President.
+
+Andrew Jackson brought a new practice into use in 1829. His election
+followed a political revolution, in which it was believed by his
+supporters that the National Republican party had become corrupt. It was
+a matter of faith and pledge to turn the incumbents out of office.
+Hungry patriots crowded round the jobs, while Jackson's advisers
+included men who in New York and Pennsylvania had already learned how to
+use the offices as retainers for future service. Advocacy of the
+Democratic principle of rotation in office was in practice easily
+converted into the maintenance of the maxim that "to the victors belong
+the spoils."
+
+Every President after Jackson used the offices for partisan purposes,
+and few objected to the practice on theoretical grounds. The simplicity
+of the National Government made the habit less destructive than it
+otherwise would have been. The spoils system did not enter the army or
+navy, the only extensive technical departments of the United States. In
+other branches of the Government a large majority of the officials were
+unskilled penmen, whose places could easily be filled with others as
+little skilled as themselves. Always a few clerks who knew the business
+were saved to guide the recruits, and the departments were generally
+working again before a President met his first Congress.
+
+Lincoln was not different from his predecessors in the use of offices.
+He permitted the most complete sweep that had yet been made, being
+forced to an unusually high percentage of new appointments by the
+necessity of removing Southerners. In his hands the patronage became an
+additional weapon for the Union, upholding the leaders in Congress, and
+striking at the backsliders. In the election of 1864 the Union party
+carried all the branches of the Government, and it had a vision of four
+years of complete control of the offices when the death of Lincoln
+brought a Tennessee Democrat into the White. House.
+
+The discussion of civil service reform, on theoretical grounds, began
+about 1865, when the evil of removals for party purposes was shown to
+the Senate. Johnson was trying to use the patronage for his own ends, in
+opposition to the will of the radicals in Congress. Reformers who
+maintained the iniquity of this custom now found temporary converts
+among the Republicans. They got a committee appointed on the civil
+service in 1866, and President Grant announced his conversion to the
+principle early in his Administration.
+
+In 1871 Congress tried the experiment of a modest appropriation
+($25,000) for a reform of the civil service, and Grant placed the test
+in the hands of George William Curtis, a leader of the new reform. The
+commission breasted the whole current of politics, found that Grant
+would not support it in critical cases, and was abandoned by Congress
+after a short trial. The demand, however, increased, receiving the
+support of the independents who were Liberal Republicans in 1872, and
+who thereafter constituted a menace to party regularity. Schurz, Godkin,
+and Curtis were their admitted leaders. In 1872 and 1876 they persuaded
+the great parties to put general pledges for civil service reform into
+their platforms. Schurz, as Secretary of the Interior under Hayes, put
+their ideal partly into practice. In 1881 they were a well-recognized
+body of advocates, with a definite doctrine of non-partisan efficiency,
+which few politicians denied in principle or liked in fact.
+
+Public attention was focused upon the civil service by the events of
+1881. The fight between Garfield and Conkling raised not only the
+question of the relative rights of President and Senate in appointments,
+but that of the use of offices for the support of political machines.
+The frauds uncovered in postal administration by the star-route
+investigations could hardly have occurred in a department administered
+by experienced and competent officials. The murder of Garfield by a
+disappointed office-seeker gave additional emphasis to the need for
+reform, and these things coming together made possible the passage of a
+civil service act earlier than its advocates expected.
+
+President Arthur recommended the reform in 1881, and his party,
+chastened by the fall election of 1882, took up a law in the session of
+1882-83. Eaton, one of the leading reformers, and first chairman of the
+Civil Service Commission, wrote the bill which Congress passed with
+little real debate. Men who hated the measure knew the unwisdom of
+opposing it. A board of three commissioners was created in 1883 to
+classify the civil servants, prepare rules and lists, and conduct
+examinations. The classified service, removed from politics, began with
+13,780 officers in 1884; by 1896 it contained 87,044; by 1911, 227,657.
+It grew most actively toward the end of each administration, as outgoing
+Presidents transferred to it the offices that they had filled. Its best
+recommendation was to be found in the opposition of politicians toward
+it.
+
+Arthur did better than the reformers had hoped in urging and
+administering the Civil Service Act. He prosecuted the star-route
+trials, even among his Stalwart friends.
+
+In 1882 Congress, with Arthur's approval, took up a revision of the
+tariff. Neither of the great parties had, in 1882, received a clear
+mandate touching the tariff, although it was true that most Republicans
+were content with the system in its general outlines, while a
+considerable number of Democrats were listening to tariff reform and
+asking for a tariff for revenue only. It had been eighteen years since
+the last general revision had taken place, and in that period unforeseen
+conditions had developed, whose tendency was at once to point the need
+for a readjustment of schedules and to create a class of citizens whose
+profits would be touched thereby. The course of financial reconstruction
+between 1865 and 1875 had raised the rate of actual protection beyond
+the expectations of its advocates.
+
+In 1865 the revenues of the United States, amounting to $322,000,000,
+and far exceeding the needs of the Treasury in time of peace, came
+chiefly from the tariff and the internal revenue. The two taxes were
+dependent upon each other. Each increase in the latter had forced an
+increase in the former, lest special burdens should be laid upon
+American manufacture. The ideal of protection had never been lacking,
+nor had special interests failed to look out for themselves, but the
+dominant spirit in the war taxes was revenue.
+
+When Congress undertook to reduce the revenue to a peace basis, it found
+that every approach to the tariff aroused classes of interested
+manufacturers, while every attack upon the internal revenue was welcomed
+by the public. As a result, following the line of least resistance, most
+of the internal taxes were removed by 1870, leaving the tariff rates
+where they had been, and higher than any protectionist had asked. A
+large part of the tariff rate had been intended to equalize the internal
+revenue tax; the removal of the latter created to that extent an
+incidental protection, which was unexpected but was none the less
+acceptable. Some few details of the tariff were modified by special
+acts, and there was a flat reduction of ten per cent in 1872. But the
+panic of 1873 reduced the revenues and frightened Congress, in 1875,
+into restoring the ten per cent. In 1882 the rates of 1865 remained
+substantially unchanged, leaving the protected industries in the
+enjoyment of an incidental protection never intended for them and
+created only by accident in the general reduction of revenue.
+
+Spasmodic attacks were made upon the tariff system throughout the
+seventies, but since few defended it on principle they failed to affect
+the public. The tariff was not a political issue. Opposition to it was
+confined to members of the Democratic party, in search for weapons to
+turn against the Republicans, and to theorists and economists who had
+little connection with politics. There were free-trade clubs after
+1868, though few ever wanted to establish real free trade. All that the
+free-trader commonly desired was a mitigation of protection and the
+establishment of reasonable rates. Godkin, Schurz, Sumner of Yale, David
+A. Wells, Edward Atkinson, and Henry D. Lloyd taught the
+tariff-for-revenue theory wherever they could find listeners. Wells
+wrote on "The Creed of Free Trade," in the _Atlantic Monthly_ in 1875,
+and was sure he had found the issue of 1876. But in neither this nor the
+next campaign did the parties face the issue. In 1880 the tariff figured
+only as a means of embarrassing Hancock, while Garfield did not even
+mention it in his inaugural.
+
+The forces that compelled a revision of the tariff in 1882-83 had to do
+with revenue and expenditures. Following the new prosperity the receipts
+increased beyond the ability of Congress to spend them. There was a
+small surplus in 1879. In 1880 it was $68,000,000; in 1881,
+$101,000,000; in 1882, $145,000,000; in 1883, $132,000,000. The surplus
+was a constant incentive to extravagance and deranged the currency. If
+it was allowed to remain in the Treasury, its millions were withheld
+from circulation, and contraction was the result; if it was applied to
+the purchase or redemption of bonds, the national bank currency was
+contracted, for this was founded upon bonds owned by the banks; and it
+could not be spent without the invention of new channels. The temptation
+to increase pension payments was strengthened, while public works
+multiplied without reason.
+
+The waste of money on public works induced Arthur to advertise the need
+for a reduction of the revenue. The annual River and Harbor Bill had
+consumed $3,900,000 in 1870, and $8,900,000 in 1880. In 1882 the bill
+was swollen to over $18,000,000 by greed and log-rolling. Arthur vetoed
+it as unreasonable and unconstitutional in August, 1882. It passed over
+his veto, but the defeat of his party in the following November was
+construed as a vindication of the President. The Republicans lost
+control of the House of Representatives, Democratic governors were
+elected in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, in New York, Connecticut, New
+Jersey, and Indiana, and critics began to ask if this was the beginning
+of the end of the party. The certainty that party bills could not be
+passed in the next Congress, with the control divided, stimulated the
+Republicans to act while they could. The Civil Service Act was passed
+early in 1883, and on the same day the House took up the consideration
+of a new tariff.
+
+Arthur, in 1881, had urged that the revenues be reduced and the tariff
+be revised, and Congress had created a commission to investigate the
+needed changes, in May, 1882. This committee was in session throughout
+the following summer, sitting in manufacturing centers all over the East
+and hearing testimony from all varieties of manufacturers. It had been
+organized on a conservative basis, containing members familiar with the
+needs of sheep-raisers and wool manufacturers, and iron and sugar, as
+well as experts on administration. Its enemies thought that it was
+pledged to protection at the start. The commission expressed a belief
+that the country desired to adhere to the general idea of protection,
+but it early learned the force of the demand for revision and reduction,
+and sent into the House, in December, 1882, a project for a bill
+intended to reduce the tariff at least twenty per cent. The bill based
+on this was reported from the Committee on Ways and Means on January 16,
+1883, and was debated until February 20, and then abandoned in the House
+for a bill which had passed the Senate.
+
+The Senate Bill was in the form of an amendment to an Internal Revenue
+Bill already before that house. It was passed on February 20 under the
+leadership of the young Senator from Rhode Island, Nelson W. Aldrich,
+and was sent to conference by the House a week later. In conference a
+new bill was substituted for the Senate Bill. This was hurried through
+both houses in time to receive the signature of Arthur on March 3, 1883.
+
+The tariff of 1883 failed to meet the demand for a revision. Its debates
+show the difficulties attendant upon the construction of any tariff.
+Congress was divided upon the theory of protection, both parties
+including high protectionists as well as tariff-for-revenue men. The
+revenue-producing side of the tariff increased the complexities, since
+every change in a rate might affect the standing of the Treasury. In
+addition to the economic and the fiscal needs, quite serious enough,
+there was the tireless influence of the lobby of manufacturers, pressing
+for single rates which should aid this business or that. Few Congressmen
+were sufficiently detached in interests to be entirely dispassionate as
+they framed the schedules. Many did not even try to disguise their
+desire to promote local interests. Neither party had a mandate on the
+tariff in 1882, but when the act had become a law it was clear that most
+of the Republican leaders voted cheerfully for all the protection they
+could get, that the intent to reduce the revenue had failed, and that
+what little hope of revision remained was in the opposition party. "The
+kaleidoscope has been turned a hair's breadth," said the _Nation_, "and
+the colors transposed a little, but the component parts are the same."
+It was deliberate bad faith throughout, urged a Democratic leader, and
+"finished this magnificent shaft [of the tariff policy] which they had
+been for years erecting, and crowned it with the last stone by repealing
+the internal tax on playing cards and putting a twenty per cent tax upon
+the Bible."
+
+Throughout the tariff debate no argument had been used more steadily
+than that of the protectionists that protection to labor was their aim.
+The degradation of "pauper labor" in Europe was contrasted repeatedly
+with that prosperity that was typical of America. The insistence upon
+the argument revealed the desire to conciliate a class that was being
+noticed in American society for the first time.
+
+The great labor problem before the Civil War had been that of getting
+enough laborers and meeting the competition which the abundant free
+lands of the West had offered. Labor organizations and strikes had been
+so unusual that public opinion had not yet come to regard them as normal
+features of society. But the manufacturing development of the sixties
+in iron and steel, in textiles, and in other machine industries, threw
+workmen together in increasing number, taught them their interests as a
+class, and set the scene for an outbreak of strikes when the shops shut
+down or reduced wages in the depression of the seventies. About 1877
+these strikes shocked society by their violence. Neither had the public
+been educated to the strike itself, nor the labor leaders to that
+moderation, without which public sympathy cannot be retained or strikes
+won. A feeling adverse to organized labor swept the country and
+endangered the existence of the labor movement.
+
+POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION, 1850-1910
+
+(Table and Diagram based upon Thirteenth Census, 1910, Population,
+Vol. 1, pp. 129, 130.)
+
+             Total             Foreign
+             Population.      and Mixed       Foreign Born.
+                              Parentage.
+
+  1910       91,972,266       18,897,837       13,345,545
+  1900       75,994,575       15,646,017       10,213,817
+  1890       62,947,714       11,503,675        9,121,867
+  1880       50,155,783        8,274,867        6,559,679
+  1870       39,818,449        5,324,268        5,493,712
+  1860       31,443,321                         4,096,753
+  1850       23,191,876                         2,240,535
+
+[Illustration: graph]
+
+The Knights of Labor received the heaviest weight of disfavor. This was
+an industrial union, founded in 1869, embracing labor of all trades, and
+held together by a secret organization. Dismissal so often followed
+admitted membership in a union that secrecy was defensible, but secrecy
+mystified and frightened the public. The policy of secrecy was abandoned
+in 1882, after the excesses of the "Molly Maguires" had brought
+discredit upon all organized labor. Under the leadership of Grand Master
+Workman Powderly the Knights carried on an open and aggressive campaign
+of education for labor and inspection laws throughout the Union. The
+American Federation of Labor, founded in 1881 and reorganized in 1886,
+aided in this general work, and with the Knights helped to reconcile the
+public to the principle of unionism.
+
+State bureaus of labor appeared in many States as the result of the
+general agitation. An eight-hour law, for federal employees, had been
+gained in 1868, while in 1884 a Commissioner of Labor was created in
+the Department of the Interior. Arthur was urged to give the post to
+Powderly, but selected instead an economist less actively identified
+with the propaganda, Carroll D. Wright, under whose direction the Bureau
+grew steadily in importance. Its reports became quarries for statistical
+information on the labor problem, and its success justified its
+incorporation in the new Department of Commerce and Labor in 1903.
+
+The "Army of the Discontented," as Powderly called the workers, demanded
+education and protective laws, and turned their attention to competition
+about 1882. The cutting of wages by peasant laborers, newly arrived in
+America, was a grievance as soon as labor became class-conscious.
+Opposition to this became virulent in the Far West, where the foreigner
+was also a Mongolian. The Chinese of the Pacific Slope, more frugal and
+industrious than Americans, were harried in the early eighties, and
+violence was done them in many quarters. Garfield had been weakened in
+1880 by a forged letter seeming to show that he favored the introduction
+of more Chinese. So numerous were the persecutors that Congress
+responded to the demand for a Chinese Exclusion Bill, in spite of the
+Treaty of 1880, which guaranteed fair treatment. Arthur vetoed the first
+bill, but accepted a second, less stringent in its terms. After this
+victory, the labor forces turned upon immigration in general.
+
+No idea had been fixed more firmly in the American mind than that the
+oppressed of Europe were here to find opportunity. Immigrants had
+always been welcomed and assimilated, while Congress had, in 1864,
+organized a bureau to encourage and safeguard immigration. The influx
+always increased in prosperous, and declined in adverse, years. After
+1878 the annual number broke all records. Western railway corporations
+were inviting immigrants to use their lands, manufacturers called them
+to the mills, and the total rose from 177,000 in 1879 to 788,000 in
+1882. This latter year was the greatest of the century, its newcomers
+attracting the attention of the press, of the city charities who felt
+their growing responsibilities, and of the unions who felt their
+competition. Nearly all the immigrants were producers, a high percentage
+being able-bodied young men and women. The greatest number came from
+Great Britain, among whom the Irish settled in the Eastern cities. Next
+were the Germans, who moved toward Chicago or St. Louis, while the
+Scandinavians filled up the wheat-lands of the Northwest.
+
+Under the demand of the labor vote, Congress provided, in 1882, for the
+inspection of immigrants and the deportation of undesirable aliens, and
+in 1885 it forbade the importation of skilled laborers under contract.
+As yet the labor movement was largely aristocratic, safeguarding the
+skilled workmen, but disregarding the common laborers.
+
+The labor and immigration movement in its new aspect widened the field
+for economic legislation, for few States had factory laws, employers'
+liability laws, or laws protecting the weak,--the women and the
+children. It also complicated the situation in politics. The Germans
+and Scandinavians, settling in centers which had been strongly Unionist
+in the Civil War, were believed to absorb the doctrines of the
+Republicans from their compatriots already in America. The Irish were
+generally Democrats, and the only Republican leader who had a large
+following among them was Blaine. He had fraternized with the California
+Irish leader, Dennis Kearney; as Secretary of State he had protected
+naturalized Irishmen who went home to fight for Home Rule; some of his
+immediate family were Catholics; and his insistence on an American canal
+won him friends who were already disposed to hate Great Britain.
+
+The votes of 1876 and 1880 showed that the two parties were nearly even
+in strength, so that any slight popularity or accident might decide an
+election. As politicians prepared for 1884 the attitude of naturalized
+foreigners assumed a new importance which the friends of the various
+candidates tried to measure. The campaign could not be fought on any of
+the old issues, but which of the new--civil service, tariff, or
+labor--was in doubt.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The best history of civil service reform is C.R. Fish, _The Civil
+Service and the Patronage_ (1905). This supplants all previous accounts,
+and may itself be supplemented in detail by the Annual Reports of the
+United States Civil Service Commission (1883-), by the _Memoirs of Carl
+Schurz_ (3 vols., 1907-08), the _Writings of Carl Schurz_ (7 vols.,
+Frederic Bancroft, _ed._, 1912), the biographies of J.R. Lowell, E.L.
+Godkin, and George William Curtis, and the files of _Harper's Weekly_,
+the _Nation_, and the _North American Review_. The general narrative of
+the eighties is covered by E.E. Sparks, _National Development_, and D.R.
+Dewey, _National Problems_ (in _The American Nation_, vols. 23 and 24,
+1907), and E.B. Andrews, _The United States in Our Own Time_. A
+thoughtful economic analysis of the period is D.A. Wells, _Recent
+Economic Changes_ (1890). The Report of the Tariff Commission of 1882 is
+valuable for the study of tariff revision, as are also the standard
+tariff histories by E. Stanwood, I.M. Tarbell, and F.W. Taussig. The
+Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Labor (1884-) are fundamental for
+the labor problem. Useful monographs are C.D. Wright, _An Historical
+Sketch of the Knights of Labor_ (in _Quarterly Journal of Economics_,
+vol. I), T.V. Powderly, _Thirty Years of Labor_ (1889), G.E. McNeill,
+_The Labor Movement_ (1887), and M.A. Aldrich, _The American Federation
+of Labor_ (in American Economic Association, Economic Studies, vol.
+III).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+GROVER CLEVELAND
+
+
+The Administration of Chester A. Arthur proved that the President had
+never been so discreditable a spoilsman as the reformers had believed,
+or else that he had changed his spots. The term ended in dignity and
+Arthur hoped to secure a personal vindication through renomination by
+his party. His struggle precipitated a contest of leaders, and until the
+nominations were made, none could say where either party stood.
+
+The independents, chiefly of Republican antecedents, hoped to retain
+what had been gained in the last Administration. They hoped to extend
+the reform in the civil service and to focus attention upon the tariff.
+The failure of downward revision in 1883 had strengthened their hands
+and increased their hopes. They had dallied with bolting movements and
+threats so long that party regularity meant little to them. Either party
+could obtain their support by nominating men who could be trusted to
+stick to their platform. Arthur was not acceptable to them, and Blaine
+was anathema.
+
+The candidacy of Arthur was doomed to failure. He had alienated the
+Stalwarts by his independence, while he had failed to win the reformers
+because he had not invariably refrained from playing the politician. In
+the fall of 1882 he had interfered in the campaign in New York, allowing
+his Secretary of the Treasury, Charles J. Folger, while retaining that
+office, to be the Republican candidate for governor. This had led to the
+belief that the patronage was being used for local purposes, and had
+stirred up an opposition to Folger which defeated him. Arthur's veto of
+the Chinese Exclusion Bill and the River and Harbor Bill further
+increased his unpopularity in various sections. He failed to win over
+the Blaine faction, who regarded him as an intrusive accident and waited
+impatiently for the next national convention.
+
+Blaine was the leader of the Republican party in 1884, so far as it had
+a leader, and he possessed all the weaknesses of such a leader as well
+as personal weaknesses of his own. Rarely has it been possible to
+nominate or to elect one who has gained a dominant place through party
+struggles. Such men, Clay, Webster, Calhoun, and their kind, have
+commonly created enough enemies, as they have risen, to make them
+unavailable as leaders of a national ticket. Blaine was handicapped like
+these. His prolonged fight against Conkling and the Stalwarts created a
+breach too deep to fill, while the old questions respecting his honor
+would not down.
+
+Early in 1884 Blaine was the leading candidate for the nomination in
+spite of all opposition. The Republican National Committee was in charge
+of men who sympathized with him. Dorsey had resigned as its secretary
+after the star-route exposure, though his associate in land
+speculations, Stephen B. Elkins, remained as one of the managers. The
+control was in the hands of men who had close affiliation with the old
+organization, and of the manufacturers who had blocked tariff revision
+in 1883. It was improbable, in the opinion of many independents, that a
+tariff reduction could be got from an Administration headed by Blaine;
+they questioned his sincerity upon civil service reform; and they
+thought it not right that any man, concerning whose character there was
+a doubt, should be President. They put forward, within the party,
+Senator George F. Edmunds, whom they had desired in 1880, and who had
+since become President of the Senate. Other candidates with local
+followings were General John A. Logan, of Illinois, John Sherman, and
+the President himself.
+
+The Chicago Convention of the Republican party, meeting early in June,
+was the scene of a battle between the two elements in the party. At the
+outset, the old independents, headed by Curtis, and reinforced by
+younger men like Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, and Theodore
+Roosevelt, of New York, broke the slate of the National Committee and
+seated a chairman of their own choice. But the regulars rallied,
+controlled the platform, and made the nomination. Blaine and John A.
+Logan were selected, the former accepting the honor with secret
+misgivings, for he had a clear understanding of the intensity of the
+opposition within the party. The reformers went home discouraged, many
+of them determined not to let party regularity hold them to Blaine.
+
+Out of the nomination of Blaine grew the "Mugwump" movement, whose
+influence was greater than that of the last bolt. The origin of the name
+"Mugwump" is not entirely clear, but it was well known as an opprobrious
+epithet, and was applied now by party regulars to the "holier-than-thou"
+reformers. One of the regulars later quoted Revelation at them: "Thou
+art neither hot nor cold ... so, then, I will spew thee out of my
+mouth." They were more offensive to Republicans than were the Democrats,
+while the latter were bewildered but cynical. "I know that to-day we are
+living in a very highly scented atmosphere of political reform," said
+one of the Democratic Senators a little later, "I know that under the
+saintly leadership of the Eatonian school of political philosophers we
+are all ceasing to be partisans, that we no longer recognize party
+obligations, party duty, party discipline, and party devoirs; that we
+are all to become reconciled to a life of political monasticism; but I
+will continue to have one failing, and that is in my humble way to be as
+watchful and as vigilant of the purposes, designs, and craft of the
+Republican leaders as I have endeavored to be in the past."
+
+The Mugwumps left Chicago and at once opened negotiations with the
+Democratic leaders. The _Nation_ and the _Evening Post_ were already
+with them. _Harper's Weekly_, which had been a Union journal in the war,
+and Republican ever since, abandoned the party ticket. George William
+Curtis, its editor, led in the revolt, and the Mugwumps met at the house
+of one of the Harpers for organization, on June 17, 1884. Their problem
+was whether to nominate an independent ticket and be defeated, or to
+support and help elect a Democratic President, in case the Democrats
+should be willing to coöperate with them.
+
+Not all the reformers turned from Blaine. Whitelaw Reid, the successor
+of Horace Greeley on the New York _Tribune_, remained regular. Lodge
+went back to Massachusetts and persuaded himself to take part in the
+canvass. Roosevelt, discouraged by the nomination of Blaine, remained
+regular, but stepped out of the campaign and began his ranch life in the
+Far West. With him, as with many others, it was a matter of conviction
+that reform, to be effective, must be urged within the party. But enough
+of the reformers went with the Mugwumps to lessen Blaine's chances of
+election.
+
+When the Mugwumps made overtures for fusion to the Democratic leaders,
+they had in mind as a candidate a young Democratic lawyer who had
+appeared as Mayor of Buffalo in 1881 and had been elected as reform
+Governor of New York in 1882. He had secured the aid of independent
+reformers in that campaign,--men who resented the candidacy of Folger
+and the intrusion of the National Administration in local politics. As
+governor he had speedily established his reputation for stubborn honesty
+and independent judgment. Grover Cleveland had become, like Tilden, the
+most promising candidate in a party that had no admitted leader.
+
+The opposition from two elements in his party, at the Democratic
+Convention in Chicago, strengthened Cleveland as the candidate of
+reform. Ben Butler, who had himself been nominated for the Presidency by
+an Anti-Monopoly Convention, denounced him as a foe of labor; and such
+was Butler's reputation that his enmity was one of Cleveland's assets.
+John Kelly, the chief of Tammany Hall, opposed him, too, having learned
+to know him as Governor of New York. Well might Cleveland's friends say,
+"We love him for the enemies he has made." They nominated him on the
+second ballot, selecting Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, to run with
+him. Their platform was full of reform, even of the tariff, but on the
+latter subject it was less specific than the tariff reformers had hoped.
+
+As the parties stood in 1884, personal character meant more than
+platform or party name. Cleveland possessed qualities that made his
+appeal to independents quite as strong as it was to Democrats. With
+older brothers in the army he had supported his mother during the war,
+and had kept clear of copperheadism. He stood for sound money; he
+believed in a tariff for revenue; he had proved his devotion to civil
+service reform; he lacked the factional enemies who weakened the
+candidacy of a prominent leader like Blaine; and his peculiar appeal to
+Republican dissenters led the canvass away from issues into the field of
+personalities.
+
+The charge of the independents upon Blaine's personal honor caused the
+Republican schism and drove the party regulars into a retort in kind.
+The private life of the candidates was uncovered to the annoyance of
+both and to the greater embarrassment of Cleveland. Nothing
+discreditable to his honesty could be found, but an apparent lapse in
+his private conduct gave the pretext for wild and dishonest attacks upon
+his character. A few years later the novelist, Paul Leicester Ford, in a
+keen study of New York politics entitled _The Honorable Peter Stirling_,
+portrayed a situation somewhat resembling that of Cleveland, though
+disclaiming Cleveland as his model. The Boston _Journal_ led in the
+exploitation of the charges, and partisans forgot decency on both sides.
+Nast, having formerly cartooned Blaine in the "Bloody Shirt," now turned
+to "A Roaring Farce--The Plumed Knight in a Clean Shirt," while others
+pointed out the fact that the admirer who coined the "plumed knight"
+epithet had been counsel for the fraudulent star-route contractors.
+
+Attempts were made to appeal to class hatred on both sides. Butler had
+hesitated for several weeks in his acceptance of the nomination by the
+Anti-Monopoly Convention. Greenbackers and a few labor leaders made up
+his following, and it was supposed that they would draw votes from the
+Democrats. After conference with Republican leaders, Butler agreed to
+run, and it was freely charged that these leaders financed his campaign
+to injure Cleveland. Republicans appealed to the Irish vote by recalling
+Blaine's vigorous diplomacy against Great Britain; their opponents
+caricatured Blaine by representing him as consorting with Irish thugs
+and dynamiters. At the very end of the canvass a chance remark may have
+decided the result.
+
+So much had been said of character in the campaign that both candidates
+brought out the clergy to give them certificates of excellence. In
+October a meeting of clergymen of all denominations was held at the
+Fifth Avenue Hotel to greet Blaine. The oldest minister, Burchard by
+name, was asked to deliver the address, and while he spoke Blaine
+thought of other matters. He thus missed a phrase which other hearers
+caught and which the Democrats immediately advertised. It denounced the
+Democrats as adherents of "rum, Romanism, and rebellion," and was
+reported as conveying a gratuitous insult to the Irish vote. How many
+Irish turned from Blaine to Cleveland in the last week of the campaign
+cannot be said, but the election was so close that a few votes, swung
+either way, could have determined it. Cleveland carried New York and won
+a majority of the electoral college, but his popular plurality over
+Blaine was only 23,000, while he had some 300,000 fewer than his
+combined rivals. Butler drew 175,000 votes without defeating Cleveland.
+Purists, disgusted with the personalities of the campaign, swelled the
+Prohibition vote to 150,000.
+
+On March 4, 1885, Grover Cleveland was inaugurated as the first Democrat
+elected President since James Buchanan. His Cabinet was necessarily
+filled with men inexperienced in national administration, for the party
+had been proscribed for six terms. The greatest attention was attracted
+by the two former Confederates, Garland and Lamar, whose career did much
+to disprove the "gloomy and baseless superstition" of twenty years,
+"that one half of the nation had become the irreconcilable enemies of
+the national unity and the national will." It was an American
+Administration, and of its chief, James Russell Lowell, who had known
+men in many lands, wrote, "He is a truly American type of the best
+kind--a type very dear to me, I confess."
+
+The State Department was entrusted to Thomas F. Bayard, who had been a
+competitor for the nomination in 1884, and who sustained the tradition
+that only first-rate men shall fill this office. Bayard proceeded at
+once to undo the work of the last five years and to reverse a policy of
+Blaine. A treaty with Nicaragua, negotiated by Frelinghuysen in
+December, 1884, ran counter to the English treaty of 1850. After a vain
+attempt to persuade Great Britain to abandon the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty
+respecting an isthmian canal, Frelinghuysen had disregarded it and
+acquired a complete right-of-way from Nicaragua. This was pending in the
+Senate when Cleveland was inaugurated, and was withdrawn at once. The
+United States reverted to the old Whig policy of a neutralized canal.
+
+In all departments the new Administration was forced to test the
+strength of its convictions upon civil service reform. During its long
+years of opposition the party had often voiced a demand for reform, but
+now in office its workers demanded the usual rewards of success.
+Cleveland had fought the spoils politicians in New York, and had taken
+counsel of Carl Schurz after his election as President. In the next four
+years he nearly doubled the number in the classified service in the face
+of opposition from his most intimate associates.
+
+The problems of prosperity and national growth, developing in the
+eighties and culminating between 1885 and 1889, involved administrative
+efficiency rather than party policy. On every side the Government was
+forced to expand its activities, and Cleveland was occupied in getting
+new machinery into operation and meeting conditions for which no
+precedents existed.
+
+Organized labor had gained concessions from Congress in a Bureau of
+Labor, in 1884, and an Anti-Contract Labor Law in 1885. These called for
+sympathetic administration and encouraged labor to hope for more. During
+1886 and 1887 the views of labor leaders attracted much attention
+because of a series of strikes and riots. In the greatest of these the
+local chapters of the Knights of Labor fought against the Gould railways
+of the Southwest--the Missouri Pacific and the Texas Pacific. The strike
+originated in March, 1886, in sympathy with labor organizers who had
+been discharged by the railroad. Under the leadership of Martin Irons it
+spread over the Southwest, causing distress in those regions which were
+dependent upon the railroad for fuel and food and causing disorder in
+the towns where the idle workmen congregated. Powderly and the other
+chief officials of the Knights tried to stop the strike, but were
+ineffective, while the railroad managers shaped events so as to divert
+the sympathies of the Western people against the strikers. The Knights
+never recovered from the blow which the loss of the strike inflicted
+upon them.
+
+In May, 1886, a general demonstration in favor of the eight-hour day
+was planned and carried out. In Milwaukee riots ensued, the militia was
+called out by Governor Rusk, and a volley was fired into the mob. In
+Chicago the union movement was combined with anarchy and socialism, and
+opponents of all did not discriminate among them. A meeting of the
+anarchists was broken up by the police, several of whom were killed by
+the explosion of a bomb thrown in the tumult. In 1887 a group of the
+anarchist leaders were hanged, having been convicted of what may be
+called constructive conspiracy. The unrest revealed by the strikes and
+riots showed that the old period of uniform well-being and satisfaction
+was over.
+
+The demands made upon politics by organized labor were exceeded by the
+demands of organized patriotism. The veterans of the Civil War, who were
+in early manhood in 1865, were now in middle life, were possessed of
+political influence, and turned to the National Government for personal
+advantage. Advocates of protection acted upon the theory that for
+national purposes special advantages ought to be given to manufacturers.
+The same idea of government readily bestowed these advantages in return
+for a past service.
+
+The machinery of the veterans was the Grand Army of the Republic, which,
+from being an unimportant, reminiscent league, had grown to be an
+instrument for the procuring of pensions. The surplus tempted citizens
+to make demands upon it; the number of soldier votes encouraged
+politicians to comply with the demands. In 1879 the movement began with
+an Arrears of Pensions Act, by which pensioners were entitled to back
+pay from their mustering-out dates, regardless of the period at which
+their incapacity set in. The next step involved the issuing of pensions
+for incapacity and dependence, regardless of their cause, and opened the
+way for pensions for service only. In 1887 Cleveland vetoed a pension
+bill of this character, and prevented its passage until the term of his
+successor, in 1890. He had already offended many of his supporters by
+guarding the offices; his pension veto offended more by checking the
+attack of the old soldiers on the Treasury. No one opposed the granting
+of pensions to soldiers who had been injured in the Civil War, but the
+demands of the leaders of the Grand Army, supported by the interests of
+hundreds of attorneys who lived on pension claims, now assumed the
+appearance of an organized raid on the Treasury. The general laws were
+supplemented by special private pension laws, of which 1871 were sent to
+Cleveland in four years. He vetoed 228 of these, often to his political
+injury. In many cases these made allowances to persons whose claims had
+been rejected by the Pension Bureau as inadequate or fraudulent. In the
+course of time Cleveland became "thoroughly tired of disapproving gifts
+of public money to individuals who in my view have no right or claim to
+the same." The pension fund, he maintained, was "the soldiers' fund,"
+and should be distributed so as to "exclude perversion as well as to
+insure a liberal and generous application of grateful and benevolent
+designs." In the ten years ending in 1889, Congress spent $644,000,000
+on pensions; in the next ten it spent $1,350,000,000.
+
+The surplus incited extravagance, and its reduction had been demanded on
+this ground, the tariff appearing to afford the best method of
+reduction. When the Democratic party gained control of the House, in
+1883, it proceeded at once to discuss revision, and promptly uncovered a
+difference of opinion among its members. The last Democratic Speaker of
+the House had been Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, a Democrat who
+had been trained in the philosophy of Henry Clay and in the interests of
+a great manufacturing State. He was by conviction and association a
+protectionist, and was a candidate for his party's nomination as Speaker
+in the Forty-eighth Congress, which met in December, 1883. From this
+date he ceased to lead his party in the House and became the leader of
+an internal faction. John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, supplanted him, was
+elected Speaker, and organized the House in the interest of a tariff for
+revenue only. For the next six years the Democratic organization of the
+House was pledged to revision, but operated in the face of a growing
+Republican opposition, and with Randall and the protectionist Democrats
+attacking from the rear.
+
+The election of Cleveland gave the Democrats control of two branches of
+the Government, but left the Senate in the hands of the Republicans. It
+was vain to talk of serious revision or any other party measure in a
+divided administration, yet the President chafed under his inability to
+fulfill party pledges. The surplus continued to accumulate, to permit
+extravagance in Congress, and to arouse the cupidity of citizens. In his
+message to his second Congress, in 1887, Cleveland startled the country
+by devoting his undivided attention to this single topic. He set his
+party a text which could not be evaded, although there was even yet no
+reason to believe that a tariff bill could pass both houses. He had
+taken Carlisle into his confidence before sending the message; the
+latter entrusted the leadership in revision to Roger Q. Mills, of Texas,
+a free-trader, whom he appointed as chairman of the Committee on Ways
+and Means.
+
+With the opening of the debate on the Mills Bill, in April, 1888, there
+began "the first serious attempt since the war to reduce toward a peace
+basis the customs duties imposed during that conflict almost solely for
+purposes of revenue." Mills and William L. Wilson, who had been a
+college president in West Virginia, bore the burden of advocacy of a
+reduction of the revenue to the extent of $50,000,000. They were opposed
+by a united Republican party, both frightened and gratified because the
+issue had been made so clear. It was charged that the Committee on Ways
+and Means had drawn up the bill in secrecy, and that a majority of its
+Democratic members were Southerners who knew nothing of the needs of
+manufactures. The danger to American labor from the competition of the
+pauper labor of Europe was urged against it. It was asserted to be a
+pro-British measure, and stories were circulated of British gold, coming
+from the Cobden Club, a free-trade organization, to subvert American
+institutions. The Democratic organization drove the bill through the
+House of Representatives in spite of all resistance. In the Senate, with
+the Republicans in control, the bill never came to a vote, and was used
+to manufacture campaign materials for the campaign then pending. Many of
+the advisers of Cleveland had urged him to withhold the tariff message,
+lest he arouse the enemy and defeat himself, but he had risked personal
+and party defeat in order to get an issue definitively accepted--the
+first issue so accepted in politics since 1864.
+
+The Mills Bill fiasco was the most important party measure of
+Cleveland's Administration, yet it served only to accentuate the
+difficulties in tariff legislation which had been experienced in 1883,
+and to provide an issue for the campaign of 1888. The laws that were
+passed between 1885 and 1889 were generally non-partisan in their
+character and were of most influence when they helped to readjust
+federal law to national economic problems. The Federal Government was
+unfolding and testing powers that had existed since the adoption of the
+Constitution, but had not been needed hitherto in an agricultural
+republic. The change that forced the resort to these powers came largely
+from the completion of a national system of communication.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+For the election of 1884, consult, in addition to Stanwood, J.F. Rhodes,
+"The National Republican Conventions of 1880 and 1884" (_Scribner's
+Magazine_, September, 1911), and "Cleveland's Administrations"
+(_Scribner's Magazine_, October, 1911). There is an annotated reprint of
+the "Mulligan Letters" in _Harper's Weekly_ (1884, pp. 643-46). The
+biographies of Blaine by Hamilton and Stanwood should be examined, as
+well as the sketches of Cleveland (who left few literary remains), by
+J.L. Williams, G.F. Parker, and R.W. Gilder. Among partisan party
+histories, the best are F. Curtis, _The Republican Party_, (2 vols.,
+1904), and W.L. Wilson, _The National Democratic Party_ (1888). J.H.
+Harper recounts details of the Mugwump split in his history of _The
+House of Harper_ (1912). The standard compilation on the pension system,
+which has not yet received adequate treatment, is W.H. Glasson,
+_Military Pension Legislation in the United States_ (in Columbia
+University Studies, vol. XII). C.F. Adams and W.B. Hale published useful
+essays on the pension system in _World's Work, 1911_. H.T. Peck begins
+his popular _Twenty Years of the Republic_ (1907) with the inauguration
+of Cleveland in 1885. Consult also Sparks, Dewey, Andrews, and the
+_Annual Cyclopædia_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE LAST OF THE FRONTIER
+
+
+Five statutes that received the signature of Grover Cleveland are
+documentary proof of the new problems and the changing attitude of the
+National Administration during the eighties. They indicate that the
+chief function of the National Government had ceased to be to moderate
+among a group of self-sufficient States and had come to be the direction
+of such interests as were national in importance or extent. On February
+4, 1887, the Interstate Commerce Law was passed in recognition of a
+transportation system that had become national; and four days later the
+Dawes Bill, providing that lands should be issued to Indians in
+severalty, marked the disappearance of the wild Indian from the border.
+In 1889 a Department of Agriculture, with a seat in the Cabinet, and a
+law for the survey of irrigation sites in the Far West, mark the
+interest of a nation in the prosperity of its whole area and population;
+while laws of 1889 and 1890 admitting six new States extended the chain
+of commonwealths for the first time from ocean to ocean. A process that
+had been under way since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock had culminated in
+the occupation of the whole breadth of the continent.
+
+The first continental railroad, the Union Pacific, chartered in 1862
+and finished in 1869, was admittedly a national project. Its purpose was
+to bind the Pacific Slope to the East in a period when sectionalism was
+a menace to national unity. Its opening was the first step in the
+completion of an intricate system of lines extending to the Pacific.
+Direct federal aid was given to the road in the form of land grants,
+right of way, and a loan of bonds.
+
+Other continental railroads were authorized in the later sixties. In
+1864 a Northern Pacific, to connect Lake Superior and Puget Sound, made
+its appearance. In 1866 the Atlantic & Pacific was given the right to
+run from a southwestern terminal at Springfield, Missouri, to southern
+California. In 1871 the Texas Pacific was designed to connect the head
+of navigation on the Red River, near Shreveport and Texarkana, with Fort
+Yuma and San Diego. Additional lines with continental possibilities
+received charters from the Western States,--the Denver & Rio Grande, the
+Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, and the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fé,--and
+received indirectly a share of the public domain as an inducement to
+build. Congress stopped making land grants for this purpose in 1871, but
+not until more lines than could be used for twenty years had been
+allowed.
+
+All the continental railways were begun before 1873, were checked by the
+five years of depression, and were revived about 1878. When they began
+again to build there was associated with them a new project for an old
+continental route.
+
+The interoceanic canal had been foreseen ever since the first white man
+stood on the Isthmus and gazed at the Pacific. Its construction had been
+stimulated by the gold discoveries and the California emigration of
+1848-49, and had been arranged for in a treaty signed with Great Britain
+in 1850. No means to build the canal were found, however, and the
+project drifted along until De Lesseps finished his canal at Suez, and
+the new interest in continental communication in America resuscitated
+the canal at Panama. In 1878 a French company, with De Lesseps at its
+head, obtained a concession from Colombia. It began work in 1880, at
+once arousing the jealousy of the United States which was shown in the
+efforts of Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer
+Treaty and procure for the United States a free hand at the Isthmus.
+Cleveland reverted to the policy of a neutralized canal in 1885, but
+interest on either side was premature, since no canal was built for
+thirty years.
+
+The continental railways aroused keen interest in problems of
+transportation by their completion between 1881 and 1885. The Northern
+Pacific was finished under the direction of Henry Villard, a German
+journalist who had been a correspondent in the Civil War and had managed
+the interests of foreign investors after 1873. He gained control of the
+partly finished Northern Pacific and the local lines of Oregon through a
+holding company known as the Oregon & Transcontinental. In September,
+1883, he took a special train, full of distinguished visitors, over his
+lines to witness the driving of the last spike near Helena, Montana. On
+the way out, they stopped at Bismarck to help lay the corner-stone for
+an ambitious new capitol of the Territory of Dakota. From Duluth to
+Tacoma the new line brought in immigrants whose freight made its chief
+business.
+
+South of the Northern Pacific, the original main line of the Union
+Pacific ran from Omaha up the Platte Trail through Cheyenne to Ogden,
+with a branch from Kansas City to Denver and Cheyenne. Between the main
+line and the branch the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy constructed a road
+that reached Denver in May, 1882. Here it met, in 1883, the Denver & Rio
+Grande, a narrow-gauge road that penetrated the divide by way of the
+cañon of the Arkansas River, and extended to the Great Salt Lake. The
+two roads together offered a competition to the Union Pacific for its
+whole length from the Missouri River to Ogden, and drove that road to
+extend feeder branches south to the Gulf and north into Oregon.
+
+Farther south the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fé stretched the whole length
+of Kansas and followed the old trail to Santa Fé and the Rio Grande, and
+thence to Old Mexico. Its owners coöperated with the owners of the
+Atlantic & Pacific franchise, and the Southern Pacific of California, to
+build a connecting link between the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fé at
+Albuquerque and the Colorado River at the Needles. From this point the
+Southern Pacific traversed the valleys of California. In October, 1883,
+trains were running from San Francisco to St. Louis over this road.
+
+[Illustration: By 1870 the railway net had covered the eastern half of
+the United States and had just begun its Pacific extension. There were
+52,914 miles of railroad.]
+
+[Illustration: By 1890 the railway mileage of the United States had
+increased to 163,597, extending the railway net over the whole
+trans-Missouri region, and reinforced by lines in Canada and Mexico.
+
+THE WESTERN RAILROADS AND THE CONTINENTAL FRONTIER, 1870-1890
+
+(Based upon the maps showing density of population in the Eleventh
+Rand-McNally Official Rail-Census, and upon Appleton's Railway Guide,
+November, 1871, and the way Guide, August, 1891.)]
+
+The Southern Pacific of California met the other continental lines at
+the Fort Yuma crossing of the Colorado River. The Texas Pacific had got
+only to Fort Worth before the panic of 1873. It now built across Texas
+toward El Paso. Subsidiary corporations owned by the Southern Pacific
+men built the line between El Paso and Fort Yuma, and enabled a through
+service to start to St. Louis in January, and to New Orleans in October,
+1882. Yet another Southern Pacific line was opened through San Antonio
+and Houston, tapping the commerce of the Gulf shore, and running trains
+to New Orleans in February, 1883.
+
+The opening of great lines in the United States in the early eighties
+was part of a similar movement throughout the world. In Canada, Sir
+Donald Smith, later raised to the peerage as Lord Strathcona, was
+beginning the Canadian Pacific from Port Arthur to Vancouver, while on
+the Continent of Europe the first train of the "Orient Express" left
+Paris for Constantinople in June, 1883. In November, 1883, the American
+railroads, realizing that they were a national system, agreed upon a
+scheme of standard time by which to run their trains. Heretofore every
+road had followed what local time it chose, to the confusion of the
+traveling public.
+
+Most of the continental railways had extensive land grants, of from
+twenty to forty sections per mile of track, but whether they had lands
+to sell or not they were vitally interested in the settlement of the
+regions through which they ran. Each encouraged immigration and
+colonization. Their literature, scattered over Europe, was one factor in
+the heavy drift of population that started after 1878. Six new Western
+States were created in the ten years after their completion.
+
+The youngest American Territory in the eighties was Wyoming, created in
+1868, and the youngest State was Colorado, admitted in 1876. After
+Colorado, the political division of the West embraced eight organized
+Territories: Dakota, Montana, Idaho, and Washington along the Canadian
+line, Wyoming and Utah in the middle, Arizona and New Mexico on the
+Mexican border. Besides these Territories there was the unorganized
+remnant of the Indian country known as Indian Territory, and attracting
+the covetous glances of frontiersmen in all the near-by Western States.
+
+Agriculture was the main reliance of the wave of pioneers that poured
+over the plains along the lines of the railroads. In the valley of the
+Red River of the North, wheat-farming was their staple industry. As the
+Old South had devoted itself to the staple crop of cotton, so this new
+region took up the single crop of wheat, bringing to its cultivation
+great machines, white labor, and a modified factory system. South of the
+wheat country, corn dominated in Kansas, Iowa, and Nebraska, and went to
+market either as grain or in the converted form of hogs or stock. In
+Texas the cotton-fields pushed into new areas. The farm lands completely
+surrounded the Indian Territory, in which a diversified agriculture was
+known to be both possible and profitable.
+
+Across the United States, from Canada to Mexico, the advance line of
+farms pushed from the well-watered bottoms of the Mississippi Valley
+into the plains that rise toward the Rocky Mountains. Near the
+ninety-seventh meridian the rainfall of this region becomes insufficient
+for general farming in ordinary years. But the solicitations of
+land-sellers brought settlers into the sub-humid region, while for a few
+years in the eighties the rainfall was greater than the average.
+Permanent climatic changes were imagined by the hopeful. A Governor of
+Kansas stated, in 1886, "with absolute certainty, that great areas in
+the Western third of Kansas are becoming more fertile," while an Eastern
+Senator, who was generally well informed, believed in 1888 that "the
+whole Territory of Dakota is as capable of sustaining population as
+Iowa."
+
+Between the farming frontier and the mountains the cattlemen expanded
+the grazing industry, with profits that were enlarged because of the
+markets that the railroads brought them. The "long drive" from Texas to
+Montana became a familiar idea on the border, while the cowboys in their
+lonely watches developed a folk-song literature that is typically
+American. Between the cattlemen and the sheepmen there was permanent
+war, for the sheep injured the grass they grazed over. Although both
+industries were trespassers on the public lands the herders resented the
+appearance of the flocks as an intrusion upon their domain.
+
+Kansas City rose suddenly to prominence as the meeting-place of the
+railways of the West and Southwest with those of the East. Near to the
+line that divided steady agriculture from the nomadic life of the
+plains it became a convenient market for both. Here the packers
+developed the traffic in fresh beef that the new railways with their
+refrigerator cars made possible. The cities of the East, in need of more
+fresh meat than the local farmers could provide, found their supply on
+the plains of the Far West.
+
+Beyond the plains, the mountain regions changed less from the advent of
+the railways than any other section of the remote West. They had
+attracted population to their camps during the Civil War, and now they
+grew in size and permanence. But only such regions reached permanent
+importance as had valleys to be irrigated and fields to be cultivated.
+Without agriculture no important region has flourished in the West.
+
+Toward the end of the eighties the pressure of the population for more
+homestead lands brought about the opening of Oklahoma. Here, for over
+half a century, the Indian tribes had lived in full possession. After
+the Civil War the plains tribes had been colonized here too. Now, as the
+lands were awarded to the Indians in severalty under the Dawes Act, the
+old tribal holdings were surrendered and large areas were offered to
+white settlement. After ten years of ejectment and restraint the
+Oklahoma boomers were let into the country in 1889. Guthrie and Oklahoma
+City were created overnight, and in 1890 the Territory of Oklahoma
+received permanent organization.
+
+Before the last continental railway was finished, the Territories were
+asking for statehood and were showing advance in population to justify
+it. When Villard aided in the corner-stone laying at Bismarck in 1883
+there were already three clearly defined groups of population in Dakota
+and an ultimate division had been determined upon by the settlers.
+Repeatedly, in the decade, the Dakota colonists framed constitutions and
+signed petitions, and the Republicans in Congress sought to give them
+statehood. The Democratic House, which prevailed from 1883 to 1889, saw
+no reason for creating more Republican States, as these would likely be,
+and found pretexts for holding up the bills. Montana, less advanced than
+Dakota, and Idaho and Wyoming which were yet more primitive, joined the
+forces of the statehood advocates. Arizona and New Mexico did the same,
+and Utah had been a suitor since 1850. Washington, with a growing
+population on Puget Sound and in the Spokane country, was obviously not
+long to be denied.
+
+For party purposes, the Democrats resisted the demands for statehood
+until the election of 1888 insured Republican control through every
+branch of the United States Government. Thereafter there was no point to
+resistance, and Cleveland, in 1889, signed an "omnibus" bill under which
+North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Washington were admitted. Idaho
+and Wyoming, defeated at this time, were let in by the Republicans in
+1890. The unorganized frontier was now all but gone, and the pioneers of
+these new States used Pullman cars and read the monthly magazines like
+any other citizens.
+
+Arizona and New Mexico were excluded from the new States of 1889 and
+1890 because a Republican Congress expected them to be Democratic, and
+both remained Territories for more than twenty succeeding years. Utah,
+with ample population, was kept where the Federal Government could
+control it because of the practices taught by its Church. The Mormons
+had made a prosperous Territory in Utah by 1850. They had flourished
+ever since, but their institution of polygamy frightened the United
+States and created permanent hostility to their admission. In 1882 the
+Territory was placed under a commission, and thereafter polygamous
+citizens were brought to punishment. In 1890 the Church gave up the
+fight and formally abandoned the obnoxious doctrine, but the surrender
+came too late to accomplish admission at this time.
+
+THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN, 1789-1904
+
+The large rectangle represents the total land area of the United States,
+excluding Alaska and the Islands
+
+1,902,000,000 Acres
+
++-----------------------------------------------------------+-------------+
+|                                                           |Land area of |
+|                                                           |the thirteen |
+|                                                           |original     |
+|                                                           |states       |
+|                                                           |and Maine,   |
+|                                                           |Vermont, West|
+|          Public lands remaining in the possession         |Virginia,    |
+|                of the United States in 1904               |Kentucky,    |
+|                   about 700,000,000 Acres                 |Tennessee,   |
+|                                                           |and Texas,   |
+|                                                           |in none      |
+|                                                           |of which     |
+|                                                           |has the      |
+|                                                           |public domain|
+|                                                           |ever existed |
++-----------+------------+------------+---------------------+             |
+|Area       |Land grants |Donations   |Sales to companies | 460,000,000   |
+|given to   |   for      | to the     | or individuals    | Acres         |
+|individuals|  internal  | states for | under preëmption  |               |
+|in the     |improvements| education  | and general laws, | (Diagram      |
+|form of    |   and      | and        | and private land  | based upon    |
+|homesteads |railroads   | other      | claims allowed    | the Report    |
+|or         |            | local      |                   | of the        |
+|allotments |            | purposes   |                   | Public Lands  |
+|           |            |            |                   | Commission    |
+|           |            |            |                   | and the       |
+|122,000,000|137,000,000 | 164,000,000| 319,000,000       | Report of the |
+|Acres      | Acres      | Acres      | Acres             | Commissioner  |
+|                                                         | of the        |
+|   Land area of the twenty-nine states constituting the  | General Land  |
+|   public domain. 1,442,000,000 Acres                    | Office, 1905) |
++---------------------------------------------------------+---------------+
+
+By 1890 the good agricultural lands of the United States were nearly all
+in private hands. Their occupation had been hastened in the last five
+years by facility of access and the efforts of the railways. With the
+disappearance of free lands a new period in America began, as was
+recognized at the time, and has become clearer ever since.
+
+Out of forty-eight States comprising the United States in 1912, and
+including about 1,902,000,000 acres, twenty-nine with 1,442,000,000
+acres had been erected in the public domain to which Congress had once
+owned title. By cession, purchase, or conquest this domain had been
+acquired between 1781 and 1853; it had been treated as a national asset
+and governed with what efficiency Congress possessed. By 1903 the United
+States had transferred to individuals about half its public land and
+nearly all its farm land. It retained many millions of acres, but these
+were mountain or desert, and were not usable by the individual farmer
+who had been the typical unit in the occupation of the West.
+
+Already, by 1880, the statisticians had recognized that the period of
+free land was at an end, and had turned their attention to the abuses
+which had arisen in the administration of the estate. From the
+beginning, it had been difficult to compel the West to respect national
+land laws. The squatter who occupied lands without title had always been
+an obstacle to uniform administration. Evasion of the law had rarely
+been frowned upon by Western opinion, which had hoped to get the public
+lands into private hands by the quickest route. In the region where the
+laws had to be enforced, opinion prevented it, while the National
+Administration, before the adoption of civil service reform, was
+incapable of directing with accuracy and uniform policy any
+administrative scheme which must be so highly technical as a land
+office. The Preëmption, Homestead, and Timber Culture Laws were all
+framed in the interest of the small holder, but were all perverted by
+fraud and collusion. The United States invited much of the fraud by
+making no provision by which those industries which had a valid need for
+a large acreage could get it legally.
+
+Among the special abuses that were observed now that it was too late to
+remedy them were the violations of the law and the lawless seizures of
+the public lands. The cattle companies took and fenced what they needed
+and drove out "trespassers" by force. Mail contractors complained of
+illegal inclosures which they dare not cross, but which diverted the
+United States mail from its lawful course. Yet such was the general land
+law that against all but the United States Government the possessors
+could maintain their possession. If the Government could not or would
+not interfere, there was no redress.
+
+These abuses had been noticed for many years, and were specially
+advertised in the early eighties by the enormous holdings of a few
+British noblemen. The problem of absentee landlordism was exciting
+Ireland in these years. When Cleveland became President his Commissioner
+of the General Land Office, Sparks, turned cheerfully and vigorously to
+reform, and denounced the discreditable condition the more readily
+because it had appeared under Republican administration. He held up the
+granting of homestead and preëmption titles for the purpose of
+examination and inspection, and demanded the repeal of the Preëmption
+Law. He was successful in recovering some of the lands that had been
+offered to the railways to aid in their construction.
+
+The railway land grants were notorious because the railways had rarely
+been done on contract time, and had in theory forfeited their grants.
+The estimated area offered them was about 214,000,000 acres, and the
+question arose as to the extent to which forfeiture should be imposed
+upon them. The spectacular completion of their lines and their efforts
+to bring a population into the West, and the vast size of the
+corporations that owned them, had aroused a hostile opinion that
+supported the Democratic Administration in its efforts to save what
+lands it could. Some fifty million acres were restored to the domain by
+this fight, but the restoration only emphasized the fact that most of
+the good lands were gone.
+
+Out of the demand for the reform of the public lands grew a new interest
+in the condition of the lands that were left. The Department of
+Agriculture was created at the end of Cleveland's term, and Governor
+Jeremiah Rusk was appointed as its first Secretary by Harrison. Rusk
+accepted cheerfully his place as "the tail of the Cabinet," asserting
+that as such he was expected "to keep the flies off," and set about
+rearranging or organizing a group of scientific bureaus. Since most of
+the remaining lands could not be used without irrigation, the surveys
+undertaken by Congress started a new phase of public science, and led
+ultimately to the rise of a positive theory of conservation.
+
+The problems of national communication, Western settlement, and public
+lands resulted from the completion of the continental railways, while
+the railways themselves gave a new significance to transportation in
+America. During the years of the Granger movement the doctrine had been
+established that railroads are quasi-public and are subject to
+regulation by public authority. In the Granger Cases in 1877 the Supreme
+Court recognized the right of the States to establish rates by law, even
+when these rates, by becoming part of a through rate, had an incidental
+effect upon interstate commerce. The problem had been viewed as local
+or regional during the seventies. Most of the States had passed railway
+laws and had proceeded to accumulate a volume of statistical information
+upon the railway business, that was increased by such public
+investigations as the Windom and Hepburn Reports and by lawsuits that
+revealed the nature of special favors and rebates.
+
+Before the States had gone far in the direction of railway regulation it
+was discovered that no State could regulate an interstate railway with
+precision and justice. The great systems built up by Villard and Gould
+and Vanderbilt and Huntington dominated whole regions and precipitated
+the question of the effectiveness of state action. The continental
+lines, necessarily long and traversing several States, emphasized the
+inequality between the powers of a State and the problem to be met.
+Their national character pointed to national control.
+
+In Congress there were repeated attempts after 1873 to secure the
+passage of an Interstate Commerce Act. In continuation of this campaign
+a committee headed by Senator Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, made a new
+investigation in 1885, and reported early in 1886 that supervision and
+publicity were required, and that these could best be obtained through a
+federal commission with large powers of taking testimony and examining
+books. The committee was convinced, as the public was already convinced,
+that the problem had become national.
+
+The Supreme Court reached the same opinion in 1886 when it handed down a
+new decision in the case of the Wabash Railway Company vs. Illinois.
+Here it reversed or modified its own decision in the Granger Cases. In
+1877 it had ruled that railways are subject to regulation and that the
+States under their police powers may regulate. It now adhered to its
+major premise, but declared that such regulation as affected an
+interstate rate is exclusively a federal function. In effect it
+determined that if there was to be regulation of the great systems it
+could only be at the hands of Congress.
+
+The regulation of interstate commerce was not a party measure. It had
+its advocates in both parties, and found its opponents in the railroad
+lobby that resented any public interference with the business of the
+roads. The railway owners and directors were slower than the public in
+accepting the doctrine of the quasi-public nature of their business. It
+was a powerful argument against them that their size and influence were
+such that they could and did ruin or enrich individual customers, and
+that they could make or destroy whole regions of the West. Enough
+positive proof of favoritism existed to give point to the demand that
+the business must cease to discriminate.
+
+The Interstate Commerce Act became a law February 4, 1887. It created a
+commission of five, with a six-year term and the proviso that not more
+than three of the commissioners should belong to one party. It forbade a
+group of practices which had resulted in unfair discrimination and gave
+to the commission considerable powers in investigation and interference.
+The later interpretation of the law deprived the commission of some of
+the powers that, it was thought, had been given to it, but during the
+next nineteen years the Interstate Commerce Commission was a central
+figure in the solution of the railroad problem. The work of this
+commission, like the work of irrigation and agriculture, was technical,
+calling for expert service, and aiding in the process that was changing
+the character of the National Administration as one function after
+another was called into service for the first time.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+In 1893 F.J. Turner called attention to the _Significance of the
+Frontier in American History_ (in American Historical Association,
+Annual Report, 1893). His theory has been elaborated by F.L. Paxson,
+_The Last American Frontier_ (1910), and K. Coman, _Economic Beginnings
+of the Far West_ (1912). There is no good account of the public lands.
+T. Donaldson, _The Public Domain_ (1881), is inaccurate, antiquated, and
+clumsy, but has not been supplanted. Many useful tables are in the
+report of the Public Lands Commission created by President Roosevelt (in
+58th Congress, 3d session, Senate Document, No. 189, Serial No. 4766).
+The general spirit of the frontier in the eighties has been appreciated
+by Owen Wister, in _The Virginian_ (1902), and _Members of the Family_
+(1911), and by E. Talbot, in _My People of the Plains_ (1906). J.A.
+Lomax has preserved some of its folklore in _Cowboy Songs and Other
+Frontier Ballads_ (1910). The best narratives on the continental
+railways are J.P. Davis, _Union Pacific Railway_ (1894), and E.V.
+Smalley, _The Northern Pacific Railroad_ (1883). Many contributory
+details are in H. Villard, _Memoirs_ (2 vols., 1904), E.P. Oberholtzer,
+_Jay Cooke_ (2 vols., 1907), and in the appropriate volumes of H.H.
+Bancroft, _Works_. L.H. Haney has compiled the formal documents in his
+_Congressional History of Railroads_ (in Bulletins of the University of
+Wisconsin, Nos. 211 and 342). The debate over the Isthmian Canal may be
+read in J.D. Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_; the
+Foreign relations Reports, 1879-83; L.M. Keasbey, _The Nicaragua Canal
+and the Monroe Doctrine_ (1896); J.B. Henderson, _American Diplomatic
+Questions_ (1901); and J. Latané, _Diplomatic Relations of the United
+States and Spanish America_ (1900).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+NATIONAL BUSINESS
+
+
+Transportation was a fundamental factor in the two greatest problems of
+the eighties. In the case of the disappearance of free land and the
+frontier, it produced phenomena that were most clearly visible in the
+West, although affecting the whole United States. In the case of
+concentration of capital and the growth of trusts, its phenomena were
+mostly in the East, where were to be found the accumulations of capital,
+the great markets, and the supply of labor.
+
+Through the improvements in communication it became possible to conduct
+an efficient business in every State and direct it from a single head
+office. Not only railroad and telegraph helped in this, but telephone,
+typewriter, the improved processes in photography and printing, and the
+organization of express service were of importance and touched every
+aspect of life. Journalism both broadened and concentrated. The
+effective range of the weeklies and monthlies and even of the city
+dailies was widened, while the resulting competition tended to weed out
+the weaker and more local. Illustrations improved and changed the
+physical appearance of periodical literature.
+
+Social organizations of national scope or ambition took advantage of the
+new communication. Trade unions, benevolent associations, and
+professional societies multiplied their annual congresses and
+conventions, and increased the proportion of the population that knew
+something of the whole Union. A few periodicals and pattern-makers began
+to circulate styles, which clothing manufacturers imitated and local
+shopkeepers sold at retail. Mail-order business was aided by the same
+conditions. A new uniformity in appearance began to enter American life,
+weakening the old localisms in dress, speech, and conduct. Until within
+a few years it had been possible here and there to sit down to dinner
+"with a gentleman in the dress of the early century--ruffles, even
+_bag-wig_ complete"; but the new standards were the standards of the
+mass, and it became increasingly more difficult to keep up an
+aristocratic seclusion or a style of life much different from that of
+the community.
+
+With the growth of national uniformity went also the concentration of
+control. As the field of competition widened, the number of possible
+winners declined. Men measured strength, not only in their town or
+State, but across the continent, and the handful of leaders used the
+facilities of communication as the basis for the further expansion of
+their industries. Business was extended because it was possible and
+because it was thought to pay.
+
+Many of the economies of consolidation were so obvious as to need no
+argument. If a single firm could do the business of five,--or fifty--it
+increased its profit through larger and better plants, greater division
+of labor, and a more careful use of its by-products. It could cut down
+expenses by reducing the army of competing salesmen and by lessening the
+duplication of administrative offices. The same economics in management
+which had driven the Old South to the large plantation as a type drove
+American industrial society toward economic consolidation and the
+trusts.
+
+The technical form of organization of the trust was unimportant.
+Strictly speaking, it was a combination of competing concerns, in which
+the control of all was vested in a group of trustees for the purpose of
+uniformity. The name was thus derived, but it spread in popular usage
+until it was regarded as generally descriptive of any business so large
+that it affected the course of the whole trade of which it was a part.
+The logical outcome of the trust was monopoly, and trusts appeared first
+in those industries in which there existed a predisposition to monopoly,
+an excessive loss through competition, or a controlling patent or trade
+secret.
+
+The first trust to arouse public notice was concerned in the
+transportation and manufacture of petroleum and its products. Commercial
+processes for refining petroleum became available in the sixties,
+enabling improvements in domestic illumination that insured an
+increasing market for the product. The industry was speculative by
+nature because of the low cost of crude petroleum at the well and the
+high cost of delivering it to the consumer. Slight rises in price caused
+the market to be swamped by overproduction, and threw the control of the
+industry into the hands of those who controlled its transportation.
+
+Once above ground, the cheap and bulky oil had to be hauled first to the
+refiner and then to the consumer. The receptacles were expensive, and
+the methods of transportation that were cheapest in operation had the
+greatest initial cost. Barrels were relatively cheap to buy, but were
+costly to handle. Tank-cars were more expensive, but repaid those who
+could afford them. Pipe-lines were beyond the means of the individual,
+but brought in greater returns to the corporations that owned them.
+
+It was inevitable that some of the dealers who competed in the
+oil-fields of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia in the sixties
+should realize the strategic value of the control of transportation and
+profit by it. John D. Rockefeller happened to be more successful than
+others in manipulating transportation. His refineries grew in size, as
+they bought out or crushed their rivals, until by 1882 most of the
+traffic in petroleum was under his control. Economy and sagacity had
+much to do with the success, but were less significant than
+transportation. Railway rates were yet unfixed by law and every road
+sold transportation as best it could. Rockefeller learned to bargain in
+freight rates, and through a system of special rates and rebates gained
+advantages over every competitor. His lobby made it difficult to weaken
+him through legislative measures, while his attorneys were generally
+more skillful than his prosecutors before the courts. The recognition of
+the existence of rebates did much to hasten the passage of the
+Interstate Commerce Law. The group of corporations that flourished
+because of them became the greatest of the trusts. By 1882 the
+affiliated Rockefeller companies were so numerous and complicated that
+they were given into the hands of a group of trustees to be managed as a
+single business.
+
+The Whiskey and Sugar Trusts, formed in 1887, had to do with commodities
+in which transportation was not the controlling element. These
+industries suffered from overproduction and ruinous competition, to
+eliminate which the distilleries and sugar refineries entered into trust
+agreements like that of the Standard Oil companies. Other lines of
+manufacture followed as best they could. Before Cleveland was
+inaugurated the trend was noticed and attacked.
+
+Most of the agitation against the trusts came from individuals whose
+lives were touched by them. Competition was ruthless and often
+unscrupulous. Every man who was crushed by it hated his destroyer. There
+was much changing of occupations as firms merged and reorganized and as
+plants grew in size and ingenuity. Perhaps more workers changed the
+character of their occupation in the eighties than in any other decade.
+As each individual readjusted himself to his new environment, he added
+to the mass of public opinion that believed the trusts to be a menace to
+society.
+
+As early as 1881 there was a market for anti-trust literature, for in
+March of that year the _Atlantic Monthly_ printed the "Story of a Great
+Monopoly," by Henry Demarest Lloyd, who became one of the leaders in the
+attack. It had been fashionable to regard success as a vindication of
+Yankee cleverness and worthy of emulation, without much examination of
+the methods by which it was attained. The Standard Oil Company,
+attracting attention to itself, raised the question of the effect of
+industry upon society.
+
+The evils ascribed to the trusts were social or political. In a social
+way they were believed to check individualism and to create too large a
+proportion of subordinates to independent producers. As monopolies, they
+were believed to threaten extortion through high price. It was strongly
+suspected of the largest trusts that having destroyed all competition
+they could fix prices at pleasure. Economists pointed out that such
+price could hardly be high and yet remunerative to the trusts, because
+the latter did not dare to check consumption. But fear of oppression
+could not be dispelled by any economic law.
+
+The trust was believed to have an evil influence in politics, and to
+obtain special favors through bribery or pressure. The United States was
+used to the influence of money in politics, and distrusted public
+officials. The state constitutions framed in this period were being
+expanded into codes of specific law in the hope of safeguarding public
+interests. There was little belief that corrupt overtures, if made by
+the trusts, would be resisted.
+
+Lloyd, and men of his type, believed in regulation and control. Some of
+them became socialists. Others hoped to restore a competitive basis by
+law. The greatest impression on the public was made by one of their
+literary allies, Edward Bellamy.
+
+Early in 1888 Edward Bellamy published a romance entitled _Looking
+Backward_, in which his hero, Mr. Julian West, went to sleep in 1887,
+with labor controversy and trust denunciation sounding in his ears, to
+awake in the year 2000 A.D. The socialized state into which the hero was
+reborn was a picture of an end to which industry was perhaps drifting.
+It caught public attention. Clubs of enthusiasts tried to hasten the day
+of nationalization by forming Bellamistic societies. Those who were
+repelled by a future in which the trusts and the State were merged
+became more active in their demand for regulation.
+
+The legislative side of trust regulation, like that of railway
+regulation, was made more difficult because of the division of powers
+between Congress and the States. It was an interesting question whether
+one State could control a monopoly as large as the nation. But the
+States passed anti-trust laws by the score, as they had passed the
+railway laws. As in the earlier case they found their model in the
+common law, which had long prohibited conspiracies in restraint of
+trade. One of the States, Ohio, with only the common law to go upon,
+brought suit against the Standard Oil Trust and secured a prohibition
+against it in 1892. It was relatively easy to attack the formal
+organization of the trust, but in spite of such attacks concentration
+continued to produce ever greater combinations, as though it were
+fulfilling some fundamental economic law.
+
+Those of the anti-monopolists who were also tariff reformers had a
+weapon to urge besides that of regulation. They maintained that part of
+the power of the corporations was due to the needless favors of
+protection, which deprived the United States of the aid that competition
+from European manufacturers might have given. They insisted that a
+revision of the tariff would do much to remove the burden of the trusts.
+The House ordered an investigation of the trusts while it was engaged on
+the futile Mills Bill in 1888, but it was the latter that furnished the
+text for the ensuing presidential campaign.
+
+So far as the parties were concerned the Republicans took the aggressive
+in 1888. Cleveland's emphasis upon tariff reduction was personal and
+never had the cheerful support of the whole party. The manufacturers,
+however, were thoroughly scared by the continued threats of revision. As
+they had come, by supporting the party in power, to support the
+Republicans, so they now organized within that party to save themselves.
+Their leaders sang a new note in 1888, no longer apologizing for the
+tariff or urging reduction, but defending it on principle,--on Clay's
+old principle of an American system,--and asking that it be made more
+comprehensive. From Florence, and then from Paris, Blaine replied to
+Cleveland's Message of 1887, and his friends continued to urge his
+nomination for the Presidency. Only after his positive refusal to be a
+candidate did the Republican Convention at Chicago make its choice from
+a list of candidates including Sherman, Gresham, Depew, Alger, Harrison,
+and Allison. The ticket finally nominated consisted of Benjamin
+Harrison, a Senator from Indiana, and Levi P. Morton, a New York banker.
+The platform was "uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of
+protection." It denounced Cleveland and the revisionists as serving "the
+interests of Europe," and condemned "the Mills Bill as destructive to
+the general business, the labor, and the farming interests of the
+country."
+
+The Democrats, as is usual for the party in power, had already held
+their convention before the Republicans met. They had renominated Grover
+Cleveland by acclamation, and Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, as
+Vice-President, and had indorsed, not the Mills Bill by name, but the
+views of Cleveland and the efforts of the President and Representatives
+in Congress to secure a reduction. For many of the Democrats the need to
+defend tariff reform was so distasteful that they left the party,
+blaming Cleveland as the cause of their defection.
+
+The canvass of 1888 was not marred by the personalities of 1884. The
+issue of protection was discussed earnestly by both parties, Blaine, who
+returned from Europe, leading the Republican attack. The only exciting
+incidents of the campaign had to do with the "Murchison Letter" and the
+campaign fund.
+
+Matthew S. Quay, whose career as Treasurer of Pennsylvania had not been
+above reproach, was chairman of the Republican campaign committee.
+During the contest it was asserted that he was assessing the protected
+manufacturers and guaranteeing them immunity in case of a Republican
+victory. He was at least able to play upon their fears and bring a
+vigorous support to the protective promises of his party. His committee
+circulated stories of the un-Americanism of Cleveland, charging that
+free-trade was pro-British, and making capital out of the pension
+vetoes. Toward the end of the canvass Sir Lionel Sackville-West, the
+British Minister, fell into a Republican trap and wrote to a pretended
+naturalized Englishman, who called himself Murchison, that a vote for
+Cleveland would best serve Great Britain. His tactless blunder caused
+his summary dismissal from Washington and aided the Republican cause
+much as the Burchard affair had injured it four years before.
+
+Harrison was elected in November as a minority President, Cleveland
+actually receiving more popular though fewer electoral votes. He came
+into office with a Republican Senate and a Republican House, able to
+carry out party intentions for the first time since 1883.
+
+Benjamin Harrison was never a leader of his party. He had a good war
+record and had been Senator for a single term. His nomination was not
+due to his strength, but to his availability. Coming from the doubtful
+State of Indiana, he was likely to carry it, particularly since the
+Republican candidate for governor was a leader of the Grand Army of the
+Republic. Harrison's personal character and piety were valuable assets
+in a time when party leaders were under fire. Once in office he had a
+cold abruptness that made it easy to lose the support of associates who
+felt that their own importance was greater than his.
+
+Blaine, the greatest of these associates, became Secretary of State,
+and soon had the satisfaction of meeting the Pan-American Congress that
+he had called eight years before. In his interest in larger American
+affairs he lost some of his keenness as a protectionist and acquired a
+zeal for foreign trade. With England he had another unsuccessful tilt,
+this time over the seals of Bering Sea.
+
+In some of the appointments Harrison paid the party debts. Windom came
+back to the Treasury, although ex-Senator Platt, of New York, claimed
+that he had been promised it. John Wanamaker, who had raised large sums
+in Philadelphia to aid Quay in the campaign, became Postmaster-General.
+The Pension Bureau, important through the alliance with the soldiers,
+went to a leader of the Grand Army of the Republic, one "Corporal"
+Tanner, whose most famous utterance related to his intentions: "God save
+the surplus!"
+
+The Fifty-first Congress, convening in December, 1889, took up with
+enthusiasm the mandate of the election, as the Republicans saw it, to
+revise the tariff in the interest of protection. It chose as Speaker
+Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, and revised its rules so as to expedite
+legislation. William McKinley prepared a revision of the tariff in the
+House, while another Ohioan, John Sherman, took up the matter of the
+trusts in the Senate.
+
+The Sherman Anti-Trust Law was enacted in July, 1890, after nearly
+ten years of general discussion. Although  formulated by
+Republicans--Sherman, Edmunds, and Hoar--it was not  more distinctly
+a party measure than the Interstate Commerce Act had been. It relied
+upon the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution as its
+authority to declare illegal "every contract, combination in the form
+of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among
+the several States, or with foreign nations," and it provided suitable
+penalties for violation. The most significant debate in connection
+with it occurred upon an amendment offered by Representative Richard
+P. Bland, of Missouri, who desired to extend the scope of the
+prohibition, specifically, to railroads. The Senate excluded the
+amendment on the ground that the law was general, covering the railroads
+without special enumeration. The full meaning of the law remained in doubt
+for nearly fifteen years, for few private suitors invoked it and the
+Attorneys-General were not hostile to the ordinary practices of business.
+A great financial depression which appeared in 1893 acted well as a
+temporary deterrent of trusts. There was a suspicion that the law had
+been intended not to be enforced, but to act as a popular antidote to
+the McKinley Tariff Bill which was pending while it passed.
+
+There were two reasons for a revision of the tariff in 1890. The
+surplus, still a reason, added $105,000,000 in 1889, and continued to
+embarrass the Treasury with a wealth of riches. Secondly, the election
+of 1888 had gone Republican, and party leaders chose to regard this as a
+popular condemnation of Cleveland and tariff reform, and a popular
+mandate for higher protection, in spite of the fact that more Americans
+voted for Cleveland than for Harrison. A third reason, alleged by the
+opposition, was the necessity of fulfilling the pledges given by Quay
+and the campaign managers to the manufacturers who contributed to the
+campaign fund,--manufacturers who were parodied as "Mary":--
+
+   "Our Mary had a little lamb,
+     Her heart was most intent
+   To make its wool, beyond its worth,
+     Bring 56 per cent."
+
+In April, 1890, McKinley presented his act "to equalize the duties upon
+imports and to reduce the revenues." For five months Congress wrestled
+with the details of the bill and the issues connected with it. In June
+it rewarded the soldier allies of the Administration with a Dependent
+Pension Act which granted pensions to those who could show ninety days
+of service and present dependence, and which, aided by the previous
+laws, relieved the surplus of $1,350,000,000 in the next ten years.
+Early in July the Anti-Trust Act was passed. Two weeks later Congress
+paused in its tariff deliberations to pass the Sherman Silver Purchase
+Bill at the demand of Republican Senators from the Rocky Mountain
+States, who wanted their share of protection in this form and were so
+numerous as to be able to produce a deadlock.
+
+The tariff that became a law October 1, 1890, was the first success in
+tariff legislation since the Civil War. It enlarged protection and
+reduced the revenue. The latter was done by repealing the duty on raw
+sugar, which had been the most remunerative item of the old tariff, and
+by substituting a bounty of two cents per pound to the American
+sugar-grower, which further relieved the surplus. The sugar clause was
+one of the notable features of the McKinley Bill, and was closely
+related to a group of duties upon agricultural imports. There had been
+complaint among the farmers that protection did nothing for them. The
+agricultural schedule was designed to silence this complaint.
+
+Another novelty in the bill was the extension of protection to unborn
+industries. In the case of tin plate, the President was empowered to
+impose a duty whenever he should learn that American mills were ready to
+manufacture it. This was an application of the principle that went
+beyond the demands of most advocates of protection.
+
+A final novelty, reciprocity, was the favorite scheme of the Secretary
+of State. Blaine, in his foreign policy, saw in the tariff wall an
+obstacle to friendly trade relations, and induced Congress to permit the
+duties on the chief imports from South America to be admitted on a
+special basis in return for reciprocal favors. McKinley, as his
+experience widened, accepted this principle in full, and died with an
+expression of it upon his lips. But in 1890 most protectionists inclined
+toward absolute exclusion, regardless of foreign relations, and were
+ready to raise the rate whenever the imports were large.
+
+In the passage of the McKinley Tariff Bill it was noticed that a third
+body was sharing largely in such legislation. After each house had
+passed the bill and disagreements on amendments had been reached, it was
+sent to a Joint Committee of Conference whose report was, by rule,
+unamendable. In the Conference Committee the bill was finally shaped,
+and so shaped that the Republican majority was forced to accept it or
+none. The party leaders who sat on the Committee of Conference were a
+third house with almost despotic power, and were, as well, men whose
+association with manufacturing districts or protected interests raised a
+fair question as to the impartiality of their decisions. The Republican
+reply, in their hands, to the assertion that the tariff was the mother
+of trusts was to raise the tariff still higher and to forbid the trusts
+to engage in interstate commerce.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The _Life of Henry Demarest Lloyd_, by C. Lloyd (2 vols., 1912) contains
+an admirable and sympathetic survey of the growth of anti-trust feeling,
+and should be supplemented by the writings of H.D. Lloyd, more
+particularly, "The Story of a Great Monopoly" (in _Atlantic Monthly_,
+March, 1881), and _Wealth against Commonwealth_ (1894). The philosophy
+of Henry George is best stated in his _Progress and Poverty_ (1879), and
+is presented biographically by H. George, Jr., in his _Life of Henry
+George_ (1900). The most popular romance of the decade is based upon an
+economic hypothesis: E. Bellamy, _Looking Backward_ (1887). J.W. Jenks,
+_The Trust Problem_ (1900, etc.), has become a classic sketch of the
+economics of industrial concentration. The histories of the Standard Oil
+Company, by I.M. Tarbell (2 vols., 1904) and G.H. Montague (1903), are
+based largely upon judicial and congressional investigations. The
+Sherman Law is discussed in the writings and biographies of Sherman,
+Hoar, and Edmunds, and in A. H. Walker, _History of the Sherman Law_
+(1910). For the election of 1888, consult Stanwood, Andrews, Peck, the
+_Annual Cyclopædia_, the tariff histories, and D.R. Dewey, _National
+Problems, 1885-1897_ (in _The American Nation_, vol. 24, 1907).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE FARMERS' CAUSE
+
+
+The Republican protective policy had its strongest supporters among the
+industrial communities of the East where the profits of manufacture were
+distributed. In the West, where the agricultural staples had produced a
+simplicity of interests somewhat resembling those of the Old South in
+its cotton crop, the advantage of protection was questioned even in
+Republican communities. The Granger States and the Prairie States were
+normally Republican, but they had experienced falling prices for their
+corn and wheat, as the South had for its cotton, in the eighties, and
+had listened encouragingly to the advocates of tariff reform.
+Cleveland's Message of 1887 had affected them strongly. Through 1888 and
+1889 country papers shifted to the support of revision, while farmers'
+clubs and agricultural journals began to denounce protection. The
+Republican leaders felt the discontent, and brought forward the
+agricultural schedules of the McKinley Bill to appease it, but
+dissatisfaction increased in 1889 and 1890 through most of the farming
+sections.
+
+The farmer in the South was directly affected by the falling price of
+cotton, and retained his hereditary aversion to the protective tariff.
+He could not believe that either party was working in his interests. The
+dominant issues of the eighties did not touch his problems. He was not
+interested in civil service reform, which was a product of a
+differentiated society, in which professional expertness was recognized
+and valued. He knew and cared little about administration, and being
+used to a multitude of different tasks himself saw no reason why the
+offices should not be passed around. In this view American farmers
+generally concurred.
+
+The Southern farmer was without interest in the pension system and was
+prone to criticize it. The Fourteenth Amendment had forced the
+repudiation of the whole Confederate debt, leaving the Southern veterans
+compelled to pay taxes that were disbursed for the benefit of Union
+veterans and debarred from enjoying similar rewards. They could not turn
+Republican, yet in their own party they saw men who failed to represent
+them.
+
+In the North agriculture was depressed and the farmers were
+discontented. In many regions the farms were worn out. Scientific
+farming was beginning to be talked about to some extent, but was little
+practiced. The improvements in transportation had brought the younger
+and more fertile lands of the West into competition with the East for
+the city markets. Cattle, raised on the plains and slaughtered at Kansas
+City or Chicago, were offered for sale in New York and Philadelphia.
+Western fruits of superior quality were competing with the common
+varieties of the Eastern orchards. Here, as in the South, the farmers
+saw the parties quarreling over issues that touched the manufacturing
+classes, but disregarding those of agriculture.
+
+It was in the West, however, that agricultural discontent was keenest.
+In no other region were uniform conditions to be found over so large an
+area. The Granger States had shown how uniformity in discontent may
+bring forth political readjustments. The new region of the late eighties
+lay west of Missouri and Iowa, where the railroads had stimulated
+settlement along the farther edge of the arable prairies. Texas, Kansas,
+Colorado, and the Dakotas had passed into a boom period about 1885, and
+had pushed new farms into regions that could not in ordinary years
+produce a crop. Only blinded enthusiasts believed that the climate of
+the sub-humid plains was changing. In good years crops will grow as far
+west as the Rockies: in bad, they dry up in eastern Kansas.
+
+It served the interest of the railroads to promote new settlements, and
+speculation got the better of prudence. The rainfall coöperated for a
+few years, enabling the newcomers to break the sod and set up their
+dwellings and barns. The quality of the settlers increased the dangers
+attendant upon the community.
+
+Under earlier conditions in the westward migration each frontier had
+been settled, chiefly, by occupants of the preceding frontier, who knew
+the climate and understood the conditions of successful farming. The
+greater distances in the farther West, and the ease of access which the
+railroads gave, brought a less capable class of farmers into the plains
+settlements. Some were amateurs; others knew a different type of
+agriculture. The population which had to deal with this new region was
+less likely to succeed than that of any previous frontier.
+
+The frontier of the eighties presented new obstacles in its doubtful
+rainfall and its experimental farmers. It contained as well the
+conditions that had always prevailed along the edge of settlement.
+Transportation was vital to its life,--as vital as it had been in the
+Granger States,--yet was nearly as unregulated. The Interstate Commerce
+Law of 1887 had little noticeable immediate effect. Discrimination,
+unreasonable rates, and overcapitalization were still grievances that
+affected the West. The new activity of organized labor, shown in the
+Western strikes of 1885 and 1886, added another obstacle to the easy
+prosperity of farmers who needed uninterrupted train service. The germs
+of an anti-railroad movement were well distributed.
+
+An anti-corporation movement, too, might reasonably be expected in this
+new frontier. Producing only the raw products of agriculture, its
+inhabitants bought most of the commodities in use from distant sections.
+They were impressed with the cost of what they had to buy and the low
+price of what they sold. They were ready listeners to agitators against
+the trusts.
+
+Like all frontiers, this one was financed on borrowed money. The pioneer
+was dependent on credit, was hopeful and speculative in his borrowings,
+built more towns and railroads than he needed, and loaded himself with a
+mountain of debt that could be met only after a long series of
+prosperous years.
+
+By necessity he was readily converted by the arguments of inflation.
+Greenback inflation had run its course, and after the resumption of
+specie payments in 1879 had been only a political threat without
+foundation or many followers. A Greenback party, affiliating with labor
+and anti-monopoly interests, had nominated Weaver in 1880 and Butler in
+1884, but even inflationists had not voted for the ticket in large
+number. A new phase of inflation had become more interesting than the
+greenbacks, and had led to the demand for the free coinage of silver.
+
+Among the demands of the Western farmer, whose greatest problem was the
+payment of his debts, none was more often heard than that for more and
+cheaper money. The Eastern farmer, though less burdened with debt, knew
+that more money would make higher prices, and believed it would bring
+larger profits. The Southern farmer, heavily in debt, not so much for
+purposes of development and permanent improvements, as because he
+regularly mortgaged his crop in advance and allowed the rural
+storekeeper to finance him, was also interested in inflation as a common
+remedy. Together the farmers of all sections kept pressing on the
+parties for free silver after the passage of the Bland-Allison Bill in
+1878. As the price of silver declined the gain which silver inflation
+would bring them increased, and they were joined by another class of
+producers whose profits came from mining the silver bullion.
+
+The silver mines furnished important industries in Montana, Idaho,
+Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Arizona, and California, and were highly valued
+in most of the Western communities. As their output declined in value
+after 1873, their owners turned to the United States Government for aid
+and protection, not differing much from the manufacturers of the East
+in their hope for aid. The restoration of silver coinage was the method
+by which they desired their protection, and they asserted that Congress
+could coin all the silver and yet maintain it at a parity with gold.
+They were allies with the farmer inflationists so far as means of relief
+were concerned, and both failed to see how incompatible were their real
+aims. The miners wanted free silver in order to increase the price of
+silver and their profits; the farmers wanted it to increase the volume
+of money and reduce its value. If either was correct in his prophecy as
+to the result of free coinage, the other was doomed to disappointment.
+But the combined demand was reiterated through the eighties. While times
+were good it was not serious, but any shock to the prosperity or credit
+of the West was likely to stimulate the one movement in which all the
+discontented concurred.
+
+The crisis which precipitated Western discontent into politics came in
+1889 when rainfall declined and crops failed. In the Arkansas Valley,
+with an average fall of eighteen inches, the total for this year was
+only thirteen inches. General Miles, who had chased hostile Indians
+across the plains for more than twenty years, and who had seen the new
+villages push in, mile by mile, saw the terrible results of drought.
+First suffering, then mortgage, then foreclosure and eviction, he
+prophesied. "And should this impending evil continue for a series of
+years," he wrote, "no one can anticipate what may follow." The glowing
+promises of the early eighties were falsified, whole towns and counties
+were deserted, and the farmers turned to the Government for aid.
+
+The Western upheaval followed a period in which both great parties had
+been attacked as misrepresentative. There was a widely spread belief
+that politicians were dishonest and that the Government was conducted
+for the favored classes. It was natural that the discontented should
+take up one of the agricultural organizations already existing, as the
+Grangers had done, and convert it to their political purpose.
+
+Since the high day of the Granger movement there had always been
+associations among the farmers and organizations striving to get their
+votes. The Grange had itself continued as a social and economic bond
+after its attack upon the railroads. There had been a Farmers' Union and
+an Agricultural Wheel. The great success of the Knights of Labor and the
+American Federation of Labor had had imitators who were less successful
+because farming had been too profitable to give much room for organized
+discontent, while in times of prosperity the farmer was an
+individualist. A new activity among the farmers' papers was now an
+evidence of a growing desire to get the advantage of coöperation.
+
+The greatest farmer organization of the eighties was the Farmers'
+Alliance, a loose federation of agricultural clubs that reflected local
+conditions, West and South. In the South, it was noted in 1888 as
+"growing rapidly," but "only incidentally of political importance." In
+Dakota, it had been active since 1885, conducting for its members fire
+and hail insurance, a purchasing department, and an elevator company.
+In Texas it was building cotton and woolen mills. The machinery of this
+organization was used by the farmers in stating their common cause, and
+as their aims broadened it merged, during 1890, into a People's Party.
+In Kansas, during the summer of this year, the movement broke over the
+lines of both old parties and had such success that its promoters
+thought a new political party had been born.
+
+Agricultural discontent, growing with the hard times of 1889, had been
+noticed, but there had been no means of measuring it until Congress
+adjourned after the passage of the McKinley Bill and the members came
+home to conduct the congressional campaign of 1890. They found that the
+recent law had become the chief issue before them. The so-called popular
+demand for protection, revealed in the election of 1888, had after all
+been based upon a minority of the votes cast. The tariff and the way it
+had been passed were used against them by the Democrats and the Farmers'
+Alliance.
+
+The act was passed so close to election day that its real influence
+could not then be seen and its opponents could not be confuted when they
+told of the evils it would do. Before the election of 1888, as again in
+1892, Republican manufacturers frightened their workmen by threats of
+closing down if free-traders won. This time the tables were turned
+against them by the recital of prospective high prices.
+
+Corrupt methods in framing the schedules furnished an influential
+argument throughout the West. Even in the East the tariff reformers
+asserted that undue favors had been done for greedy interests; that
+manufacturers who had bought immunity by their contributions to Quay's
+campaign fund had been rewarded with increased protection. The farmers
+believed these charges, plausible though unprovable, for they were
+disposed to believe that both the great parties were interested only in
+selfish exploitation of the Government to the advantage of politicians.
+
+In every State Republican candidates had to meet this fire as well as
+the local issues. In Maine, Reed met it and was elected with enlarged
+majority from a community that wanted protection. In Ohio, McKinley lost
+his seat, partly from the revulsion of feeling, but more because the
+Democrats, who controlled the State Legislature, had gerrymandered his
+district against him. Cannon, of Illinois, who had already served nine
+terms and was to serve ten more, lost his seat, and LaFollette, of
+Wisconsin, whom the protectionists had made much of, was checked early
+in a promising career because of an educational issue in his State.
+Pennsylvania, protectionist at heart, elected the Democratic ex-governor
+Pattison again in one of its revulsions against the Quay machine.
+
+The Democrats defeated the Republicans in the East while the Farmers'
+Alliance undermined them in the West. In Kansas and Nebraska the
+Alliance controlled the result, sent their own men to Washington, and
+secured the Kansas Legislature which returned the first Populist
+Senator. In several States fusion tickets were successful with
+Democratic and Alliance support. In the South, Democrats found it aided
+them in winning nomination--for the real Southern election was within
+this party and not at the polls--to assert that they were and had been
+farmers.
+
+When the votes were counted the extent of the reaction was realized. The
+last Congress had contained a safe majority of Republicans in each
+house. The new Congress, the Fifty-second, chosen in 1890, had lost the
+high-tariff majority in the lower body. Only 88 Republicans were
+elected, against 236 Democrats and 8 of the Alliance. The Republicans
+retained the Senate partly because of the "rotten borough" States, Idaho
+and Wyoming, which they had just admitted.
+
+The greatest factor in the landslide was the tariff, but this was,
+largely, only the occasion for an outburst of discontent that had been
+piling up for a decade. The dominant party was punished because things
+went wrong, because the trusts throve and labor was uneasy, because
+prices declined, because there were scandals in the Public Lands and
+Pension Bureaus, and because the rainfall had diminished on the plains.
+The new House elected a Georgian, Crisp, as Speaker, and the second half
+of Harrison's term passed quietly. Among the people, however, there was
+much conjecture upon the future of the Farmers' Alliance. A convention
+at Cincinnati, six months after the election, tried to unite the new
+element and form a third party of importance.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Union between the Knights of Labor and the Farmers' Alliance for
+political purposes was the aim of the promoters of the People's Party, a
+party that was to right all the wrongs from which the plain people
+suffered and restore the Government to their hands. Until the next
+presidential election they had time to organize for the crusade.
+
+The United States, by 1890, had begun to feel the influence of the
+agencies of communication in breaking down sectionalism and letting in
+the light of comparative experience. Men who survived from the
+generation that flourished before the war found their cherished ideas
+undermined or shattered. In public life, administration, literature, and
+religion the old order was being swept away. The United States had
+become a nation because it could not avoid it. Even the Congregational
+churches, with whom parish autonomy was vital, had seen fit to erect a
+National Council. Every important activity of trade had become national,
+and the only agency that retained its old localism was the law, which
+must cope with the new order. In many ways the trust problem was the
+result of an inadequate legal system which left a wide "twilight zone"
+between the local capacity of the State and the activity of the Nation.
+Yet the Nation was unfolding and expanding its powers. Railroad control,
+immigration and labor control, agricultural experiment, irrigation, and
+reclamation were only samples of the new lines of activity that created
+new administrative machinery and advanced abreast of the new idea of
+appointment because of merit and tenure during good behavior. Men who
+continued to see the center of political gravity in the State
+Governments were behind the times.
+
+An indigenous literature was rising in the United States. Dickens had
+lived long enough to recognize the spirit of a new school in _The Luck
+of Roaring Camp_, and _The Outcasts of Poker Flat_, which appeared in
+1868. Before 1890 the fame of their author, Bret Harte, was secure.
+Samuel Langhorne Clemens (Mark Twain), too, had seen the native field
+and had exploited it. The New England school, Emerson and Longfellow,
+Whittier, Holmes, and Lowell, lived into or through the eighties, but
+were less robust in their American flavor than their younger
+contemporaries who picked subjects from the border. _Tom Sawyer_,
+_Huckleberry Finn_, and the _Connecticut Yankee_ were life as well as
+art. Another writer of the generation, William Dean Howells, gave _The
+Rise of Silas Lapham_ to the world in 1885, and revealed a different
+stratum of the new society, while the vogue of _Little Lord Fauntleroy_
+tells less of the life therein described than of the outlook of American
+readers.
+
+Pure literature was in 1890 turning more and more to American subjects;
+applied literature was searching for causes and explanations. The
+writings of Henry George, particularly his _Progress and Poverty_,
+brought him from obscurity to prominence in six years, and by 1885 had
+"formed a noteworthy epoch in the history of economic thought." The
+success of Bellamy's utopian romance proved the avidity of the reading
+public. Parkman and Bancroft, of the older generation, Henry Adams,
+McMaster, and Rhodes, of the younger, led the way through history to an
+understanding of American conditions. Economics, sociology, and
+government were beginning to have a literature of their own, the last
+receiving its strongest impulse from the thoughtful _American
+Commonwealth_ of James Bryce.
+
+In the field of periodical literature the rising American taste was
+supporting a wider range of magazines. The old and dignified _North
+American Review_ was still an arena for political discussion. During
+1890 it printed an important interchange of views between William E.
+Gladstone and James G. Blaine, on the merits of a protective tariff.
+_Harper's Monthly_ and the _Atlantic_ had given employment to the
+leading men of letters since before the Civil War. _Leslie's_ and
+_Harper's Weeklies_ had added illustration to news, making their place
+during the sixties, while the _Independent_ held its own as the leading
+religious newspaper and the _Nation_ appeared as a journal of criticism.
+_Scribner's_ and the _Century_ had been added more recently to the list
+of monthlies, the latter running its great series of reminiscences of
+the battles and leaders of the Civil War and its life of Lincoln by
+Nicolay and Hay. Improvements in typography and illustration, combined
+with greater ease in collecting the news and distributing the product,
+made all the periodicals more nearly national.
+
+The periodicals, in a measure, took the place as national leaders that
+the newspapers had before. The newspaper as a personal expression was
+passing away, as the great editors of Horace Greeley's generation died.
+The younger editors were making investments rather than journalistic
+tools out of their papers. Trade and advertisement used this vehicle to
+approach their customers. News collecting became more prompt and
+adequate, but the opinion of the papers dwindled. They bought their
+news from syndicates or associations, as they bought paper or ink. The
+counting-house was coming to outrank the editorial room in their
+management.
+
+Through the new literature the changing nature of American life was
+portrayed, and as the life reshaped itself under nationalizing
+influences theology lost much of its old narrowness. Among religious
+novels _Robert Elsmere_ was perhaps most widely read. The struggle
+between orthodoxy and the new criticism had got out of the control of
+the professional theologians and had permeated the laity. A revised
+version of the Old and New Testaments gave new basis for textual
+discussion. The influence of the scientific generalizations of Darwin
+and his school had reached the Church and forced upon it a rephrasing of
+its views. It was becoming less dangerous for men to admit their belief
+in scientific process. The orthodox churches lost nothing in popularity
+as the struggle advanced, and outside them new teachers proclaimed new
+religions as they had ever done in America.
+
+The greatest of the new religions was that of Mrs. Mary Baker Eddy, in
+whose teachings may be found a religious parallel to the political
+revolt of the People's Party. Christian Science was a reaction from the
+"vertebrate Jehovah" of the Puritans to a more comfortable and
+responsive Deity. It was the outgrowth of a well-fed and prosperous
+society, presenting itself to the ordinary mind as "primarily a religion
+of healing."
+
+Intellectual, spiritual, economic, and political revolt were common in
+America in 1890, as they must have been after the industrial revolution
+of the last ten years. The whole nation was once more acting as a unit,
+for the South had outlived the worst results of war and reorganization
+and was again developing on independent lines. The immediate problem was
+the effect of the revolt upon political control.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The materials upon the unrest of the later eighties are yet uncollected,
+and must be pursued through the files of the journals, many of which are
+named above in the text. The new scientific periodicals: _Quarterly
+Journal of Economics_, _Political Science Quarterly_, _Yale Review_,
+_Journal of Political Economy_, etc., devoted much space to current
+economic and social analysis. F.L. McVey, _The Populist Movement_ (in
+American Economic Association, Economic Studies, vol. I), is useful but
+only fragmentary. The materials on free silver are mentioned in the note
+to chapter XIV, below. A.B. Paine, _Mark Twain_, gives many
+cross-references to the literary life of the decade. J.F. Jameson
+discusses the fertile field of American religious history in "The
+American Acta Sanctorum" (in the _American Historical Review_, 1908).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+THE NEW SOUTH
+
+
+The Old South, in which two parties had always struggled on fairly equal
+terms, was destroyed during the period of the Civil War, while
+reconstruction failed completely to revive it. The New South, in
+politics, had but one party of consequence. With few exceptions white
+men of respectability voted with the Democrats because of the influence
+of the race question which negro suffrage had raised. From the
+reestablishment of Southern home rule until the advent in politics of
+the Farmers' Alliance no issue appeared in the Southern States that even
+threatened to split the dominant vote. But under the economic pressure
+of the late eighties the old white leaders parted company and even
+contended with each other for the negro vote to aid their plans.
+
+The political influence of the Alliance cannot be measured at the polls
+in the South as easily as in the West. In most States, in 1888 and 1890,
+Alliance tickets were promoted, often in fusion with the Republican
+party. The greater influence, however, was within Democratic lines, at
+the primaries or conventions of that party. Here, among the candidates
+who presented themselves for nomination, the professional politician
+found himself an object of suspicion. The lawyer lost some of his
+political availability. Men who could claim to be close to the soil had
+an advantage.
+
+The value placed upon the dissatisfied farmer vote is shown in the
+autobiographical sketches which Senators and Representatives wrote for
+the _Congressional Directory_ of the Fifty-second Congress. Some who had
+never before held office stated the fact with apparent pride. One, who
+appeared from the Texas district which John H. Reagan had represented
+through eight Congresses, announced that he "became a member of the
+Order of Patrons of Husbandry, and took an active interest in advocating
+the cause of progress among his fellow laborers; is now Overseer of the
+Texas State Grange and President of the Texas Farmer Coöperative
+Publishing Association." From Georgia came several Representatives of
+this type. One "has devoted his time exclusively [since 1886] to
+agricultural interests, and is a member of the Farmers' Alliance."
+Another was elected "as an Alliance man and Democrat." A third "was
+Vice-President of the Georgia State Agricultural Society for eleven
+years, and President of the same for four years; he is now President of
+the Georgia State Alliance." A fourth, Thomas E. Watson, lawyer, editor,
+historian, and leader of the new movement, "has been, and still is,
+largely interested in farming." A South Carolina Representative covered
+himself with the generous assertion that he was "member of all the
+organizations in his State designed to benefit agriculture."
+
+The agricultural bases of the Southern political disturbance lay in the
+changes in tenure and finance that had recently appeared. The South was
+not without a pioneer immigration resembling that of the West. Many of
+the carpet-baggers had undertaken to develop farms there. There was much
+opportunity for rural speculation that increased in attractiveness as
+the area of free Western lands diminished. So far as this went, it
+produced a debtor class and prepared the way for inflation.
+
+But the development of new areas in the South was less significant than
+the method of its industry. The disintegration of plantations continued
+steadily through the seventies and eighties. The figures of the census,
+showing tenure for the first time in 1880, and color in 1890,
+exaggerated this, since many of the small holdings there enumerated were
+to all intents farmed by hired labor and were only matters of
+bookkeeping. Yet there was a marked diminution in the size of the
+estates. A class of negro owners was slowly developing to account for a
+part of the diminution. Frugality and industry appeared in enough of the
+freedmen to bring into negro ownership in 1900, within the slave area,
+149,000 farms, averaging 55 acres. There were at this time 2,700,000
+farms in the South, and 5,700,000 in the whole United States. Negro
+renters and negro croppers, many of whom labored under the direct
+supervision of the white landlords, increased the number of individual
+farmers, and like the rest lived upon the proceeds of the cotton crop
+that was not yet grown.
+
+Much of the capital that was used in Southern agriculture came from the
+North through the manufacturers and wholesalers who supplied the retail
+merchants of the South. These merchants advanced credit to their
+customers, measuring it by the estimated value of the next crop. Once
+the bargain had been struck, the farmer bought all his supplies from his
+banker-merchant, paying such prices as the latter saw fit to charge.
+There could be little competition among merchants under this system,
+since the burden of his debt kept the planter from seeking the cheapest
+market. The double weight of extortionate prices and heavy interest
+impressed a large section of the South with the scarcity of cash and the
+evils of existing finance.
+
+In agricultural method as well as in finance the South was oppressed by
+its system. The merchant wanted cotton, for cotton was marketable, and
+could not be consumed by a tricky debtor. Single cropping was thus
+unduly encouraged; diversified agriculture and rotation of crops made
+little progress. The use of commercial fertilizers was greatly
+stimulated, but agriculture as a whole could not advance.
+
+Tied fast to a system nearly as inflexible as that of the ante-bellum
+plantation, the South suffered disproportionately in years when cotton
+was low. Depression in the later eighties and the early nineties
+intensified the suffering of the debtor class and produced an inflation
+movement that allied the South and West in the demand for cheaper money
+and more of it. The Farmers' Alliance, with its demands for railroad
+control, trust regulation, banking reform, and free silver, was the
+logical vehicle for the expression of Southern discontent.
+
+The white population of the South, undivided since the Civil War, was
+confronted in 1890 by an issue that bore no relation to race and that
+divided society into debtor and creditor classes. For twenty years, by
+common agreement in which the North had tacitly concurred, the negro had
+been suppressed outside the law. Occasional negroes had got into office
+and even to Congress in reconstruction days. One, who described himself
+as "a bright mulatto," sat in the Fifty-first and Fifty-second
+Congresses, but in most regions of the South the negro had not been
+allowed to vote or had been "counted out" at the polls, while only in
+sporadic cases, mostly in the mountain sections, was the Republican
+party able to get enough votes to elect its candidates.
+
+The Farmers' Alliance split the white vote and gave to the negro an
+unusual power. From being suppressed by all to being courted by many
+involved a change that raised his hopes only to destroy them. The South
+no sooner saw the possibility that the negro vote might hold a balance
+of power between two equal white factions than it took steps to remove
+itself from temptation and to disfranchise the undesired class.
+
+The purpose of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments had been to raise
+the freedmen to civil equality and protect them there. Pursuant to the
+Fourteenth Amendment, Congress passed, in 1875, a Civil Rights Bill,
+which forbade discrimination against any citizen in "the full and equal
+enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges
+of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theaters, and other places
+of public amusement." It was restrained from imposing coeducation of
+the races only by Northern philanthropists who were interested in
+Southern education. Its compulsion was disregarded at the South, where
+social equality between the races could not be attained. Innkeepers and
+railroads continued to separate their customers, and in time a few of
+them were haled into court to answer for violating the law. Their
+defense was that the Fourteenth Amendment forbade discrimination by the
+States, but did not touch the private act of any citizen; that it
+protected the rights of citizens, but that these rights, complete before
+the law, did not extend to social relations,--that attendance at a
+theater is not a civil right at all, and may properly be regulated by
+the police power without conflict with the Constitution. In the Civil
+Rights Cases, decided in 1883, the Supreme Court released the
+defendants, ruling that the Fourteenth Amendment was too narrow in its
+intention to justify Congress in the passage of a code of social
+relations at the South. This part of reconstruction thus broke down,
+leaving the negro population at the discretion of its white neighbors.
+
+The Fifteenth Amendment, too, had been limited in its protecting force
+before 1890. It forbade a denial of the right to vote by any State. The
+Supreme Court easily determined that no violation could occur when a
+hostile mob excluded negroes from the polls. It had been settled before
+1890 that the negro was defenseless against personal discrimination. It
+remained to be seen whether he could be disfranchised by law and yet
+have no redress. Not till the South found some of its people appealing
+for the negro vote in the crisis of the Farmers' Alliance did it take
+the last steps in the undoing of reconstruction.
+
+The Fifteenth Amendment was not explicit. Instead of asserting the right
+of the negro to vote, it said, by negation, that the right should not be
+denied on account of "race, color, or previous condition of servitude."
+The three qualities of race, color, and servitude separated the races,
+but the South learned that they were separated by other qualities that
+were not proscribed by the amendment as a basis for the franchise. The
+negro was generally poor, and any qualification based on property would
+exclude him. He was shiftless, and often vagrant, and hence could be
+touched by poll-tax and residence requirements. He was illiterate, and
+was unable to meet an educational test. Tired of using force or fraud,
+the South began in 1890 a system of legal evasion of the Fifteenth
+Amendment.
+
+The State of Mississippi, in a new constitution framed in 1890, defined
+the franchise in terms that bore heavily upon the negro. In the debates
+of its convention members talked frankly and freely of their intention
+to disqualify the race; the clause bore no mention of discrimination. It
+permitted persons to vote who, being male citizens over twenty-one, and
+having reasonable residence qualifications, had paid a poll or other tax
+for two years preceding the election, and could read, or understand and
+interpret when read to them, any section of the constitution of the
+State. Under this clause, between the cumulative tax and the large
+discretionary powers vested in the officers of enrollment, the negro
+electorate was reduced until it was negligible in Mississippi; and it
+was a subject of admiration for other Southern States, which proceeded
+to imitate it.
+
+All of the cotton States but Florida and Texas, and most of the old
+slave States, revised their electoral clauses in the next twenty years.
+Arkansas, in 1893, based the franchise on a one-year poll-tax. South
+Carolina, in 1895, used residence, enrollment, and poll-tax, while the
+convention called to disfranchise the negro passed resolutions of
+sympathy for Cuban independence. Delaware, in 1897, established an
+educational test. Louisiana, in 1898, established education and a
+poll-tax; North Carolina, in 1900, did the same. Alabama, in 1901, made
+use of residence, registry, and poll-tax. Virginia based the suffrage on
+property, literacy, or poll-tax in 1902. Georgia did the same in 1908,
+and the new State of Oklahoma followed the Southern custom in 1910.
+
+It was relatively easy to exclude most of the negroes by means of
+qualifications such as these, but every convention was embarrassed by
+the fact that each qualification excluded, as well, some of the white
+voters. In nearly every case revisions were accompanied by a
+determination to save the whites, and for this purpose a temporary basis
+of enrollment was created in addition to the permanent. Louisiana
+devised the favorite method in 1898. Her constitution provided that, for
+a given period, persons who could not qualify under the general clause
+might be placed upon the roll of voters if they had voted in the State
+before 1867 or were descended from such voters. The "grandfather
+clause," as this was immediately called, saved the poor whites, and was
+imitated by North Carolina, Alabama, Virginia, and Georgia. The governor
+of Louisiana, in 1898, sang the praises of the new invention: "The white
+supremacy for which we have so long struggled at the cost of so much
+precious blood and treasure is now crystallized into the constitution as
+a fundamental part and parcel of that organic instrument, and that, too,
+by no subterfuge or evasions. With this great principle thus firmly
+embedded in the constitution and honestly enforced, there need be no
+longer any fear as to the honesty and purity of our future elections."
+The Supreme Court, in Williams _vs._ Mississippi (1898), and Giles _vs._
+Teasley (1903), declined to go behind the innocent phraseology of the
+clauses, and refused to overthrow them.
+
+Before the courts had shown their unwillingness to interfere, Congress
+had done the same. Two methods of redress were discussed during the
+years of Republican ascendancy, 1889-91. One of these contemplated a
+reduction of the Southern representation in the House, under that part
+of the Fourteenth Amendment that requires such reduction in proportion
+to the number of citizens who are disfranchised. Although urged angrily
+more than once, this action was not taken, and would not have affected
+cases in which the denial was by force and not by law. To meet the
+former situation the Republican party pledged itself in 1888. A Force
+Bill, placing the control of Southern elections in federal hands was
+considered. It received the enthusiastic support of Henry Cabot Lodge,
+and was the occasion for another waving of the "bloody shirt." It passed
+the House, with the aid of Speaker Reed, but in the Senate was abandoned
+by the caucus and allowed to die in 1891. The South was left alone with
+its negro problem. In the words of a Southern governor, "There are only
+two flags--the white and the black. Under which will you enlist?"
+
+The New South removed the negro from politics, but he remained, in
+industry and society, a problem to whose solution an increasing
+attention was paid. At the time of emancipation he was almost
+universally illiterate and lived in a bankrupt community. Northern
+philanthropy saw an opportunity here. The teachers sent south by the
+Freedmen's Bureau stirred up interest by their letters home. In 1867
+George Peabody, already noted for his benefactions in England and in
+Baltimore, created a large fund for the relief of illiteracy in the
+destitute region. His board of trustees became a clearing-house for
+educational efforts. Ex-President Hayes became, in 1882, the head of a
+similar fund created by John F. Slater, of Connecticut. Through the rest
+of the century these boards, in close coöperation, studied and relieved
+the educational necessities of the South. In 1901 the men who directed
+them organized a Southern Educational Board for the propagation of
+knowledge, while in 1903 Congress incorporated a General Education
+Board, to which John D. Rockefeller gave many millions for the
+subsidizing of educational attempts.
+
+The negro advanced in literacy under the pressure of the new influences.
+In 1880 seventy per cent of the American negroes over ten years old were
+illiterate, but the proportion was reduced in the next ten years to
+fifty-seven per cent; to forty-five per cent by 1900; and to thirty per
+cent by 1910. As the negro advanced, his own leaders, as well as his
+white friends, differed in the status to which they would raise him and
+in the methods to be pursued. Some of his ablest representatives, W.E.B.
+DuBois among them, resented the discrimination and disfranchisement from
+which they suffered, and insisted upon equality as a preliminary.
+Others, like Booker T. Washington, who founded a notable trade school in
+Alabama in 1881, worried little over discrimination, and hoped to solve
+their problem through common and technical education which might lead
+the race to self-respect and independence.
+
+Friction increased between the races at the South after emancipation.
+Freedom and political pressure demoralized many of the negroes, whose
+new feeling of independence exasperated many of the whites. Southern
+society still possessed many border traits. Men went armed and fought on
+slight provocation. The duel and the public assault aroused little
+serious criticism even in the eighties, and the freedmen lived in a
+society in which self-restraint had never been the dominant virtue. In
+Alabama, in 1880, the assessed value of guns, dirks, and pistols was
+nearly twice that of the libraries and five times that of the farm
+implements of the State. The distribution of the races varied
+exceedingly, from the Black Belt, where in the Yazoo bottom lands the
+negroes outnumbered the whites fifteen or more to one, to the uplands
+and mountains, where the proportions were reversed. But everywhere the
+less reputable of both races retarded society by their excesses.
+
+In spite of its unsolvable race problem the South was reviving in the
+eighties and was changing under the influence of the industrial
+revolution. Northern capital was a mainstay of its agriculture.
+Transportation, manufacture, and city development found stimulation from
+the same source. In 1884 the National Planters' Association promoted a
+celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the export of the first
+American cotton. In a great exposition at New Orleans they showed how
+far the New South had gone in its development.
+
+In the twenty years after 1880 the South became a modern industrial
+community. Its coal mines increased their annual output from 6,000,000
+tons to 50,000,000; its output of pig iron grew from 397,000 tons to
+2,500,000; its manufactures rose in annual value from $338,000,000 to
+$1,173,000,000, with a pay roll swelling from $76,000,000 to
+$350,000,000. The spindles in its cotton mills were increased from
+610,000 to 4,298,000. With the industrial changes there came a shifting
+of Southern population. The census maps show a tendency in the black
+population to concentrate in the Black Belt, and in the white population
+to increase near the deposits of coal and iron. Factory towns appeared
+in the Piedmont, where cheap power could be obtained, and drew their
+operatives from the rural population of the neighborhood. Unembarrassed
+by the child-labor and factory laws of the North, the new Southern mills
+exploited the women and children, and were consuming one seventh of the
+cotton crop by 1900. In Alabama, Birmingham became a second Pittsburg.
+
+The Southern railway system was completely rebuilt after the Civil War.
+In 1860 it included about one third of the thirty thousand miles of
+track in the United States, but war and neglect reduced it to ruin.
+Partly under federal auspices it was restored in the later sixties.
+After 1878 it suddenly expanded as did all the American railway systems.
+
+Texas experienced the most thorough change in the fifty years after the
+Civil War. From 307 miles her railways expanded to more than 14,000
+miles. Only one of the Confederate States, Arkansas, had a slighter
+mileage in 1860, but in 1910 no one had half as much as Texas. The
+totals for the Confederate area rose from 11,000 miles in 1870 to 17,000
+in 1880, to 36,000 in 1890, to 45,000 in 1900, and to 63,000 in 1910.
+After 1880 no Confederate State equaled Texas, whose vast area, suddenly
+brought within reach of railway service, poured forth cotton until by
+the end of the century she alone raised one fourth of the American crop.
+Through the expanding transportation system the area of profitable
+cotton culture rose more rapidly than the demand for cotton, and in
+overproduction may be found one of the reasons for the decline in cotton
+values in the early nineties. In the decline may be found an incentive
+toward diversified agriculture. When cotton went down, farmers tried
+other crops. The corn acreage in the ten cotton States passed the
+cotton acreage before 1899, and with the diversification came no
+decrease in the total cotton output, but an increase in general
+agricultural prosperity. In many regions fruit culture and truck-raising
+forced their way to the front among profitable types of agriculture.
+
+In spite of the changes in industry and transportation the South
+remained in 1910 a rural community when compared with the rest of the
+United States. Out of 114 cities of 50,000 population in 1910, only 15
+were in the Confederate area. But when compared with its own past the
+South was developing cities at a rapid rate. Only New Orleans and
+Richmond, in 1880, had 50,000 inhabitants. Atlanta, Charleston, Memphis,
+and Nashville were added to this class by 1890. Texas had no city of
+this size until 1900. But in 1910 she possessed four, Dallas, Forth
+Worth, Houston, and San Antonio. As the cities increased in number,
+bound together, and bound to the cities of the rest of the United States
+by the ties of trade and society, the localisms of the South diminished.
+The essential fear of negro control remained untouched, but in
+superficial ways the Southerner came to resemble his fellow citizen of
+whatever section.
+
+The sectionalism which had made a political unit of the South before the
+war was weakened. In the tariff debates of 1883 and later a group of
+Southern protectionists made common cause with Northern Republicans.
+Sugar, iron, and cotton manufactures converted them from the old
+regional devotion to free trade. A fear of national power had kept the
+old South generally opposed to internal improvements at the public cost.
+The Pacific railroads had been postponed somewhat because of this. But
+this repugnance had died away, and in the Mississippi River the United
+States found a field for work that was welcomed in the South.
+
+The Mississippi never fully recovered the dominance that it had
+possessed before the war, but it remained an important highway for the
+Western cotton States. The whimsical torrent, washing away its banks,
+cutting new channels at will, flooding millions of acres every spring,
+was too great to be controlled by States that had been impoverished by
+war and reconstruction. In 1879 Congress created a Mississippi River
+Commission. Unusual floods in 1882 attracted attention to the danger,
+and thereafter Congress found the money for a levee system that
+restrained the river between its banks from Cairo to the Gulf.
+
+The mouth of the river, always choked by mud flats, was opened by the
+United States in 1879. A Western engineer, James B. Eads, devised a
+scheme by which the current scoured out its own channel and converted
+itself into an ocean-going highway. He had already proved his power over
+the Father of Waters by building the railroad bridge that was opened at
+St. Louis in 1874. In 1892 other engineers completed a bridge at
+Memphis.
+
+The active development of the New South lessened the difference between
+it and the rest of the United States, and brought it within the general
+industrial revolution. By 1884 the trend was not noticeable. By 1890
+the white population had divided over a political issue like the North
+and West. In the years immediately following 1890 Populism was as much a
+problem in the South as anywhere.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+Most of the books relating to the South are partisan. The most useful
+economic analyses are to be found in the writings of W.L. Fleming, U.B.
+Phillips, and A.H. Stone. Special points of view are presented in A.B.
+Hart, _The Southern South_ (1911), E.G. Murphy, _Problems of the Present
+South_ (1904), E.A. Alderman and A.C. Gordon, _Life of J.L.M. Curry_
+(1911), J.L.M. Curry, _A Brief Sketch of George Peabody_ (1898), J.E.
+Cutler, _Lynch Law_ (1905), B.T. Washington, _Up from Slavery_ (1905),
+W.E.B. DuBois, _Souls of Black Folk_ (1903), and J.L. Mathews, _Remaking
+the Mississippi_ (1909). The _Annual Cyclopædia_ is full of useful
+details. The Annual Reports of the Peabody Fund, the Slater Fund, and
+the United States Commissioner of Education contain statistics and
+discussions upon Southern society. The Civil Rights Cases (109 U.S.
+Reports) give the best treatment of the legal status of the negro, and
+are supplemented by J.C. Rose, "Negro Suffrage" (in _American Political
+Science Review_, vol. I, pp. 17-43,--a partial sketch only), and J.M.
+Mathews, _Legislative and Judicial History of the Fifteenth Amendment_
+(in Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. XXVII). There were
+interesting articles on the New Orleans Exposition, by E.V. Smalley, in
+the _Century Magazine_ for April and May, 1885.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+POPULISM
+
+
+The election of 1890 stunned and bewildered both old parties. The
+Republicans lost their control of the Lower House, while the Democrats
+paid for their victory the price of a partial alliance with a new
+movement whose weight they could only estimate. Populism was engendered
+by local troubles in the West and South, but its name now acquired a
+national usage and its leaders were encouraged to attempt a national
+organization.
+
+In a series of conventions, held between 1889 and 1892, the People's
+Party developed into a finished organization with state delegations and
+a national committee. At St. Louis, in December, 1889, the Farmers'
+Alliance held a national convention and considered the basis for wider
+growth. The outcome was an attempt to combine in one party organized
+labor, organized agriculture, and believers in the single tax. The
+leaders of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor
+were not averse to such common action, although the latter preferred
+their own Federation to any party. The dangers of political action, seen
+in the decline of the National Labor Union of 1866, did not check the
+desires of the Knights in 1889, although the leaders found it easier
+then, as later, to promise the support of organized labor than to
+deliver it at the polls. After the St. Louis Convention the name
+Farmers' Alliance merged into the broader name of the People's Party,
+though the attempt to win the rank and file of the unions failed.
+
+In December, 1890, the farmers met at Ocala, Florida, to rejoice over
+the congressional victory and to plan for 1892. Since each of the great
+parties was believed to be indifferent to the people and corrupt, a
+permanent third party was a matter of conviction, and in May, 1891, this
+party was formally created in a mass convention at Cincinnati.
+Miscellaneous reforms were insisted upon here, but were overshadowed by
+the demands of the inflationists. James B. Weaver, of Iowa, the old
+presidential candidate of the Greenbackers, was a leading spirit at
+Cincinnati. His best-known aide was Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota, a
+devotee of the Baconian theory and of the "Lost Atlantis," who was now
+devoting his active mind to the support of free silver. A national
+committee was created after another meeting, at St. Louis in February,
+1892, and on July 2, 1892, the party met in that city in its first
+national nominating convention.
+
+The platform of the People's Party was based on calamity. "We meet in
+the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and
+material ruin," it declared. "Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the
+legislature, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench. The
+people are demoralized.... The newspapers are largely subsidized or
+muzzled; public opinion silenced; business prostrated; our homes
+covered with mortgages; labor impoverished; and the land concentrating
+in the hands of the capitalists."
+
+The greatest of the evils in sight was "the vast conspiracy against
+mankind," which had demonetized silver, added to the purchasing power of
+gold, and abridged the supply of money "to fatten usurers." To correct
+the financial evils the platform demanded "the free and unlimited
+coinage of silver at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one," and an
+issue of legal-tender currency until the circulation should reach an
+average of fifty dollars per capita. Postal savings banks, a graduated
+income tax, and economy in government were the subsidiary demands.
+
+No demand of the Populists attracted so much attention as this for free
+silver, but its platform touched reform at every angle. In the field of
+transportation it asked for government ownership of railroads,
+telegraphs, and telephones. It asked that land monopolies be prevented,
+that the public lands be in part regained, and that alien ownership be
+forbidden. It wanted the Australian ballot, liberal pensions,
+restriction of immigration, an eight-hour day, a single term for
+President and Vice-President, direct election of United States Senators,
+abolition of the Pinkerton detectives, and was curious about the
+initiative and referendum. It was in many respects a prophecy as to the
+workings of reform for the next twenty years.
+
+The People's Party entered the campaign of 1892 with this platform and
+with the support of advanced reformers, with a considerable following
+in the West and South, and with James B. Weaver and James G. Field as
+candidates. Few of the workers for its ticket were politicians of known
+standing, and its voters had a preponderance of youth. In several
+Western States the Democratic party supported it with fusion tickets. In
+the South it often coöperated with the Republicans. From the first the
+third party found it harder to stand alone than to unite with the weaker
+local party.
+
+The disrupting force of hard times was increased by the acts of the
+Republican party. Harrison's first Congress had passed a series of laws
+that provoked opposition and criticism. The Interstate Commerce Law was
+still new when he took office. In quick succession in 1890 came the new
+States, and Oklahoma Territory, the Dependent Pensions Bill, the Sherman
+Anti-Trust Bill, the Silver Purchase Bill, and the McKinley Tariff. The
+dominant majority had used arbitrary methods to enforce its will and had
+given to its enemies more than one text. After 1891 the Democratic
+majority in the House reduced the Administration to the political
+incompetence that had prevailed from 1883 to 1889.
+
+Benjamin Harrison gained little prestige as the result of the
+Administration. He had been nominated for his availability, and the
+campaign songs had said as much of his illustrious grandfather, the hero
+of Tippecanoe, as of himself. His appointments had pleased neither the
+politicians nor the reformers, while there was much laughter at the
+presence in the offices of numerous personal friends and relatives. The
+most notable of his appointments was the most embarrassing.
+
+James G. Blaine, as Secretary of State, found no topic in foreign
+relations as interesting as the canal had been in his earlier term. The
+wranglings with Great Britain and Germany over their treatment of
+naturalized Americans had subsided. The fisheries of the North Atlantic
+had been temporarily settled by President Cleveland. The regulation of
+the seal fisheries of Bering Sea brought no new glory to Blaine.
+
+There was no doubt that the seal herd of the Pacific was being rapidly
+destroyed by careless and wasteful hunters from most of the countries
+bordering on that ocean. On the American islands the herds could be
+protected, and here they gathered every summer to mate and breed. But
+the men who hunted with guns at sea, instead of with clubs on land,
+could not be controlled unless the world would consent to an American
+police beyond the three-mile limit. In an arbitration with Great
+Britain, at Paris, Blaine tried to prove that the seals were American,
+and entitled to protection on the high seas, and that the waters of the
+northern Pacific were _mare clausum_. The arbitration went against him
+on every material point.
+
+The only episode that threatened war occurred in Chile. Here Harrison
+had sent as Minister Patrick Egan, a newly naturalized Irishman and
+follower of Blaine. In a revolution of 1891 Egan sided with the
+conservative party that lost. His enemies charged him with improper
+interest in contracts and with instinctive antagonism to British
+interests in Chile. After the revolution a mob in Valparaiso showed its
+dislike for Americans by attacking sailors on shore leave. Egan's
+extreme demands for summary punishment of the rioters were upheld by
+Harrison, who prepared the navy for war. Finally the Chilean Government
+was forced to make complete apologies.
+
+In the same year an American mob in New Orleans lynched several
+Italians, and Blaine repelled with indignation the demand that indemnity
+be accorded before trial and conviction. He could not even promise trial
+because of the helplessness of the United States in local criminal
+proceedings. The Italian Minister, Baron Fava, was withdrawn from
+Washington on this account, and returned only when Congress had healed
+the breach by making provision for the families of the sufferers.
+
+The internal relations of the Administration were not happier than the
+external. Harrison chafed under the influence of Blaine, and alienated
+so many of the regular Republican leaders that it became doubtful
+whether he could secure his own renomination. Both Quay and Platt had
+been offended, and the former had resigned his chairmanship of the
+National Committee after the failure of a political bank in
+Philadelphia. No one was anxious to manage the President's campaign, and
+he showed little skill in managing it himself. The future was still in
+doubt when, on June 4, 1892, three days before the meeting of the
+convention at Minneapolis, Blaine resigned his position without a word
+of explanation. Whether he was only sick and unhappy, or whether he
+desired the nomination, was uncertain.
+
+The strength of Blaine and the rising influence of William McKinley were
+apparent in the Republican Convention. Harrison was renominated on the
+first ballot, but Blaine and McKinley received more than one hundred and
+eighty votes apiece. The former had reached the end of his career, and
+died the next winter. The latter was now Governor of Ohio. McKinley had
+lost his seat in the election of 1890, but had been raised to the
+governorship in the next year. He was chairman of the convention that
+renominated Harrison, reaffirmed the "American doctrine of protection,"
+and evaded the issue of free silver.
+
+The Democratic party had bred no national leader but Grover Cleveland
+since the Civil War, and he had earned the dislike of the organization
+before his defeat in 1888. His insistence upon the tariff offended the
+protectionist wing of his party, and he left office unpopular and
+lonely. He retired to New York City, where he took up the practice of
+law and regained the confidence of the people. Demands upon him for
+public speeches in 1891 revealed the recovery of his popularity. His
+friends began to organize in his behalf during 1892, and David B. Hill
+aided by his opposition.
+
+The strength of Hill, who had been elected Governor of New York, and who
+was now Senator, was based upon Tammany Hall and those elements in the
+New York Democracy that reformers were constantly attacking. He was
+believed to have defeated Cleveland in 1888 by entering into a deal with
+the Republican machine by which Harrison received the electoral and he
+the gubernatorial vote of New York. Early in 1892, as interest in
+Cleveland revived, Hill called a "snap" convention and secured the
+indorsement of New York for his own candidacy. The solid New York
+delegation shouting for Hill was an item in Cleveland's favor at the
+Democratic Convention in Chicago. With tariff reformers in control,
+denouncing "Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great
+majority of the American people for the benefit of a few," and
+reasserting Cleveland's phrase that "public office is a public trust,"
+the convention selected Cleveland and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois,
+as the party candidates. Its coinage plank, like that of the
+Republicans, meant what the voter chose to read into it.
+
+There were two debates in the campaign of 1892. On the surface was the
+renewed discussion of the tariff, with the Republicans fighting for the
+McKinley Bill all the more earnestly because there was danger of its
+repeal, and the Democrats officially demanding reduction. "I would
+rather have seen Cleveland defeated than to have had that fool
+free-trade plank adopted," said one of the Eastern Democrats to "Tom"
+Johnson after the convention. But the Democratic protectionists were
+forced into surly acquiescence so long as Cleveland was the candidate
+and William L. Wilson the chairman of the convention. The partial
+insincerity of the tariff debate aided the Populists, who were directing
+a discussion upon the general basis of reform.
+
+Cleveland was elected with a majority of electoral votes and a plurality
+of popular votes, but the vote for Weaver and Field measured the extent
+of the revolt against both parties. The Populists carried Colorado,
+Idaho, Nevada, and Kansas, gained twenty-two electoral votes, and polled
+over a million popular votes. Their protest, based on local hard times
+and discontent, probably defeated Harrison, while their organization was
+ready to receive a large following should the hard times spread.
+
+Harrison was not unwilling to surrender the Government to Cleveland in
+March, 1893, for he had been struggling for weeks to conceal the
+financial weakness of the United States and to avoid a panic. The great
+surplus that had been a motive for legislation for more than ten years
+had nearly become a deficit. Continuous prosperity had tempted Congress
+to make lavish appropriations. The McKinley Bill had reduced the revenue
+through changes in the sugar schedule. The Pension Bill had used other
+millions. Internal improvements had been distributed to every section.
+The surplus, which had been at $105,000,000 for 1890, fell to
+$37,000,000 in 1891, and in the next two years to $9,900,000 and to
+$2,300,000. In the spring of 1893 the Treasury was so reduced that any
+unexpected shock might cause a suspension. Cleveland's first duty was
+with causes and cures.
+
+The surplus had been affected both by increase in expenditures and by
+decrease in revenues. The latter had been due in part to the hard times,
+which had forced a curtailment of imports, with a resulting shrinkage in
+tariff receipts. At the same time an increasing nervousness, based upon
+the deterioration in quality of the assets of the United States, showed
+itself. The fear of free silver was hastening the day of panic.
+
+Silver and gold had always been traditional American coins, but since
+1834 little of the former had been coined or circulated, while between
+1862 and 1879 neither variety of specie was ordinarily used as money. In
+1873 a codification of coinage laws had omitted from the standard list
+the silver dollar, which had been unimportant for nearly forty years;
+and when, shortly thereafter, the decline in the price of silver made
+its coinage at the ratio of sixteen to one profitable, it was
+impossible. The demand for a restoration of silver coinage began with
+the silver miners who desired a stimulated market for their output. Some
+believed coinage would raise the price of bullion; others thought the
+Government would keep up the value of the silver coins, as it did the
+greenbacks, by redemption in gold. In 1878 a Free Coinage Act, pushed by
+R.P. Bland, was converted into the limited Bland-Allison Act. Under this
+the Treasury bought the minimum amount of silver bullion (two million
+dollars' worth) every month for twelve years, and protested continually
+that the silver coined from it was increasing the burden of redemption
+on the gold reserve. As the price of silver fell farther, the demand of
+the miners increased, and toward 1890 it was reinforced by the demands
+of inflationists who desired it for another reason.
+
+In 1890 the free-silver movement was not political in the sense that
+parties had declared for or against it. In each great party it had
+supporters, and few politicians were actively opposing it. A movement in
+its favor, with the support of the Senate, was reshaped under the
+influence of Sherman, and became a law in July, 1890. Under this the
+Treasury was forced to buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver each month, and to
+pay for it in a new issue of treasury notes. For the next three years
+the United States kept at par with gold the Civil War greenbacks, the
+Bland-Allison silver dollars, and the treasury notes of 1890. Only by
+its constant willingness to pay out any form of money at the option of
+the customer could it prevent the Gresham Law from operating and the
+currency from declining to the bullion value of silver.
+
+Every creditor feared the establishment of the silver basis because of
+the loss which it would entail upon him. His dollars would shrink from
+their gold value to their silver value. A depreciated currency was bad
+enough when unavoidable, but the deliberate adoption of it would be
+frank repudiation. Continually, after 1890, popular apprehension of this
+grew more acute, discouraging the undertaking of new enterprises and
+leading to the insertion of "gold clauses" in contracts. Gold was
+hoarded whenever possible. The receipts at the New York Custom-House,
+which had been mostly gold before 1890, contained less than four per
+cent of gold in the winter of 1892-93. As the Treasury found its
+expenditures nearing its receipts, and the proportion of gold in its
+assets lessening, business men were badly worried over the future of the
+currency, and an actual limit of available capital appeared.
+
+For fourteen years there had been prosperity in the United States.
+Financial and economic disturbances had been relatively slight, and
+every year had seen a greater business expansion than the last.
+Investment for permanent improvement had passed the amount of annual
+savings, and before 1893 the United States as a community had approached
+the point at which its economic surplus would be exhausted and an
+enforced liquidation would be due. As banks curtailed in 1893 to save
+themselves, stringency became general, and depression turned to panic.
+In April the gold reserve in the Treasury, on which the whole volume of
+silver and paper depended, passed below $100,000,000, which business had
+come to regard as the limit of safety. In the summer Great Britain
+closed her Indian mints to silver and that bullion dropped farther in
+value. Before July there was panic and failure everywhere in the United
+States.
+
+Panic had been imminent before Harrison left office and remained for
+Cleveland to confront. Already Cleveland had taken a solid stand against
+free silver and the silver basis. He saw in the Sherman Silver Purchase
+Act the most striking cause of danger, and summoned Congress to meet in
+August, 1893, to repeal it, while he maintained the gold reserve for the
+next two years by borrowing on bonds. For the first time since the Civil
+War his party controlled every branch of the Government, yet it now met
+an issue on which it had not been elected and over which it broke to
+pieces.
+
+An angry minority opposed the Message in which Cleveland described the
+financial dangers and demanded the repeal of the Sherman Law. It was a
+sectional minority that included Western Representatives from both
+parties and many Democrats from the South. Men who had fought the
+Populists since 1890 now fraternized with them and raised their strength
+beyond their hopes. The President refused compromise, even to save his
+party from destruction, and found a majority for repeal among Easterners
+of both parties. The Sherman Law was repealed in November, and the
+liquidation following the crisis was effected during the next three
+years.
+
+It was a bad beginning for tariff revision, to split the party at its
+first session and to drive into opposition those Democrats who were most
+genuinely interested in tariff reform. Cleveland had lost his influence
+with Western Democrats before the repeal of the McKinley Act was
+undertaken, and they, like the Populists, had decided that he was the
+tool of the corporations and the "gold-bugs" of the East. The
+anti-corporation feelings of the West were increased by the accident
+which threw the corporations and the farmers into different sides upon
+the silver question.
+
+A tariff for revenue had been the winning issue in 1890 and 1892, and
+the Democratic organization was pledged to pass it. When Speaker Crisp
+made William L. Wilson chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means his
+act showed an intention to fulfill the pledge, for which purpose Wilson
+brought in his bill early in the regular session of 1893-94. Like
+previous bills, this tariff was passed in the House, rewritten in the
+Senate, and again changed in conference committee. "The truth is,"
+confessed Senator Cullom long after, "we were all--Democrats as well as
+Republicans--trying to get in amendments in the interest of protecting
+the industries of our respective States." The surplus was no longer an
+argument in favor of reduction. The free-trade arguments were flatly
+contradicted by a group of Democratic Senators under whose leadership
+the bill lost most of its reducing tendency. Out of doors the
+Republicans attacked the measure and noisily charged it with having
+produced the panic of 1893. Fourteen years later a Republican President
+still described it as the measure "under the influence of which wheat
+went down below fifty cents." When it finally came to the President it
+was so little different from the McKinley Bill that he denounced it
+violently. He had tried in vain to hold his party to an honest revision,
+and now, in July, 1894, refused to sign the bill. It became a law
+without his signature. It contained no novelty but an income tax, which
+was a concession to the Populists and which the Supreme Court soon
+declared to be unconstitutional.
+
+In the fight over the Wilson Bill, Cleveland affronted Eastern members
+of his party as he had the Western members, in 1893, over the Sherman
+repeal. In the summer of 1894 he offended the whole body of organized
+labor by intervening in a Western strike.
+
+The panic of 1893 had unsettled labor and created a floating element
+among the unemployed. These drifted toward Chicago, attracted by the
+Columbian Exposition held there during that summer, and worried the
+police for many months. About Easter, 1894, an "Army of the Unemployed"
+marched on Washington under the command of Jacob S. Coxey. A few weeks
+later a strike occurred among the employees of the Pullman Palace Car
+Company. The American Railroad Union, under the leadership of Eugene V.
+Debs, established a sympathetic boycott against the Pullman cars. The
+Knights of Labor indorsed the strike, and railway travel was impeded
+over all the West. Around Chicago there was disorder and rioting which
+the Governor of Illinois, John P. Altgeld, did not suppress. He held the
+militia in readiness, but had not intervened when Cleveland sent federal
+troops to Chicago to remove obstructions to the carriage of the mails.
+
+This federal intervention offended those who still adhered to the
+doctrine of state rights, and angered the strikers and organized labor
+as a whole. They believed the President was a tool of the railroads, and
+believed the same of the courts when a federal judge issued an
+injunction to Debs forbidding him to interfere in the strike. In the end
+the strikers lost, leaving Cleveland's conduct in maintaining the peace
+in sharp contrast with that of the Populist Governor of Colorado, who
+intervened in a great miners' strike at Cripple Creek to arrest, not the
+strikers who had seized control of the mines, but the sheriff and his
+posse who wished to dislodge them. "It is better, infinitely better,"
+Governor Waite had declared, "that the blood should flow to the horses'
+bridles than that our national liberties should be destroyed." Congress
+made Labor Day a legal holiday in 1894, but failed to placate the
+unions.
+
+By the summer of 1894 Cleveland's party was split beyond repair, and his
+friends were mostly among the Republicans. Consistent in his belief in
+sound money, tariff revision, and law and order, he had been forced by
+events to alienate the West, the East, and organized labor. His course
+had aided the Populist party by widening the belief that the Democrats
+had no interest in their welfare. The panic had aided it yet more, by
+multiplying the discontented who might be converted to the new faith.
+Every month the Populist party increased in strength, the East watching
+it with mingled fear and contempt and ignorance. The comic papers
+pictured as the typical Populist the raw-boned, booted, unkempt farmer,
+in shirt-sleeves and with flowing beard. It could not see the foundation
+of real reforms on which the movement stood. A satirist pictured the
+Populist as "The Kansas Bandit," declaiming
+
+                   "The People's Party, to
+   Which me native instinct draws me because it
+   Loves the rule of mediocrity, is now on top. I
+   Love the rule of Ignorance."
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+F.J. Turner discussed "The Problems of the West," in the _Atlantic
+Monthly_ for September, 1896, and C. Becker has interpreted a similar
+point of view under the title "Kansas" in the _Turner Essays_ (1910).
+Wildman and McVey are valuable guides. The external facts of the
+Populist movement are accessible in the _Annual Cyclopædia_; Stanwood,
+_History of the Presidency_; Annual Reports of the Secretary of the
+Treasury; and Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_.
+Standard writings on the silver problem are J.L. Laughlin, _History of
+Bimetallism in the United States_ (1886, etc.), and F. W. Taussig,
+_Silver Situation in the United States_ (1893). Useful details are added
+in the biographies of Blaine, Bland, Sherman, and Vance. W.E. Connelley,
+_Ingalls of Kansas_ (1909), has included much material upon Populism,
+including E. Ware's satirical verses, _Alonzo, or the Kansas Bandit_.
+Light is thrown upon Governor J.P. Altgeld and his influence in the
+Democratic party by B. Whitlock, "Forty Years of It" (1914), and C.
+Lloyd, _Henry Demarest Lloyd_. The _Memoirs of a Varied Career_, William
+F. Draper (1908), gives a glimpse of the rigid protectionist attitude. A
+stimulating novel, based upon municipal politics in the nineties, is
+P.L. Ford's _The Honorable Peter Stirling_ (1894).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+FREE SILVER
+
+
+Serious students of finance are almost unanimous in their belief that
+the adoption of free silver would have brought into operation the
+Gresham Law and would have resulted in a reduction of the value of the
+dollar. But the motives which divided the United States were less
+economic law than personal interest. The creditor foresaw the shrinkage
+of his property, and feared it. The debtor saw the lightening of his
+debt, and easily convinced himself that the ethics of the case required
+such relief for him.
+
+It appeared to the West that the declining prices of the eighties had
+been due not so much to overproduction and mechanical invention as to an
+appreciation of the dollar. The silver advocate claimed that the money
+supply was inadequate to the demands of increasing business, that the
+overworked dollars were acquiring a scarcity value, and that their
+increase in value was placing an unfair burden upon every person with a
+debt to pay. It was the old attitude of the Greenback Northwest, brought
+out by a period of debt and depression. In accounting for the scarcity
+of money the Act of 1873 seemed important to the West. The
+demonetization of silver became a crime, and justice from the Western
+standpoint demanded the restoration of the dollar to its old value,--the
+value of its silver. Before 1893 the discontent was serious, but had
+not come to be the primary interest of the West. Men were not yet
+willing to leave their parties for the sake of silver. The panic drove
+them to the final step.
+
+Through the campaign of 1892 the major parties had dodged the issue of
+free silver by adopting evasive planks, while the general ignorance
+respecting the laws of money prevented the evasion from being seen.
+Until 1890 neither organization had been unfavorably disposed towards
+free silver and Congressmen catered to the movement when they dared. As
+its accomplishment became more probable, the selfish interests that
+would be adversely affected, and the economists who saw its theoretical
+danger, and the moralists who disliked repudiation, made common cause in
+a wide campaign of education.
+
+With the exception of extreme inflationists, all had declared that they
+wanted "honest" or "sound" money, and both parties insisted, in 1892,
+that all dollars, of whatever sort, must remain equal in value and
+interchangeable. They insisted, too, that silver must be used as well as
+gold, and neither platform saw that the demands were either inconsistent
+or improbable of realization. The pledge of equality pleased the
+creditor East, while that of equal use of both metals satisfied the
+debtor West and South.
+
+Bimetallism was a cry of many who disliked free silver, yet feared that
+a demand for the gold standard would wreck the party. As long as the
+traditional ratio of sixteen to one remained the commercial ratio, the
+free use of both metals was theoretically possible, but the experience
+of the United States showed that a slight variation in the commercial
+ratio inevitably drove the more valuable dollar into retirement and left
+the cheaper in use. The truth of Gresham's Law was believed by most
+economists, who doubted whether the commercial ratio was ever
+sufficiently permanent to make bimetallism possible. With the silver
+declining rapidly it was out of the question. If the silver in
+circulation ever got beyond the power of the government to control it
+through redemption in gold nothing could avoid the silver standard. No
+law of the United States could prevent it. There was only a bare
+possibility that an international agreement always to regard sixteen
+ounces of silver as worth one ounce of gold might establish the ratio,
+but to this straw the bimetallist turned, trying to ward off the demand
+for free silver with his plea for international bimetallism.
+
+[Illustration: The Flood of Silver
+
+Gold and Silver Output of the World, 1861-1911 In Ounces
+
+(Based on United States Statistical Abstract, 1912, pp. 796, 797)]
+
+The panic of 1893, the decline of silver, and the repeal of the Sherman
+Law stimulated the activities of those who believed in free silver and
+produced formal steps to bring it into politics. A silver convention,
+held in Chicago in August, 1893, denounced the "Crime of 1873," and
+Governor Waite recommended to the Colorado Legislature that it open a
+mint of its own for the coinage of legal-tender silver dollars. At state
+conventions, in 1893 and 1894, both parties adopted silver planks. The
+Nebraska Democrats rejected such a plank in 1893, but in 1894, after a
+caucus of free-silver Democrats in Omaha, they adopted a demand for the
+immediate restoration of free-silver coinage "without waiting for the
+aid or consent of any nation on earth."
+
+At the congressional election of 1894 the Republicans regained control
+of both Senate and House and many of the silver candidates were left at
+home. Some thirty, who had sat in the Fifty-third Congress, joined in
+March, 1895, in a call for the adoption of free silver as a party
+measure. To the iniquity alleged to exist in the gold standard was added
+the aggravating fact that its defenders had wealth and were often
+directors of corporations. The measure had become a class contest. Its
+textbook was found in _Coin's Financial School_, a little book with
+simple dialogue and graphic illustration, that popularized the Western
+view of free silver and reached hundreds of thousands with its apparent
+frankness. Free silver had by 1895 outgrown the Populists, and had
+overshadowed other measures of reform before either party had taken a
+frank attitude respecting it. "I have been more than usually
+despondent," wrote the originator of the Wilson Bill, who had lost his
+seat in 1894, "as I see how the folly of our Southern people, in taking
+up a false and destructive issue, and assaulting the very foundations of
+public and private credit, are throwing away the solid fruits of the
+great victory, solidifying the North as it never was solid in the
+burning days of reconstruction, and condemning the South to a position
+of inferiority and lessening influence in the Union she has never before
+reached."
+
+When the Fifty-fourth Congress met in 1895, Reed was again enthroned as
+Speaker, but the spread of silver sentiment had undermined party
+loyalty. Cleveland's annual Message contained the usual range of items
+upon government and foreign relations, and devoted several pages to a
+résumé of the financial operations of the Treasury and the currency
+problem. It closed with an appeal to the enthusiastic multitude that
+approved free coinage to reëxamine their views "in the light of
+patriotic reason and familiar experience." It gave no hint that any
+other topic was likely to pass free silver in the public view. Fifteen
+days later, on December 17, 1895, the President sent a special Message
+to Congress, in reference to an old dispute between Great Britain and
+Venezuela, that startled the world, upset the stock markets, and brought
+to life once more the Monroe Doctrine.
+
+For many years the unsettled boundary between Venezuela and British
+Guiana had been a source of irritation. The pretensions of both
+claimants were great and vague, while the continuous encroachment of
+British miners alarmed the weaker country. For nearly twenty years
+Venezuela had vainly appealed to the United States, asking that the
+dispute be arbitrated. The United States had taken a mild interest in
+the wrangle, but no one before Cleveland had felt vitally concerned. He
+undertook, in the summer of 1895, to persuade Great Britain to accept an
+arbitration, and pressed Lord Salisbury in a series of notes drafted by
+Richard Olney, Secretary of State.
+
+The contention of Olney was that the dispute was suitable for
+arbitration because of the difference in physical strength between the
+two countries, and that the United States had an interest in an
+equitable territorial adjustment. He stated the doctrine that John
+Quincy Adams had advanced in the Administration of Monroe, that
+interference with the destiny of the South American Republics affects
+the United States, and asserted that this was now a part of the public
+law of the United States. He listed the precedents in which it had been
+advanced since 1823, finding none in which it had been flatly checked.
+His long arguments upon the interests and proper supremacy of the United
+States in all American questions failed to convince the British Foreign
+Office, which denied both Olney's correctness in applying the Monroe
+Doctrine and the binding force of the doctrine itself. Arbitration was
+declined, and Cleveland, in submitting the correspondence to Congress,
+urged that an American court be created to ascertain the true boundary
+and that the United States afterward maintain it. "In making these
+recommendations," he admitted, "I am fully alive to the responsibility
+incurred and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow."
+
+The threat of war conveyed in the Message drove silver from the public
+mind. Business was aghast, and judicious publicists either questioned
+the value of the Monroe Doctrine or denied the propriety of its
+application. The general public supported the President without
+question, but many of his closest advisers turned against him. His
+political enemies charged him with raising a foreign issue to reunite
+his party, or with creating a scare to help his speculations in stocks.
+Great Britain blustered in her press, but opened her archives to the
+American Venezuelan Commission. In 1897 she allowed an arbitration to
+take place, and the affair passed over.
+
+Whatever Cleveland's motive in the Venezuela Message, it did not
+establish more than a transient calm in either party. His own was doubly
+split by silver and the tariff, while Republican plans for 1896 had
+become badly deranged. That party had organized to play upon protection,
+but found interest in its chosen subject silenced for the time.
+
+In spite of its defeats in 1890 and 1892, the Republican organization
+had kept up its fight for protection. Quay had in 1888 completed the
+partnership between the manufacturers who had a cash interest in the
+tariff and the Republican voters. In manufacturing communities the
+doctrine had been accepted that prosperity and protection went together.
+Ruin was prophesied if the Democrats should win. The panic of 1893
+seemed to prove this, and when the Democrats passed the Wilson Bill the
+Republicans asserted that the fear of this had caused the panic. In
+private, the leaders agreed with the president of the Home Market Club,
+who wrote in his memoirs, "The bill ... was much less destructive than
+there was reason to fear." "Our business was not unprofitable during
+these lean years, but much less profitable than it had been and ought to
+have been." Prosperity was clearly lacking and to be desired, and among
+the candidates for the nomination in 1896 was the author of the McKinley
+Bill, in whom an Ohio cartoonist had discovered the "Advance Agent of
+Prosperity."
+
+Associated with the name of William McKinley, of Canton, Ohio, was that
+of Marcus Alonzo Hanna, a citizen of Cleveland who had acted on the
+borderland between business and politics since 1880. Hanna had been
+among the earliest to see the financial interest of the manufacturers in
+the tariff and to capitalize it for political purposes. For several
+years he had collected money in Ohio for campaign funds, assessing the
+manufacturers according to their interests and impressing upon them the
+duty of paying on demand. It had been a business transaction. Hanna had
+no extraordinary stake in the result, but combined a genuine interest in
+politics with business standards of the prevailing type. About 1890 he
+became a friend of the Ohio protectionist and worked steadily thereafter
+for his election to the Presidency.
+
+McKinley was a tactful and successful Congressman. He believed in the
+tariff, spoke convincingly in its favor, had few enemies and many warm
+friends, and was widely advertised by the Tariff Bill of 1890. In public
+places after 1893 he was repeatedly hailed as the next candidate, but as
+the silver issue rose it appeared that there might be great difficulty
+in adapting his record to the new problem. He had favored bimetallism
+and free coinage in so many debates that the East, where lay the
+strongholds of the party, distrusted his soundness on the currency
+question. Yet if he abandoned free silver it was doubtful if he could
+hold the West. For months his friends, steered by Hanna, who spent his
+own money freely, endeavored to keep the tariff in the foreground, while
+the candidate preserved a discreet and exasperating silence upon the
+dominant issue of free silver.
+
+The most important rivals of McKinley for the nomination were Harrison
+and Reed, but neither of these possessed a manager as shrewd and
+resourceful as Hanna. McKinley was nominated on the first ballot at St.
+Louis, with Garrett P. Hobart, of New Jersey, a corporation lawyer who
+believed in the gold standard, as his associate.
+
+The nature of the Republican platform had been in debate throughout the
+spring of 1896. The organization was reluctant to take up the silver
+issue and the predetermined candidate was uncertain upon it. In the
+Platform Committee there was a contest involving the opportunists, who
+wanted to continue the policy of evasion; the Westerners, who felt that
+silver meant more to them than the party; and the representatives of the
+populous commercial East, who were devoted to the gold standard.
+Bimetallists had progressed in their education until most of them saw
+that bimetallism must be international if it could be at all. Various
+committeemen later assumed the credit for the plank that was finally
+adopted. After castigating the Democrats for producing the panic and
+renewing the pledge for protection, the party denounced the debasement
+of currency or credit. It opposed the free coinage of silver, asserted
+that all money must be kept at a "parity with gold," and pledged itself
+to work for an international agreement for bimetallism.
+
+The fight for free silver was carried by the silver state delegations to
+the floor of the convention, where it was defeated by a vote of 818-1/2
+to 105-1/2. At this point, led by Senators from Colorado and Utah,
+thirty-four members withdrew from the convention in protest. Even the
+Prohibition party had already been broken by the new issue. The humorous
+weekly, _Life_, spoke seriously when it declared that "The two great
+parties in the country at this writing are the Gold party and the Silver
+party. The old parties are in temporary eclipse." Few were satisfied
+with the Republican result, for while the platform pointed one way and
+the candidate's career pointed the other on free silver, the real
+interest of the party, protection, aroused no enthusiasm.
+
+No Democrat was the predetermined candidate of his party when it met at
+Chicago in July, 1896. Cleveland, least of all, was not given even the
+scanty notice of a commendatory plank. He stood alone as no other
+President had done, at issue with the Republicans on their major policy,
+yet without followers in his own organization. Slow, patient,
+courageous, stubborn, he had twice held his party to its promise, and he
+had refused to be carried away by the transitory demand of the West for
+dangerous finance. He had guided the National Administration through
+eight years of expansion and reorganization, and had been a devoted
+servant of civil service reform. In May, 1896, he had aggravated his
+offenses in the eyes of the politicians by issuing new rules that
+extended the classified service to include some 31,000 new employees,
+making a total of 86,000 out of 178,000 federal employees. He passed out
+of party politics at least two years before his term expired, and in
+1897 he took up his final abode in Princeton. From Princeton he wrote
+and spoke for eleven years, and before he died in 1908 the animosities
+of 1896 were forgotten, and he looked large in the American mind as a
+statesman whose independence and sincerity were beyond reproach.
+
+Forces beyond the control of politicians carried the Democrats toward an
+alliance with Populism and free silver. As two minority parties they had
+felt in 1892 a tendency to fuse against the Republicans. By conviction
+they were both obliged to fight the party of Hanna and McKinley, in
+which the forces of business, finance, and manufacture were assembled in
+the joint cause of protection and the gold standard. It was convenient
+to make this fight in close alliance, the more so because the Populist
+doctrine of free silver had permeated the Democratic organization in the
+West and South. In the conventions of 1896 more than thirty States, as
+Nebraska had done in 1894, asked for immediate free coinage, and a
+majority of the Democratic delegates were pledged to this before they
+came to Chicago. They gained control of the convention on the first
+vote, determined contests in their own favor, and offered a plank
+demanding "the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the
+present legal ratio of sixteen to one without waiting for the aid or
+consent of any other nation."
+
+The debate on the silver plank was long and bitter, although its passage
+was certain. It was closed by the leader of the Nebraska delegation,
+William Jennings Bryan, who had been a former Congressman, and who
+later said, "An opportunity to close such a debate had never come to me
+before, and I doubt if as good an opportunity had ever come to any other
+person during this generation." He took advantage of the moment, in a
+tired convention that had been wrangling in bitterness for several days,
+that had deserted the old politicians, and that had no candidate. He was
+only thirty-six years old, his face was unfamiliar, and his name had
+rarely been heard outside his State, but he had been preaching free
+silver with religious intensity and oratorical skill. His speech had
+grown through repeated speaking, and reached its climax as he pleaded
+for free silver: "If they dare to come out in the open field and defend
+the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost.
+Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world,
+supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, and the
+toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for the gold standard by
+saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this
+crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."
+Swept off its feet by the enthusiasm for silver, and having no other
+candidate in view, the convention nominated Bryan on the fifth ballot,
+selecting Arthur Sewall, of Maine, as his companion.
+
+The Populists met in St. Louis on July 22. "If we fuse, we are sunk,"
+complained one of the most devoted leaders; "if we don't fuse, all the
+silver men will leave us for the more powerful Democrats." Fusion
+controlled the convention, voting down the "Middle-of-the-Road" group
+that adhered to independence. Bryan was nominated, although Sewall was
+rejected for Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia. The organization of the
+People's Party continued after 1896, but its vitality was gone forever.
+
+The campaign of 1896 was an orgy of education, emotion, and panic.
+McKinley was driven by the opposition to defend the gold standard with
+increasing intensity. Protection ceased to arouse interest and other
+issues were forgotten. The Bryan party attracted to itself the silver
+wings of the Republicans and Prohibitionists, and absorbed the
+Populists. The gold Democrats, after several weeks of indecision as to
+tactics, became bolters, held a convention at Indianapolis in September,
+and nominated John M. Palmer and Simon Buckner. To this ticket,
+Cleveland and his Cabinet gave their support. Up and down the land Bryan
+traveled, preaching his new gospel, which millions regarded as "the
+first great protest of the American people against monopoly--the first
+great struggle of the masses in our country against the privileged
+classes." "Probably no man in civil life," said the _Nation_ at the end
+of the fight, "has succeeded in inspiring so much terror without taking
+life."
+
+As chairman of the National Committee, Marcus A. Hanna directed the
+Republican campaign. He encouraged the belief that Bryan was waging a
+"campaign against the Ten Commandments." He drew his sinews of war from
+the manufacturers, who were used to such demands, and from a wide range
+of panic-stricken contributors who feared repudiation. Insurance
+companies and national banks were assessed and paid with alacrity. The
+funds went into the broadest campaign of education that the United
+States had seen.
+
+In contrast to the activity of Bryan, McKinley stayed at home through
+the summer, and delegations from afar were brought up to his veranda at
+Canton, Ohio. To these he spoke briefly and with dignity, gaining an
+assurance that grew with the campaign. His arguments were taken over the
+country by a horde of speakers whom Hanna organized, who reached and
+educated every voter whose mind was open on the silver question. In the
+closing days of the campaign panic struck the conservative classes and
+produced for Hanna campaign funds such as had never been seen, and cries
+of corruption met the charges of repudiation.
+
+An English visitor in New York wrote on the Sunday before election: "Of
+course nothing can be done till Wednesday. All America is aflame with
+excitement--and New York itself is at fever heat. I have never seen such
+a sight as yesterday. The whole city was a mass of flags and innumerable
+Republican and Democratic insignia--with the streets thronged with over
+two million people. The whole business quarter made a gigantic parade
+that took seven hours in its passage--and the business men alone
+amounted to over 100,000. Every one--as, indeed, not only America, but
+Great Britain and all Europe--is now looking eagerly for the final word
+on Tuesday night. The larger issues are now clearer: not merely that the
+Bryanite fifty-cent dollar (instead of the standard hundred-cent) would
+have far-reaching disastrous effects, but that the whole struggle is one
+of the anarchic and destructive against the organic and constructive
+forces."
+
+The vote was taken in forty-five States, Utah having been admitted early
+in 1896, and no election had evoked a larger proportion of the possible
+vote. Bryan received 6,500,000 votes, nearly a million more than any
+elected President had ever received, but he ran 600,000 votes behind
+McKinley. The Republican list included every State north of Virginia and
+Tennessee, and east of the Missouri River, except Missouri and South
+Dakota. The solid South was confronted by a solid North and East, while
+the West was divided. McKinley received 271 electoral votes; Bryan, 176.
+
+Education played a large part in the result, and economic opinion
+believes that the better cause prevailed. But cool analysis had less
+effect than emotion and self-interest at the time. The lowest point of
+depression had been reached during 1894, while the harvests of 1895 and
+1896 were larger and more profitable than had been known for several
+years. Free silver was a hard-times movement that weakened in the face
+of better crops. "Give us good times," said Reed to Richard Watson
+Gilder, "and all will come out right." Inflation was not to be desired
+by the citizen who had in hand the funds to pay his debts. When he
+became solvent he could understand the theories of sound finance. It is
+probable that nature as well as gold was a potent aid to Hanna in
+procuring the result.
+
+William McKinley was advertised as the "Advance Agent of Prosperity,"
+and before he was inaugurated in March, 1897, prosperity was in sight.
+His election had destroyed all fear that the currency would be upset by
+legislative act, while the liquidation after the panic of 1893 had
+nearly run its course. Business was reviving, crops were improving, and
+the luckless farmers of the Western plains had abandoned their farms or
+learned how to use them. After 1896 the financial danger was not silver
+but gold inflation. In that year great mines were opened in Alaska,
+drawing heavy immigration to the valley of the Yukon and, a little
+later, to the beach at Nome. Other discoveries increased the gold output
+and flooded the world with the more precious metal. By 1900 prices were
+rising instead of falling, and public interest was turned upon the high
+cost of living rather than the low prices of the previous period. The
+average annual output of gold for the fifteen years ending in 1896 was
+$132,000,000. For the fifteen years beginning in 1896, it was
+$337,000,000. The election of McKinley was in name a victory for the
+Republican party, but was in reality one for sound money. The
+organization upon which he stood was an amalgamation of creditors and
+manufacturers, reënforced by gold-standard men of all parties. Without
+the aid of the last element he could hardly have been elected, on this
+or any other issue. When he took office the Republican party had control
+in both houses of Congress, had been elected on a money issue, but had a
+permanent organization based upon the tariff propaganda. Before his
+inauguration, Hanna declared that the election was a mandate for a new
+protective tariff, and one of McKinley's earliest official acts was to
+summon Congress to meet in special session, to fulfill that mandate, on
+March 15, 1897.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The most popular document in the free-silver propaganda was W.H. Harvey,
+_Coin's Financial School_ (_c._ 1894). This was replied to by Horace
+White, _Coin's Financial Fool; or the Artful Dodger Exposed_ (_c._
+1896); and the same author, in _Money and Banking_ (4th ed., 1911),
+discusses the economics of free silver. The best economic arguments for
+free silver came from the pens of Francis A. Walker and E. Benjamin
+Andrews. The Reports of the International Monetary Conferences (at
+Paris, 1867 and 1881, and at Brussels, 1892) are useful upon the attempt
+to establish a currency ratio by international agreement. There is no
+good biography of William McKinley, although the external facts of his
+career may be obtained in the _Annual Cyclopædia_, and in _Who's Who in
+America_ (a biennial publication which, since its first issue in
+1899-1900, has been the standard source of biographical data concerning
+living Americans). These may be strengthened by D. Magie, _Life of
+Garrett A. Hobart_ (1910). The best biography of the period is H. Croly,
+_Marcus Alonzo Hanna_ (1912), which gives an illuminating survey of
+Republican politics, although based on only the public printed materials
+and personal recollections. The opposition may be studied in W.J. Bryan,
+_The First Battle_ (1896). The platforms, as always, are in Stanwood,
+and there are useful narratives in Dewey, Latané, Andrews, and Peck.
+From this period the _Outlook_ (January, 1897), and the _Independent_
+(July, 1898), take on a modern magazine form and are to be added to the
+list of valuable newspaper files, while the _Literary Digest_ begins to
+play the part carried by _Niles's Register_ in the early part of the
+century. They may generally be trusted as intelligent, honest, and
+reasonably independent. The Venezuelan affair, besides stimulating
+diplomatic correspondence (_q.v._, in Foreign Relations Reports), led to
+the writing of W.F. Reddaway, _The Monroe Doctrine_ (1898), which is
+still one of the most judicious discussions of the topic. J.B.
+Henderson, _American Diplomatic Questions_ (1901), is useful also.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+THE "COUNTER-REFORMATION"
+
+
+The mission of Populism did not end when free silver had been driven
+like a wedge into all the parties. Its more fundamental reforms
+outlasted both the hard times and the recovery from them. Although
+obscured by the shadow of the larger controversy, the reforms had been
+stated with conviction. The Populist party was not permitted to bring
+the reformation that it promised, but it stimulated within the parties
+in power a "counter-reformation," that was already under way. This
+counter-reformation was largely within the Republican ranks because that
+party dominated in every branch of the National Government for fourteen
+years after 1897, but it was essentially non-partisan. It derived its
+advocates from the generation that had been educated since the Civil
+War, and many of its leaders bore the imprint of democratic higher
+education. It derived its materials from historical, economic, and
+sociological study of the forces of American society.
+
+Practical politics in America was at its lowest level in the thirty
+years after the Civil War. The United States was politically fatigued
+after the years of contest and turned eagerly to the business
+speculations that opened in every direction. Offices were left to those
+who chose to run them, while public scrutiny of public acts was
+materially reduced. The men in charge, unwatched in their business, used
+it often for personal advantage, and were aided in this by the character
+of both the electoral machinery and the electorate. A multitude of
+offices had to be kept filled in every State and city by voters who
+could know little of the candidates and who accepted the recommendation
+implied in the party name. Control of the nominations meant control of
+the elections, and was within reach of those who were persistent in
+attending caucuses and conventions and were not too scrupulous in
+manipulating them. The laws against bribery at the polls did not touch
+corruption at the primaries. The cities, rapidly growing through
+manufactures and immigration, were full of voters who could be trained
+to support the "bosses" who befriended them.
+
+The American "boss" made his appearance in the cities about 1870. His
+power was based upon his personal influence with voters of the lower and
+more numerous class. Gaining control of party machinery he dictated
+nominations and policies, and used the government, as the exposures of
+the Tweed Ring showed, to enrich his friends and to perpetuate his
+power. Caring little for party principle, he made a close alliance with
+the new business that continually needed new laws,--building laws,
+transportation laws, terminal rights, or franchises. From these allies
+came the funds for managing elections, and, too often, for direct
+bribery, although this last was necessary only rarely.
+
+Exposures of the evil of boss government were frequent after 1870, and
+in most cities occasional revolts of outraged citizens overturned the
+machines, but in the long run the citizen was no match for the
+professional politician. In the unequal contest city government became
+steadily worse in America at a time when European city government was
+rapidly improving. States, too, were afflicted with machine politics,
+and before 1890 it appeared that the dominant national party derived its
+most valuable support from organized business that profited by the
+partnership.
+
+A minority of Americans fought continually for better and cleaner
+government as the evils of boss rule became more visible. One of them,
+Bishop Potter, of New York, gained wide hearing through a sermon
+preached at the centennial of the Constitution, in 1887, in which he
+turned from the usual patriotic congratulation to discuss actual
+government. The keenest interest in the subject was aroused by the
+_American Commonwealth_ of James Bryce.
+
+Not since Alexis de Tocqueville published his _Democracy in America_, in
+1835, had any foreign observer made an equally intimate study of
+American life, until James Bryce, a young English historian, began a
+series of visits to the United States in the early seventies. For nearly
+twenty years Bryce repeated his visits, living at home a full life in
+his Oxford professorate, in the House of Commons, and in the Ministry.
+In America he knew every one worth knowing, and he saw the remoter
+regions of the West as well as the older society of the East. In 1888
+he brought out the result of his studies in two volumes that were filled
+with admiration for the United States and with disheartening observation
+upon its practices. One of its chapters cut so close that its victim
+brought suit for libel, but American opinion accepted the book as a
+friendly picture and regarded attacks upon it as further evidence of its
+inherent truth. Probably no book in a generation so profoundly
+influenced American thought and so specifically directed the course of
+American reform. It became a textbook at once, teaching the truth that
+corruption and misgovernment were non-partisan, and until the Populists
+took them up the movements for reform were non-partisan as well.
+
+The power of the boss lay largely in the structure of American
+governmental machinery, and though some preached the need for a reform
+in spirit, others saw that only mechanical improvements could accomplish
+results. A corruptible electorate, such as had long confused British and
+American politics, was one defect most easily improved. The prevailing
+system for conducting elections made it easy for the purchaser of votes
+to see that he got value for his money. The State provided the
+polling-place, but the candidate or the party provided the printed
+ballot. Party agents distributed these at the polls, and the voters who
+received them could be watched until the votes were cast. Intimidation
+of employees or direct bribery were easy and common, while secret deals
+were not unknown. The loyal party voter deposited the ballots provided
+for him; the boss could have these arranged to suit his needs. It was
+commonly supposed that in 1888, through an agreement between the
+Democratic and Republican bosses of New York, Hill and Platt, many
+Republicans were made to vote for Hill as Governor, while Democrats
+voted for Harrison as President.
+
+A secret ballot was so reasonable a reform that once it had been
+suggested it spread rapidly over the United States. In 1888
+Massachusetts adopted a system based upon the Australian Ballot Law,
+while New York advertised its value in the same year when Governor Hill
+vetoed a bill to establish it. Before the next presidential election
+came in 1892, open bribery or intimidation of voters was rapidly
+becoming a thing of the past, for thirty-three States had adopted the
+Australian ballot, provided by public authority and voted in secrecy.
+"Quay and Platt and Clarkson may find in this fact a fresh explanation
+of President Harrison's willingness to divest himself of their
+services," wrote Godkin in a caustic paragraph in 1892.
+
+The Australian ballot enabled the honest citizen to vote in secrecy and
+safety, but it failed to touch the fact that the nominations were still
+outside the law. "To find the honest men," Bryce wrote, "and having
+found them, to put them in office and keep them there, is the great
+problem of American politics." So long as a boss could direct the
+nomination he could tolerate an honest election. The movement to
+legalize the party primaries was just beginning when the ballot reform
+was accomplished. The most extreme of the primary reformers saw the need
+for a preliminary election conducted within each party, but under all
+the safeguards of law, to the end that the voters might themselves
+determine their candidates. Direct primaries were discussed by the
+younger men, who were often ambitious, but helpless because of the rigor
+with which the bosses selected their own candidates. In 1897 a young
+ex-Congressman, Robert M. LaFollette, worked out a complete system of
+local and national primaries, and found wide and sympathetic hearing for
+it. The movement had to face the bitter opposition of the machine
+politicians because it struck directly at their power, but it progressed
+slowly. In 1901 it won in Minnesota; a little later it won in Wisconsin;
+and in the next ten years it became a central feature in reform
+platforms.
+
+The reforms of the primary and the ballot were designed to improve the
+quality of public officers, and were supplemented by a demand for direct
+legislation which would check up the result. In Switzerland a scheme had
+been devised by which the people, by petition, could initiate new laws
+or obtain a vote upon existing laws. The idea of submitting special
+measures to popular vote, or referendum, was old in the United States,
+for in this way state constitutions and constitutional amendments were
+habitually adopted, and matters of city charters, loans and franchises
+often determined. The initiative, however, was new, and appealed to the
+reformer who resented the refusal of the legislature to pass desired
+laws as well as the unwillingness to pass worthy ones. The Populists, in
+1892, recommended that the system of direct legislation be investigated,
+and they favored its adoption in 1896. A journal for the promotion of
+the reform appeared in 1894. In 1898 the first State, South Dakota,
+adopted the principle of initiative and referendum in a constitutional
+amendment. To those who attacked the device as only mechanical it was
+answered: "Direct legislation is not a panacea for all national ills. In
+fact it is not a panacea at all. It is merely a spoon with which the
+panacea can be administered. Specific legislation is the panacea for
+political ills."
+
+The West was more ready than the East to break from existing practice
+and take up the new reforms. It had always been the liberal section of
+the United States. Between 1800 and 1830 it had led in the enlargement
+of the franchise and in the removal of qualifications of wealth and
+religion. It now approached the one remaining qualification of sex. With
+the admission of Wyoming in 1890, full woman suffrage appeared among the
+States. Colorado adopted an amendment establishing it in 1893. Utah, in
+the words of the women, "completing the trinity of true Republics at the
+summit of the Rockies," became the third suffrage State in January,
+1896, while Idaho adopted woman suffrage in the same year. It was
+fifteen years before a fifth State was added to the list, but the
+women's movement was advancing in all directions. A General Federation
+of Women's Clubs was organized in 1890 as a clearing-house for the
+activities of the women, and through organizations like the Consumers'
+League, the movement fell into line with the general course of reform. A
+clearer vision of the defects in governmental machinery and of the
+needs of society was spreading rapidly. Hull House, opened in 1889 by
+Jane Addams, had a host of imitators in the cities, and enabled social
+workers to study the results of industrial progress upon the laboring
+class.
+
+The new reforms, mechanical and otherwise, established themselves about
+1890, and were taken up by the Populist party between 1892 and 1896.
+Neither great party noticed the reforms before 1896, but in each party
+the younger workers saw their point. As non-partisan movements they
+gained adherents before the Populist party died out, and were pressed
+more and more seriously upon reluctant organizations. As a whole they
+were an attempt to make government more truly representative of the
+voters, and to take the control of affairs from the hands of men who
+might and often did use them for private aggrandizement. They were
+overshadowed in 1896 by the paramount issue of free silver, and were
+deferred in their fulfilment for a decade by accidents which drove them
+from the public mind. The Spanish War, reviving prosperity, and the
+renewal of tariff legislation, did not check the activities of the
+reformers, but did divert the attention of the public.
+
+William McKinley was inaugurated on March 4, 1897. He had served in five
+Congresses and had been three times governor of Ohio. He "knew the
+legislative body thoroughly, its composition, its methods, its habits of
+thought," said John Hay. "He had the profoundest respect for its
+authority and an inflexible belief in the ultimate rectitude of its
+purposes." He was not likely to embarrass business through bluntness or
+inexperience. He had risen through a kindly disposition, a recognition
+of the political value of tact, and an unusual skill as a moderator of
+variant opinions. He believed that his function was to represent the
+popular will as rapidly as it expressed itself, differing fundamentally
+in this from Cleveland, who thought himself bound to act in the interest
+of the people as he saw it. His Cabinet reflected the interests that
+secured his election.
+
+The trend of issues had made the Republican party, by 1897, the party of
+organized business. For twelve years the alliance had grown steadily
+closer. Marcus A. Hanna was its spokesman. The burlesque of his sincere
+and kindly face, drawn by a caricaturist, Davenport, for Eastern papers,
+created for the popular eye the type of commercialized magnate, but it
+did him great injustice. Self-respecting and direct, he believed it to
+be the first function of government to protect property, and that
+property should organize for this purpose. Without malevolence, he
+conducted business for the sake of its profits, and regarded government
+as an adjunct to it. He possessed great capacity for winning popularity,
+and after his entry into public life in 1897 gained reputation as an
+effective speaker. He destroyed, before his death, much of the offensive
+notoriety that had been thrust upon him during the campaign of 1896, but
+he remained the best representative of the generation that believed
+government to be only a business asset. He did not enter the Cabinet of
+McKinley, but was appointed Senator from Ohio when John Sherman vacated
+his seat.
+
+The pledge of the Republicans for international bimetallism created a
+need for a financial Secretary of State, and John Sherman, though old
+and infirm, was persuaded to undertake the office. The routine of the
+department was assigned to an assistant secretary, William R. Day, an
+old friend of the President. A magnate of the match trust, Russell A.
+Alger, of Michigan, received the War Department. The president of the
+First National Bank of Chicago, Lyman J. Gage, received the Treasury.
+The other secretaries, too, were men of solidity, generally self-made,
+and likely to inspire confidence in the world of business.
+
+The new Senators who appeared at this time represented the same alliance
+of trade and politics. Hanna, in Ohio, and Thomas C. Platt, president of
+the United States Express Company, in New York, were the most striking
+instances. In Pennsylvania Quay was able to nominate his colleague in
+spite of the opposition of his old associate, John Wanamaker, and
+selected Boies Penrose. Only with the aid of the silver Senators could a
+Republican majority be procured in the Senate. This made currency
+legislation impossible, but the managers hoped that there would be a
+majority for a protective tariff when Congress met in special session,
+two weeks after the inauguration.
+
+Preparations for a revision of the tariff had been made long before
+Cleveland left office. Reed was certain to be reëlected as Speaker by a
+large majority. Nelson Dingley, of Maine, was equally certain to be
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and began to hold tariff
+hearings early in 1897. A rampant spirit for protection was revealed as
+the manufacturers stated their wishes to the committee. It was often
+told how the low rates of the Wilson Bill had caused the panic of 1893,
+and a New York maker of "Oriental rugs" created amusement by asking to
+be protected from the competition, not of the Orient, but of the German
+manufacturers. Since 1890 the strength of the Republican organization
+had been directed toward this revision, and the leaders had held back
+the silver issue lest it should derange their plans. Now, though
+returned to power only on the issue of the currency, they held
+themselves empowered to act as though the tariff had been dominant in
+1896. The call stated the need for tariff legislation, and Reed held the
+House to its task by refusing to appoint the committees without which
+other business could not be undertaken.
+
+The Dingley Bill passed the House of Representatives after a perfunctory
+debate which every one regarded as only preliminary to the real struggle
+in Senate and Conference Committee. In the Senate it became a new
+measure at the hands of the Finance Committee, whose secretary, S.N.D.
+North, was also secretary of the Wool Manufacturers' Association.
+Revenue was everywhere subordinated to protection, until the Chief of
+the Bureau of Statistics, Worthington C. Ford, declared that the act
+would prolong the deficit which it was designed to cure. On its final
+passage, the Democratic Senator, McEnery, of Louisiana, left his party
+to vote for protection to sugar. He was welcomed home in August, in
+spite of his "treason," by a reception committee with four hundred
+vice-presidents. The silver Senators, headed by Jones, of Nevada, were
+induced to support the bill. They had procured the Sherman Silver Bill
+in 1890 by the same tactics, and now, holding the balance of power,
+secured a group of amendments for themselves, covering hides, wool, and
+ore. The measure passed the Senate early in July and became a law July
+24, 1897. Senator William B. Allison, of Iowa, was largely responsible
+for its final passage, although the law continued to bear the name of
+its forgotten originator, Dingley.
+
+The Republican party was in no condition in 1897 to become the vehicle
+of the non-partisan reforms that the Populists advocated and that many
+young Republicans had taken up. The interest in tariff legislation drove
+everything else from the national organization, while returning
+prosperity destroyed the mental attitude in which reforms had
+flourished. Political introspection was less easy in 1897 and 1898 than
+it had been in the years of confusion and enforced economy since 1890.
+The civil service and ballot reforms had been started on the upward
+course, but party machines continued in control of each great
+organization.
+
+The conduct of the Senate discouraged many of the reformers in the
+spring of 1897. Cleveland had left in its hands a treaty of arbitration
+with Great Britain, but no action had been taken upon it when he left
+office. Arbitration had been a common international tool between Great
+Britain and the United States. Boundaries, fisheries, and claims had
+repeatedly been submitted to courts or commissions of varying
+structure, and even the claims affecting the honor of Great Britain had
+been settled by arbitration at Geneva. After the Venezuela excitement
+friends of peace gathered in a convention at Lake Mohonk to discuss the
+extension of the method of arbitration. When Great Britain had accepted
+the principle in the case of Venezuela, Cleveland entered into a general
+arbitration treaty, which was signed at Washington in February, 1897.
+Public opinion received it cordially, but the Senate was slow to take it
+up. Late in the spring it was ratified with amendments that destroyed
+its force and showed the reluctance of Senators to accept the principle
+of arbitration. International peace was thus postponed, while the rising
+insurrection in Cuba drove it as well as general reform from the center
+of public interest.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The _American Commonwealth_ of James Bryce (1888) is the starting-point
+for the study of political conditions of the nineties, and is to be
+reinforced by W. Wilson, _Congressional Government_ (1885), T.
+Roosevelt, _Essays on Practical Politics_ (1888), and P.L. Ford, _The
+Honorable Peter Stirling_ (1894). Among the personal narratives the most
+useful are T. Roosevelt, _Fifty Years of My Life_ (1913); R.M.
+LaFollette, _A Personal Narrative of Political Experiences_ (1913; also
+published serially in the _American Magazine_, 1911, as
+"Autobiography"); Tom L. Johnson's _My Story_ (1911; edited by E.J.
+Hauser); C. Lloyd, _Henry Demarest Lloyd_ (2 vols., 1912);
+_Autobiography of Thomas Collier Platt_ (1910; edited by L.J. Lang, and
+highly unreliable); and Jane Addams, _Twenty Years of Hull House_
+(1910). Much light is thrown upon the mechanics of tariff legislation by
+I.M. Tarbell, _The Tariff in Our Times_ (1911), and by the lobby
+investigations conducted by committees of Congress in 1913, and by the
+campaign fund investigations conducted by similar committees in 1912.
+The progress of the Australian ballot reform must be traced through the
+periodicals, as it has no good history. E.C. Meyer, _Nominating Systems:
+Direct Primaries versus Conventions in the United States_ (1902), is
+standard in its field, as are E.P. Oberholtzer, _The Referendum in
+America_ (1893), and E.C. Stanton, S.B. Anthony, and M.J. Gage, _History
+of Woman Suffrage_, 1848-1900(4 vols., 1881-1902). The Annual Reports of
+the Lake Mohonk Conferences on International Arbitration are a useful
+aid in tracing the principles of arbitration.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+THE SPANISH WAR
+
+
+Cuba broke out in one of her numerous insurrections in 1895. The island
+had been nominally quiet since the close of the Ten Years' War, in 1878,
+but had always been an object of American interest. More than once it
+had entered into American diplomacy to bring out reiterations of
+different phases of the Monroe Doctrine. Its purchase by the United
+States had been desired to extend the slave area, or to control the
+Caribbean, or to enlarge the fruit and sugar plantation area. The free
+trade in sugar, which the McKinley Bill had allowed, ended in 1894, and
+almost immediately thereafter the native population demanded
+independence.
+
+The revolt of 1895 was defended and justified by a recital of the faults
+of Spanish colonial government. Caste and monopoly played a large part
+in Cuban life. The Spanish-born held the offices, enjoyed the profits,
+and owned or managed the commercial privileges. The western end of the
+island, most thickly settled and most under the influence of Spain, gave
+least support to the uprising, but in the east, where the Cubans and
+negroes raised and ground cane, or grazed their herds, discontent at the
+system of favoritism and race discrimination was an important political
+force. Here the insurgents soon gained a foothold in the provinces of
+Santiago, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara. From the jungle or the
+mountains they sent bands of guerrillas against the sugar mills and
+plantations of the ruling class, and when pursued their troops hid their
+weapons and became, ostensibly, peaceful farmers. A revolutionary
+government, sitting safely in New York, directed the revolt, raised
+money by playing on the American love of freedom, and sent cargoes of
+arms, munitions, and volunteers to the seat of war. Avoiding pitched
+battles and living off the country, the patriot forces compelled Spain
+to put some 200,000 troops in Cuba and to garrison every place that she
+retained.
+
+[Illustration: ALASKA, THE PHILIPPINES, AND THE SEAT OF THE SPANISH WAR]
+
+Through 1895 and 1896 the war dragged on with no prospect of victory for
+the authorities and with growing interest on the part of the United
+States. Public sympathy was with the Cubans, and news from the front was
+so much desired that enterprising papers sent their correspondents to
+the scene of action. The reports of these, almost without exception,
+magnified the character and promise of the native leaders and attacked
+the policy of the Spanish forces of repression.
+
+The insurgents began, in 1895, a policy of terror, destroying the cane
+in the fields of loyalists and burning their sugar mills. To protect the
+loyalists and repress the rebels the Queen Regent sent General Valeriano
+Weyler to the island in 1896, with orders to end the war. Weyler replied
+to devastation with concentration. Unable to separate the loyal natives
+from the disloyal, or to prevent the latter from aiding the rebels, he
+gathered the suspected population into huge concentration camps,
+fortified his towns and villages with sentinels and barbed-wire fences,
+and endeavored to depopulate the area outside his lines. American public
+opinion, unused for a generation to the sight of war, was shocked by the
+suffering in the camps and was aroused in moral protest. Sympathy with
+the insurgents grew in 1896 and 1897, as exaggerated tales of hardship
+and brutality were circulated by the "yellow" newspapers. The evidence
+was one-sided and incomplete, and often dishonest, but it was effective
+in steering a rising public opinion toward ultimate intervention.
+
+The nearness of the contest brought the trouble to the United States
+Government through the enforcement of the neutrality laws. There was no
+public war, and Spain was thus unable to seize or examine American
+vessels until they entered actual Cuban waters. It was easy to run the
+Spanish blockade and take supplies to the rebel forces, which was a
+permissible trade. It was easy, too, to organize and send out
+filibustering parties, which were highly illegal, and which the United
+States tried to stop. Out of seventy-one known attempts, the United
+States broke up thirty-three, while other Powers, including Spain,
+caught only eleven. Enough landed to be a material aid to the natives
+and to embitter Spain in her criticism of the United States. Cleveland
+issued proclamations against the unfriendly acts of citizens, and
+enforced the law as well as he could in a population and with juries
+sympathizing with the law-breakers. Even in Congress he found little
+sympathy in his attempt to maintain a sincere neutrality.
+
+Congress felt the popular sympathy with the Cubans and responded to it,
+as well as to the demands of Americans with investments in Cuba. In the
+spring of 1896 both houses joined in a resolution favoring the
+recognition of Cuban belligerency. This Cleveland ignored. In December,
+1896, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a resolution
+for the recognition of Cuban independence, and individual members of
+Congress often read from the newspapers accounts of horror, and made
+impassioned speeches for recognition and intervention. But Cleveland
+kept his control over the situation until he left office, as Grant had
+done during the Ten Years' War and the excitement over the Virginius
+affair. He left the determination of the time and manner of ultimate
+intervention to his successor.
+
+Among the planks of the Republican platform of 1896 was one asserting
+the duty of the United States to "use its influence and good offices to
+restore peace and give independence to Cuba," but there is no evidence
+that President McKinley contemplated a forcible intervention when he
+organized his Cabinet. John Sherman had, as Senator, spoken freely in
+sympathy with Cuba. As Secretary of State he recalled Hannis Taylor from
+Madrid and sent out General Stewart L. Woodford, with instructions
+looking toward a peaceful mediation. Not until the autumn of 1897 was it
+possible to press the Cuban matter, for Spain suffered two changes of
+Ministry and the murder of a Prime Minister. But by the end of
+September Spain had been notified that McKinley hoped to be able to give
+positive assurances of peace to Congress when it met in December.
+
+A Liberal Government, headed by Sagasta, took office in Spain in
+October, 1897. It declined mediation by the United States, retorting
+that if the United States were to enforce the law of neutrality the war
+would soon cease. It recalled Weyler, however, sent out a new and milder
+governor-general, modified the _reconcentrado_ orders that had so
+enraged the United States, and issued, on November 25, a proclamation
+establishing a sort of home rule, or autonomy, for Cuba. In the winter
+of 1897 the Spanish Government was endeavoring to give no excuse for
+American intervention, and at the same time, by moderate means, to
+restore peace in Cuba. The Spanish population of Cuba opposed autonomy
+and made the establishment of autonomous governments a farce. In January
+there were riots in Havana among the loyal subjects. Outside the Spanish
+lines the rebels laughed at autonomy, for they were determined to have
+independence or nothing. Woodford, in touch with the Spanish Government,
+believed that in the long run the Spanish people would let the Queen
+Regent go beyond autonomy to independence, and that with patience Cuba
+might be relieved of Spanish control.
+
+There was no positive news for Congress in December, 1897, but by
+February the conditions in Cuba had become the most interesting current
+problem. The New York _Journal_ obtained and published a private letter
+written by the Spanish Minister, De Lome, in which McKinley was
+characterized as a temporizing politician. The Minister had no sooner
+been recalled than the Maine, a warship that had been detached from the
+North Atlantic Squadron, and sent to Cuba to safeguard American citizens
+there, was destroyed by an explosion in the harbor of Havana, on
+February 15, 1898. There was no evidence connecting the destruction of
+the Maine with any person, but unscrupulous newspapers made capital out
+of it, using the catch-phrase, "Remember the Maine," to inflame a public
+mind already aroused by sympathy and indignation. After February, only a
+determined courage could have withstood the demand for intervention and
+a Spanish war.
+
+The negotiations with Spain continued rapidly in the two months after
+the loss of the Maine. McKinley avoided an arbitral inquiry into the
+accident, urged by Spain, but pressed increasingly for an end of
+concentration, for relief for the suffering population, and for full
+self-government. He did not ask independence for Cuba, and every demand
+that he made was assented to by Spain. Notwithstanding this, on April
+11, 1898, he sent the Cuban correspondence to Congress, urged an
+intervention, and turned the control of the situation over to a body
+that had for two years been clamoring for forcible interference. Nine
+days later Congress resolved, "That the people of the Island of Cuba
+are, and of right ought to be, free and independent." On April 21 the
+Spanish War began.
+
+The administrative branches of the Government had made some
+preparations for war before the declaration. The navy was small but
+modern. It dated from the early eighties, when Congress was roused to a
+realization that the old Civil War navy was obsolete and began to
+authorize the construction of modern fighting ships. The "White
+Squadron" took shape in the years after 1893. Only two armored cruisers
+were in commission when Harrison left office, but the number increased
+rapidly until McKinley had available for use the second-class
+battleships Maine and Texas, the armored cruiser Brooklyn, and the
+first-class battleships Iowa, Indiana, Massachusetts, and Oregon. From
+the beginning of the McKinley Administration these, as well as the
+lesser vessels of all grades, were diligently drilled and organized. The
+new Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt, had foreseen
+and hoped for war. He spent the contingent funds on target practice, and
+had the naval machine at its highest efficiency when the Maine was lost.
+On March 9, 1898, Congress, in a few hours, put $50,000,000 at the
+disposal of the President for national defense, and the navy spent its
+share of this for new vessels, transports, and equipment. The vessels in
+the Orient were mobilized at Hongkong under the command of Commodore
+George Dewey; the Oregon, on station in the Pacific, was ordered home by
+the long route around the Horn; the ships in the Atlantic were assembled
+off the Chesapeake. Part of the latter were organized as a flying
+squadron, for patrol, under Commodore Winfield Scott Schley, while
+toward the end of March Captain William T. Sampson was promoted over
+the heads of many ranking officers and given command of the whole North
+Atlantic Squadron, including the fleet of Schley.
+
+Congress debated a new army bill while the navy was being prepared for
+war. Not until April 22 did it permit the enlargement of the little
+regular army of 25,000. Until war had begun the volunteers, of whom some
+216,000 were taken into the service, could not be called out or made
+ready for the field. Some preparations were made within the War
+Department, but the little staff of clerks, used to the small routine of
+the peace basis, and having no plan of enlargement or mobilization
+worked out, made little headway. The navy was ready to strike the day
+war was declared, but the army had yet to be planned, recruited,
+clothed, drilled, and transported to the front. The men of the navy knew
+their duty and were ready for it; in the army thousands of civilians had
+to blunder through the duties of strange offices. William J. Bryan
+accepted the colonelcy in a Nebraska regiment. Theodore Roosevelt
+resigned his office in the Navy Department to raise a regiment of
+volunteer cavalry. Politicians struggled for commissions for themselves
+and friends. Civil War veterans fought for reappointment, and enough
+soldiers of the Confederacy put on the blue uniforms, or sent their
+sons, to show that the breach had been healed between the North and
+South. It was an enthusiastic rather than an effective army that was
+brought together in the two months after the war began.
+
+Cuba, the cause of the war and its objective, was the center of the
+scheme of strategy. The navy was called upon to protect the Atlantic
+seaboard from the fleet of Spain, which was reputed to be superior to
+that of the United States. It had also to maintain a blockade of Cuba
+and prevent the landing of reinforcements until the army could be
+prepared to invade the island. Dewey's fleet in the Pacific was ordered
+to destroy the Spanish naval force in the Philippine Islands, and moved
+immediately upon Manila when Great Britain issued her proclamation of
+neutrality and made it impossible to remain longer in her waters at
+Hongkong.
+
+On the morning of May 1 Dewey led his squadron past the forts, over the
+submerged mines, and up the channel of Manila Bay. The Spanish forces in
+the islands, already contending with a native insurrection, were
+helpless before evening, having lost the whole fleet. Dewey was left in
+a position to take the city when he chose, and sent home word to that
+effect. He waited in the harbor until an army of occupation had been got
+ready, hurried to the transports at San Francisco, and sent out under
+General Wesley Merritt. He brought the native leader Aguinaldo back to
+the islands, whence he had been expelled, to foment insurrection. The
+first American reinforcements arrived at Manila by the end of June. On
+August 13 they took the city.
+
+Before the news of the surprising victory at Manila reached the United
+States there was nervousness along the Atlantic Coast because of the
+uncertain plans of the main Spanish fleet, which had left the Cape Verde
+Islands, under Admiral Cervera, on April 29, and which might appear off
+New York or Boston at any time. The naval strategists knew it must be
+headed for the West Indies, but seaboard Congressmen begged excitedly
+for protection, and the sensational newspapers pictured the coast in
+ruins after bombardment.
+
+To Sampson and Schley was assigned the task of guarding the coast,
+keeping up the blockade, and finding Cervera's fleet before it reached a
+harbor in American waters. San Juan, Santiago de Cuba, Cienfuegos, and
+Havana were the only probable destinations. Sampson watched the north
+side of Cuba and Porto Rico, while Schley and the flying squadron moved
+to Key West, and on May 19 started around the west end of Cuba to patrol
+the southern shore. On that same day, entirely unobserved, Cervera
+slipped into the port of Santiago, at the eastern extremity of Cuba.
+When the rumor of his arrival reached Sampson at Key West, Schley was
+already well on his way and firm in his belief that Cervera was heading
+for Cienfuegos.
+
+The flying squadron, impeded by its colliers and its tenders, moved
+deliberately around Cuba to Cienfuegos, outside of whose harbor it
+remained for two days. Here Sampson's orders to proceed immediately to
+Santiago reached it. On May 26 the fleet was off the entrance to
+Santiago Harbor, and in this vicinity it stayed for two more days.
+Schley could get no news that Cervera was here; he feared that his coal
+would give out and that heavy seas would prevent his getting what coal
+he had out of his colliers. He decided, in spite of orders, to go back
+to Key West; he started a retrograde movement, reconsidered it, and was
+again on blockade when, early on Sunday morning, May 29, he discovered
+the Spanish fleet at anchor in the channel, where it had been for the
+last nine days.
+
+The blockade of Santiago was strengthened on June 1 by the arrival of
+Sampson, who had rushed thither on hearing that Schley had decided to
+leave the post. The two fleets were merged, and Schley, outranked by
+Sampson, became a passenger on his flagship Brooklyn. By day, the
+warships, ranged in a great half-circle, watched the narrow outlet of
+the harbor. By night they took turns standing close in, with
+searchlights playing on the entrance. For five weeks they kept this up,
+not entering the harbor because of their positive orders not to risk the
+loss of any fighting units, and waited for the arrival of an army to
+coöperate with them against the land defenses of Santiago.
+
+Sampson asked for military aid early in June, and on June 7 the War
+Department ordered the army that had been mobilized at Tampa to go to
+his assistance. General Nelson A. Miles, in command of the army, was not
+allowed to head the expedition, but was kept at home while General
+William R. Shafter directed the field work. At Tampa there was almost
+hopeless confusion. The single track railway that supplied the camp was
+unable to move promptly either men or munitions, the Quartermaster's
+Department sent down whole trainloads of supplies without bills of
+lading, and when the troops were at last on board the fleet of
+transports they were kept in the river for a week before they were
+allowed to start for Santiago. Sixteen thousand men, mostly regulars,
+with nearly one thousand officers and two hundred war correspondents,
+sailed on June 14, and were in conference with Sampson six days later.
+
+A misunderstanding as to strategy arose in this conference. Sampson left
+it believing that the army would land and move directly along the shore
+against the batteries that covered the entrance to the harbor. Shafter,
+however, though he issued no general order to that effect, was
+determined to march inland upon the city of Santiago itself. On June 22
+and 23 the army was landed by the navy, for it had neither boats nor
+lighters of its own. The first troops, climbing ashore at the railway
+pier at Daquiri, marched west along the coast to Siboney, and then
+plunged inland, each regiment for itself, along the narrow jungle trail
+leading to Santiago. Shafter himself, corpulent and sick, followed as he
+could. Before he established his control over the army on land the head
+of the column had engaged the enemy at Las Guasimas, nine miles from
+Santiago, on June 24. The First Volunteer Cavalry, under the command of
+Colonel Leonard M. Wood, with Theodore Roosevelt as lieutenant-colonel,
+had marched most of the night in order to be in the first fighting.
+After a sharp engagement the Spanish retired and the American advance
+upon Santiago continued in a more orderly fashion.
+
+The narrow trail between Siboney, on the shore, and Santiago, was some
+twelve miles long. There were dense forests on both sides. Along this
+the American army stretched itself at the end of June. There were few
+ambulances or wagons, and they could not have been used if they had been
+more numerous. Rations for the front were packed on mules or horses. The
+troops, hurried to the tropics in the heavy, dark, winter clothing of
+the regular army, suffered from heat, rain, and irregular rations.
+Before them the San Juan River crossed the trail at right angles. Beyond
+this were low hills carrying the fortifications, trenches, and wire
+fences of Santiago, behind which the Spanish force could fight with
+every advantage in its favor. Some five miles to the right of the line
+of advance was the Spanish left, in a blockhouse at El Caney. On the
+night before July 1, the American army moved on a concerted plan against
+the whole Spanish line.
+
+Lawton, with a right wing, moved against El Caney, with the idea of
+demolishing it and crumpling up the Spanish left. The main column
+followed the trail, crossed the San Juan River, and stormed the hills
+beyond. The fight lasted all day on July 1, leaving the American forces
+to sleep in the Spanish trenches, and to re-face them the next day.
+There was more fighting on July 2 and 3, after which Santiago was
+besieged by land, as it had been by sea since June 1.
+
+Cervera watched the invading army with growing desperation. He knew the
+inefficiency of his fleet, that it had left Spain unprepared because
+public opinion demanded immediate action, that its guns were lacking and
+its morale low, that if it stayed at anchor in the harbor it would be
+taken by the army, and that if it went to sea it would be annihilated
+by Sampson. His only chance was to rush out, scatter in flight, and
+trust to luck. On Sunday, July 3, he led his ships out of the harbor in
+single file, turned west against the Brooklyn, which guarded the
+American left, and endeavored to escape.
+
+Sampson had already issued orders for battle in case Cervera should come
+out. He had himself started with his flagship, the New York, for a
+conference with Shafter, and was some seven miles east of the entrance
+to the harbor when the fleet appeared and the battle began. He turned at
+once to the long chase that pursued the Spanish vessels along the Cuban
+shore. The Brooklyn, at which Cervera had headed, instead of closing,
+circled to the right, and nearly rammed her neighbor, the Texas, before
+she regained her place at the head of the pursuit. Schley was the
+ranking officer in the battle, but no one needed or heeded the orders
+that he signaled to the other ships. Before sundown the Spanish fleet
+was completely destroyed.
+
+The land and naval battles at Santiago brought the Spanish War to an
+end. For several weeks the army kept up the investment, with health and
+morale steadily deteriorating. On July 17 the Spanish army at Santiago
+was surrendered. On July 27 an invasion of Porto Rico under General
+Miles took place, and on August 12 the preliminaries of peace were
+signed on behalf of Spain by the French Minister at Washington. Manila
+fell the next day, and the war closed with the American army in
+possession of the most valuable of Spain's remaining colonies.
+
+The Spanish and American peace commissioners met in Paris in October to
+fix a basis for settlement. An American demand that Cuba should be set
+free, without debt, and left to the tutelage of the United States, and
+that Porto Rico should become an American possession, was formulated
+early in the autumn. There was less certainty about the retention of the
+Philippines, for here the desire for expansion was checked by a
+conservative opposition to the adoption of foreign colonies. The evil
+effects of imperialism were already being pictured by those who had
+opposed the war. The difficulties of returning the islands to Spain were
+greater than those involved in their retention, and McKinley finally
+determined that the cession must include the Philippine Archipelago, and
+the island of Guam in the Ladrones. The chief of the American
+commissioners was William R. Day, who had become Secretary of State
+early in the war, and who was succeeded in that post by John Hay. Under
+his direction the Treaty of Paris was signed December 10, 1898.
+
+The war and the conquest of the Philippines hastened another though
+peaceful expansion. The Hawaiian Islands had been a matter of interest
+to the United States since the American missionaries had begun to work
+there in the thirties. A growing, American, sugar-raising population had
+long hoped for annexation and had carried out a successful revolution
+shortly before 1893. Harrison had concluded a treaty of annexation with
+the provisional government, but Cleveland had refused to approve it. On
+July 7, 1898, however, the Newlands Resolution accomplished the
+annexation of the republic, and in 1900 a regular territorial government
+was provided for the group of islands. The spectacular journey of the
+Oregon around Cape Horn revived the demand for an isthmian canal.
+Expansion suddenly took possession of the American mind, and a new idea
+of duty, summed up by Rudyard Kipling in _The White Man's Burden_,
+filled a large portion of the press.
+
+The United States had suddenly passed from internal debate over free
+silver to war and conquest. At the end of 1898 the War Department, that
+had proved its inadequacy in nearly every phase of the war, was forced
+to develop a colonial policy for Porto Rico and the Philippines and to
+guide Cuba to independence. It was still under the direction of General
+Russell A. Alger, but was torn by dissension and criticism upon the
+conduct of the war. Not until Alger was asked to retire, in 1899, and
+Elihu Root, of New York, succeeded him, was the War Department made
+equal to its task.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The best account of the war with Spain is F.E. Chadwick, _Relations of
+the United States and Spain: Diplomacy_ (1909), and _Relations of the
+United States and Spain: The Spanish American War_ (2 vols., 1911).
+These works have in large measure superseded the earlier studies; J.M.
+Callahan, _Cuba and International Relations_ (1899); J.H. Latané, _The
+Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America_
+(1900:--so far as it relates to Cuba); H.E. Flack, _Spanish-American
+Diplomatic Relations preceding the war of 1898_ (in Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, vol. XXIV); and E.J. Benton, _International Law and
+Diplomacy of the Spanish-American War_ (1908). Useful narratives
+relating to the army are R.A. Alger, _The Spanish-American War_ (1901);
+H.H. Sargent, _The Campaign of Santiago de Cuba_ (3 vols., 1907); J.
+Wheeler, _The Santiago Campaign_ (1899); J.D. Miley, _In Cuba with
+Shafter_ (1899); and T. Roosevelt, _The Rough Riders_ (1899). The navy
+may be followed in J.D. Long, _The New American Navy_ (2 vols., 1903);
+E.S. Maclay, _History of the United States Navy_ (3 vols., 1901, the
+third volume containing allegations that precipitated the Schley-Sampson
+controversy); G.E. Graham, _Schley and Santiago_ (1902); W.S. Schley,
+_Forty-five Years under the Flag_ (1904); W.A.M. Goode, _With Sampson
+through the War_ (1899). The public documents of the war are easily
+accessible, especially in the Annual Reports for 1898 of the Secretaries
+of War and Navy, and in the Foreign Relations volume for that year. The
+controversies after the war illuminated many details, particularly the
+Schley Inquiry (57th Congress, 1st Session, House Document, no. 485,
+Serial nos. 4370, 4371), and the Miles-Eagan Inquiry (56th Congress, 1st
+Session, Senate Document, no. 270, Serial nos. 3870-3872).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+THEODORE ROOSEVELT
+
+
+Out of the humiliating debates upon the war, on the capacity of Alger
+and Shafter, on the management of the commissary and the field
+hospitals, on the failure of Sampson and Shafter to coöperate, on the
+tactics and the alleged weakness of Schley, and on the diplomatic
+sincerity of McKinley, only one name caught the public ear. The only
+career that placed a soldier in line for political promotion was that of
+Theodore Roosevelt, who was still under forty years of age, although he
+had lived a keen, aggressive, and public life for nearly twenty years.
+Just out of Harvard in 1880, Roosevelt entered the rough and tumble of
+New York politics. He was a reform legislator when Cleveland was
+governor, and an opponent of the nomination of Blaine in 1884. He did
+not fight the ticket or turn Mugwump, for he had already formed a
+political philosophy, that only those who stayed within the party could
+be efficient in reform; but he dropped out of the ranks and took up
+ranch life in the West. Harrison made him a Civil Service Commissioner
+and supported him in a stern administration of the merit system. Before
+he left this office in 1895, to become Police Commissioner of New York
+City, the breezy and vigorous assaults of Roosevelt upon political
+corruption had already marked him as a reformer of a new type, who
+remained an active politician and a party man without losing his
+interest in reform. As police commissioner he gained new fame and more
+admirers. In 1897 he took the post of Assistant Secretary of the Navy
+and prepared for war. He had already found time to write many books on
+the West, reform, naval history, and outdoor life. He resigned his post
+in April, 1898, on the eve of war, raised a regiment of volunteers,
+which the public speedily named the "Rough Riders," kept his men in the
+center of the stage while there was fighting, risked and violated all
+theories of discipline to attack the sanitary policy of the
+Administration in the autumn, and in October received the nomination of
+his party for Governor of New York, over the ill-concealed opposition of
+Thomas Collier Platt.
+
+During the campaign of 1898 Roosevelt carried his candidacy to the voter
+in every part of the State. He spoke from rear platforms day after day.
+Rough Riders, in uniform, accompanied his party and reinforced his
+appeal to mixed motives of good government and patriotic fervor. He was
+elected in November, and on the same day the Republican control of
+Congress was assured. It was made possible for the party to fulfill the
+last of the obligations laid upon it by the election of 1896.
+
+A currency act, passed in March, 1900, was the result of Republican
+success. It established the gold dollar by law as the standard of value,
+legalized the gold reserve at $150,000,000, and made it the duty of the
+Treasury to keep at a parity with gold the $313,000,000 of Civil War
+greenbacks, the $550,000,000 of silver and silver certificates, the
+$75,000,000 of Sherman Act treasury notes, as well as the national bank
+notes, which aggregated $300,000,000 in 1900. The law left the currency
+far from satisfactory in that it made it dependent upon redemption, and
+hence liable to sudden changes in value, but it silenced the fear of
+free-silver coinage.
+
+In the spring of 1900 Congress was forced to consider the basis of
+colonial government. Governments similar to those of the Territories
+were provided for Hawaii and Porto Rico, but a troublesome revolt
+prevented such treatment of the Philippine Islands. There had been a
+native insurrection in these islands before the Spanish War began, and
+the aid of the rebels had made it easier for the United States to
+overthrow the power of Spain. Instead of receiving a pledge of
+independence, as Cuba did, the islands became a territorial possession
+of the United States. In February, 1899, under the native leader, Emilio
+Aguinaldo, insurrection broke out against the United States and received
+the sympathy of large numbers of Americans. The spectacle of the United
+States subduing a spirit of independence in the Philippines aroused and
+stimulated the movement of anti-imperialism that had fought against the
+acquisition of the islands. The incompatibility of republican
+institutions and foreign colonies, the demoralizing influence of ruling
+on the ruling class, the lesson of the fall of Rome, were held up before
+the public. Carl Schurz was one of the leaders in the protest, and his
+followers included many whose names were already well known in the
+advocacy of tariff and civil service reform. In 1901 the Supreme Court
+upheld the constitutionality of expansion and imperial control. The
+people had already decided in their favor in 1900.
+
+There was no contest for either nomination in the campaign of 1900.
+Bryan had established his right to the leadership that had come to him
+by chance in 1896. Although conservative Democrats still distrusted him,
+their voices were drowned by the popular approval of his honesty and
+humanity. "Four years ago," said Altgeld, in the Democratic Convention
+at Kansas City, "we quit trimming, we quit using language that has a
+double meaning.... We went forth armed with that strength that comes
+from candor and sincerity and we fought the greatest campaign ever waged
+on the American continent.... [For] the first time in the history of
+this Republic the Democracy of America have risen up in favor of one
+man." On a platform that repeated the currency demands of 1896 and
+denounced imperialism, Bryan was unanimously renominated, with Adlai E.
+Stevenson for the Vice-Presidency.
+
+The emphatic denunciation of imperialism brought to Bryan and Stevenson
+the support of a group of independents,--the "hold-your-nose-and-vote"
+group, as the Republican press called them,--who were strong for the
+gold standard, but believed that currency was less fundamental than
+imperialism. The Republican party had accepted and approved the war and
+the benevolent intentions of the United States, and had renominated
+McKinley at Philadelphia, without a dissenting voice. Vice-President
+Hobart had died in office, or the original ticket might have been
+continued. As a substitute, rumor had attacked the name of Governor
+Roosevelt, while Senator Platt, preferring not to have him reëlected
+Governor of New York, had encouraged his boom for the Vice-Presidency.
+Repeatedly, in the spring of 1900, Roosevelt declared that he would not
+seek or accept the Vice-Presidency. Hanna and McKinley did not desire
+him on the ticket, but at the convention the delegates broke down all
+resistance and forced him to accept the nomination.
+
+The policy of dignity, which McKinley had assumed in 1896, was continued
+by him in 1900, but the vice-presidential candidate proved the equal of
+Bryan as a campaigner. In hundreds of speeches, reaching nearly every
+State, they carried their personality to the voters. The two issues,
+imperialism and free silver, divided the voters along different lines,
+but the Administration had an economic basis for support in the recovery
+of business on every hand. The Republicans took credit for the general
+and abundant prosperity, and their cartoonists emphasized the idea of
+the "full dinner pail" as a reason for continued support. A smaller
+percentage of citizens voted than in 1896, for the issue was less clear
+than it had been then. Many who were discontented with both candidates
+voted with the Prohibitionists or Socialists. The Republican ticket was
+elected, with 292 electoral votes, as against 155 received by Bryan and
+Stevenson. A continuance of the Republican control of Congress was
+assured at the same time.
+
+William McKinley was the first President after Grant to receive a second
+consecutive term. He made few changes in his Cabinet in 1901. Elihu Root
+remained in the War Department, for the sake of which he had refused to
+consider the Vice-Presidency, and strove for order in the Philippines,
+in Cuba, and in the United States Army itself. John Hay, as Secretary of
+State, continued his correspondence with the Powers over the Chinese
+revolt, without a break.
+
+Only Seward and John Quincy Adams can rival John Hay as successful
+American Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Born in the Middle West in 1838,
+Hay served in Lincoln's household as a private secretary throughout the
+Civil War. He held minor appointments after this and alternated
+diplomatic experience with literary production. The monumental _Life of
+Abraham Lincoln_ was partly his work. His graceful verse gained for him
+a wide reading. His anonymous novel, _The Breadwinners_, was an
+important document in the early labor movement. McKinley sent him to
+London as Ambassador in 1897, following the tradition that only the best
+in the United States may go to the Court of St. James, and had recalled
+him to be Secretary of State in the fall of 1898. The Boxer outbreak in
+China in 1900 gave the first opening to the new diplomacy of the United
+States, broadened out of its insularity by the Spanish War and
+interested in the attainment of international ideas. Hay led in the
+adjustment which settled the Chinese claims, opened the door of China
+to the commerce of the world, and prevented her dismemberment. He was
+still engaged in this correspondence when President McKinley was
+murdered by an anarchist, and Theodore Roosevelt became President of the
+United States, September 14, 1901.
+
+In the hurried inaugural ceremony held in the Buffalo residence in which
+McKinley died, Roosevelt declared his intention to continue the term as
+his predecessor had begun it. He insisted that all the members of the
+Cabinet should remain with him, as they did for considerable periods. He
+took up the work where it had been dropped, and for some months it was
+not apparent that a change had been made from a party administration to
+a personal administration. The suave and cordial tolerance of McKinley
+was succeeded by the aggressive certainty of his successor. Through John
+Hay's skillful hand this new tone made a deeper impression on the
+politics of the world than had that of any President since Washington
+gave forth the doctrine of neutrality.
+
+Cuba was a pending problem. The American army, under General Leonard
+Wood, had cleaned up the island. The medical service had learned to
+isolate the mosquito, and had expelled the scourge of yellow fever. The
+natives formed a constitution which became effective on May 20, 1902. On
+this day the United States withdrew from the new Republic, leaving it to
+manage its own affairs, subject only to a pledge that it would forever
+maintain its independence, that it would incur no debt without providing
+the means for settling it, and that the United States might lawfully
+intervene to protect its independence or maintain responsible
+government. In the winter of 1901-02 Roosevelt urged Congress to adopt a
+policy of commercial reciprocity with Cuba. He was supported in this by
+opinion in Cuba, and by officials of the American Sugar Trust, but was
+opposed in the Senate by a combination of beet-sugar Republicans and
+cane-sugar Democrats. The measure failed in 1902, creating bad feeling
+between President and Congress, but a treaty of modified reciprocity was
+ratified in 1903.
+
+In 1902 the United States became the first suitor to test the efficacy
+of the new court of arbitration at The Hague. In 1898 the Czar of Russia
+had invited the countries represented at St. Petersburg to join in a
+conference upon disarmament. His motives were questioned and derided,
+but the conference met the next summer at Huis ten Bosch, the summer
+palace of the Queen of the Netherlands, at The Hague. Here the plan of
+disarmament proved futile, but a great treaty for the settlement of
+international disputes was accepted by the countries present. It seemed
+probable that the Hague Court, thus created, would die of neglect, but
+President Roosevelt, appealed to by an advocate of peace, produced a
+trifling case and submitted it to arbitration. The Pious Fund dispute,
+with Mexico and the United States as suitors, involved the control of
+church funds in California. The suit was won by the United States, but
+derived its chief importance from being the first Hague settlement.
+
+The pledge of the United States for Cuban independence had hardly been
+fulfilled when another Latin Republic became involved in trouble.
+Venezuela, torn by war, had incurred obligations to European creditors,
+and had defaulted in the payments upon them. In December, 1902, Great
+Britain and Germany announced a blockade of the Venezuelan ports in
+retaliation, and they were soon joined by other Powers with similar
+claims. Disclaiming intent to protect Venezuela in defaulting, Roosevelt
+urged the European claimants to abandon force for arbitration. Under his
+leadership joint commissions were finally established, and in 1903 the
+legal technicalities involved were sent to The Hague. The episode
+involved a new interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine, making it clear
+that unless the United States wished to protect the South American
+Republics in the evasion of their debts it must assume some
+responsibility for the honest settlement of them.
+
+The boundary of Alaska next became a subject for arbitration. Since the
+valley of the Yukon had attracted its first great migration in the
+summer of 1897 the mining-camps had steadily increased in importance.
+Many of these were on the Canadian side of the meridian of 141°, and all
+were reached either by the river steamers or the trails from the south.
+The most important ports of entry were Dyea and Skaguay, at the head of
+the Lynn Canal, a long fiord projecting some ninety miles into the
+continent. From these ports the prospector plunged inland, climbed the
+Chilkoot or the Chilkat Pass, and followed one of several overland
+trails to the Upper Yukon.
+
+The importance given to Dyea and Skaguay revived the question of their
+ownership and with this the boundary of Alaska. When Seward bought
+Alaska for the United States in 1867 he received it with the boundaries
+agreed upon at St. Petersburg between England and Russia in 1825. These
+followed the meridian of 141° from Mount St. Elias to the Arctic Ocean,
+and followed the irregularities of the shore-line southeast from that
+mountain to the Pacific at 54° 40´, North Latitude. The narrow coast
+strip was described as following the windings (_sinuosités_) of the
+shore, bounded by the shore mountains if possible, but in no case to be
+more than thirty miles wide. The narrow Lynn Canal pierces the
+thirty-mile strip, and the dispute turned chiefly upon interpretation:
+whether the canal should be regarded as a _sinuosité_ of the shore,
+around which the boundary must go, or as a stream which it might
+properly cross.
+
+For thirty years after 1867 the British and Canadian government maps
+treated the Lynn Canal and other similar fiords as American, but it
+became convenient for Canada, after 1897, to urge that the boundary
+should cross the canal and leave Dyea and Skaguay on British soil. A
+Canadian and American Joint High Commission, meeting in 1898, had been
+unable to adjust the controversy. In 1903 it was submitted to a
+tribunal, three to a side, which sat in London. It was doubtful whether
+the three American adjudicators, Root, Lodge, and Turner, were all
+"jurists of repute," as the treaty provided, but the arguments of the
+American counsel convinced Lord Chief Justice Alverstone, one of the
+British adjudicators, and his vote, added to the American three, gave a
+verdict that sustained most of the claims of the United States.
+
+In Cuba and Venezuela, at The Hague, and in the Alaskan matter,
+Roosevelt and Hay showed at once a firmness and a reasonableness that
+attracted European attention to American diplomacy as never before. The
+subject of American diplomacy became a common study in American
+universities. England and Germany appeared to be desirous of
+conciliating the United States. The German Emperor bought a steam yacht
+in the United States, sent his brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, to
+attend the launching, and sent as Ambassador a German nobleman who had
+long been a personal friend of the President. The reputation for
+firmness was enhanced, but that for fairness was lessened by the next
+episode, which involved the Colombian State of Panama.
+
+The dangerous voyage of the Oregon in 1898 completed the conviction of
+the United States that an isthmian canal must be constructed, and that
+the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty was no longer adequate. The activity of De
+Lesseps and his French company at Panama had raised the question about
+1880, but nothing had been done to weaken the treaty that obstructed
+American construction and control until Hay undertook a negotiation
+under the direction of McKinley in the fall of 1899. Congress was in the
+midst of a debate over a Nicaragua canal scheme when it was announced
+that on February 5, 1900, Hay and Lord Pauncefote had signed a treaty
+opening the canal to American construction, but providing for its
+neutralization. The treaty forbade the fortification of the canal or its
+use as an instrument of war. It was killed by amendment in the Senate,
+but on November 18, 1901, Lord Pauncefote signed a second treaty, by
+which Great Britain waived all her old rights save that of equal
+treatment for all users of the canal, and left the future waterway to
+the discretion of the United States. With the way thus opened,--for the
+Senate promptly confirmed this treaty,--a new study of routes and
+methods was hurried to completion.
+
+An Isthmian Commission, created by the United States in 1899, was ready
+to report upon a route when the second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was
+concluded. The practicable routes had been reduced in number to two, at
+Panama, and through Nicaragua. The former was under the control of the
+French company, which placed so high a price upon its concession that
+the commission recommended the Nicaragua route as, on the whole, more
+available. In Congress there was a strong predisposition in favor of
+this same route, but during 1902 this was weakened. Senator Hanna
+preferred the Panama route and worked effectively for it. The French
+Panama Company, frightened by the popularity of the Nicaragua route,
+reduced its price. The earthquake and volcanic eruption on the Island of
+Martinique reminded the world that Nicaragua was nearer the zone of
+active volcanic life, and hence more exposed to danger, than Panama. In
+June Congress empowered the President to select the route and build a
+canal at once.
+
+Negotiations with Colombia for the right to build at Panama dragged on
+through 1902 and 1903. Weakened by continuous revolution, that Republic
+realized that the isthmian right of way was its most valuable asset.
+Only after prolonged discussion did its Government authorize its
+Minister at Washington to sign a treaty reserving Colombian sovereignty
+over the strip, but giving to the United States the canal concession in
+return for $10,000,000 in cash and an annuity of $250,000. This treaty
+was signed in Washington in January, 1903, and was received as a triumph
+for the diplomacy of Hay and Roosevelt. It was ratified in March by the
+Senate, in spite of a last filibuster by the friends of Nicaragua, but
+the Colombian Congress rejected the treaty and adjourned.
+
+By the autumn of 1903 Roosevelt had determined upon the route at Panama,
+the French company had become eager to sell, and the Colombians living
+on the Isthmus were anxious to have the negotiations ended and the
+digging begun. In October the President wrote to an intimate friend
+hoping that there might be a revolt of the Isthmus against Colombia,
+though disclaiming any intent to provoke one. The friend made the wish
+public over his own name, but before it appeared in print the revolt had
+taken place. It was known in advance to the State Department, which
+telegraphed on November 3, 1903, asking when it was to be precipitated.
+It took place later on this day, the independence of the Republic of
+Panama was proclaimed, the United States prevented Colombia from
+repressing it by force, recognized the new Republic by cable, and on
+November 18 signed at Washington a treaty with Panama granting the canal
+concession. "I took Panama," boasted President Roosevelt some years
+later, when critics denounced his policy as a robbery of a weak
+neighbor.
+
+The construction of a canal proceeded rapidly, once the diplomatic
+entanglements had been brushed away. The incidental problems of
+sanitation, labor, supplies, and engineering were solved promptly and
+effectively. Congress poured money into the enterprise without
+restraint, the first boats were passed through the locks in 1914, and in
+1915 the formal opening of the canal was celebrated by a naval
+procession at the Isthmus and an Exposition at San Francisco.
+
+Vigor and certainty of purpose marked the conduct of domestic affairs as
+well as foreign, but the necessity for the concurrence in these by
+Congress made the former results less striking than the latter. The
+appointments of President Roosevelt were such as might be expected from
+one who had himself devoted six years to the Civil Service Commission.
+Few of them met with opposition from the reform element. In the South he
+became involved with local public opinion, especially in the cases of a
+negro postmistress at Indianola, Mississippi, and the negro collector of
+the port of Charleston, in which he maintained that although federal
+appointments ought generally to go to persons acceptable in their
+districts, the door of opportunity must not be shut against the negro.
+Within a few weeks of his inauguration he precipitated a severe
+discussion upon the status of the negro by entertaining Booker T.
+Washington at the White House. He disciplined Republican leaders in the
+South who endeavored to exclude negroes from the party organization and
+to build up a "lily-white" Republican machine.
+
+The administrative duties of the United States expanded rapidly after
+the Spanish War. The extension of scientific functions beginning in the
+eighties continued until the volume of work forced the creation of new
+offices. Federal civil employees numbered 107,000 in 1880, 166,000 in
+1890, 256,000 in 1900, and 384,000 in 1910. Among the newer scientific
+activities was included that of the reclamation of the arid or semi-arid
+lands of the Southwest.
+
+The region between the Missouri River and the Sierra Nevada had been
+regarded as uninhabitable since the days of Pike. Known as the "American
+Desert," it figured in the atlases as a place of sand and aridity, and
+became the home chosen for the Indian tribes between 1825 and 1840.
+Under the influence of migration to Oregon and California the real
+character of the Far West became known, but not until the continental
+railways were finished did many inhabitants enter it. In 1889 and 1890
+the "Omnibus" States were admitted, embracing all the northwest half of
+the old desert. Utah followed in 1896. Arizona and New Mexico and
+Oklahoma developed rapidly after 1890 and were all demanding statehood
+in 1902.
+
+The advance of population into the Far West revealed the existence of
+large areas in which an abundant agriculture could be produced through
+irrigation. Private means were inadequate for this and the land laws
+discouraged it. A demand for federal reclamation appeared in the
+eighties. In 1889 a survey of available sites for reservoirs was made by
+government engineers, and in 1902 Roosevelt coöperated with the
+Far-Western Congressmen in securing the passage of the Newlands
+Reclamation Act. By this bill the proceeds of land sales in the arid
+States became a fund to be used by the reclamation service for the
+construction of great public irrigation works. In the succeeding years
+dams, tunnels, and ditches were undertaken that were rivaled in
+magnitude only by the railroad tunnels at New York and the excavations
+at Panama.
+
+The aggressive assurance with which the Roosevelt Administration handled
+the problems of diplomacy and administration created for the President a
+wide and unusual popularity, which was strongest in the West. Many
+critics, also, were created, who distrusted personal influence when
+injected into government, and who doubted the solidity of Roosevelt's
+judgment. Personal altercations, in which the President was often the
+aggressor, were numerous. Among professional politicians dislike was
+mingled with fear because the President had established personal
+relations immediately with their constituents. Under President McKinley
+the state delegations in Congress had controlled the appointive federal
+offices of their States, and had been secure in their personal standing;
+under Roosevelt their control of appointments was less secure. When
+matters of legislation were taken up, this dissatisfaction among
+members of Congress was a serious obstacle to the attainment of
+constructive laws.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+After the Spanish War the secondary materials for the history of the
+United States become fragmentary and unsatisfactory. Peck, Andrews, and
+J.H. Latané, _America as a World Power, 1897-1907_ (in _The American
+Nation_, vol. 25, 1907), are the best general guides. The facts of
+campaigns are contained in E. Stanwood's second volume,--_History of the
+Presidency from 1897 to 1909_ (1912, with an appendix containing the
+platforms of 1912), but the Annual Cyclopædia stopped publication after
+1902, and left no good successor. The various year-books should be
+consulted, and the files of the magazines, which steadily improve in
+historical value: _Nation_, _Harper's Weekly_, _Collier's Weekly_,
+_Independent_, _Outlook_, _Literary Digest_, and the _Review of
+Reviews_. Articles in these and other periodicals, dealing with episodes
+occurring after 1898, may be reached through Poole's Indexes. _The
+American Journal of International Law_ and the _American Political
+Science Review_ are typical of the new technical periodicals. Extensive
+contributions to the history of international arbitration have been made
+by F.W. Holls, J.B. Scott, and W.I. Hull. There is, of course, no
+critical biography of Theodore Roosevelt, although there are numerous
+panegyrics by F.E. Leupp, J.A. Riis, J. Morgan, and others, and some
+autobiographical papers which appeared first in the _Outlook_ (1913),
+and later as _Fifty Years of My Life_ (1913). The later Messages of
+McKinley and those of his successors are scattered among the government
+documents, which are to be found in many libraries. _The Second Battle_
+(1900), by W.J. Bryan, is autobiographic, as is A.E. Stevenson,
+_Something of Men I Have Known_ (1909).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+BIG BUSINESS
+
+
+The panic of 1893 ended the first period of the trust problem. The
+preceding years had been years of formation and experiment. They had
+been accompanied by an increasing popular distaste for combinations of
+capital and a growing activity in the organization of labor. The Sherman
+Law of 1890 had temporarily quieted the anti-trust movement, while
+economic depression had checked the extravagance of speculation that had
+been prevalent everywhere. During the years of depression attention was
+shifted to tariff and currency, but a new era began with the recurrence
+of prosperity about 1897.
+
+The industrial revival was marked by an extension of the scope of
+industry, as every similar period had been. After the panic of 1837 the
+railroad had appeared among the important new activities of American
+society. Improvements in manufacturing technique followed the panic of
+1857. After 1873 the varied applications of electricity to industry and
+communication gave a new direction to investment. After 1893, with every
+preceding activity stimulated and extended, there came the first
+successful construction of a trackless engine--the motor-car--and the
+rebuilding of the physical plants of cities, railways, and suburban
+residences. The recovery of confidence came after 1896, and before the
+end of the century speculation was at full blast.
+
+The drift toward monopoly was marked. The trusts had already shown their
+profitable character. Concentration had been made possible by the
+development of communication in the eighties, and grew now on a larger
+scale than the eighties had imagined. Within the field of transportation
+the promoters reorganized the railroads after the panic, reduced their
+number, and gathered their control into the hands of a few men.
+
+The railway system by 1900, with 198,000 miles of track, was directed by
+a few powerful groups of roads. In the East the New York Central and
+Pennsylvania systems were dominant. In the West the continental railways
+formed the basis of new organizations. The keenest interest gathered
+round the reconstruction of the Union Pacific by Edward H. Harriman, who
+reorganized its finances after 1897. The Union Pacific had been forced
+into combination by its location and its neighbors. Running from Omaha
+to Ogden it was dependent for through traffic upon the Central Pacific
+that ran from Ogden to San Francisco. When the latter came under the
+control of the California capitalists who owned the Southern Pacific
+lines, the Union Pacific was driven to build or buy outlets of its own,
+and extended into Oregon and Texas as the result. Jay Gould had begun
+the consolidation in the eighties and Harriman continued it after the
+panic of 1893. He rebuilt the main line and improved the value and
+credit of his property. In 1901 his road borrowed money with which to
+buy a controlling interest in the Central Pacific and Southern
+Pacific--the Huntington lines,--and thereafter the Harriman system, with
+two complete railroads from the Mississippi to the Pacific, was beyond
+the reach of hostile competition.
+
+The Interstate Commerce Law of 1887 stimulated combination among the
+railroads, since it made pools and rate agreements illegal. The
+alternative to such agreements was destructive competition, since no two
+lines were of exactly equal strength. To avoid this, the stronger lines
+bought or leased the weaker, with which they might not coöperate, but
+which they might buy outright. Harriman, successful with his
+Southwestern system, tried in 1901 to buy the Northern Pacific, too, and
+came into direct conflict with another group of railway owners.
+
+The Northern Pacific had been supplemented after 1893 by the Great
+Northern, which James J. Hill had built without a subsidy. These two
+roads, and the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, covered the Northwest as
+Harriman's lines covered the Southwest. They were so placed that with
+common management they could be more effective than with rivalry. The
+owners of the Great Northern and the Burlington, James J. Hill and J.
+Pierpont Morgan, were on the verge of a general consolidation when
+Harriman tried to buy a control of the Northern Pacific. They struggled
+to retain it and succeeded, but their competition raised its stock to
+one thousand per share, causing a stock exchange panic on May 9, 1901.
+Only the speculators suffered by the panic, but public attention was
+drawn by it to the gigantic size of the combinations which held
+arbitrary control over nearly half the United States.
+
+Minor consolidations followed these in 1902 and 1903, but none aroused
+so much fear as the Northern Securities Company of New Jersey, the
+holding company in whose hands Hill and Morgan determined to put the
+control of their lines. The fate of any single company could be
+determined by the ownership of not over fifty-one per cent of its stock.
+If this was owned by another corporation, a similar proportion of the
+stock of the latter would control the whole. The holding company was a
+machine whereby capital could control property several times its bulk.
+The Governors of the Northwest States, alarmed at the monopolization of
+their railways, protested and started suits. It was claimed that this
+sort of merging of railroads was, after all, a conspiracy in restraint
+of trade. In March, 1902, President Roosevelt instructed his
+Attorney-General, Philander C. Knox, to test the Sherman Act of 1890,
+and bring suit under it for the dissolution of the Northern Securities
+Company. For several years after 1897 foreign affairs and big business
+had been dominant in the American mind, which had admired their bigness
+and activity, but now the social consequences of big business aroused
+the fears of the nation. In 1903 Congress passed the Elkins Law,
+forbidding railroads to give rebates to favored customers, and an
+Expedition Law, to make the wheels of justice move more rapidly when
+prosecutions under the Sherman and Interstate Commerce Laws were under
+way.
+
+Industrial consolidation, like that of the railways, began again in
+1897, and many of the new corporations assumed a type that marked an
+evolution for the trust. In the earlier period the aim of the trust had
+been to eliminate competition by gathering under a single control the
+whole of a given business. Oil, sugar, steel, whiskey, and tobacco were
+notable instances in which extreme consolidation had been reached.
+Competition changed its character as consolidation increased. It ceased
+to mean a struggle between rivals in the same trade, and came to mean a
+struggle between successive processes of manufacture. The mine-owner
+struggled for his profits with the smelter who used his ore. The smelter
+struggled with the steel manufacturer in the same way. Control of single
+industries left untouched this newer competition, but an integration of
+great groups of related processes promised to avoid it.
+
+In 1901 the greatest of the integrated trusts, the United States Steel
+Corporation, was created. The iron and steel industry had been expanding
+since the Bessemer and other commercial processes for the manufacture of
+steel had made it available for railway, bridge, and architectural
+construction. Andrew Carnegie, with his Pittsburg mills, was the most
+successful producer. His partnership controlled by 1901 about
+twenty-five per cent of the output of finished steel. He already
+included many related and successive processes, but now he allowed his
+works to be merged with those of his rivals into a large company. The
+resulting United States Steel Corporation owned and operated the ore
+deposits and the mines, the necessary coal fields, the local railways
+and freight steamers, the smelters and the blast furnaces, the rolling
+mills and the factories in which iron and steel were manufactured into a
+multitude of shapes for sale. With a New Jersey charter it was
+capitalized at $1,100,000,000, and drew attention to the industrial
+phase of the trust problem much as Harriman, Hill, and Morgan had drawn
+it to the railroads.
+
+Promotion of new trusts, with billions of aggregated capital, was the
+order of the day from 1897 to 1902. The fear of monopoly was speedily
+aroused, and in 1898 Congress created an Industrial Commission, whose
+nineteen volumes of reports contain the facts upon which the history of
+the trusts must be based. In the fall of 1899 there met in Chicago a
+great conference on the trusts, where business men, economists, and
+politicians discussed the economic and social possibilities of the
+movement. A willingness to hear and perhaps to rely on the judgment of
+experts was shown in the discussions over the trusts. It marked a change
+in the American attitude toward government. By 1902 the demand for a
+solution of the trust problem was heard repeatedly, but there was little
+agreement as to whether the trusts were good or bad, or whether they
+should be abolished, regulated, or owned outright by the Government. It
+was not even certain what powers the United States possessed to regulate
+general industry, but a group of Supreme Court cases suggested that the
+power could be found. In the Trans-Missouri Freight Case (1897), the
+Supreme Court declared that the Sherman Law applied to railway
+conspiracies, and in the Addystone Pipe Case (1898), a decision against
+an industrial combination, written by Circuit Judge William H. Taft, was
+upheld by the court of last appeal. The Northern Securities Case,
+started in 1902, was pushed to a successful end in 1904, when it became
+apparent that legal control could be exercised if Congress so desired.
+
+Labor followed the course of industry and transportation, becoming
+stronger and better united, and showing a keen jealousy of centralized
+control. The years of trust promotion were years of notable strikes and
+of episodes which drew attention to the social results of industrial
+concentration. Sometimes the trust had labor at a disadvantage, as was
+shown in the strike against the Steel Corporation by the Amalgamated
+Association in 1901. In 1892 this union had conducted a great strike
+against the Carnegie Works and had lost public sympathy and the strike.
+Its men had committed open violence, and an anarchistic sympathizer had
+tried to murder Carnegie's representative at Homestead, Henry C. Frick.
+In 1901 the strike affected the unionized mills of the Steel
+Corporation, but that trust had only to close down the mills involved
+and transfer pending contracts to other mills, remote and non-unionized.
+The strike collapsed because of the superior organization of the trust.
+
+More important than the steel strike in its effect upon the public was
+the strike of the miners in the anthracite coal fields of Pennsylvania.
+In 1900 these workers were organized by the United Mine Workers of
+America, under the leadership of John Mitchell. They gained concessions
+in a strike in this year, partly because the strike threatened to
+disturb political conditions and embarrass the Republican national
+ticket. The mine-owners, most of whom were Republicans, were persuaded
+by Hanna and others to end the quarrel.
+
+In the spring of 1902 the strike broke out again, turning largely upon
+the question of the formal recognition of the union. All through the
+summer John Mitchell held his followers together, gaining an unusual
+degree of public sympathy for his cause. In the autumn, with both sides
+obstinate, a third party, the public, took an interest in the strike.
+The prospect of a coalless winter alarmed political leaders and citizens
+in general. It was felt that public interest was superior to the claims
+of either contestant, but there was neither law nor recognized machinery
+through which the public could protect itself. At this stage, in
+October, 1902, President Roosevelt secretly reached the intention "to
+send in the United States Army to take possession of the coal fields" if
+necessary. He called the operators and Mitchell to a conference at the
+White House, spoke to them as a citizen upon their duty to serve the
+public, and with rising public opinion behind him and supporting him,
+forced the owners to consent to an arbitration of the points at issue.
+The men returned to work, pleased with the President, to whose
+interference they and the public owed industrial peace.
+
+In 1903 another miners' union, the Western Federation of Miners,
+conducted a great strike in the mines of Cripple Creek. Public opinion
+in Colorado knew no middle class. The miners and the operators
+represented the two chief interests of the section. Hard feeling and
+violence accompanied the strike. The malicious murder of non-union men
+added to the bitterness, which the presence of the militia and a series
+of arbitrary arrests could not allay. The strike was complicated by the
+presence among the workers of a strong element of Socialists, whose ends
+were political as well as economic. The leaders of the Federation, Moyer
+and Haywood, were Socialists, and for them the strike was only a
+beginning of political revolution. The strike lasted until the outraged
+citizens of Cripple Creek formed a vigilance committee and deported the
+chief agitators to Kansas.
+
+Socialism played an increasing part in labor discussions after 1897. A
+Socialist Labor party had presented a ticket and received a few votes in
+1892 and 1896, but socialism had not taken a strong hold on the American
+imagination. The swelling immigration that followed the new prosperity
+brought new life to socialism. In 1900 a Social Democratic party polled
+94,000 votes for Eugene V. Debs for President. In 1904, with the same
+candidate, it received 402,000 votes. Society was reorganizing amid the
+industrial changes, while the discontented classes were growing more
+coherent and constructive.
+
+President Roosevelt met the changes in transportation, industry, and
+labor with vigor. He invoked the Sherman Law against the Northern
+Securities Company. He brought suits against certain of the trusts
+which he stigmatized as the "bad trusts." Not all concentration, he
+urged, was undesirable. Capital, like labor, had its rights, but it must
+obey the law. Partly through his efforts Congress created in 1903 a new
+administrative department of Commerce and Labor. George B. Cortelyou
+became the first Secretary of this department. Through its Bureaus of
+Corporations and of Labor there was new activity in the investigation of
+the facts of the industrial movement.
+
+The vigor with which the President directed foreign relations,
+interfered in big business, and espoused the cause of labor produced a
+breach between him and many of the regular leaders of the party. Through
+two campaigns Marcus A. Hanna had worked on the theory that the
+Republican party was the party of business, and had attracted to its
+support all who believed this or had something to make out of it. Many
+of these Republicans could not understand what Roosevelt was trying to
+do, and maintained an opposition, silent or open, to his policies.
+
+The popularity of Hanna was used by many Republicans to offset the
+popularity of Roosevelt. Before 1896 Hanna had taken little part in
+public politics. Entering the Senate in 1897, he developed great
+influence. By 1900 he began to speak in public with directness and
+effect, and to undo the work of the cartoonists who had misrepresented
+his character. He interfered to bring peace in the anthracite regions in
+1900, became interested in the labor problem on its own account, and
+discovered that he was popular. He was essentially a direct and honest
+man, who had had no reason to doubt that it was the chief end of
+government to conserve business. As he came into touch with public
+affairs he broadened, saw new responsibilities for capital, and had a
+new understanding of the wants of labor. The only personality that even
+threatened to rival that of Roosevelt in 1904 was that of "Uncle Mark"
+Hanna.
+
+Roosevelt had been made Vice-President to get rid of him in New York.
+The single life that stood between him and the White House was removed
+by an assassin, and as a President by accident he desired to establish
+himself and secure a nomination on his own account in 1904. By the
+summer of 1902 he appreciated the growing interest in the problems of
+capital and labor. A speaking tour in 1902 gave him a chance to demand a
+"square deal" for all, and the control of the trusts. From some sections
+of the West came the suggestion that the way to approach the trusts was
+through the tariff.
+
+The Dingley Tariff was unpopular with the Republican farmers of the
+Northwest, and for some years they tolerated it in silence as a test of
+party loyalty. In 1902 a liberal faction, controlled by Governor Albert
+B. Cummins, captured the Iowa convention and demanded a revision of the
+more extreme schedules. The belief that the tariff was the "mother of
+trusts" was spreading, and the Iowa idea gained wide acceptance. In
+Congress, in the session of 1902, the Republican organization had shown
+the stubbornness with which any opening in the tariff wall would be
+opposed.
+
+Cuba was set free in the spring of 1902, her government having been
+formed under the guidance of the United States. The duty to aid the
+young Republic, and in particular to mitigate the severities of the
+Dingley Tariff impressed the President, who used all his influence to
+get such legislation from Congress. He failed signally, raising only a
+new issue by his attempt to coerce Congress. His speeches in the summer
+showed a willingness to revise the tariff, while his interference in the
+coal strike in the autumn showed his willingness to oppose the ends of
+capital. How far he would go in breaking with the leaders of his party
+was unknown, but their disposition to "stand pat" and do nothing with
+the tariff was marked before the end of 1902.
+
+In 1902 it became a habit of Republican state conventions to demand the
+renomination of Roosevelt in 1904. Whatever his effect upon the party
+leaders, the rank and file liked him and believed in him, while his
+personal popularity among Democrats led many to think his strength
+greater than it was. His candidacy was formal and authorized, but his
+opponents hoped that Hanna might be induced to try to defeat him. In
+1903 the Ohio convention, with the consent of Hanna, approved the
+candidacy of Roosevelt, and early in 1904 the death of Hanna removed the
+last hope of Roosevelt's Republican opponents. The delegates went to a
+national convention in Chicago, for which the procedure had all been
+arranged at the White House, where it had been determined that Elihu
+Root should be temporary chairman, and that Joseph G. Cannon, the
+Speaker, should be permanent chairman. Through these the convention
+registered the renomination of Roosevelt and selected Charles W.
+Fairbanks, of Indiana, as Vice-President.
+
+In the Democratic party the forces that had dominated in 1896 and 1900
+had lost control. William Jennings Bryan, after two defeats, was not a
+candidate in 1904. He had become a lay preacher on political subjects,
+lecturing and speaking constantly in all parts of the United States, and
+reinforcing his political views in the columns of his weekly _Commoner_,
+which he founded after his defeat in 1900. Roosevelt had adopted many of
+his fundamental themes, but Bryan retained an increasing popularity as
+did the President, and, like the latter, had relations of doubtful
+cordiality with the leaders of his own party. The Cleveland wing of the
+Democrats still believed Bryan to be dangerous and unsound upon
+financial matters, and some of them made overtures to Cleveland to be a
+candidate for a third term himself. His emphatic refusal to reënter
+politics compelled the conservatives to find a new candidate. Judge
+Alton B. Parker, of New York, was their choice. The owner of the most
+notorious of the sensational newspapers, William Randolph Hearst,
+offered himself. Several other candidates were presented to the
+Democratic Convention at Chicago, but Parker received the nomination,
+over the bitter opposition of Bryan. When a doubt arose as to his status
+on the silver issue, Judge Parker telegraphed to the convention that he
+regarded "the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established."
+Bryan supported the ticket, Parker and Henry G. Davis of West Virginia,
+but without enthusiasm.
+
+There was no issue that clearly divided the parties in the campaign of
+1904. Roosevelt asked for an indorsement of his Administration and for
+approval of his general theory of a "square deal," but it was obvious
+that his party associates were less enthusiastic for reform than he, and
+that only his great personal popularity prevented some of them from
+withdrawing their support. The Bryan Democrats were drawn more toward
+Roosevelt than toward their own party candidate. It was clear that
+Parker represented, on the whole, the weight of conservatism, while
+Roosevelt embodied the spirit of progress, and that neither was typical
+of his party. Parker was driven by the progressive Democrats to insist
+upon a regulation of the trusts; Roosevelt acquiesced in the desire of
+the "stand-pat" Republicans and refrained from advocating a lowering of
+the tariff.
+
+The result of the election was proof of the public confidence in
+Roosevelt. He carried every State outside the South, and Missouri and
+Maryland besides. His popular vote was over 7,500,000, while his
+plurality over Parker was more than 2,500,000. In the last week of the
+canvass Parker charged that the trusts were supporting Roosevelt, and
+that the reform demands were only a pose. He pointed out that the
+Chairman of the Republican National Committee, who had succeeded Hanna,
+George B. Cortelyou, had been Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and thus
+in a position to examine the books of corporations. He hinted at a
+political blackmail of the trusts, and many of the papers that
+supported him were outspoken in their charges. An indignant denial of
+blackmail appeared over the President's signature the Saturday before
+election. Later investigation proved that many of the great corporations
+had, as usual, contributed to the campaign fund, and that Roosevelt had
+urged the railroad magnate, Harriman, to contribute toward the campaign
+in New York.
+
+As soon as the results of the election were known, Roosevelt answered a
+question that was on the lips of many. His three and a half years
+constituted his first term. He was now elected for a second term, and he
+characterized as a "wise custom" the limiting of a President to two
+terms. "Under no circumstances will I be a candidate for or accept
+another nomination," he declared.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The history of the recent trust movement may be followed in the writings
+upon the United States Steel Corporation by E.S. Meade and H.L. Wilgus.
+There is a detailed and gossipy _Inside History of the Carnegie Steel
+Company_ (1903), by J.H. Bridge. W.F. Willoughby has made searching
+analyses of Concentration and Integration, which may be found in the
+_Yale Review_, vol. VII, and the _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, vol.
+XVI. The prosecution of the Northern Securities Company brought out many
+typical facts of railroad consolidation, and is best described in B.H.
+Meyer, _A History of the Northern Securities Case_ (in University of
+Wisconsin Bulletin, no. 142). More general material upon these topics
+may be found in E.R. Johnson, _American Railway Transportation_ (1903,
+etc.); F.A. Cleveland and F.W. Powell, _Railway Promotion and
+Capitalization in the United States_ (1909, with an admirable
+bibliography); Poore's _Railroad Manual_; and the files of the
+_Commercial and Financial Chronicle_. The voluminous Report of the
+Industrial Commission (19 vols., Washington, 1900-02) is a storehouse of
+facts upon industry; labor conditions are illustrated in the Annual
+Reports of the United States Commissioner of Labor, who has also special
+reports upon individual strikes, including that at Cripple Creek in
+1903. The history of the campaign fund in 1904 was partially revealed in
+an investigation in 1912. H. Croly, _Marcus A. Hanna_, is invaluable for
+these years.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+THE "MUCK-RAKERS"
+
+
+Before Roosevelt was inaugurated for his second term, the national
+"revival," in which he and Bryan and other preachers of civic virtue had
+played the speaking parts, was sweeping over the country. The menace of
+the trusts was seen and exaggerated as railways, corporations, and labor
+availed themselves of the means of coöperation. The connection between
+the great financial interests and politics was believed to be dangerous
+to public welfare. All the mechanical reforms for the recovery of
+government by the people, that had been originated between 1889 and
+1897, were revived once more, and there was added to confidence in them
+a widespread belief in the existence of a malevolent, plundering class.
+
+It was not enough that the trust movement should be explained as an
+unavoidable development from modern communication. It was believed to
+constitute more than an economic evolution. The public was prone to
+place an ethical responsibility upon an individual or groups of
+individuals, and there came a series of revelations or exposures that
+appeared, in part, to fix the blame. All the old uprisings against
+boss-rule were revivified, and capitalistic control was placed upon the
+Index.
+
+Miss Ida M. Tarbell, an historical student who had gained an audience
+through popular and discriminating lives of Napoleon and Lincoln,
+published a history of the Standard Oil Company in _McClure's Magazine_
+during 1903. She showed conclusively the connection between
+transportation and monopoly in the oil industry, revealing the mastery
+of the tools of transportation, by rebates, by control of tank cars, or
+by pipe lines, that had enabled John D. Rockefeller to establish his
+great trust. She showed also the unlovely methods of competition, long
+common to all business, but magnified by their use in the hands of a
+monopoly to establish itself. "What we are witnessing," wrote Washington
+Gladden a little later, "is a new apocalypse, an uncovering of the
+iniquity of the land.... We have found that no society can march
+hellward faster than a democracy under the banner of unbridled
+individualism."
+
+Three years before Miss Tarbell displayed the tendency of the trusts,
+President Hadley, of Yale, had suggested that social ostracism, or
+social stigma, might be made an efficient tool for reform. Other writers
+used the tool. Lincoln Steffens, in a series of articles on "The Shame
+of the Cities," exposed the connection between graft and politics.
+Thomas Lawson, with spectacular exaggeration, laid the troubles of
+society at the feet of "Frenzied Finance." _Collier's Weekly_ undertook
+to reveal the worthlessness and fraud in the trade in patent medicines.
+Many of the exposers encroached upon the fields of fiction in their
+work, while books of avowed fiction exploited the conditions they
+portrayed. _Coniston_, by Winston Churchill, was based upon the control
+of a State by a railroad boss. Upton Sinclair wrote _The Jungle_ to
+expose the meat-packers.
+
+A new journalism aided and was aided by the zeal to expose and the greed
+of the public for literature of exposure. In the later nineties city
+journalism was reorganized under the influence of the "yellow" papers,
+and sensational news was made a profitable commodity as never before.
+The range of the daily paper was, however, limited by a few hundred
+miles, and its influence could not become national. A new periodical
+literature, resembling the old literary monthlies, but using many timely
+and journalistic articles, sprang into life and gained national
+circulation and influence. S.S. McClure was one of its pioneers.
+_Everybody's_, the _Cosmopolitan_, _Munsey's_, the _American_, and
+weeklies like _Collier's_, the _Outlook_, and the _Independent_ were
+among the journals that helped to spread the conclusions and advocate
+reforms. Besides these a horde of imitators fattened for a time upon
+exposure.
+
+Journalism had a large part in directing the American revival, and
+private investigators furnished many of the facts. Public suits marked
+an attempt to act upon the facts and remedy them. In Missouri Joseph W.
+Folk conducted a series of prosecutions against grafters in St. Louis
+that elevated him in a few months to the head of his party and the
+governorship of his State. The Bureau of Corporations, attached to the
+new Department of Commerce and Labor in 1903, made a series of reports
+the most notable of which showed that the charges against the Standard
+Oil Company for extorting rebates, and against the meat-packers for
+unsanitary conditions, were founded upon fact.
+
+The most notable public exposure of indiscretion and wrongdoing in high
+finance occurred in New York. Here, during 1905, a quarrel over the
+management of the Equitable Life Insurance Company led to a legislative
+investigation by a so-called Armstrong Committee. One of the attorneys
+employed by the committee, Charles E. Hughes, soon became the spirit of
+the examination. One by one he called insurance officers to the witness
+stand, and drew from their reluctant lips the story of their relation to
+banking, to speculative finance, and to politics. He revealed the
+existence of a group among the bankers not unlike a money trust. He
+proved that for at least three national campaigns the insurance
+companies, like other corporations, had given heavy subsidies to the
+campaign funds, sometimes of both but always of the Republican party.
+
+Whenever an investigator rose above the level and established his
+reputation for honesty and competence, the aroused public seized upon
+him for use in politics. In September, 1906, the Democrats of New York
+nominated the most successful of the sensational journalists, Hearst,
+for governor. On the same day the Republican Convention, in which no
+delegate had been instructed for him, nominated Hughes as governor of
+New York, because public opinion in the party would take no other
+candidate. Hughes was elected in 1906 and again in 1908, in spite of the
+hostility of Republican party leaders. His administrations were
+prophetic of the new spirit that was entering politics.
+
+Many of the problems raised by the investigations were old and presented
+only a need for an honest enforcement of the law against law-breakers.
+Others were simple and prescribed their own methods of treatment. The
+evil of corporation contributions to campaign funds was met in 1907 by a
+law forbidding national banks to contribute to any election, or any
+corporations to contribute to a presidential or congressional election.
+In 1906 the gift of free railroad passes upon interstate railroads was
+prohibited by law. The presidential candidates in 1908 pledged
+themselves to publicity in the matter of contributions, while the
+complaints of poverty-stricken campaign managers in 1908 and 1912
+indicated that the laws were generally obeyed. Still other problems
+raised large questions of scientific investigation and legislation.
+
+The reaction from the carelessness revealed by the investigation of the
+meat-packers stimulated a pure-food movement that had had its advocates
+for many years. With the concentration of food manufacture and the
+increase in the consumption of "package products," the consumer had
+given up the preparation of his own food and thrown himself upon the
+dealer. The numerous domestic industries typical of the American family
+in 1880 had been sorted out. The sewing had gone to the sweat shop and
+the factory, the baking had gone to the public baker, the laundry was
+going, the killing and preservation of meat and the preparation of
+canned vegetables and fruits were nearly gone. Population followed the
+industries to work in the factories. Country life lost much of its
+variety and interest, while the congested masses in the cities were made
+dependent for their health and strength upon private initiative.
+Rigorous bills for the inspection of meats at the slaughter houses, and
+for the proper labeling of manufactured foods and medicines, were
+carried through Congress in 1906 on the strength of the popular
+revulsion against the manufacturers. Hereafter the Department of
+Agriculture stood between the people and their food. James Wilson, of
+Iowa, had been Secretary since 1897 and remained in the office until
+1913. He and his subordinates, notably Dr. Harvey Wiley, in charge of
+the pure-food work, administered the law amid the proddings of consumers
+and the protests of manufacturers. With much complaint, but with little
+difficulty because of the consolidation of control, business adjusted
+itself to the new requirements and labels in the next few years.
+
+The anti-railroad movement reminded the public that the Interstate
+Commerce Law of 1887 was an imperfect statute. It had always done less
+than its framers had intended. Judicial interpretation had limited its
+scope. The commission did not have power to fix a rate or to compel in
+the railroads the uniformity of bookkeeping without which no scientific
+rates could be established. After Roosevelt had directed his speeches of
+1903 and 1904 to the subject, Congress responded to the public interest
+thus aroused with a flood of projected railroad bills. One of these
+passed the House of Representatives in 1905, but was held up in the
+Senate while a new investigation of interstate commerce, the most
+exhaustive since the Cullom investigation of 1885, was undertaken. In
+1906 the Hepburn Railway Bill was passed. In its chief provisions it
+gave the Interstate Commerce Commission power to fix rates and to
+prescribe uniform bookkeeping, and it forbade railways to issue free
+passes or to own the freight they carried. The long railroad debate was
+made notable by the speeches of a new Senator, Robert M. LaFollette, of
+Wisconsin, who had fought his way to the governorship on this issue and
+gone through a prolonged fight with the railroads of his own State. He
+insisted that public rate-making could not succeed without a preliminary
+physical valuation of the roads that would show the extent of their real
+capitalization. He talked, often, to empty chairs in the Senate, but he
+prophesied that the people had a new interest in their affairs, and that
+many of the seats, vacant because of the indifference of their owners,
+would soon be filled with Senators of a new type. In vacations he spoke
+to public audiences on the same subject, reading his "roll-call," and
+telling the people how their representatives voted for or against
+commercial privilege. With its enlarged powers the Interstate Commerce
+Commission made rapid headway against rebates and discrimination.
+
+The popular revival was well advanced by 1905, but was becoming more
+sensational every month. Led on by an expectant public, the magazines
+manufactured exposures to supply the market, and hysteria often took the
+place of investigation. The real needs of reform were in danger of
+being lost in a flood of denunciation. In the spring of 1906 President
+Roosevelt spoke out to check the indiscriminate abuse. He drew his topic
+from Bunyan's "Man with the Muck-Rake," pointed out that blame and
+exposure had run its course, and demanded that enforcement of the law be
+taken up, and that efforts be turned from destruction to construction.
+He had done much himself to "arouse the slumbering conscience of the
+nation," and turned now to direct it toward a permanent advantage.
+
+The trend of criticism injured the party under whose administration
+corporate abuse had grown up. The personal popularity of Roosevelt, and
+his associates, Root, Taft, Knox, and Hughes, saved the party from
+defeat. In 1906 the congressional campaign was fought on the basis of
+holding on to prosperity, enforcing the law against all violators, and
+strengthening the hands of government. Roosevelt wrote the substance of
+the platform, and his party gained control of its sixth consecutive
+Congress since 1896. The canvass over, Roosevelt departed from an old
+precedent, left the territory of the United States, and visited the
+Isthmus of Panama to inspect the work on the canal.
+
+Six months after the signing of the Panama Treaty in 1903 the United
+States took possession of the Canal Zone and began to dig. It had to
+learn lessons of both management and tropical engineering. One by one
+its chief engineers deserted the enterprise. The choice between a
+sea-level and a lock canal divided the experts. The legislation by
+Congress was inadequate. In the spring of 1906 Roosevelt, with the
+approval of Taft, who had been recalled from the Philippines to be
+Secretary of War, determined to build a lock canal. The President
+tramped over the workings in November, 1906, and sent an illustrated
+message about them to Congress on his return. In 1907 Major George W.
+Goethals was detailed from the army to be benevolent despot and engineer
+of the Canal Zone. Inspired and encouraged by repeated visits from Taft,
+the work now made rapid progress toward completion. Sir Frederick
+Treves, the great English surgeon, visited the canal in 1908, and found
+there not only gigantic engineering works, but a triumph for the
+preventive medicine of Colonel William C. Gorgas, chief of the sanitary
+officers.
+
+The attention of the world, directed toward the United States since
+1898, was held by the canal and by a continuation of a vigorous and open
+diplomacy. In February, 1904, Russia and Japan, unable to agree upon the
+conduct of the former in Manchuria, had gone to war. Hostilities had
+continued until Russian prestige was shattered and Japanese finance was
+wavering. In June, 1905, the United States directed identical notes to
+the belligerents, offering a friendly mediation. The invitation was
+accepted, and during the summer of 1905 the envoys of Russia and Japan
+met in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to conclude a treaty of peace. In 1906
+the Nobel Committee awarded to Roosevelt the annual prize for services
+to peace.
+
+Relations with all the world were friendly between 1905 and 1909. Great
+Britain contributed to the cordiality by sending to the United States
+as her ambassador the best-fitted of her subjects, James Bryce. Under
+his tactful management the next five years were a period of
+unprecedented friendship. The South American republics, always sensitive
+about the headship of the United States, were brought to kindlier
+feelings. There had been two congresses of all the Americas, one in
+1889, at the instigation of Blaine, the next in Mexico in 1901. In 1906
+the American republics convened at Rio de Janeiro in July. Secretary of
+State Elihu Root made a plea for friendship before this congress. From
+Rio he went to other capitals of South America, achieving notable
+triumphs in his public speeches.
+
+The Pan-American Conference at Rio was an American preliminary to a
+larger meeting in which the United States played an important part in
+1907. During 1904 Roosevelt had agreed to start a movement for a second
+conference at The Hague. He took up the negotiation during the
+Russo-Japanese War, deferred it at the instance of the Czar, and then
+stood aside to let the latter issue the formal invitation. The American
+delegation at the Second Hague Conference was led by Joseph H. Choate,
+leader of the American Bar and former ambassador to Great Britain. It
+forced the discussion throughout the session, tried in vain to produce
+an agreement to abolish the right of capture of enemy property on the
+high seas in time of war, and helped to strengthen the permanent court
+of arbitration. In January, 1906, the United States had sat in
+conference at Algeciras, over the affairs of Morocco. It had mediated
+in the Oriental war. It had strengthened its position at home. It was no
+longer true that the United States was entirely disinterested in the
+affairs of Europe, for it had become a world power.
+
+A visible emblem of power was afforded to the world in 1907. Since the
+Treaty of Portsmouth there had been friction with Japan over the
+treatment of Japanese subjects on the Pacific Coast, and alarmists had
+drawn pictures of a possible war. Late in 1907 the President announced a
+practice voyage for the whole effective navy that would carry it around
+South America and into the Pacific. In December he reviewed the fleet,
+and saw it off from Hampton Roads. From the Pacific it was ordered round
+the world, visited Japan and China, and was received with keen interest
+everywhere. It came home early in 1909, having made a record for holding
+together without breakdown or accident.
+
+While the fleet was going round the world and business was adjusting
+itself to the new constructive laws, an old problem was formally ended.
+The tribal sovereignty, which had made the Indians a problem, was
+terminated. The Dawes Act of 1887 had substituted severalty for tribal
+landholdings among the Indians. Out of the first cessions which followed
+the act Oklahoma Territory had been made in 1890. This had developed
+more rapidly than any previous Territory because of the railroads that
+crossed it in every direction. By 1900 it demanded statehood. In 1906 it
+was enabled, and during 1907 it was admitted, with the longest and most
+radical of state constitutions. Fear of the activities of corporate
+wealth and distrust of the agents of government were written into nearly
+every article.
+
+In the spring of 1908 nearly all of the forty-six governors met with
+President Roosevelt in the White House and registered another problem
+upon which agitation and revelation had led to public reflection. The
+coal strikes of 1900 and 1902 had drawn attention to the possible
+relation of government to the coal supply of the people. The beginnings
+of reclamation in 1902 had revealed the fact that public reclamation was
+impeded by large private and corporate water rights. The natural
+resources of the country were seen to be following the course of all
+business and settling into the control of great corporations. The waste
+of coal and timber and water and land itself was unreasonable. The
+denudation of the hills led to terrible floods along the rivers. The
+future was being darkened by the organized selfishness of the present. A
+movement for conservation grew out of the conference of governors, but
+Congress for the present would not encourage it.
+
+In popular education, in initiation of new administrative policies, and
+in the passage of constructive laws efforts were being made to adjust
+government to the needs of modern industry and to safeguard society. The
+business interests affected by the changes obstructed the process when
+they could, and were intensified in their opposition by the series of
+prosecutions brought by Attorney-General Knox, and his successor Charles
+J. Bonaparte, under the Sherman Law. At no time in the earlier history
+of this law had there been a strong disposition to test its merit, and
+no one of the notorious trusts had been attacked before the Northern
+Securities case. In later years it was turned against the Standard Oil
+Company, the beef-packers, the Tobacco Trust, the Sugar Trust, and the
+United States Steel Corporation, while railways and smaller
+corporations, in great number, were prosecuted. The enforcement of the
+law aroused blind opposition among many of the victims, and stimulated
+queries as to whether or not any attempt to limit the size of business
+was sound public policy. The debate upon regulation, as against
+prohibition of trusts and monopolies, ran on with no sign of victory for
+either side of the argument. Personal hostility against the
+Administration for applying the law gave color to the last two years of
+Roosevelt's Administration.
+
+By 1907 there had been ten years of the prosperity that had begun with
+the election of McKinley. Finance had developed with industry and trade.
+The needs of corporations dealing in millions and hundreds of millions
+of capital had induced the consolidation of banks and the concentration
+of financial power in the hands of a small group of men. The holding
+companies were great aids in the furtherance of this concentration. J.
+Pierpont Morgan and John D. Rockefeller were best known as
+representative of the inner circle. Their speculations and investments
+were embarrassed by the weakening of public confidence. It was certain
+there would come a time when the whole surplus capital of the United
+States would be invested in permanent improvements. Such periods had
+followed eras of boom in 1837, 1857, and 1873. It was too probable that
+some accident occurring in the period of liquidation would create a
+panic. Suspicion had been directed against the controlling agents of
+business by the revelations of 1902-07. It was exaggerated by
+sensational journalism. It reached a climax in the fall of 1907 when a
+group of banks, reputed strong, failed through dishonesty and
+speculative management. The failure of the Mercantile National Bank and
+the suspension of the Knickerbocker Trust Company in New York brought
+the crisis on October 22, 1907. The loss to the public was lessened by
+resolute and sympathetic coöperation among the clearing-houses, Morgan,
+Rockefeller, and the United States Treasury, but a period of enforced
+economy was begun for all.
+
+The managers of big business attributed the panic to "Theodore the
+Meddler." They claimed that business was sound and honest, and the
+upheaval was caused by the agitation of demagogues. The President, they
+asserted, had destroyed confidence by his attack on the commercial
+class. Federal prosecutions, new laws, and the enforcement of
+inquisitorial pure-food regulations had made it impossible for business
+to live. "Let us alone," they cried.
+
+They convinced only themselves, a small minority of the people of the
+United States. Since 1902 the people as a body, regardless of the great
+parties, had opened their eyes to the trend of business and had decided
+that public authority must be summoned to the defense of democracy. The
+independent vote broke away from each party in increasingly numerous
+cases. The old American view that democracy meant unrestrained
+individualism had given way to the newer view that democratic
+opportunity was dependent upon the restriction of monopoly. The
+ostensible leaders, from the President down, were only the mouths that
+spoke the new language. Without them the same condition would have
+existed in large degree. The attack of the financial interests and Wall
+Street upon the President only convinced the people that the Roosevelt
+policies were, on the whole, their policies, and that individual
+interest and party machinery must give way to their attainment.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The periodicals and special articles alluded to in this chapter
+constitute the best sources as yet available for the period. There were
+numerous investigations by committees of Congress that furnished facts
+in their reports. Certain of the departments of government, notably the
+Bureau of Corporations and the Department of Agriculture, were active in
+the publication of facts. Thoughtful surveys of society in the United
+States may be found in E.A. Ross, _Changing America_ (1912); H. Croly,
+_The Promise of American Life_ (1909); A.B. Hart, _National Ideals
+Historically Traced_ (in _The American Nation_, vol. 26, 1907). The
+autobiography of R.M. LaFollette is of considerable value. A great
+number of books upon America by foreign visitors bring out special
+viewpoints. Among these are F. Klein, _In the Land of the Strenuous
+Life_ (1905); A. Bennett, _Your United States_ (1912); W. Archer,
+_America To-Day_ (1899); Anon., _As a Chinaman Saw Us_ (1904); and James
+Bryce has revised and brought down to date his _American Commonwealth_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+NEW NATIONALISM
+
+
+The process of adjusting national administration and laws, to meet the
+needs of life and business that knew no state lines, had been begun
+during the Roosevelt period. For its completion it was necessary that a
+successor be found, convinced of the Roosevelt policies and able to
+carry them out. Three Republicans of this type were often mentioned for
+the Presidency in 1908. Elihu Root had been the legal mainstay of three
+administrations, and had received the public commendation of Roosevelt
+often and without restraint. His availability for the elective office
+was, however, weakened by his prominence as a corporation lawyer, which
+would be urged against him in a campaign. William H. Taft, Secretary of
+War, had a wider popularity than Root; had, as federal judge, long been
+identified with the enforcement of law, and had been used repeatedly as
+the spokesman of the President. He knew the colonies as no other
+American knew them, and was in touch with every detail of the Panama
+Canal. Neither he nor Root had won a leadership in competitive politics
+as had the third candidate, Charles E. Hughes, who, as Governor of New
+York, had shown his capacity to fight professional politicians on their
+own ground.
+
+In 1907, President Roosevelt announced his preference for Judge Taft,
+and fought off, as he had often done, suggestions that he accept
+another term himself. He controlled the Republican convention at
+Chicago, where his candidate was nominated on the first ballot. A
+Republican Representative from New York, James S. Sherman, was nominated
+for the Vice-Presidency, and the party leaders were driven to a platform
+of enthusiastic indorsement of the Roosevelt policies.
+
+The Democratic party, meeting at Denver in 1908, was again under the
+control of the radical element, and nominated William J. Bryan for the
+third time. The career of Roosevelt had modified the emphasis of the
+Bryan reforms. "Any Republican who, after following Roosevelt, should
+object to Bryan as a radical, would simply be laughed at consumedly,"
+said one of the weeklies. In the ensuing campaign both candidates
+professed ends that were nearly identical, and their advocates were
+forced to explain whether the Roosevelt policies would have a better
+chance under Bryan or Taft. There was no clear issue, and in each party
+there was a powerful minority that wanted neither of the candidates. The
+election of Taft had been discounted throughout the campaign, but it was
+accompanied by a demonstration of independent voting that revealed the
+weakness of party ties. Four Democratic governors were elected in States
+that were carried by the Republican national ticket.
+
+The Administration of President Taft was greeted with cordial good will
+by the progressive elements in both parties. His courage and sincerity
+had never been questioned. Roosevelt was unlimited in his praise. His
+judicial training made impossible for him types of political activity
+that had made enemies for his predecessor among many conservatives, yet
+his devotion to policies of administrative reform was beyond dispute. He
+immediately fulfilled one pledge of the Republican platform by summoning
+Congress to meet on March 15, 1909, to revise the tariff, and on this
+subject he had for several years avowed a desire that revision should be
+downward, to remove all trace of special tariff privilege.
+
+The movement for tariff reform had begun in the Middle West about 1902,
+and had spread with the feeling against the trusts. Roosevelt had
+indicated a sympathy with it in 1902 and 1903, and had fought Congress
+for tariff modification in the interest of Cuban reciprocity. But most
+of the party leaders had opposed tampering with the protective system.
+Speaker Cannon was an avowed protectionist and defended the attitude of
+the stand-pat tariff advocates. After 1904 the President had ceased to
+discuss the tariff, confining himself to other schemes for reform. He
+left the problem of revision to his successor.
+
+The tariff of 1909 bore the names of Sereno E. Payne, of New York,
+chairman of the House Committee of Ways and Means, and Nelson W.
+Aldrich, chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance. As it passed the
+House it embodied numerous reductions from the Dingley rates. In the
+Senate it was reframed and became an instrument of even greater
+protection than the existing law. It was debated in a stronger glare of
+public interest than any other tariff, and its details were explained
+and fought by a group of Republicans who refused to accept the control
+of the inner circle of the party, and who were determined that the
+revision should be downward and sincere. They did less to affect the
+bill, however, than President Taft, who forced the conference committee
+to accept a few reductions in the rates, notably on hides and lumber,
+and to include a provision for levying an income tax on corporations. A
+constitutional amendment, authorizing a general income tax, was a part
+of the agreement. The bill became a law in August, 1909. "The bill, in
+its final form," said the _Outlook_, which inclined toward free trade,
+"is by far the most enlightened protectionist measure ever enacted in
+the history of the country." "I think that the present tariff," wrote
+Roosevelt, who had returned to private life, "is better than the last,
+and considerably better than the one before the last."
+
+Whatever its relation to earlier tariffs the Payne-Aldrich Act was
+distasteful to the country, which had since 1897 become critical of the
+methods of tariff legislation. Seven Republican Senators and twenty
+Representatives voted against it on its final passage. These represented
+the Middle West and the new generation, and returned home to find their
+constituents generally with them in denouncing the measure as an
+instrument of privilege. Some of them had broken with President Taft
+during the debate, and the breach was deepened when the latter spoke in
+the West, at Winona, Minnesota, and defended the act as a compliance
+with the party pledge. It became apparent that the new President was
+unable to procure party legislation and to maintain at the same time an
+appearance of harmony in the party. Roosevelt had dissatisfied but had
+overriden the conservative wing; Taft failed to satisfy the most
+progressive wing and failed to silence them.
+
+In the autumn of 1909 began a series of administrative misunderstandings
+that greatly embarrassed the Taft Administration. A prospective minister
+to China was dismissed abruptly before he left the United States, on
+account of a supposed indiscretion. In the Department of Agriculture
+there was dissension between the Secretary, James Wilson, and the
+chemist engaged in the enforcement of the Pure Food Law, Harvey W.
+Wiley. The chief of the forestry service, Gifford Pinchot, quarreled
+openly with the Secretary of the Interior, Richard A. Ballinger, and
+raised the question of the future of the policy of conservation.
+
+The work of the forestry and reclamation services was at the center of
+the scheme for conservation of natural resources that had grown out of
+Roosevelt's conference with the governors in 1908. A subordinate of the
+forestry service attacked the Secretary of the Interior in 1909,
+charging favoritism and lack of interest in conservation. He was
+dismissed in September, upon order of President Taft, whereupon
+_Collier's Weekly_ undertook an attack upon the President as an enemy of
+conservation, receiving the moral support of many of the progressives
+who disliked the tariff act. In January, 1910, the growing controversy
+led the President to dismiss Pinchot from the service, for
+insubordination, and Congress to erect a joint committee to investigate
+the Pinchot-Ballinger dispute.
+
+The Ballinger committee ultimately vindicated the Secretary of the
+Interior, but the testimony taken brought out a fundamental difference
+between the theory of Taft, that the President could act only in
+accordance with the law, and that of Roosevelt, that he could do
+whatever was not forbidden by law. Although Taft stood by his
+subordinate, claiming that he and Ballinger were both active in
+conservation, a large section of the public believed that the aggressive
+movement for reform had lost momentum. What Roosevelt thought of it was
+impossible to learn, since he had gone to Africa in 1909, and remained
+outside the sphere of American politics until the summer of 1910.
+
+The progressive Republicans revolted in 1909 and 1910 against the
+domination of the "stand-pat" group, and received the name "Insurgents."
+Senators LaFollette and Cummins, both of whom desired to be President,
+were the avowed leaders. In the House of Representatives, in March,
+1910, the Insurgents coöperated with the Democratic minority, defeated a
+ruling of Speaker Cannon, and modified the House rules in order to
+curtail the autocracy of the presiding officer. They asked the country
+to believe that Taft had ceased to be progressive and had become the
+ally of the stand-pat interests. The split in the Republican party
+enabled the Democrats to carry the country in 1910, and to obtain a
+large majority in the House of Representatives. Champ Clark, of
+Missouri, and Oscar Underwood, of Alabama, both aspirants for the
+Democratic presidential nomination, became, respectively, Speaker and
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means in the new House. No one man
+controlled or led either party by his personality as Theodore Roosevelt
+had done; the rivalry of lesser leaders destroyed the harmony of both
+parties, and neither party even approached unanimity in regard to the
+great policies of the future. In January, 1911, the Insurgent
+Republicans organized a Progressive Republican League for the purpose of
+capturing the nomination in 1912 for one of their number, presumably
+Senator LaFollette.
+
+The Taft policies differed from those of his predecessor chiefly in the
+method of their advocacy. Like Roosevelt, Taft had trouble in getting
+them enacted, and unlike Roosevelt, he failed to magnetize the people
+and carry them with him. He procured, however, funds for the creation of
+a board of tariff experts to aid in future revisions of schedules, and
+for a commerce court, to handle appeals in interstate commerce cases.
+The income tax amendment secured his support. He used his influence to
+prevent the seating of William Lorimer, a Senator elected from Illinois
+under conditions of grave scandal. The Interstate Commerce Law was
+revised and strengthened in 1910. An enabling act for Arizona and New
+Mexico was passed in 1910, under which both of these Territories became
+States in 1912. He continued the series of anti-trust suits begun under
+Roosevelt, and procured decisions ordering the dissolution of the
+Southern Pacific merger, the Standard Oil Company, and the Tobacco
+Trust, and the penalizing of many others.
+
+In the field of administration President Taft showed an instinct for
+orderly and economical government. He urged upon Congress the adoption
+of a budget system for expenditures, and employed a body of experts to
+aid in reducing the cost and inefficiency of the executive departments.
+He extended the civil service until in 1912 only 56,000 of the 334,000
+federal employees were still outside the classified service.
+
+The foreign negotiations of the Taft Administration were most
+distinguished in respect to Latin-American trade, to arbitration, to
+neutrality, and to reciprocity. With the Latin-Americas he continued the
+policy of friendly support, through Philander C. Knox, his Secretary of
+State. The critics of this policy stigmatized it as "dollar diplomacy,"
+but Taft and Knox defended it as leading these republics through sound
+finance to stable government. A protracted revolution in Mexico led to
+the expulsion of President Porfirio Diaz in 1911, and was followed by
+counter-revolutions in 1912. Throughout the disturbance Taft maintained
+a rigid neutrality, and induced Congress to permit him to prohibit the
+export of arms for sale to the belligerents. This constituted an advance
+upon the customary practice of neutrals, who are permitted under
+international law to sell munitions of war to either belligerent.
+
+In 1908, Roosevelt had signed general arbitration treaties with Great
+Britain and other countries, containing the usual reservations of cases
+involving honor or national existence. In 1911, Taft signed yet broader
+treaties with Great Britain and France, providing for the arbitration of
+all justiciable disputes, and for a commission to determine whether
+disputed cases were justiciable or not. The Senate declined to ratify
+these agreements.
+
+Canadian reciprocity was a part of Taft's tariff program. In 1911, he
+called Congress in special session to approve an agreement for a
+modification of the Payne-Aldrich rates with Canada. The Democratic
+majority in the House of Representatives supported this measure, as did
+enough of the regular Republicans to insure its passage. But the
+Insurgents opposed it as likely to injure the interests of the farmer.
+In September, 1911, Canada rejected the whole measure after a general
+election in which a fear of annexation by the United States was an
+important motive.
+
+The Taft policies failed to thrill the party or the people. They were
+less spectacular than the evils which the muck-rakers had portrayed.
+They were constructive and detailed, and aroused as opponents many who
+had joined in the general clamor for reform. They interested the party
+leaders little, for these were more concerned with their own personal
+fates, and were not overshadowed by the President as they had been for
+eight preceding years. They were all conceived in the spirit of a lawyer
+and judge, and were passed in an alliance with the wing of the
+Republican party that was most impervious to the new reforms, and were
+hence open to the attack that they were in spirit and intent
+reactionary.
+
+In June, 1910, with the Republican schism well advanced, Theodore
+Roosevelt returned to the United States. A few weeks later he made a
+speaking trip in the West, and at Osawatomie, Kansas, he laid down a
+platform of reform that he called "New Nationalism." This was in
+substance an evolution from the history of forty years. It assumed the
+fact of the development of business and society along national lines,
+and demanded that the Government meet the new problems. It believed that
+constitutional power already existed for most of the needed functions of
+government, and demanded that where the power was lacking it should be
+obtained by constitutional amendment. The platform was received with
+equally violent commendation and attack. Many Progressives hailed it as
+an exposition of their faith. Conservatives were prone to call it
+socialistic or revolutionary. It restored Roosevelt to a position of
+consequence in public affairs, and emphasized the fact that Taft had
+developed no power of popular leadership comparable to that of his
+friend and predecessor. It gave the Progressives hope that Roosevelt,
+debarred from the Presidency by his pledge and by the unwritten
+third-term tradition, would aid them in forcing the Republican party to
+nominate a Progressive in 1912.
+
+The concrete principles of the Progressive group embraced a series of
+policies looking toward the destruction of ring-controlled politics.
+They demanded and generally concurred in the initiative and referendum,
+the direct primary, and the direct election of delegates to national
+conventions, and the direct election of United States Senators. Many of
+them believed in a new doctrine, the recall, which was to be applied to
+administrative officials, to judges, and even to judicial decisions.
+Woman suffrage was commonly acceptable to them.
+
+The cause of woman suffrage had made great progress since Idaho became,
+in 1896, the fourth suffrage State. A modified form of suffrage in local
+or school elections had been allowed in many States. A new period of
+agitation for unrestricted woman suffrage had begun in England about
+1906, and had been given advertisement by the deliberate violations of
+law and order by the militant suffragettes. The agitation, though not
+the excess, had spread to the United States. In 1910, Washington, and in
+1911, California, had become woman suffrage States. By 1914, the total
+was raised to twelve by the addition of Arizona, Kansas, Oregon,
+Illinois,[2] Nevada, and Montana.
+
+In the winter of 1911-12, the prospect of Republican success in the next
+national campaign was slight. The Democrats had gained the House in
+1910, and they, with the aid of Progressive Republican votes, had passed
+and sent up to the President several tariff bills, reducing the rates,
+schedule by schedule. Everyone of these had been vetoed, each veto
+tending to convince the Progressives that Taft was conservative, if not
+stand-pat in his sentiments. The Progressive Republicans were pledged to
+work against the renomination of Taft, and were unlikely to support him
+vigorously, if renominated. Many regular Republicans believed he could
+not be reëlected. The section of the party that desired a Progressive
+President became larger than the group that believed in LaFollette, and
+demands that Roosevelt return were heard from many sources.
+
+[Footnote 2: In Illinois the right was somewhat restricted, yet included
+the voting for presidential electors and for local officials.]
+
+In February, 1912, an appeal signed by seven Republican governors, all
+of whom dwelt in States now likely to go Democratic, urged Roosevelt to
+withdraw his pledge and become a candidate for the nomination. The
+demand was concurred in by admirers who believed that only he could
+bring about the new nationalism, by Progressives who distrusted
+LaFollette's capacity to win, and by Republicans who wanted to win at
+any price and saw only defeat through Taft. On February 24, Roosevelt
+announced his willingness to accept the nomination, explained that his
+previous refusal to accept another term had meant another consecutive
+term, and entered upon a canvass for delegates to the Republican
+National Convention.
+
+The campaign before the primaries was made difficult because in most
+States the Republican machinery was in the hands of politicians who
+disliked Roosevelt, whether they cared for Taft or not. It began too
+late for the voters to overturn the state and national committees, or to
+register through the existing party machinery their new desire. It
+brought out the defects in methods of nomination which direct primaries
+were expected to remedy, and in some States public opinion was strong
+enough to compel a hasty passage of primary laws to permit the overturn
+of the convention system. The LaFollette candidacy was deprived of most
+of its supporters, through the superior popularity of Roosevelt.
+
+When the convention met at Chicago on June 18, 1912, there were some 411
+Roosevelt delegates among the 1078, and more than 250 more who, though
+instructed for Taft, were contested by Roosevelt delegations. When the
+national committee overruled the claims of these, Roosevelt denounced
+their action as "naked theft." He had definitely allied himself with the
+wing of the party that opposed Taft. When the convention, presided over
+by Elihu Root, and supported by nearly all the men whom Roosevelt had
+brought into public prominence, finally renominated Taft and Sherman,
+Roosevelt asserted that no honest man could vote for a ticket based upon
+dishonor. The Roosevelt Republicans did not bolt the convention, but
+when it adjourned they held a mass convention of their own, were
+addressed by their candidate, and went home to organize a new
+Progressive party.
+
+The Democratic counsels were affected by the break-up of the Republican
+party and the success of its conservative wing at Chicago. They met at
+Baltimore the next week, with Bryan present and active, but not himself
+a candidate. They had to choose among Clark, the Speaker, Underwood, the
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and Governors Harmon, of
+Ohio, Marshall, of Indiana, and Woodrow Wilson, of New Jersey.
+
+The last of these had risen into national politics since 1910. He had
+long been known as a brilliant essayist and historian. He was of
+Virginian birth, and had left the presidency of Princeton University to
+become Democratic candidate for Governor of New Jersey in 1910. He had
+shown as governor great capacity to lead his party in the direction of
+the progressive reforms. He differed in these less from Roosevelt and
+LaFollette than he or they did from the reactionaries in their own
+parties. "The President is at liberty, both in law and conscience," he
+had written long ago, "to be as big a man as he can. His capacity will
+set the limit.... He has no means of compelling Congress except through
+public opinion." Unembarrassed by previous attachment to any faction of
+the Democratic party, with a clear record against special privilege and
+corporation influence in politics, and supported obstinately by Bryan
+and the young men who had urged his candidacy, Woodrow Wilson was
+nominated on the forty-sixth ballot, with Governor Thomas Marshall for
+Vice-President. The conservative nomination by the Republicans had
+thrown the Democrats into the hands of their radical wing.
+
+The Progressives held a convention in Chicago on August 5, and nominated
+Theodore Roosevelt and Governor Hiram Johnson, of California. Their
+platform included every important reform seriously urged, and was built
+around the idea of social justice and human rights. They denied that
+either of the old parties was fitted to carry on the work of progress.
+In the campaign their candidates and speakers revealed the vigor and the
+bitterness of the former Insurgents.
+
+The schism threw the election into the hands of the Democrats, who
+retained the House, gained the Senate, and elected Wilson, though the
+latter received fewer votes than Bryan had received in each of his three
+attempts. The struggle was one of personalities, since few openly
+attacked the avowed aim of progressive legislation. The popularity of
+Roosevelt detached many Democratic votes from Wilson, but his
+unpopularity among Republicans who feared him and Progressive
+Republicans who resented his return to politics, drove to Wilson votes
+that would otherwise have gone to Taft. Taft received only eight
+electoral votes in November, and ran far behind both his rivals in the
+popular count. More than four million votes were polled by the new third
+party in an independent movement that was without precedent. The
+Socialist vote for Debs rose from 420,000 in 1908 to 895,000 in 1912.
+
+The last year of the administration of President Taft was overshadowed
+by the party war, and reduced in effectiveness by the Democratic control
+of the House. The prosecutions of the trusts were continued, a parcel
+post was established as a postal savings bank had been, the income tax
+amendment became part of the Constitution, and an amendment for the
+direct election of Senators made progress.
+
+When Woodrow Wilson succeeded to the Presidency he formed a cabinet
+headed by William J. Bryan as Secretary of State, and including only
+Democrats of progressive antecedents. He called Congress in April, 1913,
+to revise the tariff once more, and overturned a precedent of a century
+by delivering to it his message in person. With almost no breathing
+space for eighteen months, he kept Congress at its task of fulfilling
+his party's pledges as he interpreted them.
+
+Tariff, currency, and trust control were the main topics upon which the
+Democrats had avowed positive convictions, and upon which the great mass
+of progressive citizens, regardless of party affiliation, demanded
+legislation. One by one these were taken up, the President revealing
+powers of coercive leadership hitherto unseen in his office. Only the
+fact that non-partisan opinion was generally with him made possible the
+mass of constructive legislation that was placed upon the books. The
+tariff, which became a law on October 3, 1913, was a revision whose
+downward tendency was beyond dispute. The Federal Reserve Act, revising
+the banking laws in the interest of flexibility and decentralization,
+was signed on December 23 of the same year. In January, 1914, President
+Wilson laid before Congress his plan of trust control, advocating a
+commission with powers over trade coördinate with those of the
+Interstate Commerce Commission, and an elaboration of the anti-trust
+laws to deal with unfair practices and interlocking directorates. The
+Federal Trade Commission and Clayton Anti-Trust bills fulfilled these
+recommendations in the autumn of 1914. The Panama Canal Act of 1912 had
+meanwhile been revised so as to eliminate a preference in rates to
+American vessels which the President believed to be in violation of the
+guaranty of equal treatment pledged in the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. With a
+more portentous list of constructive laws than had been passed by any
+Congress since 1890, the Democratic majority allowed an adjournment on
+October 24, 1914, and its members went home to sound their constituents
+upon the state of the Union.
+
+The passage of economic laws had called for tact and force upon the part
+of the President, whose party, like the Republican party, was without a
+clear vision of its policy and included many reactionaries. Added
+embarrassments were found in the continuance of civil strife in Mexico.
+Here, shortly before the inauguration of President Wilson, there had
+been another revolution, followed by the elevation by the army of
+General Victoriano Huerta to the Presidency. The followers of the
+deposed Madero went into revolt at once, and the new Government was
+refused recognition by the United States on the ground that it was not a
+Government _de facto_, and that its title was smirched with blood.
+Patiently and stubbornly the United States held to its refusal to
+recognize the results of conspiracy in Mexico. In April, 1914, Vera Cruz
+was occupied by American forces in retaliation for acts of insult on the
+part of the Huerta régime, and in July the steady pressure of "watchful
+waiting" brought about the resignation of the dictator. The
+Constitutionalists, succeeding him, quarreled shortly among themselves,
+but the danger from Mexico appeared to be lessening as the year
+advanced.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+[Illustration: NORTH AMERICA
+
+IN 1915]
+
+From Europe came other embarrassments in August. Here, the policy of
+national armament which had been adopted in the middle of the
+nineteenth century, reached its logical outcome in a great war
+which was precipitated by Austria in an attack upon Servia. Russia
+immediately came to the aid of her Slavonic kinsmen, and upon her
+Germany declared war on August 1. In a few more days Great Britain and
+France had joined Russia against the German-Austrian alliance, and most
+of Europe was at war. To bring home the thousands of American tourists
+whom the war had reduced to suffering was the first work of the
+administration. The American ministers in Europe became the custodians
+of the affairs of the belligerents in every enemy country, and with the
+aid of all the belligerent nations Americans were carried home. After
+this came the problems of neutrality and American business. Suffering,
+due to the stoppage of the export trade, particularly that of cotton,
+brought wide depression throughout the United States. A new law for the
+transfer of foreign-built vessels to American registry, and another for
+federal insurance against war risks, were hurriedly passed, and the
+question of a public-owned line of merchant ships was discussed. All
+these problems were distracting the attention of the United States when
+Congress brought to an end its prolonged labors, and adjourned.
+
+The congressional election of 1914 was profoundly affected by the
+European war. Early in the year it appeared that conservative opposition
+to the Democratic program was growing, and that the Democratic majority
+was likely to be cut down. The Progressive party appeared to be
+weakening, and the control of the Republican party was settling back
+among those Republicans against whom the Insurgents had made their
+protest. But President Wilson's precise neutrality won the confidence of
+all parties, and although conservatives like Cannon, of Illinois, and
+Penrose, of Pennsylvania, won over Democrats and Progressives alike in a
+few cases, he retained for the Sixty-fourth Congress a working majority
+in the House and an enlarged majority in the Senate. His election in
+1912 had been, in part, due to the dispersion of Republican strength
+caused by the Progressive schism; in 1914, the influence of the
+Progressives was negligible and the Democrats retained their power in
+the face of the whole Republican attack.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+Between 1909 and 1914, the _Outlook_, to which Theodore Roosevelt had
+been an occasional contributor, and which had been a strong supporter of
+Republican policies since 1898, was the regular organ through which Mr.
+Roosevelt addressed the public, over his signature as Contributing
+Editor. In a similar way William J. Bryan reached his followers through
+the _Commoner_ (1900-), and Robert M. LaFollette through his
+_LaFollette's Weekly_ (1909-). _Collier's Weekly_ became a center of the
+adverse criticism of President Taft. All of these, as well as the more
+general periodicals, are indispensable sources for the period, but are
+so highly partisan as to need constant correction for prejudice. The
+election of 1908 is treated in Stanwood's _History of the Presidency
+from 1897 to 1909_, while that of 1912 is excellently described in the
+_New International Year Book_ for 1912. The theories of the new
+nationalism are in T. Roosevelt, _The New Nationalism_ (1910).
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+Adams, Charles Francis, 55, 56.
+
+Agricultural colleges, beginning of, 17.
+
+Agriculture, changes in, 14, 15;
+  in the South after the War, 39, 40;
+  Department of, created, 142, 157;
+  main reliance of Western pioneers, 149, 151;
+  discontent in North and West, 178, 179, 184;
+  depression of, in South, 195;
+  diversified by decline of cotton values, 204, 205.
+
+Aguinaldo, Emilio, 267, 278.
+
+Alabama Claims, the, 55, 56.
+
+Alaska, gold mines in, 241;
+  settlement of boundary, 284, 285.
+
+Aldrich, Nelson W., 118, 326.
+
+Algeciras, United States in conference at, 318.
+
+Alger, Russell A., 253, 274.
+
+Allison, William B., 89, 255.
+
+Altgeld, Gov. John P., 222, 279.
+
+Alverstone, Lord Chief Justice, 285, 286.
+
+Amendment, the Thirteenth, 33, 42, 48.
+
+Amendment, the Fourteenth, 42, 43, 48, 196, 197.
+
+Amendment, the Fifteenth, 46, 47, 48, 196, 198.
+
+American diplomacy, 286.
+
+American Federation of Labor, 121, 183, 208.
+
+American Railroad Union, 222.
+
+Ames, Adelbert, 47.
+
+Angell, James B., 60.
+
+Anti-Contract Labor Law, 135.
+
+Anti-imperialism, 278, 279.
+
+Anti-monopolists, 168, 169.
+
+Anti-trust literature, 166.
+
+Arbitration, 255, 256;
+  treaties refused by Senate, 331, 332.
+
+Arizona, a Territory, 21, 152, 154;
+  becomes a State, 330.
+
+Army of the United States, at outbreak of Spanish War, 266;
+  in poor condition during the war, 269-72, 274;
+  later service in Cuba, 282.
+
+Arrears of Pension Act, 137.
+
+Arthur, Chester A., removed from office by Hayes, 87, 98, 103;
+  Vice-President with Garfield, 99;
+  opposes Garfield, 103;
+  as President, reorganizes his Cabinet, 106, 109;
+  his first message, 109, 110;
+  recommends civil service reform, 113, 114;
+  approves revision of the tariff, 114;
+  vetoes River and Harbor Bill, 117, 127;
+  hopes for renomination, 126;
+  reasons for failure of his candidacy, 126, 127;
+  and the Panama Canal, 144.
+
+Australian ballot, 248.
+
+
+Ballinger, Richard A., 328, 329.
+
+Ballot reform, 248, 249.
+
+Bayard, Thomas F., 134.
+
+Belknap, William W., 62.
+
+Bellamy, Edward, 167, 168, 188.
+
+Benton, Thomas H., 21.
+
+Bimetallism, 226;
+  plea for international, 227, 234.
+
+Black Belt, the, 202, 203.
+
+Blaine, James G., improper official conduct of, 62, 81;
+  the Mulligan letters, 82;
+  and the proposal to extend pardon to Jefferson Davis, 83;
+  candidate for Presidential nomination (1880), 98;
+  his personal following large, 102;
+  Secretary of State under Garfield, 102, 103, 106;
+  plans for Pan-American Congress, 106;
+  his large following among Irish, 124, 133;
+  nominated for President (1884), 127, 128;
+  and the Mugwumps, 130;
+  caricatures of, 132;
+  defeated, 133;
+  replies to Cleveland's message on tariff reduction (1887), 169;
+  refuses to be Presidential candidate again, 169;
+  Secretary of State under Harrison, 171, 172;
+  urges reciprocity, 175;
+  exchanges views with Gladstone on protective tariff, 189;
+  in the seal fisheries controversy, 212;
+  resigns Secretaryship, 213;
+  death, 214.
+
+Blair, Francis P., Jr., 31.
+
+Bland, Richard P., 88, 89, 173, 217.
+
+Bland-Allison Bill, 181, 217, 218.
+
+"Bloody shirt," the, 83, 100, 201.
+
+Bonaparte, Charles J., 320.
+
+"Boss," the, 245, 246;
+  power of, 247, 248.
+
+Boxer outbreak in China, 281.
+
+Brady, Thomas J., 104, 105.
+
+Bristow, Benjamin, 81.
+
+Brown, B. Gratz, 56.
+
+Bryan, William Jennings, nominated for President, 237;
+  wages vigorous campaign, 238;
+  defeated, 240;
+  colonel in Spanish War, 266;
+  renominated for President, 279;
+  denounces imperialism, 279;
+  again defeated, 280;
+  a lay preacher on political subjects, 305;
+  nominated for Presidency third time, 325;
+  made Secretary of State by Wilson, 338.
+
+Bryce, James, his _American Commonwealth_, 188, 189, 246;
+  influence of, 247;
+  ambassador from Great Britain, 318.
+
+Buckner, Simon B., 238.
+
+Burchard, Rev. Samuel D., 133.
+
+Bureau of Corporations, valuable reports of, 311, 312.
+
+Butler, Benjamin F., advocates the Greenback movement, 30, 66;
+  aims at Governorship of Massachusetts, 61;
+  his relation to the "salary grab," 62;
+  Anti-Monopoly candidate for Presidency, 131, 132.
+
+
+Canadian reciprocity, 332.
+
+Cannon, Joseph G., defeated for Congress, 185;
+  Speaker of the House, 304, 305;
+  a stand-pat protectionist, 327;
+  ruling as Speaker defeated, 329;
+  returned to Congress, 342.
+
+Carlisle, John G., 138, 139.
+
+Carnegie, Andrew, 297.
+
+"Carpet-baggers," 43, 45, 49, 194.
+
+Centennial Exposition, at Philadelphia, 73.
+
+Cervera, Admiral, 267, 268, 271, 272.
+
+Chase, Salmon P., wishes to be President, 3, 4, 31, 56;
+  urges creation of bonded debt to provide for war expenses, 5;
+  inaugurates a system of national banks, 27.
+
+Chile, threatened war with, 212, 213.
+
+Chinese, coolies imported into California, 25;
+  and Irish, 94;
+  harried, 122.
+
+Chinese Exclusion Bill, 122, 127.
+
+Choate, Joseph H., 318.
+
+Christian Science, rise of, 190.
+
+Churchill, Winston, writes _Coniston_, 310, 311.
+
+Cities, growth of, 14;
+  in the New South, 205;
+  government of, 246.
+
+Civil Rights Bill, 196, 197.
+
+Civil Service Act, 113, 117.
+
+Civil Service reform, 86, 110;
+  growth of, 112, 113, 114;
+  further extended by Cleveland, 134, 235;
+  and by Taft, 331.
+
+Civil War, the, influence of its military successes, 1;
+  benefits of the four years of, 18;
+  new type brought into politics by, 78;
+  veterans of, 136.
+
+Clark, Champ, 329, 330, 336.
+
+Clayton Anti-trust Bill, 339.
+
+Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 134, 144;
+  inadequate, 286.
+
+Cleveland, Grover, Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of New York, 130;
+  favored by the Independents, 130, 131;
+  nominated for Presidency, 131;
+  his character attacked, 132;
+  elected and inaugurated, 133;
+  his Cabinet, 133;
+  Lowell's tribute to, 134;
+  meets new problems, 135;
+  vetoes pension bills, 137;
+  troubled by divided administration, 138, 139, 140;
+  signs "omnibus" bill for new States, 152;
+  his emphasis on tariff reduction, 169;
+  renominated, 170;
+  defeated by Harrison, 171;
+  again nominated for Presidency, 214, 215;
+  and elected, 215;
+  opposes free silver and the silver basis, 219, 229, 230;
+  loses influence with Western Democrats, 220;
+  refuses to sign Wilson Bill, 221;
+  sends federal troops to Chicago, 221, 222;
+  splits Democratic party, 223;
+  in Venezuela boundary dispute, 230, 231;
+  abandoned by his party, 235;
+  dies in Princeton, 236;
+  tries to maintain neutrality in Cuban revolt, 261, 262.
+
+Cobden Club, and British gold, 139.
+
+_Coin's Financial School_, 229.
+
+Colfax, Schuyler, Vice-President with Grant, 37, 57, 61.
+
+Colorado, Territory, 20;
+  becomes a State, 73, 74, 149.
+
+Commissioner of Labor, 122.
+
+Conkling, Roscoe, 81, 87;
+  disciplined by Hayes, 98;
+  fights for Grant, 99;
+  resigns from Senate, 103.
+
+Conservation movement, 320, 328.
+
+Consumers' League, the, 250.
+
+Cooke, Jay, his connection with panic of 1873, 62, 63, 64.
+
+Cornell, Alonzo B., 98, 103.
+
+Cortelyou, George B., 302, 306.
+
+Cotton, the staple crop of the Old South, 149;
+  hundredth anniversary of first export celebrated, 203;
+  overproduction, 204.
+
+Cowboys, develop a folk-song literature, 150.
+
+Coxey, Jacob S., 222.
+
+Crédit Mobilier, scandal of, 61.
+
+Cripple Creek, great miners' strike at, 301.
+
+Crisp, Charles F., 186, 220.
+
+Cuba, insurrections in, 258;
+  revolutionary government in New York, 260;
+  number of Spanish troops in, 260;
+  filibustering parties, 261;
+  Congress favors recognition of belligerency, 262;
+  autonomy proposed, 263;
+  Congress recognizes independence of, 264;
+  blockaded, 267, 268;
+  freed from Spain, 273;
+  sanitary improvement in, 282;
+  adopts a constitution, 282;
+  makes reciprocity treaty with United States, 283.
+
+Cullom, Shelby M., 158, 221.
+
+Cummins, Gov. Albert B., 303;
+  leader of Insurgent Republicans, 329.
+
+Curtis, George William, leader in civil-service reform, 112, 128;
+  a Mugwump, 129.
+
+Custer, Gen. George A., 86.
+
+Czar of Russia, calls conference on disarmament, 283.
+
+
+Dakota Territory, 21;
+  made into two States, 152.
+
+Darwin, Charles, his influence on religious thought, 190.
+
+Davenport, Homer C., 252.
+
+Davis, Judge David, 109.
+
+Davis, Henry G., 306.
+
+Davis, Jefferson, 83, 106.
+
+Dawes Act, the, awarding lands to Indians in severalty, 142, 151, 319.
+
+Day, William R., 253, 273.
+
+Debs, Eugene V., 222;
+  Social Democratic candidate for President, 301, 338.
+
+De Lesseps, Ferdinand M., 144.
+
+DeLome, Señor, criticizes McKinley, 263, 264.
+
+Democratic party, the, differences in, during the Civil War, 2, 3;
+  Chicago convention (1864), 4, 5;
+  nominates Seymour (1868), 31;
+  gains control of readmitted Southern States, 52, 54;
+  nominates Greeley (1872), 57;
+  weakened by its past, 79;
+  nominates Tilden (1876), 80, 81;
+  gets plurality of popular vote, 83;
+  gains control of the House (1874), 87;
+  nominates Hancock (1880), 99;
+  gains the Senate (1878), 108;
+  loses the House (1880), 108;
+  regains it (1882), 117;
+  elects Cleveland (1884), 130-133;
+  on tariff revision, 138, 220, 221;
+  resists demands for statehood, 152;
+  casts plurality of votes in 1888, but loses all branches of government, 171;
+  regains the House (1890), 186;
+  reëlects Cleveland and wins the Senate (1892), 215;
+  split by free silver and tariff questions, 228, 229, 232;
+  loses both Senate and House (1894), 229;
+  nominates Bryan on free-silver platform (1896), 237;
+  denounces imperialism and renominates Bryan (1900), 279;
+  nominates Parker on conservative platform (1904), 305, 306;
+  nominates Bryan for third time (1908), 325;
+  regains the House (1910), 329, 330;
+  elects Wilson (1912), 337, 338.
+
+Department of Agriculture, 142, 157.
+
+Department of Commerce and Labor, 122, 302.
+
+Dependent Pension Act, 174.
+
+Dewey, Commodore George, 265;
+  destroys Spanish fleet at Manila, 267.
+
+Diaz, Porfirio, expelled from Mexico, 331.
+
+Dingley, Nelson, 253, 254.
+
+Dingley Bill, the, 254, 255, 303, 304.
+
+Dollar diplomacy, 331.
+
+Donnelly, Ignatius, 209.
+
+Dorsey, Senator Stephen W., in star route frauds, 104, 127.
+
+Du Bois, W.E.B., 202.
+
+
+Eads, James B., 206.
+
+Eaton, Dorman B., 113.
+
+Edmunds, George F., 99, 128.
+
+Education Board, General, incorporated by Congress, 201.
+
+Educational Board, Southern, organized, 201.
+
+Egan, Patrick, Minister to Chile, 212, 213.
+
+Eight-hour day, 135, 136.
+
+Electoral Commission, the, 84.
+
+Eliot, Charles W., 60.
+
+Elkins, Stephen B., 127, 128.
+
+English, William H., 99.
+
+Equitable Life Insurance Company, investigation of, 312.
+
+
+Factories, American, growth of, 14, 15, 16;
+  influenced by inventions, 95.
+
+Fairbanks, Charles W., Vice-President with Roosevelt, 305.
+
+Farmers, condition of, in North and South, contrasted, 178;
+  discontent keenest in West, 179;
+  experimental, 180;
+  demand cheaper money, 181;
+  desire coöperation, 182;
+  believe charges against both political parties, 185;
+  value of vote of dissatisfied, 193.
+
+Farmers' Alliance, the, in South and West, 183, 184, 192, 193;
+  undermines Republicans in West, 185;
+  attempts union with Knights of Labor, 186, 187;
+  splits white vote in the South, 192, 193, 196;
+  used to express Southern discontent, 195;
+  holds national convention at St. Louis, 208;
+  merged in People's Party, 209.
+
+Farms, American, size of, 40, 41, 95;
+  increase in number, 149, 150;
+  decrease in size of Southern, 194;
+  number of, 194.
+
+Farragut, Admiral David G., 5.
+
+Fava, Baron, Italian Minister at Washington, 213.
+
+Federal Reserve Act, 339.
+
+Federal Trade Commission, 339.
+
+Field, James G., 211.
+
+Fisk, James, Jr., 60.
+
+Folger, Charles J., 127.
+
+Folk, Joseph W., 311.
+
+Force Bill, the, 200, 201.
+
+Ford, Paul Leicester, _The Honorable Peter Stirling_, 132.
+
+Ford, Worthington C., 254.
+
+Forestry service, 328.
+
+Free lands, disappearance of, marks new period, 154, 155.
+
+Free passes, on interstate railroads, forbidden by law, 313.
+
+Free silver, demanded by Populists, 209, 210;
+  agitation for, 226, 228;
+  textbook of, 229;
+  fight for, in Republican convention (1896), 234, 235;
+  demanded by Democratic convention, 236.
+
+Freedmen's Bureau, 34, 201;
+  work of, 42, 43, 45.
+
+Frelinghuysen, Frederick T., 106, 109, 134.
+
+Frémont, John C., candidate for the Presidency, 3, 4;
+  arrested in France, 60;
+  charged with land frauds, 60, 61.
+
+"Frenzied finance," 310.
+
+Frick, Henry C., 299.
+
+"Full dinner pail, the," 280.
+
+
+Gage, Lyman J., 253.
+
+Garfield, James A., nominated for Presidency (1880), 99;
+  forged letters against, 101, 104, 105, 122;
+  sketch of, 101;
+  his Cabinet, 102;
+  trouble with Conkling, 103;
+  death of, 105, 108;
+  and the Panama Canal, 144.
+
+Garland, Augustus H., 133.
+
+George, Henry, 188.
+
+Georgia, difficulties with Congress, 47, 48.
+
+Gilman, Daniel Coit, 60.
+
+Gladden, Washington, 310.
+
+Gladstone, William E., 189.
+
+Godkin, Edwin L., editor of the _Nation_, 59, 67, 85;
+  and civil service reform, 112.
+
+Goethals, Major George W., engineer of Canal Zone, 317.
+
+Gold, at a premium, 27;
+  hoarded, 218;
+  great increase in production of, 241.
+
+Gold dollar, ratio to silver, 9;
+  value in greenbacks, 10, 29.
+
+Gorgas, Col. William C., chief sanitary officer of Canal Zone, 317.
+
+Gould, Jay, 60, 294.
+
+Grand Army of the Republic, used for procuring pensions, 136, 137.
+
+Grandfather clause, the, 200.
+
+Granger Laws, the, 68, 70, 157;
+  constitutionality of, 71, 72.
+
+Granger movement, the, 67, 68, 183;
+  relations with the panic of 1873, 72;
+  doctrine established by, 157.
+
+Grant, Ulysses S., the coveted candidate of both parties, 36;
+  general rejoicing in his election, 37;
+  inaugurated in 1869, 46;
+  his first term ends unsatisfactorily, 55;
+  success with the Alabama claims, 55, 56;
+  renominated, 57;
+  various unsavory episodes of his years as President, 60, 62;
+  vetoes the Inflation Bill, 66;
+  reëlection of (1872), 75;
+  receives scanty support for a third term, 81, 98, 99;
+  and civil service reform, 112.
+
+Greeley, Horace, nominated for President by Liberal Republicans, 56;
+  a quaint political figure, 57;
+  quoted, 89.
+
+Greenback movement, the, advocates of, 30, 65, 66;
+  Eastern opinion of, contrasted with Western, 68;
+  and silver inflation, 88, 180, 181.
+
+Greenbacks, 9;
+  value of, 10;
+  depreciation of, 27;
+  withdrawal of, 28;
+  further retirement of, forbidden by law, 30;
+  rising in value, 65;
+  issued during panic of 1873, 66.
+
+Guam, ceded to United States, 273.
+
+Guiteau, William B., 105.
+
+
+Hadley, Pres. Arthur T., 310.
+
+Hague, the, court of arbitration at, 283;
+  Venezuelan claims referred to, 284;
+  second conference, 318.
+
+Hancock, Gen. Winfield Scott, 80, 99, 100, 101.
+
+Hanna, Marcus Alonzo, raises funds for Republicans, 102, 233, 238, 239;
+  appointed Senator, 252;
+  helps settle coal strike, 300, 302;
+  grows in popularity, 302, 303;
+  death, 304.
+
+Harmon, Gov. Judson, 336.
+
+Harriman, Edward H., 294, 295.
+
+Harrison, Benjamin, nominated for Presidency, 169;
+  elected as a minority President, 171, 211;
+  friction with Chile, 212, 213;
+  renominated, 214;
+  defeated, 215, 216.
+
+Hawaiian Islands, 273, 274, 278.
+
+Hay, John, on McKinley, 251;
+  Secretary of State, 273, 282;
+  career of, 281.
+
+Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, for Isthmian canal, 286, 287.
+
+Hayes, Rutherford B., receives nomination for President, 82;
+  difficulties of his election, 83, 84;
+  alienates many Republicans by his attitude toward the South, 85;
+  his troubles with Democratic congress, 87;
+  removes Chester A. Arthur from office, 87, 98, 103;
+  financial policy of his administration, 89, 90;
+  a new period of growth begun during his term of office, 90, 92;
+  end of his term, 97, 102;
+  and the Panama Canal, 144;
+  becomes head of Slater fund, 201.
+
+Hearst, William R., 305, 312.
+
+Hendricks, Thomas A., candidate for Vice-President, 80, 81, 131.
+
+Hepburn Railway Bill, the, 315.
+
+Hill, Gov. David B., 214, 215, 248.
+
+Hill, James J., 295, 296.
+
+Hobart, Garrett P., Vice-President with McKinley, 234;
+  dies in office, 280.
+
+Homestead Act, the, 21, 155.
+
+Hopkins, Johns, 60.
+
+Howells, William Dean, 188.
+
+Huerta, Victoriano, President of Mexico, 340.
+
+Hughes, Charles E., exposes wrongdoing of insurance companies, 312;
+  mentioned for Presidency, 324.
+
+Hull House, 251.
+
+Humphreys, Benjamin G., 46.
+
+Husbandry, Patrons of, 193.
+
+
+Idaho, becomes a Territory, 21;
+  admitted to the Union, 152.
+
+Immigration movement, the, influences of, 123, 124.
+
+Income tax, 221, 327, 338.
+
+Indians, removal of, 22, 25;
+  outbreaks of, 25, 86;
+  Dawes Bill, 142, 151, 319.
+
+Industrial Commission, 298.
+
+Industrial consolidation, evolves new type of trust, 297, 299.
+
+Industrial revival, after 1897, 293, 294.
+
+Industrial revolution, effects of, 95.
+
+Inflation Bill, the, 66.
+
+Ingersoll, Robert G., quoted, 92.
+
+Initiative and referendum, 249, 250.
+
+Interstate Commerce Act, the, 142, 158, 159;
+  commission created, 159, 160;
+  influence of rebate system on, 165;
+  had little immediate effect, 180;
+  an imperfect statute, 314;
+  strengthened by Congress, 315, 330.
+
+Irons, Martin, 135.
+
+Irrigation, 142, 291.
+
+Italians, lynched in New Orleans, 213.
+
+
+Jackson, Andrew, 8, 111.
+
+James, Thomas L., 102, 103, 104.
+
+Japan, at war with Russia, 317.
+
+Johnson, Andrew, candidate for the Vice-Presidency, 4;
+  becomes President upon death of Lincoln, 32;
+  opposition of Congress to, 33, 34;
+  impeached by House, 35;
+  acquitted, 36;
+  vetoes arbitrary acts of Congress, 48.
+
+Johnson, Gov. Hiram, 337.
+
+Johnson, Reverdy, 55.
+
+Journalism, expansion of, 162;
+  reorganized in the later nineties, 311.
+
+
+Kansas City, important as meeting place of railways, 150, 151.
+
+Kearney, Dennis, 94, 124.
+
+Keifer, J. Warren, 108.
+
+Kelly, John, 131.
+
+Kerr, Michael C., 108.
+
+Kipling, Rudyard, _The White Man's Burden_, 274.
+
+Knickerbocker Trust Company, suspension of, 322.
+
+Knights of Labor, secret society in the East, 94;
+  meet with disfavor, 121;
+  demands of, 122;
+  fight the Gould railways, 135;
+  success of, 183;
+  union with Farmers' Alliance, 186, 187;
+  in Pullman strike, 222.
+
+Knox, Philander C., 296, 320, 331.
+
+Ku-Klux Klan, the, 52.
+
+
+Labor, tariff supposed to protect, 119;
+  Commissioner of, 122;
+  Bureau of, 135;
+  danger from European pauper, 139;
+  becomes better united, 299.
+  _See also_ Knights of Labor, Strikes.
+
+La Follette, Robert M., defeated for Congress, 185;
+  works out a system of primaries, 249;
+  in the Senate debate on railroads, 315;
+  leader of Insurgent Republicans, 329;
+  possible Presidential candidate, 330, 335, 336.
+
+Lamar, L.Q.C., 133.
+
+Land grants, to railroads, 22, 24, 148, 156;
+  discontinued, 143.
+
+Land laws, difficulty in enforcing, 155, 156.
+
+Lawson. Thomas W., 310.
+
+Lawton, Gen. Henry W., 271.
+
+Liberal Republicans, secede in 1872 and nominate Greeley and Brown, 56;
+  platform of, 56, 57;
+  in Garfield's administration, 102;
+  favor civil service reform and tariff revision, 112, 116, 126;
+  put Edmunds forward for Presidential candidate (1884), 128.
+
+Lincoln, Abraham, his view in regard to the spoils system, 2;
+  aims to develop a Union sentiment, 2, 3;
+  aided by excesses of Democrats, 4, 5;
+  his use of offices, 111, 112.
+
+Literature in United States, 187, 188;
+  periodical, 189, 190;
+  religious, 190.
+
+Lloyd, Henry D., 116, 166, 167.
+
+Lodge, Henry Cabot, as an independent, 128;
+  supports Blaine, 130;
+  approves the Force Bill, 200, 201.
+
+Logan, John A., 128.
+
+Lorimer, William, 330.
+
+Lowell, James Russell, quoted, 54, 59;
+  on Cleveland, 134.
+
+
+McClellan, Gen. George B., 3, 5.
+
+McClure, S.S., 311.
+
+McCulloch, Hugh, 28, 29.
+
+McEnery, Samuel D., 254.
+
+McKinley, William, his Tariff Bill, 172, 173, 174, 175;
+  accepts principle of reciprocity, 175;
+  defeated for Congress, 185;
+  Governor of Ohio, 214;
+  "advance agent of prosperity," 232, 241;
+  a tactful Congressman, 233;
+  nominated for President (1896), 234;
+  makes no personal campaign, 239;
+  elected, 240;
+  his election a victory for sound money, 241;
+  calls special session of Congress for new tariff, 242;
+  inaugurated as President, 251;
+  his theory of the office, 252;
+  action in the Cuban matter, 262, 264;
+  reëlected President, 280;
+  murdered, 282.
+
+McKinley Bill, the, 173, 174, 215, 216;
+  sugar clause a notable feature of, 175;
+  opposition to, 184.
+
+MacVeagh, Wayne, 102.
+
+Machinery, influence of, 15, 16, 95.
+
+Mahone, William, 109.
+
+Maine, the, blown up in Havana harbor, 264.
+
+Marshall, Thomas R., nominated by Democrats for Vice-Presidency, 337.
+
+Merritt, Gen. Wesley, 267.
+
+Mexico, revolutions in, 331, 340.
+
+Miles, Gen. Nelson A., on the results of drought, 182;
+  commander of army in Spanish War, 269;
+  invades Porto Rico, 272.
+
+Mills, Roger Q., tariff leader, 139.
+
+Mills Bill, the, 139, 140, 169, 170.
+
+Mining camps, rapid development of, 20, 21, 22.
+
+Mississippi, the process of reconstruction in, 46, 47;
+  disqualifies negroes, 198, 199.
+
+Mississippi River Commission, 206.
+
+Mitchell, John, 300.
+
+"Molly Maguires," 94, 121.
+
+Monroe Doctrine, in Venezuela case, 230, 231, 284.
+
+Montana, created a Territory, 21;
+  becomes a State, 152.
+
+Morgan, J. Pierpont, 295, 321.
+
+Mormons, 20;
+  make a prosperous Territory in Utah, 154.
+
+Morton, Levi P., Vice-President with Harrison, 169.
+
+Morton, Oliver P., war Governor of Indiana, 81.
+
+Muck-raking, 315, 316.
+
+Mugwumps, 129, 130.
+
+Mulligan letters, the, 82.
+
+Murchison letter, the, 170, 171.
+
+
+Nast, Thomas, cartoonist, 50, 57, 86, 132.
+
+National Labor Union, 208.
+
+National Planters' Association, 203.
+
+Navy, of the United States, at outbreak of Spanish War, 265;
+  sent round the world without mishap, 319.
+
+Negro, the, would not work at close of war, 40;
+  a social and economic problem, 41, 42;
+  made a voter by Congress, 43, 45, 48;
+  elimination of control by, 51, 52, 54;
+  a factor in Republican national convention, 98, 99;
+  becomes a farm owner, 194;
+  suppressed outside the law, 196;
+  bad qualities of, 198;
+  practically disfranchised in South, 199, 200;
+  advances in literacy, 202;
+  distribution of, 202, 203;
+  Roosevelt's attitude toward, 289, 290.
+
+Newlands Reclamation Act, 291.
+
+New Mexico, 152, 154;
+  becomes a State, 330.
+
+New South, the, has but one political party of consequence, 192;
+  dissatisfied farmer vote in, 193;
+  disintegration of plantations, 194;
+  oppressed by its agricultural system, 195;
+  practically disfranchises negroes, 196-200;
+  education in, 201, 202;
+  border traits of, 202;
+  a modern industrial community, 203;
+  development of cities, 205.
+
+Nez Percés, outbreak of, 86.
+
+Nicaragua Canal, 134, 286.
+
+North, S.N.D., and the Dingley Bill, 254.
+
+North Dakota, admitted to Union, 152.
+
+Northern Pacific Railroad, 143, 295;
+  and panic of 1873, 63, 65;
+  finished under direction of Henry Villard, 144.
+
+Northern Securities Company, 296, 299.
+
+
+Oklahoma, Indians colonized in, 151;
+  opened to white settlers, 151;
+  becomes a State, 319.
+
+Olney, Richard, 230, 231.
+
+Oregon, the, spectacular voyage of, 274, 286.
+
+Overproduction, menace of, 96.
+
+
+Palmer, John M., 238.
+
+Panama, Republic of, 288.
+
+Panama Canal, begun by De Lesseps, 144, 286;
+  determined on by Congress and President Roosevelt, 287, 288;
+  Panama grants concession, 289;
+  first boats pass through, 289;
+  dispute over sea-level and lock systems, 316-17.
+
+Pan-American Conference at Rio de Janeiro, 318.
+
+Pan-American Congress, 106, 109.
+
+Panic of 1857, the, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12.
+
+Panic of 1873, the, 62-74;
+  Jay Cooke's connection with, 62-65;
+  real causes of, 64, 65;
+  reduces revenues, 115;
+  often attributed to low rates of Wilson Bill, 254.
+
+Parker, Judge Alton B., Democratic candidate for President (1904), 305;
+  defeated, 306.
+
+Payne, Sereno E., 326.
+
+Peabody, George, creates fund to relieve negro illiteracy, 201.
+
+Pendleton, George H., 30, 31.
+
+Penrose, Boies, 253, 342.
+
+Pension Bureau, 137;
+  important through alliance with the soldiers, 172.
+
+Pensions, influence of soldier vote on, 136;
+  for service only, 137;
+  amounts spent on, 137, 138;
+  system criticized by Southern farmers, 178;
+  used millions of the national surplus, 216.
+
+People's Party. 184;
+  to right all wrongs of the plain people, 186, 187;
+  becomes a finished organization, 208, 209;
+  demands of, 210.
+
+Petroleum trust, 164, 165.
+
+Philippine Islands, ceded to United States, 273;
+  revolt in, under Aguinaldo, 278.
+
+Pierpont, Francis A., 47.
+
+Pike, James S., author of _The Prostrate State_, 51.
+
+Pinchot, Gifford, 328.
+
+Pious Fund dispute, the, 283.
+
+Platt, Thomas C., resigns from Senate, 103;
+  claims promise of Secretaryship under Harrison, 172;
+  offended by Harrison, 213;
+  Senator from New York, 253;
+  opposes nomination of Roosevelt for governor, 277;
+  aids Roosevelt boom for Vice-Presidency, 280.
+
+Polygamy, in Utah, 154.
+
+Populism, origin of, 208.
+
+Populists, demands of, 210;
+  carry four States in Presidential election (1892), 216;
+  caricatures of, 223;
+  fuse with Democrats, 237, 238;
+  favor direct legislation, 249, 250.
+
+Porto Rico, invaded by United States troops, 272;
+  ceded to United States, 273;
+  Territorial government provided, 278.
+
+Post-office, the, corruption in, 103, 104, 105, 113, 114.
+
+Potter, Bishop Henry C., 246.
+
+Powderly, Terence V., 121, 122, 135.
+
+Practical politics, 110.
+
+Preëmption Law, the, 21, 155, 156.
+
+Presidential Succession Act, 105.
+
+Primaries, direct, 249, 335.
+
+Progressive Republicans, revolt, 329;
+  organize a League, 330;
+  principles of, 333;
+  oppose renomination of Taft, 334;
+  urge Roosevelt to run, 335;
+  organize Progressive Party, 336;
+  nominate Roosevelt and Johnson, 337;
+  popular vote of, 338;
+  influence negligible in 1914, 342.
+
+Protection, in Republican platform (1888), 170, 171;
+  earnestly discussed by both parties, 170;
+  enlarged by McKinley Bill, 174, 176;
+  of unborn industries, 175;
+  strongest in East, 177;
+  rampant spirit for, in 1897, 254.
+
+Pure food movement, 313, 314, 328.
+
+
+Quay, Matthew S., chairman of Harrison campaign committee, 170, 171, 174;
+  offended by Harrison, 213;
+  completes partnership of manufacturers and voters, 232;
+  selects Penrose for Senator, 253.
+
+
+Railroads, development of, 10, 12, 68, 69, 92, 93;
+  importance of, 16, 69;
+  land grants to, 22, 24, 148;
+  continental, 22, 25, 26, 143, 144, 145;
+  hostility of the Grange, 68, 70;
+  rate laws, 71, 72;
+  agree upon standard time, 148;
+  encourage immigration and colonization, 148, 149;
+  regarded as quasi-public, 157, 159;
+  national control of, 158;
+  bargaining in rates, 165;
+  and the Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 173;
+  promote new settlements, 179;
+  in the South after the Civil War, 204;
+  controlled by a few men, 294.
+
+Rainfall, importance of, 150, 179, 180, 182, 186.
+
+Randall, Samuel J., 108, 138.
+
+Rebates, railroad, forbidden by Elkins Law, 296.
+
+Reciprocity, favorite scheme of Blaine, 175.
+
+Reclamation of arid lands of the Southwest, 290, 291, 320.
+
+Reconstruction, an inappropriate name for what took place, 39;
+  no constitutional theory adequate to meet problems of, 44;
+  must be judged by results, 44, 45;
+  completion of, in formal sense, 46;
+  not far advanced by 1870, 49;
+  dominant type of leaders, 78;
+  political superseded by constitutional, 85.
+
+Reconstruction Acts of 1867, the, 43, 45, 47.
+
+Reconstruction Governments, evils of, 50, 51, 61.
+
+Reed, Thomas B., 172, 229, 240.
+
+Referendum and initiative, 249, 250, 333, 334.
+
+Regan, John H., 193.
+
+Reid, Whitelaw, 56, 130.
+
+Republican party, the, during the Civil War, 1, 2;
+  called itself Union, 4, 32;
+  paid for its disguise, 32;
+  in the South after 1876, 54;
+  new men in control, 78, 79;
+  regains control of the House (1880), 108;
+  but loses it again (1882), 117;
+  dissensions in, 128;
+  defeated in 1884, 133;
+  elects President and majority in both houses in 1888, 171;
+  suffers a landslide (1890), 185, 186;
+  regains control of Senate and House, (1894), 229;
+  platform in 1896, 234;
+  dominates every branch of National Government for fourteen years, 244;
+  the party of organized business, 252;
+  approves the Spanish War, 279;
+  elects Taft President (1908), 324, 325;
+  revises tariff, 326, 327;
+  dissatisfaction in, 327, 328;
+  loses the House (1910), 329;
+  renominates Taft (1912), 336.
+
+Revels, Hiram R., negro Senator from Mississippi, 47.
+
+River and Harbor Bill, 117.
+
+Rockefeller, John D., gains chief control of petroleum traffic, 165, 166;
+  aids cause of education in South, 201;
+  methods of, 310, 321.
+
+Roosevelt, Theodore, 128;
+  steps out of Blaine campaign, 130;
+  Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 265, 277;
+  raises a regiment for Spanish War, 266;
+  in Cuba, 270;
+  early public career of, 276;
+  Governor of New York, 277;
+  a reformer of a new type, 277;
+  Vice-President with McKinley, 280;
+  succeeds to Presidency, 282;
+  and the Hague Court, 283, 284;
+  activity in securing Panama Canal, 286, 288;
+  questionable course toward Colombia, 286, 288;
+  attitude toward negroes, 289, 290;
+  widely popular, 291;
+  disliked by professional politicians, 291;
+  dissolves Northern Securities Company, 296, 299;
+  settles coal strike, 300;
+  alienates party leaders, 302;
+  wants nomination on his own account, 303;
+  tries to modify Dingley Tariff, 304;
+  nominated for President, 305;
+  and elected, 306;
+  declares he will not accept another nomination, 307;
+  goes outside of United States territory, 316-17;
+  receives the Nobel prize, 317;
+  promotes second Hague Conference, 318;
+  sends navy round the world, 319;
+  holds conference of state governors at White House, 320;
+  called "Theodore the Meddler," 322;
+  his policies those of the people, 323;
+  secures nomination of Taft for Presidency, 324, 325;
+  goes to Africa, 329;
+  formulates New Nationalism, 333;
+  defeated in Republican convention, 336;
+  nominated by Progressives, 337.
+
+Root, Elihu, becomes Secretary of War, 274, 281;
+  Secretary of State, 318;
+  mentioned for Presidency, 324;
+  presides over Chicago convention, 336.
+
+Rough Riders, the, 266, 270, 277.
+
+"Rum, Romanism, and rebellion," 133.
+
+Rusk, Jeremiah M., 136, 157.
+
+Russia, at war with Japan, 317.
+
+
+Sackville-West, Sir Lionel, 170.
+
+Salary grab, in Congress, 62.
+
+Salisbury, Lord, in Venezuela case, 230, 231.
+
+Sampson, Capt. William T., in blockade of Cuba, 265, 268, 269, 270, 272.
+
+Schenck, Robert C., 55, 61.
+
+Schley, Commodore Winfield Scott, in blockade of Cuba, 265, 268, 269, 272.
+
+Schurz, Carl, leader of the Liberal Republicans, 56;
+  introduces merit system, 86;
+  reorganizes the Indian service, 86, 87;
+  supports civil service reform, 112, 113;
+  an anti-imperialist, 278.
+
+Seal fisheries, 212.
+
+Sewall, Arthur, 237.
+
+Seymour, Horatio, 4;
+  nominated for Presidency, 31;
+  loyalty above question, 79.
+
+Shafter, Gen. William R., 269, 270.
+
+Sherman, James S., nominated for Vice-Presidency, 325, 336.
+
+Sherman, John, Senator from Ohio, 66;
+  Secretary of the Treasury, 89;
+  proposed for the Presidency, 98, 99, 128;
+  Secretary of State, 253.
+
+Sherman, Gen. William T., 5.
+
+Sherman Anti-Trust Law, the, enacted, 172, 173, 293;
+  enforced under Roosevelt, 320, 321.
+
+Sherman Silver Purchase Bill, 174, 218, 219, 220.
+
+Silver, fall in value of, 88, 228;
+  free coinage demanded, 181, 182;
+  mines, output of, 181;
+  coinage of, 217;
+  demonetization of, called a crime, 225.
+
+Sinclair, Upton, 311.
+
+Slater, John F., creates fund for education of negro, 201.
+
+Social Democratic party, 301.
+
+Socialist Labor party, 301, 338.
+
+South, the, before the war, 11, 12;
+  price of its attempt at independence, 39;
+  stubbornness of, 40;
+  decrease in size of farms, 40, 41;
+  government of, by army, 42;
+  divided into five military districts, 43;
+  new constitutions of its States, 46;
+  readmission to Union, 47, 49;
+  repudiation of debts, 51;
+  normal politics Democratic, 52, 54, 79.
+  _See also_ New South.
+
+South Dakota, admitted to Union, 152;
+  first State to adopt initiative and referendum, 250.
+
+Southern Pacific Railroad, 145, 148;
+  passes into control of Union Pacific, 294, 295;
+  merger dissolved, 330.
+
+Spain, sends Gen. Weyler to Cuba, 260;
+  embittered against United States by filibustering parties, 261;
+  changes of Ministry in, 262;
+  declines mediation, but recalls Gen. Weyler, 263;
+  establishes a sort of autonomy for Cuba, 263;
+  war with United States begun, 264;
+  loses fleet at Manila, 267;
+  and another at Santiago, 272;
+  army at Santiago surrenders, 272;
+  loses Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippine Islands, and Guam, 273.
+
+Squatters, 21, 155.
+
+Stalwarts, the, support Conkling against Garfield, 103;
+  claimed as friends by Guiteau, 105;
+  relations with Arthur, 109, 126.
+
+Standard Oil Company, the, 166, 167;
+  suit against, brought by Ohio, 168;
+  history of, 310;
+  charges of extorting rebates, 311, 312;
+  dissolved, 330, 331.
+
+Standard time, adopted by American railroads, 148.
+
+Stanford, Leland, 25.
+
+Stanton, Edwin M., 3, 35.
+
+Star route frauds, 103, 104, 105, 113.
+
+Steel industry, the, 16, 297, 298.
+
+Steffens, Lincoln, 310.
+
+Stevens, Thaddeus, 30, 34.
+
+Stevenson, Adlai E., Vice-President with Cleveland, 215;
+  nominated with Bryan, 279.
+
+Strathcona, Lord, interested in Canadian railways, 148.
+
+Strikes, 121; Pullman, 222;
+  at Cripple Creek, 222, 301;
+  at Homestead, 299;
+  in Pennsylvania coal fields, 299, 300.
+
+Sumner, Charles, 34, 55.
+
+Surplus, embarrassing, 93, 173;
+  an incentive to extravagance, 116, 136, 138;
+  easily relieved, 174;
+  nearly exhausted, 216.
+
+
+Taft, William II., decision as Circuit Judge against an industrial
+  combination, 299;
+  recalled from Philippines to be Secretary of War, 317;
+  Roosevelt's choice for Presidency, 324;
+  nominated and elected (1908), 325;
+  urges tariff revision, 326, 327;
+  alienates some of the Republican lenders, 327, 328;
+  in the Pinchot-Ballinger dispute, 328, 329;
+  pushes anti-trust suits, 330, 331;
+  extends civil service, 331;
+  negotiates arbitration treaties with Great Britain and France, 331, 332;
+  renominated (1912), 336;
+  badly defeated, 338.
+
+Tanner, James ("Corporal"), 172.
+
+Tarbell, Ida M., writes history of Standard Oil Company, 309, 310.
+
+Tariff, the favorite national tax, 6, 7;
+  basis of the rate of, 7;
+  at the end of the war, 8;
+  different views of, 97;
+  influence of, in Presidential campaigns, 100;
+  revision of, 114, 116, 117;
+  as a source of revenue, 114, 115;
+  attacks upon, 115, 116;
+  commission created to investigate needs of, 117, 118;
+  difficulties of constructing, 118, 119, 140;
+  revision demanded, 169;
+  McKinley Bill, 172-75;
+  opposition to the new law, 184;
+  a factor in political landslide of 1890, 186;
+  McKinley Bill in danger, 215;
+  tariff for revenue the winning issue in 1890 and 1892, 220;
+  financial interest of manufacturers in, 233;
+  the Dingley Bill, 253, 254, 255;
+  the "mother of trusts," 303;
+  revised by Republicans, 326, 327;
+  reduced by Democrats, 339.
+
+Taxes, as means of raising money, 6, 114, 115;
+  authorized more reluctantly than loans, 6;
+  often revised and increased, 7;
+  difficulties of Congress with, 115.
+
+Taylor, Hannis, 262.
+
+Tennessee, readmitted to the Union, 45;
+  escapes negro domination, 54.
+
+Tenure-of-Office Act, 34, 35.
+
+Texas, readmitted to Union, 47;
+  through change in, after the Civil War, 204, 205.
+
+Thurman, Allen G., 170.
+
+Tilden, Samuel J., prosecutes the Tweed ring, 80;
+  Democratic candidate for President in 1876, 80, 81;
+  doubtful result of the election, 83, 84;
+  unwilling to run in 1880, 99.
+
+Timber Culture Laws, 155.
+
+Tobacco Trust, 330, 331.
+
+Transportation, a fundamental factor, 162;
+  creates new standards of living, 162, 163;
+  relation to the trusts, 164, 165;
+  vital to frontier life, 180.
+
+Treves, Sir Frederick, praises work in Canal Zone, 317.
+
+Trusts, formation of, 163, 164;
+  logical outcome of, 164;
+  influence of transportation, 164, 165;
+  whiskey and sugar, 166;
+  evils of, social or political, 167;
+  difficulty of regulating, 168;
+  investigation ordered, 169;
+  the aim of, 297;
+  Chicago conference on, 298;
+  and strikes, 299, 300;
+  not all "bad," 302;
+  tariff the mother of, 303;
+  the menace of, 309;
+  prosecution of, 320, 321.
+
+Tweed, William M., 50, 60.
+
+
+Underwood, Oscar W., 329, 330, 336.
+
+Union League, of freedmen, 45.
+
+Union Pacific Railroad, building of, 22, 24, 25;
+  celebration of completion, 25;
+  scandals of, 61;
+  extended to Denver, 74;
+  a national project, 142, 143;
+  extended to the Gulf and into Oregon, 145;
+  reconstructed by Harriman, 294.
+
+United Mine Workers of America, 300.
+
+United States Steel Corporation, 297, 298.
+
+Utah, polygamy in, 154;
+  admitted to the Union, 240, 290.
+
+
+Vallandigham, Clement L., 4.
+
+Venezuela, boundary dispute with Great Britain, 230-32;
+  before the Hague Court, 284.
+
+Villard, Henry, 144, 145.
+
+Virginia, readmitted to Union, 47.
+
+
+Waite, Gov. Davis H., 222, 228.
+
+Wanamaker, John, 172, 253.
+
+Washington, becomes a State, 152.
+
+Washington, Booker T., 202, 290.
+
+Watson, Thomas E., 193, 238.
+
+Watterson, Henry, 56.
+
+Weaver, James B., Greenback-Labor candidate for the Presidency, 101;
+  leader in the People's Party, 209;
+  Presidential candidate, 211, 216.
+
+Wells, David A., 116.
+
+Western Federation of Miners, in Cripple Creek strike, 301.
+
+Weyler, Gen. Valeriano, 260, 261, 263.
+
+Wheeler, William A., Vice-President with Hayes, 83.
+
+Whiskey Ring, the, 62, 81.
+
+Whiskey and Sugar Trusts, 166.
+
+Wiley, Dr. Harvey, 314, 328.
+
+Wilson, Henry, Vice-President in Grant's second term, 57.
+
+Wilson, James, 314, 328.
+
+Wilson, William L., 215;
+  leader in tariff revision, 139, 220, 221;
+  on free silver, 229.
+
+Wilson, Woodrow, career of, 336, 337;
+  nominated by Democrats for Presidency, 337;
+  elected, 338;
+  delivers message to Congress in person, 339;
+  a coercive leader, 339;
+  attitude toward Mexico, 340;
+  neutrality in European war, 341, 342.
+
+Windom, William L., 102, 172.
+
+Woman suffrage, adopted by several States, 250, 334.
+
+Wood, Gen. Leonard, 270, 282.
+
+Woodford, Gen. Stewart L., Minister to Spain, 262, 263.
+
+Wright, Carroll D., Commissioner of Labor, 122.
+
+Wyoming, made a Territory, 149;
+  a State, 152, 250.
+
+
+Yellow fever, suppressed in Cuba, 282.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The New Nation, by Frederic L. Paxson
+
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+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+  <head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" />
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of The New Nation, by Frederic L. Paxson.
+    </title>
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+    .TOC {list-style-type: upper-roman;
+         margin-left: 10em;
+         text-align: left;
+         line-height: 150%}
+
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+
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+    .footnotes        {border: dashed 1px;}
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The New Nation, by Frederic L. Paxson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The New Nation
+
+Author: Frederic L. Paxson
+
+Editor: William E. Dodd
+
+Release Date: January 31, 2009 [EBook #27953]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW NATION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by G. Edward Johnson, Charlene Taylor, Graeme
+Mackreth and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<p class='center' style="margin-bottom: 5em;">
+<img src='images/illus01.jpg' alt='wilson'  />
+
+</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+<h1>THE NEW NATION</h1>
+
+<h4>BY</h4>
+
+<h2>FREDERIC L. PAXSON</h2>
+
+<h3>PROFESSOR OF HISTORY<br /> UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN</h3>
+
+<p class='center' style="margin-top: 5em;">
+<img src='images/illus02.jpg' alt='logo'  />
+
+</p>
+
+<p class='center' style="margin-top: 2em;"><small>HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY<br />
+
+BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO<br />
+
+The Riverside Press Cambridge</small></p>
+
+
+
+
+
+<p class='center' style="margin-top: 10em;"><small>COPYRIGHT, 1915, BY FREDERIC L. PAXSON<br />
+
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED</small></p>
+
+
+<p class='center' style="margin-top: 5em;"><small>The Riverside Press<br />
+
+CAMBRIDGE MASSACHUSETTS<br />
+
+U.S.A.</small></p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+
+<p>A new nation has appeared within the United States since the Civil War,
+but it has been only accidentally connected with that catastrophe. The
+Constitution emerged from the confusion of strife and reconstruction
+substantially unchanged, but the economic development of the United
+States in the sixties and seventies gave birth to a society that was, by
+1885, already national in its activities and necessities. In many ways
+the history of the United States since the Civil War has to do with the
+struggle between this national fact and the old legal system that was
+based upon state autonomy and federalism; and the future depends upon
+the discovery of a means to readjust the mechanics of government, as
+well as its content, to the needs of life. This book attempts to narrate
+the facts of the last half-century and to show them in their relations
+to the larger truths of national development.</p>
+
+
+<p style="margin-left: 30em;"><span class="smcap">Frederic L. Paxson.</span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+
+<ul class="TOC">
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_I"><span class="smcap">The Civil War</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_II"> <span class="smcap">The West and the Greenbacks</span></a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_III"> <span class="smcap">The Restoration of Home Rule in the South</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_IV"> <span class="smcap">The Panic of 1873</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_V"> <span class="smcap">The Hayes Administration</span></a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_VI"> <span class="smcap">Business and Politics</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_VII"> <span class="smcap">The New Issues</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="smcap">Grover Cleveland</span>  </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_IX"> <span class="smcap">The Last of the Frontier</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_X"><span class="smcap">National Business</span></a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XI"><span class="smcap">The Farmers' Cause</span>  </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XII"> <span class="smcap">The New South</span></a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XIII"> <span class="smcap">Populism</span></a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XIV"> <span class="smcap">Free Silver</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XV"> <span class="smcap">The</span> "<span class="smcap">Counter-Reformation</span>"</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XVI"><span class="smcap">The Spanish War</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XVII"> <span class="smcap">Theodore Roosevelt</span></a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII"> <span class="smcap">Big Business</span> </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XIX"> <span class="smcap">The</span> "<span class="smcap">Muck-Rakers</span>"  </a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CHAPTER_XX"> <span class="smcap">New Nationalism </span></a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+<p style="margin-left: 12.5em;"><a href="#INDEX"><span class="smcap">Index</span></a></p>
+
+
+
+
+
+<p class='center' style="margin-top: 5em;">MAPS AND CHARTS</p>
+
+
+<p style="margin-left: 10em;">
+<a href='#illus03'><span class="smcap">The Railways of the</span> "<span class="smcap">Old Northwest</span>" </a><br />
+
+<a href='#illus06'><span class="smcap">The Western Railway Land Grants, 1850-1871</span> </a><br />
+
+<a href='#illus08'><span class="smcap">The Solid South, 1880-1912</span> </a>    <br />
+
+<a href='#illus09'><span class="smcap">The Political Situation at Washington, 1869-1917</span> </a>     <br />
+
+<a href='#illus11'><span class="smcap">Population and Immigration, 1850-1910</span> </a>     <br />
+
+<a href='#illus13'><span class="smcap">The Western Railroads and the Continental Frontier, 1870-1890</span> </a>     <br />
+
+<a href='#illus17'><span class="smcap">The Distribution of the Public Domain, 1789-1904</span> </a>     <br />
+
+<a href='#illus20'><span class="smcap">The Congressional Election of 1890</span> </a>     <br />
+
+<a href='#illus18'><span class="smcap">The Flood of Silver, 1861-1911</span></a>      <br />
+
+<a href='#illus24'><span class="smcap">Alaska, the Philippines, and the Seat of the Spanish War</span> </a><br />
+
+<a href='#illus23'><span class="smcap">North America in 1915</span> </a>    <br />
+</p>
+
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2>THE NEW NATION</h2>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2>
+
+<p class='center'>THE CIVIL WAR</p>
+
+
+<p>The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span> military successes of the United States in its Civil War maintained
+the Union, but entailed readjustments in politics, finance, and business
+that shifted the direction of public affairs for many years. In the eyes
+of contemporaries these changes were obscured by the vivid scenes of the
+battlefield, whose intense impressions were not forgotten for a
+generation. It seemed as though the war were everything, as though the
+Republican party had preserved the nation, as though the nation itself
+had arisen with new plumage from the stress and struggle of its crisis.
+The realities of history, however, which are ever different from the
+facts seen by the participant, are in this period further from the
+tradition of the survivor than in any other stage of the development of
+the United States. As the Civil War is viewed from the years that
+followed it, the actualities that must be faced are the facts that the
+dominant party saved neither the nation nor itself except by changing
+its identity; that economic and industrial progress continued through
+the war with unabated speed, and that out of the needs of a new economic
+life arose the new nation.</p>
+
+<p>The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> Republican party, whose older spokesmen had been trained as Whigs or
+Democrats, had by 1861 seasoned its younger leaders in two national
+campaigns. It had lost the first flush of the new enthusiasm which gave
+it birth as a party opposed to the extension of slavery. The signs of
+the times had been so clear between 1856 and 1860 that many politicians
+had turned their coats less from a moral principle than from a desire to
+win. When Lincoln took up the organization of his Administration, these
+clamored for their rewards. There was nothing in the political ethics of
+the sixties that discountenanced the use of the spoils of office, and
+Lincoln himself, though he resented the drain of office-seeking upon his
+time, appears not to have seen that the spoils system was at variance
+with the fundamentals of good government.</p>
+
+<p>It was a Republican partisan administration that bore the first brunt of
+the Civil War, but the struggle was still young when Lincoln realized
+that the Union could not stand on the legs of any single party. To
+develop a general Union sentiment became an early aim of his policy and
+is a key to his period. He was forced to consider and reconcile the
+claims of all shades of Republican opinion, from that of the most
+violent abolitionist to that of the mere unionist. In the Democracy,
+opinion ranged from that of the strong war Democrat to that of the
+Copperhead whose real sympathies were with the Confederacy.</p>
+
+<p>To conciliate a working majority of the voters of the Union States, a
+majority which must embrace<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> many Union Democrats, Lincoln steadily
+loosened the partisan bonds. The congressional elections of 1862 showed
+that he was still far from success. His overtures to the Democrats of
+the border States fell into line with his general scheme. His tolerance
+of McClellan and his support of Stanton, both of whom by sympathy and
+training were Democrats, reveal the comprehensive power of his
+endurance. As the election of 1864 approached to test the success of his
+generalship, he had to fight not only for a majority in the general
+canvass but for the nomination by his own party.</p>
+
+<p>There were many men in 1864 who believed that the war was a mistake and
+that Lincoln was a failure. The peace Democrats denounced him as a
+military dictator; to the radical Republicans he was spineless and
+irresolute. Within his own Cabinet there was dissension that would have
+unnerved a less steady man. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, wanted
+to be President, and had allowed his friends to intrigue in his behalf,
+yet had not withdrawn from the counsels of his rival. At various times
+he had threatened to resign, but Lincoln had shut his eyes to this
+infidelity and had coaxed him back. Not until after the President had
+been renominated did he accept the resignation of Chase, and even then
+he was willing to make the latter Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.</p>
+
+<p>Chase, in the Cabinet and in touch with dissatisfied Republicans
+outside, was a menace to impartial administration. Less distressing, but
+noisier than he, was John C. Fr&eacute;mont, the first nominee of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> party,
+who had sulked in the midst of admiring friends since Lincoln had
+removed him from important military service in 1861. About him the
+extreme abolitionists were gathered, and in his favor there was held a
+convention in May, 1864. But this dissenting movement collapsed upon
+itself before the elections in November.</p>
+
+<p>The Republicans went into convention at Baltimore, on June 7, 1864. The
+candidacy of Chase had faded, that of Fr&eacute;mont was already unimportant,
+and the renomination of Lincoln was assured. But the party carefully
+concealed its name and, catering to loyalists of whatever brand, it
+called itself "Union," and invited to its support all men to whom the
+successful prosecution of the war was the first great duty. It was a
+Union party in fact as well as name. Delegations of Democrats came to it
+from the border States, and from one of these the convention picked a
+loyal Democrat for the Vice-Presidency. With Lincoln and Andrew Johnson
+on its ticket, with a platform silent upon the protective tariff, and
+with an organization so imperfect that no roll of delegates could be
+made until the convention had been called to order, the Administration
+party of 1864 was far from being the same organization that had, in
+1856, voiced its protest against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill.</p>
+
+<p>The excesses of the Democrats aided Lincoln almost as much as the
+efforts of the party which nominated him. A convention at Chicago, in
+August, presided over by Governor Seymour, of New York, and under the
+dominance of Clement L. Vallandig<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span>ham, did not need to denounce the war
+as a failure in order to disappoint the Union Democrats. Not even the
+nomination of McClellan, nor his repudiation of the platform, could undo
+the result of such leadership. It was far from certain which ticket
+would receive the greater vote in November, but it was clear that union
+against disunion was the issue, and that men would vote according to
+their hopes and fears. The former were in the ascendant when the polls
+were opened, for Sherman had gained a decisive victory in his occupation
+of Atlanta, while Farragut had gained another at Mobile Bay. On the
+strength of these successes the Union ticket carried every State but
+Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey.</p>
+
+<p>Chase, who left the Treasury during the presidential campaign, had by
+that time finished the work which carried the financial burdens of the
+Civil War and provided party texts for another generation. He had come
+to his task without special fitness, but had speedily mastered the
+essentials of war finance. In his reports he outlined the policy which
+Congress followed, more or less closely. Taxes ought to be increased, he
+urged, to meet all the costs of civil administration, interest on the
+debt, and sinking fund for the same. These were current burdens which
+the country ought not to try to escape. But the extra cost of the war,
+which was to be regarded as a permanent investment by the Union for its
+own defense, might fairly be made a charge upon posterity. To meet these
+he urged the creation of a sufficient bonded debt.</p>
+
+<p>The Thirty-seventh Congress (1861-63) had been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> more ready to borrow
+than to tax. In all its experience until 1861 the United States had met
+no crisis in which large revenues had been required. In the thirty
+preceding years its total annual receipts had ranged from $20,000,000 to
+$81,000,000, while in the fiscal year in which the war began the total
+had reached $83,000,000, of which $41,000,000 were loans rather than
+revenue. Since the panic of 1857 the Treasury had faced a deficit at the
+end of each year, and had been compelled not only to spend its
+accumulated surplus on current needs, but to borrow heavily. The tariff
+duties, collected at the custom-houses, were, as they always had been,
+the mainstay of the revenue. But these had not met the needs of the
+three lean years before the war.</p>
+
+<p>Had there been no war, the disordered finances of the United States
+might, in 1861, have called for corrective measures and new taxes, and
+these could not have become effective before 1862 or 1863. As it was,
+loans were resorted to for first-aid. In 1862 they alone were more than
+six times as great as the total receipts of 1861; in 1865 they were
+nearly three times as great as in 1862. Taxes were authorized more
+reluctantly than loans, they became profitable more slowly, and did not,
+until the last year of war, reveal the fiscal capacities of the United
+States.</p>
+
+<p>The favorite national tax of the United States had always been the
+tariff. Supplemented by miscellaneous items which included no internal
+revenue after 1849, and no direct tax after 1839, it carried most of the
+financial burdens. Whether parties preferred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> it high or low, or levied
+it for protection or for revenue, they had continued to cherish it as a
+fiscal device, and had acquired no experience with alternate sources of
+supply. Like the army of the United States, which in time of war had to
+break in its volunteer levies before it could win victories, the
+Treasury and Congress had to learn how to tax before they could bring
+the taxable resources of the United States to supplement the loans.</p>
+
+<p>The tariff was revised and increased several times between 1861 and
+1865, and yielded its greatest return, $102,000,000, in 1864. The result
+was due to both the swelling volume of imports and the higher rates.
+Like all panics, that of 1857 had lessened the buying capacity of the
+American people. In hard times luxuries were sacrificed and treasury
+receipts were thereby greatly curtailed. A return to normal conditions
+of business would have been visible by 1861 had not war obscured it.
+Steadily through the war a prosperous North and West bought more foreign
+goods regardless of the price.</p>
+
+<p>The rate of tariff was based upon the probable revenue, the protective
+principle, and the tax burdens already imposed upon American
+manufacturers. Not until 1863 were the internal or direct taxes
+noticeable, but in 1864 these passed the tariff as a source of revenue,
+with a total of $116,000,000. In 1866 this total was swollen to
+$211,000,000. Like the tariff, the income, excise, and direct taxes were
+often revised and raised, and many of the tariff increases were
+dependent upon them. When the American manufacturer, who already
+declared that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> he could stay in business only because the tariff
+protected him from European competition, found himself burdened with a
+tax on his income and with others upon his commercial transactions and
+his output, he complained bitterly of the disadvantage at which he was
+placed. To equalize his burdens, the import rates were repeatedly raised
+against the foreigner. By the end of the war, the tariff exceeded
+anything known in American experience, and was fixed less with the
+intention of raising revenue than of enabling the American producer to
+pay his internal tax. Less than $85,000,000 were collected from the
+customs in 1865; while $211,000,000 came from internal sources.</p>
+
+<p>By taxing and borrowing the United States accumulated $88,000,000 in
+1861, $589,000,000 in 1862, $888,000,000 in 1863, $1,408,000,000 in
+1864, and $1,826,000,000 in 1865. The Treasury, unimportant in the
+world's affairs before 1861, suddenly became one of the greatest dealers
+in credit. Its debt of $2,808,000,000, outstanding in October, 1865,
+affected the interests and solidity of international finance, and
+indicated, as well, resources of which even boastful Americans had been
+unaware in 1861. One item in the debt, however, was a menace to the
+security of the whole, which was but little stronger than its weakest
+part.</p>
+
+<p>The physical currency in which the debt was to be created and the
+expenses paid was as difficult to find in 1861 as the wealth which it
+measured. After Jackson destroyed the second Bank of the United States
+there had been no national currency but coin,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> and too little of that.
+Gold and silver had been coined at the mint, and the former had given
+the standard to the dollar. In intrinsic worth the gold dollar, as
+defined in 1834 at the ratio of sixteen to one, was slightly inferior to
+its silver associate, and by the law of human nature, which induces men
+to hold the better and pass the cheaper money, the value of the gold
+coin had become the measure of exchange.</p>
+
+<p>The coined money did not circulate generally. It was devoted to a part
+of the business of government, and to the needs of the banks which
+provided the actual circulating medium. Scattered over all the States,
+hundreds of state and private banks issued their own notes to serve as
+money. At best, and in theory, these were exchangeable for gold at par;
+at worst, they were a total loss; yet as they were, variant and
+depreciated since the panic of 1857, they were the money of the people
+when the Civil War began. Before the end of 1861 the banks gave up the
+pretense of redeeming their notes in coin. The United States Treasury
+suspended the payment of specie early in 1862, and thereafter for
+seventeen years the paper money in circulation depended for its value on
+the hope that it would some day be redeemed.</p>
+
+<p>The needs of the Treasury, in the crisis of suspension, induced Congress
+to authorize the emission of $150,000,000 of legal-tender paper money.
+These notes, soon known as the "greenbacks," became the measure of the
+difference between standard money and coin. Issued at par, they sank in
+value and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> fluctuated until in the darkest days of 1864 a dollar in gold
+could be exchanged for $2.85 in greenbacks. Yet they were called
+dollars, and the creditor was forced to accept them in payment of his
+debts. They were themselves a forced loan, borrowed by compulsion from
+the people, and constituting $433,000,000 in the total debts of the
+United States in 1865.</p>
+
+<p>The greenback element in the national debt threatened the integrity of
+the whole. Should redemption take place at par, and at once, the credit
+of the United States could not fail to be strengthened. But should the
+greenbacks be allowed to remain below par, should more of them be
+issued, or should the United States avail itself of its technical
+privilege to pay off part of the bonded debt in "lawful money"
+manufactured by the printing-press, the weakest item in the total might
+easily depress the whole.</p>
+
+<p>The future of American politics after 1865 was largely determined by the
+methods through which the revenue had been increased and by the fate of
+the greenbacks, but more important for the immediate future than either
+of these was the great fact that in five years the United States had
+been able to incur its net debt of $2,808,000,000, and had raised in
+addition more than $700,000,000 through taxation. It was a prosperous
+Union that emerged from the Civil War, and every region but the South
+was strong in its conscious wealth.</p>
+
+<p>The whole of the United States had shared in the unusual growth in the
+period following the Mexican War, in which the new railroads were tying
+the Mis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span>sissippi Valley to the seaboard. The census of 1860 reported an
+increase of 36 per cent in total population in ten years, somewhat
+unevenly divided, since the Confederate area had increased but 25 per
+cent, as compared with 39 per cent in the North and West, yet large
+enough everywhere to keep up the traditions of a growing population. The
+growth continued in the next decade, despite the Civil War. It is not to
+be expected that it should have touched the record of the fifties, for
+2,500,000 men were drawn from production for at least three years&mdash;the
+three years in which most of them would have grown to manhood and
+married, had there been no war. The South, desolated by war, and with
+nearly every able-bodied white man in the ranks, stood still, with under
+9 per cent increase. But the whole country grew in population from
+31,443,321 to 38,558,371 (22 per cent), while the North and West, in
+spite of war, grew 27 per cent,&mdash;more than the South had done in its
+most brilliant decade.</p>
+
+<p>How far the North and West would have gone had they not been hampered by
+the depression after 1857 cannot be stated. These regions had suffered
+most from the panic, since in them railroads and banks, factories and
+cities, and all the agents of a complex industrial organization had been
+most active. The industrial disturbance had disarranged for the time the
+elaborate Northern system. The simpler South, with its staple crops, its
+rural population, and its few railways, had suffered less. Southerners
+before the war had seen in their immunity from the effects of panic a
+proof of their superiority over<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> other social orders; they had misread
+the times and prophesied the disintegration of the industrial
+organization of the North.</p>
+
+<p>The South seceded before the rest of the United States emerged from the
+panic period. In the next four years the treasury receipts show the
+resources of the loyal States. Industry, recovered from its depression,
+went ahead unnoticed in the noise of war, yet little impeded by the fact
+of war.</p>
+
+<p>Communication by rail brought the most significant of the single changes
+into the Northern States. Before the panic of 1857 the trunk-line
+railways had completed their net of tracks between the Mississippi and
+tidewater. Nearly ten thousand miles had been built in the Old Northwest
+alone in the ten preceding years. But the effect of this on business,
+certain to come in any event, was not seen until secession closed the
+Mississippi to the agricultural exports of the Northwest. For a part of
+1861 and 1862 traffic piled up along the young railroads extending from
+St. Louis and Chicago to Buffalo, Pittsburg, New York, and Philadelphia.
+But before 1863 these lines, notably the New York Central, the Erie, and
+the Pennsylvania, had adapted themselves to the trade which the South
+had thrust upon them; and never since secession has New Orleans regained
+her place as the great outlet of the Mississippi Valley.</p>
+
+<p>The fundamental change in the direction of its trade added to the
+prosperity of the North. In the additions to the transportation system,
+made to accommodate the new business, new railroads were less prominent
+than second tracks, bridges, tunnels,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> and terminal facilities. The
+experimental years of railroading had passed before most of the lines
+learned the importance of city terminals. The growth of the cities and
+the rising price of land made the attainment of these more difficult
+than they need have been, while city governments and their officials
+learned that illicit profits could be made out of the necessities of the
+railroads. The great lines, active in the development of their plants,
+and consolidating during the sixties to get the benefits of unified
+management, added to the bustle in the cities in the North.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus04.jpg"><img src="images/illus03.jpg" alt='railways' /> </a>
+ <a id='illus03' name='illus03'></a>
+</p>
+<p class='center'> THE RAILWAYS OF THE "OLD NORTHWEST"<br />
+<small> click on image for larger version</small><br />
+Showing the development between 1848 and 1860, upon which the Civil War
+prosperity of the region was based</p>
+
+<p>The United States was an agricultural country until the beginning of
+manufacturing and the revolution in communication made it profitable to
+concentrate people and capital in the cities. Between 1850 and 1880 the
+number of cities with a population of 50,000 more than doubled. The
+actual construction of the houses, the water and lighting systems, and
+the sewers for these communities gave employment to labor. As cities
+grew, their more generous distances brought in the street-car companies,
+whose occupation of the public streets added to the temptations and
+opportunities of the officials of government. The swelling manufactures
+increased the city groups and gave them work.</p>
+
+<p>The country life itself began to change. The typical farming families,
+developed by pioneer conditions, had remained the social unit for
+several generations, but these felt the lure of the cities which drew
+their boys and girls into the factories. Domestic manufactures could not
+compete in quality, appearance, or price with the output of the new
+fac<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span>tories. The farmer began to give up his slaughtering and
+butter-making, as he had already abandoned his spinning and weaving, and
+devoted himself more exclusively to raising crops. Here, too, the
+mechanical improvements touched his life. Agricultural machinery was
+coming into general use, while the new railroads carried off his produce
+to the great markets which the rising cities created.</p>
+
+<p>The number of employees of American factories increased more than half
+between 1860 and 1870, while the capital invested and the goods turned
+out were more than doubled. The United States was for the first time
+looking to a day when all the ordinary necessities of life could be made
+within its limits. At Chicago, St. Louis, New York, Boston,
+Philadelphia, and a host of cities in the interior, men were not
+disturbed by the war in their attempt to exploit the abundant resources
+of the continent. The manufacture of food began to shift from the
+household to the city factory, to the advantage of the cities lying near
+the great fresh areas of farm lands. The flour mills of the Northwest,
+the meat-packing establishments at Chicago and elsewhere, the
+distilleries of central Illinois, utilized the agricultural staples and
+transformed them for export. The presence of factories forced upon the
+city governments, East and West, already embarrassed by the pains of
+rapid growth, the problems of police power and good government. Charters
+written for semi-rural villages were inadequate when the villages became
+cities.</p>
+
+<p>Clothing, no less than food, passed into the factory,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> thanks to Elias
+Howe and his sewing-machine and the shoe machinery of McKay. Before the
+war the influences of this change were visible in the increasing demand
+for cotton. Now came the great growth of the textile regions of the
+East, around Fall River and Philadelphia, and of the shoe factories in
+the Lynn district.</p>
+
+<p>The use and manufacture of machines gave new stimulus to those regions
+where coal and iron, placed conveniently with reference to
+transportation, had fixed the location of smelters and rolling-mills. In
+the middle of the sixties Henry Bessemer's commercial process for the
+manufacture of steel marks the beginning of a revolution in the
+construction of railroads and bridges, as well as in public and private
+architecture. Pittsburg became the heart of the steel industry, and the
+young men who controlled it fixed their hands upon the commercial future
+of the United States. The newest of industries, the trade in petroleum
+and its oils, reached fifteen millions in Pittsburg alone in 1864.</p>
+
+<p>The trunk-line railways with their spurs and branches adjusted
+themselves early in the war to the new direction of business currents.
+They then began to carry the new inhabitants into the cities, the new
+manufactures to their markets, and to press upon iron, coal, and timber
+for their own supplies. Men of business laid the foundations of huge
+fortunes in supplying the new and growing demands. The stock company,
+with negotiable shares and bonds, made it possible for the small
+investor to share in the larger commercial profits and losses.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>The growth and elaboration of companies and commerce were projected upon
+a legal system that was most accustomed to small enterprises and local
+trade. Not only had the corporations to establish customs and precedents
+among themselves, but courts, legislatures, and city councils had to
+face the need for an amplification of American law. The speed with which
+the new life swept upon the country, the inexperience of both business
+men and jurists, the public ignorance of the extent to which the
+revolution was to go, and the cross-purposes inevitable when States
+tried to regulate the affairs of corporations larger than themselves,
+make it unnecessary to search further for the key to the confusing
+half-century that followed the Civil War.</p>
+
+<p>The rapid changes in manufacturing, transportation, urban life, and
+business law that came with the prosperity of the early sixties gave to
+these years an appearance of materialism that has misled many observers.
+None of the developments received full contemporary notice, for war
+filled the front pages of the newspapers. The men who directed them were
+not under scrutiny, and could hardly fail to bring into business and
+speculation that main canon of war time that the end is everything and
+that it justifies the means. But though war was not the sole American
+occupation between 1861 and 1865, and though a new industrial revolution
+was begun, material things often gave way in the American mind to
+altruistic concepts and the service of the ideal.</p>
+
+<p>Congress endowed the agricultural colleges in the early years of the
+war, and the state universities,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> though thinned by the enlistment of
+their boys, established themselves. The creation of new universities,
+the endowment of older foundations, and the beginning of an education
+that should fit not only for law, medicine, and theology, but for
+business, agriculture, engineering, and teaching, all bear testimony to
+the real interests of American democracy. The ideal was as yet far
+removed from the fact, and the intellectual leaders of the United States
+were yet to pass through a period of black pessimism, but the people
+were still firm in their faith that education is the mainstay of popular
+government, and gave their full devotion to both.</p>
+
+<p>The four years of the Civil War carried the United States over a period
+of social and economic transition and left it well started on the new
+course. They enlarged and expanded the activities of government,
+hastening that day when there should exist a public conviction that
+government is a matter of technical expertness and must be run in a
+scientific manner for the common good. They raised the problems of
+taxation and currency to a new importance, and impressed their
+significance upon the men who directed the industries of the country. In
+their prosperity they made it possible to save the Union; and at their
+close a Union party, uncertain of its strength and its personnel, faced
+the problems of a united country which included an industrial North, a
+desolated South, and a vanishing frontier.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>For further references upon the Civil War period, consult William E.
+Dodd, <i>Expansion and Conflict</i> (in this series), and F.L. Paxson, <i>The
+Civil War</i> (1911). The best and most exhaustive narrative is J.F.
+Rhodes, <i>History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the
+Final Restoration of Home Rule at the South in 1877</i> (7 vols.,
+1892-1906), and this may be supplemented to advantage by E.D. Fite,
+<i>Social and industrial Conditions in the North during the Civil War</i>
+(1910). There is a convenient account of the election of 1864, with
+platforms and tables of votes, in E. Stanwood, <i>A History of the
+Presidency</i> (1898) and there are many valuable documents in E.
+McPherson's annual <i>Political Manual</i>. The biographies of W.H. Seward,
+by F. Bancroft, and Jay Cooke, by E.P. Oberholtzer, are among the best
+of the period. There are no better summaries of finances than D.R.
+Dewey's <i>Financial History of the United States</i> (1903, etc.); W.C.
+Mitchell's <i>History of the Greenbacks</i> (1903); and J.A. Woodburn's
+<i>Thaddeus Stevens</i> (1913). In the <i>Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia</i> (published by D.
+Appleton &amp; Co., 1861-1902) are useful and accurate accounts of current
+affairs. E.L. Godkin began to publish the <i>Nation</i> in New York in the
+summer of 1865, and H.V. Poore issued the first volume of his annual
+<i>Manual of the Railroads of the United States</i>, in 1868.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE WEST AND THE GREENBACKS<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The activity of the North and the East between 1861 and 1865 was
+imitated and magnified among the youthful communities that made up the
+western border and ranged in age from a few weeks to thirty years. These
+had been mostly agricultural in 1857. Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and
+Kansas had been the frontier before the Civil War. In place of these,
+now grown to be populous and more or less sedate, a new group appeared
+farther west, within what had been believed to be the "American Desert."
+By 1868 Congress completed the subdivision of the last lands between the
+Missouri River and the Pacific, since which date only one new political
+division has appeared in the United States.</p>
+
+<p>The last frontier, that developed after 1857, was novel as well as new.
+It was made up of mining camps. Everywhere in the Rocky Mountains
+prospectors staked out claims and introduced their free-and-easy life.
+Before 1857 the group of Mormons around the Great Salt Lake was the only
+considerable settlement between eastern Kansas and California. Now came
+in quick succession the rush to Pike's Peak and Colorado Territory
+(1861), the rush from California to the Carson Valley and Nevada
+Territory (1861), and the creation of the agricultural<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> territory of
+Dakota (1861) for the up-river Missouri country, where in a few more
+years were revealed the riches of the Black Hills. In 1863 the mines of
+the lower Colorado River gave excuse for Arizona Territory. Those of the
+northern Continental Divide were grouped in Idaho in the same year, and
+divided in 1864 when Montana was created. Wyoming, the last of the
+subdivisions, was the product of mines and railroads in 1868. Oklahoma
+was not named for twenty years more, but had existed in its final shape
+since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in 1854.</p>
+
+<p>The legitimate influence of these mining-camps upon the United States
+was great. It was no new thing for Congress to solve its national
+problems on the initiative of the West. Since the passage of the
+Ordinance of 1787 this had been a frequent occurrence, and the history
+of the public lands had always been directed by Western demands. In 1862
+the agricultural West, whose capacity to cultivate land had been
+magnified by the new reaper of McCormick, had obtained its Homestead
+Act, by which land titles were conveyed to the farmer who cleared the
+land and used it. Thomas H. Benton had fought for this through a long
+lifetime. He died too soon to see the full apotheosis of the squatter,
+who gradually developed, in point of law, from the criminal stealing the
+public land to the public-spirited pioneer in whose interest a wise
+Congress ought to shape its laws. Under the influence of this new
+Homestead Law, aided by the Pre&euml;mption Law, which remained in force,
+land titles were established in the Moun<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span>tain States as rapidly as the
+Indians could be removed.</p>
+
+<p>The frontier mining territories were loud in demanding that Congress
+should give them more land, remove the Indians, extend police
+protection, and give them mails and railroads. The miner disliked the
+isolation which his speculations brought upon him, and Congress unfolded
+new powers to remove it for him. In 1858 it organized the great overland
+mail that ran coaches to California in less than twenty-five days. The
+pony express provided faster service in 1860-61. And after private money
+had built the telegraph line to the Pacific, both Congress and the West
+took up the subject of a continental railway.</p>
+
+<p>In the summer of 1862 a group of railroad companies was authorized to
+build a track from the Missouri River (which had already been reached at
+St. Joseph by a railway from the East) to California. As modified by law
+in 1864 the contract provided for extensive government aid in the
+speculation: twenty sections of land for every mile of track, and a loan
+of United States bonds at the rate of at least $16,000 per mile. But the
+West had little capital, and the prosperous East had better investments
+at home, so that money could hardly be got into this scheme on any
+terms. The Western promoters were driven to shifty extremes before they
+overcame the Eastern belief that no continental railroad could pay. Not
+until 1866 was the construction work begun in earnest.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus05.jpg"><img src="images/illus06.jpg" alt='landgrants' /> </a>
+ <a id='illus06' name='illus06'></a>
+</p>
+<p class='center'> THE WESTERN RAILWAY LANDGRANTS, 1850-1871<br />
+<small> Click on image for larger version</small></p>
+<div class="blockquot"><p class='center'>Explanation of the map of</p>
+
+<p class='center'>THE WESTERN RAILWAY LAND GRANTS, 1850-1871</p>
+
+<p>(This map is based upon the one in Donaldson, Public Domain, 948, and
+includes certain wagon-road lands.)</p>
+
+<p>There never were any public lands in the State of Texas. Oklahoma lay
+within the Indian Country in which no lands were available for grants
+between 1850 and 1871.</p>
+
+<p>The railway land grants, authorized between 1850 and 1871 lay within the
+areas shaded, and consisted, in all cases, of alternate sections on each
+side of the track. The sections retained by the United States were,
+however, withdrawn from entry upon filing of the railway survey, and
+remained withdrawn until the railway allotment had been made. Regions
+thus impeded in their development often became centers of hostility
+toward the railroads.</p></div>
+
+<p>Between 1866 and 1869 the building of the Union<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> Pacific was the most
+picturesque enterprise in America. Across the great plains, the desert,
+and the mountains, from Council Bluffs to Sacramento, it was pushed. In
+the West, Stanford and his group of California visionaries carried the
+burden. The eastern end brought out no single great promoter. Both ends
+fought the problem of timber and stone and railroad iron, but most of
+all of labor. Stanford finally imported the Chinese coolie for the job.
+Civil War veterans and new immigrants did most of the work on the
+eastern end. And along the eastern stretches the Indian tribes of the
+plains watched the work with jealous eyes. The Pawnee, the Sioux, the
+Arapaho, and the Cheyenne saw in the new road the end of a tribal life
+based upon wild game.</p>
+
+<p>Severe Indian outbreaks accompanied the construction of the railroad, as
+the tribes made their last stand in Wyoming, Colorado, and the Indian
+Territory. Before the line was done, the tribes of the plains were under
+control in two great concentration camps, in South Dakota and Indian
+Territory, and the worst of the Indian fighting in the West was over.</p>
+
+<p>In the spring of 1869 the railroad was finished and a spectacular
+celebration was held near Ogden, in Utah Territory. The finishing stroke
+was everywhere regarded as national, since not only had Congress given
+aid, but the union of the oceans was an object of national ambition.
+With the completion, the problem shifted from the exciting risks of
+construction and finance to the prosaic duties of paying the bills, and
+with the shift came a natural falling-off in enthusiasm.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Union Pacific was the longest railroad of the sixties, and aroused
+the greatest interest. In an economic way it is merely typical of the
+speculative expansion of the North that began early in the Civil War and
+continued increasingly thereafter. The United States was engaged in a
+period of hopeful growth such as has followed every panic. After a few
+years of depression, stagnation, and enforced economy, business had
+revived about 1861. Confidence had increased, loans had been made more
+freely, and capital had taken up again its search for profitable
+investment. In the newer regions, where permanent improvements were
+least numerous, the field for exploitation had been great. The climax of
+exploitation was reached throughout the West.</p>
+
+<p>As had been true at all the stages of the westward movement, the West
+was heavily in debt, and upon a forced balance would generally have
+shown an excess of liabilities over assets. Borrowed money paid much of
+the cost of emigration. During the first year the pioneer often raised
+no crops and lived upon his savings or his borrowings. He and his local
+merchant and his bank and his new railroad had borrowed all they could,
+while the creditor, living necessarily in the older communities where
+saving had created a surplus for investment, lived in the East, or even
+in Europe. The necessary conditions of settlement and development had
+prepared the way for a new sectional alignment of business interests,
+those of the Far West and the Northwest taking their tone from the
+interests of a debtor class, while those of the East represented those
+of the creditor. The pos<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>sible cleavage was revealed as real when the
+United States Treasury Department, in its work toward financial
+reconstruction, approached the subject of the greenbacks.</p>
+
+<p>The legal-tender greenbacks, which were in circulation to the extent of
+$433,000,000 in 1865, constituted not only a part of the debt of the
+war, but the foundation of the currency in circulation. Throughout most
+of the war they were supplemented by the notes of state banks, local
+token-money, and fractional currency, or "shinplasters," of the United
+States. Coin ceased to circulate in 1862 and was used only by those
+whose contracts obliged them to pay in gold or silver. In 1863 Secretary
+Chase inaugurated a system of national banks, to circulate a uniform
+currency, secured by United States bonds, but these did not become a
+factor in business until the state bank notes had been taxed out of
+existence in 1865. After this time national banks were formed in large
+numbers, replacing the uncertain notes of the state banks with their own
+notes, which were quite as good as greenbacks. But all paper money was
+below par in 1865, and gold remained out of circulation, at a premium,
+until the end of 1878.</p>
+
+<p>The depreciation of the greenbacks reflected a popular doubt as to the
+outcome of the Civil War. They entailed hardship upon all who received
+them as dollars, since their purchasing value was below the standard of
+one hundred cents in gold. When the Government, desperate in war time,
+forced its creditors to accept them at par, it did an injustice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> which
+it regarded as real, though necessary. The speedy restoration of the
+greenbacks to par received the immediate attention of the Treasury upon
+the return of peace.</p>
+
+<p>Hugh McCulloch, of Indiana, who became Secretary of the Treasury in
+1865, was a banker of long experience and success. He proposed, if
+allowed, to reduce the whole war debt, including the greenbacks, to
+long-term bonds bearing a low rate of interest, and to create a sinking
+fund which should redeem them as they fell due. This involved the
+withdrawal from circulation of the greenbacks, and the destruction of
+that amount of the money used in business. Congress authorized it,
+however, and McCulloch canceled greenbacks from month to month until he
+had reduced the total to $356,000,000 in February, 1868.</p>
+
+<p>The withdrawal of the legal tenders had not been long under way before
+protests began to come in upon the Treasury and Congress from the West.
+Bad as the depreciated currency was, it was the only currency available
+for the active business of the country. If the greenbacks should go
+there would be nothing to take their place until coin should finally
+emerge from hiding. The reduction of the volume of money in a time of
+increasing business would enforce upon each dollar an enlarged activity
+and a greater market value. The price of money rising, the price of all
+commodities measured in money would necessarily fall, and in a period of
+falling prices the West thought it saw financial catastrophe. There was
+enough real truth in the contention that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> resumption meant a fall in
+prices for the Treasury to be compelled to make the difficult choice
+between this evil and the other evil of a depreciated currency forced
+upon the people.</p>
+
+<p>The creditor East regarded the possible increase in the purchasing value
+of the dollar with entire complacency. Its selfish interests harmonized
+with sound theories of finance. But in the debtor West the process had
+so different an aspect that the financial obligations of the United
+States were obscured by the local interest.</p>
+
+<p>The great "boom" of the West began after the depreciation had commenced.
+Most of the Western debts, whether on the farm of the settler, the stock
+of the merchant, or the bonds of the industrial corporation, had been
+created in legal-tender dollars of the value of the depreciated
+greenbacks. Any appreciation which might come to the greenbacks must
+increase the content-value of the debt. If "dollars," borrowed when they
+were worth sixty cents in gold, were to be repaid in "dollars" worth
+eighty or more cents in gold, the debtor was repaying one third more
+than he had received, and no appeal to the importance of public credit
+could make him forget his loss. He resented not only the decrease in the
+actual amount of money, but the appreciated value of the remainder.</p>
+
+<p>McCulloch, trained in finance, was ready to sacrifice the debtor for the
+sake of national solvency,&mdash;and, indeed, one or the other had to yield.
+But Congress felt the pressure, which was strong from all the West, and
+most strong from the Northwest, be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span>tween Pittsburg and Chicago, whose
+industry had been reorganized during the years of war. In February,
+1868, the retirement of more greenbacks was forbidden by law, the amount
+then in circulation being $356,000,000. The inflation which war had
+brought about was legalized in time of peace, and the Supreme Court
+ultimately ruled<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> that the issue of legal tenders, in either war or
+peace, is at the free discretion of Congress.</p>
+
+<p>Like every other West, the West of 1868 was in debt; like every other
+debtor community, it was liable to yield to theories of inflation, and
+was prone to look to politics for redress of grievances. The farmers of
+Massachusetts and Connecticut had followed Shays for this purpose in
+1786; Ohio and Kentucky had attacked the second Bank of the United
+States when it forced their banks to pay their debts; and now the
+Northwest listened to politicians who told them that more greenbacks
+would cure their ills.</p>
+
+<p>The advocates of the Greenback movement urged that the legal tenders be
+retained as the foundation of the currency, and that all bonds and
+interest payable in "lawful money" be paid in paper. By thus increasing
+the volume of greenbacks in circulation they hoped to avoid a fall in
+prices or an increased pressure on the debtor. Wherever men were heavily
+in debt, they accepted this doctrine. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio,
+became its most prominent spokesman, though it received the support of
+men as far apart as Thaddeus Stevens and B.F. Butler, and on it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> as an
+issue Pendleton sought to obtain for himself the Democratic nomination
+for the presidency in 1868.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> In the cases of Knox <i>vs.</i> Lee and Juilliard <i>vs.</i>
+Greenman.</p></div>
+
+<p>The aspirations of Pendleton, when his friends brought his "Ohio Idea"
+to the national convention, in Tammany Hall, New York, on July 4, were
+opposed by the similar desires of Chief Justice Chase, who still wanted
+the Presidency, and Horatio Seymour, the Democratic war Governor of New
+York. In its leader, commenting on the convention, <i>Harper's Weekly</i>
+asserted that "The Democratic Convention of 1864 declared the war a
+failure. The loyal people scorned the words and fought on to an
+unconditional victory. The Democratic Convention of 1868 declares that
+the war debt shall be repudiated. And their words will be equally
+spurned by the same honorable people." Pendleton failed to secure the
+nomination, which went to Seymour, on the twenty-second ballot, with
+Francis P. Blair, Jr., for the Vice-Presidency, but the "Ohio idea" was
+embodied in the platform of the party, although Seymour distinctly
+disavowed it.</p>
+
+<p>Pledged to what the East commonly regarded as repudiation, the
+Democratic party was severely handicapped at the beginning of the
+campaign. Not only could their opponents reproach Seymour as a
+Copperhead, but they could profess to be frightened by Wade Hampton and
+the "hundred other rebel officers who sat in the Convention." Already
+including "treason," and disloyalty, the indictment was amended to
+include dishonor, by the Republicans, who scarcely needed the strong
+popularity of Grant to carry them into office.</p>
+
+<p>The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> Republican party was compelled to disguise itself as "Union" in
+1864, and it paid for the disguise during the next four years. Upon the
+death of Lincoln, the Tennessee Democrat, Andrew Johnson, took the oath
+of office. The bond which kept Democrats and Republicans together as
+Unionists had dissolved with the surrender of Lee, so that Johnson was
+enabled to follow his natural bent as a strict constructionist. His
+policies had carried him far away from the radical Republicans before
+Congress convened for its session of 1865-66, and led to a positive
+breach with that body in 1866.</p>
+
+<p>The quarrel between Johnson and the Republican leaders was occasioned by
+his views upon the rights of the Southern States, conquered in war and
+held within the military grasp of the United States. It was his belief,
+as it had been Lincoln's, that these States were still States and were
+in the Union, even though in a temporarily deranged condition. As
+President, entrusted with force to be used in executing the laws, he
+regarded himself as sole judge of the time when force should no longer
+be needed. And in this spirit he offered pardon to many leaders of the
+Confederacy in May, 1865. He followed amnesty with provisional
+governments, and proclaimed rules according to which the conquered
+States should revise their constitutions and re&euml;stablish orderly and
+loyal governments. He had reorganized the last of the eleven States
+before Congress could interfere with him.</p>
+
+<p>The difference between Johnson and his Republican associates lay in the
+character of the restored<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> electorates in the South. The whole white
+population had, in most States, been implicated in secession. There was
+no Union faction in the South that remained loyal throughout the war.
+Pardoned and restored to a full share in the Government, these Southern
+leaders would come back into Congress as Democrats, and with increased
+strength. The Thirteenth Amendment abolished slavery, and raised the
+representation of the negroes in the South from the old three-fifths
+ratio to par. Every State would come back with more Representatives than
+it had had before the war, and with the aid of Northern Democrats it was
+not unlikely that a control of Congress might be obtained.</p>
+
+<p>To Northern Republicans it was unreasonable that the conquered South
+should be rewarded instead of punished, and that any theory of
+reconstruction should risk bringing into power the party that Union men,
+headed by Lincoln, had defeated in 1864. Politicians, interested in the
+spoils of office, were enraged at the thought of losing them.
+Disinterested Northerners, who had sacrificed much to save the Union,
+believed it unsafe at once to hand it over to a combination of peace
+Democrats and former "rebels." Yet this was Johnson's plan, and
+Congress, with radical Republicans in control, set about to prevent it.</p>
+
+<p>Although Johnson, as President, controlled the patronage, Congress
+possessed the power, if not the moral right, to limit him in its use. No
+appointment could be made without the consent of the Senate, which was
+Republican. In 1867 Congress enacted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> that no removal should be made
+without the same consent, in a Tenure-of-Office Bill that brought the
+dispute to a climax. More important than this power of concurrence was
+the exclusive right of each house to judge of "the elections, returns,
+and qualifications" of its own members. So long as the Southern Senators
+and Representatives were out of Congress no power could get them in
+without the consent of either house. Violent advisers of the President
+argued that a Congress excluding the members of eleven States by
+prearrangement was a "rump," and without authority, but they failed to
+influence either the conduct of the majority or the acts of Johnson.</p>
+
+<p>In the Thirty-ninth Congress, which sat in 1865 and 1866, it was the
+problem of the leaders, Charles Sumner in the Senate and Thaddeus
+Stevens in the House, to hold the party together and to block the
+designs of the President. In the House, the heavy Republican majority
+made this easy. In the Senate the majority was slighter, and could be
+kept at two thirds only by unseating a Democratic Senator from New
+Jersey, after which event both houses were able to defy Johnson and to
+pass measures over his veto. The vetoes began when Johnson refused his
+consent to the Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Rights Bills. These and
+all other important acts of reconstruction were forced upon the
+President by the two-thirds vote.</p>
+
+<p>The split, so far as founded upon honest divergence in legal theory, was
+embarrassing. It was made disgraceful by the violence of the radical
+Republicans and the intemperate retorts of Johnson. In 1866<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> Congress
+sent the Fourteenth Amendment to the States for ratification. In 1867 it
+passed its bills for actual reconstruction under the control of the army
+of the United States, and defied Johnson to interfere by refusing to
+allow him to remove officials from office.</p>
+
+<p>Johnson carried himself through the partisan struggle with ability and
+success. His language was often extreme, but he enforced the acts which
+Congress passed as vigorously as if they had been his own. So far as any
+theory of the Constitution met the facts of reconstruction, his has the
+advantage, but in a situation not foreseen by the Constitution force
+outranked logic, and the radical Republicans with two-thirds in each
+house possessed the force. There was no lapse in the President's
+diligence and no flaw in his official character which his enemies could
+use. They began to talk of impeachment in 1866, but could find no basis
+for it.</p>
+
+<p>The Tenure-of-Office Act furnished the pretext for impeachment. Advised
+by his Attorney-General that it was unconstitutional, Johnson dismissed
+the Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, for whose protection the law had
+been passed. In removing Stanton he broke with Grant, commanding the
+army, over a question of veracity, and gave to Congress its chance. In
+February, 1868, the House of Representatives voted to impeach him.</p>
+
+<p>The trial of Andrew Johnson before the Senate dragged through April and
+May. The articles of impeachment were long and detailed in their
+description of the unquestioned bad manners of the Presi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>dent, but the
+only specific violation of law cited was in the case of Stanton, and
+here it could be urged both that the law was unconstitutional and that
+it was so loosely drawn that it did not really cover this case. In
+brief, it was the policy of Johnson that was on trial, and it was
+finally impossible to persuade two-thirds of the Senators that this
+constituted a high crime or a misdemeanor. The President was acquitted
+in the middle of May, while the Republican party turned to the more
+hopeful work of electing his successor.</p>
+
+<p>In the fight over Johnson party lines had been strengthened and defined
+so that no Unionist, not in sympathy with congressional reconstruction,
+could hope for the nomination. No other issue equaled this in strength.
+The greenback issue was condemned in a plank that denounced "all forms
+of repudiation as a national crime," but ran second to the basis of
+reconstruction. No other candidate than Ulysses S. Grant was considered
+at the Chicago Convention.</p>
+
+<p>Few men have emerged from deserved obscurity to deserved prominence as
+rapidly as General Grant. In 1861 he was a retired army officer, and a
+failure. In 1863, as the victor at Fort Donelson and at Vicksburg, he
+loomed up in national proportions. In the hammering of 1864 and 1865 it
+was his persistence and moral courage that won the day. In 1868, as
+commander of the army, and fortunate in his quarrel with Johnson, he was
+the coveted candidate of both parties, for he had no politics. Held by
+his associations to the Republican leaders, he was nominated at Chicago
+on the first ballot, with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, as his
+Vice-President.</p>
+
+<p>The nomination of Grant occurred as the impeachment trial was drawing to
+a close. Before Congress adjourned it readmitted several of the Southern
+States that had been restored under the control of Republican
+majorities. Tennessee was already back; the new States were North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, and
+Arkansas. Only three States remained under provisional control when
+Grant was elected in November and seated in the following March. As he
+took the oath of office there were few, North, South, or West, who did
+not rejoice in his election; he had defeated the Greenback pretension,
+which endeared him to the East; the West remembered that he had been
+born and bred in the Mississippi Valley; and to the South he presented
+the clean hands of the regular army officer, and the welcome promise of
+his letter of acceptance, "Let us have peace."</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>For general accounts of the Far West in this period consult K. Coman,
+Economic <i>Beginnings of the Far West</i> (2 vols., 1912), and F.L. Paxson,
+<i>The Last American Frontier</i> (1910). These should be supplemented by
+E.L. Bogart, <i>Economic History of the United States</i> (1907), K. Coman,
+<i>Industrial History of the United States</i> (2d ed., 1910), W.A. Scott,
+<i>The Repudiation of State Debts</i> (1893), and W.C. Mitchell, <i>History of
+the Greenbacks</i>. The more valuable memoirs include H. McCulloch, <i>Men
+and Measures of Half a Century</i> (1888), and J.G. Blaine, <i>Twenty Years
+of Congress</i> (2 vols., 1884). A brilliant analysis of the financial
+interests of the debtor sections is M.S. Wildman, <i>Money Inflation in
+the United States</i> (1905). Rhodes con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span>tinues to furnish a comprehensive
+narrative, and is paralleled by the shorter W.A. Dunning,
+<i>Reconstruction, Political and Economic, 1865-1877</i> (in <i>The American
+Nation</i>, vol. 22, 1907). A detailed account of impeachment politics is
+in D.M. DeWitt, <i>Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson</i> (1903), and in
+J.A. Woodburn, <i>The Life of Thaddeus Stevens</i> (1913). J.P. Davis, <i>The
+Union Pacific Railway</i> (1894), is the standard account of the early
+movement for a continental railroad. S.L. Clemens (Mark Twain) presents
+a vivid picture of frontier life in <i>Roughing It</i> (1872), while A.B.
+Paine, <i>Mark Twain</i> (3 vols., 1912), contains much material of general
+historical interest for this period.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE RESTORATION OF HOME RULE IN THE SOUTH<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The eight Southern States whose votes were cast in 1868 were far
+different from the States of the same names in 1860, and were, like the
+three still outside the Union, largely under the control of radical
+Republicans. Restoration, after a fashion, they had received, but it had
+been accompanied by a revolution in society, in politics, and in
+economic life. "Reconstruction" is an inappropriate name for what took
+place.</p>
+
+<p>Many efforts have been made to show the price paid by the South for its
+attempt at independence, but these have always failed to be exact. No
+scheme of accounting can uncover all the costs. It is a sufficient
+suggestion as to the total that a million men, at the prime of life,
+were diverted from ordinary production for about three years. Not only
+did the South lose the products of their labor, but it lost many of
+them, while its houses, barns, and other permanent improvements wore
+out, were burned, or went to pieces from lack of care. Its slave
+property was destroyed. Poverty was universal within the region of the
+Confederacy when Johnson issued his amnesty proclamation and the troops
+came home.</p>
+
+<p>The most immediate problems before the Southern planter in the spring of
+1865 were his dilapidated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> buildings, his spring crops, and his labor
+supply. Without money or credit, he needed all the stiffness of a proud
+caste to hold off bankruptcy. The daughter of a prominent Mississippi
+planter told later how her father, at seventy years, did the family
+washing to keep his daughters from the tub. A society whose men and
+women took this view of housework (for the daughters let their father
+have his way) had much to learn before it could re&euml;stablish itself. Yet
+this same stubbornness carried the South through the twenty trying years
+after the war.</p>
+
+<p>The system of slave labor was gone, but the negroes were still the chief
+reliance for labor. It appears from the scanty records that are
+available that the planters expected to reopen the plantations using the
+freedmen as hired laborers. In 1865 and 1866 they tried this, only to
+find that the negro had got beyond control and would not work.
+Supervision had become hateful to him. A vagrant life appealed to his
+desire for change. At best, he was unintelligent and indolent. In a few
+years it became clear that the old type of plantation had vanished, and
+that the substitute was far from satisfactory.</p>
+
+<p>Failing at hiring the negro for wages, the planter tried to rent to him
+a part of the estate. But since the tenant was penniless the landlord
+had to find much or all of the tools and stock, and too often had to see
+the crops deserted while the negro went riding around the county on his
+mule, full of his new independence. The census records show the decline
+of the plantation as the labor system changed. In 1860 the average
+American farm contained 199 acres,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> while those of the eleven seceding
+States ranged in average from 245 in Arkansas, to 430 in Georgia, and
+591 in Texas. All were far above the national average, for the economics
+of the plantation system impelled the owner ever to increase his
+holdings. In 1870, and again in 1880, the reports show a rapid decline.
+The average for the whole country went down from 199 to 134 acres in the
+twenty years, as intensive agriculture advanced, but the South declined
+more rapidly than the whole, and in 1880, in all but two States, the
+average farm was less than half its size before the Civil War.</p>
+
+<p>The vagrant, shiftless freedman was a social problem as well as
+economic. To fix his new status was the effort of the legislatures that
+convened in 1865, under the control of those who had qualified as loyal
+in Johnson's scheme. In several States laws were passed relating to
+contracts, apprenticeship, and vagrancy, under which the negro was to be
+held to regular work and the employer was given the right to punish him.
+The laws represented the opinion of the white citizens that special
+provisions were needed to control and regulate the negro population now
+that the personal bond of the owner for the good behavior of his slaves
+was canceled. To the North, still excited and nervous in 1865, the laws
+appeared to embody an overt attempt to restore the essentials of
+slavery. They served to embitter Congress toward Johnson's plans, and to
+convince Republicans that the professed loyalty of former Confederates
+was hypocritical,&mdash;that these must not be permitted to return at once to
+federal office or to Congress.</p>
+
+<p>It <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span>was not until the summer of 1867 that Congress substituted
+governments of its own design for those which Johnson had erected by
+proclamation. These, meanwhile, had proceeded to revise their
+constitutions and to adopt the Thirteenth Amendment, which was
+proclaimed as part of the Constitution in December, 1865. The direct
+hand of Congress was shown in the strengthening of the Freedmen's Bureau
+in the spring of 1866, and the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment in
+the following summer.</p>
+
+<p>The Freedmen's Bureau had its excuse in the poverty and ignorance of the
+negroes who crowded about the invading armies. Toward the end of the war
+it was authorized to administer abandoned property, and to aid the
+freedmen in farming upon the same. It did wide charitable and
+educational work in easing the abrupt change from slavery to freedom,
+and would have been dissolved a year after the return of peace had not
+Congress maintained it to offset the tendencies of Johnson's
+administration. Hereafter the agents of the Bureau were thrown into
+politics until 1872.</p>
+
+<p>The permanent government of the conquered South by the army was
+repugnant to even radical Northerners, yet the white inhabitants were
+Democratic almost to the last man, and if restored to civil rights would
+control their States. The only means of developing a Southern Republican
+party that might keep the South "loyal" was the enfranchisement of the
+freedman, for which purpose the Fourteenth Amendment was submitted. The
+agents of the Bureau were expected not only to feed and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> clothe the
+negroes, but to impress upon them the fact that they owed their freedom
+to the Republicans. Some spread the belief that the Democrats desired to
+restore slavery. Many built up personal machines. The responsibility
+upon these white directors of the negro vote was great, and was too
+often betrayed. Generally not natives, and with no stake in the Southern
+community, they lined their own pockets and earned the unkindly name of
+"carpet-baggers." The Territories had always known something of this
+type of ruler, but the States, hitherto, had known bad government only
+when they made it themselves.</p>
+
+<p>The Reconstruction Acts of 1867 ordered the President to divide the
+South into five military districts, whose commanders should supersede
+all the state officers whom Johnson had restored. With troops behind
+them, these commanders were, first, to enroll on the voting list all
+males over twenty-one. The negroes, before the adoption of the
+Fourteenth Amendment, were thus given by Congress the right to vote in
+their respective States, and were included in the lists. Excluded from
+the lists were the leaders of every Southern community, those whites who
+had held important office in the Confederacy; and none was to be
+enrolled, white or black, until he had taken an ironclad and offensive
+oath of allegiance.</p>
+
+<p>Based upon the list of voters thus made up, state conventions were to be
+summoned to revise the constitutions. In every case they must modify the
+laws to admit the status of the freedmen, must ratify the Fourteenth
+Amendment with its guaranty of civil rights, and must extend the right
+of suffrage to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> blacks. When all these things had been done, with
+army officers constantly in supervision, the resulting constitutions
+were to be submitted to Congress for final approval or rejection.</p>
+
+<p>No constitutional theory ever met all the problems of reconstruction.
+The war had been fought on the basis that no State can get out of the
+Union. If this was true, then all the States were still States, and it
+was a reasonable presidential function to restore order and withdraw the
+troops. The unreasonable result of this theory was the immediate
+restoration of an enlarged influence to those very men who had tried to
+break the Union, at a moment when the greenback movement threatened the
+foundations of public faith. Yet Congress, by pretending to readmit or
+restore States, denied that they were still States, and by implication
+conceded the principle for which the Confederacy had contended: that the
+members of the Union could get outside it. The power of Congress to seat
+or unseat members, however, placed it beyond all control. Every effort
+to get the courts to interfere broke down, when the suits were directed
+against the President (Mississippi <i>vs.</i> Andrew Johnson), or the
+Secretary of War (Georgia <i>vs.</i> Stanton). A personal suit that promised
+some relief (<i>Ex parte</i> McCardle) was evaded by a sudden amendment of
+the law relating to appeals. The situation was unpremeditated, and the
+Constitution made no provision for its facts. In the end, reconstruction
+must be judged by its results rather than by its legality. If it brought
+peace, restored prosperity, safeguarded the Union, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> created no new
+grievances of its own, it was good, whatever the Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Johnson enforced the Reconstruction Acts with care, and the Southern
+conventions, meeting in the autumn of 1867, sat into the following
+winter. In five of the States the roll of electors showed a majority of
+negroes, and in none were conservatives able to control the election of
+delegates. The old leaders were still disfranchised, and many of them
+could not believe that the North would permit the radicals to subject
+them to the control of illiterate negroes. The resulting conventions
+contained many negroes and were dominated by white Republicans,
+carpet-baggers, or scalawags as the case might be. An active part in
+directing them was taken by the officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, while
+the freedmen were consolidated by the secret ritual of the Union League.
+Only Tennessee escaped the ordeal, she having ratified the Fourteenth
+Amendment so promptly that Congress could not evade admitting her in
+1866.</p>
+
+<p>An analysis of the conventions of 1867 reveals the extent of the
+political revolution which Congress intended to thrust upon the South,
+whose industrial revolution was now well advanced. Planters had begun
+already to break up their estates and entrust small holdings to cash
+renters, or share tenants, known as "croppers." Their financial burdens
+were heavy, but with intelligent government and reasonable commercial
+credits from the North, the problems of labor and capital might be met.
+But the men who must control the economic future of the South<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> were
+excluded from the Government as traitors. Their places were filled by
+Northern adventurers and by negroes. The Mississippi convention included
+seventeen negroes, and was called the "black and tan." Inexperience and
+incompetence were in control, leading to extravagance and dishonesty,
+but the conventions were generally superior to the legislatures which
+followed them.</p>
+
+<p>Framing new constitutions, most of the States had met the demands of
+Congress by the summer of 1868, with the respectable portion of the
+South looking on in desperate silence. The war had left no grievances
+equal to those now being suffered. Seven of the new constitutions were
+adopted in time for the radicals to give to their States votes in the
+election of 1868. Alabama, making the eighth, was allowed to vote under
+a constitution which Congress had forced upon her after it had failed of
+ratification by the people. Only Georgia and Louisiana, of these eight,
+did not give their votes to Grant. Only Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas
+remained without the pale when Grant was inaugurated in 1869.</p>
+
+<p>The completion of reconstruction in its formal sense was reached during
+Grant's first Congress. Mississippi completed her process in February,
+1870. She had in 1868 voted down the reconstruction constitution, taking
+courage in the leadership of a conservative governor, Humphreys. When he
+was removed, and replaced by a Northern governor, the conservatives lost
+heart and ratified the constitution that they had rejected. Their delay
+cost the State one more humiliation, since in the interval the
+Fifteenth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> Amendment had been submitted by Congress and made a condition
+of readmission for the recalcitrant States. A Republican legislature,
+the first fruit of reconstruction, accepted this and sent to Washington
+as the new Mississippi Senators the Northern military governor, Ames,
+and a negro preacher named Revels.</p>
+
+<p>Virginia was readmitted in January, 1870. Her original loyal government
+under Pierpont, which Lincoln had respected, had been supplanted by a
+military r&eacute;gime, having lost its last chance for recognition when it
+rejected the Fourteenth Amendment in 1867. Under congressional direction
+a negro-radical convention made a new constitution which was forced upon
+the people in January, 1870. Texas, too, was in her final stage of
+restoration in 1870, and like Virginia and Mississippi was readmitted
+upon conditions that had become more onerous since the passage of the
+Reconstruction Acts in 1867.</p>
+
+<p>Eleven States, all the old Confederacy, had been restored by the spring
+of 1870; but one, Georgia, was ejected after restoration, and thus
+became the last item in congressional reconstruction. In 1868 Georgia
+had ratified her new constitution and moved her capital from its
+ante-bellum location at Milledgeville to the new town growing upon the
+ashes of Atlanta. She had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, but her
+first legislature had so poorly read the meaning of Congress that it
+expelled every negro whom the radicals had elected to membership.
+Congress had thereupon declined to seat the Georgia delegation at
+Washington, and had renewed the pro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span>bationary period until the
+legislature, humbled and browbeaten, had undone the expulsion, whereupon
+Georgia received her final recognition.</p>
+
+<p>The arbitrary acts of Congress, passed by the radicals over the
+unvarying vetoes of Johnson, find little sanction in the Constitution,
+but it is to be expected that the laws should suffer in a time of war.
+Congress held off the day of restoration until it saw in the South what
+its majority believed to be loyal governments. Its majority could not
+believe that any party but its own was loyal, and was thus led to a
+policy much more debatable than that of actual reconstruction. Step by
+step it moved. The abolition of slavery, in the Thirteenth Amendment
+(effective December 18, 1865), was expected by all and accepted without
+a fight. The next amendment, inspired by a fear that the freedmen would
+be oppressed and by a hope that they might be converted into a political
+ally of the Republicans, was submitted to the States before the
+Reconstruction Acts were passed, and was proclaimed as part of the
+Constitution July 28, 1868. Only compulsion upon the Southern States
+procured its ratification. It left negro suffrage optional with the
+States, but threatened them with a reduction in representation in
+Congress if they refrained from granting it. In the Southern States
+Congress had already planted a negro electorate by law. The Fifteenth
+Amendment forbade the denial of the right to vote on grounds of race,
+color, or previous condition of servitude, and was not submitted to the
+States until after the inauguration of General Grant. A fear that the
+South would disfranchise the freedmen,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> pay the price, and revert to
+Democratic control seems to have been the prime motive in its adoption.
+When it was proclaimed, March 30, 1870, the radical Republicans had done
+everything in their power to save themselves, and had inflicted on the
+conquered States, in malice, ignorance, or mistaken philanthropy, a
+condition that in the North, with its trifling number of negroes, was
+tolerated with reluctance.</p>
+
+<p>The South was in name completely restored in 1870, but neither
+restoration nor reconstruction was in fact far advanced. In the latter
+process it was yet clearing away the wreckage of the institution of
+slavery, breaking up the plantations, devising new systems of tenure and
+wage, rebuilding the material equipment that the war had left desolate.
+The former process was only commenced. It was unthinkable that an
+American community should permit itself to remain subject to the
+absolute control of its least respected members, yet this was the aim of
+white disfranchisement and negro suffrage. Law or no law, the
+restoration of the South was not complete until its government was back
+in the control of its responsible white population.</p>
+
+<p>Almost without exception, until 1870, the Southern State Governments
+were what Congress had chosen to make them. Their Senators and
+Representatives in Congress were Republican, commonly of the carpet-bag
+variety. Their governors, administrative officers, and legislatures were
+Republican, too. Rarely were they persons of property or standing in
+their communities, and often, as their records show, they were both
+black and illiterate. Had all possessed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> good intentions they could
+hardly have hoped to meet the local needs, which called for a wise
+revision of law in order that the community might recover and live. That
+their work should be accompanied by error and waste was inevitable.</p>
+
+<p>From the contemporary accounts of travelers in the South, from public
+documents, from the growing body of Southern biography and reminiscence,
+it is easy to gather a mass of detail upon the extravagance of the
+Reconstruction Governments. Printing bills and salary lists rose without
+a corresponding increase in service done. When expenditures exceeded the
+revenues, loans were created carelessly and recklessly. For negroes,
+only a few months out of the cotton-field, there was an irresistible
+attraction in the plush carpets, the mahogany desks, and the imported
+cuspidors that the taxpayers might be forced to provide for the comfort
+of their servants. A free and continuous lunch, with ample food and
+drink, was set up in one of the capitols. Gratuitous waste was the least
+of the burdens inflicted upon the South.</p>
+
+<p>It is unreasonable to lay all the corruption of the Reconstruction
+Governments to the account of the congressional policy. The period of
+the Civil War was one of abuse of power by local officials everywhere.
+It took a Tweed in New York to drive a Northern public to revolt, and a
+Nast to focus public attention upon the crime. In other States, where
+rogues were less brutal in their methods, or prosecutors less acute, the
+evil ran, not unnoticed but unchecked. In the South the same phenomena
+were resented with greater vigor than in the North be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span>cause the crimes
+were more openly and clumsily committed, and because they were the work
+of "outsiders."</p>
+
+<p>Deliberate theft of public money was so common as to occasion no
+surprise. In no State were books so kept that the modern student can be
+sure he knows where all the money went. Graft in contracts, fraud in the
+administration of schools and negro-relief schemes, sale of charters and
+votes, illegal issues of bonds, improvident loans to railroads, combined
+to enrich the office-holder and to increase the volume of public debts.
+A long series of repudiations of these debts injured Southern credit for
+many years. South Carolina occasioned the most vivid description of the
+orgy in a book entitled <i>The Prostrate State</i>, by a Maine abolitionist
+and Republican, named Pike; but several other States would have
+furnished similar materials to a similar historian.</p>
+
+<p>So far as law was concerned, the South was helpless in those regions in
+which the negroes approached a majority. The military garrisons which
+Congress kept on duty saw to it that the freedmen were protected, yet
+were unable in the long run to control the white population. It is a
+vexed question whether negro violence or white was the first to appear,
+but by 1867 events had begun to point the way to the elimination of
+negro control by force or fraud. By law it could not be destroyed unless
+the whites struggled and argued for negro votes, treating the negroes as
+citizens and equals, which was generally as impossible as an acceptance
+of their control.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Ku-Klux Klan was a secret movement, with slight organization, that
+appeared earliest in Tennessee, but spread to nearly every crossroads in
+the South. It began in the hazing of negroes and carpet-baggers who were
+insolent or offensive to their neighbors. Its members rode by night, in
+mask, with improvised pomp and ritual, and played as much upon the
+imagination of their victims as upon their bodies. Frequently it
+revenged private grievances and went to extremes of violence or murder.
+From hazing it was an easy step to intimidation at election time, the
+Ku-Klux Klan proving to be an efficient means of reducing the negro
+vote. It was so efficient, indeed, that Grant asked and Congress voted,
+in 1871, special powers for the policing of the South. In this summer a
+committee of Congress visited Southern centers and accumulated a great
+mass of testimony from which a picture of both the Ku-Klux Klan outrages
+and the workings of reconstruction may easily be drawn. The reign of
+terror subsided by 1872, but it had done much to dissuade the negro from
+using his new right, and had started the movement for home rule in the
+South.</p>
+
+<p>That the normal politics of the South was Democratic is shown by the
+votes of the border States, where a population of freedmen had to be
+assimilated and Congress could not interfere. Delaware, Maryland, and
+Kentucky voted against Grant in 1868, although all the restored
+Confederate States but two voted for him. In Georgia the Democrats
+swallowed their pride, electioneered among the negroes, and elected a
+conservative State Government in 1870.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> Tennessee escaped negro
+domination from the start. Virginia, late to be readmitted, had
+consolidated her white population as she watched the troubles in South
+Carolina and Mississippi, and never elected a radical administration. In
+North Carolina, after a fight that approached a civil war, a Democratic
+State Government was chosen in 1870. The rest of the Confederate States
+followed as opportunity offered; after 1872 the process was rapid, and
+after 1876 there was no Republican administration in the old South. The
+Republican party, itself, almost disappeared from the South at this
+time. A bare organization, largely manned by negroes, endured to enjoy
+the offices which a Republican National Administration could bestow, and
+to contribute pliant delegations to the national conventions of the
+party. But the South had become solid in the sense that its votes were
+recorded almost automatically for the Democratic ticket.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus07.jpg"><img src="images/illus08.jpg" alt='south' /> </a>
+ <a id='illus08' name='illus08'></a>
+</p>
+<p class='center'>THE SOLID SOUTH 1880-1912<br />
+<small> Click on image for larger version</small></p>
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p class='center'>[Within the shaded area every electoral vote was cast for the Democratic
+presidential candidate between 1880 and 1892; since 1892 the heavily
+shaded area has continued solidly Democratic, while the border States
+have occasionally cast Republican votes.]</p></div>
+
+<p>Force and fraud played a large part in the restoration of white control,
+but it could not have been effective without some connivance from the
+North. Before 1872 the keenness of Northern radicalism was blunted.
+Thoughtful Republicans began to examine their work and criticize it. "We
+can never reconstruct the South," wrote Lowell, "except through its own
+leading men, nor ever hope to have them on our side till we make it for
+their interest and compatible with their honor to be so." A social order
+which needed the constant support of troops lost the confidence of
+political independents. These, as the presidential campaign of 1872 drew
+near, openly expressed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> their hostility to reconstruction as carried out
+by Grant, and threatened to prevent his re&euml;lection.</p>
+
+<p>The first term of Grant ended unsatisfactorily. His appointments to
+office were marked by favoritism and incapacity. He appointed the only
+really inferior man who has ever represented the United States in
+London,&mdash;one who thought it not incompatible with his high office to
+publish a treatise on draw-poker, and to appear as bellwether in a
+mining prospectus. Grant's personal intimates included shifty
+financiers. Corruption and misgovernment at the South were held against
+him, though Congress was properly to blame for them. Only in his stand
+for honest finance, his effort to improve the Indian service, and his
+conclusion of the disputes with Great Britain, could his supporters take
+great pride.</p>
+
+<p>The settlement with England was his greatest achievement. Since the
+summer of 1862, when the Alabama had evaded the British officials and
+had gone to sea, the American Minister in London had continued to press
+for damages. The Alabama claims were based on the assertion that the law
+of neutrals required Great Britain to prevent any hostile vessel from
+starting, in her waters, upon a cruise against the United States. In the
+face of official rebuff and popular sneers Charles Francis Adams
+formulated the claims. His successor, Reverdy Johnson, reached a sort of
+settlement which the Senate declined to ratify, and which Sumner
+denounced. It was Sumner's contention that the Civil War was prolonged
+by British aid and that a demand for national dam<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span>ages (perhaps
+$2,000,000,000, or Canada, by way of substitute) ought to be advanced.
+So tense did the international situation become in 1869 and 1870 that
+friends of peace were frightened. Boundaries, fisheries, and general
+claims aggravated the situation, which was given into the hands of a
+Joint High Commission, hastily summoned to meet in Washington in 1870.
+The resulting Treaty of Washington, and the successful arbitrations
+which followed it, eliminated Sumner's extreme contention but vindicated
+the main American claims and founded Anglo-American relations on a more
+secure basis than they had ever known. It was Grant's great triumph, but
+it was a political danger as well, for the negotiator in charge, Charles
+Francis Adams, loomed up as the possible presidential candidate of the
+Republican dissenters.</p>
+
+<p>The Liberal Republicans included the enemies of Grant as well as
+dissatisfied reformers of all sorts. Carl Schurz, the great
+German-American independent, was their leader. Horace Greeley, whose
+<i>Tribune</i> had done much to make the Republican party possible, gave them
+his support. Charles Francis Adams was not indifferent to them. Salmon
+P. Chase wanted their nomination. Young newspaper men, like Whitelaw
+Reid and Henry Watterson, tried to control them. And the new group of
+civil service reformers, disappointed in Grant, hoped that the new party
+would take a step toward better government. At Cincinnati, in May, 1872,
+they met in mass convention, and nominated Horace Greeley and Gratz
+Brown. Their platform denounced Republican re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span>construction, urged the
+return to self-government in the South, and advocated civil service
+reform, specie payments, and maintenance of public credit. The schism
+became more threatening when the Democrats saw a chance through fusion,
+and nominated the same candidates at Baltimore in July.</p>
+
+<p>No quainter political figure has appeared in America than Horace
+Greeley, thus transferred from his editorial office to the stump. Long
+used to the freedom of the press, he had advocated many things in his
+lifetime, had examined and exploited unpopular social reforms, had
+contradicted himself and retraced his tracks repeatedly. The biting
+cartoons of Nast exploited all these; but no contrast was so absurd as
+that which brought to the great denouncer of slavery and the South the
+support of the party of the South.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican Convention renominated Grant at Philadelphia without
+opposition, refused Colfax a second term, and picked Henry Wilson for
+Vice-President. Its platform, as in 1868, was retrospective, taking
+pride in its great achievements and assuming full credit for the war,
+reconstruction, and financial honor. It offered its ticket to all the
+States for the first time since 1860, and elected Grant with ease. The
+inharmonious Democrat-Liberal-Republican alliance increased the
+Republican majority, but the returns from the South confirmed the
+suspicion that home rule was in sight.</p>
+
+<p>Restored completely to themselves, four years later, the Southern
+Governments ceased to play much part in national affairs and continued
+the economic rebuilding of their region. It was thirty<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> years after the
+war before the South, in population and business, had recovered from its
+devastation, and even then it was far from subordinating its local
+politics to national issues.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The writings of Rhodes and Dunning contain the best comprehensive
+accounts of political reconstruction. For greater detail, the series of
+doctoral dissertations on reconstruction in the several States, directed
+by Professor Dunning and printed generally in the Columbia University
+Studies, has great value. In W.L. Fleming, <i>Documentary History of
+Reconstruction</i> (2 vols., 1906), important selections from the sources
+have been printed; the same writer's <i>Civil War and Reconstruction in
+Alabama</i> (1905) is the best account of the process in a single State.
+J.A. Woodburn, <i>Thaddeus Stevens</i>, is useful. The old and new economic
+systems of the South receive their keenest interpretation in the works
+of U.B. Phillips and A.H. Stone. The <i>Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia</i> continues
+valuable; the Report of the Ku-Klux Committee is invaluable (42d
+Congress, 2d Session, Senate Report, No. 41, 13 vols.). <i>Harper's
+Weekly</i>, which supported Grant in 1872, was the most prominent journal
+of the period. C.F. Adams, Jr., has contributed to the diplomatic
+history of these years his <i>Charles Francis Adams</i> (1900, in American
+Statesmen Series), and his "Treaty of Washington" (in <i>Lee and
+Appomattox</i>, 1902). Elaborate details of the arbitrations are in J.B.
+Moore, <i>History and Digest of the International Arbitrations to which
+the United States has been a Party</i> (6 vols., 1898). An interesting
+series of recollections of reconstruction events, by Watterson, Reid,
+Edmunds, and others, was printed in the <i>Century Magazine</i> during 1913.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE PANIC OF 1873<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>"Are not all the great communities of the Western World growing more
+corrupt as they grow in wealth?" asked a critical and thoughtful
+journalist, Edwin L. Godkin, in 1868, as he considered the relations of
+business and politics. He answered himself in the affirmative and found
+comrades in his pessimism throughout that intellectual class in whose
+achievements America has taken conscious pride. For at least ten years
+they despaired of the return of honesty. James Russell Lowell, decorated
+with the D.C.L. of Oxford, and honored everywhere in the world of
+letters, was filled with doubt and dismay as late as 1876, at "the
+degradation of the moral tone. Is it, or is it not," he asked, "a result
+of democracy? Is ours a 'government of the people by the people for the
+people,' or ... for the benefit of knaves at the cost of fools?"</p>
+
+<p>It was not without reason that serious men were fearful in the years in
+which military heroes dominated in politics, and in which commerce
+struggled with its revolution. Had they foreseen the course of the next
+generation, noted the progress of new ideas in government, the extension
+of philanthropy and social relief, and the passion for education that
+swept the country, they need not have despaired. Godkin,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> himself, could
+not have made a living from his <i>Nation</i>, with its high ideals, its
+criticism, and its despondency, in a land that was wholly rotten. The
+young college presidents of the period could not have found a livelihood
+in a country that was not fundamentally sound. At Harvard, Charles
+William Eliot broke down the old technique of culture and enlarged its
+range; at Michigan, James Burrill Angell proved it possible to maintain
+sound, scholarly, and non-political education, in a public institution
+supported by taxation; in a new university a private benefactor, Johns
+Hopkins, gave to Daniel Coit Gilman a chance to show that creative
+scholarship can flourish in a democracy. But the essential soundness of
+the Republic was as much obscured in 1868 as its wealth had been in
+1861, and for the present the objects on the surface, brought there by
+violent convulsion, represented its less creditable part.</p>
+
+<p>The years of Grant's Presidency were filled with unsightly episodes,
+that were scandalous then and have been discouraging always. In his
+first year of office, Jay Gould and James Fisk, tempted by the premium
+on gold, tried to corner the market, and Grant's public association with
+the speculators brought upon him fair reproach. Tweed, exposed and
+jailed after a long fight, revealed the close alliance between crooked
+politics and business in the cities, and became a national disgrace.
+Less prominent than these but far from proper were Schenck and Fr&eacute;mont.
+The latter was arrested in France, charged with promoting a railroad on
+the strength of land grants that did not exist. He had been close to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span>
+the old Republican organization, and the figurehead of the radicals in
+1864, so that his notoriety was great. Schenck, while Minister in
+London, posed as director of a mining company, and borrowed from the
+promoters of the scheme the money with which he bought his shares. When
+the company proved insolvent, and perhaps fraudulent, Grant was forced
+to recall him. Critics who saw dishonesty or low ethical standards in
+these men were ready to see in the carnival of the Reconstruction
+Governments wholesale proofs of decadence.</p>
+
+<p>During the campaign of 1872 yet another item was added to the unpleasant
+list. Letters were made public showing how Congressmen had taken pay, or
+its equivalent, from men behind the Union Pacific Railroad. The scandal
+of the Cr&eacute;dit Mobilier touched men in all walks of life, beginning with
+Schuyler Colfax, Vice-President of the United States, including Blaine,
+Allison, and Garfield, Wilson and Dawes, and other men who no longer
+held office. Some of these denied the charges and proved their
+innocence. But none entirely escaped the suspicion that their sense of
+official propriety was low, and their list sampled the Republican party
+at all its levels. One of the victims, Colfax, talked freely in 1870 of
+gifts received&mdash;a carriage from a Congressman and horses from an express
+company.</p>
+
+<p>In 1872 the notorious Butler aimed at the governorship of Massachusetts.
+He failed to get the Republican nomination, but the strength of his
+candidacy showed the uncritical devotion of many voters to success. He
+resumed his seat in Congress,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> unabashed, and put through an act
+properly increasing the salaries of Washington officials, but applying
+also to the men who voted for it and to the session just ending. Its
+makers went home to explain their part in the "salary grab" to their
+constituents, and many never returned to Congress.</p>
+
+<p>Other improprieties of the first Administration of Grant came to light
+in his second term. His Secretary of War, Belknap, confessed to the sale
+of offices. In the Treasury Department were uncovered the whiskey frauds
+which tainted even Grant's private secretary. And the Speaker of the
+House, Blaine, was shown to have urged a railroad company to recognize
+his official aid, promising not to be a "deadhead in the enterprise" in
+its future service.</p>
+
+<p>There is no better illustration of the commercial ethics of the sixties
+than may be found in the letters of Jay Cooke, philanthropist and
+financier. With a lively and sincere piety, and an unrestrained
+generosity, he at once extended hospitalities to the political leaders
+of the day, carried their private speculations on his books, and
+performed official services to the Government. It was impossible to tell
+where his public service ended and his private emolument began, but
+there was nothing in his life of which he was ashamed. A friend of
+General Grant, and liberal patron of his children, Cooke was actually
+entertaining the President at his country home just outside of
+Philadelphia when the failure of his banking house precipitated the
+panic of 1873.</p>
+
+<p>There had been financial uneasiness abroad and in the United States for
+several months, but few had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> anticipated the collapse of credit that
+followed the suspension of Jay Cooke and Company, September 18, 1873. If
+this house failed, none could be regarded as safe. Jay Cooke had
+established his reputation during the Civil War through his ability to
+find a market for United States bonds. After the war he had carried his
+activity and prestige into railways. In 1869 he had become the financial
+agent of the Northern Pacific, and customers, encouraged by their good
+bargains in the past, continued to invest through him as he directed.
+His personal followers, numerous and confident, had been taught to
+believe his credit as sound as that of the Government whose bonds he had
+handled. When he collapsed, overloaded with Northern Pacific securities,
+in which his confidence was enthusiastic, the panic was so acute that
+the New York Stock Exchange closed its doors for ten days, to prevent
+the ruinous prices that forced sales might have created. Thirty or more
+banking houses were drawn down by the crash within forty-eight hours.
+Others followed in all the business centers, while trade stood still
+through the paralysis of its banking agents.</p>
+
+<p>The distribution of the panic throughout the United States followed the
+usual course. In the first crisis, banking houses broke down, unable to
+meet the runs of their depositors or their original obligations. The
+depositors next, unable to secure their own funds or to obtain their
+usual loans, were driven to insolvency. After the failure of banks came
+that of railroads, the wholesale houses, and the factories. As these
+last defaulted, the loss was spread over their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> employees, their
+contractors, and their creditors. Confidence was everywhere destroyed.
+Investments were lost, or lessened, or put off indefinitely in their
+payments. After a few days the acute crisis was over, but the resulting
+depression brought stagnation to business. Industries marked time, at
+best; expansions were out of the question; new enterprises were not
+heard of. From 1873 until 1879 the United States was engaged in recovery
+from the injury which the panic had done and from the weakness which it
+had revealed.</p>
+
+<p>The panic, followed by five years of economic prostration, was only
+occasioned by the failure of Cooke. Its real causes lie throughout the
+period of Civil War expansion. Never had the daily necessities of the
+United States equaled its production, and the resulting surplus,
+available for permanent improvements, was larger than ever in the
+sixties because of the growing use of machinery. Funds for investment,
+produced at home and increased through the strong foreign credit of the
+United States, tempted and aided the speculative development of the
+North and West. Yearly greater sums were sunk in municipal improvements
+that brought in no return, or in railroads that were slow in paying, or
+in errors that were a dead loss. The loss from the Civil War was an
+added charge upon the surplus. Great fires in Boston and Chicago
+consumed more of it. By 1870 the United States was using surplus at a
+rate that threatened soon to exhaust it. When the limit should be
+reached, new enterprises must necessarily cease, and all that were not
+wisely planned must fall,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> dragging down others in their ruins. For
+months before the failure of Jay Cooke, business had been dangerously
+near this margin. His failure, caused by his inability to find a market
+for Northern Pacific, merely precipitated the inevitable crash.</p>
+
+<p>The faulty currency, outstanding since the war, and adding to the
+business uncertainty, now aggravated the panic when it broke. The
+greenbacks were slowly rising in value. They profited by the growing
+credit of the United States, and received a special increase because of
+the development of business. After 1865 business transactions grew in
+number and volume more rapidly than the amount of available money, and
+this, driven to greater activity in circulation, rose in value from the
+increased demand. As the purchasing value of the dollar increased,
+prices, measured by the greenbacks, necessarily fell, while the
+equivalent of every debt that had to be paid in a specified number of
+dollars as steadily rose. Indeed, so great was the increase of
+production from the new farms, reached by the new railroads, and
+supplying raw materials for the new factory processes, that prices fell,
+even when stated in terms of gold. In a period of falling prices and
+appreciating currency, the gap between the poor and the rich was
+widened. The debtor carried a growing burden while the creditor
+harvested an unearned increase. Persons who lived on fixed salary or
+income profited by the fluctuations, but commercial transactions were
+made more difficult for the debtor.</p>
+
+<p>The organized Greenback movement had figured in politics during the
+campaign of 1868, and made a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> special appeal to the debtor section
+during the hard times after 1873. The Republican Congress had, in 1869,
+sealed the professions of the party's platform by passing a resolution
+"to strengthen the public credit," in which it declared "that the faith
+of the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin or its
+equivalent," of the greenbacks, and that the United States would not
+take advantage of its creditors by paying off its "lawful-money" bonds
+in depreciated paper. All debts created before the war or during its
+early years had lost through depreciation, just as the later debts had
+gained through the reverse.</p>
+
+<p>Despite this pledge, advocates of greenback inflation, with Butler among
+their leaders, became more numerous in both parties after the panic, and
+an attempt was made to have Congress reverse itself. Grant's Secretary
+of the Treasury gave a new construction to the law by reissuing during
+the critical days of the panic some $26,000,000 of greenbacks that had
+been called in by McCulloch. He raised the total outstanding to
+$382,000,000, and Congress in 1874 passed a law increasing the amount to
+$400,000,000, in an act named by its opponents the "Inflation Bill." To
+the surprise of many, Grant sharply vetoed the act, adhering to his
+views of 1869 on the evils of an irredeemable paper currency. During the
+next winter John Sherman, Senator from Ohio, induced Congress to take a
+step in fulfillment of the guaranty which Grant had saved. On January
+14, 1875, it was provided that the Treasury should resume the payment of
+specie on demand on January 1, 1879.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Ultimately Congress was saved from the act of repudiation which the
+Greenbackers urged upon it, but while the movement flourished it added
+another to the catalogue of troubles with which men like Godkin and
+Lowell were distressed. Easterners, in general, had as little
+understanding of the West as they had had of the race problem in the
+South. They were disposed to attribute to inherent dishonesty the
+inflation movement, and to ignore the real economic grievance upon which
+it was founded. The suspicions directed against the ethical standards of
+the West were increased by the Granger movement, to which the panic gave
+volume and importance.</p>
+
+<p>Among the social phenomena of 1873-74 was the sudden emergence in the
+Northwest of a semi-secret, ritualistic society, calling itself the
+"Patrons of Husbandry," but popularly known as the "Grange." It was
+founded locally upon the soil, in farmers' clubs, or granges, at whose
+meetings the men talked politics, while their wives prepared a picnic
+supper and the children played outdoors. It had had a nominal existence
+since 1867, but during the panic it unexpectedly met a new need and grew
+rapidly, creating 1000 or more local granges a month, until at its
+maximum in 1874 it embraced perhaps 20,000 granges and 1,600,000
+persons. In theory the granges were grouped by States, which latter were
+consolidated in the National Grange; in fact, the movement was almost
+entirely confined to the region north of the Ohio River, and even to the
+district northwest of Chicago.</p>
+
+<p>Such a movement as the Grange, revealing a com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span>mon purpose over a wide
+area and in a great number of citizens, could not but affect party
+allegiance and the conduct of party leaders. Simultaneously with its
+development the legislatures of the Northwest&mdash;Illinois, Wisconsin, and
+Iowa&mdash;became restive under existing conditions, and assumed an attitude
+which became characteristic of the Grange,&mdash;one of hostility to
+railroads and their management. With the approval of the people, these
+States passed, between 1871 and 1874, a series of regulative acts
+respecting the railways, which were known at the start as the "Granger
+Laws," and which became a permanent contribution to American government.</p>
+
+<p>To Eastern opinion the Greenback movement had been barefaced
+repudiation; the Granger movement seemed to be confiscation; for every
+law provided a means by which public authority should fix the charge
+imposed by the railroad upon its customer. Both movements need to be
+studied in their local environment, which at least explains the Western
+zeal in clamoring for the greenbacks, and shows that in the Granger
+movement the West saw farther than it knew.</p>
+
+<p>The Civil War period marks a new era in the history of American
+railways. Prior to the panic of 1837, the few lines that were built were
+local. Few could foresee that the railway would ever be more than an
+adjunct to the turnpike and canal in bringing the city centers closer to
+their environs. In the revival of industry after the panic of 1837, the
+mileage increased progressively, and before the next panic checked
+business in 1857 the tidewater region<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> was well provided, and the
+Alleghanies had been crossed by several trunk lines whose heads extended
+to the Lakes and to the Mississippi. But in these years the change was
+of degree rather than of kind. The lines were built to supplement
+existing routes, like the Erie Canal, the Lakes, the Ohio River, or the
+Mississippi. They connected communities already well developed and
+prosperous, and in undertaking new enterprises promoters had figured
+upon capturing the profits of existing trade.</p>
+
+<p>In the new epoch of the sixties there were only new fields to conquer.
+The great enterprises were forced to speculate upon the development of
+the public domain and to find their profits in the business of
+communities to which they themselves gave birth. Natural waterways and
+roads extended little west of Chicago. The new fields were entered by
+the railroads without prospect of any competition but that of other
+railroads. The resulting communities, born and developed between 1857
+and 1873, were peculiarly the creatures of, and dependent on, the
+railway lines.</p>
+
+<p>This inevitable dependence on railways colored the history of Wisconsin,
+Iowa, and Minnesota, and, to a lesser degree, of all the West. While men
+were yet prosperous and sanguine and without adequate railway service,
+they offered high inducements to promoters of railways. Once the roads
+were built and the communities began to pay for them and to maintain
+them, the dependence was realized and anti-railway agitation began. The
+fact that they were commonly built on money borrowed from the East<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span>
+threw debtors and creditors into sectional classes injurious to both.</p>
+
+<p>The antagonism to railways was increased because these yet regarded
+their trade as private, to be conducted in secrecy, with transportation
+to be sold at the best rates that could be got from the individual
+customer. The big shipper got the wholesale rate; the small shipper paid
+the maximum. Favoritism, discrimination, rebates, were the life of
+railway trade, and railway managers objected to them only because they
+endangered profits, not because they felt any obligation to maintain
+uniformity in charges.</p>
+
+<p>In a community as dependent on the railways as the Northwest was, the
+iniquity of discriminatory or extortionate rates was soon seen. The
+East, with rival routes and less dependence on staple interests, saw it
+less clearly. The charges were paid grumblingly in good times; in bad
+times, when the rising greenbacks squeezed the debtor West and the panic
+of 1873 stopped business everywhere, the farmers soon made common cause.
+They seized upon the skeleton organization of the grange and gave it
+life. In 1874 their organized discontent compelled attention.</p>
+
+<p>The Granger Laws were an attempt to establish a new legal doctrine that
+railways are quasi-public because of the nature of the service which
+they render and the privileges they enjoy. This principle was overlaid
+in many cases by the human desire to punish the railroads as the cause
+of economic distress, but it was visible in all the laws. It is an old
+rule of the common law that the ferryman, the baker,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> and the innkeeper
+are subject to public control, and railways were now classified with
+these. In Wisconsin, the "Potter" Law established a schedule with
+classified rates, superseding all rate-cards of railroads in that State.
+Illinois created a railroad and warehouse commission with power to fix
+rates and annul warehouse charters. In Iowa the maximum rates were fixed
+by law.</p>
+
+<p>The railroads failed to realize at once what the new laws meant. They
+denounced them as confiscatory, and attacked them in court as wrong in
+theory and bad in application. Even admitting the principle of
+regulation, the laws were so crudely shaped as to be nearly unworkable.
+Farmer legislators, chosen on the issue of opposition to railways, were
+not likely to show either fairness or scientific knowledge. Coming at
+the same time with the panic of 1873, it is impossible to measure the
+precise effect of any of these laws, and all were modified before many
+years. But the railroads' objection lay beneath the detail, and the
+fundamental fight turned on two points&mdash;the right of public authority to
+regulate a rate at all, and whether state regulation was compatible with
+the power of Congress over interstate commerce.</p>
+
+<p>By 1876 the appeals of the railroads against the constitutionality of
+these Granger Laws had gone through the highest state courts to the
+Supreme Court of the United States. In the spring of 1877 that body
+handed down a definitive decision in the case of Munn <i>vs.</i> the State of
+Illinois in which it recognized that the "controlling fact is the power
+to regulate at all." It held that when the institutions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> in question (in
+this case warehouses) established themselves, they did so "from the
+beginning subject to the power of the body politic to require them to
+conform to such regulations as might be established by the proper
+authorities for the common good." It upheld the rate laws, declared that
+they were not an infringement upon the powers of Congress, and thus gave
+formal sanction to a new doctrine in American law.</p>
+
+<p>The legal consequences of the "Granger Cases" extended through the
+ensuing generation. The need for public intervention grew steadily
+stronger, and as time went on it became clear that this control could
+not be administered by orators or spoilsmen, but called for scientific
+training and permanence of policy. It was one of many influences working
+to reshape American administrative practice.</p>
+
+<p>The Granger movement had close relations with the panic of 1873,
+although it must anyway have appeared in the Northwest at no remote
+date. As a political force it soon died out, leaving the principle of
+regulation as its memorial. With the gradual recurrence of prosperity
+the Northwest found new interests, and as early as 1877, when the
+decisions were made, the passion had subsided.</p>
+
+<p>It was, however, a gloomy United States that faced the end of its first
+century of independence, in 1876. Pessimism was widely spread among the
+best educated in the East. Public life was everywhere discredited by the
+conduct of high officials. The South was in the midst of its struggle
+for home rule, which it could win only through wholesale force and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span>
+fraud. The West was discouraged over finance and still depressed by the
+panic. Yet Philadelphia went ahead to celebrate the centennial as though
+it were ending the century as hopefully as it had begun.</p>
+
+<p>The Exposition at Philadelphia this year was a revelation to the United
+States. Though far surpassed by later "world's fairs," it displayed the
+wide resources of the United States and brought home the difference
+between American and European civilization. The foreign exhibits first
+had a chastening influence upon American exuberance, and then stimulated
+the development of higher artistic standards. In ingenuity the American
+mind held its own against all competition. But few Americans had
+traveled, the cheap processes of illustration were yet unknown, and in
+the resulting ignorance the United States had been left to its
+assumption of a superiority unjustified by the facts. From the
+centennial year may be dated the closer approach of American standards
+to those of the better classes of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>In the summer of 1876 the thirty-eighth State, Colorado, was added to
+the Union. It had been seventeen years since the miners thronged the
+Kansas and Nebraska plains, bound for "Pike's Peak or Bust!" In the
+interval the mining camps had become permanent communities. Authorized
+in 1864 to form a State, they had declined to accept the responsibility
+and had lingered for many years with only a handful of inhabitants. Now
+and then entirely isolated from the United States by Indian wars, they
+had prayed for the continental railroad, only to be disappointed when
+the Union Pacific went through<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> Cheyenne instead of Denver. One of the
+branches of the Union Pacific was extended to Denver in 1870, and
+thereafter Colorado grew in spite of the panic of 1873. Grant began to
+urge its admission in his first Administration, and signed a
+proclamation admitting it in 1876. It came in in time to cast three
+Republican electoral votes in the most troublesome presidential contest
+the United States had seen.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Among the more valuable books of biography and reminiscence for this
+period are R. Ogden, <i>Life and Letters of Edwin Lawrence Godkin</i> (2
+vols., 1907); H.E. Scudder, <i>James Russell Lowell</i> (2 vols., 1901); C.E.
+Norton, ed., <i>Letters of J.R. Lowell</i> (1894); <i>Reminiscences of James B.
+Angell</i> (1912); J. T. Austen, <i>Moses Coit Tyler, 1835-1900</i> (1911); J.G.
+Blaine, <i>Twenty Years of Congress</i>; E.P. Oberholtzer, <i>Jay Cooke</i>; and
+A.B. Paine, <i>Th. Nast</i> (1904). The Cr&eacute;dit Mobilier may best be studied
+in Rhodes, in J.B. Crawford, <i>Cr&eacute;dit Mobilier of America</i> (1880), and in
+the reports of the committees of Congress that investigated the scandal
+(42d Congress, 2d Session, House Report no. 77). J.W. Million, <i>State
+Aid to Railways in Missouri</i> (1896), gives a good view of railroad
+promotion schemes. F. Carter, <i>When Railroads were New</i> (1909), is a
+popular summary. In J.R. Commons (ed.), <i>Documentary History of American
+Industrial Society</i> (10 vols., 1910-), are various documents relating to
+the Grange, which organization received its classic treatment in E.W.
+Martin, <i>History of the Granger Movement</i> (1874; his illustrations
+should be compared with those in J.H. Beadle, <i>Our Undeveloped West</i>, in
+which some of them had originally appeared in 1873). There are numerous
+economic discussions of the Grange in the periodicals, which may be
+found through Poole's Indexes, the best work having been done by S.J.
+Buck. The <i>Chapters of Erie</i> (1869), by C.F. Adams, is a valuable
+picture of railroad ethics. Much light is thrown upon financial matters
+by the Annual Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury and J.D.
+Richardson (ed.), <i>Messages and Papers of the Presidents</i> (10 vols.).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The re&euml;lection of Grant in 1872 was almost automatic. No new issue had
+forced itself into politics to stir up the old party fires or light new
+ones. The old issues had begun to lose their force. Men ceased to
+respond when told that the Union was in danger; they questioned or
+ignored the statement. Many of them contradicted it and voted for
+Greeley in 1872, but they were impelled to this by repulsion from
+Republican practice rather than by attraction to Democratic promise.
+Yet, on the whole, the habit of voting the Union or Republican ticket
+retained its hold on so many in the North that Grant's second term was
+insured, and it was even possible that a Republican successor might
+profit by the same political inertia.</p>
+
+<p>The second term (1873-77) added no strength to Grant or to his party.
+Throughout its course, administrative scandals continued to come to
+light, striking at times dangerously near the President, but failing to
+injure him other than in his repute for judgment. The period was one of
+financial depression and discouragement. The best intellect of the
+United States was directed into business, the professions, and
+educational administration. Politics was generally left to the men who
+had already controlled it, and these were the men who had risen into
+prominence in the period of the Civil War.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>THE POLITICAL SITUATION AT WASHINGTON, 1869-1917</p>
+
+<p class='center'>Showing the party in control of the national government in each Congress</p>
+<p class='center' >
+<img src='images/illus09.jpg' alt='politics'  />
+<a id='illus09' name='illus09'></a>
+<br />
+<img src='images/illus10.jpg' alt='politics'  />
+<a id='illus10' name='illus10'></a>
+</p>
+<div class='blockquot'>
+<p class='center'>[During only three of the ten Congresses between 1875 and 1895 did either
+party control the national government. The Democrats were in possession
+only once, in the 53d Congress. The Republicans controlled the 47th
+Congress by manipulation of senators, and the 51st by Reed's drastic
+rules. Most of the partisan legislation of twenty years was enacted
+during these three Congresses.]</p></div>
+
+<p>A new and not a better type was brought into American politics by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span>
+Civil War. Notwithstanding the bad manners and excesses of ante-bellum
+politics, the leaders had been men of defined policy, only occasionally
+reaching high office through trickery or personal appeal. Now came the
+presence of an intense issue which smoothed out other differences,
+magnified a single policy,&mdash;the saving of the Union,&mdash;and gave
+opportunity to a new type of intense, patriotic, narrow mind. Men of
+this type dominated in the reconstruction days. As the sixties advanced,
+their number was recruited by men who had won prominence and popularity
+on the battlefield, who used military fame as a step into politics, and
+who came into public life with qualifications adapted to an issue that
+was closed.</p>
+
+<p>Few of the leaders of the period 1861 to 1876 ever grew into an
+understanding of problems other than those of the Civil War. The most
+eminent of them were gone before the latter year. Lincoln was dead;
+Grant had had two terms; Stevens was gone; Sumner had been driven from
+party honor before his death; Chase had died Chief Justice, but unhappy.
+With these men living, lesser men had remained obscure. As they dropped
+out, a host of minor leaders, trained to a disproportionate view of the
+war and ignorant of other things, controlled affairs.</p>
+
+<p>About these men the scandals of the Grant Administrations clustered, and
+their standards came to be those of the Republican party organization.
+They<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> represented a dead issue, which they had never directed when it
+was alive, and were chosen by voters whose choice had become automatic.
+In their hands office tended to become a thing to be enjoyed for its own
+sake, not a trust to be fulfilled.</p>
+
+<p>If the Republican organization was drifting into the control of
+second-rate men who misrepresented the rank and file, the status of the
+opposition was no better. At the South the Democratic party was openly
+founded on force and fraud. In the deliberate judgment of the white
+population of the South, negro control was intolerable and worse than
+any variety of political corruption that might be necessary to prevent
+it. The leaders of the party in this section had borne so important a
+part in the Confederacy that it was hopeless to think of them for
+national leaders, while they could meet the Northern charge of fraud
+only by the assertion of a greater alternate evil, which their opponents
+would not recognize as such. The South could be counted on for
+Democratic votes, but not as yet for leaders.</p>
+
+<p>In the North and West the Democratic party was still weakened by its
+past. Its leaders of the early sixties, where they had not joined the
+Union party, were Copperheads, and were as little available as
+ex-Confederates. One of them, Seymour, whose loyalty, though he was in
+opposition to Lincoln, is above question, had been nominated and
+defeated in 1868. So few had been available in 1872 that the party had
+been reduced to the indorsement of Horace Greeley. Even the scandals of
+the Republican administration could not avail the Democrats unless a
+leader could be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> found free from the taint of treason and copperheadism
+and strong enough to hold the party North and South.</p>
+
+<p>In the paucity of leaders during Grant's second Administration the
+Democrats turned to New York where a reform governor was producing
+actual results and restoring the prestige of his party. Like other
+Democrats of his day, Samuel J. Tilden had few events in his life during
+the sixties to which he could "point with pride" in the certain
+assurance that his fellow citizens would recognize and reward them. He
+had been a civilian and a lawyer. He had not broken with his party on
+its "war a failure" issue in 1864. He had acted harmoniously with
+Tammany Hall while it began its scheme of plunder, in New York City. But
+he had turned upon that organization and by prosecuting the Tweed Ring
+had made its real nature clear. Within the party he had led the demand
+to turn the rascals out, and had been elected Governor of New York on
+this record in 1874. As Governor he had proved that public corruption
+was non-partisan and had exposed fraud among both parties so effectively
+that he was clearly the most available candidate when the Democratic
+Convention met in St. Louis in 1876.</p>
+
+<p>The only competitors of Tilden for the Democratic nomination were
+"favorite sons." Thomas A. Hendricks, a Greenbacker, was offered by
+Indiana and pushed on the supposition that this doubtful State could not
+be carried otherwise. Pennsylvania presented the hero of Gettysburg,
+General Winfield Scott Hancock, through whom it was hoped to bring<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> to
+the Democratic ticket the aid of a good war record. The other candidates
+received local and scattering votes, and altogether they postponed the
+nomination for only one ballot. On the first ballot Tilden started with
+more than half the votes; on the second he had nearly forty more than
+the necessary two thirds. Hendricks got the Vice-Presidency, and the
+party entered the campaign upon a program of reform.</p>
+
+<p>The Republicans had completed their nominations some weeks before the
+Democrats met, and having no unquestioned leader had been forced to
+adjust the claims of several minor men. Six different men received as
+many as fifty votes on one ballot or another, but only three factions in
+the party stood out clearly. The Administration group had sounded the
+public on a third term for Grant, and receiving scanty support had
+brought forward Conkling, a shrewd New York leader, and Morton, war
+Governor of Indiana. The out-and-out reformers were for Bristow, who had
+made a striking reputation as Secretary of the Treasury, over the frauds
+of the Whiskey Ring. Between the two groups was the largest single
+faction, which stood for James G. Blaine from first to last.</p>
+
+<p>The political fortunes of James G. Blaine prove the difficulty with
+which a politician brought up in the Civil War period retained his
+leadership in the next era. Blaine had been a loyal and radical
+Republican through the war. Gifted with personal charms of high order,
+he had built up a political following which his unswerving orthodoxy and
+his service as Speaker of the House of Representatives served to widen.
+Never a rich man, he had felt<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> forced to add to his salary by
+speculations and earnings on the side. In these he had come into contact
+with railroad promoters and had not seen the line beyond which a public
+man must not go, even in the sixties. His indiscretions had imperiled
+his reputation at the time of the Cr&eacute;dit Mobilier scandal. They became
+common property when an old associate forced him to the defensive on the
+eve of the convention of 1876. In the dramatic scene in the House of
+Representatives when Blaine read the humiliating "Mulligan" letters that
+he had written years before, tried to explain them, and denounced his
+enemies, he convinced his friends of his innocence, and evidenced to all
+his courage and assurance. But his critics, reading the letters in
+detail, were confirmed in their belief that if his official conduct was
+not criminal, it was at least improper, and that no man with a blunted
+sense of propriety ought to be President.</p>
+
+<p>Despite all opposition, Blaine might have won the nomination had not a
+sunstroke raised a question as to his physical availability. He led for
+six ballots in the convention, and only on the seventh could his
+opponents agree upon the favorite son of Ohio, General Rutherford B.
+Hayes, who added to military distinction a good record as Governor of
+his State.</p>
+
+<p>Neither Hayes nor Tilden represented a political issue. Each had been
+nominated because of availability, and each party contained many voters
+on each side of every question before the public. Even the appeal to
+loyalty and Union, which had worked<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> in three campaigns, failed to stir
+the States. Blaine, expert in the appeal, had revived it over the
+proposition to extend pardon and amnesty to Jefferson Davis, but his
+frantic efforts, as he waved the "bloody shirt," evoked no general
+enthusiasm. The war and reconstruction were over, but the old parties
+had not learned it.</p>
+
+<p>There was doubt throughout the canvass as to the nature of the issue,
+and when the votes were counted there was equal doubt as to which of the
+candidates had been elected. Tilden had received a popular plurality
+over Hayes of about 250,000 votes, but it was not certain that these
+carried with them a majority of the electoral college. Of the 369
+electoral votes, Tilden and Hendricks had, without question, 184; while
+Hayes and Wheeler were equally secure in 166. The remaining 19 (Florida,
+Louisiana, and South Carolina) were claimed by both parties, and it
+appeared that both claims were founded on widespread fraud. Unless all
+these 19 votes could be secured, Hayes was defeated, and to obtain them
+the Republican party set to work.</p>
+
+<p>For weeks between the election and the counting of the electoral votes
+the United States debated angrily over the result. The Constitution
+required that when Congress should meet in joint session to hear the
+returns, the Vice-President should preside, and should open the
+certificates from the several States; and that the votes should then be
+counted. It was silent as to the body which should do the counting, or
+should determine which of two doubtful returns to count. Since the
+outcome of the election<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> would turn upon the answer to this question, it
+was necessary to find some solution before March 4, 1877.</p>
+
+<p>Failing to find in the Constitution a rule for determining cases such as
+this, Congress made its own, and created an Electoral Commission to
+which the doubtful cases were to be submitted. This body, fifteen in
+number, five each from Senate, House, and Supreme Court, failed, as
+historians have since failed, to convince the United States that the
+claims of either Republican or Democratic electors were sound. Honest
+men still differ in their beliefs. The members came out of the
+Commission as they went in, firm in the acceptance of their parties'
+claims, and since eight of the fifteen members were Republican, the
+result was a decision giving none of the nineteen contests to Tilden,
+and making possible the inauguration of Rutherford B. Hayes.</p>
+
+<p>There was bitter partisanship shown over the contest, and the Democrats,
+with a real majority of popular votes, maintained that they had been
+robbed of the Presidency. Excepting this, there was no issue that
+clearly separated the followers of Hayes from those of Tilden when the
+former took the oath of office. There was likewise, unhappily for Hayes,
+no common bond by which the President could hold his own party together
+and make a successful administration.</p>
+
+<p>Like three of his predecessors, John Adams, John Quincy Adams, and
+Martin Van Buren, Hayes was carried into office by the weight of a
+well-organized machine, rather than by his own hold upon the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> people.
+Like all of them he fought faction as a consequence, and every new step
+in administration forced upon him increased his embarrassment in
+conducting the Government. At the start, he alienated many Republicans
+by his policy toward the South.</p>
+
+<p>Before the election Hayes had reached the conclusion that coercion in
+the South must be abandoned. The people must be left in control of their
+own institutions, and if they mishandled them must take the
+consequences. This meant that the last of the States, in which only the
+army garrisons had kept the Republicans in office, must revert to the
+control of the Democrats. It also meant an attack upon the President by
+those who still believed the South a menace, and those who cherished it
+as a political issue,&mdash;the "sentimentalists controlled by knaves," in
+Godkin's language. Hayes acted upon his conviction as soon as he took
+office, withdrew the troops, and turned over to the South her own
+problems. Political reconstruction, as shaped by Congress, had broken
+down in every part, and it remained to be seen whether the
+constitutional reconstruction, as embodied in the amendments, would be
+more permanently effective.</p>
+
+<p>In addition to taking their issue from them, Hayes deprived the
+politicians of their plunder. The personal conduct of his household
+added nothing to his popularity in Washington, for his wife served no
+wines and gave to the White House the atmosphere of the standard
+middle-class American family. His official family struck a blow at the
+political use of offices.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Although many of the Liberal Republicans of 1872 were still dissatisfied
+and saw no prospect of a change of heart for their party, most of them
+had voted for Hayes, and one of them was taken into the new Cabinet.
+Carl Schurz became Secretary of the Interior, bringing into office for
+the first time an active desire to reform the civil service. Congress
+had made a timid experiment in civil service reform early in the
+seventies, but had soon wearied of it. Schurz announced that his
+subordinates would be chosen on merit, and acted upon the announcement.</p>
+
+<p>The storm broke at once upon the Secretary over the issue of the
+patronage, and soon reached the President. The offices were not only
+valued assets of Senators and Representatives, who held control over
+their followers through them, but had come to be regarded as the cement
+that held the national party organization together. In the absence of an
+issue, the binding force of the offices had an enlarged importance. But
+Hayes generally backed up Schurz in the fight. The Indian Bureau, in
+particular, profited by the new policy. Two serious outbreaks had
+recently occurred as the result of bad administration. In one, Custer
+had been led to his destruction; in the other Chief Joseph and the Nez
+Perc&eacute;s had worried the regular army through a long campaign. The
+Democratic House of Representatives had in this very period been
+striking at the army appropriations in order to shape Grant's Southern
+policy. It had enabled Nast to draw, in one of his biting cartoons, a
+picture of the savage, the Ku-Klux, and the Congressman shaking hands
+over a common policy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> Schurz and his Indian Commissioner foresaw the
+changes needed, now that the range Indians had all been consolidated on
+reserves, and took this time to reorganize the service.</p>
+
+<p>Hayes refused to give over all the offices as spoils, and removed some
+officials for pernicious political activity. The most important removal
+was that of Chester A. Arthur, Collector of the Port of New York, whose
+enraged friends, Conkling among them, became the center of the attack on
+the titular head of the party. Sneering at the sincerity of the new
+policy, Conkling cynically declared that "when Doctor Johnson said that
+patriotism was the last refuge of a scoundrel, he ignored the enormous
+possibilities of the word reform." But because Hayes did not in every
+case follow an ideal that no other President had even set, he lost the
+support of the reformers who soon denounced him nearly as fiercely as
+did the "Stalwarts."</p>
+
+<p>Even if Hayes had been able to keep a united party behind him, his
+Administration could scarcely have been marked by constructive
+legislation. His party had lost control of the House of Representatives
+in the election of 1874. The Forty-fifth Congress, chosen with Hayes in
+1876, and the Forty-sixth, in 1878, were Democratic, and delighted to
+embarrass the Administration. Dissatisfied Republicans saw the deadlock
+and laid it upon the shoulders of the President. The Democratic Congress
+checked Administration measures, and managed to advance opposition
+measures of its own. Twice Hayes had to summon special sessions because
+of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> failure of appropriation bills, and in his first winter the
+opposition endangered those policies of finance to which the Republican
+party had become pledged.</p>
+
+<p>The Greenback agitation, rising about 1868 and stimulated by the panic
+of 1873, had not subsided when Hayes became President. It had lost much
+of its force, but there continued throughout the West, in both parties,
+a spirit that encouraged inflation of every sort. In Congress there were
+repeated efforts to repeal the Resumption Act of 1875, which the
+Democratic platform had denounced the next year. And when a sudden
+increase in the production of silver reduced its price, a silver
+inflation movement was placed beside the Greenback movement.</p>
+
+<p>The United States had used almost no silver coin between 1834 and 1862
+because the coinage ratio, sixteen to one, undervalued silver and made
+it wasteful to coin it. No specie was used as currency between 1862 and
+1879, and the relative market prices of bullion remained close to their
+usual average until the year of panic. During the seventies the price of
+silver fell as new mines were opened in the West. The ratio rose above
+sixteen to one, and silver, from being undervalued at that ratio, came
+to be overvalued. It would now have paid owners of silver bullion to
+coin it into dollars at the legal rate, but Congress had in 1873, after
+a generation of disuse of silver, dropped the silver dollar from the
+list of standard coins. As silver fell in value, mine-owners asked for a
+renewal of coinage, and inflationists joined them, hoping for more money
+of any kind. During the winter of 1878 a free silver coinage bill,
+passed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> by the Democratic House under the guidance of Richard P. Bland,
+of Missouri, was under consideration in the Republican Senate.</p>
+
+<p>John Sherman, the defender of gold resumption, was no longer in the
+Senate to fight this Bland Act. He had become Hayes's Secretary of the
+Treasury, and in this capacity was working toward resumption and
+upholding Hayes in his war on the spoilsmen. In his place, Allison, of
+Iowa, forced an amendment to the Bland Bill, taking away its
+free-coinage character and substituting a requirement to buy a specified
+amount of silver bullion each month&mdash;from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000
+worth&mdash;and coin it. Thus amended, the House concurred in the act, which
+Hayes vetoed in February, 1878. It became a law over his veto.</p>
+
+<p>The Administration was embarrassed in its financial policy, but not
+defeated. The Resumption Bill withstood attacks and, as the day for the
+resumption of specie payment approached, the price of greenbacks
+reflected the growing credit of the United States. It reached par two
+weeks before the appointed day. When that day arrived, Wednesday,
+January 1, 1879, John Sherman had the satisfaction of seeing the change
+to a coin basis effected without a shock. More gold was turned into the
+Treasury for exchange with greenbacks than greenbacks for redemption in
+gold. It appeared that Horace Greeley had been right when he had
+maintained that "the way to resume is to resume,"&mdash;that few would want
+gold if they could get it.</p>
+
+<p>The adherence of Hayes to the gold standard and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> resumption drove from
+his side another body of Republicans. He had now lost the reformers and
+the spoilsmen, the radical Republicans and the inflationists, and no one
+hoped or believed that he would recall his pledge for a single term and
+be renominated in 1880 to succeed himself. The disintegration of his
+party was as complete as the collapse of its issues. On no subject,
+between 1876 and 1880, was it possible to bring before the public a
+distinctive party issue. The uncertainties of the campaign of 1876 were
+increased during the next four years.</p>
+
+<p>Both parties had ceased to represent either policies or the people. The
+office-holders were in no sense the leaders of their communities.
+Industry, social life, education, and religion had parted company with
+politics since the decline of the Union issue, and unless a new
+political alignment could be found there was a prospect of continued
+rivalry for offices alone. Yet men were beginning to realize that a new
+period of growth had begun during the Hayes Administration, and that
+American institutions, formulated before the Civil War, had ceased to
+meet industrial needs.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>J.F. Rhodes terminates his great history with the election of 1876, and
+although he has promised sometime to continue it, he has as yet
+published only a few scattered essays upon the later period. A.M.
+Gibson, <i>A Political Crime</i> (1885), is a contemporary and partisan
+account of the electoral contest; P.L. Haworth, <i>The Hayes-Tilden
+Disputed Presidential Election</i> (1906), is a recent work of critical
+scholarship; E. Stanwood may be relied upon for platforms, tables of
+votes, and other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> formal details, in his <i>History of the Presidency</i>.
+<i>The Writings and Speeches of S.J. Tilden</i> (2 vols., ed. by J. Bigelow,
+1885) are useful, as are the Blaine books: J.G. Blaine, <i>Twenty Years of
+Congress</i>, E. Stanwood, <i>James Gillespie Blaine</i> (1905, in American
+Statesmen Series); G. Hamilton (pseud. for M.A. Dodge), <i>James G.
+Blaine</i> (1895, a domestic biography); and the spicy <i>Letters of Mrs.
+James G. Blaine</i> (edited by H.S.B. Beale, 2 vols., 1908). Other useful
+biographies or memoirs exist for R.P. Bland, Roscoe Conkling, Robert G.
+Ingersoll, O.H. Platt, T.C. Platt, John Sherman, and Carl Schurz, etc.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>BUSINESS AND POLITICS<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>A great commercial revival, affecting the whole United States, began
+during the Administration of Hayes. Ingersoll had predicted it, in
+defining his candidate in 1876, when he declared: "The Republicans of
+the United States demand a man who knows that prosperity and resumption,
+when they come, must come together; that when they come, they will come
+hand in hand through the golden harvest-fields; hand in hand by the
+whirling spindles and the turning wheels; hand in hand past the open
+furnace doors; hand in hand by the flaming forges; hand in hand by the
+chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the countless
+sons of toil." In every section and in every occupation commerce revived
+during 1878 and 1879. Manufactures began to invade the South;
+mining-booms gave new life to the camps of the Far West; the wheat-lands
+of the Northwest, reached by the "Granger" railroads and cultivated by
+great power machines, produced a new type of bonanza farming; in the
+Southwest and on the plains great droves of cattle produced a new type
+of cattle king; and the factory towns of the East began again to grow.
+Connecting the various sections, the railroads played a new part, and
+built more miles of track in the next ten years than in any decade
+before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> or since. The whole country awoke as from an an&aelig;sthetic, tested
+its muscles to find that they were stronger than ever, and set to work
+again.</p>
+
+<p>The silent evidence of the United States Treasury testifies to the
+prosperity of the next ten years. The average expenditures of the United
+States from 1850 to 1860 were under $60,000,000; they ranged between
+1880 to 1890 from $244,000,000 to $297,000,000 without exhausting the
+supply. Yearly, despite the heavy drains upon it, a surplus accumulated
+to the embarrassment of the Government and the demoralization of
+Congress. The aggregate accumulation for ten years was over
+$1,000,000,000.</p>
+
+<p>The disbursements of the United States were growing at a higher rate
+than its population, though this was keeping up the traditions of a new
+country. From 31,443,321 inhabitants, with which the nation faced the
+Civil War in 1860, it had grown to 38,558,371 in 1870, and it was now,
+in 1880, 50,155,783. In mobility and activity it had increased even more
+rapidly than this, for it was served by nearly three times as many miles
+of railway (87,000) in 1880 as when the war broke out. Along the old
+frontier the percentage figures for population and railway mileage were
+highest, but everywhere a larger population was moving more actively,
+and studying itself more intently than ever before. It was also
+generating more internal friction than ever. In the silver mines at
+Leadville in 1878 had occurred one of the great forerunners of economic
+clash. This had been preceded in 1877 by the railway strikes of
+Pennsylvania and the East. In California, Dennis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> Kearney and the Irish
+were driving the Chinese from society in the interest of "America for
+Americans." The murders by the "Molly Maguires" had brought condign
+punishment upon the lawless in the anthracite region; and throughout the
+East men were vaguely conscious of a secret society that called itself
+the Knights of Labor.</p>
+
+<p>Complexity, class interest, and the problems at once of labor and of
+capital, thrust themselves upon a society that had occupied its
+continent and used most of its free land. The Centennial had revived the
+study of American history from patriotic reasons. An intense interest in
+self-analysis now kept this alive, as Henry Adams, James Schouler, and
+John Bach McMaster devoted themselves to a scrutiny of historic facts,
+as colleges began to create chairs of American history, as James Ford
+Rhodes retired from his office to his study to write the history of his
+own times. In the next few years associations for the study of political
+economy, political science, sociology, and history multiplied the
+testimonies to the existence of a new nation.</p>
+
+<p>It was many years before the study of history and institutions reached
+the eighties and began to place events in their true proportion. Then it
+appeared that there was in fact a fundamental economic problem and that
+the political issues of the decade faced it from various angles.</p>
+
+<p>The United States had nearly reached its greatest capacity in production
+by 1880, and was no longer able to consume its output. Through its first
+century there had been a rough plenty everywhere,&mdash;enough<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> food, enough
+work, and free land,&mdash;so that the industrious citizen need never go
+hungry, although he was rarely able to acquire great wealth. Men had
+worked with their own hands and with the labor of their beasts of
+burden, as men had ever worked. Their land had appeared, indeed, to be
+the land of opportunity. Population had doubled itself in a short
+generation, and America had called upon the oppressed of Europe to aid
+in reclaiming the plains and forests. With all the labor and
+opportunity, there had rarely been either an overproduction or a lack of
+work.</p>
+
+<p>The industrial revolution changed the nature of American society in many
+directions. Through an improved system of communication, whose results
+were first visible between 1857 and 1873, it had broadened the realm to
+be exploited, brought the rich plains of the West into agricultural
+competition with the Middle West and the East, and enabled an increased
+production of staples by lessening freights and widening the area of
+choice. As the result of rapid communication grain, cotton, and food
+animals increased more rapidly than population. The use of manures and a
+more careful agriculture on the smaller farms&mdash;and all the farms were
+growing smaller&mdash;further swelled the productivity of the individual
+farmer.</p>
+
+<p>Machinery increased the capacity of the laborer as transportation
+widened his choice of home. The factories, as they were reorganized in
+the new period of prosperity, found that invention had lessened the need
+for labor and increased the product. Machine tools in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> agriculture, in
+iron and steel, in textiles, in shoemaking, rendered the course of
+manufacture nearly automatic, and when steam neared its limit in
+dexterity active minds could see electricity holding out a new promise.</p>
+
+<p>In 1880 population and the capacity to consume American products were
+growing less rapidly than the power to produce. The United States was
+finding every year greater difficulty in selling all its output. It was
+possible to foresee the day when overproduction might be a menace unless
+there should be some reorganization of society to meet the new problem.
+Pending the arrival of that reorganization, prices fell.</p>
+
+<p>A study of the prices of standard commodities shows that there was a
+constant, moderate decline after the Civil War. During the war nominal
+prices, expressed in depreciated greenbacks, rose far above the normal,
+but when corrected to a gold basis they show little change. At the end
+of the war, however, the steady decline set in; by 1880 it was
+perceptible, and by 1890 it had come to be generally admitted. It
+continued until 1900, when the larger production of gold and an extended
+use of bank credits and checks, increased the volume and mobility of
+currency and started a general rise in prices. Inflationists believed,
+in the eighties, that the falling prices were due to an appreciation of
+gold, and demanded more money because they so believed; but
+overproduction appears to give a better explanation of the decline than
+gold appreciation. In the falling prices may be seen a proof of the
+enlarged production and a justification of serious study of remedial
+measures.</p>
+
+<p>Solutions,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> intended to restore good prices and to correct social evils,
+became numerous as the eighties advanced. Tariff reformers claimed that
+the tariff was a vexatious interference with proper freedom of trade,
+without which a foreign market for American surplus could not be
+obtained. The protected manufacturers retorted that only through a
+higher tariff could manufactures be developed and an enlarged consuming
+population of factory workers be created at home. A Western economist
+brushed both these aside and found the key to the situation in the
+disappearance of free land, and urged a single tax upon land as a
+panacea. United labor found the cause to be unrestricted immigration.
+Too much government, with its extravagance and corruption, was a cause
+in the mind of extreme theoretical democrats. Too little government was
+equally responsible for the discords, in the eyes of growing groups of
+socialists and communists.</p>
+
+<p>Before 1890 the United States was involved in an elaborate discussion of
+its troubles and their causes, but in 1880 the period had only just
+begun and its trend was not clear to the political leaders who were yet
+quarreling over the spoils of office. Hayes was ending his term in
+disfavor, and was passing into the jurisdiction of the historians, which
+was much more kindly disposed toward him than was that of his
+contemporaries. He had gone into office without being the leader of his
+party and without having a single definitive issue. He had alienated one
+faction after another; while in Congress, in which both houses were
+never Republican, it was never possible to pass<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> constructive laws. The
+fight for the next nomination began soon after his inauguration.</p>
+
+<p>Grant and Blaine were the most probable candidates for the Republican
+nomination as the spring of 1880 advanced. For the former there was a
+feeling of affection among the senatorial crowd, headed by Roscoe
+Conkling, who had been so severely disciplined by Hayes. The refusal of
+the President to allow the officials of the United States to engage too
+actively in politics had brought about the dismissal of Arthur and
+Cornell from their posts, and a prolonged quarrel with the Senate. Hayes
+had won here, but the defeated leaders turned upon his Southern policy,
+demanded a "strong" candidate who would really keep the South in check,
+and called for Grant as the only strong man who could lead his party.
+Grant was willing in 1880 as he would have been in 1876. Upon his return
+from his trip around the world his candidacy was pressed and had strong
+support among Civil War veterans and men who were displeased with Hayes.</p>
+
+<p>Blaine, too, was still a candidate, drawing his strength from men of the
+same type as those who stood for Grant. He might have secured the
+nomination had he not been opposed by the Secretary of the Treasury,
+John Sherman, whose friends thought his distinguished service in the
+cause of hard money entitled him to a reward. A special element in
+Sherman's strength was a group of pliant negro delegates, from the
+Southern wing of the party, which was brought to Chicago under close
+guard, fed and entertained in a suite at the Palmer House, and voted in
+a block as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> Sherman's managers directed. None of these three, Grant,
+Blaine, and Sherman, could please the reform element, that found its
+choice in Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont.</p>
+
+<p>The convention at Chicago was marked by the fight of Conkling to secure
+unity and the nomination for Grant, and by the stubbornness with which
+the opposing delegates held out against a third term and for their own
+candidates. In the end the deadlock was broken when the followers of
+Blaine and Sherman shifted to the latter's floor manager, James A.
+Garfield, and gave him the nomination on the thirty-sixth ballot. The
+Vice-Presidency was thrown to the Conkling men, falling upon Chester A.
+Arthur, who accepted it against the desires of his leader. The platform
+was a "code of memories" as it had been in 1876 and 1872, congratulating
+the party on its successes of the past and having no clear vision of the
+future.</p>
+
+<p>The Democratic party in 1880 was without leader or issue, as it had been
+since 1860. Tilden, who might have been renominated and run on the
+charge that he was counted out in 1876, was sick. He was unwilling to
+run unless the demand were more spontaneous than it appeared to be. In
+its perplexity the party turned to a military hero who called himself a
+Democrat and had been passed over in 1876. General Winfield Scott
+Hancock had never been in active politics, but was now nominated over a
+long list of local candidates. William H. English, of Indiana, who was
+known to have money, and was believed to be ready to use it in the
+campaign, was the vice-presidential candidate.</p>
+
+<p>The canvass <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span>of 1880 was fought during a prosperous summer on issues that
+were largely personal. As Sherman said of Ohio in 1879, so he might have
+said of the country in 1880, that "the revival of industries and peace
+and happiness was a shrewd political trick of the Republicans to carry"
+the United States. Following their practice for three campaigns, the old
+line speakers dwelt upon the conditions in the South. An Indiana rhyme
+"for young Democrats" ran:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p style="margin-left: 20em;">
+"Sing a song of shotguns,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pocket full of knives,</span><br />
+Four-and-twenty black men,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Running for their lives;</span><br />
+When the polls are open<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Shut the nigger's mouth,</span><br />
+Isn't that a bully way<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">To make a solid South?"</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>But the audiences were unresponsive. An old political reporter remembers
+being in the national headquarters late in the campaign, and hearing
+Blaine, who had been stumping for Garfield, say, "You want to fold up
+the bloody shirt and lay it away. It's of no use to us. You want to
+shift the main issue to protection." Not until the campaign was nearly
+over did a real issue emerge.</p>
+
+<p>The protective tariff had not played a large part in any campaign since
+1860. In 1868 and 1872 both parties had looked forward to the reduction
+of revenue to a peace basis, adopting mild planks to that effect. In
+1876 the topic had been more prominent in the platforms, but not in the
+canvass. In 1880 Hancock was questioned on the tariff during one of his
+speeches. The question was probably unpremeditated, but it took<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> the
+candidate unaware, for as an officer in the regular army he had never
+given the matter thought. His evasive answer, that the tariff was a
+local issue only, gave an opening to his opponents, who forced the
+tariff to a prominent place in the few remaining days before election.
+They made much of Hancock's ignorance, and perhaps by this maneuver
+offset the disadvantage done to Garfield by a forged letter, which
+purported to show him as a friend of cheap labor and Chinese
+immigration. Garfield and Arthur were elected by a small plurality over
+Hancock. No one received a popular majority, for a third candidate,
+named Weaver, headed a Greenback-Labor ticket and polled 308,000 votes.</p>
+
+<p>General James A. Garfield would have become Senator from Ohio in 1881
+had not his election transferred him to the Presidency. The fifty years
+of his life covered a career that was typically American. The son of a
+New England emigrant, he was born in the Connecticut Reserve in Ohio. He
+worked his way from the farm through the log school to college. His
+service on the towpath of the Ohio Canal, in the course of his
+education, became a strong adjunct to his popularity among the common
+people. He taught Latin and Greek after leaving college, studied law,
+worked into politics, and went to the front upon the call for troops. He
+left the war a major-general to enter Congress, in 1863, where he sat
+until his election to the Senate in 1880. He was the friend of John
+Sherman and had been the manager of his campaign. Like his friend, and
+like most Ohio Republicans, he believed that the tariff was one of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> the
+bases of prosperity in his State. In his campaign a young Cleveland
+merchant named Hanna raised funds among the local manufacturers on the
+plea that Republican success and their interests would go hand in hand.
+In his inaugural address, however, Garfield said nothing of the new
+issue which was threatening to enter politics, but dwelt upon the
+supremacy of law, the status of the South, hard money, religious
+freedom, and the civil service.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican party had been left broken and in hostile camps by
+President Hayes; Garfield tried in his Cabinet to change this and "to
+have a party behind him." The State Department went to his rival and
+ally, Blaine, whose personal following was larger than that of any other
+American politician. The independent Republicans, who had seceded in
+1872 and had muttered ever since, were pleased by the elevation of Wayne
+MacVeagh, a Pennsylvania lawyer, to the post of Attorney-General. A
+friend of Conkling, who had made a striking record in the New York
+Post-Office through two terms, Thomas L. James, became Postmaster-General.
+The sensibilities of the West, always jealous of the East in matters of
+finance, were appeased by the selection of William L. Windom, of
+Minnesota, as Secretary of the Treasury, for "any Eastern man
+would be accused of being an agent or tool of the 'money kings' and
+'gold-bugs' of New York and Europe." The Cabinet as a whole was received
+with favor, but the harmony which its members promised was soon
+disturbed.</p>
+
+<p>The appointment of Blaine as Secretary of State, which Garfield had
+determined upon a few days after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> his election, was a blow to Roscoe
+Conkling. Hayes had struck at Conkling in removing Arthur and Cornell.
+Now when Garfield decided to please himself in the New York
+collectorship, Conkling saw in the act the hand of Blaine. He fell back
+upon the practice of senatorial courtesy, and held up the confirmation
+of the appointment. When he found himself unable to coerce the
+President, he broke with him as he had broken with Hayes, and this time
+he and his colleague from New York, Thomas Collier Platt, resigned their
+seats and appealed to the New York Legislature, then in session. The
+move was not without promise. Cornell was now Governor of New York.
+Arthur, with the prestige of the Vice-Presidency, left his chair in the
+Senate to work for the re&euml;lection and triumphant return of Conkling and
+Platt, on the doctrine that the appointments of a President must be
+personally acceptable to the Senators from the State concerned. But the
+New York Legislature failed to give the martyrs their vindication, and
+permitted them to remain in private life. Their friends, the
+"Stalwarts," ceased to support Garfield.</p>
+
+<p>James, who was not enough a follower of Conkling to emulate him,
+remained in the Post-Office, where he had already found wholesale
+corruption. It had been the practice of the Post-Office to classify the
+mail routes according to their method of transportation, and to mark
+those running by stage or rider by a star on the general list. These had
+come to be known as the "star routes." The contracts for the star routes
+were flexible in order to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> meet the shifting needs of the Western
+population that lived away from railways and depended upon the
+stage-coach. When the business of any route justified a better service
+than it was receiving, the Department was at liberty to increase the
+service, hasten speed, and raise the pay without a re-letting of the
+contract. During the latter seventies the growth of settlement
+throughout the remoter West had justified a large increase in star-route
+costs, but James discovered not only legitimate increase but collusive
+fraud. The official in charge, in collusion with former Congressmen who
+"knew the ropes," and with the mail contractors, had awarded original
+contracts to low bidders who had no intention of fulfilling their bids.
+After the letting of contracts the compensation had been increased
+without investigation or reference to actual needs.</p>
+
+<p>The unearned profits had been shared by the promoters and the dishonest
+officials, and some of it had gone into the Republican campaign fund. A
+former Senator, Dorsey by name, who was indicted for fraud in 1882, had
+been Secretary of the Republican National Committee in 1880, and had
+been hurried to Indiana to save that State. He did this so effectively
+that his friends gave him a dinner, which Arthur attended, and at which
+the allusions to his methods in Indiana were but loosely veiled. Brady,
+the official in the Post-Office, had collected the usual assessments on
+federal office-holders for Garfield's campaign fund. When he and others
+were threatened with criminal prosecution they produced letters by which
+they hoped to prove that Garfield was cog<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span>nizant of and had approved
+their financial methods. How far they might have succeeded in blackening
+the President and stopping his prosecutions must remain unknown, for he
+was shot on July 2, 1881, while on his way to a college celebration, and
+died on September 19.</p>
+
+<p>The murderer of Garfield declared to the policeman who arrested him, "I
+am a Stalwart and want Arthur for President." It was soon learned that
+he was a disappointed candidate for office, and irresponsible Washington
+gossip soon had it that Garfield's friends wanted him to hang, while
+Arthur's thought he was only insane. The murderer's sister, in an
+incoherent book based on his story, asserted, "Yes, the 'Star-Route'
+business killed Garfield! The claim, 'The Stalwarts are my friends,'
+hung Guiteau!" He was perhaps insane, and was certainly irresponsible,
+but his crime, coming simultaneously with the notoriety of the
+star-route frauds and the demands of Conkling, emphasized the pettiness
+of factions and the need for a reform in the civil service.</p>
+
+<p>The illness of Garfield dragged on through eleven weeks in the summer of
+1881, with bulletins one day up and the next down. The strain told on
+every one in the Administration. The prospect of Arthur's succession
+called attention to the fact that the Vice-President is rarely nominated
+for fitness, but is chosen at the end of a hot convention, in
+carelessness, or to placate a losing side. It led soon to the passage of
+an adequate Presidential Succession Act. The death of Garfield threw the
+control to the Republican faction that disliked him most.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Blaine, the head of Garfield's Cabinet, was most directly affected by
+the catastrophe. He had stepped from the Senate into the State
+Department at Garfield's request. While he was a receptive candidate for
+the Presidency this post suited his needs and gratified his taste. He
+loved business and liked to associate with men. He had a diplomatic
+vision that led him to formulate a more constructive policy than most
+Secretaries have had.</p>
+
+<p>With England, Blaine found negotiations upon the Isthmian Canal pending,
+having been taken up by Hayes. His attitude in his notes of 1881 failed
+to meet the approval of Great Britain, and ignored obligations that the
+United States had long before accepted. But it pointed to an American
+canal and was part of his larger scheme. His America was inclusive of
+both continents, and drew him to hope for larger trade relations in the
+Western Hemisphere. With the approval of Garfield he had started to
+mediate in South America, in a destructive war between Chile and Peru.
+He had on foot, when Garfield died, a scheme for a congress of the
+American States in the interest of a greater friendliness among them.
+The invitations for this gathering had just been issued when Arthur
+reorganized his Cabinet, brought F.T. Frelinghuysen in as Secretary of
+State, and let Blaine out. There was no public office ready for him at
+this time, so he retired to private life and the historical research
+upon which his <i>Twenty Years of Congress</i> was founded. Jefferson Davis
+had just brought out his <i>Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government</i>,
+while the Yorktown cente<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span>nary, like the centennial of independence, had
+stimulated the market for historical works.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The United States Census of 1880 is more elaborate and reliable than its
+predecessor of 1870, and may be supplemented to advantage by H.V. Poor,
+<i>Manual of the Railroads of the United States for 1880</i>, which contains
+a good sketch of railroad construction, and by R.P. Porter, <i>The West
+from the Census of 1880</i> (1882). E.E. Sparks, <i>National Development</i> (in
+<i>The American Nation</i>, vol. 23, 1907), is a useful survey of the years
+1877 to 1885, and contains a good bibliographical chapter. The
+bibliographies in Channing, Hart, and Turner's <i>Guide to the Study and
+Reading of American History</i> (1912) are specially valuable for the years
+1876 to 1912. E.B. Andrews, <i>The United States in Our Own Time</i> (1903),
+is discursive and entertaining. Special phases of material development
+may be reached through D.R. Dewey, <i>Financial History of the United
+States</i>; T.V. Powderly, <i>Thirty Years of Labor</i> (1889); H. George,
+<i>Progress and Poverty</i> (1879; and often reprinted), and the Aldrich
+Report on Prices (52d Congress, 2d session, Senate Report, No. 1394).
+Many interesting details are to be found in W.C. Hudson, <i>Random
+Recollections of an Old Political Reporter</i> (1911); and J.F. Rhodes has
+touched upon this period in his essays, among which are "A Review of
+President Hayes's Administration in the Light of Thirty Years" (<i>Century
+Magazine</i>, October, 1909); "The Railroad Riots of 1877" (<i>Scribner's
+Magazine</i>, July, 1911); and "The National Republican Conventions of 1880
+and 1884" (<i>Scribner's Magazine</i>, September, 1911). Among the economic
+journals started in the eighties, and containing a wealth of scholarly
+detail for contemporary history, are the <i>Quarterly Journal of
+Economics</i> and the <i>Political Science Quarterly</i>.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE NEW ISSUES <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Garfield died before he met his first Congress, the Forty-seventh, which
+was elected with him in 1880, but he lived long enough to foresee the
+first chance to do party business that had appeared since 1875. When
+Grant lost the lower house at the election of 1874, the Democrats gained
+control of that body and Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, supplanted Blaine
+as Speaker. On Kerr's death in 1876, Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania,
+took the place, and was continued in it through the next two Congresses,
+in the latter of which, the Forty-sixth, his party controlled the Senate
+too. It had been impossible to produce an agreement between the Senate,
+the House, and the President on important new matters. They could not
+always agree even on appropriations, and all Republicans felt with Mrs.
+Blaine when she wrote, after the election of 1880, "Do you take in that
+the House is Republican, and the Senate a tie, which gives the casting
+vote to the Republican V.P.? Oh, how good it is to win and to be on the
+strong side!"</p>
+
+<p>When the new Congress organized, Randall ceased to be Speaker and became
+leader of the minority, while J. Warren Keifer, of Ohio, took his place,
+with a small Republican majority behind him. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> Senate the
+predictions of Mrs. Blaine were fulfilled, although the accident which
+made a President of Arthur left the Senate without a Vice-President. In
+the even division of the Senate, the two independent members controlled
+the whole. Judge David Davis, transferred "from the Supreme Bench to the
+Fence," became the presiding officer, and generally voted with the
+Republicans, though elected as a Democrat. Mahone, of Virginia, an
+Irishman and an ex-Confederate, called himself a "Readjuster," and voted
+with the Administration. These two men made it possible to carry party
+measures through Congress.</p>
+
+<p>Shortly after Congress met in 1881, Arthur reorganized his Cabinet,
+allowing the friends of Garfield to resign and putting his own Stalwart
+friends in their places. The new Secretary of State, Frelinghuysen, took
+up Blaine's policies and mangled them. He adhered to the general view of
+an American canal, as Blaine had done. He pushed the influence of the
+United States in Europe as far as he could, keeping Lowell, in England,
+busy in behalf of Irish-Americans whose lust for Home Rule got them into
+trouble with the British police. But he dropped the South American
+policy, recalled the invitations to the Pan-American Congress, and kept
+hands off the Chilean war. Blaine protested in vain against this
+humiliating reversal.</p>
+
+<p>The decision of Arthur to take counsel from the Stalwarts aroused fears
+among others of the party that his would be the administration of a
+spoilsman. His first message, however, somewhat allayed these fears, for
+it dwelt at length upon the unsatis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span>factory status of the civil service,
+and the need for a merit system that should govern removals and
+appointments. He promised his support to measures even more
+thoroughgoing than the reformers had asked, and, in January, 1883,
+signed the "magna carta" of civil service reform.</p>
+
+<p>The use of public offices for party purposes had been regarded as a
+scandal by independents of both parties for four administrations. The
+long list of breaches of trust, revealed in the seventies, had made
+reformers feel that incompetence and spoils endangered the life of the
+nation. As late as 1880, they had heard a delegate in the Republican
+Convention, when asked to vote for a civil service plank, exclaim
+indignantly: "Mr. President, Texas has had quite enough of the civil
+service.... We are not here, sir, for the purpose of providing offices
+for the Democracy.... After we have won the race, as we will, we will
+give those who are entitled to positions office. What are we up here
+for?" And they had become used to the silent or outspoken resistance to
+their demands from men in "practical" politics.</p>
+
+<p>The history of the civil servants of the United States falls into three
+periods: Before 1829, 1829-65, and 1865-83. In the first period they
+were commonly treated as permanent officials. Rarely had they been
+removed for partisan purposes, although it had been the wail of
+Jefferson that "few die, and none resign." Appointments had often been
+given as the reward for past services, but none had felt a need for a
+general proscription of officials upon the entry of a new President.</p>
+
+<p>Andrew<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> Jackson brought a new practice into use in 1829. His election
+followed a political revolution, in which it was believed by his
+supporters that the National Republican party had become corrupt. It was
+a matter of faith and pledge to turn the incumbents out of office.
+Hungry patriots crowded round the jobs, while Jackson's advisers
+included men who in New York and Pennsylvania had already learned how to
+use the offices as retainers for future service. Advocacy of the
+Democratic principle of rotation in office was in practice easily
+converted into the maintenance of the maxim that "to the victors belong
+the spoils."</p>
+
+<p>Every President after Jackson used the offices for partisan purposes,
+and few objected to the practice on theoretical grounds. The simplicity
+of the National Government made the habit less destructive than it
+otherwise would have been. The spoils system did not enter the army or
+navy, the only extensive technical departments of the United States. In
+other branches of the Government a large majority of the officials were
+unskilled penmen, whose places could easily be filled with others as
+little skilled as themselves. Always a few clerks who knew the business
+were saved to guide the recruits, and the departments were generally
+working again before a President met his first Congress.</p>
+
+<p>Lincoln was not different from his predecessors in the use of offices.
+He permitted the most complete sweep that had yet been made, being
+forced to an unusually high percentage of new appointments by the
+necessity of removing Southerners. In his hands<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> the patronage became an
+additional weapon for the Union, upholding the leaders in Congress, and
+striking at the backsliders. In the election of 1864 the Union party
+carried all the branches of the Government, and it had a vision of four
+years of complete control of the offices when the death of Lincoln
+brought a Tennessee Democrat into the White. House.</p>
+
+<p>The discussion of civil service reform, on theoretical grounds, began
+about 1865, when the evil of removals for party purposes was shown to
+the Senate. Johnson was trying to use the patronage for his own ends, in
+opposition to the will of the radicals in Congress. Reformers who
+maintained the iniquity of this custom now found temporary converts
+among the Republicans. They got a committee appointed on the civil
+service in 1866, and President Grant announced his conversion to the
+principle early in his Administration.</p>
+
+<p>In 1871 Congress tried the experiment of a modest appropriation
+($25,000) for a reform of the civil service, and Grant placed the test
+in the hands of George William Curtis, a leader of the new reform. The
+commission breasted the whole current of politics, found that Grant
+would not support it in critical cases, and was abandoned by Congress
+after a short trial. The demand, however, increased, receiving the
+support of the independents who were Liberal Republicans in 1872, and
+who thereafter constituted a menace to party regularity. Schurz, Godkin,
+and Curtis were their admitted leaders. In 1872 and 1876 they persuaded
+the great parties to put gen<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span>eral pledges for civil service reform into
+their platforms. Schurz, as Secretary of the Interior under Hayes, put
+their ideal partly into practice. In 1881 they were a well-recognized
+body of advocates, with a definite doctrine of non-partisan efficiency,
+which few politicians denied in principle or liked in fact.</p>
+
+<p>Public attention was focused upon the civil service by the events of
+1881. The fight between Garfield and Conkling raised not only the
+question of the relative rights of President and Senate in appointments,
+but that of the use of offices for the support of political machines.
+The frauds uncovered in postal administration by the star-route
+investigations could hardly have occurred in a department administered
+by experienced and competent officials. The murder of Garfield by a
+disappointed office-seeker gave additional emphasis to the need for
+reform, and these things coming together made possible the passage of a
+civil service act earlier than its advocates expected.</p>
+
+<p>President Arthur recommended the reform in 1881, and his party,
+chastened by the fall election of 1882, took up a law in the session of
+1882-83. Eaton, one of the leading reformers, and first chairman of the
+Civil Service Commission, wrote the bill which Congress passed with
+little real debate. Men who hated the measure knew the unwisdom of
+opposing it. A board of three commissioners was created in 1883 to
+classify the civil servants, prepare rules and lists, and conduct
+examinations. The classified service, removed from politics, began with
+13,780 officers in 1884; by 1896 it contained 87,044; by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> 1911, 227,657.
+It grew most actively toward the end of each administration, as outgoing
+Presidents transferred to it the offices that they had filled. Its best
+recommendation was to be found in the opposition of politicians toward
+it.</p>
+
+<p>Arthur did better than the reformers had hoped in urging and
+administering the Civil Service Act. He prosecuted the star-route
+trials, even among his Stalwart friends.</p>
+
+<p>In 1882 Congress, with Arthur's approval, took up a revision of the
+tariff. Neither of the great parties had, in 1882, received a clear
+mandate touching the tariff, although it was true that most Republicans
+were content with the system in its general outlines, while a
+considerable number of Democrats were listening to tariff reform and
+asking for a tariff for revenue only. It had been eighteen years since
+the last general revision had taken place, and in that period unforeseen
+conditions had developed, whose tendency was at once to point the need
+for a readjustment of schedules and to create a class of citizens whose
+profits would be touched thereby. The course of financial reconstruction
+between 1865 and 1875 had raised the rate of actual protection beyond
+the expectations of its advocates.</p>
+
+<p>In 1865 the revenues of the United States, amounting to $322,000,000,
+and far exceeding the needs of the Treasury in time of peace, came
+chiefly from the tariff and the internal revenue. The two taxes were
+dependent upon each other. Each increase in the latter had forced an
+increase in the former, lest special burdens should be laid upon
+American manu<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span>facture. The ideal of protection had never been lacking,
+nor had special interests failed to look out for themselves, but the
+dominant spirit in the war taxes was revenue.</p>
+
+<p>When Congress undertook to reduce the revenue to a peace basis, it found
+that every approach to the tariff aroused classes of interested
+manufacturers, while every attack upon the internal revenue was welcomed
+by the public. As a result, following the line of least resistance, most
+of the internal taxes were removed by 1870, leaving the tariff rates
+where they had been, and higher than any protectionist had asked. A
+large part of the tariff rate had been intended to equalize the internal
+revenue tax; the removal of the latter created to that extent an
+incidental protection, which was unexpected but was none the less
+acceptable. Some few details of the tariff were modified by special
+acts, and there was a flat reduction of ten per cent in 1872. But the
+panic of 1873 reduced the revenues and frightened Congress, in 1875,
+into restoring the ten per cent. In 1882 the rates of 1865 remained
+substantially unchanged, leaving the protected industries in the
+enjoyment of an incidental protection never intended for them and
+created only by accident in the general reduction of revenue.</p>
+
+<p>Spasmodic attacks were made upon the tariff system throughout the
+seventies, but since few defended it on principle they failed to affect
+the public. The tariff was not a political issue. Opposition to it was
+confined to members of the Democratic party, in search for weapons to
+turn against the Republicans, and to theorists and economists who had
+little con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span>nection with politics. There were free-trade clubs after
+1868, though few ever wanted to establish real free trade. All that the
+free-trader commonly desired was a mitigation of protection and the
+establishment of reasonable rates. Godkin, Schurz, Sumner of Yale, David
+A. Wells, Edward Atkinson, and Henry D. Lloyd taught the
+tariff-for-revenue theory wherever they could find listeners. Wells
+wrote on "The Creed of Free Trade," in the <i>Atlantic Monthly</i> in 1875,
+and was sure he had found the issue of 1876. But in neither this nor the
+next campaign did the parties face the issue. In 1880 the tariff figured
+only as a means of embarrassing Hancock, while Garfield did not even
+mention it in his inaugural.</p>
+
+<p>The forces that compelled a revision of the tariff in 1882-83 had to do
+with revenue and expenditures. Following the new prosperity the receipts
+increased beyond the ability of Congress to spend them. There was a
+small surplus in 1879. In 1880 it was $68,000,000; in 1881,
+$101,000,000; in 1882, $145,000,000; in 1883, $132,000,000. The surplus
+was a constant incentive to extravagance and deranged the currency. If
+it was allowed to remain in the Treasury, its millions were withheld
+from circulation, and contraction was the result; if it was applied to
+the purchase or redemption of bonds, the national bank currency was
+contracted, for this was founded upon bonds owned by the banks; and it
+could not be spent without the invention of new channels. The temptation
+to increase pension payments was strengthened, while public works
+multiplied without reason.</p>
+
+<p>The waste of money on public works induced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> Arthur to advertise the need
+for a reduction of the revenue. The annual River and Harbor Bill had
+consumed $3,900,000 in 1870, and $8,900,000 in 1880. In 1882 the bill
+was swollen to over $18,000,000 by greed and log-rolling. Arthur vetoed
+it as unreasonable and unconstitutional in August, 1882. It passed over
+his veto, but the defeat of his party in the following November was
+construed as a vindication of the President. The Republicans lost
+control of the House of Representatives, Democratic governors were
+elected in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, in New York, Connecticut, New
+Jersey, and Indiana, and critics began to ask if this was the beginning
+of the end of the party. The certainty that party bills could not be
+passed in the next Congress, with the control divided, stimulated the
+Republicans to act while they could. The Civil Service Act was passed
+early in 1883, and on the same day the House took up the consideration
+of a new tariff.</p>
+
+<p>Arthur, in 1881, had urged that the revenues be reduced and the tariff
+be revised, and Congress had created a commission to investigate the
+needed changes, in May, 1882. This committee was in session throughout
+the following summer, sitting in manufacturing centers all over the East
+and hearing testimony from all varieties of manufacturers. It had been
+organized on a conservative basis, containing members familiar with the
+needs of sheep-raisers and wool manufacturers, and iron and sugar, as
+well as experts on administration. Its enemies thought that it was
+pledged to protection at the start. The commission expressed a belief
+that the country desired<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> to adhere to the general idea of protection,
+but it early learned the force of the demand for revision and reduction,
+and sent into the House, in December, 1882, a project for a bill
+intended to reduce the tariff at least twenty per cent. The bill based
+on this was reported from the Committee on Ways and Means on January 16,
+1883, and was debated until February 20, and then abandoned in the House
+for a bill which had passed the Senate.</p>
+
+<p>The Senate Bill was in the form of an amendment to an Internal Revenue
+Bill already before that house. It was passed on February 20 under the
+leadership of the young Senator from Rhode Island, Nelson W. Aldrich,
+and was sent to conference by the House a week later. In conference a
+new bill was substituted for the Senate Bill. This was hurried through
+both houses in time to receive the signature of Arthur on March 3, 1883.</p>
+
+<p>The tariff of 1883 failed to meet the demand for a revision. Its debates
+show the difficulties attendant upon the construction of any tariff.
+Congress was divided upon the theory of protection, both parties
+including high protectionists as well as tariff-for-revenue men. The
+revenue-producing side of the tariff increased the complexities, since
+every change in a rate might affect the standing of the Treasury. In
+addition to the economic and the fiscal needs, quite serious enough,
+there was the tireless influence of the lobby of manufacturers, pressing
+for single rates which should aid this business or that. Few Congressmen
+were sufficiently detached in interests to be entirely dispassionate as
+they framed the sched<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span>ules. Many did not even try to disguise their
+desire to promote local interests. Neither party had a mandate on the
+tariff in 1882, but when the act had become a law it was clear that most
+of the Republican leaders voted cheerfully for all the protection they
+could get, that the intent to reduce the revenue had failed, and that
+what little hope of revision remained was in the opposition party. "The
+kaleidoscope has been turned a hair's breadth," said the <i>Nation</i>, "and
+the colors transposed a little, but the component parts are the same."
+It was deliberate bad faith throughout, urged a Democratic leader, and
+"finished this magnificent shaft [of the tariff policy] which they had
+been for years erecting, and crowned it with the last stone by repealing
+the internal tax on playing cards and putting a twenty per cent tax upon
+the Bible."</p>
+
+<p>Throughout the tariff debate no argument had been used more steadily
+than that of the protectionists that protection to labor was their aim.
+The degradation of "pauper labor" in Europe was contrasted repeatedly
+with that prosperity that was typical of America. The insistence upon
+the argument revealed the desire to conciliate a class that was being
+noticed in American society for the first time.</p>
+
+<p>The great labor problem before the Civil War had been that of getting
+enough laborers and meeting the competition which the abundant free
+lands of the West had offered. Labor organizations and strikes had been
+so unusual that public opinion had not yet come to regard them as normal
+features of society. But the manufacturing development of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span>
+sixties in iron and steel, in textiles, and in other machine industries,
+threw workmen together in increasing number, taught them their interests
+as a class, and set the scene for an outbreak of strikes when the shops
+shut down or reduced wages in the depression of the seventies. About
+1877 these strikes shocked society by their violence. Neither had the
+public been educated to the strike itself, nor the labor leaders to that
+moderation, without which public sympathy cannot be retained or strikes
+won. A feeling adverse to organized labor swept the country and
+endangered the existence of the labor movement.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>
+POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION, 1850-1910<br />
+<small>Click on image for larger version</small>
+<br />
+(Table and Diagram based upon Thirteenth Census, 1910, Population,<br />
+Vol. 1, pp. 129, 130.)</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus12.jpg"><img src='images/illus11.jpg' alt='population'  /></a>
+<a id='illus11' name='illus11'></a>
+</p>
+
+
+<p>The Knights of Labor received the heaviest weight of disfavor. This was
+an industrial union, founded in 1869, embracing labor of all trades, and
+held together by a secret organization. Dismissal so often followed
+admitted membership in a union that secrecy was defensible, but secrecy
+mystified and frightened the public. The policy of secrecy was abandoned
+in 1882, after the excesses of the "Molly Maguires" had brought
+discredit upon all organized labor. Under the leadership of Grand Master
+Workman Powderly the Knights carried on an open and aggressive campaign
+of education for labor and inspection laws throughout the Union. The
+American Federation of Labor, founded in 1881 and reorganized in 1886,
+aided in this general work, and with the Knights helped to reconcile the
+public to the principle of unionism.</p>
+
+<p>State bureaus of labor appeared in many States as the result of the
+general agitation. An eight-hour law, for federal employees, had been
+gained in 1868,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> while in 1884 a Commissioner of Labor was created in
+the Department of the Interior. Arthur was urged to give the post to
+Powderly, but selected instead an economist less actively identified
+with the propaganda, Carroll D. Wright, under whose direction the Bureau
+grew steadily in importance. Its reports became quarries for statistical
+information on the labor problem, and its success justified its
+incorporation in the new Department of Commerce and Labor in 1903.</p>
+
+<p>The "Army of the Discontented," as Powderly called the workers, demanded
+education and protective laws, and turned their attention to competition
+about 1882. The cutting of wages by peasant laborers, newly arrived in
+America, was a grievance as soon as labor became class-conscious.
+Opposition to this became virulent in the Far West, where the foreigner
+was also a Mongolian. The Chinese of the Pacific Slope, more frugal and
+industrious than Americans, were harried in the early eighties, and
+violence was done them in many quarters. Garfield had been weakened in
+1880 by a forged letter seeming to show that he favored the introduction
+of more Chinese. So numerous were the persecutors that Congress
+responded to the demand for a Chinese Exclusion Bill, in spite of the
+Treaty of 1880, which guaranteed fair treatment. Arthur vetoed the first
+bill, but accepted a second, less stringent in its terms. After this
+victory, the labor forces turned upon immigration in general.</p>
+
+<p>No idea had been fixed more firmly in the American mind than that the
+oppressed of Europe were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> here to find opportunity. Immigrants had
+always been welcomed and assimilated, while Congress had, in 1864,
+organized a bureau to encourage and safeguard immigration. The influx
+always increased in prosperous, and declined in adverse, years. After
+1878 the annual number broke all records. Western railway corporations
+were inviting immigrants to use their lands, manufacturers called them
+to the mills, and the total rose from 177,000 in 1879 to 788,000 in
+1882. This latter year was the greatest of the century, its newcomers
+attracting the attention of the press, of the city charities who felt
+their growing responsibilities, and of the unions who felt their
+competition. Nearly all the immigrants were producers, a high percentage
+being able-bodied young men and women. The greatest number came from
+Great Britain, among whom the Irish settled in the Eastern cities. Next
+were the Germans, who moved toward Chicago or St. Louis, while the
+Scandinavians filled up the wheat-lands of the Northwest.</p>
+
+<p>Under the demand of the labor vote, Congress provided, in 1882, for the
+inspection of immigrants and the deportation of undesirable aliens, and
+in 1885 it forbade the importation of skilled laborers under contract.
+As yet the labor movement was largely aristocratic, safeguarding the
+skilled workmen, but disregarding the common laborers.</p>
+
+<p>The labor and immigration movement in its new aspect widened the field
+for economic legislation, for few States had factory laws, employers'
+liability laws, or laws protecting the weak,&mdash;the women and the
+children. It also complicated the situation in politics.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> The Germans
+and Scandinavians, settling in centers which had been strongly Unionist
+in the Civil War, were believed to absorb the doctrines of the
+Republicans from their compatriots already in America. The Irish were
+generally Democrats, and the only Republican leader who had a large
+following among them was Blaine. He had fraternized with the California
+Irish leader, Dennis Kearney; as Secretary of State he had protected
+naturalized Irishmen who went home to fight for Home Rule; some of his
+immediate family were Catholics; and his insistence on an American canal
+won him friends who were already disposed to hate Great Britain.</p>
+
+<p>The votes of 1876 and 1880 showed that the two parties were nearly even
+in strength, so that any slight popularity or accident might decide an
+election. As politicians prepared for 1884 the attitude of naturalized
+foreigners assumed a new importance which the friends of the various
+candidates tried to measure. The campaign could not be fought on any of
+the old issues, but which of the new&mdash;civil service, tariff, or
+labor&mdash;was in doubt.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The best history of civil service reform is C.R. Fish, <i>The Civil
+Service and the Patronage</i> (1905). This supplants all previous accounts,
+and may itself be supplemented in detail by the Annual Reports of the
+United States Civil Service Commission (1883-), by the <i>Memoirs of Carl
+Schurz</i> (3 vols., 1907-08), the <i>Writings of Carl Schurz</i> (7 vols.,
+Frederic Bancroft, <i>ed.</i>, 1912), the biographies of J.R. Lowell, E.L.
+Godkin, and George William Curtis, and the files of <i>Harper's Weekly</i>,
+the <i>Nation</i>, and the <i>North American Review</i>. The general nar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span>rative of
+the eighties is covered by E.E. Sparks, <i>National Development</i>, and D.R.
+Dewey, <i>National Problems</i> (in <i>The American Nation</i>, vols. 23 and 24,
+1907), and E.B. Andrews, <i>The United States in Our Own Time</i>. A
+thoughtful economic analysis of the period is D.A. Wells, <i>Recent
+Economic Changes</i> (1890). The Report of the Tariff Commission of 1882 is
+valuable for the study of tariff revision, as are also the standard
+tariff histories by E. Stanwood, I.M. Tarbell, and F.W. Taussig. The
+Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Labor (1884-) are fundamental for
+the labor problem. Useful monographs are C.D. Wright, <i>An Historical
+Sketch of the Knights of Labor</i> (in <i>Quarterly Journal of Economics</i>,
+vol. <span class="smcap">I</span>), T.V. Powderly, <i>Thirty Years of Labor</i> (1889), G.E.
+McNeill, <i>The Labor Movement</i> (1887), and M.A. Aldrich, <i>The American
+Federation of Labor</i> (in American Economic Association, Economic
+Studies, vol. <span class="smcap">III</span>).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>GROVER CLEVELAND <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The Administration of Chester A. Arthur proved that the President had
+never been so discreditable a spoilsman as the reformers had believed,
+or else that he had changed his spots. The term ended in dignity and
+Arthur hoped to secure a personal vindication through renomination by
+his party. His struggle precipitated a contest of leaders, and until the
+nominations were made, none could say where either party stood.</p>
+
+<p>The independents, chiefly of Republican antecedents, hoped to retain
+what had been gained in the last Administration. They hoped to extend
+the reform in the civil service and to focus attention upon the tariff.
+The failure of downward revision in 1883 had strengthened their hands
+and increased their hopes. They had dallied with bolting movements and
+threats so long that party regularity meant little to them. Either party
+could obtain their support by nominating men who could be trusted to
+stick to their platform. Arthur was not acceptable to them, and Blaine
+was anathema.</p>
+
+<p>The candidacy of Arthur was doomed to failure. He had alienated the
+Stalwarts by his independence, while he had failed to win the reformers
+because he had not invariably refrained from playing the poli<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span>tician. In
+the fall of 1882 he had interfered in the campaign in New York, allowing
+his Secretary of the Treasury, Charles J. Folger, while retaining that
+office, to be the Republican candidate for governor. This had led to the
+belief that the patronage was being used for local purposes, and had
+stirred up an opposition to Folger which defeated him. Arthur's veto of
+the Chinese Exclusion Bill and the River and Harbor Bill further
+increased his unpopularity in various sections. He failed to win over
+the Blaine faction, who regarded him as an intrusive accident and waited
+impatiently for the next national convention.</p>
+
+<p>Blaine was the leader of the Republican party in 1884, so far as it had
+a leader, and he possessed all the weaknesses of such a leader as well
+as personal weaknesses of his own. Rarely has it been possible to
+nominate or to elect one who has gained a dominant place through party
+struggles. Such men, Clay, Webster, Calhoun, and their kind, have
+commonly created enough enemies, as they have risen, to make them
+unavailable as leaders of a national ticket. Blaine was handicapped like
+these. His prolonged fight against Conkling and the Stalwarts created a
+breach too deep to fill, while the old questions respecting his honor
+would not down.</p>
+
+<p>Early in 1884 Blaine was the leading candidate for the nomination in
+spite of all opposition. The Republican National Committee was in charge
+of men who sympathized with him. Dorsey had resigned as its secretary
+after the star-route exposure, though his associate in land
+speculations, Stephen<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> B. Elkins, remained as one of the managers. The
+control was in the hands of men who had close affiliation with the old
+organization, and of the manufacturers who had blocked tariff revision
+in 1883. It was improbable, in the opinion of many independents, that a
+tariff reduction could be got from an Administration headed by Blaine;
+they questioned his sincerity upon civil service reform; and they
+thought it not right that any man, concerning whose character there was
+a doubt, should be President. They put forward, within the party,
+Senator George F. Edmunds, whom they had desired in 1880, and who had
+since become President of the Senate. Other candidates with local
+followings were General John A. Logan, of Illinois, John Sherman, and
+the President himself.</p>
+
+<p>The Chicago Convention of the Republican party, meeting early in June,
+was the scene of a battle between the two elements in the party. At the
+outset, the old independents, headed by Curtis, and reinforced by
+younger men like Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, and Theodore
+Roosevelt, of New York, broke the slate of the National Committee and
+seated a chairman of their own choice. But the regulars rallied,
+controlled the platform, and made the nomination. Blaine and John A.
+Logan were selected, the former accepting the honor with secret
+misgivings, for he had a clear understanding of the intensity of the
+opposition within the party. The reformers went home discouraged, many
+of them determined not to let party regularity hold them to Blaine.</p>
+
+<p>Out of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> the nomination of Blaine grew the "Mugwump" movement, whose
+influence was greater than that of the last bolt. The origin of the name
+"Mugwump" is not entirely clear, but it was well known as an opprobrious
+epithet, and was applied now by party regulars to the "holier-than-thou"
+reformers. One of the regulars later quoted Revelation at them: "Thou
+art neither hot nor cold ... so, then, I will spew thee out of my
+mouth." They were more offensive to Republicans than were the Democrats,
+while the latter were bewildered but cynical. "I know that to-day we are
+living in a very highly scented atmosphere of political reform," said
+one of the Democratic Senators a little later, "I know that under the
+saintly leadership of the Eatonian school of political philosophers we
+are all ceasing to be partisans, that we no longer recognize party
+obligations, party duty, party discipline, and party devoirs; that we
+are all to become reconciled to a life of political monasticism; but I
+will continue to have one failing, and that is in my humble way to be as
+watchful and as vigilant of the purposes, designs, and craft of the
+Republican leaders as I have endeavored to be in the past."</p>
+
+<p>The Mugwumps left Chicago and at once opened negotiations with the
+Democratic leaders. The <i>Nation</i> and the <i>Evening Post</i> were already
+with them. <i>Harper's Weekly</i>, which had been a Union journal in the war,
+and Republican ever since, abandoned the party ticket. George William
+Curtis, its editor, led in the revolt, and the Mugwumps met at the house
+of one of the Harpers for organization, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> June 17, 1884. Their problem
+was whether to nominate an independent ticket and be defeated, or to
+support and help elect a Democratic President, in case the Democrats
+should be willing to co&ouml;perate with them.</p>
+
+<p>Not all the reformers turned from Blaine. Whitelaw Reid, the successor
+of Horace Greeley on the New York <i>Tribune</i>, remained regular. Lodge
+went back to Massachusetts and persuaded himself to take part in the
+canvass. Roosevelt, discouraged by the nomination of Blaine, remained
+regular, but stepped out of the campaign and began his ranch life in the
+Far West. With him, as with many others, it was a matter of conviction
+that reform, to be effective, must be urged within the party. But enough
+of the reformers went with the Mugwumps to lessen Blaine's chances of
+election.</p>
+
+<p>When the Mugwumps made overtures for fusion to the Democratic leaders,
+they had in mind as a candidate a young Democratic lawyer who had
+appeared as Mayor of Buffalo in 1881 and had been elected as reform
+Governor of New York in 1882. He had secured the aid of independent
+reformers in that campaign,&mdash;men who resented the candidacy of Folger
+and the intrusion of the National Administration in local politics. As
+governor he had speedily established his reputation for stubborn honesty
+and independent judgment. Grover Cleveland had become, like Tilden, the
+most promising candidate in a party that had no admitted leader.</p>
+
+<p>The opposition from two elements in his party, at the Democratic
+Convention in Chicago, strengthened<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> Cleveland as the candidate of
+reform. Ben Butler, who had himself been nominated for the Presidency by
+an Anti-Monopoly Convention, denounced him as a foe of labor; and such
+was Butler's reputation that his enmity was one of Cleveland's assets.
+John Kelly, the chief of Tammany Hall, opposed him, too, having learned
+to know him as Governor of New York. Well might Cleveland's friends say,
+"We love him for the enemies he has made." They nominated him on the
+second ballot, selecting Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, to run with
+him. Their platform was full of reform, even of the tariff, but on the
+latter subject it was less specific than the tariff reformers had hoped.</p>
+
+<p>As the parties stood in 1884, personal character meant more than
+platform or party name. Cleveland possessed qualities that made his
+appeal to independents quite as strong as it was to Democrats. With
+older brothers in the army he had supported his mother during the war,
+and had kept clear of copperheadism. He stood for sound money; he
+believed in a tariff for revenue; he had proved his devotion to civil
+service reform; he lacked the factional enemies who weakened the
+candidacy of a prominent leader like Blaine; and his peculiar appeal to
+Republican dissenters led the canvass away from issues into the field of
+personalities.</p>
+
+<p>The charge of the independents upon Blaine's personal honor caused the
+Republican schism and drove the party regulars into a retort in kind.
+The private life of the candidates was uncovered to the annoyance of
+both and to the greater embarrassment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> of Cleveland. Nothing
+discreditable to his honesty could be found, but an apparent lapse in
+his private conduct gave the pretext for wild and dishonest attacks upon
+his character. A few years later the novelist, Paul Leicester Ford, in a
+keen study of New York politics entitled <i>The Honorable Peter Stirling</i>,
+portrayed a situation somewhat resembling that of Cleveland, though
+disclaiming Cleveland as his model. The Boston <i>Journal</i> led in the
+exploitation of the charges, and partisans forgot decency on both sides.
+Nast, having formerly cartooned Blaine in the "Bloody Shirt," now turned
+to "A Roaring Farce&mdash;The Plumed Knight in a Clean Shirt," while others
+pointed out the fact that the admirer who coined the "plumed knight"
+epithet had been counsel for the fraudulent star-route contractors.</p>
+
+<p>Attempts were made to appeal to class hatred on both sides. Butler had
+hesitated for several weeks in his acceptance of the nomination by the
+Anti-Monopoly Convention. Greenbackers and a few labor leaders made up
+his following, and it was supposed that they would draw votes from the
+Democrats. After conference with Republican leaders, Butler agreed to
+run, and it was freely charged that these leaders financed his campaign
+to injure Cleveland. Republicans appealed to the Irish vote by recalling
+Blaine's vigorous diplomacy against Great Britain; their opponents
+caricatured Blaine by representing him as consorting with Irish thugs
+and dynamiters. At the very end of the canvass a chance remark may have
+decided the result.</p>
+
+<p>So much had been said of character in the cam<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span>paign that both candidates
+brought out the clergy to give them certificates of excellence. In
+October a meeting of clergymen of all denominations was held at the
+Fifth Avenue Hotel to greet Blaine. The oldest minister, Burchard by
+name, was asked to deliver the address, and while he spoke Blaine
+thought of other matters. He thus missed a phrase which other hearers
+caught and which the Democrats immediately advertised. It denounced the
+Democrats as adherents of "rum, Romanism, and rebellion," and was
+reported as conveying a gratuitous insult to the Irish vote. How many
+Irish turned from Blaine to Cleveland in the last week of the campaign
+cannot be said, but the election was so close that a few votes, swung
+either way, could have determined it. Cleveland carried New York and won
+a majority of the electoral college, but his popular plurality over
+Blaine was only 23,000, while he had some 300,000 fewer than his
+combined rivals. Butler drew 175,000 votes without defeating Cleveland.
+Purists, disgusted with the personalities of the campaign, swelled the
+Prohibition vote to 150,000.</p>
+
+<p>On March 4, 1885, Grover Cleveland was inaugurated as the first Democrat
+elected President since James Buchanan. His Cabinet was necessarily
+filled with men inexperienced in national administration, for the party
+had been proscribed for six terms. The greatest attention was attracted
+by the two former Confederates, Garland and Lamar, whose career did much
+to disprove the "gloomy and baseless superstition" of twenty years,
+"that one half of the nation had become the irreconcilable enemies<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> of
+the national unity and the national will." It was an American
+Administration, and of its chief, James Russell Lowell, who had known
+men in many lands, wrote, "He is a truly American type of the best
+kind&mdash;a type very dear to me, I confess."</p>
+
+<p>The State Department was entrusted to Thomas F. Bayard, who had been a
+competitor for the nomination in 1884, and who sustained the tradition
+that only first-rate men shall fill this office. Bayard proceeded at
+once to undo the work of the last five years and to reverse a policy of
+Blaine. A treaty with Nicaragua, negotiated by Frelinghuysen in
+December, 1884, ran counter to the English treaty of 1850. After a vain
+attempt to persuade Great Britain to abandon the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty
+respecting an isthmian canal, Frelinghuysen had disregarded it and
+acquired a complete right-of-way from Nicaragua. This was pending in the
+Senate when Cleveland was inaugurated, and was withdrawn at once. The
+United States reverted to the old Whig policy of a neutralized canal.</p>
+
+<p>In all departments the new Administration was forced to test the
+strength of its convictions upon civil service reform. During its long
+years of opposition the party had often voiced a demand for reform, but
+now in office its workers demanded the usual rewards of success.
+Cleveland had fought the spoils politicians in New York, and had taken
+counsel of Carl Schurz after his election as President. In the next four
+years he nearly doubled the number in the classified service in the face
+of opposition from his most intimate associates.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The problems of prosperity and national growth, developing in the
+eighties and culminating between 1885 and 1889, involved administrative
+efficiency rather than party policy. On every side the Government was
+forced to expand its activities, and Cleveland was occupied in getting
+new machinery into operation and meeting conditions for which no
+precedents existed.</p>
+
+<p>Organized labor had gained concessions from Congress in a Bureau of
+Labor, in 1884, and an Anti-Contract Labor Law in 1885. These called for
+sympathetic administration and encouraged labor to hope for more. During
+1886 and 1887 the views of labor leaders attracted much attention
+because of a series of strikes and riots. In the greatest of these the
+local chapters of the Knights of Labor fought against the Gould railways
+of the Southwest&mdash;the Missouri Pacific and the Texas Pacific. The strike
+originated in March, 1886, in sympathy with labor organizers who had
+been discharged by the railroad. Under the leadership of Martin Irons it
+spread over the Southwest, causing distress in those regions which were
+dependent upon the railroad for fuel and food and causing disorder in
+the towns where the idle workmen congregated. Powderly and the other
+chief officials of the Knights tried to stop the strike, but were
+ineffective, while the railroad managers shaped events so as to divert
+the sympathies of the Western people against the strikers. The Knights
+never recovered from the blow which the loss of the strike inflicted
+upon them.</p>
+
+<p>In May, 1886, a general demonstration in favor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> of the eight-hour day
+was planned and carried out. In Milwaukee riots ensued, the militia was
+called out by Governor Rusk, and a volley was fired into the mob. In
+Chicago the union movement was combined with anarchy and socialism, and
+opponents of all did not discriminate among them. A meeting of the
+anarchists was broken up by the police, several of whom were killed by
+the explosion of a bomb thrown in the tumult. In 1887 a group of the
+anarchist leaders were hanged, having been convicted of what may be
+called constructive conspiracy. The unrest revealed by the strikes and
+riots showed that the old period of uniform well-being and satisfaction
+was over.</p>
+
+<p>The demands made upon politics by organized labor were exceeded by the
+demands of organized patriotism. The veterans of the Civil War, who were
+in early manhood in 1865, were now in middle life, were possessed of
+political influence, and turned to the National Government for personal
+advantage. Advocates of protection acted upon the theory that for
+national purposes special advantages ought to be given to manufacturers.
+The same idea of government readily bestowed these advantages in return
+for a past service.</p>
+
+<p>The machinery of the veterans was the Grand Army of the Republic, which,
+from being an unimportant, reminiscent league, had grown to be an
+instrument for the procuring of pensions. The surplus tempted citizens
+to make demands upon it; the number of soldier votes encouraged
+politicians to comply with the demands. In 1879 the movement began<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> with
+an Arrears of Pensions Act, by which pensioners were entitled to back
+pay from their mustering-out dates, regardless of the period at which
+their incapacity set in. The next step involved the issuing of pensions
+for incapacity and dependence, regardless of their cause, and opened the
+way for pensions for service only. In 1887 Cleveland vetoed a pension
+bill of this character, and prevented its passage until the term of his
+successor, in 1890. He had already offended many of his supporters by
+guarding the offices; his pension veto offended more by checking the
+attack of the old soldiers on the Treasury. No one opposed the granting
+of pensions to soldiers who had been injured in the Civil War, but the
+demands of the leaders of the Grand Army, supported by the interests of
+hundreds of attorneys who lived on pension claims, now assumed the
+appearance of an organized raid on the Treasury. The general laws were
+supplemented by special private pension laws, of which 1871 were sent to
+Cleveland in four years. He vetoed 228 of these, often to his political
+injury. In many cases these made allowances to persons whose claims had
+been rejected by the Pension Bureau as inadequate or fraudulent. In the
+course of time Cleveland became "thoroughly tired of disapproving gifts
+of public money to individuals who in my view have no right or claim to
+the same." The pension fund, he maintained, was "the soldiers' fund,"
+and should be distributed so as to "exclude perversion as well as to
+insure a liberal and generous application of grateful and benevolent
+designs." In the ten years ending in 1889, Congress spent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> $644,000,000
+on pensions; in the next ten it spent $1,350,000,000.</p>
+
+<p>The surplus incited extravagance, and its reduction had been demanded on
+this ground, the tariff appearing to afford the best method of
+reduction. When the Democratic party gained control of the House, in
+1883, it proceeded at once to discuss revision, and promptly uncovered a
+difference of opinion among its members. The last Democratic Speaker of
+the House had been Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, a Democrat who
+had been trained in the philosophy of Henry Clay and in the interests of
+a great manufacturing State. He was by conviction and association a
+protectionist, and was a candidate for his party's nomination as Speaker
+in the Forty-eighth Congress, which met in December, 1883. From this
+date he ceased to lead his party in the House and became the leader of
+an internal faction. John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, supplanted him, was
+elected Speaker, and organized the House in the interest of a tariff for
+revenue only. For the next six years the Democratic organization of the
+House was pledged to revision, but operated in the face of a growing
+Republican opposition, and with Randall and the protectionist Democrats
+attacking from the rear.</p>
+
+<p>The election of Cleveland gave the Democrats control of two branches of
+the Government, but left the Senate in the hands of the Republicans. It
+was vain to talk of serious revision or any other party measure in a
+divided administration, yet the President chafed under his inability to
+fulfill party pledges.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> The surplus continued to accumulate, to permit
+extravagance in Congress, and to arouse the cupidity of citizens. In his
+message to his second Congress, in 1887, Cleveland startled the country
+by devoting his undivided attention to this single topic. He set his
+party a text which could not be evaded, although there was even yet no
+reason to believe that a tariff bill could pass both houses. He had
+taken Carlisle into his confidence before sending the message; the
+latter entrusted the leadership in revision to Roger Q. Mills, of Texas,
+a free-trader, whom he appointed as chairman of the Committee on Ways
+and Means.</p>
+
+<p>With the opening of the debate on the Mills Bill, in April, 1888, there
+began "the first serious attempt since the war to reduce toward a peace
+basis the customs duties imposed during that conflict almost solely for
+purposes of revenue." Mills and William L. Wilson, who had been a
+college president in West Virginia, bore the burden of advocacy of a
+reduction of the revenue to the extent of $50,000,000. They were opposed
+by a united Republican party, both frightened and gratified because the
+issue had been made so clear. It was charged that the Committee on Ways
+and Means had drawn up the bill in secrecy, and that a majority of its
+Democratic members were Southerners who knew nothing of the needs of
+manufactures. The danger to American labor from the competition of the
+pauper labor of Europe was urged against it. It was asserted to be a
+pro-British measure, and stories were circulated of British gold, coming
+from the Cobden Club, a free-trade organization, to subvert American
+institutions.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> The Democratic organization drove the bill through the
+House of Representatives in spite of all resistance. In the Senate, with
+the Republicans in control, the bill never came to a vote, and was used
+to manufacture campaign materials for the campaign then pending. Many of
+the advisers of Cleveland had urged him to withhold the tariff message,
+lest he arouse the enemy and defeat himself, but he had risked personal
+and party defeat in order to get an issue definitively accepted&mdash;the
+first issue so accepted in politics since 1864.</p>
+
+<p>The Mills Bill fiasco was the most important party measure of
+Cleveland's Administration, yet it served only to accentuate the
+difficulties in tariff legislation which had been experienced in 1883,
+and to provide an issue for the campaign of 1888. The laws that were
+passed between 1885 and 1889 were generally non-partisan in their
+character and were of most influence when they helped to readjust
+federal law to national economic problems. The Federal Government was
+unfolding and testing powers that had existed since the adoption of the
+Constitution, but had not been needed hitherto in an agricultural
+republic. The change that forced the resort to these powers came largely
+from the completion of a national system of communication.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+<div class="blockquot"><p>For the election of 1884, consult, in addition to Stanwood, J.F. Rhodes,
+"The National Republican Conventions of 1880 and 1884" (<i>Scribner's
+Magazine</i>, September, 1911), and "Cleveland's Administrations"
+(<i>Scribner's Magazine</i>, October, 1911).<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> There is an annotated reprint of
+the "Mulligan Letters" in <i>Harper's Weekly</i> (1884, pp. 643-46). The
+biographies of Blaine by Hamilton and Stanwood should be examined, as
+well as the sketches of Cleveland (who left few literary remains), by
+J.L. Williams, G.F. Parker, and R.W. Gilder. Among partisan party
+histories, the best are F. Curtis, <i>The Republican Party</i>, (2 vols.,
+1904), and W.L. Wilson, <i>The National Democratic Party</i> (1888). J.H.
+Harper recounts details of the Mugwump split in his history of <i>The
+House of Harper</i> (1912). The standard compilation on the pension system,
+which has not yet received adequate treatment, is W.H. Glasson,
+<i>Military Pension Legislation in the United States</i> (in Columbia
+University Studies, vol. <span class="smcap">XII</span>). C.F. Adams and W.B. Hale
+published useful essays on the pension system in <i>World's Work, 1911</i>.
+H.T. Peck begins his popular <i>Twenty Years of the Republic</i> (1907) with
+the inauguration of Cleveland in 1885. Consult also Sparks, Dewey,
+Andrews, and the <i>Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia</i>.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE LAST OF THE FRONTIER<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Five statutes that received the signature of Grover Cleveland are
+documentary proof of the new problems and the changing attitude of the
+National Administration during the eighties. They indicate that the
+chief function of the National Government had ceased to be to moderate
+among a group of self-sufficient States and had come to be the direction
+of such interests as were national in importance or extent. On February
+4, 1887, the Interstate Commerce Law was passed in recognition of a
+transportation system that had become national; and four days later the
+Dawes Bill, providing that lands should be issued to Indians in
+severalty, marked the disappearance of the wild Indian from the border.
+In 1889 a Department of Agriculture, with a seat in the Cabinet, and a
+law for the survey of irrigation sites in the Far West, mark the
+interest of a nation in the prosperity of its whole area and population;
+while laws of 1889 and 1890 admitting six new States extended the chain
+of commonwealths for the first time from ocean to ocean. A process that
+had been under way since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock had culminated in
+the occupation of the whole breadth of the continent.</p>
+
+<p>The first continental railroad, the Union Pacific,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> chartered in 1862
+and finished in 1869, was admittedly a national project. Its purpose was
+to bind the Pacific Slope to the East in a period when sectionalism was
+a menace to national unity. Its opening was the first step in the
+completion of an intricate system of lines extending to the Pacific.
+Direct federal aid was given to the road in the form of land grants,
+right of way, and a loan of bonds.</p>
+
+<p>Other continental railroads were authorized in the later sixties. In
+1864 a Northern Pacific, to connect Lake Superior and Puget Sound, made
+its appearance. In 1866 the Atlantic &amp; Pacific was given the right to
+run from a southwestern terminal at Springfield, Missouri, to southern
+California. In 1871 the Texas Pacific was designed to connect the head
+of navigation on the Red River, near Shreveport and Texarkana, with Fort
+Yuma and San Diego. Additional lines with continental possibilities
+received charters from the Western States,&mdash;the Denver &amp; Rio Grande, the
+Chicago, Burlington &amp; Quincy, and the Atchison, Topeka &amp; Santa F&eacute;,&mdash;and
+received indirectly a share of the public domain as an inducement to
+build. Congress stopped making land grants for this purpose in 1871, but
+not until more lines than could be used for twenty years had been
+allowed.</p>
+
+<p>All the continental railways were begun before 1873, were checked by the
+five years of depression, and were revived about 1878. When they began
+again to build there was associated with them a new project for an old
+continental route.</p>
+
+<p>The interoceanic canal had been foreseen ever<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> since the first white man
+stood on the Isthmus and gazed at the Pacific. Its construction had been
+stimulated by the gold discoveries and the California emigration of
+1848-49, and had been arranged for in a treaty signed with Great Britain
+in 1850. No means to build the canal were found, however, and the
+project drifted along until De Lesseps finished his canal at Suez, and
+the new interest in continental communication in America resuscitated
+the canal at Panama. In 1878 a French company, with De Lesseps at its
+head, obtained a concession from Colombia. It began work in 1880, at
+once arousing the jealousy of the United States which was shown in the
+efforts of Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer
+Treaty and procure for the United States a free hand at the Isthmus.
+Cleveland reverted to the policy of a neutralized canal in 1885, but
+interest on either side was premature, since no canal was built for
+thirty years.</p>
+
+<p>The continental railways aroused keen interest in problems of
+transportation by their completion between 1881 and 1885. The Northern
+Pacific was finished under the direction of Henry Villard, a German
+journalist who had been a correspondent in the Civil War and had managed
+the interests of foreign investors after 1873. He gained control of the
+partly finished Northern Pacific and the local lines of Oregon through a
+holding company known as the Oregon &amp; Transcontinental. In September,
+1883, he took a special train, full of distinguished visitors, over his
+lines to witness the driving of the last spike near Helena, Montana. On
+the way out, they stopped at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> Bismarck to help lay the corner-stone for
+an ambitious new capitol of the Territory of Dakota. From Duluth to
+Tacoma the new line brought in immigrants whose freight made its chief
+business.</p>
+
+<p>South of the Northern Pacific, the original main line of the Union
+Pacific ran from Omaha up the Platte Trail through Cheyenne to Ogden,
+with a branch from Kansas City to Denver and Cheyenne. Between the main
+line and the branch the Chicago, Burlington &amp; Quincy constructed a road
+that reached Denver in May, 1882. Here it met, in 1883, the Denver &amp; Rio
+Grande, a narrow-gauge road that penetrated the divide by way of the
+ca&ntilde;on of the Arkansas River, and extended to the Great Salt Lake. The
+two roads together offered a competition to the Union Pacific for its
+whole length from the Missouri River to Ogden, and drove that road to
+extend feeder branches south to the Gulf and north into Oregon.</p>
+
+<p>Farther south the Atchison, Topeka &amp; Santa F&eacute; stretched the whole length
+of Kansas and followed the old trail to Santa F&eacute; and the Rio Grande, and
+thence to Old Mexico. Its owners co&ouml;perated with the owners of the
+Atlantic &amp; Pacific franchise, and the Southern Pacific of California, to
+build a connecting link between the Atchison, Topeka &amp; Santa F&eacute; at
+Albuquerque and the Colorado River at the Needles. From this point the
+Southern Pacific traversed the valleys of California. In October, 1883,
+trains were running from San Francisco to St. Louis over this road.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus14.jpg"><img src='images/illus13.jpg' alt='railways'/></a>
+<a id='illus13' name='illus13'></a>
+</p>
+<p class='center'><small>Click on image for larger version</small></p>
+
+
+
+<div class='blockquot'>
+<p> By 1870 the railway net had covered the eastern half of
+the United States and had just begun its Pacific extension. There were
+52,914 miles of railroad.</p></div>
+
+
+<p class='center' >
+<a href="images/illus16.jpg"><img src='images/illus15.jpg' alt='railways'  /></a>
+<a id='illus15' name='illus15'></a>
+</p>
+<p class='center'><small>Click on image for larger version</small></p>
+<div class='blockquot'>
+<p> By 1890 the railway mileage of the United States had
+increased to 163,597, extending the railway net over the whole
+trans-Missouri region, and reinforced by lines in Canada and Mexico.</p></div>
+
+<p class='center'>THE WESTERN RAILROADS AND THE CONTINENTAL FRONTIER, 1870-1890</p>
+<div class='blockquot'>
+<p>(Based upon the maps showing density of population in the Eleventh
+Rand-McNally Official Rail-Census, and upon Appleton's Railway Guide,
+November, 1871, and the way Guide, August, 1891.)</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span>The Southern Pacific of California met the other continental lines at
+the Fort Yuma crossing of the Colorado River. The Texas Pacific had got
+only to Fort Worth before the panic of 1873. It now built across Texas
+toward El Paso. Subsidiary corporations owned by the Southern Pacific
+men built the line between El Paso and Fort Yuma, and enabled a through
+service to start to St. Louis in January, and to New Orleans in October,
+1882. Yet another Southern Pacific line was opened through San Antonio
+and Houston, tapping the commerce of the Gulf shore, and running trains
+to New Orleans in February, 1883.</p>
+
+<p>The opening of great lines in the United States in the early eighties
+was part of a similar movement throughout the world. In Canada, Sir
+Donald Smith, later raised to the peerage as Lord Strathcona, was
+beginning the Canadian Pacific from Port Arthur to Vancouver, while on
+the Continent of Europe the first train of the "Orient Express" left
+Paris for Constantinople in June, 1883. In November, 1883, the American
+railroads, realizing that they were a national system, agreed upon a
+scheme of standard time by which to run their trains. Heretofore every
+road had followed what local time it chose, to the confusion of the
+traveling public.</p>
+
+<p>Most of the continental railways had extensive land grants, of from
+twenty to forty sections per mile of track, but whether they had lands
+to sell or not they were vitally interested in the settlement of the
+regions through which they ran. Each encouraged immigration and
+colonization. Their literature, scattered over Europe, was one factor in
+the heavy drift<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> of population that started after 1878. Six new Western
+States were created in the ten years after their completion.</p>
+
+<p>The youngest American Territory in the eighties was Wyoming, created in
+1868, and the youngest State was Colorado, admitted in 1876. After
+Colorado, the political division of the West embraced eight organized
+Territories: Dakota, Montana, Idaho, and Washington along the Canadian
+line, Wyoming and Utah in the middle, Arizona and New Mexico on the
+Mexican border. Besides these Territories there was the unorganized
+remnant of the Indian country known as Indian Territory, and attracting
+the covetous glances of frontiersmen in all the near-by Western States.</p>
+
+<p>Agriculture was the main reliance of the wave of pioneers that poured
+over the plains along the lines of the railroads. In the valley of the
+Red River of the North, wheat-farming was their staple industry. As the
+Old South had devoted itself to the staple crop of cotton, so this new
+region took up the single crop of wheat, bringing to its cultivation
+great machines, white labor, and a modified factory system. South of the
+wheat country, corn dominated in Kansas, Iowa, and Nebraska, and went to
+market either as grain or in the converted form of hogs or stock. In
+Texas the cotton-fields pushed into new areas. The farm lands completely
+surrounded the Indian Territory, in which a diversified agriculture was
+known to be both possible and profitable.</p>
+
+<p>Across the United States, from Canada to Mexico, the advance line of
+farms pushed from the well-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span>watered bottoms of the Mississippi Valley
+into the plains that rise toward the Rocky Mountains. Near the
+ninety-seventh meridian the rainfall of this region becomes insufficient
+for general farming in ordinary years. But the solicitations of
+land-sellers brought settlers into the sub-humid region, while for a few
+years in the eighties the rainfall was greater than the average.
+Permanent climatic changes were imagined by the hopeful. A Governor of
+Kansas stated, in 1886, "with absolute certainty, that great areas in
+the Western third of Kansas are becoming more fertile," while an Eastern
+Senator, who was generally well informed, believed in 1888 that "the
+whole Territory of Dakota is as capable of sustaining population as
+Iowa."</p>
+
+<p>Between the farming frontier and the mountains the cattlemen expanded
+the grazing industry, with profits that were enlarged because of the
+markets that the railroads brought them. The "long drive" from Texas to
+Montana became a familiar idea on the border, while the cowboys in their
+lonely watches developed a folk-song literature that is typically
+American. Between the cattlemen and the sheepmen there was permanent
+war, for the sheep injured the grass they grazed over. Although both
+industries were trespassers on the public lands the herders resented the
+appearance of the flocks as an intrusion upon their domain.</p>
+
+<p>Kansas City rose suddenly to prominence as the meeting-place of the
+railways of the West and Southwest with those of the East. Near to the
+line that divided steady agriculture from the nomadic life of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> the
+plains it became a convenient market for both. Here the packers
+developed the traffic in fresh beef that the new railways with their
+refrigerator cars made possible. The cities of the East, in need of more
+fresh meat than the local farmers could provide, found their supply on
+the plains of the Far West.</p>
+
+<p>Beyond the plains, the mountain regions changed less from the advent of
+the railways than any other section of the remote West. They had
+attracted population to their camps during the Civil War, and now they
+grew in size and permanence. But only such regions reached permanent
+importance as had valleys to be irrigated and fields to be cultivated.
+Without agriculture no important region has flourished in the West.</p>
+
+<p>Toward the end of the eighties the pressure of the population for more
+homestead lands brought about the opening of Oklahoma. Here, for over
+half a century, the Indian tribes had lived in full possession. After
+the Civil War the plains tribes had been colonized here too. Now, as the
+lands were awarded to the Indians in severalty under the Dawes Act, the
+old tribal holdings were surrendered and large areas were offered to
+white settlement. After ten years of ejectment and restraint the
+Oklahoma boomers were let into the country in 1889. Guthrie and Oklahoma
+City were created overnight, and in 1890 the Territory of Oklahoma
+received permanent organization.</p>
+
+<p>Before the last continental railway was finished, the Territories were
+asking for statehood and were showing advance in population to justify
+it. When<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> Villard aided in the corner-stone laying at Bismarck in 1883
+there were already three clearly defined groups of population in Dakota
+and an ultimate division had been determined upon by the settlers.
+Repeatedly, in the decade, the Dakota colonists framed constitutions and
+signed petitions, and the Republicans in Congress sought to give them
+statehood. The Democratic House, which prevailed from 1883 to 1889, saw
+no reason for creating more Republican States, as these would likely be,
+and found pretexts for holding up the bills. Montana, less advanced than
+Dakota, and Idaho and Wyoming which were yet more primitive, joined the
+forces of the statehood advocates. Arizona and New Mexico did the same,
+and Utah had been a suitor since 1850. Washington, with a growing
+population on Puget Sound and in the Spokane country, was obviously not
+long to be denied.</p>
+
+<p>For party purposes, the Democrats resisted the demands for statehood
+until the election of 1888 insured Republican control through every
+branch of the United States Government. Thereafter there was no point to
+resistance, and Cleveland, in 1889, signed an "omnibus" bill under which
+North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Washington were admitted. Idaho
+and Wyoming, defeated at this time, were let in by the Republicans in
+1890. The unorganized frontier was now all but gone, and the pioneers of
+these new States used Pullman cars and read the monthly magazines like
+any other citizens.</p>
+
+<p>Arizona and New Mexico were excluded from the new States of 1889 and
+1890 because a Republican<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> Congress expected them to be Democratic,
+and both remained Territories for more than twenty succeeding years.
+Utah, with ample population, was kept where the Federal Government
+could control it because of the practices taught by its Church.
+The Mormons had made a prosperous Territory in Utah by 1850. They
+had flourished ever since, but their institution of polygamy
+frightened the United States and created permanent hostility to
+their admission. In 1882 the Territory was placed under a commission,
+and thereafter polygamous citizens were brought to punishment. In 1890
+the Church gave up the fight and formally abandoned the obnoxious
+doctrine, but the surrender came too late to accomplish admission at
+this time.</p>
+
+<p class='center' >
+<img src='images/illus17.jpg' alt='land area'  />
+<a id='illus17' name='illus17'></a>
+</p>
+<p class='center'>THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN, 1789-1904<br />
+
+The large rectangle represents the total land area of the United States,
+excluding Alaska and the Islands</p>
+
+
+
+
+<p>By 1890 the good agricultural lands of the United States were nearly all
+in private hands. Their occupation had been hastened in the last five
+years by facility of access and the efforts of the railways. With the
+disappearance of free lands a new period in America began, as was
+recognized at the time, and has become clearer ever since.</p>
+
+<p>Out of forty-eight States comprising the United States in 1912, and
+including about 1,902,000,000 acres, twenty-nine with 1,442,000,000
+acres had been erected in the public domain to which Congress had once
+owned title. By cession, purchase, or conquest this domain had been
+acquired between 1781 and 1853; it had been treated as a national asset
+and governed with what efficiency Congress possessed. By 1903 the United
+States had transferred to individuals about half its public land and
+nearly all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> its farm land. It retained many millions of acres, but these
+were mountain or desert, and were not usable by the individual farmer
+who had been the typical unit in the occupation of the West.</p>
+
+<p>Already, by 1880, the statisticians had recognized that the period of
+free land was at an end, and had turned their attention to the abuses
+which had arisen in the administration of the estate. From the
+beginning, it had been difficult to compel the West to respect national
+land laws. The squatter who occupied lands without title had always been
+an obstacle to uniform administration. Evasion of the law had rarely
+been frowned upon by Western opinion, which had hoped to get the public
+lands into private hands by the quickest route. In the region where the
+laws had to be enforced, opinion prevented it, while the National
+Administration, before the adoption of civil service reform, was
+incapable of directing with accuracy and uniform policy any
+administrative scheme which must be so highly technical as a land
+office. The Pre&euml;mption, Homestead, and Timber Culture Laws were all
+framed in the interest of the small holder, but were all perverted by
+fraud and collusion. The United States invited much of the fraud by
+making no provision by which those industries which had a valid need for
+a large acreage could get it legally.</p>
+
+<p>Among the special abuses that were observed now that it was too late to
+remedy them were the violations of the law and the lawless seizures of
+the public lands. The cattle companies took and fenced what they needed
+and drove out "trespassers" by force.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> Mail contractors complained of
+illegal inclosures which they dare not cross, but which diverted the
+United States mail from its lawful course. Yet such was the general land
+law that against all but the United States Government the possessors
+could maintain their possession. If the Government could not or would
+not interfere, there was no redress.</p>
+
+<p>These abuses had been noticed for many years, and were specially
+advertised in the early eighties by the enormous holdings of a few
+British noblemen. The problem of absentee landlordism was exciting
+Ireland in these years. When Cleveland became President his Commissioner
+of the General Land Office, Sparks, turned cheerfully and vigorously to
+reform, and denounced the discreditable condition the more readily
+because it had appeared under Republican administration. He held up the
+granting of homestead and pre&euml;mption titles for the purpose of
+examination and inspection, and demanded the repeal of the Pre&euml;mption
+Law. He was successful in recovering some of the lands that had been
+offered to the railways to aid in their construction.</p>
+
+<p>The railway land grants were notorious because the railways had rarely
+been done on contract time, and had in theory forfeited their grants.
+The estimated area offered them was about 214,000,000 acres, and the
+question arose as to the extent to which forfeiture should be imposed
+upon them. The spectacular completion of their lines and their efforts
+to bring a population into the West, and the vast size of the
+corporations that owned them, had aroused a hostile opinion that
+supported the Democratic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> Administration in its efforts to save what
+lands it could. Some fifty million acres were restored to the domain by
+this fight, but the restoration only emphasized the fact that most of
+the good lands were gone.</p>
+
+<p>Out of the demand for the reform of the public lands grew a new interest
+in the condition of the lands that were left. The Department of
+Agriculture was created at the end of Cleveland's term, and Governor
+Jeremiah Rusk was appointed as its first Secretary by Harrison. Rusk
+accepted cheerfully his place as "the tail of the Cabinet," asserting
+that as such he was expected "to keep the flies off," and set about
+rearranging or organizing a group of scientific bureaus. Since most of
+the remaining lands could not be used without irrigation, the surveys
+undertaken by Congress started a new phase of public science, and led
+ultimately to the rise of a positive theory of conservation.</p>
+
+<p>The problems of national communication, Western settlement, and public
+lands resulted from the completion of the continental railways, while
+the railways themselves gave a new significance to transportation in
+America. During the years of the Granger movement the doctrine had been
+established that railroads are quasi-public and are subject to
+regulation by public authority. In the Granger Cases in 1877 the Supreme
+Court recognized the right of the States to establish rates by law, even
+when these rates, by becoming part of a through rate, had an incidental
+effect upon interstate commerce. The problem had been viewed as local
+or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> regional during the seventies. Most of the States had passed railway
+laws and had proceeded to accumulate a volume of statistical information
+upon the railway business, that was increased by such public
+investigations as the Windom and Hepburn Reports and by lawsuits that
+revealed the nature of special favors and rebates.</p>
+
+<p>Before the States had gone far in the direction of railway regulation it
+was discovered that no State could regulate an interstate railway with
+precision and justice. The great systems built up by Villard and Gould
+and Vanderbilt and Huntington dominated whole regions and precipitated
+the question of the effectiveness of state action. The continental
+lines, necessarily long and traversing several States, emphasized the
+inequality between the powers of a State and the problem to be met.
+Their national character pointed to national control.</p>
+
+<p>In Congress there were repeated attempts after 1873 to secure the
+passage of an Interstate Commerce Act. In continuation of this campaign
+a committee headed by Senator Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, made a new
+investigation in 1885, and reported early in 1886 that supervision and
+publicity were required, and that these could best be obtained through a
+federal commission with large powers of taking testimony and examining
+books. The committee was convinced, as the public was already convinced,
+that the problem had become national.</p>
+
+<p>The Supreme Court reached the same opinion in 1886 when it handed down a
+new decision in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> case of the Wabash Railway Company vs. Illinois.
+Here it reversed or modified its own decision in the Granger Cases. In
+1877 it had ruled that railways are subject to regulation and that the
+States under their police powers may regulate. It now adhered to its
+major premise, but declared that such regulation as affected an
+interstate rate is exclusively a federal function. In effect it
+determined that if there was to be regulation of the great systems it
+could only be at the hands of Congress.</p>
+
+<p>The regulation of interstate commerce was not a party measure. It had
+its advocates in both parties, and found its opponents in the railroad
+lobby that resented any public interference with the business of the
+roads. The railway owners and directors were slower than the public in
+accepting the doctrine of the quasi-public nature of their business. It
+was a powerful argument against them that their size and influence were
+such that they could and did ruin or enrich individual customers, and
+that they could make or destroy whole regions of the West. Enough
+positive proof of favoritism existed to give point to the demand that
+the business must cease to discriminate.</p>
+
+<p>The Interstate Commerce Act became a law February 4, 1887. It created a
+commission of five, with a six-year term and the proviso that not more
+than three of the commissioners should belong to one party. It forbade a
+group of practices which had resulted in unfair discrimination and gave
+to the commission considerable powers in investigation and interference.
+The later interpretation of the law de<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span>prived the commission of some of
+the powers that, it was thought, had been given to it, but during the
+next nineteen years the Interstate Commerce Commission was a central
+figure in the solution of the railroad problem. The work of this
+commission, like the work of irrigation and agriculture, was technical,
+calling for expert service, and aiding in the process that was changing
+the character of the National Administration as one function after
+another was called into service for the first time.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>In 1893 F.J. Turner called attention to the <i>Significance of the
+Frontier in American History</i> (in American Historical Association,
+Annual Report, 1893). His theory has been elaborated by F.L. Paxson,
+<i>The Last American Frontier</i> (1910), and K. Coman, <i>Economic Beginnings
+of the Far West</i> (1912). There is no good account of the public lands.
+T. Donaldson, <i>The Public Domain</i> (1881), is inaccurate, antiquated, and
+clumsy, but has not been supplanted. Many useful tables are in the
+report of the Public Lands Commission created by President Roosevelt (in
+58th Congress, 3d session, Senate Document, No. 189, Serial No. 4766).
+The general spirit of the frontier in the eighties has been appreciated
+by Owen Wister, in <i>The Virginian</i> (1902), and <i>Members of the Family</i>
+(1911), and by E. Talbot, in <i>My People of the Plains</i> (1906). J.A.
+Lomax has preserved some of its folklore in <i>Cowboy Songs and Other
+Frontier Ballads</i> (1910). The best narratives on the continental
+railways are J.P. Davis, <i>Union Pacific Railway</i> (1894), and E.V.
+Smalley, <i>The Northern Pacific Railroad</i> (1883). Many contributory
+details are in H. Villard, <i>Memoirs</i> (2 vols., 1904), E.P. Oberholtzer,
+<i>Jay Cooke</i> (2 vols., 1907), and in the appropriate volumes of H.H.
+Bancroft, <i>Works</i>. L.H. Haney has compiled the formal documents in his
+<i>Congressional History of Railroads</i> (in Bulletins of the University of
+Wisconsin, Nos. 211 and 342). The debate over the Isthmian Canal may be
+read in J.D. Richardson, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span><i>Messages and Papers of the Presidents</i>; the
+Foreign relations Reports, 1879-83; L.M. Keasbey, <i>The Nicaragua Canal
+and the Monroe Doctrine</i> (1896); J.B. Henderson, <i>American Diplomatic
+Questions</i> (1901); and J. Latan&eacute;, <i>Diplomatic Relations of the United
+States and Spanish America</i> (1900).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>NATIONAL BUSINESS<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Transportation was a fundamental factor in the two greatest problems of
+the eighties. In the case of the disappearance of free land and the
+frontier, it produced phenomena that were most clearly visible in the
+West, although affecting the whole United States. In the case of
+concentration of capital and the growth of trusts, its phenomena were
+mostly in the East, where were to be found the accumulations of capital,
+the great markets, and the supply of labor.</p>
+
+<p>Through the improvements in communication it became possible to conduct
+an efficient business in every State and direct it from a single head
+office. Not only railroad and telegraph helped in this, but telephone,
+typewriter, the improved processes in photography and printing, and the
+organization of express service were of importance and touched every
+aspect of life. Journalism both broadened and concentrated. The
+effective range of the weeklies and monthlies and even of the city
+dailies was widened, while the resulting competition tended to weed out
+the weaker and more local. Illustrations improved and changed the
+physical appearance of periodical literature.</p>
+
+<p>Social organizations of national scope or ambition took advantage of the
+new communication. Trade<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> unions, benevolent associations, and
+professional societies multiplied their annual congresses and
+conventions, and increased the proportion of the population that knew
+something of the whole Union. A few periodicals and pattern-makers began
+to circulate styles, which clothing manufacturers imitated and local
+shopkeepers sold at retail. Mail-order business was aided by the same
+conditions. A new uniformity in appearance began to enter American life,
+weakening the old localisms in dress, speech, and conduct. Until within
+a few years it had been possible here and there to sit down to dinner
+"with a gentleman in the dress of the early century&mdash;ruffles, even
+<i>bag-wig</i> complete"; but the new standards were the standards of the
+mass, and it became increasingly more difficult to keep up an
+aristocratic seclusion or a style of life much different from that of
+the community.</p>
+
+<p>With the growth of national uniformity went also the concentration of
+control. As the field of competition widened, the number of possible
+winners declined. Men measured strength, not only in their town or
+State, but across the continent, and the handful of leaders used the
+facilities of communication as the basis for the further expansion of
+their industries. Business was extended because it was possible and
+because it was thought to pay.</p>
+
+<p>Many of the economies of consolidation were so obvious as to need no
+argument. If a single firm could do the business of five,&mdash;or fifty&mdash;it
+increased its profit through larger and better plants, greater division
+of labor, and a more careful use of its by-<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span>products. It could cut down
+expenses by reducing the army of competing salesmen and by lessening the
+duplication of administrative offices. The same economics in management
+which had driven the Old South to the large plantation as a type drove
+American industrial society toward economic consolidation and the
+trusts.</p>
+
+<p>The technical form of organization of the trust was unimportant.
+Strictly speaking, it was a combination of competing concerns, in which
+the control of all was vested in a group of trustees for the purpose of
+uniformity. The name was thus derived, but it spread in popular usage
+until it was regarded as generally descriptive of any business so large
+that it affected the course of the whole trade of which it was a part.
+The logical outcome of the trust was monopoly, and trusts appeared first
+in those industries in which there existed a predisposition to monopoly,
+an excessive loss through competition, or a controlling patent or trade
+secret.</p>
+
+<p>The first trust to arouse public notice was concerned in the
+transportation and manufacture of petroleum and its products. Commercial
+processes for refining petroleum became available in the sixties,
+enabling improvements in domestic illumination that insured an
+increasing market for the product. The industry was speculative by
+nature because of the low cost of crude petroleum at the well and the
+high cost of delivering it to the consumer. Slight rises in price caused
+the market to be swamped by overproduction, and threw the control of the
+industry into the hands of those who controlled its transportation.</p>
+
+<p>Once <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span>above ground, the cheap and bulky oil had to be hauled first to the
+refiner and then to the consumer. The receptacles were expensive, and
+the methods of transportation that were cheapest in operation had the
+greatest initial cost. Barrels were relatively cheap to buy, but were
+costly to handle. Tank-cars were more expensive, but repaid those who
+could afford them. Pipe-lines were beyond the means of the individual,
+but brought in greater returns to the corporations that owned them.</p>
+
+<p>It was inevitable that some of the dealers who competed in the
+oil-fields of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia in the sixties
+should realize the strategic value of the control of transportation and
+profit by it. John D. Rockefeller happened to be more successful than
+others in manipulating transportation. His refineries grew in size, as
+they bought out or crushed their rivals, until by 1882 most of the
+traffic in petroleum was under his control. Economy and sagacity had
+much to do with the success, but were less significant than
+transportation. Railway rates were yet unfixed by law and every road
+sold transportation as best it could. Rockefeller learned to bargain in
+freight rates, and through a system of special rates and rebates gained
+advantages over every competitor. His lobby made it difficult to weaken
+him through legislative measures, while his attorneys were generally
+more skillful than his prosecutors before the courts. The recognition of
+the existence of rebates did much to hasten the passage of the
+Interstate Commerce Law. The group of corporations that flourished
+because of them became the greatest of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> trusts. By 1882 the
+affiliated Rockefeller companies were so numerous and complicated that
+they were given into the hands of a group of trustees to be managed as a
+single business.</p>
+
+<p>The Whiskey and Sugar Trusts, formed in 1887, had to do with commodities
+in which transportation was not the controlling element. These
+industries suffered from overproduction and ruinous competition, to
+eliminate which the distilleries and sugar refineries entered into trust
+agreements like that of the Standard Oil companies. Other lines of
+manufacture followed as best they could. Before Cleveland was
+inaugurated the trend was noticed and attacked.</p>
+
+<p>Most of the agitation against the trusts came from individuals whose
+lives were touched by them. Competition was ruthless and often
+unscrupulous. Every man who was crushed by it hated his destroyer. There
+was much changing of occupations as firms merged and reorganized and as
+plants grew in size and ingenuity. Perhaps more workers changed the
+character of their occupation in the eighties than in any other decade.
+As each individual readjusted himself to his new environment, he added
+to the mass of public opinion that believed the trusts to be a menace to
+society.</p>
+
+<p>As early as 1881 there was a market for anti-trust literature, for in
+March of that year the <i>Atlantic Monthly</i> printed the "Story of a Great
+Monopoly," by Henry Demarest Lloyd, who became one of the leaders in the
+attack. It had been fashionable to regard success as a vindication of
+Yankee cleverness and worthy of emulation, without much examination<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> of
+the methods by which it was attained. The Standard Oil Company,
+attracting attention to itself, raised the question of the effect of
+industry upon society.</p>
+
+<p>The evils ascribed to the trusts were social or political. In a social
+way they were believed to check individualism and to create too large a
+proportion of subordinates to independent producers. As monopolies, they
+were believed to threaten extortion through high price. It was strongly
+suspected of the largest trusts that having destroyed all competition
+they could fix prices at pleasure. Economists pointed out that such
+price could hardly be high and yet remunerative to the trusts, because
+the latter did not dare to check consumption. But fear of oppression
+could not be dispelled by any economic law.</p>
+
+<p>The trust was believed to have an evil influence in politics, and to
+obtain special favors through bribery or pressure. The United States was
+used to the influence of money in politics, and distrusted public
+officials. The state constitutions framed in this period were being
+expanded into codes of specific law in the hope of safeguarding public
+interests. There was little belief that corrupt overtures, if made by
+the trusts, would be resisted.</p>
+
+<p>Lloyd, and men of his type, believed in regulation and control. Some of
+them became socialists. Others hoped to restore a competitive basis by
+law. The greatest impression on the public was made by one of their
+literary allies, Edward Bellamy.</p>
+
+<p>Early in 1888 Edward Bellamy published a ro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span>mance entitled <i>Looking
+Backward</i>, in which his hero, Mr. Julian West, went to sleep in 1887,
+with labor controversy and trust denunciation sounding in his ears, to
+awake in the year 2000 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> The socialized state into which the
+hero was reborn was a picture of an end to which industry was perhaps
+drifting. It caught public attention. Clubs of enthusiasts tried to
+hasten the day of nationalization by forming Bellamistic societies.
+Those who were repelled by a future in which the trusts and the State
+were merged became more active in their demand for regulation.</p>
+
+<p>The legislative side of trust regulation, like that of railway
+regulation, was made more difficult because of the division of powers
+between Congress and the States. It was an interesting question whether
+one State could control a monopoly as large as the nation. But the
+States passed anti-trust laws by the score, as they had passed the
+railway laws. As in the earlier case they found their model in the
+common law, which had long prohibited conspiracies in restraint of
+trade. One of the States, Ohio, with only the common law to go upon,
+brought suit against the Standard Oil Trust and secured a prohibition
+against it in 1892. It was relatively easy to attack the formal
+organization of the trust, but in spite of such attacks concentration
+continued to produce ever greater combinations, as though it were
+fulfilling some fundamental economic law.</p>
+
+<p>Those of the anti-monopolists who were also tariff reformers had a
+weapon to urge besides that of regulation. They maintained that part of
+the power of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> the corporations was due to the needless favors of
+protection, which deprived the United States of the aid that competition
+from European manufacturers might have given. They insisted that a
+revision of the tariff would do much to remove the burden of the trusts.
+The House ordered an investigation of the trusts while it was engaged on
+the futile Mills Bill in 1888, but it was the latter that furnished the
+text for the ensuing presidential campaign.</p>
+
+<p>So far as the parties were concerned the Republicans took the aggressive
+in 1888. Cleveland's emphasis upon tariff reduction was personal and
+never had the cheerful support of the whole party. The manufacturers,
+however, were thoroughly scared by the continued threats of revision. As
+they had come, by supporting the party in power, to support the
+Republicans, so they now organized within that party to save themselves.
+Their leaders sang a new note in 1888, no longer apologizing for the
+tariff or urging reduction, but defending it on principle,&mdash;on Clay's
+old principle of an American system,&mdash;and asking that it be made more
+comprehensive. From Florence, and then from Paris, Blaine replied to
+Cleveland's Message of 1887, and his friends continued to urge his
+nomination for the Presidency. Only after his positive refusal to be a
+candidate did the Republican Convention at Chicago make its choice from
+a list of candidates including Sherman, Gresham, Depew, Alger, Harrison,
+and Allison. The ticket finally nominated consisted of Benjamin
+Harrison, a Senator from Indiana, and Levi P. Morton, a New York banker.
+The platform was "un<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span>compromisingly in favor of the American system of
+protection." It denounced Cleveland and the revisionists as serving "the
+interests of Europe," and condemned "the Mills Bill as destructive to
+the general business, the labor, and the farming interests of the
+country."</p>
+
+<p>The Democrats, as is usual for the party in power, had already held
+their convention before the Republicans met. They had renominated Grover
+Cleveland by acclamation, and Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, as
+Vice-President, and had indorsed, not the Mills Bill by name, but the
+views of Cleveland and the efforts of the President and Representatives
+in Congress to secure a reduction. For many of the Democrats the need to
+defend tariff reform was so distasteful that they left the party,
+blaming Cleveland as the cause of their defection.</p>
+
+<p>The canvass of 1888 was not marred by the personalities of 1884. The
+issue of protection was discussed earnestly by both parties, Blaine, who
+returned from Europe, leading the Republican attack. The only exciting
+incidents of the campaign had to do with the "Murchison Letter" and the
+campaign fund.</p>
+
+<p>Matthew S. Quay, whose career as Treasurer of Pennsylvania had not been
+above reproach, was chairman of the Republican campaign committee.
+During the contest it was asserted that he was assessing the protected
+manufacturers and guaranteeing them immunity in case of a Republican
+victory. He was at least able to play upon their fears and bring a
+vigorous support to the protective promises<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> of his party. His committee
+circulated stories of the un-Americanism of Cleveland, charging that
+free-trade was pro-British, and making capital out of the pension
+vetoes. Toward the end of the canvass Sir Lionel Sackville-West, the
+British Minister, fell into a Republican trap and wrote to a pretended
+naturalized Englishman, who called himself Murchison, that a vote for
+Cleveland would best serve Great Britain. His tactless blunder caused
+his summary dismissal from Washington and aided the Republican cause
+much as the Burchard affair had injured it four years before.</p>
+
+<p>Harrison was elected in November as a minority President, Cleveland
+actually receiving more popular though fewer electoral votes. He came
+into office with a Republican Senate and a Republican House, able to
+carry out party intentions for the first time since 1883.</p>
+
+<p>Benjamin Harrison was never a leader of his party. He had a good war
+record and had been Senator for a single term. His nomination was not
+due to his strength, but to his availability. Coming from the doubtful
+State of Indiana, he was likely to carry it, particularly since the
+Republican candidate for governor was a leader of the Grand Army of the
+Republic. Harrison's personal character and piety were valuable assets
+in a time when party leaders were under fire. Once in office he had a
+cold abruptness that made it easy to lose the support of associates who
+felt that their own importance was greater than his.</p>
+
+<p>Blaine, the greatest of these associates, became<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> Secretary of State,
+and soon had the satisfaction of meeting the Pan-American Congress that
+he had called eight years before. In his interest in larger American
+affairs he lost some of his keenness as a protectionist and acquired a
+zeal for foreign trade. With England he had another unsuccessful tilt,
+this time over the seals of Bering Sea.</p>
+
+<p>In some of the appointments Harrison paid the party debts. Windom came
+back to the Treasury, although ex-Senator Platt, of New York, claimed
+that he had been promised it. John Wanamaker, who had raised large sums
+in Philadelphia to aid Quay in the campaign, became Postmaster-General.
+The Pension Bureau, important through the alliance with the soldiers,
+went to a leader of the Grand Army of the Republic, one "Corporal"
+Tanner, whose most famous utterance related to his intentions: "God save
+the surplus!"</p>
+
+<p>The Fifty-first Congress, convening in December, 1889, took up with
+enthusiasm the mandate of the election, as the Republicans saw it, to
+revise the tariff in the interest of protection. It chose as Speaker
+Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, and revised its rules so as to expedite
+legislation. William McKinley prepared a revision of the tariff in the
+House, while another Ohioan, John Sherman, took up the matter of the
+trusts in the Senate.</p>
+
+<p>The Sherman Anti-Trust Law was enacted in July, 1890, after nearly ten
+years of general discussion. Although formulated by Republicans&mdash;Sherman,
+Edmunds, and Hoar&mdash;it was not more distinctly a party measure than
+the Interstate Commerce<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> Act had been. It relied upon the interstate
+commerce clause of the Constitution as its authority to declare illegal
+"every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or
+conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among the several States, or with
+foreign nations," and it provided suitable penalties for violation.
+The most significant debate in connection with it occurred
+upon an amendment offered by Representative Richard P. Bland, of
+Missouri, who desired to extend the scope of the prohibition,
+specifically, to railroads. The Senate excluded the amendment on the
+ground that the law was general, covering the railroads without special
+enumeration. The full meaning of the law remained in doubt for nearly
+fifteen years, for few private suitors invoked it and the
+Attorneys-General were not hostile to the ordinary practices of
+business. A great financial depression which appeared in 1893 acted well
+as a temporary deterrent of trusts. There was a suspicion that the law
+had been intended not to be enforced, but to act as a popular antidote
+to the McKinley Tariff Bill which was pending while it passed.</p>
+
+<p>There were two reasons for a revision of the tariff in 1890. The
+surplus, still a reason, added $105,000,000 in 1889, and continued to
+embarrass the Treasury with a wealth of riches. Secondly, the election
+of 1888 had gone Republican, and party leaders chose to regard this as a
+popular condemnation of Cleveland and tariff reform, and a popular
+mandate for higher protection, in spite of the fact that more Americans
+voted for Cleveland than for Harrison. A third reason, alleged by the
+opposition, was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> necessity of fulfilling the pledges given by Quay
+and the campaign managers to the manufacturers who contributed to the
+campaign fund,&mdash;manufacturers who were parodied as "Mary":&mdash;</p>
+
+<p style="margin-left: 20em;">
+"Our Mary had a little lamb,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her heart was most intent</span><br />
+To make its wool, beyond its worth,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bring 56 per cent."</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>In April, 1890, McKinley presented his act "to equalize the duties upon
+imports and to reduce the revenues." For five months Congress wrestled
+with the details of the bill and the issues connected with it. In June
+it rewarded the soldier allies of the Administration with a Dependent
+Pension Act which granted pensions to those who could show ninety days
+of service and present dependence, and which, aided by the previous
+laws, relieved the surplus of $1,350,000,000 in the next ten years.
+Early in July the Anti-Trust Act was passed. Two weeks later Congress
+paused in its tariff deliberations to pass the Sherman Silver Purchase
+Bill at the demand of Republican Senators from the Rocky Mountain
+States, who wanted their share of protection in this form and were so
+numerous as to be able to produce a deadlock.</p>
+
+<p>The tariff that became a law October 1, 1890, was the first success in
+tariff legislation since the Civil War. It enlarged protection and
+reduced the revenue. The latter was done by repealing the duty on raw
+sugar, which had been the most remunerative item of the old tariff, and
+by substituting a bounty of two cents per pound to the American
+sugar-grower,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> which further relieved the surplus. The sugar clause was
+one of the notable features of the McKinley Bill, and was closely
+related to a group of duties upon agricultural imports. There had been
+complaint among the farmers that protection did nothing for them. The
+agricultural schedule was designed to silence this complaint.</p>
+
+<p>Another novelty in the bill was the extension of protection to unborn
+industries. In the case of tin plate, the President was empowered to
+impose a duty whenever he should learn that American mills were ready to
+manufacture it. This was an application of the principle that went
+beyond the demands of most advocates of protection.</p>
+
+<p>A final novelty, reciprocity, was the favorite scheme of the Secretary
+of State. Blaine, in his foreign policy, saw in the tariff wall an
+obstacle to friendly trade relations, and induced Congress to permit the
+duties on the chief imports from South America to be admitted on a
+special basis in return for reciprocal favors. McKinley, as his
+experience widened, accepted this principle in full, and died with an
+expression of it upon his lips. But in 1890 most protectionists inclined
+toward absolute exclusion, regardless of foreign relations, and were
+ready to raise the rate whenever the imports were large.</p>
+
+<p>In the passage of the McKinley Tariff Bill it was noticed that a third
+body was sharing largely in such legislation. After each house had
+passed the bill and disagreements on amendments had been reached, it was
+sent to a Joint Committee of Conference whose report was, by rule,
+unamendable. In the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> Conference Committee the bill was finally shaped,
+and so shaped that the Republican majority was forced to accept it or
+none. The party leaders who sat on the Committee of Conference were a
+third house with almost despotic power, and were, as well, men whose
+association with manufacturing districts or protected interests raised a
+fair question as to the impartiality of their decisions. The Republican
+reply, in their hands, to the assertion that the tariff was the mother
+of trusts was to raise the tariff still higher and to forbid the trusts
+to engage in interstate commerce.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The <i>Life of Henry Demarest Lloyd</i>, by C. Lloyd (2 vols., 1912) contains
+an admirable and sympathetic survey of the growth of anti-trust feeling,
+and should be supplemented by the writings of H.D. Lloyd, more
+particularly, "The Story of a Great Monopoly" (in <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>,
+March, 1881), and <i>Wealth against Commonwealth</i> (1894). The philosophy
+of Henry George is best stated in his <i>Progress and Poverty</i> (1879), and
+is presented biographically by H. George, Jr., in his <i>Life of Henry
+George</i> (1900). The most popular romance of the decade is based upon an
+economic hypothesis: E. Bellamy, <i>Looking Backward</i> (1887). J.W. Jenks,
+<i>The Trust Problem</i> (1900, etc.), has become a classic sketch of the
+economics of industrial concentration. The histories of the Standard Oil
+Company, by I.M. Tarbell (2 vols., 1904) and G.H. Montague (1903), are
+based largely upon judicial and congressional investigations. The
+Sherman Law is discussed in the writings and biographies of Sherman,
+Hoar, and Edmunds, and in A. H. Walker, <i>History of the Sherman Law</i>
+(1910). For the election of 1888, consult Stanwood, Andrews, Peck, the
+<i>Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia</i>, the tariff histories, and D.R. Dewey, <i>National
+Problems, 1885-1897</i> (in <i>The American Nation</i>, vol. 24, 1907).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE FARMERS' CAUSE<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The Republican protective policy had its strongest supporters among the
+industrial communities of the East where the profits of manufacture were
+distributed. In the West, where the agricultural staples had produced a
+simplicity of interests somewhat resembling those of the Old South in
+its cotton crop, the advantage of protection was questioned even in
+Republican communities. The Granger States and the Prairie States were
+normally Republican, but they had experienced falling prices for their
+corn and wheat, as the South had for its cotton, in the eighties, and
+had listened encouragingly to the advocates of tariff reform.
+Cleveland's Message of 1887 had affected them strongly. Through 1888 and
+1889 country papers shifted to the support of revision, while farmers'
+clubs and agricultural journals began to denounce protection. The
+Republican leaders felt the discontent, and brought forward the
+agricultural schedules of the McKinley Bill to appease it, but
+dissatisfaction increased in 1889 and 1890 through most of the farming
+sections.</p>
+
+<p>The farmer in the South was directly affected by the falling price of
+cotton, and retained his hereditary aversion to the protective tariff.
+He could not believe that either party was working in his interests. The
+dominant issues of the eighties did not touch his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> problems. He was not
+interested in civil service reform, which was a product of a
+differentiated society, in which professional expertness was recognized
+and valued. He knew and cared little about administration, and being
+used to a multitude of different tasks himself saw no reason why the
+offices should not be passed around. In this view American farmers
+generally concurred.</p>
+
+<p>The Southern farmer was without interest in the pension system and was
+prone to criticize it. The Fourteenth Amendment had forced the
+repudiation of the whole Confederate debt, leaving the Southern veterans
+compelled to pay taxes that were disbursed for the benefit of Union
+veterans and debarred from enjoying similar rewards. They could not turn
+Republican, yet in their own party they saw men who failed to represent
+them.</p>
+
+<p>In the North agriculture was depressed and the farmers were
+discontented. In many regions the farms were worn out. Scientific
+farming was beginning to be talked about to some extent, but was little
+practiced. The improvements in transportation had brought the younger
+and more fertile lands of the West into competition with the East for
+the city markets. Cattle, raised on the plains and slaughtered at Kansas
+City or Chicago, were offered for sale in New York and Philadelphia.
+Western fruits of superior quality were competing with the common
+varieties of the Eastern orchards. Here, as in the South, the farmers
+saw the parties quarreling over issues that touched the manufacturing
+classes, but disregarding those of agriculture.</p>
+
+<p>It was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> in the West, however, that agricultural discontent was keenest.
+In no other region were uniform conditions to be found over so large an
+area. The Granger States had shown how uniformity in discontent may
+bring forth political readjustments. The new region of the late eighties
+lay west of Missouri and Iowa, where the railroads had stimulated
+settlement along the farther edge of the arable prairies. Texas, Kansas,
+Colorado, and the Dakotas had passed into a boom period about 1885, and
+had pushed new farms into regions that could not in ordinary years
+produce a crop. Only blinded enthusiasts believed that the climate of
+the sub-humid plains was changing. In good years crops will grow as far
+west as the Rockies: in bad, they dry up in eastern Kansas.</p>
+
+<p>It served the interest of the railroads to promote new settlements, and
+speculation got the better of prudence. The rainfall co&ouml;perated for a
+few years, enabling the newcomers to break the sod and set up their
+dwellings and barns. The quality of the settlers increased the dangers
+attendant upon the community.</p>
+
+<p>Under earlier conditions in the westward migration each frontier had
+been settled, chiefly, by occupants of the preceding frontier, who knew
+the climate and understood the conditions of successful farming. The
+greater distances in the farther West, and the ease of access which the
+railroads gave, brought a less capable class of farmers into the plains
+settlements. Some were amateurs; others knew a different type of
+agriculture. The population which had to deal with this new region was
+less likely to succeed than that of any previous frontier.</p>
+
+<p>The <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span>frontier of the eighties presented new obstacles in its doubtful
+rainfall and its experimental farmers. It contained as well the
+conditions that had always prevailed along the edge of settlement.
+Transportation was vital to its life,&mdash;as vital as it had been in the
+Granger States,&mdash;yet was nearly as unregulated. The Interstate Commerce
+Law of 1887 had little noticeable immediate effect. Discrimination,
+unreasonable rates, and overcapitalization were still grievances that
+affected the West. The new activity of organized labor, shown in the
+Western strikes of 1885 and 1886, added another obstacle to the easy
+prosperity of farmers who needed uninterrupted train service. The germs
+of an anti-railroad movement were well distributed.</p>
+
+<p>An anti-corporation movement, too, might reasonably be expected in this
+new frontier. Producing only the raw products of agriculture, its
+inhabitants bought most of the commodities in use from distant sections.
+They were impressed with the cost of what they had to buy and the low
+price of what they sold. They were ready listeners to agitators against
+the trusts.</p>
+
+<p>Like all frontiers, this one was financed on borrowed money. The pioneer
+was dependent on credit, was hopeful and speculative in his borrowings,
+built more towns and railroads than he needed, and loaded himself with a
+mountain of debt that could be met only after a long series of
+prosperous years.</p>
+
+<p>By necessity he was readily converted by the arguments of inflation.
+Greenback inflation had run its course, and after the resumption of
+specie payments<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> in 1879 had been only a political threat without
+foundation or many followers. A Greenback party, affiliating with labor
+and anti-monopoly interests, had nominated Weaver in 1880 and Butler in
+1884, but even inflationists had not voted for the ticket in large
+number. A new phase of inflation had become more interesting than the
+greenbacks, and had led to the demand for the free coinage of silver.</p>
+
+<p>Among the demands of the Western farmer, whose greatest problem was the
+payment of his debts, none was more often heard than that for more and
+cheaper money. The Eastern farmer, though less burdened with debt, knew
+that more money would make higher prices, and believed it would bring
+larger profits. The Southern farmer, heavily in debt, not so much for
+purposes of development and permanent improvements, as because he
+regularly mortgaged his crop in advance and allowed the rural
+storekeeper to finance him, was also interested in inflation as a common
+remedy. Together the farmers of all sections kept pressing on the
+parties for free silver after the passage of the Bland-Allison Bill in
+1878. As the price of silver declined the gain which silver inflation
+would bring them increased, and they were joined by another class of
+producers whose profits came from mining the silver bullion.</p>
+
+<p>The silver mines furnished important industries in Montana, Idaho,
+Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Arizona, and California, and were highly valued
+in most of the Western communities. As their output declined in value
+after 1873, their owners turned to the United States Government for aid
+and protection,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> not differing much from the manufacturers of the East
+in their hope for aid. The restoration of silver coinage was the method
+by which they desired their protection, and they asserted that Congress
+could coin all the silver and yet maintain it at a parity with gold.
+They were allies with the farmer inflationists so far as means of relief
+were concerned, and both failed to see how incompatible were their real
+aims. The miners wanted free silver in order to increase the price of
+silver and their profits; the farmers wanted it to increase the volume
+of money and reduce its value. If either was correct in his prophecy as
+to the result of free coinage, the other was doomed to disappointment.
+But the combined demand was reiterated through the eighties. While times
+were good it was not serious, but any shock to the prosperity or credit
+of the West was likely to stimulate the one movement in which all the
+discontented concurred.</p>
+
+<p>The crisis which precipitated Western discontent into politics came in
+1889 when rainfall declined and crops failed. In the Arkansas Valley,
+with an average fall of eighteen inches, the total for this year was
+only thirteen inches. General Miles, who had chased hostile Indians
+across the plains for more than twenty years, and who had seen the new
+villages push in, mile by mile, saw the terrible results of drought.
+First suffering, then mortgage, then foreclosure and eviction, he
+prophesied. "And should this impending evil continue for a series of
+years," he wrote, "no one can anticipate what may follow." The glowing
+promises of the early eighties were fal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span>sified, whole towns and counties
+were deserted, and the farmers turned to the Government for aid.</p>
+
+<p>The Western upheaval followed a period in which both great parties had
+been attacked as misrepresentative. There was a widely spread belief
+that politicians were dishonest and that the Government was conducted
+for the favored classes. It was natural that the discontented should
+take up one of the agricultural organizations already existing, as the
+Grangers had done, and convert it to their political purpose.</p>
+
+<p>Since the high day of the Granger movement there had always been
+associations among the farmers and organizations striving to get their
+votes. The Grange had itself continued as a social and economic bond
+after its attack upon the railroads. There had been a Farmers' Union and
+an Agricultural Wheel. The great success of the Knights of Labor and the
+American Federation of Labor had had imitators who were less successful
+because farming had been too profitable to give much room for organized
+discontent, while in times of prosperity the farmer was an
+individualist. A new activity among the farmers' papers was now an
+evidence of a growing desire to get the advantage of co&ouml;peration.</p>
+
+<p>The greatest farmer organization of the eighties was the Farmers'
+Alliance, a loose federation of agricultural clubs that reflected local
+conditions, West and South. In the South, it was noted in 1888 as
+"growing rapidly," but "only incidentally of political importance." In
+Dakota, it had been active since 1885, conducting for its members fire
+and hail in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span>surance, a purchasing department, and an elevator company.
+In Texas it was building cotton and woolen mills. The machinery of this
+organization was used by the farmers in stating their common cause, and
+as their aims broadened it merged, during 1890, into a People's Party.
+In Kansas, during the summer of this year, the movement broke over the
+lines of both old parties and had such success that its promoters
+thought a new political party had been born.</p>
+
+<p>Agricultural discontent, growing with the hard times of 1889, had been
+noticed, but there had been no means of measuring it until Congress
+adjourned after the passage of the McKinley Bill and the members came
+home to conduct the congressional campaign of 1890. They found that the
+recent law had become the chief issue before them. The so-called popular
+demand for protection, revealed in the election of 1888, had after all
+been based upon a minority of the votes cast. The tariff and the way it
+had been passed were used against them by the Democrats and the Farmers'
+Alliance.</p>
+
+<p>The act was passed so close to election day that its real influence
+could not then be seen and its opponents could not be confuted when they
+told of the evils it would do. Before the election of 1888, as again in
+1892, Republican manufacturers frightened their workmen by threats of
+closing down if free-traders won. This time the tables were turned
+against them by the recital of prospective high prices.</p>
+
+<p>Corrupt methods in framing the schedules furnished an influential
+argument throughout the West. Even in the East the tariff reformers
+asserted that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> undue favors had been done for greedy interests; that
+manufacturers who had bought immunity by their contributions to Quay's
+campaign fund had been rewarded with increased protection. The farmers
+believed these charges, plausible though unprovable, for they were
+disposed to believe that both the great parties were interested only in
+selfish exploitation of the Government to the advantage of politicians.</p>
+
+<p>In every State Republican candidates had to meet this fire as well as
+the local issues. In Maine, Reed met it and was elected with enlarged
+majority from a community that wanted protection. In Ohio, McKinley lost
+his seat, partly from the revulsion of feeling, but more because the
+Democrats, who controlled the State Legislature, had gerrymandered his
+district against him. Cannon, of Illinois, who had already served nine
+terms and was to serve ten more, lost his seat, and LaFollette, of
+Wisconsin, whom the protectionists had made much of, was checked early
+in a promising career because of an educational issue in his State.
+Pennsylvania, protectionist at heart, elected the Democratic ex-governor
+Pattison again in one of its revulsions against the Quay machine.</p>
+
+<p>The Democrats defeated the Republicans in the East while the Farmers'
+Alliance undermined them in the West. In Kansas and Nebraska the
+Alliance controlled the result, sent their own men to Washington, and
+secured the Kansas Legislature which returned the first Populist
+Senator. In several States fusion tickets were successful with
+Democratic and Alliance support. In the South, Democrats found it aided
+them in winning nomination&mdash;for the real<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> Southern election was within
+this party and not at the polls&mdash;to assert that they were and had been
+farmers.</p>
+
+<p>When the votes were counted the extent of the reaction was realized. The
+last Congress had contained a safe majority of Republicans in each
+house. The new Congress, the Fifty-second, chosen in 1890, had lost the
+high-tariff majority in the lower body. Only 88 Republicans were
+elected, against 236 Democrats and 8 of the Alliance. The Republicans
+retained the Senate partly because of the "rotten borough" States, Idaho
+and Wyoming, which they had just admitted.</p>
+
+<p>The greatest factor in the landslide was the tariff, but this was,
+largely, only the occasion for an outburst of discontent that had been
+piling up for a decade. The dominant party was punished because things
+went wrong, because the trusts throve and labor was uneasy, because
+prices declined, because there were scandals in the Public Lands and
+Pension Bureaus, and because the rainfall had diminished on the plains.
+The new House elected a Georgian, Crisp, as Speaker, and the second half
+of Harrison's term passed quietly. Among the people, however, there was
+much conjecture upon the future of the Farmers' Alliance. A convention
+at Cincinnati, six months after the election, tried to unite the new
+element and form a third party of importance.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus21.jpg"><img src="images/illus20.jpg" alt='elections' /> </a>
+<a id='illus20' name='illus20'></a></p>
+<p class='center'><small>Click on image for larger version</small>
+</p>
+
+
+<p>Union between the Knights of Labor and the Farmers' Alliance for
+political purposes was the aim of the promoters of the People's Party, a
+party that was to right all the wrongs from which the plain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> people
+suffered and restore the Government to their hands. Until the next
+presidential election they had time to organize for the crusade.</p>
+
+<p>The United States, by 1890, had begun to feel the influence of the
+agencies of communication in breaking down sectionalism and letting in
+the light of comparative experience. Men who survived from the
+generation that flourished before the war found their cherished ideas
+undermined or shattered. In public life, administration, literature, and
+religion the old order was being swept away. The United States had
+become a nation because it could not avoid it. Even the Congregational
+churches, with whom parish autonomy was vital, had seen fit to erect a
+National Council. Every important activity of trade had become national,
+and the only agency that retained its old localism was the law, which
+must cope with the new order. In many ways the trust problem was the
+result of an inadequate legal system which left a wide "twilight zone"
+between the local capacity of the State and the activity of the Nation.
+Yet the Nation was unfolding and expanding its powers. Railroad control,
+immigration and labor control, agricultural experiment, irrigation, and
+reclamation were only samples of the new lines of activity that created
+new administrative machinery and advanced abreast of the new idea of
+appointment because of merit and tenure during good behavior. Men who
+continued to see the center of political gravity in the State
+Governments were behind the times.</p>
+
+<p>An indigenous literature was rising in the United<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> States. Dickens had
+lived long enough to recognize the spirit of a new school in <i>The Luck
+of Roaring Camp</i>, and <i>The Outcasts of Poker Flat</i>, which appeared in
+1868. Before 1890 the fame of their author, Bret Harte, was secure.
+Samuel Langhorne Clemens (Mark Twain), too, had seen the native field
+and had exploited it. The New England school, Emerson and Longfellow,
+Whittier, Holmes, and Lowell, lived into or through the eighties, but
+were less robust in their American flavor than their younger
+contemporaries who picked subjects from the border. <i>Tom Sawyer</i>,
+<i>Huckleberry Finn</i>, and the <i>Connecticut Yankee</i> were life as well as
+art. Another writer of the generation, William Dean Howells, gave <i>The
+Rise of Silas Lapham</i> to the world in 1885, and revealed a different
+stratum of the new society, while the vogue of <i>Little Lord Fauntleroy</i>
+tells less of the life therein described than of the outlook of American
+readers.</p>
+
+<p>Pure literature was in 1890 turning more and more to American subjects;
+applied literature was searching for causes and explanations. The
+writings of Henry George, particularly his <i>Progress and Poverty</i>,
+brought him from obscurity to prominence in six years, and by 1885 had
+"formed a noteworthy epoch in the history of economic thought." The
+success of Bellamy's utopian romance proved the avidity of the reading
+public. Parkman and Bancroft, of the older generation, Henry Adams,
+McMaster, and Rhodes, of the younger, led the way through history to an
+understanding of American conditions. Economics, sociology, and
+government were beginning to have a literature of their own, the last
+receiving its strong<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span>est impulse from the thoughtful <i>American
+Commonwealth</i> of James Bryce.</p>
+
+<p>In the field of periodical literature the rising American taste was
+supporting a wider range of magazines. The old and dignified <i>North
+American Review</i> was still an arena for political discussion. During
+1890 it printed an important interchange of views between William E.
+Gladstone and James G. Blaine, on the merits of a protective tariff.
+<i>Harper's Monthly</i> and the <i>Atlantic</i> had given employment to the
+leading men of letters since before the Civil War. <i>Leslie's</i> and
+<i>Harper's Weeklies</i> had added illustration to news, making their place
+during the sixties, while the <i>Independent</i> held its own as the leading
+religious newspaper and the <i>Nation</i> appeared as a journal of criticism.
+<i>Scribner's</i> and the <i>Century</i> had been added more recently to the list
+of monthlies, the latter running its great series of reminiscences of
+the battles and leaders of the Civil War and its life of Lincoln by
+Nicolay and Hay. Improvements in typography and illustration, combined
+with greater ease in collecting the news and distributing the product,
+made all the periodicals more nearly national.</p>
+
+<p>The periodicals, in a measure, took the place as national leaders that
+the newspapers had before. The newspaper as a personal expression was
+passing away, as the great editors of Horace Greeley's generation died.
+The younger editors were making investments rather than journalistic
+tools out of their papers. Trade and advertisement used this vehicle to
+approach their customers. News collecting became more prompt and
+adequate, but the opinion of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> papers dwindled. They bought their
+news from syndicates or associations, as they bought paper or ink. The
+counting-house was coming to outrank the editorial room in their
+management.</p>
+
+<p>Through the new literature the changing nature of American life was
+portrayed, and as the life reshaped itself under nationalizing
+influences theology lost much of its old narrowness. Among religious
+novels <i>Robert Elsmere</i> was perhaps most widely read. The struggle
+between orthodoxy and the new criticism had got out of the control of
+the professional theologians and had permeated the laity. A revised
+version of the Old and New Testaments gave new basis for textual
+discussion. The influence of the scientific generalizations of Darwin
+and his school had reached the Church and forced upon it a rephrasing of
+its views. It was becoming less dangerous for men to admit their belief
+in scientific process. The orthodox churches lost nothing in popularity
+as the struggle advanced, and outside them new teachers proclaimed new
+religions as they had ever done in America.</p>
+
+<p>The greatest of the new religions was that of Mrs. Mary Baker Eddy, in
+whose teachings may be found a religious parallel to the political
+revolt of the People's Party. Christian Science was a reaction from the
+"vertebrate Jehovah" of the Puritans to a more comfortable and
+responsive Deity. It was the outgrowth of a well-fed and prosperous
+society, presenting itself to the ordinary mind as "primarily a religion
+of healing."</p>
+
+<p>Intellectual, spiritual, economic, and political revolt were common in
+America in 1890, as they must<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> have been after the industrial revolution
+of the last ten years. The whole nation was once more acting as a unit,
+for the South had outlived the worst results of war and reorganization
+and was again developing on independent lines. The immediate problem was
+the effect of the revolt upon political control.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The materials upon the unrest of the later eighties are yet uncollected,
+and must be pursued through the files of the journals, many of which are
+named above in the text. The new scientific periodicals: <i>Quarterly
+Journal of Economics</i>, <i>Political Science Quarterly</i>, <i>Yale Review</i>,
+<i>Journal of Political Economy</i>, etc., devoted much space to current
+economic and social analysis. F.L. McVey, <i>The Populist Movement</i> (in
+American Economic Association, Economic Studies, vol. I), is useful but
+only fragmentary. The materials on free silver are mentioned in the note
+to chapter <span class="smcap">XIV</span>, below. A.B. Paine, <i>Mark Twain</i>, gives many
+cross-references to the literary life of the decade. J.F. Jameson
+discusses the fertile field of American religious history in "The
+American Acta Sanctorum" (in the <i>American Historical Review</i>, 1908).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE NEW SOUTH<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The Old South, in which two parties had always struggled on fairly equal
+terms, was destroyed during the period of the Civil War, while
+reconstruction failed completely to revive it. The New South, in
+politics, had but one party of consequence. With few exceptions white
+men of respectability voted with the Democrats because of the influence
+of the race question which negro suffrage had raised. From the
+reestablishment of Southern home rule until the advent in politics of
+the Farmers' Alliance no issue appeared in the Southern States that even
+threatened to split the dominant vote. But under the economic pressure
+of the late eighties the old white leaders parted company and even
+contended with each other for the negro vote to aid their plans.</p>
+
+<p>The political influence of the Alliance cannot be measured at the polls
+in the South as easily as in the West. In most States, in 1888 and 1890,
+Alliance tickets were promoted, often in fusion with the Republican
+party. The greater influence, however, was within Democratic lines, at
+the primaries or conventions of that party. Here, among the candidates
+who presented themselves for nomination, the professional politician
+found himself an object of suspicion. The lawyer lost some of his
+political availability.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> Men who could claim to be close to the soil had
+an advantage.</p>
+
+<p>The value placed upon the dissatisfied farmer vote is shown in the
+autobiographical sketches which Senators and Representatives wrote for
+the <i>Congressional Directory</i> of the Fifty-second Congress. Some who had
+never before held office stated the fact with apparent pride. One, who
+appeared from the Texas district which John H. Reagan had represented
+through eight Congresses, announced that he "became a member of the
+Order of Patrons of Husbandry, and took an active interest in advocating
+the cause of progress among his fellow laborers; is now Overseer of the
+Texas State Grange and President of the Texas Farmer Co&ouml;perative
+Publishing Association." From Georgia came several Representatives of
+this type. One "has devoted his time exclusively [since 1886] to
+agricultural interests, and is a member of the Farmers' Alliance."
+Another was elected "as an Alliance man and Democrat." A third "was
+Vice-President of the Georgia State Agricultural Society for eleven
+years, and President of the same for four years; he is now President of
+the Georgia State Alliance." A fourth, Thomas E. Watson, lawyer, editor,
+historian, and leader of the new movement, "has been, and still is,
+largely interested in farming." A South Carolina Representative covered
+himself with the generous assertion that he was "member of all the
+organizations in his State designed to benefit agriculture."</p>
+
+<p>The agricultural bases of the Southern political disturbance lay in the
+changes in tenure and finance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> that had recently appeared. The South was
+not without a pioneer immigration resembling that of the West. Many of
+the carpet-baggers had undertaken to develop farms there. There was much
+opportunity for rural speculation that increased in attractiveness as
+the area of free Western lands diminished. So far as this went, it
+produced a debtor class and prepared the way for inflation.</p>
+
+<p>But the development of new areas in the South was less significant than
+the method of its industry. The disintegration of plantations continued
+steadily through the seventies and eighties. The figures of the census,
+showing tenure for the first time in 1880, and color in 1890,
+exaggerated this, since many of the small holdings there enumerated were
+to all intents farmed by hired labor and were only matters of
+bookkeeping. Yet there was a marked diminution in the size of the
+estates. A class of negro owners was slowly developing to account for a
+part of the diminution. Frugality and industry appeared in enough of the
+freedmen to bring into negro ownership in 1900, within the slave area,
+149,000 farms, averaging 55 acres. There were at this time 2,700,000
+farms in the South, and 5,700,000 in the whole United States. Negro
+renters and negro croppers, many of whom labored under the direct
+supervision of the white landlords, increased the number of individual
+farmers, and like the rest lived upon the proceeds of the cotton crop
+that was not yet grown.</p>
+
+<p>Much of the capital that was used in Southern agriculture came from the
+North through the manufacturers and wholesalers who supplied the retail<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span>
+merchants of the South. These merchants advanced credit to their
+customers, measuring it by the estimated value of the next crop. Once
+the bargain had been struck, the farmer bought all his supplies from his
+banker-merchant, paying such prices as the latter saw fit to charge.
+There could be little competition among merchants under this system,
+since the burden of his debt kept the planter from seeking the cheapest
+market. The double weight of extortionate prices and heavy interest
+impressed a large section of the South with the scarcity of cash and the
+evils of existing finance.</p>
+
+<p>In agricultural method as well as in finance the South was oppressed by
+its system. The merchant wanted cotton, for cotton was marketable, and
+could not be consumed by a tricky debtor. Single cropping was thus
+unduly encouraged; diversified agriculture and rotation of crops made
+little progress. The use of commercial fertilizers was greatly
+stimulated, but agriculture as a whole could not advance.</p>
+
+<p>Tied fast to a system nearly as inflexible as that of the ante-bellum
+plantation, the South suffered disproportionately in years when cotton
+was low. Depression in the later eighties and the early nineties
+intensified the suffering of the debtor class and produced an inflation
+movement that allied the South and West in the demand for cheaper money
+and more of it. The Farmers' Alliance, with its demands for railroad
+control, trust regulation, banking reform, and free silver, was the
+logical vehicle for the expression of Southern discontent.</p>
+
+<p>The white population of the South, undivided<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> since the Civil War, was
+confronted in 1890 by an issue that bore no relation to race and that
+divided society into debtor and creditor classes. For twenty years, by
+common agreement in which the North had tacitly concurred, the negro had
+been suppressed outside the law. Occasional negroes had got into office
+and even to Congress in reconstruction days. One, who described himself
+as "a bright mulatto," sat in the Fifty-first and Fifty-second
+Congresses, but in most regions of the South the negro had not been
+allowed to vote or had been "counted out" at the polls, while only in
+sporadic cases, mostly in the mountain sections, was the Republican
+party able to get enough votes to elect its candidates.</p>
+
+<p>The Farmers' Alliance split the white vote and gave to the negro an
+unusual power. From being suppressed by all to being courted by many
+involved a change that raised his hopes only to destroy them. The South
+no sooner saw the possibility that the negro vote might hold a balance
+of power between two equal white factions than it took steps to remove
+itself from temptation and to disfranchise the undesired class.</p>
+
+<p>The purpose of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments had been to raise
+the freedmen to civil equality and protect them there. Pursuant to the
+Fourteenth Amendment, Congress passed, in 1875, a Civil Rights Bill,
+which forbade discrimination against any citizen in "the full and equal
+enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges
+of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theaters, and other places
+of public amuse<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span>ment." It was restrained from imposing coeducation of
+the races only by Northern philanthropists who were interested in
+Southern education. Its compulsion was disregarded at the South, where
+social equality between the races could not be attained. Innkeepers and
+railroads continued to separate their customers, and in time a few of
+them were haled into court to answer for violating the law. Their
+defense was that the Fourteenth Amendment forbade discrimination by the
+States, but did not touch the private act of any citizen; that it
+protected the rights of citizens, but that these rights, complete before
+the law, did not extend to social relations,&mdash;that attendance at a
+theater is not a civil right at all, and may properly be regulated by
+the police power without conflict with the Constitution. In the Civil
+Rights Cases, decided in 1883, the Supreme Court released the
+defendants, ruling that the Fourteenth Amendment was too narrow in its
+intention to justify Congress in the passage of a code of social
+relations at the South. This part of reconstruction thus broke down,
+leaving the negro population at the discretion of its white neighbors.</p>
+
+<p>The Fifteenth Amendment, too, had been limited in its protecting force
+before 1890. It forbade a denial of the right to vote by any State. The
+Supreme Court easily determined that no violation could occur when a
+hostile mob excluded negroes from the polls. It had been settled before
+1890 that the negro was defenseless against personal discrimination. It
+remained to be seen whether he could be disfranchised by law and yet
+have no redress. Not till<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> the South found some of its people appealing
+for the negro vote in the crisis of the Farmers' Alliance did it take
+the last steps in the undoing of reconstruction.</p>
+
+<p>The Fifteenth Amendment was not explicit. Instead of asserting the right
+of the negro to vote, it said, by negation, that the right should not be
+denied on account of "race, color, or previous condition of servitude."
+The three qualities of race, color, and servitude separated the races,
+but the South learned that they were separated by other qualities that
+were not proscribed by the amendment as a basis for the franchise. The
+negro was generally poor, and any qualification based on property would
+exclude him. He was shiftless, and often vagrant, and hence could be
+touched by poll-tax and residence requirements. He was illiterate, and
+was unable to meet an educational test. Tired of using force or fraud,
+the South began in 1890 a system of legal evasion of the Fifteenth
+Amendment.</p>
+
+<p>The State of Mississippi, in a new constitution framed in 1890, defined
+the franchise in terms that bore heavily upon the negro. In the debates
+of its convention members talked frankly and freely of their intention
+to disqualify the race; the clause bore no mention of discrimination. It
+permitted persons to vote who, being male citizens over twenty-one, and
+having reasonable residence qualifications, had paid a poll or other tax
+for two years preceding the election, and could read, or understand and
+interpret when read to them, any section of the constitution of the
+State. Under this clause, between<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> the cumulative tax and the large
+discretionary powers vested in the officers of enrollment, the negro
+electorate was reduced until it was negligible in Mississippi; and it
+was a subject of admiration for other Southern States, which proceeded
+to imitate it.</p>
+
+<p>All of the cotton States but Florida and Texas, and most of the old
+slave States, revised their electoral clauses in the next twenty years.
+Arkansas, in 1893, based the franchise on a one-year poll-tax. South
+Carolina, in 1895, used residence, enrollment, and poll-tax, while the
+convention called to disfranchise the negro passed resolutions of
+sympathy for Cuban independence. Delaware, in 1897, established an
+educational test. Louisiana, in 1898, established education and a
+poll-tax; North Carolina, in 1900, did the same. Alabama, in 1901, made
+use of residence, registry, and poll-tax. Virginia based the suffrage on
+property, literacy, or poll-tax in 1902. Georgia did the same in 1908,
+and the new State of Oklahoma followed the Southern custom in 1910.</p>
+
+<p>It was relatively easy to exclude most of the negroes by means of
+qualifications such as these, but every convention was embarrassed by
+the fact that each qualification excluded, as well, some of the white
+voters. In nearly every case revisions were accompanied by a
+determination to save the whites, and for this purpose a temporary basis
+of enrollment was created in addition to the permanent. Louisiana
+devised the favorite method in 1898. Her constitution provided that, for
+a given period, persons who could not qualify under the general clause
+might be placed upon the roll of voters if they had voted in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> the State
+before 1867 or were descended from such voters. The "grandfather
+clause," as this was immediately called, saved the poor whites, and was
+imitated by North Carolina, Alabama, Virginia, and Georgia. The governor
+of Louisiana, in 1898, sang the praises of the new invention: "The white
+supremacy for which we have so long struggled at the cost of so much
+precious blood and treasure is now crystallized into the constitution as
+a fundamental part and parcel of that organic instrument, and that, too,
+by no subterfuge or evasions. With this great principle thus firmly
+embedded in the constitution and honestly enforced, there need be no
+longer any fear as to the honesty and purity of our future elections."
+The Supreme Court, in Williams <i>vs.</i> Mississippi (1898), and Giles <i>vs.</i>
+Teasley (1903), declined to go behind the innocent phraseology of the
+clauses, and refused to overthrow them.</p>
+
+<p>Before the courts had shown their unwillingness to interfere, Congress
+had done the same. Two methods of redress were discussed during the
+years of Republican ascendancy, 1889-91. One of these contemplated a
+reduction of the Southern representation in the House, under that part
+of the Fourteenth Amendment that requires such reduction in proportion
+to the number of citizens who are disfranchised. Although urged angrily
+more than once, this action was not taken, and would not have affected
+cases in which the denial was by force and not by law. To meet the
+former situation the Republican party pledged itself in 1888. A Force
+Bill, placing the control of Southern elections in federal hands was
+considered.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> It received the enthusiastic support of Henry Cabot Lodge,
+and was the occasion for another waving of the "bloody shirt." It passed
+the House, with the aid of Speaker Reed, but in the Senate was abandoned
+by the caucus and allowed to die in 1891. The South was left alone with
+its negro problem. In the words of a Southern governor, "There are only
+two flags&mdash;the white and the black. Under which will you enlist?"</p>
+
+<p>The New South removed the negro from politics, but he remained, in
+industry and society, a problem to whose solution an increasing
+attention was paid. At the time of emancipation he was almost
+universally illiterate and lived in a bankrupt community. Northern
+philanthropy saw an opportunity here. The teachers sent south by the
+Freedmen's Bureau stirred up interest by their letters home. In 1867
+George Peabody, already noted for his benefactions in England and in
+Baltimore, created a large fund for the relief of illiteracy in the
+destitute region. His board of trustees became a clearing-house for
+educational efforts. Ex-President Hayes became, in 1882, the head of a
+similar fund created by John F. Slater, of Connecticut. Through the rest
+of the century these boards, in close co&ouml;peration, studied and relieved
+the educational necessities of the South. In 1901 the men who directed
+them organized a Southern Educational Board for the propagation of
+knowledge, while in 1903 Congress incorporated a General Education
+Board, to which John D. Rockefeller gave many millions for the
+subsidizing of educational attempts.</p>
+
+<p>The negro <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span>advanced in literacy under the pressure of the new influences.
+In 1880 seventy per cent of the American negroes over ten years old were
+illiterate, but the proportion was reduced in the next ten years to
+fifty-seven per cent; to forty-five per cent by 1900; and to thirty per
+cent by 1910. As the negro advanced, his own leaders, as well as his
+white friends, differed in the status to which they would raise him and
+in the methods to be pursued. Some of his ablest representatives, W.E.B.
+DuBois among them, resented the discrimination and disfranchisement from
+which they suffered, and insisted upon equality as a preliminary.
+Others, like Booker T. Washington, who founded a notable trade school in
+Alabama in 1881, worried little over discrimination, and hoped to solve
+their problem through common and technical education which might lead
+the race to self-respect and independence.</p>
+
+<p>Friction increased between the races at the South after emancipation.
+Freedom and political pressure demoralized many of the negroes, whose
+new feeling of independence exasperated many of the whites. Southern
+society still possessed many border traits. Men went armed and fought on
+slight provocation. The duel and the public assault aroused little
+serious criticism even in the eighties, and the freedmen lived in a
+society in which self-restraint had never been the dominant virtue. In
+Alabama, in 1880, the assessed value of guns, dirks, and pistols was
+nearly twice that of the libraries and five times that of the farm
+implements of the State. The distribution of the races varied
+exceedingly, from the Black Belt,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> where in the Yazoo bottom lands the
+negroes outnumbered the whites fifteen or more to one, to the uplands
+and mountains, where the proportions were reversed. But everywhere the
+less reputable of both races retarded society by their excesses.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of its unsolvable race problem the South was reviving in the
+eighties and was changing under the influence of the industrial
+revolution. Northern capital was a mainstay of its agriculture.
+Transportation, manufacture, and city development found stimulation from
+the same source. In 1884 the National Planters' Association promoted a
+celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the export of the first
+American cotton. In a great exposition at New Orleans they showed how
+far the New South had gone in its development.</p>
+
+<p>In the twenty years after 1880 the South became a modern industrial
+community. Its coal mines increased their annual output from 6,000,000
+tons to 50,000,000; its output of pig iron grew from 397,000 tons to
+2,500,000; its manufactures rose in annual value from $338,000,000 to
+$1,173,000,000, with a pay roll swelling from $76,000,000 to
+$350,000,000. The spindles in its cotton mills were increased from
+610,000 to 4,298,000. With the industrial changes there came a shifting
+of Southern population. The census maps show a tendency in the black
+population to concentrate in the Black Belt, and in the white population
+to increase near the deposits of coal and iron. Factory towns appeared
+in the Piedmont, where cheap power could be obtained, and drew their
+operatives from the rural population of the neighbor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span>hood. Unembarrassed
+by the child-labor and factory laws of the North, the new Southern mills
+exploited the women and children, and were consuming one seventh of the
+cotton crop by 1900. In Alabama, Birmingham became a second Pittsburg.</p>
+
+<p>The Southern railway system was completely rebuilt after the Civil War.
+In 1860 it included about one third of the thirty thousand miles of
+track in the United States, but war and neglect reduced it to ruin.
+Partly under federal auspices it was restored in the later sixties.
+After 1878 it suddenly expanded as did all the American railway systems.</p>
+
+<p>Texas experienced the most thorough change in the fifty years after the
+Civil War. From 307 miles her railways expanded to more than 14,000
+miles. Only one of the Confederate States, Arkansas, had a slighter
+mileage in 1860, but in 1910 no one had half as much as Texas. The
+totals for the Confederate area rose from 11,000 miles in 1870 to 17,000
+in 1880, to 36,000 in 1890, to 45,000 in 1900, and to 63,000 in 1910.
+After 1880 no Confederate State equaled Texas, whose vast area, suddenly
+brought within reach of railway service, poured forth cotton until by
+the end of the century she alone raised one fourth of the American crop.
+Through the expanding transportation system the area of profitable
+cotton culture rose more rapidly than the demand for cotton, and in
+overproduction may be found one of the reasons for the decline in cotton
+values in the early nineties. In the decline may be found an incentive
+toward diversified agriculture. When cotton went down, farmers tried
+other crops. The corn<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> acreage in the ten cotton States passed the
+cotton acreage before 1899, and with the diversification came no
+decrease in the total cotton output, but an increase in general
+agricultural prosperity. In many regions fruit culture and truck-raising
+forced their way to the front among profitable types of agriculture.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of the changes in industry and transportation the South
+remained in 1910 a rural community when compared with the rest of the
+United States. Out of 114 cities of 50,000 population in 1910, only 15
+were in the Confederate area. But when compared with its own past the
+South was developing cities at a rapid rate. Only New Orleans and
+Richmond, in 1880, had 50,000 inhabitants. Atlanta, Charleston, Memphis,
+and Nashville were added to this class by 1890. Texas had no city of
+this size until 1900. But in 1910 she possessed four, Dallas, Forth
+Worth, Houston, and San Antonio. As the cities increased in number,
+bound together, and bound to the cities of the rest of the United States
+by the ties of trade and society, the localisms of the South diminished.
+The essential fear of negro control remained untouched, but in
+superficial ways the Southerner came to resemble his fellow citizen of
+whatever section.</p>
+
+<p>The sectionalism which had made a political unit of the South before the
+war was weakened. In the tariff debates of 1883 and later a group of
+Southern protectionists made common cause with Northern Republicans.
+Sugar, iron, and cotton manufactures converted them from the old
+regional devotion to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> free trade. A fear of national power had kept the
+old South generally opposed to internal improvements at the public cost.
+The Pacific railroads had been postponed somewhat because of this. But
+this repugnance had died away, and in the Mississippi River the United
+States found a field for work that was welcomed in the South.</p>
+
+<p>The Mississippi never fully recovered the dominance that it had
+possessed before the war, but it remained an important highway for the
+Western cotton States. The whimsical torrent, washing away its banks,
+cutting new channels at will, flooding millions of acres every spring,
+was too great to be controlled by States that had been impoverished by
+war and reconstruction. In 1879 Congress created a Mississippi River
+Commission. Unusual floods in 1882 attracted attention to the danger,
+and thereafter Congress found the money for a levee system that
+restrained the river between its banks from Cairo to the Gulf.</p>
+
+<p>The mouth of the river, always choked by mud flats, was opened by the
+United States in 1879. A Western engineer, James B. Eads, devised a
+scheme by which the current scoured out its own channel and converted
+itself into an ocean-going highway. He had already proved his power over
+the Father of Waters by building the railroad bridge that was opened at
+St. Louis in 1874. In 1892 other engineers completed a bridge at
+Memphis.</p>
+
+<p>The active development of the New South lessened the difference between
+it and the rest of the United States, and brought it within the general
+in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span>dustrial revolution. By 1884 the trend was not noticeable. By 1890
+the white population had divided over a political issue like the North
+and West. In the years immediately following 1890 Populism was as much a
+problem in the South as anywhere.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Most of the books relating to the South are partisan. The most useful
+economic analyses are to be found in the writings of W.L. Fleming, U.B.
+Phillips, and A.H. Stone. Special points of view are presented in A.B.
+Hart, <i>The Southern South</i> (1911), E.G. Murphy, <i>Problems of the Present
+South</i> (1904), E.A. Alderman and A.C. Gordon, <i>Life of J.L.M. Curry</i>
+(1911), J.L.M. Curry, <i>A Brief Sketch of George Peabody</i> (1898), J.E.
+Cutler, <i>Lynch Law</i> (1905), B.T. Washington, <i>Up from Slavery</i> (1905),
+W.E.B. DuBois, <i>Souls of Black Folk</i> (1903), and J.L. Mathews, <i>Remaking
+the Mississippi</i> (1909). The <i>Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia</i> is full of useful
+details. The Annual Reports of the Peabody Fund, the Slater Fund, and
+the United States Commissioner of Education contain statistics and
+discussions upon Southern society. The Civil Rights Cases (109 U.S.
+Reports) give the best treatment of the legal status of the negro, and
+are supplemented by J.C. Rose, "Negro Suffrage" (in <i>American Political
+Science Review</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">I</span>, pp. 17-43,&mdash;a partial sketch only),
+and J.M. Mathews, <i>Legislative and Judicial History of the Fifteenth
+Amendment</i> (in Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. <span class="smcap">XXVII</span>).
+There were interesting articles on the New Orleans Exposition, by E.V.
+Smalley, in the <i>Century Magazine</i> for April and May, 1885.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>POPULISM<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The election of 1890 stunned and bewildered both old parties. The
+Republicans lost their control of the Lower House, while the Democrats
+paid for their victory the price of a partial alliance with a new
+movement whose weight they could only estimate. Populism was engendered
+by local troubles in the West and South, but its name now acquired a
+national usage and its leaders were encouraged to attempt a national
+organization.</p>
+
+<p>In a series of conventions, held between 1889 and 1892, the People's
+Party developed into a finished organization with state delegations and
+a national committee. At St. Louis, in December, 1889, the Farmers'
+Alliance held a national convention and considered the basis for wider
+growth. The outcome was an attempt to combine in one party organized
+labor, organized agriculture, and believers in the single tax. The
+leaders of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor
+were not averse to such common action, although the latter preferred
+their own Federation to any party. The dangers of political action, seen
+in the decline of the National Labor Union of 1866, did not check the
+desires of the Knights in 1889, although the leaders found it easier
+then, as later, to promise the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> support of organized labor than to
+deliver it at the polls. After the St. Louis Convention the name
+Farmers' Alliance merged into the broader name of the People's Party,
+though the attempt to win the rank and file of the unions failed.</p>
+
+<p>In December, 1890, the farmers met at Ocala, Florida, to rejoice over
+the congressional victory and to plan for 1892. Since each of the great
+parties was believed to be indifferent to the people and corrupt, a
+permanent third party was a matter of conviction, and in May, 1891, this
+party was formally created in a mass convention at Cincinnati.
+Miscellaneous reforms were insisted upon here, but were overshadowed by
+the demands of the inflationists. James B. Weaver, of Iowa, the old
+presidential candidate of the Greenbackers, was a leading spirit at
+Cincinnati. His best-known aide was Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota, a
+devotee of the Baconian theory and of the "Lost Atlantis," who was now
+devoting his active mind to the support of free silver. A national
+committee was created after another meeting, at St. Louis in February,
+1892, and on July 2, 1892, the party met in that city in its first
+national nominating convention.</p>
+
+<p>The platform of the People's Party was based on calamity. "We meet in
+the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and
+material ruin," it declared. "Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the
+legislature, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench. The
+people are demoralized.... The newspapers are largely subsidized or
+muzzled; public opinion silenced; business prostrated;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> our homes
+covered with mortgages; labor impoverished; and the land concentrating
+in the hands of the capitalists."</p>
+
+<p>The greatest of the evils in sight was "the vast conspiracy against
+mankind," which had demonetized silver, added to the purchasing power of
+gold, and abridged the supply of money "to fatten usurers." To correct
+the financial evils the platform demanded "the free and unlimited
+coinage of silver at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one," and an
+issue of legal-tender currency until the circulation should reach an
+average of fifty dollars per capita. Postal savings banks, a graduated
+income tax, and economy in government were the subsidiary demands.</p>
+
+<p>No demand of the Populists attracted so much attention as this for free
+silver, but its platform touched reform at every angle. In the field of
+transportation it asked for government ownership of railroads,
+telegraphs, and telephones. It asked that land monopolies be prevented,
+that the public lands be in part regained, and that alien ownership be
+forbidden. It wanted the Australian ballot, liberal pensions,
+restriction of immigration, an eight-hour day, a single term for
+President and Vice-President, direct election of United States Senators,
+abolition of the Pinkerton detectives, and was curious about the
+initiative and referendum. It was in many respects a prophecy as to the
+workings of reform for the next twenty years.</p>
+
+<p>The People's Party entered the campaign of 1892 with this platform and
+with the support of advanced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> reformers, with a considerable following
+in the West and South, and with James B. Weaver and James G. Field as
+candidates. Few of the workers for its ticket were politicians of known
+standing, and its voters had a preponderance of youth. In several
+Western States the Democratic party supported it with fusion tickets. In
+the South it often co&ouml;perated with the Republicans. From the first the
+third party found it harder to stand alone than to unite with the weaker
+local party.</p>
+
+<p>The disrupting force of hard times was increased by the acts of the
+Republican party. Harrison's first Congress had passed a series of laws
+that provoked opposition and criticism. The Interstate Commerce Law was
+still new when he took office. In quick succession in 1890 came the new
+States, and Oklahoma Territory, the Dependent Pensions Bill, the Sherman
+Anti-Trust Bill, the Silver Purchase Bill, and the McKinley Tariff. The
+dominant majority had used arbitrary methods to enforce its will and had
+given to its enemies more than one text. After 1891 the Democratic
+majority in the House reduced the Administration to the political
+incompetence that had prevailed from 1883 to 1889.</p>
+
+<p>Benjamin Harrison gained little prestige as the result of the
+Administration. He had been nominated for his availability, and the
+campaign songs had said as much of his illustrious grandfather, the hero
+of Tippecanoe, as of himself. His appointments had pleased neither the
+politicians nor the reformers, while there was much laughter at the
+presence in the offices of numerous personal friends and relatives.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> The
+most notable of his appointments was the most embarrassing.</p>
+
+<p>James G. Blaine, as Secretary of State, found no topic in foreign
+relations as interesting as the canal had been in his earlier term. The
+wranglings with Great Britain and Germany over their treatment of
+naturalized Americans had subsided. The fisheries of the North Atlantic
+had been temporarily settled by President Cleveland. The regulation of
+the seal fisheries of Bering Sea brought no new glory to Blaine.</p>
+
+<p>There was no doubt that the seal herd of the Pacific was being rapidly
+destroyed by careless and wasteful hunters from most of the countries
+bordering on that ocean. On the American islands the herds could be
+protected, and here they gathered every summer to mate and breed. But
+the men who hunted with guns at sea, instead of with clubs on land,
+could not be controlled unless the world would consent to an American
+police beyond the three-mile limit. In an arbitration with Great
+Britain, at Paris, Blaine tried to prove that the seals were American,
+and entitled to protection on the high seas, and that the waters of the
+northern Pacific were <i>mare clausum</i>. The arbitration went against him
+on every material point.</p>
+
+<p>The only episode that threatened war occurred in Chile. Here Harrison
+had sent as Minister Patrick Egan, a newly naturalized Irishman and
+follower of Blaine. In a revolution of 1891 Egan sided with the
+conservative party that lost. His enemies charged him with improper
+interest in contracts and with instinctive antagonism to British
+interests in Chile.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> After the revolution a mob in Valparaiso showed its
+dislike for Americans by attacking sailors on shore leave. Egan's
+extreme demands for summary punishment of the rioters were upheld by
+Harrison, who prepared the navy for war. Finally the Chilean Government
+was forced to make complete apologies.</p>
+
+<p>In the same year an American mob in New Orleans lynched several
+Italians, and Blaine repelled with indignation the demand that indemnity
+be accorded before trial and conviction. He could not even promise trial
+because of the helplessness of the United States in local criminal
+proceedings. The Italian Minister, Baron Fava, was withdrawn from
+Washington on this account, and returned only when Congress had healed
+the breach by making provision for the families of the sufferers.</p>
+
+<p>The internal relations of the Administration were not happier than the
+external. Harrison chafed under the influence of Blaine, and alienated
+so many of the regular Republican leaders that it became doubtful
+whether he could secure his own renomination. Both Quay and Platt had
+been offended, and the former had resigned his chairmanship of the
+National Committee after the failure of a political bank in
+Philadelphia. No one was anxious to manage the President's campaign, and
+he showed little skill in managing it himself. The future was still in
+doubt when, on June 4, 1892, three days before the meeting of the
+convention at Minneapolis, Blaine resigned his position without a word
+of explanation. Whether he was only sick and unhappy, or whether he
+desired the nomination, was uncertain.</p>
+
+<p>The strength <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span>of Blaine and the rising influence of William McKinley were
+apparent in the Republican Convention. Harrison was renominated on the
+first ballot, but Blaine and McKinley received more than one hundred and
+eighty votes apiece. The former had reached the end of his career, and
+died the next winter. The latter was now Governor of Ohio. McKinley had
+lost his seat in the election of 1890, but had been raised to the
+governorship in the next year. He was chairman of the convention that
+renominated Harrison, reaffirmed the "American doctrine of protection,"
+and evaded the issue of free silver.</p>
+
+<p>The Democratic party had bred no national leader but Grover Cleveland
+since the Civil War, and he had earned the dislike of the organization
+before his defeat in 1888. His insistence upon the tariff offended the
+protectionist wing of his party, and he left office unpopular and
+lonely. He retired to New York City, where he took up the practice of
+law and regained the confidence of the people. Demands upon him for
+public speeches in 1891 revealed the recovery of his popularity. His
+friends began to organize in his behalf during 1892, and David B. Hill
+aided by his opposition.</p>
+
+<p>The strength of Hill, who had been elected Governor of New York, and who
+was now Senator, was based upon Tammany Hall and those elements in the
+New York Democracy that reformers were constantly attacking. He was
+believed to have defeated Cleveland in 1888 by entering into a deal with
+the Republican machine by which Harrison received the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> electoral and he
+the gubernatorial vote of New York. Early in 1892, as interest in
+Cleveland revived, Hill called a "snap" convention and secured the
+indorsement of New York for his own candidacy. The solid New York
+delegation shouting for Hill was an item in Cleveland's favor at the
+Democratic Convention in Chicago. With tariff reformers in control,
+denouncing "Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great
+majority of the American people for the benefit of a few," and
+reasserting Cleveland's phrase that "public office is a public trust,"
+the convention selected Cleveland and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois,
+as the party candidates. Its coinage plank, like that of the
+Republicans, meant what the voter chose to read into it.</p>
+
+<p>There were two debates in the campaign of 1892. On the surface was the
+renewed discussion of the tariff, with the Republicans fighting for the
+McKinley Bill all the more earnestly because there was danger of its
+repeal, and the Democrats officially demanding reduction. "I would
+rather have seen Cleveland defeated than to have had that fool
+free-trade plank adopted," said one of the Eastern Democrats to "Tom"
+Johnson after the convention. But the Democratic protectionists were
+forced into surly acquiescence so long as Cleveland was the candidate
+and William L. Wilson the chairman of the convention. The partial
+insincerity of the tariff debate aided the Populists, who were directing
+a discussion upon the general basis of reform.</p>
+
+<p>Cleveland was elected with a majority of electoral votes and a plurality
+of popular votes, but the vote<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> for Weaver and Field measured the extent
+of the revolt against both parties. The Populists carried Colorado,
+Idaho, Nevada, and Kansas, gained twenty-two electoral votes, and polled
+over a million popular votes. Their protest, based on local hard times
+and discontent, probably defeated Harrison, while their organization was
+ready to receive a large following should the hard times spread.</p>
+
+<p>Harrison was not unwilling to surrender the Government to Cleveland in
+March, 1893, for he had been struggling for weeks to conceal the
+financial weakness of the United States and to avoid a panic. The great
+surplus that had been a motive for legislation for more than ten years
+had nearly become a deficit. Continuous prosperity had tempted Congress
+to make lavish appropriations. The McKinley Bill had reduced the revenue
+through changes in the sugar schedule. The Pension Bill had used other
+millions. Internal improvements had been distributed to every section.
+The surplus, which had been at $105,000,000 for 1890, fell to
+$37,000,000 in 1891, and in the next two years to $9,900,000 and to
+$2,300,000. In the spring of 1893 the Treasury was so reduced that any
+unexpected shock might cause a suspension. Cleveland's first duty was
+with causes and cures.</p>
+
+<p>The surplus had been affected both by increase in expenditures and by
+decrease in revenues. The latter had been due in part to the hard times,
+which had forced a curtailment of imports, with a resulting shrinkage in
+tariff receipts. At the same time an increasing nervousness, based upon
+the deteriora<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span>tion in quality of the assets of the United States, showed
+itself. The fear of free silver was hastening the day of panic.</p>
+
+<p>Silver and gold had always been traditional American coins, but since
+1834 little of the former had been coined or circulated, while between
+1862 and 1879 neither variety of specie was ordinarily used as money. In
+1873 a codification of coinage laws had omitted from the standard list
+the silver dollar, which had been unimportant for nearly forty years;
+and when, shortly thereafter, the decline in the price of silver made
+its coinage at the ratio of sixteen to one profitable, it was
+impossible. The demand for a restoration of silver coinage began with
+the silver miners who desired a stimulated market for their output. Some
+believed coinage would raise the price of bullion; others thought the
+Government would keep up the value of the silver coins, as it did the
+greenbacks, by redemption in gold. In 1878 a Free Coinage Act, pushed by
+R.P. Bland, was converted into the limited Bland-Allison Act. Under this
+the Treasury bought the minimum amount of silver bullion (two million
+dollars' worth) every month for twelve years, and protested continually
+that the silver coined from it was increasing the burden of redemption
+on the gold reserve. As the price of silver fell farther, the demand of
+the miners increased, and toward 1890 it was reinforced by the demands
+of inflationists who desired it for another reason.</p>
+
+<p>In 1890 the free-silver movement was not political in the sense that
+parties had declared for or against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> it. In each great party it had
+supporters, and few politicians were actively opposing it. A movement in
+its favor, with the support of the Senate, was reshaped under the
+influence of Sherman, and became a law in July, 1890. Under this the
+Treasury was forced to buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver each month, and to
+pay for it in a new issue of treasury notes. For the next three years
+the United States kept at par with gold the Civil War greenbacks, the
+Bland-Allison silver dollars, and the treasury notes of 1890. Only by
+its constant willingness to pay out any form of money at the option of
+the customer could it prevent the Gresham Law from operating and the
+currency from declining to the bullion value of silver.</p>
+
+<p>Every creditor feared the establishment of the silver basis because of
+the loss which it would entail upon him. His dollars would shrink from
+their gold value to their silver value. A depreciated currency was bad
+enough when unavoidable, but the deliberate adoption of it would be
+frank repudiation. Continually, after 1890, popular apprehension of this
+grew more acute, discouraging the undertaking of new enterprises and
+leading to the insertion of "gold clauses" in contracts. Gold was
+hoarded whenever possible. The receipts at the New York Custom-House,
+which had been mostly gold before 1890, contained less than four per
+cent of gold in the winter of 1892-93. As the Treasury found its
+expenditures nearing its receipts, and the proportion of gold in its
+assets lessening, business men were badly worried over the future of the
+currency, and an actual limit of available capital appeared.</p>
+
+<p>For<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> fourteen years there had been prosperity in the United States.
+Financial and economic disturbances had been relatively slight, and
+every year had seen a greater business expansion than the last.
+Investment for permanent improvement had passed the amount of annual
+savings, and before 1893 the United States as a community had approached
+the point at which its economic surplus would be exhausted and an
+enforced liquidation would be due. As banks curtailed in 1893 to save
+themselves, stringency became general, and depression turned to panic.
+In April the gold reserve in the Treasury, on which the whole volume of
+silver and paper depended, passed below $100,000,000, which business had
+come to regard as the limit of safety. In the summer Great Britain
+closed her Indian mints to silver and that bullion dropped farther in
+value. Before July there was panic and failure everywhere in the United
+States.</p>
+
+<p>Panic had been imminent before Harrison left office and remained for
+Cleveland to confront. Already Cleveland had taken a solid stand against
+free silver and the silver basis. He saw in the Sherman Silver Purchase
+Act the most striking cause of danger, and summoned Congress to meet in
+August, 1893, to repeal it, while he maintained the gold reserve for the
+next two years by borrowing on bonds. For the first time since the Civil
+War his party controlled every branch of the Government, yet it now met
+an issue on which it had not been elected and over which it broke to
+pieces.</p>
+
+<p>An angry minority opposed the Message in which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> Cleveland described the
+financial dangers and demanded the repeal of the Sherman Law. It was a
+sectional minority that included Western Representatives from both
+parties and many Democrats from the South. Men who had fought the
+Populists since 1890 now fraternized with them and raised their strength
+beyond their hopes. The President refused compromise, even to save his
+party from destruction, and found a majority for repeal among Easterners
+of both parties. The Sherman Law was repealed in November, and the
+liquidation following the crisis was effected during the next three
+years.</p>
+
+<p>It was a bad beginning for tariff revision, to split the party at its
+first session and to drive into opposition those Democrats who were most
+genuinely interested in tariff reform. Cleveland had lost his influence
+with Western Democrats before the repeal of the McKinley Act was
+undertaken, and they, like the Populists, had decided that he was the
+tool of the corporations and the "gold-bugs" of the East. The
+anti-corporation feelings of the West were increased by the accident
+which threw the corporations and the farmers into different sides upon
+the silver question.</p>
+
+<p>A tariff for revenue had been the winning issue in 1890 and 1892, and
+the Democratic organization was pledged to pass it. When Speaker Crisp
+made William L. Wilson chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means his
+act showed an intention to fulfill the pledge, for which purpose Wilson
+brought in his bill early in the regular session of 1893-94. Like
+previous bills, this tariff was passed in the House,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> rewritten in the
+Senate, and again changed in conference committee. "The truth is,"
+confessed Senator Cullom long after, "we were all&mdash;Democrats as well as
+Republicans&mdash;trying to get in amendments in the interest of protecting
+the industries of our respective States." The surplus was no longer an
+argument in favor of reduction. The free-trade arguments were flatly
+contradicted by a group of Democratic Senators under whose leadership
+the bill lost most of its reducing tendency. Out of doors the
+Republicans attacked the measure and noisily charged it with having
+produced the panic of 1893. Fourteen years later a Republican President
+still described it as the measure "under the influence of which wheat
+went down below fifty cents." When it finally came to the President it
+was so little different from the McKinley Bill that he denounced it
+violently. He had tried in vain to hold his party to an honest revision,
+and now, in July, 1894, refused to sign the bill. It became a law
+without his signature. It contained no novelty but an income tax, which
+was a concession to the Populists and which the Supreme Court soon
+declared to be unconstitutional.</p>
+
+<p>In the fight over the Wilson Bill, Cleveland affronted Eastern members
+of his party as he had the Western members, in 1893, over the Sherman
+repeal. In the summer of 1894 he offended the whole body of organized
+labor by intervening in a Western strike.</p>
+
+<p>The panic of 1893 had unsettled labor and created a floating element
+among the unemployed. These drifted toward Chicago, attracted by the
+Co<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span>lumbian Exposition held there during that summer, and worried the
+police for many months. About Easter, 1894, an "Army of the Unemployed"
+marched on Washington under the command of Jacob S. Coxey. A few weeks
+later a strike occurred among the employees of the Pullman Palace Car
+Company. The American Railroad Union, under the leadership of Eugene V.
+Debs, established a sympathetic boycott against the Pullman cars. The
+Knights of Labor indorsed the strike, and railway travel was impeded
+over all the West. Around Chicago there was disorder and rioting which
+the Governor of Illinois, John P. Altgeld, did not suppress. He held the
+militia in readiness, but had not intervened when Cleveland sent federal
+troops to Chicago to remove obstructions to the carriage of the mails.</p>
+
+<p>This federal intervention offended those who still adhered to the
+doctrine of state rights, and angered the strikers and organized labor
+as a whole. They believed the President was a tool of the railroads, and
+believed the same of the courts when a federal judge issued an
+injunction to Debs forbidding him to interfere in the strike. In the end
+the strikers lost, leaving Cleveland's conduct in maintaining the peace
+in sharp contrast with that of the Populist Governor of Colorado, who
+intervened in a great miners' strike at Cripple Creek to arrest, not the
+strikers who had seized control of the mines, but the sheriff and his
+posse who wished to dislodge them. "It is better, infinitely better,"
+Governor Waite had declared, "that the blood should flow to the horses'
+bridles than that our national liberties should be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> destroyed." Congress
+made Labor Day a legal holiday in 1894, but failed to placate the
+unions.</p>
+
+<p>By the summer of 1894 Cleveland's party was split beyond repair, and his
+friends were mostly among the Republicans. Consistent in his belief in
+sound money, tariff revision, and law and order, he had been forced by
+events to alienate the West, the East, and organized labor. His course
+had aided the Populist party by widening the belief that the Democrats
+had no interest in their welfare. The panic had aided it yet more, by
+multiplying the discontented who might be converted to the new faith.
+Every month the Populist party increased in strength, the East watching
+it with mingled fear and contempt and ignorance. The comic papers
+pictured as the typical Populist the raw-boned, booted, unkempt farmer,
+in shirt-sleeves and with flowing beard. It could not see the foundation
+of real reforms on which the movement stood. A satirist pictured the
+Populist as "The Kansas Bandit," declaiming</p>
+
+<p style="margin-left: 15em;">
+<span style="margin-left: 8em;">"The People's Party, to</span><br />
+Which me native instinct draws me because it<br />
+Loves the rule of mediocrity, is now on top. I<br />
+Love the rule of Ignorance."<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>F.J. Turner discussed "The Problems of the West," in the <i>Atlantic
+Monthly</i> for September, 1896, and C. Becker has interpreted a similar
+point of view under the title "Kansas" in the <i>Turner Essays</i> (1910).
+Wildman and McVey are valuable guides. The external facts of the
+Populist movement are accessible in the <i>Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia</i>; Stanwood,
+<i>History of the Presidency</i>; Annual Reports of the Secretary of the
+Treasury; <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span>and Richardson, <i>Messages and Papers of the Presidents</i>.
+Standard writings on the silver problem are J.L. Laughlin, <i>History of
+Bimetallism in the United States</i> (1886, etc.), and F. W. Taussig,
+<i>Silver Situation in the United States</i> (1893). Useful details are added
+in the biographies of Blaine, Bland, Sherman, and Vance. W.E. Connelley,
+<i>Ingalls of Kansas</i> (1909), has included much material upon Populism,
+including E. Ware's satirical verses, <i>Alonzo, or the Kansas Bandit</i>.
+Light is thrown upon Governor J.P. Altgeld and his influence in the
+Democratic party by B. Whitlock, "Forty Years of It" (1914), and C.
+Lloyd, <i>Henry Demarest Lloyd</i>. The <i>Memoirs of a Varied Career</i>, William
+F. Draper (1908), gives a glimpse of the rigid protectionist attitude. A
+stimulating novel, based upon municipal politics in the nineties, is
+P.L. Ford's <i>The Honorable Peter Stirling</i> (1894).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>FREE SILVER<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Serious students of finance are almost unanimous in their belief that
+the adoption of free silver would have brought into operation the
+Gresham Law and would have resulted in a reduction of the value of the
+dollar. But the motives which divided the United States were less
+economic law than personal interest. The creditor foresaw the shrinkage
+of his property, and feared it. The debtor saw the lightening of his
+debt, and easily convinced himself that the ethics of the case required
+such relief for him.</p>
+
+<p>It appeared to the West that the declining prices of the eighties had
+been due not so much to overproduction and mechanical invention as to an
+appreciation of the dollar. The silver advocate claimed that the money
+supply was inadequate to the demands of increasing business, that the
+overworked dollars were acquiring a scarcity value, and that their
+increase in value was placing an unfair burden upon every person with a
+debt to pay. It was the old attitude of the Greenback Northwest, brought
+out by a period of debt and depression. In accounting for the scarcity
+of money the Act of 1873 seemed important to the West. The
+demonetization of silver became a crime, and justice from the Western
+standpoint demanded the restoration of the dollar to its old value,&mdash;the
+value of its silver. Before 1893 the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> discontent was serious, but had
+not come to be the primary interest of the West. Men were not yet
+willing to leave their parties for the sake of silver. The panic drove
+them to the final step.</p>
+
+<p>Through the campaign of 1892 the major parties had dodged the issue of
+free silver by adopting evasive planks, while the general ignorance
+respecting the laws of money prevented the evasion from being seen.
+Until 1890 neither organization had been unfavorably disposed towards
+free silver and Congressmen catered to the movement when they dared. As
+its accomplishment became more probable, the selfish interests that
+would be adversely affected, and the economists who saw its theoretical
+danger, and the moralists who disliked repudiation, made common cause in
+a wide campaign of education.</p>
+
+<p>With the exception of extreme inflationists, all had declared that they
+wanted "honest" or "sound" money, and both parties insisted, in 1892,
+that all dollars, of whatever sort, must remain equal in value and
+interchangeable. They insisted, too, that silver must be used as well as
+gold, and neither platform saw that the demands were either inconsistent
+or improbable of realization. The pledge of equality pleased the
+creditor East, while that of equal use of both metals satisfied the
+debtor West and South.</p>
+
+<p>Bimetallism was a cry of many who disliked free silver, yet feared that
+a demand for the gold standard would wreck the party. As long as the
+traditional ratio of sixteen to one remained the commercial ratio, the
+free use of both metals was theoretically possible, but the experience
+of the United States showed that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> a slight variation in the commercial
+ratio inevitably drove the more valuable dollar into retirement and left
+the cheaper in use. The truth of Gresham's Law was believed by most
+economists, who doubted whether the commercial ratio was ever
+sufficiently permanent to make bimetallism possible. With the silver
+declining rapidly it was out of the question. If the silver in
+circulation ever got beyond the power of the government to control it
+through redemption in gold nothing could avoid the silver standard. No
+law of the United States could prevent it. There was only a bare
+possibility that an international agreement always to regard sixteen
+ounces of silver as worth one ounce of gold might establish the ratio,
+but to this straw the bimetallist turned, trying to ward off the demand
+for free silver with his plea for international bimetallism.</p>
+
+<p class='center' >
+<a href="images/illus19.jpg"><img src='images/illus18.jpg' alt='silver'  /></a>
+<a id='illus18' name='illus18'></a>
+</p>
+<p class='center'><small>Click on image for larger version</small></p>
+<p class='center'> The Flood of Silver<br />
+
+Gold and Silver Output of the World, 1861-1911 In Ounces<br />
+
+(Based on United States Statistical Abstract, 1912, pp. 796, 797)]</p>
+
+<p>The panic of 1893, the decline of silver, and the repeal of the Sherman
+Law stimulated the activities of those who believed in free silver and
+produced formal steps to bring it into politics. A silver convention,
+held in Chicago in August, 1893, denounced the "Crime of 1873," and
+Governor Waite recommended to the Colorado Legislature that it open a
+mint of its own for the coinage of legal-tender silver dollars. At state
+conventions, in 1893 and 1894, both parties adopted silver planks. The
+Nebraska Democrats rejected such a plank in 1893, but in 1894, after a
+caucus of free-silver Democrats in Omaha, they adopted a demand for the
+immediate restoration of free-silver coinage "without waiting for the
+aid or consent of any nation on earth."</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span>At the congressional election of 1894 the Republicans regained control
+of both Senate and House and many of the silver candidates were left at
+home. Some thirty, who had sat in the Fifty-third Congress, joined in
+March, 1895, in a call for the adoption of free silver as a party
+measure. To the iniquity alleged to exist in the gold standard was added
+the aggravating fact that its defenders had wealth and were often
+directors of corporations. The measure had become a class contest. Its
+textbook was found in <i>Coin's Financial School</i>, a little book with
+simple dialogue and graphic illustration, that popularized the Western
+view of free silver and reached hundreds of thousands with its apparent
+frankness. Free silver had by 1895 outgrown the Populists, and had
+overshadowed other measures of reform before either party had taken a
+frank attitude respecting it. "I have been more than usually
+despondent," wrote the originator of the Wilson Bill, who had lost his
+seat in 1894, "as I see how the folly of our Southern people, in taking
+up a false and destructive issue, and assaulting the very foundations of
+public and private credit, are throwing away the solid fruits of the
+great victory, solidifying the North as it never was solid in the
+burning days of reconstruction, and condemning the South to a position
+of inferiority and lessening influence in the Union she has never before
+reached."</p>
+
+<p>When the Fifty-fourth Congress met in 1895, Reed was again enthroned as
+Speaker, but the spread of silver sentiment had undermined party
+loyalty. Cleveland's annual Message contained the usual range<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> of items
+upon government and foreign relations, and devoted several pages to a
+r&eacute;sum&eacute; of the financial operations of the Treasury and the currency
+problem. It closed with an appeal to the enthusiastic multitude that
+approved free coinage to re&euml;xamine their views "in the light of
+patriotic reason and familiar experience." It gave no hint that any
+other topic was likely to pass free silver in the public view. Fifteen
+days later, on December 17, 1895, the President sent a special Message
+to Congress, in reference to an old dispute between Great Britain and
+Venezuela, that startled the world, upset the stock markets, and brought
+to life once more the Monroe Doctrine.</p>
+
+<p>For many years the unsettled boundary between Venezuela and British
+Guiana had been a source of irritation. The pretensions of both
+claimants were great and vague, while the continuous encroachment of
+British miners alarmed the weaker country. For nearly twenty years
+Venezuela had vainly appealed to the United States, asking that the
+dispute be arbitrated. The United States had taken a mild interest in
+the wrangle, but no one before Cleveland had felt vitally concerned. He
+undertook, in the summer of 1895, to persuade Great Britain to accept an
+arbitration, and pressed Lord Salisbury in a series of notes drafted by
+Richard Olney, Secretary of State.</p>
+
+<p>The contention of Olney was that the dispute was suitable for
+arbitration because of the difference in physical strength between the
+two countries, and that the United States had an interest in an
+equita<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span>ble territorial adjustment. He stated the doctrine that John
+Quincy Adams had advanced in the Administration of Monroe, that
+interference with the destiny of the South American Republics affects
+the United States, and asserted that this was now a part of the public
+law of the United States. He listed the precedents in which it had been
+advanced since 1823, finding none in which it had been flatly checked.
+His long arguments upon the interests and proper supremacy of the United
+States in all American questions failed to convince the British Foreign
+Office, which denied both Olney's correctness in applying the Monroe
+Doctrine and the binding force of the doctrine itself. Arbitration was
+declined, and Cleveland, in submitting the correspondence to Congress,
+urged that an American court be created to ascertain the true boundary
+and that the United States afterward maintain it. "In making these
+recommendations," he admitted, "I am fully alive to the responsibility
+incurred and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow."</p>
+
+<p>The threat of war conveyed in the Message drove silver from the public
+mind. Business was aghast, and judicious publicists either questioned
+the value of the Monroe Doctrine or denied the propriety of its
+application. The general public supported the President without
+question, but many of his closest advisers turned against him. His
+political enemies charged him with raising a foreign issue to reunite
+his party, or with creating a scare to help his speculations in stocks.
+Great Britain blustered in her press, but opened her archives to the
+American Venezuelan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> Commission. In 1897 she allowed an arbitration to
+take place, and the affair passed over.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever Cleveland's motive in the Venezuela Message, it did not
+establish more than a transient calm in either party. His own was doubly
+split by silver and the tariff, while Republican plans for 1896 had
+become badly deranged. That party had organized to play upon protection,
+but found interest in its chosen subject silenced for the time.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of its defeats in 1890 and 1892, the Republican organization
+had kept up its fight for protection. Quay had in 1888 completed the
+partnership between the manufacturers who had a cash interest in the
+tariff and the Republican voters. In manufacturing communities the
+doctrine had been accepted that prosperity and protection went together.
+Ruin was prophesied if the Democrats should win. The panic of 1893
+seemed to prove this, and when the Democrats passed the Wilson Bill the
+Republicans asserted that the fear of this had caused the panic. In
+private, the leaders agreed with the president of the Home Market Club,
+who wrote in his memoirs, "The bill ... was much less destructive than
+there was reason to fear." "Our business was not unprofitable during
+these lean years, but much less profitable than it had been and ought to
+have been." Prosperity was clearly lacking and to be desired, and among
+the candidates for the nomination in 1896 was the author of the McKinley
+Bill, in whom an Ohio cartoonist had discovered the "Advance Agent of
+Prosperity."</p>
+
+<p>Associated with the name of William McKinley,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> of Canton, Ohio, was that
+of Marcus Alonzo Hanna, a citizen of Cleveland who had acted on the
+borderland between business and politics since 1880. Hanna had been
+among the earliest to see the financial interest of the manufacturers in
+the tariff and to capitalize it for political purposes. For several
+years he had collected money in Ohio for campaign funds, assessing the
+manufacturers according to their interests and impressing upon them the
+duty of paying on demand. It had been a business transaction. Hanna had
+no extraordinary stake in the result, but combined a genuine interest in
+politics with business standards of the prevailing type. About 1890 he
+became a friend of the Ohio protectionist and worked steadily thereafter
+for his election to the Presidency.</p>
+
+<p>McKinley was a tactful and successful Congressman. He believed in the
+tariff, spoke convincingly in its favor, had few enemies and many warm
+friends, and was widely advertised by the Tariff Bill of 1890. In public
+places after 1893 he was repeatedly hailed as the next candidate, but as
+the silver issue rose it appeared that there might be great difficulty
+in adapting his record to the new problem. He had favored bimetallism
+and free coinage in so many debates that the East, where lay the
+strongholds of the party, distrusted his soundness on the currency
+question. Yet if he abandoned free silver it was doubtful if he could
+hold the West. For months his friends, steered by Hanna, who spent his
+own money freely, endeavored to keep the tariff in the foreground, while
+the candidate preserved a discreet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> and exasperating silence upon the
+dominant issue of free silver.</p>
+
+<p>The most important rivals of McKinley for the nomination were Harrison
+and Reed, but neither of these possessed a manager as shrewd and
+resourceful as Hanna. McKinley was nominated on the first ballot at St.
+Louis, with Garrett P. Hobart, of New Jersey, a corporation lawyer who
+believed in the gold standard, as his associate.</p>
+
+<p>The nature of the Republican platform had been in debate throughout the
+spring of 1896. The organization was reluctant to take up the silver
+issue and the predetermined candidate was uncertain upon it. In the
+Platform Committee there was a contest involving the opportunists, who
+wanted to continue the policy of evasion; the Westerners, who felt that
+silver meant more to them than the party; and the representatives of the
+populous commercial East, who were devoted to the gold standard.
+Bimetallists had progressed in their education until most of them saw
+that bimetallism must be international if it could be at all. Various
+committeemen later assumed the credit for the plank that was finally
+adopted. After castigating the Democrats for producing the panic and
+renewing the pledge for protection, the party denounced the debasement
+of currency or credit. It opposed the free coinage of silver, asserted
+that all money must be kept at a "parity with gold," and pledged itself
+to work for an international agreement for bimetallism.</p>
+
+<p>The fight for free silver was carried by the silver state delegations to
+the floor of the convention, where<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> it was defeated by a vote of 818-1/2
+to 105-1/2. At this point, led by Senators from Colorado and Utah,
+thirty-four members withdrew from the convention in protest. Even the
+Prohibition party had already been broken by the new issue. The humorous
+weekly, <i>Life</i>, spoke seriously when it declared that "The two great
+parties in the country at this writing are the Gold party and the Silver
+party. The old parties are in temporary eclipse." Few were satisfied
+with the Republican result, for while the platform pointed one way and
+the candidate's career pointed the other on free silver, the real
+interest of the party, protection, aroused no enthusiasm.</p>
+
+<p>No Democrat was the predetermined candidate of his party when it met at
+Chicago in July, 1896. Cleveland, least of all, was not given even the
+scanty notice of a commendatory plank. He stood alone as no other
+President had done, at issue with the Republicans on their major policy,
+yet without followers in his own organization. Slow, patient,
+courageous, stubborn, he had twice held his party to its promise, and he
+had refused to be carried away by the transitory demand of the West for
+dangerous finance. He had guided the National Administration through
+eight years of expansion and reorganization, and had been a devoted
+servant of civil service reform. In May, 1896, he had aggravated his
+offenses in the eyes of the politicians by issuing new rules that
+extended the classified service to include some 31,000 new employees,
+making a total of 86,000 out of 178,000 federal employees. He passed out
+of party politics at least two years before his term expired,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> and in
+1897 he took up his final abode in Princeton. From Princeton he wrote
+and spoke for eleven years, and before he died in 1908 the animosities
+of 1896 were forgotten, and he looked large in the American mind as a
+statesman whose independence and sincerity were beyond reproach.</p>
+
+<p>Forces beyond the control of politicians carried the Democrats toward an
+alliance with Populism and free silver. As two minority parties they had
+felt in 1892 a tendency to fuse against the Republicans. By conviction
+they were both obliged to fight the party of Hanna and McKinley, in
+which the forces of business, finance, and manufacture were assembled in
+the joint cause of protection and the gold standard. It was convenient
+to make this fight in close alliance, the more so because the Populist
+doctrine of free silver had permeated the Democratic organization in the
+West and South. In the conventions of 1896 more than thirty States, as
+Nebraska had done in 1894, asked for immediate free coinage, and a
+majority of the Democratic delegates were pledged to this before they
+came to Chicago. They gained control of the convention on the first
+vote, determined contests in their own favor, and offered a plank
+demanding "the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the
+present legal ratio of sixteen to one without waiting for the aid or
+consent of any other nation."</p>
+
+<p>The debate on the silver plank was long and bitter, although its passage
+was certain. It was closed by the leader of the Nebraska delegation,
+William Jennings Bryan, who had been a former Congress<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span>man, and who
+later said, "An opportunity to close such a debate had never come to me
+before, and I doubt if as good an opportunity had ever come to any other
+person during this generation." He took advantage of the moment, in a
+tired convention that had been wrangling in bitterness for several days,
+that had deserted the old politicians, and that had no candidate. He was
+only thirty-six years old, his face was unfamiliar, and his name had
+rarely been heard outside his State, but he had been preaching free
+silver with religious intensity and oratorical skill. His speech had
+grown through repeated speaking, and reached its climax as he pleaded
+for free silver: "If they dare to come out in the open field and defend
+the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost.
+Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world,
+supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, and the
+toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for the gold standard by
+saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this
+crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."
+Swept off its feet by the enthusiasm for silver, and having no other
+candidate in view, the convention nominated Bryan on the fifth ballot,
+selecting Arthur Sewall, of Maine, as his companion.</p>
+
+<p>The Populists met in St. Louis on July 22. "If we fuse, we are sunk,"
+complained one of the most devoted leaders; "if we don't fuse, all the
+silver men will leave us for the more powerful Democrats." Fusion
+controlled the convention, voting down the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> "Middle-of-the-Road" group
+that adhered to independence. Bryan was nominated, although Sewall was
+rejected for Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia. The organization of the
+People's Party continued after 1896, but its vitality was gone forever.</p>
+
+<p>The campaign of 1896 was an orgy of education, emotion, and panic.
+McKinley was driven by the opposition to defend the gold standard with
+increasing intensity. Protection ceased to arouse interest and other
+issues were forgotten. The Bryan party attracted to itself the silver
+wings of the Republicans and Prohibitionists, and absorbed the
+Populists. The gold Democrats, after several weeks of indecision as to
+tactics, became bolters, held a convention at Indianapolis in September,
+and nominated John M. Palmer and Simon Buckner. To this ticket,
+Cleveland and his Cabinet gave their support. Up and down the land Bryan
+traveled, preaching his new gospel, which millions regarded as "the
+first great protest of the American people against monopoly&mdash;the first
+great struggle of the masses in our country against the privileged
+classes." "Probably no man in civil life," said the <i>Nation</i> at the end
+of the fight, "has succeeded in inspiring so much terror without taking
+life."</p>
+
+<p>As chairman of the National Committee, Marcus A. Hanna directed the
+Republican campaign. He encouraged the belief that Bryan was waging a
+"campaign against the Ten Commandments." He drew his sinews of war from
+the manufacturers, who were used to such demands, and from a wide range
+of panic-stricken contributors who feared repudia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span>tion. Insurance
+companies and national banks were assessed and paid with alacrity. The
+funds went into the broadest campaign of education that the United
+States had seen.</p>
+
+<p>In contrast to the activity of Bryan, McKinley stayed at home through
+the summer, and delegations from afar were brought up to his veranda at
+Canton, Ohio. To these he spoke briefly and with dignity, gaining an
+assurance that grew with the campaign. His arguments were taken over the
+country by a horde of speakers whom Hanna organized, who reached and
+educated every voter whose mind was open on the silver question. In the
+closing days of the campaign panic struck the conservative classes and
+produced for Hanna campaign funds such as had never been seen, and cries
+of corruption met the charges of repudiation.</p>
+
+<p>An English visitor in New York wrote on the Sunday before election: "Of
+course nothing can be done till Wednesday. All America is aflame with
+excitement&mdash;and New York itself is at fever heat. I have never seen such
+a sight as yesterday. The whole city was a mass of flags and innumerable
+Republican and Democratic insignia&mdash;with the streets thronged with over
+two million people. The whole business quarter made a gigantic parade
+that took seven hours in its passage&mdash;and the business men alone
+amounted to over 100,000. Every one&mdash;as, indeed, not only America, but
+Great Britain and all Europe&mdash;is now looking eagerly for the final word
+on Tuesday night. The larger issues are now clearer: not merely that the
+Bryanite fifty-cent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> dollar (instead of the standard hundred-cent) would
+have far-reaching disastrous effects, but that the whole struggle is one
+of the anarchic and destructive against the organic and constructive
+forces."</p>
+
+<p>The vote was taken in forty-five States, Utah having been admitted early
+in 1896, and no election had evoked a larger proportion of the possible
+vote. Bryan received 6,500,000 votes, nearly a million more than any
+elected President had ever received, but he ran 600,000 votes behind
+McKinley. The Republican list included every State north of Virginia and
+Tennessee, and east of the Missouri River, except Missouri and South
+Dakota. The solid South was confronted by a solid North and East, while
+the West was divided. McKinley received 271 electoral votes; Bryan, 176.</p>
+
+<p>Education played a large part in the result, and economic opinion
+believes that the better cause prevailed. But cool analysis had less
+effect than emotion and self-interest at the time. The lowest point of
+depression had been reached during 1894, while the harvests of 1895 and
+1896 were larger and more profitable than had been known for several
+years. Free silver was a hard-times movement that weakened in the face
+of better crops. "Give us good times," said Reed to Richard Watson
+Gilder, "and all will come out right." Inflation was not to be desired
+by the citizen who had in hand the funds to pay his debts. When he
+became solvent he could understand the theories of sound finance. It is
+probable that nature as well as gold was a potent aid to Hanna in
+procuring the result.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span>William McKinley was advertised as the "Advance Agent of Prosperity,"
+and before he was inaugurated in March, 1897, prosperity was in sight.
+His election had destroyed all fear that the currency would be upset by
+legislative act, while the liquidation after the panic of 1893 had
+nearly run its course. Business was reviving, crops were improving, and
+the luckless farmers of the Western plains had abandoned their farms or
+learned how to use them. After 1896 the financial danger was not silver
+but gold inflation. In that year great mines were opened in Alaska,
+drawing heavy immigration to the valley of the Yukon and, a little
+later, to the beach at Nome. Other discoveries increased the gold output
+and flooded the world with the more precious metal. By 1900 prices were
+rising instead of falling, and public interest was turned upon the high
+cost of living rather than the low prices of the previous period. The
+average annual output of gold for the fifteen years ending in 1896 was
+$132,000,000. For the fifteen years beginning in 1896, it was
+$337,000,000. The election of McKinley was in name a victory for the
+Republican party, but was in reality one for sound money. The
+organization upon which he stood was an amalgamation of creditors and
+manufacturers, re&euml;nforced by gold-standard men of all parties. Without
+the aid of the last element he could hardly have been elected, on this
+or any other issue. When he took office the Republican party had control
+in both houses of Congress, had been elected on a money issue, but had a
+permanent organization based upon the tariff propaganda. Be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span>fore his
+inauguration, Hanna declared that the election was a mandate for a new
+protective tariff, and one of McKinley's earliest official acts was to
+summon Congress to meet in special session, to fulfill that mandate, on
+March 15, 1897.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The most popular document in the free-silver propaganda was W.H. Harvey,
+<i>Coin's Financial School</i> (<i>c.</i> 1894). This was replied to by Horace
+White, <i>Coin's Financial Fool; or the Artful Dodger Exposed</i> (<i>c.</i>
+1896); and the same author, in <i>Money and Banking</i> (4th ed., 1911),
+discusses the economics of free silver. The best economic arguments for
+free silver came from the pens of Francis A. Walker and E. Benjamin
+Andrews. The Reports of the International Monetary Conferences (at
+Paris, 1867 and 1881, and at Brussels, 1892) are useful upon the attempt
+to establish a currency ratio by international agreement. There is no
+good biography of William McKinley, although the external facts of his
+career may be obtained in the <i>Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia</i>, and in <i>Who's Who in
+America</i> (a biennial publication which, since its first issue in
+1899-1900, has been the standard source of biographical data concerning
+living Americans). These may be strengthened by D. Magie, <i>Life of
+Garrett A. Hobart</i> (1910). The best biography of the period is H. Croly,
+<i>Marcus Alonzo Hanna</i> (1912), which gives an illuminating survey of
+Republican politics, although based on only the public printed materials
+and personal recollections. The opposition may be studied in W.J. Bryan,
+<i>The First Battle</i> (1896). The platforms, as always, are in Stanwood,
+and there are useful narratives in Dewey, Latan&eacute;, Andrews, and Peck.
+From this period the <i>Outlook</i> (January, 1897), and the <i>Independent</i>
+(July, 1898), take on a modern magazine form and are to be added to the
+list of valuable newspaper files, while the <i>Literary Digest</i> begins to
+play the part carried by <i>Niles's Register</i> in the early part of the
+century. They may generally be trusted as intelligent, honest, and
+reasonably independent. The Venezuelan affair, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span>besides stimulating
+diplomatic correspondence (<i>q.v.</i>, in Foreign Relations Reports), led to
+the writing of W.F. Reddaway, <i>The Monroe Doctrine</i> (1898), which is
+still one of the most judicious discussions of the topic. J.B.
+Henderson, <i>American Diplomatic Questions</i> (1901), is useful also.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE "COUNTER-REFORMATION"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The mission of Populism did not end when free silver had been driven
+like a wedge into all the parties. Its more fundamental reforms
+outlasted both the hard times and the recovery from them. Although
+obscured by the shadow of the larger controversy, the reforms had been
+stated with conviction. The Populist party was not permitted to bring
+the reformation that it promised, but it stimulated within the parties
+in power a "counter-reformation," that was already under way. This
+counter-reformation was largely within the Republican ranks because that
+party dominated in every branch of the National Government for fourteen
+years after 1897, but it was essentially non-partisan. It derived its
+advocates from the generation that had been educated since the Civil
+War, and many of its leaders bore the imprint of democratic higher
+education. It derived its materials from historical, economic, and
+sociological study of the forces of American society.</p>
+
+<p>Practical politics in America was at its lowest level in the thirty
+years after the Civil War. The United States was politically fatigued
+after the years of contest and turned eagerly to the business
+speculations that opened in every direction. Offices<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> were left to those
+who chose to run them, while public scrutiny of public acts was
+materially reduced. The men in charge, unwatched in their business, used
+it often for personal advantage, and were aided in this by the character
+of both the electoral machinery and the electorate. A multitude of
+offices had to be kept filled in every State and city by voters who
+could know little of the candidates and who accepted the recommendation
+implied in the party name. Control of the nominations meant control of
+the elections, and was within reach of those who were persistent in
+attending caucuses and conventions and were not too scrupulous in
+manipulating them. The laws against bribery at the polls did not touch
+corruption at the primaries. The cities, rapidly growing through
+manufactures and immigration, were full of voters who could be trained
+to support the "bosses" who befriended them.</p>
+
+<p>The American "boss" made his appearance in the cities about 1870. His
+power was based upon his personal influence with voters of the lower and
+more numerous class. Gaining control of party machinery he dictated
+nominations and policies, and used the government, as the exposures of
+the Tweed Ring showed, to enrich his friends and to perpetuate his
+power. Caring little for party principle, he made a close alliance with
+the new business that continually needed new laws,&mdash;building laws,
+transportation laws, terminal rights, or franchises. From these allies
+came the funds for managing elections, and, too often, for direct
+bribery, although this last was necessary only rarely.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span>Exposures of the evil of boss government were frequent after 1870, and
+in most cities occasional revolts of outraged citizens overturned the
+machines, but in the long run the citizen was no match for the
+professional politician. In the unequal contest city government became
+steadily worse in America at a time when European city government was
+rapidly improving. States, too, were afflicted with machine politics,
+and before 1890 it appeared that the dominant national party derived its
+most valuable support from organized business that profited by the
+partnership.</p>
+
+<p>A minority of Americans fought continually for better and cleaner
+government as the evils of boss rule became more visible. One of them,
+Bishop Potter, of New York, gained wide hearing through a sermon
+preached at the centennial of the Constitution, in 1887, in which he
+turned from the usual patriotic congratulation to discuss actual
+government. The keenest interest in the subject was aroused by the
+<i>American Commonwealth</i> of James Bryce.</p>
+
+<p>Not since Alexis de Tocqueville published his <i>Democracy in America</i>, in
+1835, had any foreign observer made an equally intimate study of
+American life, until James Bryce, a young English historian, began a
+series of visits to the United States in the early seventies. For nearly
+twenty years Bryce repeated his visits, living at home a full life in
+his Oxford professorate, in the House of Commons, and in the Ministry.
+In America he knew every one worth knowing, and he saw the remoter
+regions of the West as well as the older society of the East. In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> 1888
+he brought out the result of his studies in two volumes that were filled
+with admiration for the United States and with disheartening observation
+upon its practices. One of its chapters cut so close that its victim
+brought suit for libel, but American opinion accepted the book as a
+friendly picture and regarded attacks upon it as further evidence of its
+inherent truth. Probably no book in a generation so profoundly
+influenced American thought and so specifically directed the course of
+American reform. It became a textbook at once, teaching the truth that
+corruption and misgovernment were non-partisan, and until the Populists
+took them up the movements for reform were non-partisan as well.</p>
+
+<p>The power of the boss lay largely in the structure of American
+governmental machinery, and though some preached the need for a reform
+in spirit, others saw that only mechanical improvements could accomplish
+results. A corruptible electorate, such as had long confused British and
+American politics, was one defect most easily improved. The prevailing
+system for conducting elections made it easy for the purchaser of votes
+to see that he got value for his money. The State provided the
+polling-place, but the candidate or the party provided the printed
+ballot. Party agents distributed these at the polls, and the voters who
+received them could be watched until the votes were cast. Intimidation
+of employees or direct bribery were easy and common, while secret deals
+were not unknown. The loyal party voter deposited the ballots provided
+for him; the boss could have these arranged to suit his needs. It was
+com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span>monly supposed that in 1888, through an agreement between the
+Democratic and Republican bosses of New York, Hill and Platt, many
+Republicans were made to vote for Hill as Governor, while Democrats
+voted for Harrison as President.</p>
+
+<p>A secret ballot was so reasonable a reform that once it had been
+suggested it spread rapidly over the United States. In 1888
+Massachusetts adopted a system based upon the Australian Ballot Law,
+while New York advertised its value in the same year when Governor Hill
+vetoed a bill to establish it. Before the next presidential election
+came in 1892, open bribery or intimidation of voters was rapidly
+becoming a thing of the past, for thirty-three States had adopted the
+Australian ballot, provided by public authority and voted in secrecy.
+"Quay and Platt and Clarkson may find in this fact a fresh explanation
+of President Harrison's willingness to divest himself of their
+services," wrote Godkin in a caustic paragraph in 1892.</p>
+
+<p>The Australian ballot enabled the honest citizen to vote in secrecy and
+safety, but it failed to touch the fact that the nominations were still
+outside the law. "To find the honest men," Bryce wrote, "and having
+found them, to put them in office and keep them there, is the great
+problem of American politics." So long as a boss could direct the
+nomination he could tolerate an honest election. The movement to
+legalize the party primaries was just beginning when the ballot reform
+was accomplished. The most extreme of the primary reformers saw the need
+for a preliminary election conducted within each party,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> but under all
+the safeguards of law, to the end that the voters might themselves
+determine their candidates. Direct primaries were discussed by the
+younger men, who were often ambitious, but helpless because of the rigor
+with which the bosses selected their own candidates. In 1897 a young
+ex-Congressman, Robert M. LaFollette, worked out a complete system of
+local and national primaries, and found wide and sympathetic hearing for
+it. The movement had to face the bitter opposition of the machine
+politicians because it struck directly at their power, but it progressed
+slowly. In 1901 it won in Minnesota; a little later it won in Wisconsin;
+and in the next ten years it became a central feature in reform
+platforms.</p>
+
+<p>The reforms of the primary and the ballot were designed to improve the
+quality of public officers, and were supplemented by a demand for direct
+legislation which would check up the result. In Switzerland a scheme had
+been devised by which the people, by petition, could initiate new laws
+or obtain a vote upon existing laws. The idea of submitting special
+measures to popular vote, or referendum, was old in the United States,
+for in this way state constitutions and constitutional amendments were
+habitually adopted, and matters of city charters, loans and franchises
+often determined. The initiative, however, was new, and appealed to the
+reformer who resented the refusal of the legislature to pass desired
+laws as well as the unwillingness to pass worthy ones. The Populists, in
+1892, recommended that the system of direct legislation be investigated,
+and they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> favored its adoption in 1896. A journal for the promotion of
+the reform appeared in 1894. In 1898 the first State, South Dakota,
+adopted the principle of initiative and referendum in a constitutional
+amendment. To those who attacked the device as only mechanical it was
+answered: "Direct legislation is not a panacea for all national ills. In
+fact it is not a panacea at all. It is merely a spoon with which the
+panacea can be administered. Specific legislation is the panacea for
+political ills."</p>
+
+<p>The West was more ready than the East to break from existing practice
+and take up the new reforms. It had always been the liberal section of
+the United States. Between 1800 and 1830 it had led in the enlargement
+of the franchise and in the removal of qualifications of wealth and
+religion. It now approached the one remaining qualification of sex. With
+the admission of Wyoming in 1890, full woman suffrage appeared among the
+States. Colorado adopted an amendment establishing it in 1893. Utah, in
+the words of the women, "completing the trinity of true Republics at the
+summit of the Rockies," became the third suffrage State in January,
+1896, while Idaho adopted woman suffrage in the same year. It was
+fifteen years before a fifth State was added to the list, but the
+women's movement was advancing in all directions. A General Federation
+of Women's Clubs was organized in 1890 as a clearing-house for the
+activities of the women, and through organizations like the Consumers'
+League, the movement fell into line with the general course of reform. A
+clearer vision of the defects in governmental ma<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span>chinery and of the
+needs of society was spreading rapidly. Hull House, opened in 1889 by
+Jane Addams, had a host of imitators in the cities, and enabled social
+workers to study the results of industrial progress upon the laboring
+class.</p>
+
+<p>The new reforms, mechanical and otherwise, established themselves about
+1890, and were taken up by the Populist party between 1892 and 1896.
+Neither great party noticed the reforms before 1896, but in each party
+the younger workers saw their point. As non-partisan movements they
+gained adherents before the Populist party died out, and were pressed
+more and more seriously upon reluctant organizations. As a whole they
+were an attempt to make government more truly representative of the
+voters, and to take the control of affairs from the hands of men who
+might and often did use them for private aggrandizement. They were
+overshadowed in 1896 by the paramount issue of free silver, and were
+deferred in their fulfilment for a decade by accidents which drove them
+from the public mind. The Spanish War, reviving prosperity, and the
+renewal of tariff legislation, did not check the activities of the
+reformers, but did divert the attention of the public.</p>
+
+<p>William McKinley was inaugurated on March 4, 1897. He had served in five
+Congresses and had been three times governor of Ohio. He "knew the
+legislative body thoroughly, its composition, its methods, its habits of
+thought," said John Hay. "He had the profoundest respect for its
+authority and an inflexible belief in the ultimate rectitude of its
+purposes." He was not likely to embarrass business<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> through bluntness or
+inexperience. He had risen through a kindly disposition, a recognition
+of the political value of tact, and an unusual skill as a moderator of
+variant opinions. He believed that his function was to represent the
+popular will as rapidly as it expressed itself, differing fundamentally
+in this from Cleveland, who thought himself bound to act in the interest
+of the people as he saw it. His Cabinet reflected the interests that
+secured his election.</p>
+
+<p>The trend of issues had made the Republican party, by 1897, the party of
+organized business. For twelve years the alliance had grown steadily
+closer. Marcus A. Hanna was its spokesman. The burlesque of his sincere
+and kindly face, drawn by a caricaturist, Davenport, for Eastern papers,
+created for the popular eye the type of commercialized magnate, but it
+did him great injustice. Self-respecting and direct, he believed it to
+be the first function of government to protect property, and that
+property should organize for this purpose. Without malevolence, he
+conducted business for the sake of its profits, and regarded government
+as an adjunct to it. He possessed great capacity for winning popularity,
+and after his entry into public life in 1897 gained reputation as an
+effective speaker. He destroyed, before his death, much of the offensive
+notoriety that had been thrust upon him during the campaign of 1896, but
+he remained the best representative of the generation that believed
+government to be only a business asset. He did not enter the Cabinet of
+McKinley, but was appointed Senator from Ohio when John Sherman vacated
+his seat.</p>
+
+<p>The pledge<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> of the Republicans for international bimetallism created a
+need for a financial Secretary of State, and John Sherman, though old
+and infirm, was persuaded to undertake the office. The routine of the
+department was assigned to an assistant secretary, William R. Day, an
+old friend of the President. A magnate of the match trust, Russell A.
+Alger, of Michigan, received the War Department. The president of the
+First National Bank of Chicago, Lyman J. Gage, received the Treasury.
+The other secretaries, too, were men of solidity, generally self-made,
+and likely to inspire confidence in the world of business.</p>
+
+<p>The new Senators who appeared at this time represented the same alliance
+of trade and politics. Hanna, in Ohio, and Thomas C. Platt, president of
+the United States Express Company, in New York, were the most striking
+instances. In Pennsylvania Quay was able to nominate his colleague in
+spite of the opposition of his old associate, John Wanamaker, and
+selected Boies Penrose. Only with the aid of the silver Senators could a
+Republican majority be procured in the Senate. This made currency
+legislation impossible, but the managers hoped that there would be a
+majority for a protective tariff when Congress met in special session,
+two weeks after the inauguration.</p>
+
+<p>Preparations for a revision of the tariff had been made long before
+Cleveland left office. Reed was certain to be re&euml;lected as Speaker by a
+large majority. Nelson Dingley, of Maine, was equally certain to be
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and began to hold tariff
+hearings early in 1897. A<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> rampant spirit for protection was revealed as
+the manufacturers stated their wishes to the committee. It was often
+told how the low rates of the Wilson Bill had caused the panic of 1893,
+and a New York maker of "Oriental rugs" created amusement by asking to
+be protected from the competition, not of the Orient, but of the German
+manufacturers. Since 1890 the strength of the Republican organization
+had been directed toward this revision, and the leaders had held back
+the silver issue lest it should derange their plans. Now, though
+returned to power only on the issue of the currency, they held
+themselves empowered to act as though the tariff had been dominant in
+1896. The call stated the need for tariff legislation, and Reed held the
+House to its task by refusing to appoint the committees without which
+other business could not be undertaken.</p>
+
+<p>The Dingley Bill passed the House of Representatives after a perfunctory
+debate which every one regarded as only preliminary to the real struggle
+in Senate and Conference Committee. In the Senate it became a new
+measure at the hands of the Finance Committee, whose secretary, S.N.D.
+North, was also secretary of the Wool Manufacturers' Association.
+Revenue was everywhere subordinated to protection, until the Chief of
+the Bureau of Statistics, Worthington C. Ford, declared that the act
+would prolong the deficit which it was designed to cure. On its final
+passage, the Democratic Senator, McEnery, of Louisiana, left his party
+to vote for protection to sugar. He was welcomed home in August, in
+spite of his "treason," by a reception committee with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> four hundred
+vice-presidents. The silver Senators, headed by Jones, of Nevada, were
+induced to support the bill. They had procured the Sherman Silver Bill
+in 1890 by the same tactics, and now, holding the balance of power,
+secured a group of amendments for themselves, covering hides, wool, and
+ore. The measure passed the Senate early in July and became a law July
+24, 1897. Senator William B. Allison, of Iowa, was largely responsible
+for its final passage, although the law continued to bear the name of
+its forgotten originator, Dingley.</p>
+
+<p>The Republican party was in no condition in 1897 to become the vehicle
+of the non-partisan reforms that the Populists advocated and that many
+young Republicans had taken up. The interest in tariff legislation drove
+everything else from the national organization, while returning
+prosperity destroyed the mental attitude in which reforms had
+flourished. Political introspection was less easy in 1897 and 1898 than
+it had been in the years of confusion and enforced economy since 1890.
+The civil service and ballot reforms had been started on the upward
+course, but party machines continued in control of each great
+organization.</p>
+
+<p>The conduct of the Senate discouraged many of the reformers in the
+spring of 1897. Cleveland had left in its hands a treaty of arbitration
+with Great Britain, but no action had been taken upon it when he left
+office. Arbitration had been a common international tool between Great
+Britain and the United States. Boundaries, fisheries, and claims had
+repeatedly been submitted to courts or commissions of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> varying
+structure, and even the claims affecting the honor of Great Britain had
+been settled by arbitration at Geneva. After the Venezuela excitement
+friends of peace gathered in a convention at Lake Mohonk to discuss the
+extension of the method of arbitration. When Great Britain had accepted
+the principle in the case of Venezuela, Cleveland entered into a general
+arbitration treaty, which was signed at Washington in February, 1897.
+Public opinion received it cordially, but the Senate was slow to take it
+up. Late in the spring it was ratified with amendments that destroyed
+its force and showed the reluctance of Senators to accept the principle
+of arbitration. International peace was thus postponed, while the rising
+insurrection in Cuba drove it as well as general reform from the center
+of public interest.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The <i>American Commonwealth</i> of James Bryce (1888) is the starting-point
+for the study of political conditions of the nineties, and is to be
+reinforced by W. Wilson, <i>Congressional Government</i> (1885), T.
+Roosevelt, <i>Essays on Practical Politics</i> (1888), and P.L. Ford, <i>The
+Honorable Peter Stirling</i> (1894). Among the personal narratives the most
+useful are T. Roosevelt, <i>Fifty Years of My Life</i> (1913); R.M.
+LaFollette, <i>A Personal Narrative of Political Experiences</i> (1913; also
+published serially in the <i>American Magazine</i>, 1911, as
+"Autobiography"); Tom L. Johnson's <i>My Story</i> (1911; edited by E.J.
+Hauser); C. Lloyd, <i>Henry Demarest Lloyd</i> (2 vols., 1912);
+<i>Autobiography of Thomas Collier Platt</i> (1910; edited by L.J. Lang, and
+highly unreliable); and Jane Addams, <i>Twenty Years of Hull House</i>
+(1910). Much light is thrown upon the mechanics of tariff legislation by
+I.M. Tarbell, <i>The Tariff in Our Times</i> (1911), and by the lobby
+investigations conducted by committees of Congress in 1913, and by the
+campaign fund investigations conducted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> by similar committees in 1912.
+The progress of the Australian ballot reform must be traced through the
+periodicals, as it has no good history. E.C. Meyer, <i>Nominating Systems:
+Direct Primaries versus Conventions in the United States</i> (1902), is
+standard in its field, as are E.P. Oberholtzer, <i>The Referendum in
+America</i> (1893), and E.C. Stanton, S.B. Anthony, and M.J. Gage, <i>History
+of Woman Suffrage</i>, 1848-1900(4 vols., 1881-1902). The Annual Reports of
+the Lake Mohonk Conferences on International Arbitration are a useful
+aid in tracing the principles of arbitration.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE SPANISH WAR<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Cuba broke out in one of her numerous insurrections in 1895. The island
+had been nominally quiet since the close of the Ten Years' War, in 1878,
+but had always been an object of American interest. More than once it
+had entered into American diplomacy to bring out reiterations of
+different phases of the Monroe Doctrine. Its purchase by the United
+States had been desired to extend the slave area, or to control the
+Caribbean, or to enlarge the fruit and sugar plantation area. The free
+trade in sugar, which the McKinley Bill had allowed, ended in 1894, and
+almost immediately thereafter the native population demanded
+independence.</p>
+
+<p>The revolt of 1895 was defended and justified by a recital of the faults
+of Spanish colonial government. Caste and monopoly played a large part
+in Cuban life. The Spanish-born held the offices, enjoyed the profits,
+and owned or managed the commercial privileges. The western end of the
+island, most thickly settled and most under the influence of Spain, gave
+least support to the uprising, but in the east, where the Cubans and
+negroes raised and ground cane, or grazed their herds, discontent at the
+system of favoritism and race discrimination was an important political
+force. Here the insurgents soon gained a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> foothold in the provinces of
+Santiago, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara. From the jungle or the
+mountains they sent bands of guerrillas against the sugar mills and
+plantations of the ruling class, and when pursued their troops hid their
+weapons and became, ostensibly, peaceful farmers. A revolutionary
+government, sitting safely in New York, directed the revolt, raised
+money by playing on the American love of freedom, and sent cargoes of
+arms, munitions, and volunteers to the seat of war. Avoiding pitched
+battles and living off the country, the patriot forces compelled Spain
+to put some 200,000 troops in Cuba and to garrison every place that she
+retained.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus25.jpg"><img src="images/illus24.jpg" alt='war' /> </a>
+ <a id='illus24' name='illus24'></a>
+</p>
+
+<p class='center'><small>Click on image for larger version</small> <br />ALASKA, THE PHILIPPINES, AND THE SEAT OF THE SPANISH WAR</p>
+
+<p>Through 1895 and 1896 the war dragged on with no prospect of victory for
+the authorities and with growing interest on the part of the United
+States. Public sympathy was with the Cubans, and news from the front was
+so much desired that enterprising papers sent their correspondents to
+the scene of action. The reports of these, almost without exception,
+magnified the character and promise of the native leaders and attacked
+the policy of the Spanish forces of repression.</p>
+
+<p>The insurgents began, in 1895, a policy of terror, destroying the cane
+in the fields of loyalists and burning their sugar mills. To protect the
+loyalists and repress the rebels the Queen Regent sent General Valeriano
+Weyler to the island in 1896, with orders to end the war. Weyler replied
+to devastation with concentration. Unable to separate the loyal natives
+from the disloyal, or to prevent the latter from aiding the rebels, he
+gathered the suspected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> population into huge concentration camps,
+fortified his towns and villages with sentinels and barbed-wire fences,
+and endeavored to depopulate the area outside his lines. American public
+opinion, unused for a generation to the sight of war, was shocked by the
+suffering in the camps and was aroused in moral protest. Sympathy with
+the insurgents grew in 1896 and 1897, as exaggerated tales of hardship
+and brutality were circulated by the "yellow" newspapers. The evidence
+was one-sided and incomplete, and often dishonest, but it was effective
+in steering a rising public opinion toward ultimate intervention.</p>
+
+<p>The nearness of the contest brought the trouble to the United States
+Government through the enforcement of the neutrality laws. There was no
+public war, and Spain was thus unable to seize or examine American
+vessels until they entered actual Cuban waters. It was easy to run the
+Spanish blockade and take supplies to the rebel forces, which was a
+permissible trade. It was easy, too, to organize and send out
+filibustering parties, which were highly illegal, and which the United
+States tried to stop. Out of seventy-one known attempts, the United
+States broke up thirty-three, while other Powers, including Spain,
+caught only eleven. Enough landed to be a material aid to the natives
+and to embitter Spain in her criticism of the United States. Cleveland
+issued proclamations against the unfriendly acts of citizens, and
+enforced the law as well as he could in a population and with juries
+sympathizing with the law-breakers. Even in Congress he found little<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span>
+sympathy in his attempt to maintain a sincere neutrality.</p>
+
+<p>Congress felt the popular sympathy with the Cubans and responded to it,
+as well as to the demands of Americans with investments in Cuba. In the
+spring of 1896 both houses joined in a resolution favoring the
+recognition of Cuban belligerency. This Cleveland ignored. In December,
+1896, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a resolution
+for the recognition of Cuban independence, and individual members of
+Congress often read from the newspapers accounts of horror, and made
+impassioned speeches for recognition and intervention. But Cleveland
+kept his control over the situation until he left office, as Grant had
+done during the Ten Years' War and the excitement over the Virginius
+affair. He left the determination of the time and manner of ultimate
+intervention to his successor.</p>
+
+<p>Among the planks of the Republican platform of 1896 was one asserting
+the duty of the United States to "use its influence and good offices to
+restore peace and give independence to Cuba," but there is no evidence
+that President McKinley contemplated a forcible intervention when he
+organized his Cabinet. John Sherman had, as Senator, spoken freely in
+sympathy with Cuba. As Secretary of State he recalled Hannis Taylor from
+Madrid and sent out General Stewart L. Woodford, with instructions
+looking toward a peaceful mediation. Not until the autumn of 1897 was it
+possible to press the Cuban matter, for Spain suffered two changes of
+Ministry and the murder of a Prime Minister. But by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> end of
+September Spain had been notified that McKinley hoped to be able to give
+positive assurances of peace to Congress when it met in December.</p>
+
+<p>A Liberal Government, headed by Sagasta, took office in Spain in
+October, 1897. It declined mediation by the United States, retorting
+that if the United States were to enforce the law of neutrality the war
+would soon cease. It recalled Weyler, however, sent out a new and milder
+governor-general, modified the <i>reconcentrado</i> orders that had so
+enraged the United States, and issued, on November 25, a proclamation
+establishing a sort of home rule, or autonomy, for Cuba. In the winter
+of 1897 the Spanish Government was endeavoring to give no excuse for
+American intervention, and at the same time, by moderate means, to
+restore peace in Cuba. The Spanish population of Cuba opposed autonomy
+and made the establishment of autonomous governments a farce. In January
+there were riots in Havana among the loyal subjects. Outside the Spanish
+lines the rebels laughed at autonomy, for they were determined to have
+independence or nothing. Woodford, in touch with the Spanish Government,
+believed that in the long run the Spanish people would let the Queen
+Regent go beyond autonomy to independence, and that with patience Cuba
+might be relieved of Spanish control.</p>
+
+<p>There was no positive news for Congress in December, 1897, but by
+February the conditions in Cuba had become the most interesting current
+problem. The New York <i>Journal</i> obtained and published a private letter
+written by the Spanish Minister,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> De Lome, in which McKinley was
+characterized as a temporizing politician. The Minister had no sooner
+been recalled than the Maine, a warship that had been detached from the
+North Atlantic Squadron, and sent to Cuba to safeguard American citizens
+there, was destroyed by an explosion in the harbor of Havana, on
+February 15, 1898. There was no evidence connecting the destruction of
+the Maine with any person, but unscrupulous newspapers made capital out
+of it, using the catch-phrase, "Remember the Maine," to inflame a public
+mind already aroused by sympathy and indignation. After February, only a
+determined courage could have withstood the demand for intervention and
+a Spanish war.</p>
+
+<p>The negotiations with Spain continued rapidly in the two months after
+the loss of the Maine. McKinley avoided an arbitral inquiry into the
+accident, urged by Spain, but pressed increasingly for an end of
+concentration, for relief for the suffering population, and for full
+self-government. He did not ask independence for Cuba, and every demand
+that he made was assented to by Spain. Notwithstanding this, on April
+11, 1898, he sent the Cuban correspondence to Congress, urged an
+intervention, and turned the control of the situation over to a body
+that had for two years been clamoring for forcible interference. Nine
+days later Congress resolved, "That the people of the Island of Cuba
+are, and of right ought to be, free and independent." On April 21 the
+Spanish War began.</p>
+
+<p>The administrative branches of the Government<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> had made some
+preparations for war before the declaration. The navy was small but
+modern. It dated from the early eighties, when Congress was roused to a
+realization that the old Civil War navy was obsolete and began to
+authorize the construction of modern fighting ships. The "White
+Squadron" took shape in the years after 1893. Only two armored cruisers
+were in commission when Harrison left office, but the number increased
+rapidly until McKinley had available for use the second-class
+battleships Maine and Texas, the armored cruiser Brooklyn, and the
+first-class battleships Iowa, Indiana, Massachusetts, and Oregon. From
+the beginning of the McKinley Administration these, as well as the
+lesser vessels of all grades, were diligently drilled and organized. The
+new Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt, had foreseen
+and hoped for war. He spent the contingent funds on target practice, and
+had the naval machine at its highest efficiency when the Maine was lost.
+On March 9, 1898, Congress, in a few hours, put $50,000,000 at the
+disposal of the President for national defense, and the navy spent its
+share of this for new vessels, transports, and equipment. The vessels in
+the Orient were mobilized at Hongkong under the command of Commodore
+George Dewey; the Oregon, on station in the Pacific, was ordered home by
+the long route around the Horn; the ships in the Atlantic were assembled
+off the Chesapeake. Part of the latter were organized as a flying
+squadron, for patrol, under Commodore Winfield Scott Schley, while
+toward the end of March Captain William T. Sampson was promoted over
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> heads of many ranking officers and given command of the whole North
+Atlantic Squadron, including the fleet of Schley.</p>
+
+<p>Congress debated a new army bill while the navy was being prepared for
+war. Not until April 22 did it permit the enlargement of the little
+regular army of 25,000. Until war had begun the volunteers, of whom some
+216,000 were taken into the service, could not be called out or made
+ready for the field. Some preparations were made within the War
+Department, but the little staff of clerks, used to the small routine of
+the peace basis, and having no plan of enlargement or mobilization
+worked out, made little headway. The navy was ready to strike the day
+war was declared, but the army had yet to be planned, recruited,
+clothed, drilled, and transported to the front. The men of the navy knew
+their duty and were ready for it; in the army thousands of civilians had
+to blunder through the duties of strange offices. William J. Bryan
+accepted the colonelcy in a Nebraska regiment. Theodore Roosevelt
+resigned his office in the Navy Department to raise a regiment of
+volunteer cavalry. Politicians struggled for commissions for themselves
+and friends. Civil War veterans fought for reappointment, and enough
+soldiers of the Confederacy put on the blue uniforms, or sent their
+sons, to show that the breach had been healed between the North and
+South. It was an enthusiastic rather than an effective army that was
+brought together in the two months after the war began.</p>
+
+<p>Cuba, the cause of the war and its objective, was the center of the
+scheme of strategy. The navy was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> called upon to protect the Atlantic
+seaboard from the fleet of Spain, which was reputed to be superior to
+that of the United States. It had also to maintain a blockade of Cuba
+and prevent the landing of reinforcements until the army could be
+prepared to invade the island. Dewey's fleet in the Pacific was ordered
+to destroy the Spanish naval force in the Philippine Islands, and moved
+immediately upon Manila when Great Britain issued her proclamation of
+neutrality and made it impossible to remain longer in her waters at
+Hongkong.</p>
+
+<p>On the morning of May 1 Dewey led his squadron past the forts, over the
+submerged mines, and up the channel of Manila Bay. The Spanish forces in
+the islands, already contending with a native insurrection, were
+helpless before evening, having lost the whole fleet. Dewey was left in
+a position to take the city when he chose, and sent home word to that
+effect. He waited in the harbor until an army of occupation had been got
+ready, hurried to the transports at San Francisco, and sent out under
+General Wesley Merritt. He brought the native leader Aguinaldo back to
+the islands, whence he had been expelled, to foment insurrection. The
+first American reinforcements arrived at Manila by the end of June. On
+August 13 they took the city.</p>
+
+<p>Before the news of the surprising victory at Manila reached the United
+States there was nervousness along the Atlantic Coast because of the
+uncertain plans of the main Spanish fleet, which had left the Cape Verde
+Islands, under Admiral Cervera, on April 29, and which might appear off
+New York or Boston<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> at any time. The naval strategists knew it must be
+headed for the West Indies, but seaboard Congressmen begged excitedly
+for protection, and the sensational newspapers pictured the coast in
+ruins after bombardment.</p>
+
+<p>To Sampson and Schley was assigned the task of guarding the coast,
+keeping up the blockade, and finding Cervera's fleet before it reached a
+harbor in American waters. San Juan, Santiago de Cuba, Cienfuegos, and
+Havana were the only probable destinations. Sampson watched the north
+side of Cuba and Porto Rico, while Schley and the flying squadron moved
+to Key West, and on May 19 started around the west end of Cuba to patrol
+the southern shore. On that same day, entirely unobserved, Cervera
+slipped into the port of Santiago, at the eastern extremity of Cuba.
+When the rumor of his arrival reached Sampson at Key West, Schley was
+already well on his way and firm in his belief that Cervera was heading
+for Cienfuegos.</p>
+
+<p>The flying squadron, impeded by its colliers and its tenders, moved
+deliberately around Cuba to Cienfuegos, outside of whose harbor it
+remained for two days. Here Sampson's orders to proceed immediately to
+Santiago reached it. On May 26 the fleet was off the entrance to
+Santiago Harbor, and in this vicinity it stayed for two more days.
+Schley could get no news that Cervera was here; he feared that his coal
+would give out and that heavy seas would prevent his getting what coal
+he had out of his colliers. He decided, in spite of orders, to go back
+to Key West; he started a retrograde movement,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> reconsidered it, and was
+again on blockade when, early on Sunday morning, May 29, he discovered
+the Spanish fleet at anchor in the channel, where it had been for the
+last nine days.</p>
+
+<p>The blockade of Santiago was strengthened on June 1 by the arrival of
+Sampson, who had rushed thither on hearing that Schley had decided to
+leave the post. The two fleets were merged, and Schley, outranked by
+Sampson, became a passenger on his flagship Brooklyn. By day, the
+warships, ranged in a great half-circle, watched the narrow outlet of
+the harbor. By night they took turns standing close in, with
+searchlights playing on the entrance. For five weeks they kept this up,
+not entering the harbor because of their positive orders not to risk the
+loss of any fighting units, and waited for the arrival of an army to
+co&ouml;perate with them against the land defenses of Santiago.</p>
+
+<p>Sampson asked for military aid early in June, and on June 7 the War
+Department ordered the army that had been mobilized at Tampa to go to
+his assistance. General Nelson A. Miles, in command of the army, was not
+allowed to head the expedition, but was kept at home while General
+William R. Shafter directed the field work. At Tampa there was almost
+hopeless confusion. The single track railway that supplied the camp was
+unable to move promptly either men or munitions, the Quartermaster's
+Department sent down whole trainloads of supplies without bills of
+lading, and when the troops were at last on board the fleet of
+transports they were kept in the river for a week before they were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span>
+allowed to start for Santiago. Sixteen thousand men, mostly regulars,
+with nearly one thousand officers and two hundred war correspondents,
+sailed on June 14, and were in conference with Sampson six days later.</p>
+
+<p>A misunderstanding as to strategy arose in this conference. Sampson left
+it believing that the army would land and move directly along the shore
+against the batteries that covered the entrance to the harbor. Shafter,
+however, though he issued no general order to that effect, was
+determined to march inland upon the city of Santiago itself. On June 22
+and 23 the army was landed by the navy, for it had neither boats nor
+lighters of its own. The first troops, climbing ashore at the railway
+pier at Daquiri, marched west along the coast to Siboney, and then
+plunged inland, each regiment for itself, along the narrow jungle trail
+leading to Santiago. Shafter himself, corpulent and sick, followed as he
+could. Before he established his control over the army on land the head
+of the column had engaged the enemy at Las Guasimas, nine miles from
+Santiago, on June 24. The First Volunteer Cavalry, under the command of
+Colonel Leonard M. Wood, with Theodore Roosevelt as lieutenant-colonel,
+had marched most of the night in order to be in the first fighting.
+After a sharp engagement the Spanish retired and the American advance
+upon Santiago continued in a more orderly fashion.</p>
+
+<p>The narrow trail between Siboney, on the shore, and Santiago, was some
+twelve miles long. There were dense forests on both sides. Along this
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> American army stretched itself at the end of June. There were few
+ambulances or wagons, and they could not have been used if they had been
+more numerous. Rations for the front were packed on mules or horses. The
+troops, hurried to the tropics in the heavy, dark, winter clothing of
+the regular army, suffered from heat, rain, and irregular rations.
+Before them the San Juan River crossed the trail at right angles. Beyond
+this were low hills carrying the fortifications, trenches, and wire
+fences of Santiago, behind which the Spanish force could fight with
+every advantage in its favor. Some five miles to the right of the line
+of advance was the Spanish left, in a blockhouse at El Caney. On the
+night before July 1, the American army moved on a concerted plan against
+the whole Spanish line.</p>
+
+<p>Lawton, with a right wing, moved against El Caney, with the idea of
+demolishing it and crumpling up the Spanish left. The main column
+followed the trail, crossed the San Juan River, and stormed the hills
+beyond. The fight lasted all day on July 1, leaving the American forces
+to sleep in the Spanish trenches, and to re-face them the next day.
+There was more fighting on July 2 and 3, after which Santiago was
+besieged by land, as it had been by sea since June 1.</p>
+
+<p>Cervera watched the invading army with growing desperation. He knew the
+inefficiency of his fleet, that it had left Spain unprepared because
+public opinion demanded immediate action, that its guns were lacking and
+its morale low, that if it stayed at anchor in the harbor it would be
+taken by the army,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> and that if it went to sea it would be annihilated
+by Sampson. His only chance was to rush out, scatter in flight, and
+trust to luck. On Sunday, July 3, he led his ships out of the harbor in
+single file, turned west against the Brooklyn, which guarded the
+American left, and endeavored to escape.</p>
+
+<p>Sampson had already issued orders for battle in case Cervera should come
+out. He had himself started with his flagship, the New York, for a
+conference with Shafter, and was some seven miles east of the entrance
+to the harbor when the fleet appeared and the battle began. He turned at
+once to the long chase that pursued the Spanish vessels along the Cuban
+shore. The Brooklyn, at which Cervera had headed, instead of closing,
+circled to the right, and nearly rammed her neighbor, the Texas, before
+she regained her place at the head of the pursuit. Schley was the
+ranking officer in the battle, but no one needed or heeded the orders
+that he signaled to the other ships. Before sundown the Spanish fleet
+was completely destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>The land and naval battles at Santiago brought the Spanish War to an
+end. For several weeks the army kept up the investment, with health and
+morale steadily deteriorating. On July 17 the Spanish army at Santiago
+was surrendered. On July 27 an invasion of Porto Rico under General
+Miles took place, and on August 12 the preliminaries of peace were
+signed on behalf of Spain by the French Minister at Washington. Manila
+fell the next day, and the war closed with the American army in
+possession of the most valuable of Spain's remaining colonies.</p>
+
+<p>The Spanish <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span>and American peace commissioners met in Paris in October to
+fix a basis for settlement. An American demand that Cuba should be set
+free, without debt, and left to the tutelage of the United States, and
+that Porto Rico should become an American possession, was formulated
+early in the autumn. There was less certainty about the retention of the
+Philippines, for here the desire for expansion was checked by a
+conservative opposition to the adoption of foreign colonies. The evil
+effects of imperialism were already being pictured by those who had
+opposed the war. The difficulties of returning the islands to Spain were
+greater than those involved in their retention, and McKinley finally
+determined that the cession must include the Philippine Archipelago, and
+the island of Guam in the Ladrones. The chief of the American
+commissioners was William R. Day, who had become Secretary of State
+early in the war, and who was succeeded in that post by John Hay. Under
+his direction the Treaty of Paris was signed December 10, 1898.</p>
+
+<p>The war and the conquest of the Philippines hastened another though
+peaceful expansion. The Hawaiian Islands had been a matter of interest
+to the United States since the American missionaries had begun to work
+there in the thirties. A growing, American, sugar-raising population had
+long hoped for annexation and had carried out a successful revolution
+shortly before 1893. Harrison had concluded a treaty of annexation with
+the provisional government, but Cleveland had refused to approve it. On
+July 7, 1898, however, the Newlands Resolution<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> accomplished the
+annexation of the republic, and in 1900 a regular territorial government
+was provided for the group of islands. The spectacular journey of the
+Oregon around Cape Horn revived the demand for an isthmian canal.
+Expansion suddenly took possession of the American mind, and a new idea
+of duty, summed up by Rudyard Kipling in <i>The White Man's Burden</i>,
+filled a large portion of the press.</p>
+
+<p>The United States had suddenly passed from internal debate over free
+silver to war and conquest. At the end of 1898 the War Department, that
+had proved its inadequacy in nearly every phase of the war, was forced
+to develop a colonial policy for Porto Rico and the Philippines and to
+guide Cuba to independence. It was still under the direction of General
+Russell A. Alger, but was torn by dissension and criticism upon the
+conduct of the war. Not until Alger was asked to retire, in 1899, and
+Elihu Root, of New York, succeeded him, was the War Department made
+equal to its task.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The best account of the war with Spain is F.E. Chadwick, <i>Relations of
+the United States and Spain: Diplomacy</i> (1909), and <i>Relations of the
+United States and Spain: The Spanish American War</i> (2 vols., 1911).
+These works have in large measure superseded the earlier studies; J.M.
+Callahan, <i>Cuba and International Relations</i> (1899); J.H. Latan&eacute;, <i>The
+Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America</i>
+(1900:&mdash;so far as it relates to Cuba); H.E. Flack, <i>Spanish-American
+Diplomatic Relations preceding the war of 1898</i> (in Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, vol. XXIV); and E.J. Benton, <i>International Law and
+Diplomacy of the Spanish-American War</i> (1908). Useful narratives
+relating to the army are R.A. Alger,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> <i>The Spanish-American War</i> (1901);
+H.H. Sargent, <i>The Campaign of Santiago de Cuba</i> (3 vols., 1907); J.
+Wheeler, <i>The Santiago Campaign</i> (1899); J.D. Miley, <i>In Cuba with
+Shafter</i> (1899); and T. Roosevelt, <i>The Rough Riders</i> (1899). The navy
+may be followed in J.D. Long, <i>The New American Navy</i> (2 vols., 1903);
+E.S. Maclay, <i>History of the United States Navy</i> (3 vols., 1901, the
+third volume containing allegations that precipitated the Schley-Sampson
+controversy); G.E. Graham, <i>Schley and Santiago</i> (1902); W.S. Schley,
+<i>Forty-five Years under the Flag</i> (1904); W.A.M. Goode, <i>With Sampson
+through the War</i> (1899). The public documents of the war are easily
+accessible, especially in the Annual Reports for 1898 of the Secretaries
+of War and Navy, and in the Foreign Relations volume for that year. The
+controversies after the war illuminated many details, particularly the
+Schley Inquiry (57th Congress, 1st Session, House Document, no. 485,
+Serial nos. 4370, 4371), and the Miles-Eagan Inquiry (56th Congress, 1st
+Session, Senate Document, no. 270, Serial nos. 3870-3872).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THEODORE ROOSEVELT<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Out of the humiliating debates upon the war, on the capacity of Alger
+and Shafter, on the management of the commissary and the field
+hospitals, on the failure of Sampson and Shafter to co&ouml;perate, on the
+tactics and the alleged weakness of Schley, and on the diplomatic
+sincerity of McKinley, only one name caught the public ear. The only
+career that placed a soldier in line for political promotion was that of
+Theodore Roosevelt, who was still under forty years of age, although he
+had lived a keen, aggressive, and public life for nearly twenty years.
+Just out of Harvard in 1880, Roosevelt entered the rough and tumble of
+New York politics. He was a reform legislator when Cleveland was
+governor, and an opponent of the nomination of Blaine in 1884. He did
+not fight the ticket or turn Mugwump, for he had already formed a
+political philosophy, that only those who stayed within the party could
+be efficient in reform; but he dropped out of the ranks and took up
+ranch life in the West. Harrison made him a Civil Service Commissioner
+and supported him in a stern administration of the merit system. Before
+he left this office in 1895, to become Police Commissioner of New York
+City, the breezy and vigorous assaults of Roosevelt upon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> political
+corruption had already marked him as a reformer of a new type, who
+remained an active politician and a party man without losing his
+interest in reform. As police commissioner he gained new fame and more
+admirers. In 1897 he took the post of Assistant Secretary of the Navy
+and prepared for war. He had already found time to write many books on
+the West, reform, naval history, and outdoor life. He resigned his post
+in April, 1898, on the eve of war, raised a regiment of volunteers,
+which the public speedily named the "Rough Riders," kept his men in the
+center of the stage while there was fighting, risked and violated all
+theories of discipline to attack the sanitary policy of the
+Administration in the autumn, and in October received the nomination of
+his party for Governor of New York, over the ill-concealed opposition of
+Thomas Collier Platt.</p>
+
+<p>During the campaign of 1898 Roosevelt carried his candidacy to the voter
+in every part of the State. He spoke from rear platforms day after day.
+Rough Riders, in uniform, accompanied his party and reinforced his
+appeal to mixed motives of good government and patriotic fervor. He was
+elected in November, and on the same day the Republican control of
+Congress was assured. It was made possible for the party to fulfill the
+last of the obligations laid upon it by the election of 1896.</p>
+
+<p>A currency act, passed in March, 1900, was the result of Republican
+success. It established the gold dollar by law as the standard of value,
+legalized the gold reserve at $150,000,000, and made it the duty<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> of the
+Treasury to keep at a parity with gold the $313,000,000 of Civil War
+greenbacks, the $550,000,000 of silver and silver certificates, the
+$75,000,000 of Sherman Act treasury notes, as well as the national bank
+notes, which aggregated $300,000,000 in 1900. The law left the currency
+far from satisfactory in that it made it dependent upon redemption, and
+hence liable to sudden changes in value, but it silenced the fear of
+free-silver coinage.</p>
+
+<p>In the spring of 1900 Congress was forced to consider the basis of
+colonial government. Governments similar to those of the Territories
+were provided for Hawaii and Porto Rico, but a troublesome revolt
+prevented such treatment of the Philippine Islands. There had been a
+native insurrection in these islands before the Spanish War began, and
+the aid of the rebels had made it easier for the United States to
+overthrow the power of Spain. Instead of receiving a pledge of
+independence, as Cuba did, the islands became a territorial possession
+of the United States. In February, 1899, under the native leader, Emilio
+Aguinaldo, insurrection broke out against the United States and received
+the sympathy of large numbers of Americans. The spectacle of the United
+States subduing a spirit of independence in the Philippines aroused and
+stimulated the movement of anti-imperialism that had fought against the
+acquisition of the islands. The incompatibility of republican
+institutions and foreign colonies, the demoralizing influence of ruling
+on the ruling class, the lesson of the fall of Rome, were held up before
+the public. Carl Schurz was one of the leaders in the protest, and his
+follow<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span>ers included many whose names were already well known in the
+advocacy of tariff and civil service reform. In 1901 the Supreme Court
+upheld the constitutionality of expansion and imperial control. The
+people had already decided in their favor in 1900.</p>
+
+<p>There was no contest for either nomination in the campaign of 1900.
+Bryan had established his right to the leadership that had come to him
+by chance in 1896. Although conservative Democrats still distrusted him,
+their voices were drowned by the popular approval of his honesty and
+humanity. "Four years ago," said Altgeld, in the Democratic Convention
+at Kansas City, "we quit trimming, we quit using language that has a
+double meaning.... We went forth armed with that strength that comes
+from candor and sincerity and we fought the greatest campaign ever waged
+on the American continent.... [For] the first time in the history of
+this Republic the Democracy of America have risen up in favor of one
+man." On a platform that repeated the currency demands of 1896 and
+denounced imperialism, Bryan was unanimously renominated, with Adlai E.
+Stevenson for the Vice-Presidency.</p>
+
+<p>The emphatic denunciation of imperialism brought to Bryan and Stevenson
+the support of a group of independents,&mdash;the "hold-your-nose-and-vote"
+group, as the Republican press called them,&mdash;who were strong for the
+gold standard, but believed that currency was less fundamental than
+imperialism. The Republican party had accepted and approved the war and
+the benevolent intentions of the United<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> States, and had renominated
+McKinley at Philadelphia, without a dissenting voice. Vice-President
+Hobart had died in office, or the original ticket might have been
+continued. As a substitute, rumor had attacked the name of Governor
+Roosevelt, while Senator Platt, preferring not to have him re&euml;lected
+Governor of New York, had encouraged his boom for the Vice-Presidency.
+Repeatedly, in the spring of 1900, Roosevelt declared that he would not
+seek or accept the Vice-Presidency. Hanna and McKinley did not desire
+him on the ticket, but at the convention the delegates broke down all
+resistance and forced him to accept the nomination.</p>
+
+<p>The policy of dignity, which McKinley had assumed in 1896, was continued
+by him in 1900, but the vice-presidential candidate proved the equal of
+Bryan as a campaigner. In hundreds of speeches, reaching nearly every
+State, they carried their personality to the voters. The two issues,
+imperialism and free silver, divided the voters along different lines,
+but the Administration had an economic basis for support in the recovery
+of business on every hand. The Republicans took credit for the general
+and abundant prosperity, and their cartoonists emphasized the idea of
+the "full dinner pail" as a reason for continued support. A smaller
+percentage of citizens voted than in 1896, for the issue was less clear
+than it had been then. Many who were discontented with both candidates
+voted with the Prohibitionists or Socialists. The Republican ticket was
+elected, with 292 electoral votes, as against 155 received by Bryan and
+Stevenson. A continuance of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> the Republican control of Congress was
+assured at the same time.</p>
+
+<p>William McKinley was the first President after Grant to receive a second
+consecutive term. He made few changes in his Cabinet in 1901. Elihu Root
+remained in the War Department, for the sake of which he had refused to
+consider the Vice-Presidency, and strove for order in the Philippines,
+in Cuba, and in the United States Army itself. John Hay, as Secretary of
+State, continued his correspondence with the Powers over the Chinese
+revolt, without a break.</p>
+
+<p>Only Seward and John Quincy Adams can rival John Hay as successful
+American Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Born in the Middle West in 1838,
+Hay served in Lincoln's household as a private secretary throughout the
+Civil War. He held minor appointments after this and alternated
+diplomatic experience with literary production. The monumental <i>Life of
+Abraham Lincoln</i> was partly his work. His graceful verse gained for him
+a wide reading. His anonymous novel, <i>The Breadwinners</i>, was an
+important document in the early labor movement. McKinley sent him to
+London as Ambassador in 1897, following the tradition that only the best
+in the United States may go to the Court of St. James, and had recalled
+him to be Secretary of State in the fall of 1898. The Boxer outbreak in
+China in 1900 gave the first opening to the new diplomacy of the United
+States, broadened out of its insularity by the Spanish War and
+interested in the attainment of international ideas. Hay led in the
+adjustment which settled the Chinese claims, opened the door of China<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span>
+to the commerce of the world, and prevented her dismemberment. He was
+still engaged in this correspondence when President McKinley was
+murdered by an anarchist, and Theodore Roosevelt became President of the
+United States, September 14, 1901.</p>
+
+<p>In the hurried inaugural ceremony held in the Buffalo residence in which
+McKinley died, Roosevelt declared his intention to continue the term as
+his predecessor had begun it. He insisted that all the members of the
+Cabinet should remain with him, as they did for considerable periods. He
+took up the work where it had been dropped, and for some months it was
+not apparent that a change had been made from a party administration to
+a personal administration. The suave and cordial tolerance of McKinley
+was succeeded by the aggressive certainty of his successor. Through John
+Hay's skillful hand this new tone made a deeper impression on the
+politics of the world than had that of any President since Washington
+gave forth the doctrine of neutrality.</p>
+
+<p>Cuba was a pending problem. The American army, under General Leonard
+Wood, had cleaned up the island. The medical service had learned to
+isolate the mosquito, and had expelled the scourge of yellow fever. The
+natives formed a constitution which became effective on May 20, 1902. On
+this day the United States withdrew from the new Republic, leaving it to
+manage its own affairs, subject only to a pledge that it would forever
+maintain its independence, that it would incur no debt without providing
+the means for settling it, and that the United States<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> might lawfully
+intervene to protect its independence or maintain responsible
+government. In the winter of 1901-02 Roosevelt urged Congress to adopt a
+policy of commercial reciprocity with Cuba. He was supported in this by
+opinion in Cuba, and by officials of the American Sugar Trust, but was
+opposed in the Senate by a combination of beet-sugar Republicans and
+cane-sugar Democrats. The measure failed in 1902, creating bad feeling
+between President and Congress, but a treaty of modified reciprocity was
+ratified in 1903.</p>
+
+<p>In 1902 the United States became the first suitor to test the efficacy
+of the new court of arbitration at The Hague. In 1898 the Czar of Russia
+had invited the countries represented at St. Petersburg to join in a
+conference upon disarmament. His motives were questioned and derided,
+but the conference met the next summer at Huis ten Bosch, the summer
+palace of the Queen of the Netherlands, at The Hague. Here the plan of
+disarmament proved futile, but a great treaty for the settlement of
+international disputes was accepted by the countries present. It seemed
+probable that the Hague Court, thus created, would die of neglect, but
+President Roosevelt, appealed to by an advocate of peace, produced a
+trifling case and submitted it to arbitration. The Pious Fund dispute,
+with Mexico and the United States as suitors, involved the control of
+church funds in California. The suit was won by the United States, but
+derived its chief importance from being the first Hague settlement.</p>
+
+<p>The pledge of the United States for Cuban inde<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span>pendence had hardly been
+fulfilled when another Latin Republic became involved in trouble.
+Venezuela, torn by war, had incurred obligations to European creditors,
+and had defaulted in the payments upon them. In December, 1902, Great
+Britain and Germany announced a blockade of the Venezuelan ports in
+retaliation, and they were soon joined by other Powers with similar
+claims. Disclaiming intent to protect Venezuela in defaulting, Roosevelt
+urged the European claimants to abandon force for arbitration. Under his
+leadership joint commissions were finally established, and in 1903 the
+legal technicalities involved were sent to The Hague. The episode
+involved a new interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine, making it clear
+that unless the United States wished to protect the South American
+Republics in the evasion of their debts it must assume some
+responsibility for the honest settlement of them.</p>
+
+<p>The boundary of Alaska next became a subject for arbitration. Since the
+valley of the Yukon had attracted its first great migration in the
+summer of 1897 the mining-camps had steadily increased in importance.
+Many of these were on the Canadian side of the meridian of 141&deg;, and all
+were reached either by the river steamers or the trails from the south.
+The most important ports of entry were Dyea and Skaguay, at the head of
+the Lynn Canal, a long fiord projecting some ninety miles into the
+continent. From these ports the prospector plunged inland, climbed the
+Chilkoot or the Chilkat Pass, and followed one of several overland
+trails to the Upper Yukon.</p>
+
+<p>The importance given to Dyea and Skaguay re<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span>vived the question of their
+ownership and with this the boundary of Alaska. When Seward bought
+Alaska for the United States in 1867 he received it with the boundaries
+agreed upon at St. Petersburg between England and Russia in 1825. These
+followed the meridian of 141&deg; from Mount St. Elias to the Arctic Ocean,
+and followed the irregularities of the shore-line southeast from that
+mountain to the Pacific at 54&deg; 40&acute;, North Latitude. The narrow coast
+strip was described as following the windings (<i>sinuosit&eacute;s</i>) of the
+shore, bounded by the shore mountains if possible, but in no case to be
+more than thirty miles wide. The narrow Lynn Canal pierces the
+thirty-mile strip, and the dispute turned chiefly upon interpretation:
+whether the canal should be regarded as a <i>sinuosit&eacute;</i> of the shore,
+around which the boundary must go, or as a stream which it might
+properly cross.</p>
+
+<p>For thirty years after 1867 the British and Canadian government maps
+treated the Lynn Canal and other similar fiords as American, but it
+became convenient for Canada, after 1897, to urge that the boundary
+should cross the canal and leave Dyea and Skaguay on British soil. A
+Canadian and American Joint High Commission, meeting in 1898, had been
+unable to adjust the controversy. In 1903 it was submitted to a
+tribunal, three to a side, which sat in London. It was doubtful whether
+the three American adjudicators, Root, Lodge, and Turner, were all
+"jurists of repute," as the treaty provided, but the arguments of the
+American counsel convinced Lord Chief Justice Alverstone, one of the
+British adjudi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span>cators, and his vote, added to the American three, gave a
+verdict that sustained most of the claims of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>In Cuba and Venezuela, at The Hague, and in the Alaskan matter,
+Roosevelt and Hay showed at once a firmness and a reasonableness that
+attracted European attention to American diplomacy as never before. The
+subject of American diplomacy became a common study in American
+universities. England and Germany appeared to be desirous of
+conciliating the United States. The German Emperor bought a steam yacht
+in the United States, sent his brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, to
+attend the launching, and sent as Ambassador a German nobleman who had
+long been a personal friend of the President. The reputation for
+firmness was enhanced, but that for fairness was lessened by the next
+episode, which involved the Colombian State of Panama.</p>
+
+<p>The dangerous voyage of the Oregon in 1898 completed the conviction of
+the United States that an isthmian canal must be constructed, and that
+the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty was no longer adequate. The activity of De
+Lesseps and his French company at Panama had raised the question about
+1880, but nothing had been done to weaken the treaty that obstructed
+American construction and control until Hay undertook a negotiation
+under the direction of McKinley in the fall of 1899. Congress was in the
+midst of a debate over a Nicaragua canal scheme when it was announced
+that on February 5, 1900, Hay and Lord Pauncefote had signed a treaty
+opening the canal to American construction, but provid<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span>ing for its
+neutralization. The treaty forbade the fortification of the canal or its
+use as an instrument of war. It was killed by amendment in the Senate,
+but on November 18, 1901, Lord Pauncefote signed a second treaty, by
+which Great Britain waived all her old rights save that of equal
+treatment for all users of the canal, and left the future waterway to
+the discretion of the United States. With the way thus opened,&mdash;for the
+Senate promptly confirmed this treaty,&mdash;a new study of routes and
+methods was hurried to completion.</p>
+
+<p>An Isthmian Commission, created by the United States in 1899, was ready
+to report upon a route when the second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was
+concluded. The practicable routes had been reduced in number to two, at
+Panama, and through Nicaragua. The former was under the control of the
+French company, which placed so high a price upon its concession that
+the commission recommended the Nicaragua route as, on the whole, more
+available. In Congress there was a strong predisposition in favor of
+this same route, but during 1902 this was weakened. Senator Hanna
+preferred the Panama route and worked effectively for it. The French
+Panama Company, frightened by the popularity of the Nicaragua route,
+reduced its price. The earthquake and volcanic eruption on the Island of
+Martinique reminded the world that Nicaragua was nearer the zone of
+active volcanic life, and hence more exposed to danger, than Panama. In
+June Congress empowered the President to select the route and build a
+canal at once.</p>
+
+<p>Negotiations <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span>with Colombia for the right to build at Panama dragged on
+through 1902 and 1903. Weakened by continuous revolution, that Republic
+realized that the isthmian right of way was its most valuable asset.
+Only after prolonged discussion did its Government authorize its
+Minister at Washington to sign a treaty reserving Colombian sovereignty
+over the strip, but giving to the United States the canal concession in
+return for $10,000,000 in cash and an annuity of $250,000. This treaty
+was signed in Washington in January, 1903, and was received as a triumph
+for the diplomacy of Hay and Roosevelt. It was ratified in March by the
+Senate, in spite of a last filibuster by the friends of Nicaragua, but
+the Colombian Congress rejected the treaty and adjourned.</p>
+
+<p>By the autumn of 1903 Roosevelt had determined upon the route at Panama,
+the French company had become eager to sell, and the Colombians living
+on the Isthmus were anxious to have the negotiations ended and the
+digging begun. In October the President wrote to an intimate friend
+hoping that there might be a revolt of the Isthmus against Colombia,
+though disclaiming any intent to provoke one. The friend made the wish
+public over his own name, but before it appeared in print the revolt had
+taken place. It was known in advance to the State Department, which
+telegraphed on November 3, 1903, asking when it was to be precipitated.
+It took place later on this day, the independence of the Republic of
+Panama was proclaimed, the United States prevented Colombia from
+repressing it by force, recog<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span>nized the new Republic by cable, and on
+November 18 signed at Washington a treaty with Panama granting the canal
+concession. "I took Panama," boasted President Roosevelt some years
+later, when critics denounced his policy as a robbery of a weak
+neighbor.</p>
+
+<p>The construction of a canal proceeded rapidly, once the diplomatic
+entanglements had been brushed away. The incidental problems of
+sanitation, labor, supplies, and engineering were solved promptly and
+effectively. Congress poured money into the enterprise without
+restraint, the first boats were passed through the locks in 1914, and in
+1915 the formal opening of the canal was celebrated by a naval
+procession at the Isthmus and an Exposition at San Francisco.</p>
+
+<p>Vigor and certainty of purpose marked the conduct of domestic affairs as
+well as foreign, but the necessity for the concurrence in these by
+Congress made the former results less striking than the latter. The
+appointments of President Roosevelt were such as might be expected from
+one who had himself devoted six years to the Civil Service Commission.
+Few of them met with opposition from the reform element. In the South he
+became involved with local public opinion, especially in the cases of a
+negro postmistress at Indianola, Mississippi, and the negro collector of
+the port of Charleston, in which he maintained that although federal
+appointments ought generally to go to persons acceptable in their
+districts, the door of opportunity must not be shut against the negro.
+Within a few weeks of his in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span>auguration he precipitated a severe
+discussion upon the status of the negro by entertaining Booker T.
+Washington at the White House. He disciplined Republican leaders in the
+South who endeavored to exclude negroes from the party organization and
+to build up a "lily-white" Republican machine.</p>
+
+<p>The administrative duties of the United States expanded rapidly after
+the Spanish War. The extension of scientific functions beginning in the
+eighties continued until the volume of work forced the creation of new
+offices. Federal civil employees numbered 107,000 in 1880, 166,000 in
+1890, 256,000 in 1900, and 384,000 in 1910. Among the newer scientific
+activities was included that of the reclamation of the arid or semi-arid
+lands of the Southwest.</p>
+
+<p>The region between the Missouri River and the Sierra Nevada had been
+regarded as uninhabitable since the days of Pike. Known as the "American
+Desert," it figured in the atlases as a place of sand and aridity, and
+became the home chosen for the Indian tribes between 1825 and 1840.
+Under the influence of migration to Oregon and California the real
+character of the Far West became known, but not until the continental
+railways were finished did many inhabitants enter it. In 1889 and 1890
+the "Omnibus" States were admitted, embracing all the northwest half of
+the old desert. Utah followed in 1896. Arizona and New Mexico and
+Oklahoma developed rapidly after 1890 and were all demanding statehood
+in 1902.</p>
+
+<p>The advance of population into the Far West revealed the existence of
+large areas in which an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> abundant agriculture could be produced through
+irrigation. Private means were inadequate for this and the land laws
+discouraged it. A demand for federal reclamation appeared in the
+eighties. In 1889 a survey of available sites for reservoirs was made by
+government engineers, and in 1902 Roosevelt co&ouml;perated with the
+Far-Western Congressmen in securing the passage of the Newlands
+Reclamation Act. By this bill the proceeds of land sales in the arid
+States became a fund to be used by the reclamation service for the
+construction of great public irrigation works. In the succeeding years
+dams, tunnels, and ditches were undertaken that were rivaled in
+magnitude only by the railroad tunnels at New York and the excavations
+at Panama.</p>
+
+<p>The aggressive assurance with which the Roosevelt Administration handled
+the problems of diplomacy and administration created for the President a
+wide and unusual popularity, which was strongest in the West. Many
+critics, also, were created, who distrusted personal influence when
+injected into government, and who doubted the solidity of Roosevelt's
+judgment. Personal altercations, in which the President was often the
+aggressor, were numerous. Among professional politicians dislike was
+mingled with fear because the President had established personal
+relations immediately with their constituents. Under President McKinley
+the state delegations in Congress had controlled the appointive federal
+offices of their States, and had been secure in their personal standing;
+under Roosevelt their control of appointments was less secure. When
+matters of legislation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> were taken up, this dissatisfaction among
+members of Congress was a serious obstacle to the attainment of
+constructive laws.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>After the Spanish War the secondary materials for the history of the
+United States become fragmentary and unsatisfactory. Peck, Andrews, and
+J.H. Latan&eacute;, <i>America as a World Power, 1897-1907</i> (in <i>The American
+Nation</i>, vol. 25, 1907), are the best general guides. The facts of
+campaigns are contained in E. Stanwood's second volume,&mdash;<i>History of the
+Presidency from 1897 to 1909</i> (1912, with an appendix containing the
+platforms of 1912), but the Annual Cyclop&aelig;dia stopped publication after
+1902, and left no good successor. The various year-books should be
+consulted, and the files of the magazines, which steadily improve in
+historical value: <i>Nation</i>, <i>Harper's Weekly</i>, <i>Collier's Weekly</i>,
+<i>Independent</i>, <i>Outlook</i>, <i>Literary Digest</i>, and the <i>Review of
+Reviews</i>. Articles in these and other periodicals, dealing with episodes
+occurring after 1898, may be reached through Poole's Indexes. <i>The
+American Journal of International Law</i> and the <i>American Political
+Science Review</i> are typical of the new technical periodicals. Extensive
+contributions to the history of international arbitration have been made
+by F.W. Holls, J.B. Scott, and W.I. Hull. There is, of course, no
+critical biography of Theodore Roosevelt, although there are numerous
+panegyrics by F.E. Leupp, J.A. Riis, J. Morgan, and others, and some
+autobiographical papers which appeared first in the <i>Outlook</i> (1913),
+and later as <i>Fifty Years of My Life</i> (1913). The later Messages of
+McKinley and those of his successors are scattered among the government
+documents, which are to be found in many libraries. <i>The Second Battle</i>
+(1900), by W.J. Bryan, is autobiographic, as is A.E. Stevenson,
+<i>Something of Men I Have Known</i> (1909).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVIII" id="CHAPTER_XVIII"></a>CHAPTER XVIII</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>BIG BUSINESS<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The panic of 1893 ended the first period of the trust problem. The
+preceding years had been years of formation and experiment. They had
+been accompanied by an increasing popular distaste for combinations of
+capital and a growing activity in the organization of labor. The Sherman
+Law of 1890 had temporarily quieted the anti-trust movement, while
+economic depression had checked the extravagance of speculation that had
+been prevalent everywhere. During the years of depression attention was
+shifted to tariff and currency, but a new era began with the recurrence
+of prosperity about 1897.</p>
+
+<p>The industrial revival was marked by an extension of the scope of
+industry, as every similar period had been. After the panic of 1837 the
+railroad had appeared among the important new activities of American
+society. Improvements in manufacturing technique followed the panic of
+1857. After 1873 the varied applications of electricity to industry and
+communication gave a new direction to investment. After 1893, with every
+preceding activity stimulated and extended, there came the first
+successful construction of a trackless engine&mdash;the motor-car&mdash;and the
+rebuilding of the physical plants of cities, railways, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> suburban
+residences. The recovery of confidence came after 1896, and before the
+end of the century speculation was at full blast.</p>
+
+<p>The drift toward monopoly was marked. The trusts had already shown their
+profitable character. Concentration had been made possible by the
+development of communication in the eighties, and grew now on a larger
+scale than the eighties had imagined. Within the field of transportation
+the promoters reorganized the railroads after the panic, reduced their
+number, and gathered their control into the hands of a few men.</p>
+
+<p>The railway system by 1900, with 198,000 miles of track, was directed by
+a few powerful groups of roads. In the East the New York Central and
+Pennsylvania systems were dominant. In the West the continental railways
+formed the basis of new organizations. The keenest interest gathered
+round the reconstruction of the Union Pacific by Edward H. Harriman, who
+reorganized its finances after 1897. The Union Pacific had been forced
+into combination by its location and its neighbors. Running from Omaha
+to Ogden it was dependent for through traffic upon the Central Pacific
+that ran from Ogden to San Francisco. When the latter came under the
+control of the California capitalists who owned the Southern Pacific
+lines, the Union Pacific was driven to build or buy outlets of its own,
+and extended into Oregon and Texas as the result. Jay Gould had begun
+the consolidation in the eighties and Harriman continued it after the
+panic of 1893. He rebuilt the main line and improved the value and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span>
+credit of his property. In 1901 his road borrowed money with which to
+buy a controlling interest in the Central Pacific and Southern
+Pacific&mdash;the Huntington lines,&mdash;and thereafter the Harriman system, with
+two complete railroads from the Mississippi to the Pacific, was beyond
+the reach of hostile competition.</p>
+
+<p>The Interstate Commerce Law of 1887 stimulated combination among the
+railroads, since it made pools and rate agreements illegal. The
+alternative to such agreements was destructive competition, since no two
+lines were of exactly equal strength. To avoid this, the stronger lines
+bought or leased the weaker, with which they might not co&ouml;perate, but
+which they might buy outright. Harriman, successful with his
+Southwestern system, tried in 1901 to buy the Northern Pacific, too, and
+came into direct conflict with another group of railway owners.</p>
+
+<p>The Northern Pacific had been supplemented after 1893 by the Great
+Northern, which James J. Hill had built without a subsidy. These two
+roads, and the Chicago, Burlington &amp; Quincy, covered the Northwest as
+Harriman's lines covered the Southwest. They were so placed that with
+common management they could be more effective than with rivalry. The
+owners of the Great Northern and the Burlington, James J. Hill and J.
+Pierpont Morgan, were on the verge of a general consolidation when
+Harriman tried to buy a control of the Northern Pacific. They struggled
+to retain it and succeeded, but their competition raised its stock to
+one thousand per share, causing a stock exchange panic on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> May 9, 1901.
+Only the speculators suffered by the panic, but public attention was
+drawn by it to the gigantic size of the combinations which held
+arbitrary control over nearly half the United States.</p>
+
+<p>Minor consolidations followed these in 1902 and 1903, but none aroused
+so much fear as the Northern Securities Company of New Jersey, the
+holding company in whose hands Hill and Morgan determined to put the
+control of their lines. The fate of any single company could be
+determined by the ownership of not over fifty-one per cent of its stock.
+If this was owned by another corporation, a similar proportion of the
+stock of the latter would control the whole. The holding company was a
+machine whereby capital could control property several times its bulk.
+The Governors of the Northwest States, alarmed at the monopolization of
+their railways, protested and started suits. It was claimed that this
+sort of merging of railroads was, after all, a conspiracy in restraint
+of trade. In March, 1902, President Roosevelt instructed his
+Attorney-General, Philander C. Knox, to test the Sherman Act of 1890,
+and bring suit under it for the dissolution of the Northern Securities
+Company. For several years after 1897 foreign affairs and big business
+had been dominant in the American mind, which had admired their bigness
+and activity, but now the social consequences of big business aroused
+the fears of the nation. In 1903 Congress passed the Elkins Law,
+forbidding railroads to give rebates to favored customers, and an
+Expedition Law, to make the wheels of justice move more rapidly when
+prosecutions under the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> Sherman and Interstate Commerce Laws were under
+way.</p>
+
+<p>Industrial consolidation, like that of the railways, began again in
+1897, and many of the new corporations assumed a type that marked an
+evolution for the trust. In the earlier period the aim of the trust had
+been to eliminate competition by gathering under a single control the
+whole of a given business. Oil, sugar, steel, whiskey, and tobacco were
+notable instances in which extreme consolidation had been reached.
+Competition changed its character as consolidation increased. It ceased
+to mean a struggle between rivals in the same trade, and came to mean a
+struggle between successive processes of manufacture. The mine-owner
+struggled for his profits with the smelter who used his ore. The smelter
+struggled with the steel manufacturer in the same way. Control of single
+industries left untouched this newer competition, but an integration of
+great groups of related processes promised to avoid it.</p>
+
+<p>In 1901 the greatest of the integrated trusts, the United States Steel
+Corporation, was created. The iron and steel industry had been expanding
+since the Bessemer and other commercial processes for the manufacture of
+steel had made it available for railway, bridge, and architectural
+construction. Andrew Carnegie, with his Pittsburg mills, was the most
+successful producer. His partnership controlled by 1901 about
+twenty-five per cent of the output of finished steel. He already
+included many related and successive processes, but now he allowed his
+works to be merged with those of his rivals into a large com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span>pany. The
+resulting United States Steel Corporation owned and operated the ore
+deposits and the mines, the necessary coal fields, the local railways
+and freight steamers, the smelters and the blast furnaces, the rolling
+mills and the factories in which iron and steel were manufactured into a
+multitude of shapes for sale. With a New Jersey charter it was
+capitalized at $1,100,000,000, and drew attention to the industrial
+phase of the trust problem much as Harriman, Hill, and Morgan had drawn
+it to the railroads.</p>
+
+<p>Promotion of new trusts, with billions of aggregated capital, was the
+order of the day from 1897 to 1902. The fear of monopoly was speedily
+aroused, and in 1898 Congress created an Industrial Commission, whose
+nineteen volumes of reports contain the facts upon which the history of
+the trusts must be based. In the fall of 1899 there met in Chicago a
+great conference on the trusts, where business men, economists, and
+politicians discussed the economic and social possibilities of the
+movement. A willingness to hear and perhaps to rely on the judgment of
+experts was shown in the discussions over the trusts. It marked a change
+in the American attitude toward government. By 1902 the demand for a
+solution of the trust problem was heard repeatedly, but there was little
+agreement as to whether the trusts were good or bad, or whether they
+should be abolished, regulated, or owned outright by the Government. It
+was not even certain what powers the United States possessed to regulate
+general industry, but a group of Supreme Court cases suggested that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span>
+power could be found. In the Trans-Missouri Freight Case (1897), the
+Supreme Court declared that the Sherman Law applied to railway
+conspiracies, and in the Addystone Pipe Case (1898), a decision against
+an industrial combination, written by Circuit Judge William H. Taft, was
+upheld by the court of last appeal. The Northern Securities Case,
+started in 1902, was pushed to a successful end in 1904, when it became
+apparent that legal control could be exercised if Congress so desired.</p>
+
+<p>Labor followed the course of industry and transportation, becoming
+stronger and better united, and showing a keen jealousy of centralized
+control. The years of trust promotion were years of notable strikes and
+of episodes which drew attention to the social results of industrial
+concentration. Sometimes the trust had labor at a disadvantage, as was
+shown in the strike against the Steel Corporation by the Amalgamated
+Association in 1901. In 1892 this union had conducted a great strike
+against the Carnegie Works and had lost public sympathy and the strike.
+Its men had committed open violence, and an anarchistic sympathizer had
+tried to murder Carnegie's representative at Homestead, Henry C. Frick.
+In 1901 the strike affected the unionized mills of the Steel
+Corporation, but that trust had only to close down the mills involved
+and transfer pending contracts to other mills, remote and non-unionized.
+The strike collapsed because of the superior organization of the trust.</p>
+
+<p>More important than the steel strike in its effect upon the public was
+the strike of the miners in the anthracite coal fields of Pennsylvania.
+In 1900 these<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> workers were organized by the United Mine Workers of
+America, under the leadership of John Mitchell. They gained concessions
+in a strike in this year, partly because the strike threatened to
+disturb political conditions and embarrass the Republican national
+ticket. The mine-owners, most of whom were Republicans, were persuaded
+by Hanna and others to end the quarrel.</p>
+
+<p>In the spring of 1902 the strike broke out again, turning largely upon
+the question of the formal recognition of the union. All through the
+summer John Mitchell held his followers together, gaining an unusual
+degree of public sympathy for his cause. In the autumn, with both sides
+obstinate, a third party, the public, took an interest in the strike.
+The prospect of a coalless winter alarmed political leaders and citizens
+in general. It was felt that public interest was superior to the claims
+of either contestant, but there was neither law nor recognized machinery
+through which the public could protect itself. At this stage, in
+October, 1902, President Roosevelt secretly reached the intention "to
+send in the United States Army to take possession of the coal fields" if
+necessary. He called the operators and Mitchell to a conference at the
+White House, spoke to them as a citizen upon their duty to serve the
+public, and with rising public opinion behind him and supporting him,
+forced the owners to consent to an arbitration of the points at issue.
+The men returned to work, pleased with the President, to whose
+interference they and the public owed industrial peace.</p>
+
+<p>In 1903 <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span>another miners' union, the Western Federation of Miners,
+conducted a great strike in the mines of Cripple Creek. Public opinion
+in Colorado knew no middle class. The miners and the operators
+represented the two chief interests of the section. Hard feeling and
+violence accompanied the strike. The malicious murder of non-union men
+added to the bitterness, which the presence of the militia and a series
+of arbitrary arrests could not allay. The strike was complicated by the
+presence among the workers of a strong element of Socialists, whose ends
+were political as well as economic. The leaders of the Federation, Moyer
+and Haywood, were Socialists, and for them the strike was only a
+beginning of political revolution. The strike lasted until the outraged
+citizens of Cripple Creek formed a vigilance committee and deported the
+chief agitators to Kansas.</p>
+
+<p>Socialism played an increasing part in labor discussions after 1897. A
+Socialist Labor party had presented a ticket and received a few votes in
+1892 and 1896, but socialism had not taken a strong hold on the American
+imagination. The swelling immigration that followed the new prosperity
+brought new life to socialism. In 1900 a Social Democratic party polled
+94,000 votes for Eugene V. Debs for President. In 1904, with the same
+candidate, it received 402,000 votes. Society was reorganizing amid the
+industrial changes, while the discontented classes were growing more
+coherent and constructive.</p>
+
+<p>President Roosevelt met the changes in transportation, industry, and
+labor with vigor. He invoked the Sherman Law against the Northern
+Securities Com<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span>pany. He brought suits against certain of the trusts
+which he stigmatized as the "bad trusts." Not all concentration, he
+urged, was undesirable. Capital, like labor, had its rights, but it must
+obey the law. Partly through his efforts Congress created in 1903 a new
+administrative department of Commerce and Labor. George B. Cortelyou
+became the first Secretary of this department. Through its Bureaus of
+Corporations and of Labor there was new activity in the investigation of
+the facts of the industrial movement.</p>
+
+<p>The vigor with which the President directed foreign relations,
+interfered in big business, and espoused the cause of labor produced a
+breach between him and many of the regular leaders of the party. Through
+two campaigns Marcus A. Hanna had worked on the theory that the
+Republican party was the party of business, and had attracted to its
+support all who believed this or had something to make out of it. Many
+of these Republicans could not understand what Roosevelt was trying to
+do, and maintained an opposition, silent or open, to his policies.</p>
+
+<p>The popularity of Hanna was used by many Republicans to offset the
+popularity of Roosevelt. Before 1896 Hanna had taken little part in
+public politics. Entering the Senate in 1897, he developed great
+influence. By 1900 he began to speak in public with directness and
+effect, and to undo the work of the cartoonists who had misrepresented
+his character. He interfered to bring peace in the anthracite regions in
+1900, became interested in the labor problem on its own account, and
+discovered that he was popular.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> He was essentially a direct and honest
+man, who had had no reason to doubt that it was the chief end of
+government to conserve business. As he came into touch with public
+affairs he broadened, saw new responsibilities for capital, and had a
+new understanding of the wants of labor. The only personality that even
+threatened to rival that of Roosevelt in 1904 was that of "Uncle Mark"
+Hanna.</p>
+
+<p>Roosevelt had been made Vice-President to get rid of him in New York.
+The single life that stood between him and the White House was removed
+by an assassin, and as a President by accident he desired to establish
+himself and secure a nomination on his own account in 1904. By the
+summer of 1902 he appreciated the growing interest in the problems of
+capital and labor. A speaking tour in 1902 gave him a chance to demand a
+"square deal" for all, and the control of the trusts. From some sections
+of the West came the suggestion that the way to approach the trusts was
+through the tariff.</p>
+
+<p>The Dingley Tariff was unpopular with the Republican farmers of the
+Northwest, and for some years they tolerated it in silence as a test of
+party loyalty. In 1902 a liberal faction, controlled by Governor Albert
+B. Cummins, captured the Iowa convention and demanded a revision of the
+more extreme schedules. The belief that the tariff was the "mother of
+trusts" was spreading, and the Iowa idea gained wide acceptance. In
+Congress, in the session of 1902, the Republican organization had shown
+the stubbornness with which any opening in the tariff wall would be
+opposed.</p>
+
+<p>Cuba was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span>set free in the spring of 1902, her government having been
+formed under the guidance of the United States. The duty to aid the
+young Republic, and in particular to mitigate the severities of the
+Dingley Tariff impressed the President, who used all his influence to
+get such legislation from Congress. He failed signally, raising only a
+new issue by his attempt to coerce Congress. His speeches in the summer
+showed a willingness to revise the tariff, while his interference in the
+coal strike in the autumn showed his willingness to oppose the ends of
+capital. How far he would go in breaking with the leaders of his party
+was unknown, but their disposition to "stand pat" and do nothing with
+the tariff was marked before the end of 1902.</p>
+
+<p>In 1902 it became a habit of Republican state conventions to demand the
+renomination of Roosevelt in 1904. Whatever his effect upon the party
+leaders, the rank and file liked him and believed in him, while his
+personal popularity among Democrats led many to think his strength
+greater than it was. His candidacy was formal and authorized, but his
+opponents hoped that Hanna might be induced to try to defeat him. In
+1903 the Ohio convention, with the consent of Hanna, approved the
+candidacy of Roosevelt, and early in 1904 the death of Hanna removed the
+last hope of Roosevelt's Republican opponents. The delegates went to a
+national convention in Chicago, for which the procedure had all been
+arranged at the White House, where it had been determined that Elihu
+Root should be temporary chairman, and that Joseph G. Cannon, the
+Speaker, should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> be permanent chairman. Through these the convention
+registered the renomination of Roosevelt and selected Charles W.
+Fairbanks, of Indiana, as Vice-President.</p>
+
+<p>In the Democratic party the forces that had dominated in 1896 and 1900
+had lost control. William Jennings Bryan, after two defeats, was not a
+candidate in 1904. He had become a lay preacher on political subjects,
+lecturing and speaking constantly in all parts of the United States, and
+reinforcing his political views in the columns of his weekly <i>Commoner</i>,
+which he founded after his defeat in 1900. Roosevelt had adopted many of
+his fundamental themes, but Bryan retained an increasing popularity as
+did the President, and, like the latter, had relations of doubtful
+cordiality with the leaders of his own party. The Cleveland wing of the
+Democrats still believed Bryan to be dangerous and unsound upon
+financial matters, and some of them made overtures to Cleveland to be a
+candidate for a third term himself. His emphatic refusal to re&euml;nter
+politics compelled the conservatives to find a new candidate. Judge
+Alton B. Parker, of New York, was their choice. The owner of the most
+notorious of the sensational newspapers, William Randolph Hearst,
+offered himself. Several other candidates were presented to the
+Democratic Convention at Chicago, but Parker received the nomination,
+over the bitter opposition of Bryan. When a doubt arose as to his status
+on the silver issue, Judge Parker telegraphed to the convention that he
+regarded "the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established."
+Bryan supported the ticket, Parker<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> and Henry G. Davis of West Virginia,
+but without enthusiasm.</p>
+
+<p>There was no issue that clearly divided the parties in the campaign of
+1904. Roosevelt asked for an indorsement of his Administration and for
+approval of his general theory of a "square deal," but it was obvious
+that his party associates were less enthusiastic for reform than he, and
+that only his great personal popularity prevented some of them from
+withdrawing their support. The Bryan Democrats were drawn more toward
+Roosevelt than toward their own party candidate. It was clear that
+Parker represented, on the whole, the weight of conservatism, while
+Roosevelt embodied the spirit of progress, and that neither was typical
+of his party. Parker was driven by the progressive Democrats to insist
+upon a regulation of the trusts; Roosevelt acquiesced in the desire of
+the "stand-pat" Republicans and refrained from advocating a lowering of
+the tariff.</p>
+
+<p>The result of the election was proof of the public confidence in
+Roosevelt. He carried every State outside the South, and Missouri and
+Maryland besides. His popular vote was over 7,500,000, while his
+plurality over Parker was more than 2,500,000. In the last week of the
+canvass Parker charged that the trusts were supporting Roosevelt, and
+that the reform demands were only a pose. He pointed out that the
+Chairman of the Republican National Committee, who had succeeded Hanna,
+George B. Cortelyou, had been Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and thus
+in a position to examine the books of corporations. He hinted at a
+political blackmail of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> trusts, and many of the papers that
+supported him were outspoken in their charges. An indignant denial of
+blackmail appeared over the President's signature the Saturday before
+election. Later investigation proved that many of the great corporations
+had, as usual, contributed to the campaign fund, and that Roosevelt had
+urged the railroad magnate, Harriman, to contribute toward the campaign
+in New York.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the results of the election were known, Roosevelt answered a
+question that was on the lips of many. His three and a half years
+constituted his first term. He was now elected for a second term, and he
+characterized as a "wise custom" the limiting of a President to two
+terms. "Under no circumstances will I be a candidate for or accept
+another nomination," he declared.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The history of the recent trust movement may be followed in the writings
+upon the United States Steel Corporation by E.S. Meade and H.L. Wilgus.
+There is a detailed and gossipy <i>Inside History of the Carnegie Steel
+Company</i> (1903), by J.H. Bridge. W.F. Willoughby has made searching
+analyses of Concentration and Integration, which may be found in the
+<i>Yale Review</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">VII</span>, and the <i>Quarterly Journal of
+Economics</i>, vol. <span class="smcap">XVI.</span> The prosecution of the Northern
+Securities Company brought out many typical facts of railroad
+consolidation, and is best described in B.H. Meyer, <i>A History of the
+Northern Securities Case</i> (in University of Wisconsin Bulletin, no.
+142). More general material upon these topics may be found in E.R.
+Johnson, <i>American Railway Transportation</i> (1903, etc.); F.A. Cleveland
+and F.W. Powell, <i>Railway Promotion and Capitalization in the United
+States</i> (1909, with an admirable bibliography); Poore's <i>Railroad
+Manual</i>; and the files of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> <i>Commercial and Financial Chronicle</i>. The
+voluminous Report of the Industrial Commission (19 vols., Washington,
+1900-02) is a storehouse of facts upon industry; labor conditions are
+illustrated in the Annual Reports of the United States Commissioner of
+Labor, who has also special reports upon individual strikes, including
+that at Cripple Creek in 1903. The history of the campaign fund in 1904
+was partially revealed in an investigation in 1912. H. Croly, <i>Marcus A.
+Hanna</i>, is invaluable for these years.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIX" id="CHAPTER_XIX"></a>CHAPTER XIX</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>THE "MUCK-RAKERS"<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>Before Roosevelt was inaugurated for his second term, the national
+"revival," in which he and Bryan and other preachers of civic virtue had
+played the speaking parts, was sweeping over the country. The menace of
+the trusts was seen and exaggerated as railways, corporations, and labor
+availed themselves of the means of co&ouml;peration. The connection between
+the great financial interests and politics was believed to be dangerous
+to public welfare. All the mechanical reforms for the recovery of
+government by the people, that had been originated between 1889 and
+1897, were revived once more, and there was added to confidence in them
+a widespread belief in the existence of a malevolent, plundering class.</p>
+
+<p>It was not enough that the trust movement should be explained as an
+unavoidable development from modern communication. It was believed to
+constitute more than an economic evolution. The public was prone to
+place an ethical responsibility upon an individual or groups of
+individuals, and there came a series of revelations or exposures that
+appeared, in part, to fix the blame. All the old uprisings against
+boss-rule were revivified, and capitalistic control was placed upon the
+Index.</p>
+
+<p>Miss Ida M. Tarbell, an historical student who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> had gained an audience
+through popular and discriminating lives of Napoleon and Lincoln,
+published a history of the Standard Oil Company in <i>McClure's Magazine</i>
+during 1903. She showed conclusively the connection between
+transportation and monopoly in the oil industry, revealing the mastery
+of the tools of transportation, by rebates, by control of tank cars, or
+by pipe lines, that had enabled John D. Rockefeller to establish his
+great trust. She showed also the unlovely methods of competition, long
+common to all business, but magnified by their use in the hands of a
+monopoly to establish itself. "What we are witnessing," wrote Washington
+Gladden a little later, "is a new apocalypse, an uncovering of the
+iniquity of the land.... We have found that no society can march
+hellward faster than a democracy under the banner of unbridled
+individualism."</p>
+
+<p>Three years before Miss Tarbell displayed the tendency of the trusts,
+President Hadley, of Yale, had suggested that social ostracism, or
+social stigma, might be made an efficient tool for reform. Other writers
+used the tool. Lincoln Steffens, in a series of articles on "The Shame
+of the Cities," exposed the connection between graft and politics.
+Thomas Lawson, with spectacular exaggeration, laid the troubles of
+society at the feet of "Frenzied Finance." <i>Collier's Weekly</i> undertook
+to reveal the worthlessness and fraud in the trade in patent medicines.
+Many of the exposers encroached upon the fields of fiction in their
+work, while books of avowed fiction exploited the conditions they
+portrayed. <i>Coniston</i>, by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> Winston Churchill, was based upon the control
+of a State by a railroad boss. Upton Sinclair wrote <i>The Jungle</i> to
+expose the meat-packers.</p>
+
+<p>A new journalism aided and was aided by the zeal to expose and the greed
+of the public for literature of exposure. In the later nineties city
+journalism was reorganized under the influence of the "yellow" papers,
+and sensational news was made a profitable commodity as never before.
+The range of the daily paper was, however, limited by a few hundred
+miles, and its influence could not become national. A new periodical
+literature, resembling the old literary monthlies, but using many timely
+and journalistic articles, sprang into life and gained national
+circulation and influence. S.S. McClure was one of its pioneers.
+<i>Everybody's</i>, the <i>Cosmopolitan</i>, <i>Munsey's</i>, the <i>American</i>, and
+weeklies like <i>Collier's</i>, the <i>Outlook</i>, and the <i>Independent</i> were
+among the journals that helped to spread the conclusions and advocate
+reforms. Besides these a horde of imitators fattened for a time upon
+exposure.</p>
+
+<p>Journalism had a large part in directing the American revival, and
+private investigators furnished many of the facts. Public suits marked
+an attempt to act upon the facts and remedy them. In Missouri Joseph W.
+Folk conducted a series of prosecutions against grafters in St. Louis
+that elevated him in a few months to the head of his party and the
+governorship of his State. The Bureau of Corporations, attached to the
+new Department of Commerce and Labor in 1903, made a series of reports
+the most notable of which showed that the charges against the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> Standard
+Oil Company for extorting rebates, and against the meat-packers for
+unsanitary conditions, were founded upon fact.</p>
+
+<p>The most notable public exposure of indiscretion and wrongdoing in high
+finance occurred in New York. Here, during 1905, a quarrel over the
+management of the Equitable Life Insurance Company led to a legislative
+investigation by a so-called Armstrong Committee. One of the attorneys
+employed by the committee, Charles E. Hughes, soon became the spirit of
+the examination. One by one he called insurance officers to the witness
+stand, and drew from their reluctant lips the story of their relation to
+banking, to speculative finance, and to politics. He revealed the
+existence of a group among the bankers not unlike a money trust. He
+proved that for at least three national campaigns the insurance
+companies, like other corporations, had given heavy subsidies to the
+campaign funds, sometimes of both but always of the Republican party.</p>
+
+<p>Whenever an investigator rose above the level and established his
+reputation for honesty and competence, the aroused public seized upon
+him for use in politics. In September, 1906, the Democrats of New York
+nominated the most successful of the sensational journalists, Hearst,
+for governor. On the same day the Republican Convention, in which no
+delegate had been instructed for him, nominated Hughes as governor of
+New York, because public opinion in the party would take no other
+candidate. Hughes was elected in 1906 and again in 1908, in spite of the
+hostility of Republican party leaders. His adminis<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span>trations were
+prophetic of the new spirit that was entering politics.</p>
+
+<p>Many of the problems raised by the investigations were old and presented
+only a need for an honest enforcement of the law against law-breakers.
+Others were simple and prescribed their own methods of treatment. The
+evil of corporation contributions to campaign funds was met in 1907 by a
+law forbidding national banks to contribute to any election, or any
+corporations to contribute to a presidential or congressional election.
+In 1906 the gift of free railroad passes upon interstate railroads was
+prohibited by law. The presidential candidates in 1908 pledged
+themselves to publicity in the matter of contributions, while the
+complaints of poverty-stricken campaign managers in 1908 and 1912
+indicated that the laws were generally obeyed. Still other problems
+raised large questions of scientific investigation and legislation.</p>
+
+<p>The reaction from the carelessness revealed by the investigation of the
+meat-packers stimulated a pure-food movement that had had its advocates
+for many years. With the concentration of food manufacture and the
+increase in the consumption of "package products," the consumer had
+given up the preparation of his own food and thrown himself upon the
+dealer. The numerous domestic industries typical of the American family
+in 1880 had been sorted out. The sewing had gone to the sweat shop and
+the factory, the baking had gone to the public baker, the laundry was
+going, the killing and preservation of meat and the preparation of
+canned vegetables and fruits were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> nearly gone. Population followed the
+industries to work in the factories. Country life lost much of its
+variety and interest, while the congested masses in the cities were made
+dependent for their health and strength upon private initiative.
+Rigorous bills for the inspection of meats at the slaughter houses, and
+for the proper labeling of manufactured foods and medicines, were
+carried through Congress in 1906 on the strength of the popular
+revulsion against the manufacturers. Hereafter the Department of
+Agriculture stood between the people and their food. James Wilson, of
+Iowa, had been Secretary since 1897 and remained in the office until
+1913. He and his subordinates, notably Dr. Harvey Wiley, in charge of
+the pure-food work, administered the law amid the proddings of consumers
+and the protests of manufacturers. With much complaint, but with little
+difficulty because of the consolidation of control, business adjusted
+itself to the new requirements and labels in the next few years.</p>
+
+<p>The anti-railroad movement reminded the public that the Interstate
+Commerce Law of 1887 was an imperfect statute. It had always done less
+than its framers had intended. Judicial interpretation had limited its
+scope. The commission did not have power to fix a rate or to compel in
+the railroads the uniformity of bookkeeping without which no scientific
+rates could be established. After Roosevelt had directed his speeches of
+1903 and 1904 to the subject, Congress responded to the public interest
+thus aroused with a flood of projected railroad bills. One of these
+passed the House of Representatives in 1905,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> but was held up in the
+Senate while a new investigation of interstate commerce, the most
+exhaustive since the Cullom investigation of 1885, was undertaken. In
+1906 the Hepburn Railway Bill was passed. In its chief provisions it
+gave the Interstate Commerce Commission power to fix rates and to
+prescribe uniform bookkeeping, and it forbade railways to issue free
+passes or to own the freight they carried. The long railroad debate was
+made notable by the speeches of a new Senator, Robert M. LaFollette, of
+Wisconsin, who had fought his way to the governorship on this issue and
+gone through a prolonged fight with the railroads of his own State. He
+insisted that public rate-making could not succeed without a preliminary
+physical valuation of the roads that would show the extent of their real
+capitalization. He talked, often, to empty chairs in the Senate, but he
+prophesied that the people had a new interest in their affairs, and that
+many of the seats, vacant because of the indifference of their owners,
+would soon be filled with Senators of a new type. In vacations he spoke
+to public audiences on the same subject, reading his "roll-call," and
+telling the people how their representatives voted for or against
+commercial privilege. With its enlarged powers the Interstate Commerce
+Commission made rapid headway against rebates and discrimination.</p>
+
+<p>The popular revival was well advanced by 1905, but was becoming more
+sensational every month. Led on by an expectant public, the magazines
+manufactured exposures to supply the market, and hysteria often took the
+place of investigation. The real needs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> of reform were in danger of
+being lost in a flood of denunciation. In the spring of 1906 President
+Roosevelt spoke out to check the indiscriminate abuse. He drew his topic
+from Bunyan's "Man with the Muck-Rake," pointed out that blame and
+exposure had run its course, and demanded that enforcement of the law be
+taken up, and that efforts be turned from destruction to construction.
+He had done much himself to "arouse the slumbering conscience of the
+nation," and turned now to direct it toward a permanent advantage.</p>
+
+<p>The trend of criticism injured the party under whose administration
+corporate abuse had grown up. The personal popularity of Roosevelt, and
+his associates, Root, Taft, Knox, and Hughes, saved the party from
+defeat. In 1906 the congressional campaign was fought on the basis of
+holding on to prosperity, enforcing the law against all violators, and
+strengthening the hands of government. Roosevelt wrote the substance of
+the platform, and his party gained control of its sixth consecutive
+Congress since 1896. The canvass over, Roosevelt departed from an old
+precedent, left the territory of the United States, and visited the
+Isthmus of Panama to inspect the work on the canal.</p>
+
+<p>Six months after the signing of the Panama Treaty in 1903 the United
+States took possession of the Canal Zone and began to dig. It had to
+learn lessons of both management and tropical engineering. One by one
+its chief engineers deserted the enterprise. The choice between a
+sea-level and a lock canal divided the experts. The legislation by
+Congress was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> inadequate. In the spring of 1906 Roosevelt, with the
+approval of Taft, who had been recalled from the Philippines to be
+Secretary of War, determined to build a lock canal. The President
+tramped over the workings in November, 1906, and sent an illustrated
+message about them to Congress on his return. In 1907 Major George W.
+Goethals was detailed from the army to be benevolent despot and engineer
+of the Canal Zone. Inspired and encouraged by repeated visits from Taft,
+the work now made rapid progress toward completion. Sir Frederick
+Treves, the great English surgeon, visited the canal in 1908, and found
+there not only gigantic engineering works, but a triumph for the
+preventive medicine of Colonel William C. Gorgas, chief of the sanitary
+officers.</p>
+
+<p>The attention of the world, directed toward the United States since
+1898, was held by the canal and by a continuation of a vigorous and open
+diplomacy. In February, 1904, Russia and Japan, unable to agree upon the
+conduct of the former in Manchuria, had gone to war. Hostilities had
+continued until Russian prestige was shattered and Japanese finance was
+wavering. In June, 1905, the United States directed identical notes to
+the belligerents, offering a friendly mediation. The invitation was
+accepted, and during the summer of 1905 the envoys of Russia and Japan
+met in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to conclude a treaty of peace. In 1906
+the Nobel Committee awarded to Roosevelt the annual prize for services
+to peace.</p>
+
+<p>Relations with all the world were friendly between 1905 and 1909. Great
+Britain contributed to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> cordiality by sending to the United States
+as her ambassador the best-fitted of her subjects, James Bryce. Under
+his tactful management the next five years were a period of
+unprecedented friendship. The South American republics, always sensitive
+about the headship of the United States, were brought to kindlier
+feelings. There had been two congresses of all the Americas, one in
+1889, at the instigation of Blaine, the next in Mexico in 1901. In 1906
+the American republics convened at Rio de Janeiro in July. Secretary of
+State Elihu Root made a plea for friendship before this congress. From
+Rio he went to other capitals of South America, achieving notable
+triumphs in his public speeches.</p>
+
+<p>The Pan-American Conference at Rio was an American preliminary to a
+larger meeting in which the United States played an important part in
+1907. During 1904 Roosevelt had agreed to start a movement for a second
+conference at The Hague. He took up the negotiation during the
+Russo-Japanese War, deferred it at the instance of the Czar, and then
+stood aside to let the latter issue the formal invitation. The American
+delegation at the Second Hague Conference was led by Joseph H. Choate,
+leader of the American Bar and former ambassador to Great Britain. It
+forced the discussion throughout the session, tried in vain to produce
+an agreement to abolish the right of capture of enemy property on the
+high seas in time of war, and helped to strengthen the permanent court
+of arbitration. In January, 1906, the United States had sat in
+conference at Algeciras, over the affairs of Morocco. It had medi<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span>ated
+in the Oriental war. It had strengthened its position at home. It was no
+longer true that the United States was entirely disinterested in the
+affairs of Europe, for it had become a world power.</p>
+
+<p>A visible emblem of power was afforded to the world in 1907. Since the
+Treaty of Portsmouth there had been friction with Japan over the
+treatment of Japanese subjects on the Pacific Coast, and alarmists had
+drawn pictures of a possible war. Late in 1907 the President announced a
+practice voyage for the whole effective navy that would carry it around
+South America and into the Pacific. In December he reviewed the fleet,
+and saw it off from Hampton Roads. From the Pacific it was ordered round
+the world, visited Japan and China, and was received with keen interest
+everywhere. It came home early in 1909, having made a record for holding
+together without breakdown or accident.</p>
+
+<p>While the fleet was going round the world and business was adjusting
+itself to the new constructive laws, an old problem was formally ended.
+The tribal sovereignty, which had made the Indians a problem, was
+terminated. The Dawes Act of 1887 had substituted severalty for tribal
+landholdings among the Indians. Out of the first cessions which followed
+the act Oklahoma Territory had been made in 1890. This had developed
+more rapidly than any previous Territory because of the railroads that
+crossed it in every direction. By 1900 it demanded statehood. In 1906 it
+was enabled, and during 1907 it was admitted, with the longest and most
+radical of state constitutions. Fear of the activities of corporate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span>
+wealth and distrust of the agents of government were written into nearly
+every article.</p>
+
+<p>In the spring of 1908 nearly all of the forty-six governors met with
+President Roosevelt in the White House and registered another problem
+upon which agitation and revelation had led to public reflection. The
+coal strikes of 1900 and 1902 had drawn attention to the possible
+relation of government to the coal supply of the people. The beginnings
+of reclamation in 1902 had revealed the fact that public reclamation was
+impeded by large private and corporate water rights. The natural
+resources of the country were seen to be following the course of all
+business and settling into the control of great corporations. The waste
+of coal and timber and water and land itself was unreasonable. The
+denudation of the hills led to terrible floods along the rivers. The
+future was being darkened by the organized selfishness of the present. A
+movement for conservation grew out of the conference of governors, but
+Congress for the present would not encourage it.</p>
+
+<p>In popular education, in initiation of new administrative policies, and
+in the passage of constructive laws efforts were being made to adjust
+government to the needs of modern industry and to safeguard society. The
+business interests affected by the changes obstructed the process when
+they could, and were intensified in their opposition by the series of
+prosecutions brought by Attorney-General Knox, and his successor Charles
+J. Bonaparte, under the Sherman Law. At no time in the earlier history
+of this law had there been a strong disposition to test its merit,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> and
+no one of the notorious trusts had been attacked before the Northern
+Securities case. In later years it was turned against the Standard Oil
+Company, the beef-packers, the Tobacco Trust, the Sugar Trust, and the
+United States Steel Corporation, while railways and smaller
+corporations, in great number, were prosecuted. The enforcement of the
+law aroused blind opposition among many of the victims, and stimulated
+queries as to whether or not any attempt to limit the size of business
+was sound public policy. The debate upon regulation, as against
+prohibition of trusts and monopolies, ran on with no sign of victory for
+either side of the argument. Personal hostility against the
+Administration for applying the law gave color to the last two years of
+Roosevelt's Administration.</p>
+
+<p>By 1907 there had been ten years of the prosperity that had begun with
+the election of McKinley. Finance had developed with industry and trade.
+The needs of corporations dealing in millions and hundreds of millions
+of capital had induced the consolidation of banks and the concentration
+of financial power in the hands of a small group of men. The holding
+companies were great aids in the furtherance of this concentration. J.
+Pierpont Morgan and John D. Rockefeller were best known as
+representative of the inner circle. Their speculations and investments
+were embarrassed by the weakening of public confidence. It was certain
+there would come a time when the whole surplus capital of the United
+States would be invested in permanent improvements. Such periods had
+followed eras of boom in 1837, 1857, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> 1873. It was too probable that
+some accident occurring in the period of liquidation would create a
+panic. Suspicion had been directed against the controlling agents of
+business by the revelations of 1902-07. It was exaggerated by
+sensational journalism. It reached a climax in the fall of 1907 when a
+group of banks, reputed strong, failed through dishonesty and
+speculative management. The failure of the Mercantile National Bank and
+the suspension of the Knickerbocker Trust Company in New York brought
+the crisis on October 22, 1907. The loss to the public was lessened by
+resolute and sympathetic co&ouml;peration among the clearing-houses, Morgan,
+Rockefeller, and the United States Treasury, but a period of enforced
+economy was begun for all.</p>
+
+<p>The managers of big business attributed the panic to "Theodore the
+Meddler." They claimed that business was sound and honest, and the
+upheaval was caused by the agitation of demagogues. The President, they
+asserted, had destroyed confidence by his attack on the commercial
+class. Federal prosecutions, new laws, and the enforcement of
+inquisitorial pure-food regulations had made it impossible for business
+to live. "Let us alone," they cried.</p>
+
+<p>They convinced only themselves, a small minority of the people of the
+United States. Since 1902 the people as a body, regardless of the great
+parties, had opened their eyes to the trend of business and had decided
+that public authority must be summoned to the defense of democracy. The
+independent vote broke away from each party in increasingly numerous
+cases. The old American view that democracy meant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> unrestrained
+individualism had given way to the newer view that democratic
+opportunity was dependent upon the restriction of monopoly. The
+ostensible leaders, from the President down, were only the mouths that
+spoke the new language. Without them the same condition would have
+existed in large degree. The attack of the financial interests and Wall
+Street upon the President only convinced the people that the Roosevelt
+policies were, on the whole, their policies, and that individual
+interest and party machinery must give way to their attainment.</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>The periodicals and special articles alluded to in this chapter
+constitute the best sources as yet available for the period. There were
+numerous investigations by committees of Congress that furnished facts
+in their reports. Certain of the departments of government, notably the
+Bureau of Corporations and the Department of Agriculture, were active in
+the publication of facts. Thoughtful surveys of society in the United
+States may be found in E.A. Ross, <i>Changing America</i> (1912); H. Croly,
+<i>The Promise of American Life</i> (1909); A.B. Hart, <i>National Ideals
+Historically Traced</i> (in <i>The American Nation</i>, vol. 26, 1907). The
+autobiography of R.M. LaFollette is of considerable value. A great
+number of books upon America by foreign visitors bring out special
+viewpoints. Among these are F. Klein, <i>In the Land of the Strenuous
+Life</i> (1905); A. Bennett, <i>Your United States</i> (1912); W. Archer,
+<i>America To-Day</i> (1899); Anon., <i>As a Chinaman Saw Us</i> (1904); and James
+Bryce has revised and brought down to date his <i>American Commonwealth</i>.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XX" id="CHAPTER_XX"></a>CHAPTER XX</h2>
+
+<p  class='center'>NEW NATIONALISM<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p>The process of adjusting national administration and laws, to meet the
+needs of life and business that knew no state lines, had been begun
+during the Roosevelt period. For its completion it was necessary that a
+successor be found, convinced of the Roosevelt policies and able to
+carry them out. Three Republicans of this type were often mentioned for
+the Presidency in 1908. Elihu Root had been the legal mainstay of three
+administrations, and had received the public commendation of Roosevelt
+often and without restraint. His availability for the elective office
+was, however, weakened by his prominence as a corporation lawyer, which
+would be urged against him in a campaign. William H. Taft, Secretary of
+War, had a wider popularity than Root; had, as federal judge, long been
+identified with the enforcement of law, and had been used repeatedly as
+the spokesman of the President. He knew the colonies as no other
+American knew them, and was in touch with every detail of the Panama
+Canal. Neither he nor Root had won a leadership in competitive politics
+as had the third candidate, Charles E. Hughes, who, as Governor of New
+York, had shown his capacity to fight professional politicians on their
+own ground.</p>
+
+<p>In 1907, President Roosevelt announced his preference for Judge Taft,
+and fought off, as he had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> often done, suggestions that he accept
+another term himself. He controlled the Republican convention at
+Chicago, where his candidate was nominated on the first ballot. A
+Republican Representative from New York, James S. Sherman, was nominated
+for the Vice-Presidency, and the party leaders were driven to a platform
+of enthusiastic indorsement of the Roosevelt policies.</p>
+
+<p>The Democratic party, meeting at Denver in 1908, was again under the
+control of the radical element, and nominated William J. Bryan for the
+third time. The career of Roosevelt had modified the emphasis of the
+Bryan reforms. "Any Republican who, after following Roosevelt, should
+object to Bryan as a radical, would simply be laughed at consumedly,"
+said one of the weeklies. In the ensuing campaign both candidates
+professed ends that were nearly identical, and their advocates were
+forced to explain whether the Roosevelt policies would have a better
+chance under Bryan or Taft. There was no clear issue, and in each party
+there was a powerful minority that wanted neither of the candidates. The
+election of Taft had been discounted throughout the campaign, but it was
+accompanied by a demonstration of independent voting that revealed the
+weakness of party ties. Four Democratic governors were elected in States
+that were carried by the Republican national ticket.</p>
+
+<p>The Administration of President Taft was greeted with cordial good will
+by the progressive elements in both parties. His courage and sincerity
+had never been questioned. Roosevelt was unlimited in his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> praise. His
+judicial training made impossible for him types of political activity
+that had made enemies for his predecessor among many conservatives, yet
+his devotion to policies of administrative reform was beyond dispute. He
+immediately fulfilled one pledge of the Republican platform by summoning
+Congress to meet on March 15, 1909, to revise the tariff, and on this
+subject he had for several years avowed a desire that revision should be
+downward, to remove all trace of special tariff privilege.</p>
+
+<p>The movement for tariff reform had begun in the Middle West about 1902,
+and had spread with the feeling against the trusts. Roosevelt had
+indicated a sympathy with it in 1902 and 1903, and had fought Congress
+for tariff modification in the interest of Cuban reciprocity. But most
+of the party leaders had opposed tampering with the protective system.
+Speaker Cannon was an avowed protectionist and defended the attitude of
+the stand-pat tariff advocates. After 1904 the President had ceased to
+discuss the tariff, confining himself to other schemes for reform. He
+left the problem of revision to his successor.</p>
+
+<p>The tariff of 1909 bore the names of Sereno E. Payne, of New York,
+chairman of the House Committee of Ways and Means, and Nelson W.
+Aldrich, chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance. As it passed the
+House it embodied numerous reductions from the Dingley rates. In the
+Senate it was reframed and became an instrument of even greater
+protection than the existing law. It was debated in a stronger glare of
+public interest than any other tariff, and its details were explained
+and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> fought by a group of Republicans who refused to accept the control
+of the inner circle of the party, and who were determined that the
+revision should be downward and sincere. They did less to affect the
+bill, however, than President Taft, who forced the conference committee
+to accept a few reductions in the rates, notably on hides and lumber,
+and to include a provision for levying an income tax on corporations. A
+constitutional amendment, authorizing a general income tax, was a part
+of the agreement. The bill became a law in August, 1909. "The bill, in
+its final form," said the <i>Outlook</i>, which inclined toward free trade,
+"is by far the most enlightened protectionist measure ever enacted in
+the history of the country." "I think that the present tariff," wrote
+Roosevelt, who had returned to private life, "is better than the last,
+and considerably better than the one before the last."</p>
+
+<p>Whatever its relation to earlier tariffs the Payne-Aldrich Act was
+distasteful to the country, which had since 1897 become critical of the
+methods of tariff legislation. Seven Republican Senators and twenty
+Representatives voted against it on its final passage. These represented
+the Middle West and the new generation, and returned home to find their
+constituents generally with them in denouncing the measure as an
+instrument of privilege. Some of them had broken with President Taft
+during the debate, and the breach was deepened when the latter spoke in
+the West, at Winona, Minnesota, and defended the act as a compliance
+with the party pledge. It became apparent that the new President was
+unable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> to procure party legislation and to maintain at the same time an
+appearance of harmony in the party. Roosevelt had dissatisfied but had
+overriden the conservative wing; Taft failed to satisfy the most
+progressive wing and failed to silence them.</p>
+
+<p>In the autumn of 1909 began a series of administrative misunderstandings
+that greatly embarrassed the Taft Administration. A prospective minister
+to China was dismissed abruptly before he left the United States, on
+account of a supposed indiscretion. In the Department of Agriculture
+there was dissension between the Secretary, James Wilson, and the
+chemist engaged in the enforcement of the Pure Food Law, Harvey W.
+Wiley. The chief of the forestry service, Gifford Pinchot, quarreled
+openly with the Secretary of the Interior, Richard A. Ballinger, and
+raised the question of the future of the policy of conservation.</p>
+
+<p>The work of the forestry and reclamation services was at the center of
+the scheme for conservation of natural resources that had grown out of
+Roosevelt's conference with the governors in 1908. A subordinate of the
+forestry service attacked the Secretary of the Interior in 1909,
+charging favoritism and lack of interest in conservation. He was
+dismissed in September, upon order of President Taft, whereupon
+<i>Collier's Weekly</i> undertook an attack upon the President as an enemy of
+conservation, receiving the moral support of many of the progressives
+who disliked the tariff act. In January, 1910, the growing controversy
+led the President to dismiss Pinchot from the service, for
+insubordination, and Congress<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> to erect a joint committee to investigate
+the Pinchot-Ballinger dispute.</p>
+
+<p>The Ballinger committee ultimately vindicated the Secretary of the
+Interior, but the testimony taken brought out a fundamental difference
+between the theory of Taft, that the President could act only in
+accordance with the law, and that of Roosevelt, that he could do
+whatever was not forbidden by law. Although Taft stood by his
+subordinate, claiming that he and Ballinger were both active in
+conservation, a large section of the public believed that the aggressive
+movement for reform had lost momentum. What Roosevelt thought of it was
+impossible to learn, since he had gone to Africa in 1909, and remained
+outside the sphere of American politics until the summer of 1910.</p>
+
+<p>The progressive Republicans revolted in 1909 and 1910 against the
+domination of the "stand-pat" group, and received the name "Insurgents."
+Senators LaFollette and Cummins, both of whom desired to be President,
+were the avowed leaders. In the House of Representatives, in March,
+1910, the Insurgents co&ouml;perated with the Democratic minority, defeated a
+ruling of Speaker Cannon, and modified the House rules in order to
+curtail the autocracy of the presiding officer. They asked the country
+to believe that Taft had ceased to be progressive and had become the
+ally of the stand-pat interests. The split in the Republican party
+enabled the Democrats to carry the country in 1910, and to obtain a
+large majority in the House of Representatives. Champ Clark, of
+Missouri, and Oscar Underwood, of Ala<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span>bama, both aspirants for the
+Democratic presidential nomination, became, respectively, Speaker and
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means in the new House. No one man
+controlled or led either party by his personality as Theodore Roosevelt
+had done; the rivalry of lesser leaders destroyed the harmony of both
+parties, and neither party even approached unanimity in regard to the
+great policies of the future. In January, 1911, the Insurgent
+Republicans organized a Progressive Republican League for the purpose of
+capturing the nomination in 1912 for one of their number, presumably
+Senator LaFollette.</p>
+
+<p>The Taft policies differed from those of his predecessor chiefly in the
+method of their advocacy. Like Roosevelt, Taft had trouble in getting
+them enacted, and unlike Roosevelt, he failed to magnetize the people
+and carry them with him. He procured, however, funds for the creation of
+a board of tariff experts to aid in future revisions of schedules, and
+for a commerce court, to handle appeals in interstate commerce cases.
+The income tax amendment secured his support. He used his influence to
+prevent the seating of William Lorimer, a Senator elected from Illinois
+under conditions of grave scandal. The Interstate Commerce Law was
+revised and strengthened in 1910. An enabling act for Arizona and New
+Mexico was passed in 1910, under which both of these Territories became
+States in 1912. He continued the series of anti-trust suits begun under
+Roosevelt, and procured decisions ordering the dissolution of the
+Southern Pacific merger, the Stand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span>ard Oil Company, and the Tobacco
+Trust, and the penalizing of many others.</p>
+
+<p>In the field of administration President Taft showed an instinct for
+orderly and economical government. He urged upon Congress the adoption
+of a budget system for expenditures, and employed a body of experts to
+aid in reducing the cost and inefficiency of the executive departments.
+He extended the civil service until in 1912 only 56,000 of the 334,000
+federal employees were still outside the classified service.</p>
+
+<p>The foreign negotiations of the Taft Administration were most
+distinguished in respect to Latin-American trade, to arbitration, to
+neutrality, and to reciprocity. With the Latin-Americas he continued the
+policy of friendly support, through Philander C. Knox, his Secretary of
+State. The critics of this policy stigmatized it as "dollar diplomacy,"
+but Taft and Knox defended it as leading these republics through sound
+finance to stable government. A protracted revolution in Mexico led to
+the expulsion of President Porfirio Diaz in 1911, and was followed by
+counter-revolutions in 1912. Throughout the disturbance Taft maintained
+a rigid neutrality, and induced Congress to permit him to prohibit the
+export of arms for sale to the belligerents. This constituted an advance
+upon the customary practice of neutrals, who are permitted under
+international law to sell munitions of war to either belligerent.</p>
+
+<p>In 1908, Roosevelt had signed general arbitration treaties with Great
+Britain and other countries, containing the usual reservations of cases
+involving<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> honor or national existence. In 1911, Taft signed yet broader
+treaties with Great Britain and France, providing for the arbitration of
+all justiciable disputes, and for a commission to determine whether
+disputed cases were justiciable or not. The Senate declined to ratify
+these agreements.</p>
+
+<p>Canadian reciprocity was a part of Taft's tariff program. In 1911, he
+called Congress in special session to approve an agreement for a
+modification of the Payne-Aldrich rates with Canada. The Democratic
+majority in the House of Representatives supported this measure, as did
+enough of the regular Republicans to insure its passage. But the
+Insurgents opposed it as likely to injure the interests of the farmer.
+In September, 1911, Canada rejected the whole measure after a general
+election in which a fear of annexation by the United States was an
+important motive.</p>
+
+<p>The Taft policies failed to thrill the party or the people. They were
+less spectacular than the evils which the muck-rakers had portrayed.
+They were constructive and detailed, and aroused as opponents many who
+had joined in the general clamor for reform. They interested the party
+leaders little, for these were more concerned with their own personal
+fates, and were not overshadowed by the President as they had been for
+eight preceding years. They were all conceived in the spirit of a lawyer
+and judge, and were passed in an alliance with the wing of the
+Republican party that was most impervious to the new reforms, and were
+hence open to the attack that they were in spirit and intent
+reactionary.</p>
+
+<p>In June, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span>1910, with the Republican schism well advanced, Theodore
+Roosevelt returned to the United States. A few weeks later he made a
+speaking trip in the West, and at Osawatomie, Kansas, he laid down a
+platform of reform that he called "New Nationalism." This was in
+substance an evolution from the history of forty years. It assumed the
+fact of the development of business and society along national lines,
+and demanded that the Government meet the new problems. It believed that
+constitutional power already existed for most of the needed functions of
+government, and demanded that where the power was lacking it should be
+obtained by constitutional amendment. The platform was received with
+equally violent commendation and attack. Many Progressives hailed it as
+an exposition of their faith. Conservatives were prone to call it
+socialistic or revolutionary. It restored Roosevelt to a position of
+consequence in public affairs, and emphasized the fact that Taft had
+developed no power of popular leadership comparable to that of his
+friend and predecessor. It gave the Progressives hope that Roosevelt,
+debarred from the Presidency by his pledge and by the unwritten
+third-term tradition, would aid them in forcing the Republican party to
+nominate a Progressive in 1912.</p>
+
+<p>The concrete principles of the Progressive group embraced a series of
+policies looking toward the destruction of ring-controlled politics.
+They demanded and generally concurred in the initiative and referendum,
+the direct primary, and the direct election of delegates to national
+conventions, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> the direct election of United States Senators. Many of
+them believed in a new doctrine, the recall, which was to be applied to
+administrative officials, to judges, and even to judicial decisions.
+Woman suffrage was commonly acceptable to them.</p>
+
+<p>The cause of woman suffrage had made great progress since Idaho became,
+in 1896, the fourth suffrage State. A modified form of suffrage in local
+or school elections had been allowed in many States. A new period of
+agitation for unrestricted woman suffrage had begun in England about
+1906, and had been given advertisement by the deliberate violations of
+law and order by the militant suffragettes. The agitation, though not
+the excess, had spread to the United States. In 1910, Washington, and in
+1911, California, had become woman suffrage States. By 1914, the total
+was raised to twelve by the addition of Arizona, Kansas, Oregon,
+Illinois,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Nevada, and Montana.</p>
+
+<p>In the winter of 1911-12, the prospect of Republican success in the next
+national campaign was slight. The Democrats had gained the House in
+1910, and they, with the aid of Progressive Republican votes, had passed
+and sent up to the President several tariff bills, reducing the rates,
+schedule by schedule. Everyone of these had been vetoed, each veto
+tending to convince the Progressives that Taft was conservative, if not
+stand-pat in his sentiments. The Progressive Republicans were pledged to
+work against the renomination of Taft, and were unlikely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> to support him
+vigorously, if renominated. Many regular Republicans believed he could
+not be re&euml;lected. The section of the party that desired a Progressive
+President became larger than the group that believed in LaFollette, and
+demands that Roosevelt return were heard from many sources.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> In Illinois the right was somewhat restricted, yet included
+the voting for presidential electors and for local officials.</p></div>
+
+<p>In February, 1912, an appeal signed by seven Republican governors, all
+of whom dwelt in States now likely to go Democratic, urged Roosevelt to
+withdraw his pledge and become a candidate for the nomination. The
+demand was concurred in by admirers who believed that only he could
+bring about the new nationalism, by Progressives who distrusted
+LaFollette's capacity to win, and by Republicans who wanted to win at
+any price and saw only defeat through Taft. On February 24, Roosevelt
+announced his willingness to accept the nomination, explained that his
+previous refusal to accept another term had meant another consecutive
+term, and entered upon a canvass for delegates to the Republican
+National Convention.</p>
+
+<p>The campaign before the primaries was made difficult because in most
+States the Republican machinery was in the hands of politicians who
+disliked Roosevelt, whether they cared for Taft or not. It began too
+late for the voters to overturn the state and national committees, or to
+register through the existing party machinery their new desire. It
+brought out the defects in methods of nomination which direct primaries
+were expected to remedy, and in some States public opinion was strong
+enough to compel a hasty passage of primary laws to permit the over<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span>turn
+of the convention system. The LaFollette candidacy was deprived of most
+of its supporters, through the superior popularity of Roosevelt.</p>
+
+<p>When the convention met at Chicago on June 18, 1912, there were some 411
+Roosevelt delegates among the 1078, and more than 250 more who, though
+instructed for Taft, were contested by Roosevelt delegations. When the
+national committee overruled the claims of these, Roosevelt denounced
+their action as "naked theft." He had definitely allied himself with the
+wing of the party that opposed Taft. When the convention, presided over
+by Elihu Root, and supported by nearly all the men whom Roosevelt had
+brought into public prominence, finally renominated Taft and Sherman,
+Roosevelt asserted that no honest man could vote for a ticket based upon
+dishonor. The Roosevelt Republicans did not bolt the convention, but
+when it adjourned they held a mass convention of their own, were
+addressed by their candidate, and went home to organize a new
+Progressive party.</p>
+
+<p>The Democratic counsels were affected by the break-up of the Republican
+party and the success of its conservative wing at Chicago. They met at
+Baltimore the next week, with Bryan present and active, but not himself
+a candidate. They had to choose among Clark, the Speaker, Underwood, the
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and Governors Harmon, of
+Ohio, Marshall, of Indiana, and Woodrow Wilson, of New Jersey.</p>
+
+<p>The last of these had risen into national politics since 1910. He had
+long been known as a brilliant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> essayist and historian. He was of
+Virginian birth, and had left the presidency of Princeton University to
+become Democratic candidate for Governor of New Jersey in 1910. He had
+shown as governor great capacity to lead his party in the direction of
+the progressive reforms. He differed in these less from Roosevelt and
+LaFollette than he or they did from the reactionaries in their own
+parties. "The President is at liberty, both in law and conscience," he
+had written long ago, "to be as big a man as he can. His capacity will
+set the limit.... He has no means of compelling Congress except through
+public opinion." Unembarrassed by previous attachment to any faction of
+the Democratic party, with a clear record against special privilege and
+corporation influence in politics, and supported obstinately by Bryan
+and the young men who had urged his candidacy, Woodrow Wilson was
+nominated on the forty-sixth ballot, with Governor Thomas Marshall for
+Vice-President. The conservative nomination by the Republicans had
+thrown the Democrats into the hands of their radical wing.</p>
+
+<p>The Progressives held a convention in Chicago on August 5, and nominated
+Theodore Roosevelt and Governor Hiram Johnson, of California. Their
+platform included every important reform seriously urged, and was built
+around the idea of social justice and human rights. They denied that
+either of the old parties was fitted to carry on the work of progress.
+In the campaign their candidates and speakers revealed the vigor and the
+bitterness of the former Insurgents.</p>
+
+<p>The schism<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> threw the election into the hands of the Democrats, who
+retained the House, gained the Senate, and elected Wilson, though the
+latter received fewer votes than Bryan had received in each of his three
+attempts. The struggle was one of personalities, since few openly
+attacked the avowed aim of progressive legislation. The popularity of
+Roosevelt detached many Democratic votes from Wilson, but his
+unpopularity among Republicans who feared him and Progressive
+Republicans who resented his return to politics, drove to Wilson votes
+that would otherwise have gone to Taft. Taft received only eight
+electoral votes in November, and ran far behind both his rivals in the
+popular count. More than four million votes were polled by the new third
+party in an independent movement that was without precedent. The
+Socialist vote for Debs rose from 420,000 in 1908 to 895,000 in 1912.</p>
+
+<p>The last year of the administration of President Taft was overshadowed
+by the party war, and reduced in effectiveness by the Democratic control
+of the House. The prosecutions of the trusts were continued, a parcel
+post was established as a postal savings bank had been, the income tax
+amendment became part of the Constitution, and an amendment for the
+direct election of Senators made progress.</p>
+
+<p>When Woodrow Wilson succeeded to the Presidency he formed a cabinet
+headed by William J. Bryan as Secretary of State, and including only
+Democrats of progressive antecedents. He called Congress in April, 1913,
+to revise the tariff once more, and overturned a precedent of a century
+by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> delivering to it his message in person. With almost no breathing
+space for eighteen months, he kept Congress at its task of fulfilling
+his party's pledges as he interpreted them.</p>
+
+<p>Tariff, currency, and trust control were the main topics upon which the
+Democrats had avowed positive convictions, and upon which the great mass
+of progressive citizens, regardless of party affiliation, demanded
+legislation. One by one these were taken up, the President revealing
+powers of coercive leadership hitherto unseen in his office. Only the
+fact that non-partisan opinion was generally with him made possible the
+mass of constructive legislation that was placed upon the books. The
+tariff, which became a law on October 3, 1913, was a revision whose
+downward tendency was beyond dispute. The Federal Reserve Act, revising
+the banking laws in the interest of flexibility and decentralization,
+was signed on December 23 of the same year. In January, 1914, President
+Wilson laid before Congress his plan of trust control, advocating a
+commission with powers over trade co&ouml;rdinate with those of the
+Interstate Commerce Commission, and an elaboration of the anti-trust
+laws to deal with unfair practices and interlocking directorates. The
+Federal Trade Commission and Clayton Anti-Trust bills fulfilled these
+recommendations in the autumn of 1914. The Panama Canal Act of 1912 had
+meanwhile been revised so as to eliminate a preference in rates to
+American vessels which the President believed to be in violation of the
+guaranty of equal treatment pledged in the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. With a
+more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> portentous list of constructive laws than had been passed by any
+Congress since 1890, the Democratic majority allowed an adjournment on
+October 24, 1914, and its members went home to sound their constituents
+upon the state of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>The passage of economic laws had called for tact and force upon the part
+of the President, whose party, like the Republican party, was without a
+clear vision of its policy and included many reactionaries. Added
+embarrassments were found in the continuance of civil strife in Mexico.
+Here, shortly before the inauguration of President Wilson, there had
+been another revolution, followed by the elevation by the army of
+General Victoriano Huerta to the Presidency. The followers of the
+deposed Madero went into revolt at once, and the new Government was
+refused recognition by the United States on the ground that it was not a
+Government <i>de facto</i>, and that its title was smirched with blood.
+Patiently and stubbornly the United States held to its refusal to
+recognize the results of conspiracy in Mexico. In April, 1914, Vera Cruz
+was occupied by American forces in retaliation for acts of insult on the
+part of the Huerta r&eacute;gime, and in July the steady pressure of "watchful
+waiting" brought about the resignation of the dictator. The
+Constitutionalists, succeeding him, quarreled shortly among themselves,
+but the danger from Mexico appeared to be lessening as the year
+advanced.</p>
+
+<p class='center'>
+<a href="images/illus22.jpg"><img src="images/illus23.jpg" alt='nth america' /> </a>
+ <a id='illus23' name='illus23'></a>
+</p>
+
+
+<p class='center'><small> Click on image for larger version</small><br /> NORTH AMERICA<br />
+
+IN 1915</p>
+
+<p>From Europe came other embarrassments in August. Here, the policy of
+national armament which had been adopted in the middle of the
+nineteenth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> century, reached its logical outcome in a great war
+which was precipitated by Austria in an attack upon Servia. Russia
+immediately came to the aid of her Slavonic kinsmen, and upon her
+Germany declared war on August 1. In a few more days Great Britain and
+France had joined Russia against the German-Austrian alliance, and most
+of Europe was at war. To bring home the thousands of American tourists
+whom the war had reduced to suffering was the first work of the
+administration. The American ministers in Europe became the custodians
+of the affairs of the belligerents in every enemy country, and with the
+aid of all the belligerent nations Americans were carried home. After
+this came the problems of neutrality and American business. Suffering,
+due to the stoppage of the export trade, particularly that of cotton,
+brought wide depression throughout the United States. A new law for the
+transfer of foreign-built vessels to American registry, and another for
+federal insurance against war risks, were hurriedly passed, and the
+question of a public-owned line of merchant ships was discussed. All
+these problems were distracting the attention of the United States when
+Congress brought to an end its prolonged labors, and adjourned.</p>
+
+<p>The congressional election of 1914 was profoundly affected by the
+European war. Early in the year it appeared that conservative opposition
+to the Democratic program was growing, and that the Democratic majority
+was likely to be cut down. The Progressive party appeared to be
+weakening, and the control of the Republican party was settling back
+among those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> Republicans against whom the Insurgents had made their
+protest. But President Wilson's precise neutrality won the confidence of
+all parties, and although conservatives like Cannon, of Illinois, and
+Penrose, of Pennsylvania, won over Democrats and Progressives alike in a
+few cases, he retained for the Sixty-fourth Congress a working majority
+in the House and an enlarged majority in the Senate. His election in
+1912 had been, in part, due to the dispersion of Republican strength
+caused by the Progressive schism; in 1914, the influence of the
+Progressives was negligible and the Democrats retained their power in
+the face of the whole Republican attack.</p>
+
+
+
+
+<p class='center'>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>Between 1909 and 1914, the <i>Outlook</i>, to which Theodore Roosevelt had
+been an occasional contributor, and which had been a strong supporter of
+Republican policies since 1898, was the regular organ through which Mr.
+Roosevelt addressed the public, over his signature as Contributing
+Editor. In a similar way William J. Bryan reached his followers through
+the <i>Commoner</i> (1900-), and Robert M. LaFollette through his
+<i>LaFollette's Weekly</i> (1909-). <i>Collier's Weekly</i> became a center of the
+adverse criticism of President Taft. All of these, as well as the more
+general periodicals, are indispensable sources for the period, but are
+so highly partisan as to need constant correction for prejudice. The
+election of 1908 is treated in Stanwood's <i>History of the Presidency
+from 1897 to 1909</i>, while that of 1912 is excellently described in the
+<i>New International Year Book</i> for 1912. The theories of the new
+nationalism are in T. Roosevelt, <i>The New Nationalism</i> (1910).</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[Pg i]</a></span>
+Adams, Charles Francis, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Agricultural colleges, beginning of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Agriculture, changes in, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the South after the War, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Department of, created, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">main reliance of Western pioneers, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discontent in North and West, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">depression of, in South, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">diversified by decline of cotton values, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Aguinaldo, Emilio, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Alabama Claims, the, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Alaska, gold mines in, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">settlement of boundary, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Aldrich, Nelson W., <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Algeciras, United States in conference at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Alger, Russell A., <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Allison, William B., <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Altgeld, Gov. John P., <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Alverstone, Lord Chief Justice, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Amendment, the Thirteenth, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Amendment, the Fourteenth, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Amendment, the Fifteenth, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.<br />
+<br />
+American diplomacy, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.<br />
+<br />
+American Federation of Labor, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.<br />
+<br />
+American Railroad Union, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ames, Adelbert, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Angell, James B., <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Anti-Contract Labor Law, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Anti-imperialism, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Anti-monopolists, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Anti-trust literature, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Arbitration, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">treaties refused by Senate, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Arizona, a Territory, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a State, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Army of the United States, at outbreak of Spanish War, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in poor condition during the war, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>-72, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">later service in Cuba, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Arrears of Pension Act, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Arthur, Chester A., removed from office by Hayes, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vice-President with Garfield, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes Garfield, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as President, reorganizes his Cabinet, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his first message, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recommends civil service reform, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves revision of the tariff, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vetoes River and Harbor Bill, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hopes for renomination, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reasons for failure of his candidacy, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the Panama Canal, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Australian ballot, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Ballinger, Richard A., <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ballot reform, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bayard, Thomas F., <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Belknap, William W., <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bellamy, Edward, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Benton, Thomas H., <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bimetallism, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plea for international, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Black Belt, the, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Blaine, James G., improper official conduct of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Mulligan letters, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the proposal to extend pardon to Jefferson Davis, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">candidate for Presidential nomination (1880), <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his personal following large, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Secretary of State under Garfield, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plans for Pan-American Congress, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</span><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[Pg ii]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">his large following among Irish, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated for President (1884), <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the Mugwumps, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">caricatures of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">replies to Cleveland's message on tariff reduction (1887), <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to be Presidential candidate again, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Secretary of State under Harrison, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges reciprocity, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exchanges views with Gladstone on protective tariff, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the seal fisheries controversy, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resigns Secretaryship, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Blair, Francis P., Jr., <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bland, Richard P., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bland-Allison Bill, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.<br />
+<br />
+"Bloody shirt," the, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bonaparte, Charles J., <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.<br />
+<br />
+"Boss," the, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">power of, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Boxer outbreak in China, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Brady, Thomas J., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bristow, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Brown, B. Gratz, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bryan, William Jennings, nominated for President, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">wages vigorous campaign, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">colonel in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renominated for President, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounces imperialism, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">again defeated, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a lay preacher on political subjects, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated for Presidency third time, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">made Secretary of State by Wilson, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Bryce, James, his <i>American Commonwealth</i>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ambassador from Great Britain, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Buckner, Simon B., <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Burchard, Rev. Samuel D., <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Bureau of Corporations, valuable reports of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Butler, Benjamin F., advocates the Greenback movement, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aims at Governorship of Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relation to the "salary grab," <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Anti-Monopoly candidate for Presidency, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Canadian reciprocity, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cannon, Joseph G., defeated for Congress, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Speaker of the House, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a stand-pat protectionist, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ruling as Speaker defeated, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">returned to Congress, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Carlisle, John G., <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Carnegie, Andrew, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.<br />
+<br />
+"Carpet-baggers," <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Centennial Exposition, at Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cervera, Admiral, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Chase, Salmon P., wishes to be President, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges creation of bonded debt to provide for war expenses, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inaugurates a system of national banks, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Chile, threatened war with, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Chinese, coolies imported into California, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and Irish, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">harried, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Chinese Exclusion Bill, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Choate, Joseph H., <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Christian Science, rise of, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Churchill, Winston, writes <i>Coniston</i>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cities, growth of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the New South, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">government of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Civil Rights Bill, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Civil Service Act, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Civil Service reform, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">growth of, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">further extended by Cleveland, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and by Taft, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Civil War, the, influence of its military successes, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">benefits of the four years of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">new type brought into politics by, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">veterans of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Clark, Champ, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Clayton Anti-trust Bill, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Clayton-Bulwer treaty, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inadequate, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Cleveland, Grover, Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of New York, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favored by the Independents, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated for Presidency, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his character attacked, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elected and inaugurated, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Cabinet, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lowell's tribute to, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meets new problems, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vetoes pension bills, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">troubled by divided administration, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">signs "omnibus" bill for new States, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his emphasis on tariff reduction, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renominated, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated by Harrison, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">again nominated for Presidency, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and elected, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes free silver and the silver basis, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">loses influence with Western Democrats, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses to sign Wilson Bill, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends federal troops to Chicago, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">splits Democratic party, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Venezuela boundary dispute, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abandoned by his party, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dies in Princeton, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to maintain neutrality in Cuban revolt, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Cobden Club, and British gold, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<i>Coin's Financial School</i>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Colfax, Schuyler, Vice-President with Grant, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Colorado, Territory, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a State, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Commissioner of Labor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Conkling, Roscoe, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disciplined by Hayes, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fights for Grant, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resigns from Senate, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Conservation movement, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Consumers' League, the, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cooke, Jay, his connection with panic of 1873, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cornell, Alonzo B., <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cortelyou, George B., <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cotton, the staple crop of the Old South, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hundredth anniversary of first export celebrated, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">overproduction, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Cowboys, develop a folk-song literature, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Coxey, Jacob S., <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cr&eacute;dit Mobilier, scandal of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cripple Creek, great miners' strike at, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Crisp, Charles F., <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cuba, insurrections in, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolutionary government in New York, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of Spanish troops in, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">filibustering parties, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Congress favors recognition of belligerency, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">autonomy proposed, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Congress recognizes independence of, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">blockaded, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">freed from Spain, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sanitary improvement in, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">adopts a constitution, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes reciprocity treaty with United States, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Cullom, Shelby M., <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Cummins, Gov. Albert B., <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leader of Insurgent Republicans, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Curtis, George William, leader in civil-service reform, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a Mugwump, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Custer, Gen. George A., <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Czar of Russia, calls conference on disarmament, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Dakota Territory, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">made into two States, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Darwin, Charles, his influence on religious thought, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Davenport, Homer C., <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</a></span><br />
+Davis, Judge David, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Davis, Henry G., <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Davis, Jefferson, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dawes Act, the, awarding lands to Indians in severalty, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Day, William R., <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Debs, Eugene V., <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"> Social Democratic candidate for President, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+De Lesseps, Ferdinand M., <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.<br />
+<br />
+DeLome, Se&ntilde;or, criticizes McKinley, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Democratic party, the, differences in, during the Civil War, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chicago convention (1864), <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominates Seymour (1868), <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gains control of readmitted Southern States, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominates Greeley (1872), <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">weakened by its past, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominates Tilden (1876), <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gets plurality of popular vote, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gains control of the House (1874), <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominates Hancock (1880), <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gains the Senate (1878), <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">loses the House (1880), <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regains it (1882), <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elects Cleveland (1884), <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-133;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on tariff revision, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resists demands for statehood, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">casts plurality of votes in 1888, but loses all branches of government, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regains the House (1890), <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">re&euml;lects Cleveland and wins the Senate (1892), <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">split by free silver and tariff questions, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">loses both Senate and House (1894), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominates Bryan on free-silver platform (1896), <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounces imperialism and renominates Bryan (1900), <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominates Parker on conservative platform (1904), <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominates Bryan for third time (1908), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regains the House (1910), <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elects Wilson (1912), <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Department of Agriculture, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Department of Commerce and Labor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dependent Pension Act, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dewey, Commodore George, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destroys Spanish fleet at Manila, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Diaz, Porfirio, expelled from Mexico, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dingley, Nelson, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dingley Bill, the, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dollar diplomacy, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Donnelly, Ignatius, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Dorsey, Senator Stephen W., in star route frauds, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Du Bois, W.E.B., <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Eads, James B., <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Eaton, Dorman B., <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Edmunds, George F., <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Education Board, General, incorporated by Congress, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Educational Board, Southern, organized, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Egan, Patrick, Minister to Chile, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Eight-hour day, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Electoral Commission, the, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Eliot, Charles W., <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Elkins, Stephen B., <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.<br />
+<br />
+English, William H., <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Equitable Life Insurance Company, investigation of, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Factories, American, growth of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influenced by inventions, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Fairbanks, Charles W., Vice-President with Roosevelt, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Farmers, condition of, in North and South, contrasted, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discontent keenest in West, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">experimental, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demand cheaper money, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">desire co&ouml;peration, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</span><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">believe charges against both political parties, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">value of vote of dissatisfied, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Farmers' Alliance, the, in South and West, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">undermines Republicans in West, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts union with Knights of Labor, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">splits white vote in the South, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used to express Southern discontent, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">holds national convention at St. Louis, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">merged in People's Party, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Farms, American, size of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">increase in number, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decrease in size of Southern, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">number of, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Farragut, Admiral David G., <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fava, Baron, Italian Minister at Washington, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Federal Reserve Act, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Federal Trade Commission, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Field, James G., <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fisk, James, Jr., <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Folger, Charles J., <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Folk, Joseph W., <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Force Bill, the, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ford, Paul Leicester, <i>The Honorable Peter Stirling</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ford, Worthington C., <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Forestry service, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Free lands, disappearance of, marks new period, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Free passes, on interstate railroads, forbidden by law, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Free silver, demanded by Populists, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">agitation for, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">textbook of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fight for, in Republican convention (1896), <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demanded by Democratic convention, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">work of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Frelinghuysen, Frederick T., <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Fr&eacute;mont, John C., candidate for the Presidency, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrested in France, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">charged with land frauds, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+"Frenzied finance," <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Frick, Henry C., <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.<br />
+<br />
+"Full dinner pail, the," <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Gage, Lyman J., <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Garfield, James A., nominated for Presidency (1880), <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">forged letters against, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sketch of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Cabinet, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">trouble with Conkling, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the Panama Canal, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Garland, Augustus H., <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.<br />
+<br />
+George, Henry, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Georgia, difficulties with Congress, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gilman, Daniel Coit, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gladden, Washington, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gladstone, William E., <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Godkin, Edwin L., editor of the <i>Nation</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and civil service reform, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Goethals, Major George W., engineer of Canal Zone, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gold, at a premium, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hoarded, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">great increase in production of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Gold dollar, ratio to silver, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">value in greenbacks, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Gorgas, Col. William C., chief sanitary officer of Canal Zone, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Gould, Jay, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Grand Army of the Republic, used for procuring pensions, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Grandfather clause, the, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Granger Laws, the, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">constitutionality of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Granger movement, the, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with the panic of 1873, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">doctrine established by, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Grant, Ulysses S., the coveted candidate of both parties, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">general rejoicing in his election, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inaugurated in 1869, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his first term ends unsatisfactorily, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</span><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">success with the Alabama claims, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renominated, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">various unsavory episodes of his years as President, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vetoes the Inflation Bill, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">re&euml;lection of (1872), <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">receives scanty support for a third term, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and civil service reform, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Greeley, Horace, nominated for President by Liberal Republicans, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a quaint political figure, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quoted, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Greenback movement, the, advocates of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Eastern opinion of, contrasted with Western, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and silver inflation, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Greenbacks, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">value of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">depreciation of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">withdrawal of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">further retirement of, forbidden by law, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rising in value, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">issued during panic of 1873, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Guam, ceded to United States, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Guiteau, William B., <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Hadley, Pres. Arthur T., <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hague, the, court of arbitration at, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Venezuelan claims referred to, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">second conference, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Hancock, Gen. Winfield Scott, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hanna, Marcus Alonzo, raises funds for Republicans, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed Senator, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">helps settle coal strike, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grows in popularity, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Harmon, Gov. Judson, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Harriman, Edward H., <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Harrison, Benjamin, nominated for Presidency, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elected as a minority President, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">friction with Chile, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renominated, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Hawaiian Islands, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hay, John, on McKinley, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">career of, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, for Isthmian canal, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hayes, Rutherford B., receives nomination for President, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties of his election, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alienates many Republicans by his attitude toward the South, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his troubles with Democratic congress, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removes Chester A. Arthur from office, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial policy of his administration, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a new period of growth begun during his term of office, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">end of his term, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the Panama Canal, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes head of Slater fund, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Hearst, William R., <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hendricks, Thomas A., candidate for Vice-President, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hepburn Railway Bill, the, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hill, Gov. David B., <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hill, James J., <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hobart, Garrett P., Vice-President with McKinley, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dies in office, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Homestead Act, the, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hopkins, Johns, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Howells, William Dean, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Huerta, Victoriano, President of Mexico, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Hughes, Charles E., exposes wrongdoing of insurance companies, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mentioned for Presidency, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Hull House, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Humphreys, Benjamin G., <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Husbandry, Patrons of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Idaho, becomes a Territory, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admitted to the Union, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Immigration movement, the, influences of, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Income tax, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span><br />
+Indians, removal of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">outbreaks of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dawes Bill, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Industrial Commission, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Industrial consolidation, evolves new type of trust, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Industrial revival, after 1897, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Industrial revolution, effects of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Inflation Bill, the, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ingersoll, Robert G., quoted, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Initiative and referendum, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Interstate Commerce Act, the, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commission created, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of rebate system on, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">had little immediate effect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">an imperfect statute, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">strengthened by Congress, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Irons, Martin, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Irrigation, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Italians, lynched in New Orleans, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Jackson, Andrew, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.<br />
+<br />
+James, Thomas L., <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Japan, at war with Russia, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Johnson, Andrew, candidate for the Vice-Presidency, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes President upon death of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposition of Congress to, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impeached by House, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquitted, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vetoes arbitrary acts of Congress, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Johnson, Gov. Hiram, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Johnson, Reverdy, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Journalism, expansion of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reorganized in the later nineties, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Kansas City, important as meeting place of railways, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Kearney, Dennis, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Keifer, J. Warren, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Kelly, John, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Kerr, Michael C., <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Kipling, Rudyard, <i>The White Man's Burden</i>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Knickerbocker Trust Company, suspension of, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<a id='link1' name='link1'> Knights of Labor</a>, secret society in the East, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meet with disfavor, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fight the Gould railways, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">success of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">union with Farmers' Alliance, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Pullman strike, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Knox, Philander C., <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Ku-Klux Klan, the, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Labor, tariff supposed to protect, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Commissioner of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bureau of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">danger from European pauper, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes better united, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See also</i> <a href='#link1'>Knights of Labor</a>,<a href='#link2'> Strikes</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+La Follette, Robert M., defeated for Congress, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">works out a system of primaries, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Senate debate on railroads, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leader of Insurgent Republicans, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">possible Presidential candidate, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Lamar, L.Q.C., <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Land grants, to railroads, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>,  <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">discontinued, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Land laws, difficulty in enforcing, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lawson. Thomas W., <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lawton, Gen. Henry W., <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Liberal Republicans, secede in 1872 and nominate Greeley and Brown, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">platform of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Garfield's administration, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favor civil service reform and tariff revision, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">put Edmunds forward for Presidential candidate (1884), <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Lincoln, Abraham, his view in regard to the spoils system, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">aims to develop a Union sentiment, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aided by excesses of Democrats, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his use of offices, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Literature in United States, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">periodical, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">religious, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Lloyd, Henry D., <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lodge, Henry Cabot, as an independent, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports Blaine, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves the Force Bill, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Logan, John A., <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lorimer, William, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Lowell, James Russell, quoted, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on Cleveland, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+McClellan, Gen. George B., <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.<br />
+<br />
+McClure, S.S., <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.<br />
+<br />
+McCulloch, Hugh, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.<br />
+<br />
+McEnery, Samuel D., <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.<br />
+<br />
+McKinley, William, his Tariff Bill, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">accepts principle of reciprocity, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated for Congress, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Governor of Ohio, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"advance agent of prosperity," <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a tactful Congressman, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated for President (1896), <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes no personal campaign, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elected, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his election a victory for sound money, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">calls special session of Congress for new tariff, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inaugurated as President, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his theory of the office, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">action in the Cuban matter, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">re&euml;lected President, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">murdered, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+McKinley Bill, the, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sugar clause a notable feature of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposition to, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+MacVeagh, Wayne, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Machinery, influence of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mahone, William, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Maine, the, blown up in Havana harbor, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Marshall, Thomas R., nominated by Democrats for Vice-Presidency, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Merritt, Gen. Wesley, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mexico, revolutions in, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Miles, Gen. Nelson A., on the results of drought, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commander of army in Spanish War, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invades Porto Rico, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Mills, Roger Q., tariff leader, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mills Bill, the, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mining camps, rapid development of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mississippi, the process of reconstruction in, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disqualifies negroes, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Mississippi River Commission, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mitchell, John, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.<br />
+<br />
+"Molly Maguires," <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Monroe Doctrine, in Venezuela case, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Montana, created a Territory, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a State, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Morgan, J. Pierpont, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mormons, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">make a prosperous Territory in Utah, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Morton, Levi P., Vice-President with Harrison, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Morton, Oliver P., war Governor of Indiana, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Muck-raking, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mugwumps, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Mulligan letters, the, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Murchison letter, the, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Nast, Thomas, cartoonist, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.<br />
+<br />
+National Labor Union, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.<br />
+<br />
+National Planters' Association, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Navy, of the United States, at outbreak of Spanish War, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent round the world without mishap, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Negro, the, would not work at close of war, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a social and economic problem, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</span><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">made a voter by Congress, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elimination of control by, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a factor in Republican national convention, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a farm owner, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suppressed outside the law, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bad qualities of, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">practically disfranchised in South, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">advances in literacy, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">distribution of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Roosevelt's attitude toward, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Newlands Reclamation Act, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.<br />
+<br />
+New Mexico, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a State, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<a id='link3' name='link3'>New South</a>, the, has but one political party of consequence, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissatisfied farmer vote in, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disintegration of plantations, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">oppressed by its agricultural system, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">practically disfranchises negroes, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>-200;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">education in, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">border traits of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a modern industrial community, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">development of cities, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Nez Perc&eacute;s, outbreak of, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Nicaragua Canal, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.<br />
+<br />
+North, S.N.D., and the Dingley Bill, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.<br />
+<br />
+North Dakota, admitted to Union, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Northern Pacific Railroad, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and panic of 1873, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">finished under direction of Henry Villard, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Northern Securities Company, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Oklahoma, Indians colonized in, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opened to white settlers, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a State, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Olney, Richard, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Oregon, the, spectacular voyage of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Overproduction, menace of, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Palmer, John M., <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Panama, Republic of, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Panama Canal, begun by De Lesseps, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">determined on by Congress and President Roosevelt, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Panama grants concession, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first boats pass through, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dispute over sea-level and lock systems, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>-17.</span><br />
+<br />
+Pan-American Conference at Rio de Janeiro, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pan-American Congress, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Panic of 1857, the, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Panic of 1873, the, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-74;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jay Cooke's connection with, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-65;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">real causes of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reduces revenues, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">often attributed to low rates of Wilson Bill, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Parker, Judge Alton B., Democratic candidate for President (1904), <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Payne, Sereno E., <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Peabody, George, creates fund to relieve negro illiteracy, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pendleton, George H., <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Penrose, Boies, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pension Bureau, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">important through alliance with the soldiers, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Pensions, influence of soldier vote on, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">for service only, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">amounts spent on, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">system criticized by Southern farmers, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">used millions of the national surplus, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+People's Party. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">to right all wrongs of the plain people, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes a finished organization, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demands of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Petroleum trust, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>,<a href="#Page_165"> 165.</a><br />
+<br />
+Philippine Islands, ceded to United States, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolt in, under Aguinaldo, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Pierpont, Francis A., <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pike, James S., author of <i>The Prostrate State</i>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pinchot, Gifford, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span><br />
+Pious Fund dispute, the, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Platt, Thomas C., resigns from Senate, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claims promise of Secretaryship under Harrison, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offended by Harrison, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Senator from New York, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposes nomination of Roosevelt for governor, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids Roosevelt boom for Vice-Presidency, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Polygamy, in Utah, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Populism, origin of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Populists, demands of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">carry four States in Presidential election (1892), <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">caricatures of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fuse with Democrats, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">favor direct legislation, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Porto Rico, invaded by United States troops, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ceded to United States, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Territorial government provided, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Post-office, the, corruption in, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Potter, Bishop Henry C., <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Powderly, Terence V., <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Practical politics, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Pre&euml;mption Law, the, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Presidential Succession Act, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Primaries, direct, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Progressive Republicans, revolt, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organize a League, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">principles of, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">oppose renomination of Taft, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urge Roosevelt to run, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">organize Progressive Party, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominate Roosevelt and Johnson, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">popular vote of, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence negligible in 1914, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Protection, in Republican platform (1888), <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">earnestly discussed by both parties, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enlarged by McKinley Bill, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">of unborn industries, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">strongest in East, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rampant spirit for, in 1897, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Pure food movement, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Quay, Matthew S., chairman of Harrison campaign committee, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offended by Harrison, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">completes partnership of manufacturers and voters, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">selects Penrose for Senator, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Railroads, development of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">importance of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">land grants to, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>,  <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">continental, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hostility of the Grange, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">rate laws, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">agree upon standard time, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">encourage immigration and colonization, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regarded as quasi-public, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">national control of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">bargaining in rates, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the Sherman Anti-Trust Law, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">promote new settlements, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the South after the Civil War, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">controlled by a few men, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Rainfall, importance of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Randall, Samuel J., <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rebates, railroad, forbidden by Elkins Law, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reciprocity, favorite scheme of Blaine, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reclamation of arid lands of the Southwest, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reconstruction, an inappropriate name for what took place, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">no constitutional theory adequate to meet problems of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">must be judged by results, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">completion of, in formal sense, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not far advanced by 1870, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dominant type of leaders, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">political superseded by constitutional, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Reconstruction Acts of 1867, the, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span><br />
+Reconstruction Governments, evils of, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reed, Thomas B., <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Referendum and initiative, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Regan, John H., <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Reid, Whitelaw, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Republican party, the, during the Civil War, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">called itself Union, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">paid for its disguise, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the South after 1876, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">new men in control, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regains control of the House (1880), <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">but loses it again (1882), <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissensions in, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated in 1884, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elects President and majority in both houses in 1888, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suffers a landslide (1890), <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">regains control of Senate and House, (1894), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">platform in 1896, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dominates every branch of National Government for fourteen years, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the party of organized business, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">approves the Spanish War, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elects Taft President (1908), <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revises tariff, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissatisfaction in, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">loses the House (1910), <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renominates Taft (1912), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Revels, Hiram R., negro Senator from Mississippi, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br />
+<br />
+River and Harbor Bill, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rockefeller, John D., gains chief control of petroleum traffic, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">aids cause of education in South, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">methods of, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Roosevelt, Theodore, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">steps out of Blaine campaign, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Assistant Secretary of the Navy, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">raises a regiment for Spanish War, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Cuba, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">early public career of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Governor of New York, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a reformer of a new type, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vice-President with McKinley, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">succeeds to Presidency, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and the Hague Court, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">activity in securing Panama Canal, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">questionable course toward Colombia, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward negroes, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">widely popular, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disliked by professional politicians, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissolves Northern Securities Company, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">settles coal strike, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alienates party leaders, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">wants nomination on his own account, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tries to modify Dingley Tariff, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated for President, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and elected, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">declares he will not accept another nomination, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">goes outside of United States territory, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>-17;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">receives the Nobel prize, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">promotes second Hague Conference, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sends navy round the world, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">holds conference of state governors at White House, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">called "Theodore the Meddler," <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his policies those of the people, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secures nomination of Taft for Presidency, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">goes to Africa, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">formulates New Nationalism, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated in Republican convention, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated by Progressives, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Root, Elihu, becomes Secretary of War, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mentioned for Presidency, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">presides over Chicago convention, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Rough Riders, the, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.<br />
+<br />
+"Rum, Romanism, and rebellion," <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Rusk, Jeremiah M., <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Russia, at war with Japan, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Sackville-West, Sir Lionel, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Salary grab, in Congress, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span><br />
+Salisbury, Lord, in Venezuela case, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sampson, Capt. William T., in blockade of Cuba, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Schenck, Robert C., <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Schley, Commodore Winfield Scott, in blockade of Cuba, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Schurz, Carl, leader of the Liberal Republicans, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces merit system, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reorganizes the Indian service, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supports civil service reform, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">an anti-imperialist, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Seal fisheries, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sewall, Arthur, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Seymour, Horatio, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated for Presidency, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">loyalty above question, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Shafter, Gen. William R., <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sherman, James S., nominated for Vice-Presidency, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sherman, John, Senator from Ohio, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Secretary of the Treasury, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposed for the Presidency, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Sherman, Gen. William T., <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Sherman Anti-Trust Law, the, enacted, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enforced under Roosevelt, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Sherman Silver Purchase Bill, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Silver, fall in value of, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">free coinage demanded, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mines, output of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coinage of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">demonetization of, called a crime, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Sinclair, Upton, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Slater, John F., creates fund for education of negro, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Social Democratic party, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Socialist Labor party, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.<br />
+<br />
+South, the, before the war, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">price of its attempt at independence, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stubbornness of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decrease in size of farms, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">government of, by army, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">divided into five military districts, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">new constitutions of its States, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">readmission to Union, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">repudiation of debts, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">normal politics Democratic, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>See also</i> <a href='#link3'>New South</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+South Dakota, admitted to Union, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first State to adopt initiative and referendum, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Southern Pacific Railroad, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">passes into control of Union Pacific, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">merger dissolved, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Spain, sends Gen. Weyler to Cuba, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">embittered against United States by filibustering parties, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">changes of Ministry in, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">declines mediation, but recalls Gen. Weyler, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">establishes a sort of autonomy for Cuba, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">war with United States begun, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">loses fleet at Manila, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and another at Santiago, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">army at Santiago surrenders, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">loses Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippine Islands, and Guam, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Squatters, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Stalwarts, the, support Conkling against Garfield, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">claimed as friends by Guiteau, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with Arthur, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Standard Oil Company, the, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suit against, brought by Ohio, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">history of, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">charges of extorting rebates, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dissolved, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Standard time, adopted by American railroads, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Stanford, Leland, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Stanton, Edwin M., <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Star route frauds, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.<br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span><br />
+Steel industry, the, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Steffens, Lincoln, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Stevens, Thaddeus, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Stevenson, Adlai E., Vice-President with Cleveland, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated with Bryan, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Strathcona, Lord, interested in Canadian railways, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<a id='link2' name='link2'> Strikes</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;"> Pullman, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Cripple Creek, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Homestead, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Pennsylvania coal fields, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Sumner, Charles, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Surplus, embarrassing, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">an incentive to extravagance, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">easily relieved, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nearly exhausted, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Taft, William II., decision as Circuit Judge against an industrial
+combination, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recalled from Philippines to be Secretary of War, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Roosevelt's choice for Presidency, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated and elected (1908), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">urges tariff revision, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">alienates some of the Republican lenders, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Pinchot-Ballinger dispute, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">pushes anti-trust suits, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extends civil service, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiates arbitration treaties with Great Britain and France, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renominated (1912), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">badly defeated, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Tanner, James ("Corporal"), <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tarbell, Ida M., writes history of Standard Oil Company, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tariff, the favorite national tax, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">basis of the rate of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the end of the war, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">different views of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of, in Presidential campaigns, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revision of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as a source of revenue, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacks upon, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commission created to investigate needs of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties of constructing, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revision demanded, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">McKinley Bill, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>-75;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposition to the new law, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a factor in political landslide of 1890, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">McKinley Bill in danger, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tariff for revenue the winning issue in 1890 and 1892, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">financial interest of manufacturers in, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Dingley Bill, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the "mother of trusts," <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revised by Republicans, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reduced by Democrats, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Taxes, as means of raising money, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">authorized more reluctantly than loans, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">often revised and increased, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties of Congress with, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Taylor, Hannis, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tennessee, readmitted to the Union, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">escapes negro domination, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Tenure-of-Office Act, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Texas, readmitted to Union, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">through change in, after the Civil War, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Thurman, Allen G., <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tilden, Samuel J., prosecutes the Tweed ring, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Democratic candidate for President in 1876, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">doubtful result of the election, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unwilling to run in 1880, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Timber Culture Laws, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Tobacco Trust, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Transportation, a fundamental factor, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">creates new standards of living, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relation to the trusts, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">vital to frontier life, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Treves, Sir Frederick, praises work in Canal Zone, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Trusts, formation of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">logical outcome of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</span><br />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span><span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of transportation, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">whiskey and sugar, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">evils of, social or political, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulty of regulating, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investigation ordered, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the aim of, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chicago conference on, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and strikes, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">not all "bad," <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">tariff the mother of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the menace of, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecution of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Tweed, William M., <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Underwood, Oscar W., <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Union League, of freedmen, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Union Pacific Railroad, building of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>,  <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">celebration of completion, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">scandals of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extended to Denver, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a national project, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">extended to the Gulf and into Oregon, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconstructed by Harriman, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+United Mine Workers of America, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.<br />
+<br />
+United States Steel Corporation, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Utah, polygamy in, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">admitted to the Union, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Vallandigham, Clement L., <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Venezuela, boundary dispute with Great Britain, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>-32;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">before the Hague Court, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Villard, Henry, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Virginia, readmitted to Union, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Waite, Gov. Davis H., <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wanamaker, John, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Washington, becomes a State, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Washington, Booker T., <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Watson, Thomas E., <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Watterson, Henry, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Weaver, James B., Greenback-Labor candidate for the Presidency, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leader in the People's Party, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Presidential candidate, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Wells, David A., <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Western Federation of Miners, in Cripple Creek strike, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Weyler, Gen. Valeriano, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wheeler, William A., Vice-President with Hayes, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Whiskey Ring, the, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Whiskey and Sugar Trusts, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wiley, Dr. Harvey, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wilson, Henry, Vice-President in Grant's second term, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wilson, James, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wilson, William L., <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leader in tariff revision, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on free silver, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Wilson, Woodrow, career of, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">nominated by Democrats for Presidency, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">elected, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">delivers message to Congress in person, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a coercive leader, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward Mexico, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">neutrality in European war, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+Windom, William L., <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Woman suffrage, adopted by several States, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wood, Gen. Leonard, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Woodford, Gen. Stewart L., Minister to Spain, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wright, Carroll D., Commissioner of Labor, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Wyoming, made a Territory, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">a State, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Yellow fever, suppressed in Cuba, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.<br />
+</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The New Nation, by Frederic L. Paxson
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The New Nation, by Frederic L. Paxson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The New Nation
+
+Author: Frederic L. Paxson
+
+Editor: William E. Dodd
+
+Release Date: January 31, 2009 [EBook #27953]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW NATION ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by G. Edward Johnson, Charlene Taylor, Graeme
+Mackreth and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
+https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: Copyright, 1912, Moffett, Chicago
+
+[Signature]Woodrow Wilson]
+
+THE NEW NATION
+
+BY
+
+FREDERIC L. PAXSON
+
+PROFESSOR OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN
+
+[Illustration: logo]
+
+HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
+
+BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO
+
+The Riverside Press Cambridge
+
+
+
+
+COPYRIGHT, 1915, BY FREDERIC L. PAXSON
+
+ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
+
+
+The Riverside Press
+
+CAMBRIDGE MASSACHUSETTS
+
+U.S.A.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+A new nation has appeared within the United States since the Civil War,
+but it has been only accidentally connected with that catastrophe. The
+Constitution emerged from the confusion of strife and reconstruction
+substantially unchanged, but the economic development of the United
+States in the sixties and seventies gave birth to a society that was, by
+1885, already national in its activities and necessities. In many ways
+the history of the United States since the Civil War has to do with the
+struggle between this national fact and the old legal system that was
+based upon state autonomy and federalism; and the future depends upon
+the discovery of a means to readjust the mechanics of government, as
+well as its content, to the needs of life. This book attempts to narrate
+the facts of the last half-century and to show them in their relations
+to the larger truths of national development.
+
+
+FREDERIC L. PAXSON.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+I. THE CIVIL WAR                                                 1
+
+II. THE WEST AND THE GREENBACKS                                 20
+
+III. THE RESTORATION OF HOME RULE IN THE SOUTH                  39
+
+IV. THE PANIC OF 1873                                           59
+
+V. THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION                                     75
+
+VI. BUSINESS AND POLITICS                                       92
+
+VII. THE NEW ISSUES                                            108
+
+VIII. GROVER CLEVELAND                                         126
+
+IX. THE LAST OF THE FRONTIER                                   142
+
+X. NATIONAL BUSINESS                                           162
+
+XI. THE FARMERS' CAUSE                                         177
+
+XII. THE NEW SOUTH                                             192
+
+XIII. POPULISM                                                 208
+
+XIV. FREE SILVER                                               225
+
+XV. THE "COUNTER-REFORMATION"                                  244
+
+XVI. THE SPANISH WAR                                           258
+
+XVII. THEODORE ROOSEVELT                                       276
+
+XVIII. BIG BUSINESS                                            293
+
+XIX. THE "MUCK-RAKERS"                                         309
+
+XX. NEW NATIONALISM                                            324
+
+INDEX                                                            i
+
+
+
+
+MAPS AND CHARTS
+
+
+THE RAILWAYS OF THE "OLD NORTHWEST"                                     13
+
+THE WESTERN RAILWAY LAND GRANTS, 1850-1871                              23
+
+THE SOLID SOUTH, 1880-1912                                              53
+
+THE POLITICAL SITUATION AT WASHINGTON, 1869-1917                    76, 77
+
+POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION, 1850-1910                                  120
+
+THE WESTERN RAILROADS AND THE CONTINENTAL FRONTIER, 1870-1890     146, 147
+
+THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN, 1789-1904                       153
+
+THE CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION OF 1890                   _between 186 and 187_
+
+THE FLOOD OF SILVER, 1861-1911                                         227
+
+ALASKA, THE PHILIPPINES, AND THE SEAT OF THE SPANISH WAR               259
+
+NORTH AMERICA IN 1915                                _between 340 and 341_
+
+
+
+
+THE NEW NATION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE CIVIL WAR
+
+
+The military successes of the United States in its Civil War maintained
+the Union, but entailed readjustments in politics, finance, and business
+that shifted the direction of public affairs for many years. In the eyes
+of contemporaries these changes were obscured by the vivid scenes of the
+battlefield, whose intense impressions were not forgotten for a
+generation. It seemed as though the war were everything, as though the
+Republican party had preserved the nation, as though the nation itself
+had arisen with new plumage from the stress and struggle of its crisis.
+The realities of history, however, which are ever different from the
+facts seen by the participant, are in this period further from the
+tradition of the survivor than in any other stage of the development of
+the United States. As the Civil War is viewed from the years that
+followed it, the actualities that must be faced are the facts that the
+dominant party saved neither the nation nor itself except by changing
+its identity; that economic and industrial progress continued through
+the war with unabated speed, and that out of the needs of a new economic
+life arose the new nation.
+
+The Republican party, whose older spokesmen had been trained as Whigs or
+Democrats, had by 1861 seasoned its younger leaders in two national
+campaigns. It had lost the first flush of the new enthusiasm which gave
+it birth as a party opposed to the extension of slavery. The signs of
+the times had been so clear between 1856 and 1860 that many politicians
+had turned their coats less from a moral principle than from a desire to
+win. When Lincoln took up the organization of his Administration, these
+clamored for their rewards. There was nothing in the political ethics of
+the sixties that discountenanced the use of the spoils of office, and
+Lincoln himself, though he resented the drain of office-seeking upon his
+time, appears not to have seen that the spoils system was at variance
+with the fundamentals of good government.
+
+It was a Republican partisan administration that bore the first brunt of
+the Civil War, but the struggle was still young when Lincoln realized
+that the Union could not stand on the legs of any single party. To
+develop a general Union sentiment became an early aim of his policy and
+is a key to his period. He was forced to consider and reconcile the
+claims of all shades of Republican opinion, from that of the most
+violent abolitionist to that of the mere unionist. In the Democracy,
+opinion ranged from that of the strong war Democrat to that of the
+Copperhead whose real sympathies were with the Confederacy.
+
+To conciliate a working majority of the voters of the Union States, a
+majority which must embrace many Union Democrats, Lincoln steadily
+loosened the partisan bonds. The congressional elections of 1862 showed
+that he was still far from success. His overtures to the Democrats of
+the border States fell into line with his general scheme. His tolerance
+of McClellan and his support of Stanton, both of whom by sympathy and
+training were Democrats, reveal the comprehensive power of his
+endurance. As the election of 1864 approached to test the success of his
+generalship, he had to fight not only for a majority in the general
+canvass but for the nomination by his own party.
+
+There were many men in 1864 who believed that the war was a mistake and
+that Lincoln was a failure. The peace Democrats denounced him as a
+military dictator; to the radical Republicans he was spineless and
+irresolute. Within his own Cabinet there was dissension that would have
+unnerved a less steady man. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, wanted
+to be President, and had allowed his friends to intrigue in his behalf,
+yet had not withdrawn from the counsels of his rival. At various times
+he had threatened to resign, but Lincoln had shut his eyes to this
+infidelity and had coaxed him back. Not until after the President had
+been renominated did he accept the resignation of Chase, and even then
+he was willing to make the latter Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
+
+Chase, in the Cabinet and in touch with dissatisfied Republicans
+outside, was a menace to impartial administration. Less distressing, but
+noisier than he, was John C. Fremont, the first nominee of the party,
+who had sulked in the midst of admiring friends since Lincoln had
+removed him from important military service in 1861. About him the
+extreme abolitionists were gathered, and in his favor there was held a
+convention in May, 1864. But this dissenting movement collapsed upon
+itself before the elections in November.
+
+The Republicans went into convention at Baltimore, on June 7, 1864. The
+candidacy of Chase had faded, that of Fremont was already unimportant,
+and the renomination of Lincoln was assured. But the party carefully
+concealed its name and, catering to loyalists of whatever brand, it
+called itself "Union," and invited to its support all men to whom the
+successful prosecution of the war was the first great duty. It was a
+Union party in fact as well as name. Delegations of Democrats came to it
+from the border States, and from one of these the convention picked a
+loyal Democrat for the Vice-Presidency. With Lincoln and Andrew Johnson
+on its ticket, with a platform silent upon the protective tariff, and
+with an organization so imperfect that no roll of delegates could be
+made until the convention had been called to order, the Administration
+party of 1864 was far from being the same organization that had, in
+1856, voiced its protest against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill.
+
+The excesses of the Democrats aided Lincoln almost as much as the
+efforts of the party which nominated him. A convention at Chicago, in
+August, presided over by Governor Seymour, of New York, and under the
+dominance of Clement L. Vallandigham, did not need to denounce the war
+as a failure in order to disappoint the Union Democrats. Not even the
+nomination of McClellan, nor his repudiation of the platform, could undo
+the result of such leadership. It was far from certain which ticket
+would receive the greater vote in November, but it was clear that union
+against disunion was the issue, and that men would vote according to
+their hopes and fears. The former were in the ascendant when the polls
+were opened, for Sherman had gained a decisive victory in his occupation
+of Atlanta, while Farragut had gained another at Mobile Bay. On the
+strength of these successes the Union ticket carried every State but
+Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey.
+
+Chase, who left the Treasury during the presidential campaign, had by
+that time finished the work which carried the financial burdens of the
+Civil War and provided party texts for another generation. He had come
+to his task without special fitness, but had speedily mastered the
+essentials of war finance. In his reports he outlined the policy which
+Congress followed, more or less closely. Taxes ought to be increased, he
+urged, to meet all the costs of civil administration, interest on the
+debt, and sinking fund for the same. These were current burdens which
+the country ought not to try to escape. But the extra cost of the war,
+which was to be regarded as a permanent investment by the Union for its
+own defense, might fairly be made a charge upon posterity. To meet these
+he urged the creation of a sufficient bonded debt.
+
+The Thirty-seventh Congress (1861-63) had been more ready to borrow
+than to tax. In all its experience until 1861 the United States had met
+no crisis in which large revenues had been required. In the thirty
+preceding years its total annual receipts had ranged from $20,000,000 to
+$81,000,000, while in the fiscal year in which the war began the total
+had reached $83,000,000, of which $41,000,000 were loans rather than
+revenue. Since the panic of 1857 the Treasury had faced a deficit at the
+end of each year, and had been compelled not only to spend its
+accumulated surplus on current needs, but to borrow heavily. The tariff
+duties, collected at the custom-houses, were, as they always had been,
+the mainstay of the revenue. But these had not met the needs of the
+three lean years before the war.
+
+Had there been no war, the disordered finances of the United States
+might, in 1861, have called for corrective measures and new taxes, and
+these could not have become effective before 1862 or 1863. As it was,
+loans were resorted to for first-aid. In 1862 they alone were more than
+six times as great as the total receipts of 1861; in 1865 they were
+nearly three times as great as in 1862. Taxes were authorized more
+reluctantly than loans, they became profitable more slowly, and did not,
+until the last year of war, reveal the fiscal capacities of the United
+States.
+
+The favorite national tax of the United States had always been the
+tariff. Supplemented by miscellaneous items which included no internal
+revenue after 1849, and no direct tax after 1839, it carried most of the
+financial burdens. Whether parties preferred it high or low, or levied
+it for protection or for revenue, they had continued to cherish it as a
+fiscal device, and had acquired no experience with alternate sources of
+supply. Like the army of the United States, which in time of war had to
+break in its volunteer levies before it could win victories, the
+Treasury and Congress had to learn how to tax before they could bring
+the taxable resources of the United States to supplement the loans.
+
+The tariff was revised and increased several times between 1861 and
+1865, and yielded its greatest return, $102,000,000, in 1864. The result
+was due to both the swelling volume of imports and the higher rates.
+Like all panics, that of 1857 had lessened the buying capacity of the
+American people. In hard times luxuries were sacrificed and treasury
+receipts were thereby greatly curtailed. A return to normal conditions
+of business would have been visible by 1861 had not war obscured it.
+Steadily through the war a prosperous North and West bought more foreign
+goods regardless of the price.
+
+The rate of tariff was based upon the probable revenue, the protective
+principle, and the tax burdens already imposed upon American
+manufacturers. Not until 1863 were the internal or direct taxes
+noticeable, but in 1864 these passed the tariff as a source of revenue,
+with a total of $116,000,000. In 1866 this total was swollen to
+$211,000,000. Like the tariff, the income, excise, and direct taxes were
+often revised and raised, and many of the tariff increases were
+dependent upon them. When the American manufacturer, who already
+declared that he could stay in business only because the tariff
+protected him from European competition, found himself burdened with a
+tax on his income and with others upon his commercial transactions and
+his output, he complained bitterly of the disadvantage at which he was
+placed. To equalize his burdens, the import rates were repeatedly raised
+against the foreigner. By the end of the war, the tariff exceeded
+anything known in American experience, and was fixed less with the
+intention of raising revenue than of enabling the American producer to
+pay his internal tax. Less than $85,000,000 were collected from the
+customs in 1865; while $211,000,000 came from internal sources.
+
+By taxing and borrowing the United States accumulated $88,000,000 in
+1861, $589,000,000 in 1862, $888,000,000 in 1863, $1,408,000,000 in
+1864, and $1,826,000,000 in 1865. The Treasury, unimportant in the
+world's affairs before 1861, suddenly became one of the greatest dealers
+in credit. Its debt of $2,808,000,000, outstanding in October, 1865,
+affected the interests and solidity of international finance, and
+indicated, as well, resources of which even boastful Americans had been
+unaware in 1861. One item in the debt, however, was a menace to the
+security of the whole, which was but little stronger than its weakest
+part.
+
+The physical currency in which the debt was to be created and the
+expenses paid was as difficult to find in 1861 as the wealth which it
+measured. After Jackson destroyed the second Bank of the United States
+there had been no national currency but coin, and too little of that.
+Gold and silver had been coined at the mint, and the former had given
+the standard to the dollar. In intrinsic worth the gold dollar, as
+defined in 1834 at the ratio of sixteen to one, was slightly inferior to
+its silver associate, and by the law of human nature, which induces men
+to hold the better and pass the cheaper money, the value of the gold
+coin had become the measure of exchange.
+
+The coined money did not circulate generally. It was devoted to a part
+of the business of government, and to the needs of the banks which
+provided the actual circulating medium. Scattered over all the States,
+hundreds of state and private banks issued their own notes to serve as
+money. At best, and in theory, these were exchangeable for gold at par;
+at worst, they were a total loss; yet as they were, variant and
+depreciated since the panic of 1857, they were the money of the people
+when the Civil War began. Before the end of 1861 the banks gave up the
+pretense of redeeming their notes in coin. The United States Treasury
+suspended the payment of specie early in 1862, and thereafter for
+seventeen years the paper money in circulation depended for its value on
+the hope that it would some day be redeemed.
+
+The needs of the Treasury, in the crisis of suspension, induced Congress
+to authorize the emission of $150,000,000 of legal-tender paper money.
+These notes, soon known as the "greenbacks," became the measure of the
+difference between standard money and coin. Issued at par, they sank in
+value and fluctuated until in the darkest days of 1864 a dollar in gold
+could be exchanged for $2.85 in greenbacks. Yet they were called
+dollars, and the creditor was forced to accept them in payment of his
+debts. They were themselves a forced loan, borrowed by compulsion from
+the people, and constituting $433,000,000 in the total debts of the
+United States in 1865.
+
+The greenback element in the national debt threatened the integrity of
+the whole. Should redemption take place at par, and at once, the credit
+of the United States could not fail to be strengthened. But should the
+greenbacks be allowed to remain below par, should more of them be
+issued, or should the United States avail itself of its technical
+privilege to pay off part of the bonded debt in "lawful money"
+manufactured by the printing-press, the weakest item in the total might
+easily depress the whole.
+
+The future of American politics after 1865 was largely determined by the
+methods through which the revenue had been increased and by the fate of
+the greenbacks, but more important for the immediate future than either
+of these was the great fact that in five years the United States had
+been able to incur its net debt of $2,808,000,000, and had raised in
+addition more than $700,000,000 through taxation. It was a prosperous
+Union that emerged from the Civil War, and every region but the South
+was strong in its conscious wealth.
+
+The whole of the United States had shared in the unusual growth in the
+period following the Mexican War, in which the new railroads were tying
+the Mississippi Valley to the seaboard. The census of 1860 reported an
+increase of 36 per cent in total population in ten years, somewhat
+unevenly divided, since the Confederate area had increased but 25 per
+cent, as compared with 39 per cent in the North and West, yet large
+enough everywhere to keep up the traditions of a growing population. The
+growth continued in the next decade, despite the Civil War. It is not to
+be expected that it should have touched the record of the fifties, for
+2,500,000 men were drawn from production for at least three years--the
+three years in which most of them would have grown to manhood and
+married, had there been no war. The South, desolated by war, and with
+nearly every able-bodied white man in the ranks, stood still, with under
+9 per cent increase. But the whole country grew in population from
+31,443,321 to 38,558,371 (22 per cent), while the North and West, in
+spite of war, grew 27 per cent,--more than the South had done in its
+most brilliant decade.
+
+How far the North and West would have gone had they not been hampered by
+the depression after 1857 cannot be stated. These regions had suffered
+most from the panic, since in them railroads and banks, factories and
+cities, and all the agents of a complex industrial organization had been
+most active. The industrial disturbance had disarranged for the time the
+elaborate Northern system. The simpler South, with its staple crops, its
+rural population, and its few railways, had suffered less. Southerners
+before the war had seen in their immunity from the effects of panic a
+proof of their superiority over other social orders; they had misread
+the times and prophesied the disintegration of the industrial
+organization of the North.
+
+The South seceded before the rest of the United States emerged from the
+panic period. In the next four years the treasury receipts show the
+resources of the loyal States. Industry, recovered from its depression,
+went ahead unnoticed in the noise of war, yet little impeded by the fact
+of war.
+
+Communication by rail brought the most significant of the single changes
+into the Northern States. Before the panic of 1857 the trunk-line
+railways had completed their net of tracks between the Mississippi and
+tidewater. Nearly ten thousand miles had been built in the Old Northwest
+alone in the ten preceding years. But the effect of this on business,
+certain to come in any event, was not seen until secession closed the
+Mississippi to the agricultural exports of the Northwest. For a part of
+1861 and 1862 traffic piled up along the young railroads extending from
+St. Louis and Chicago to Buffalo, Pittsburg, New York, and Philadelphia.
+But before 1863 these lines, notably the New York Central, the Erie, and
+the Pennsylvania, had adapted themselves to the trade which the South
+had thrust upon them; and never since secession has New Orleans regained
+her place as the great outlet of the Mississippi Valley.
+
+The fundamental change in the direction of its trade added to the
+prosperity of the North. In the additions to the transportation system,
+made to accommodate the new business, new railroads were less prominent
+than second tracks, bridges, tunnels, and terminal facilities. The
+experimental years of railroading had passed before most of the lines
+learned the importance of city terminals. The growth of the cities and
+the rising price of land made the attainment of these more difficult
+than they need have been, while city governments and their officials
+learned that illicit profits could be made out of the necessities of the
+railroads. The great lines, active in the development of their plants,
+and consolidating during the sixties to get the benefits of unified
+management, added to the bustle in the cities in the North.
+
+[Illustration: THE RAILWAYS OF THE "OLD NORTHWEST"
+
+Showing the development between 1848 and 1860, upon which the Civil War
+prosperity of the region was based]
+
+The United States was an agricultural country until the beginning of
+manufacturing and the revolution in communication made it profitable to
+concentrate people and capital in the cities. Between 1850 and 1880 the
+number of cities with a population of 50,000 more than doubled. The
+actual construction of the houses, the water and lighting systems, and
+the sewers for these communities gave employment to labor. As cities
+grew, their more generous distances brought in the street-car companies,
+whose occupation of the public streets added to the temptations and
+opportunities of the officials of government. The swelling manufactures
+increased the city groups and gave them work.
+
+The country life itself began to change. The typical farming families,
+developed by pioneer conditions, had remained the social unit for
+several generations, but these felt the lure of the cities which drew
+their boys and girls into the factories. Domestic manufactures could not
+compete in quality, appearance, or price with the output of the new
+factories. The farmer began to give up his slaughtering and
+butter-making, as he had already abandoned his spinning and weaving, and
+devoted himself more exclusively to raising crops. Here, too, the
+mechanical improvements touched his life. Agricultural machinery was
+coming into general use, while the new railroads carried off his produce
+to the great markets which the rising cities created.
+
+The number of employees of American factories increased more than half
+between 1860 and 1870, while the capital invested and the goods turned
+out were more than doubled. The United States was for the first time
+looking to a day when all the ordinary necessities of life could be made
+within its limits. At Chicago, St. Louis, New York, Boston,
+Philadelphia, and a host of cities in the interior, men were not
+disturbed by the war in their attempt to exploit the abundant resources
+of the continent. The manufacture of food began to shift from the
+household to the city factory, to the advantage of the cities lying near
+the great fresh areas of farm lands. The flour mills of the Northwest,
+the meat-packing establishments at Chicago and elsewhere, the
+distilleries of central Illinois, utilized the agricultural staples and
+transformed them for export. The presence of factories forced upon the
+city governments, East and West, already embarrassed by the pains of
+rapid growth, the problems of police power and good government. Charters
+written for semi-rural villages were inadequate when the villages became
+cities.
+
+Clothing, no less than food, passed into the factory, thanks to Elias
+Howe and his sewing-machine and the shoe machinery of McKay. Before the
+war the influences of this change were visible in the increasing demand
+for cotton. Now came the great growth of the textile regions of the
+East, around Fall River and Philadelphia, and of the shoe factories in
+the Lynn district.
+
+The use and manufacture of machines gave new stimulus to those regions
+where coal and iron, placed conveniently with reference to
+transportation, had fixed the location of smelters and rolling-mills. In
+the middle of the sixties Henry Bessemer's commercial process for the
+manufacture of steel marks the beginning of a revolution in the
+construction of railroads and bridges, as well as in public and private
+architecture. Pittsburg became the heart of the steel industry, and the
+young men who controlled it fixed their hands upon the commercial future
+of the United States. The newest of industries, the trade in petroleum
+and its oils, reached fifteen millions in Pittsburg alone in 1864.
+
+The trunk-line railways with their spurs and branches adjusted
+themselves early in the war to the new direction of business currents.
+They then began to carry the new inhabitants into the cities, the new
+manufactures to their markets, and to press upon iron, coal, and timber
+for their own supplies. Men of business laid the foundations of huge
+fortunes in supplying the new and growing demands. The stock company,
+with negotiable shares and bonds, made it possible for the small
+investor to share in the larger commercial profits and losses.
+
+The growth and elaboration of companies and commerce were projected upon
+a legal system that was most accustomed to small enterprises and local
+trade. Not only had the corporations to establish customs and precedents
+among themselves, but courts, legislatures, and city councils had to
+face the need for an amplification of American law. The speed with which
+the new life swept upon the country, the inexperience of both business
+men and jurists, the public ignorance of the extent to which the
+revolution was to go, and the cross-purposes inevitable when States
+tried to regulate the affairs of corporations larger than themselves,
+make it unnecessary to search further for the key to the confusing
+half-century that followed the Civil War.
+
+The rapid changes in manufacturing, transportation, urban life, and
+business law that came with the prosperity of the early sixties gave to
+these years an appearance of materialism that has misled many observers.
+None of the developments received full contemporary notice, for war
+filled the front pages of the newspapers. The men who directed them were
+not under scrutiny, and could hardly fail to bring into business and
+speculation that main canon of war time that the end is everything and
+that it justifies the means. But though war was not the sole American
+occupation between 1861 and 1865, and though a new industrial revolution
+was begun, material things often gave way in the American mind to
+altruistic concepts and the service of the ideal.
+
+Congress endowed the agricultural colleges in the early years of the
+war, and the state universities, though thinned by the enlistment of
+their boys, established themselves. The creation of new universities,
+the endowment of older foundations, and the beginning of an education
+that should fit not only for law, medicine, and theology, but for
+business, agriculture, engineering, and teaching, all bear testimony to
+the real interests of American democracy. The ideal was as yet far
+removed from the fact, and the intellectual leaders of the United States
+were yet to pass through a period of black pessimism, but the people
+were still firm in their faith that education is the mainstay of popular
+government, and gave their full devotion to both.
+
+The four years of the Civil War carried the United States over a period
+of social and economic transition and left it well started on the new
+course. They enlarged and expanded the activities of government,
+hastening that day when there should exist a public conviction that
+government is a matter of technical expertness and must be run in a
+scientific manner for the common good. They raised the problems of
+taxation and currency to a new importance, and impressed their
+significance upon the men who directed the industries of the country. In
+their prosperity they made it possible to save the Union; and at their
+close a Union party, uncertain of its strength and its personnel, faced
+the problems of a united country which included an industrial North, a
+desolated South, and a vanishing frontier.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+For further references upon the Civil War period, consult William E.
+Dodd, _Expansion and Conflict_ (in this series), and F.L. Paxson, _The
+Civil War_ (1911). The best and most exhaustive narrative is J.F.
+Rhodes, _History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the
+Final Restoration of Home Rule at the South in 1877_ (7 vols.,
+1892-1906), and this may be supplemented to advantage by E.D. Fite,
+_Social and industrial Conditions in the North during the Civil War_
+(1910). There is a convenient account of the election of 1864, with
+platforms and tables of votes, in E. Stanwood, _A History of the
+Presidency_ (1898) and there are many valuable documents in E.
+McPherson's annual _Political Manual_. The biographies of W.H. Seward,
+by F. Bancroft, and Jay Cooke, by E.P. Oberholtzer, are among the best
+of the period. There are no better summaries of finances than D.R.
+Dewey's _Financial History of the United States_ (1903, etc.); W.C.
+Mitchell's _History of the Greenbacks_ (1903); and J.A. Woodburn's
+_Thaddeus Stevens_ (1913). In the _Annual Cyclopaedia_ (published by D.
+Appleton & Co., 1861-1902) are useful and accurate accounts of current
+affairs. E.L. Godkin began to publish the _Nation_ in New York in the
+summer of 1865, and H.V. Poore issued the first volume of his annual
+_Manual of the Railroads of the United States_, in 1868.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE WEST AND THE GREENBACKS
+
+
+The activity of the North and the East between 1861 and 1865 was
+imitated and magnified among the youthful communities that made up the
+western border and ranged in age from a few weeks to thirty years. These
+had been mostly agricultural in 1857. Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and
+Kansas had been the frontier before the Civil War. In place of these,
+now grown to be populous and more or less sedate, a new group appeared
+farther west, within what had been believed to be the "American Desert."
+By 1868 Congress completed the subdivision of the last lands between the
+Missouri River and the Pacific, since which date only one new political
+division has appeared in the United States.
+
+The last frontier, that developed after 1857, was novel as well as new.
+It was made up of mining camps. Everywhere in the Rocky Mountains
+prospectors staked out claims and introduced their free-and-easy life.
+Before 1857 the group of Mormons around the Great Salt Lake was the only
+considerable settlement between eastern Kansas and California. Now came
+in quick succession the rush to Pike's Peak and Colorado Territory
+(1861), the rush from California to the Carson Valley and Nevada
+Territory (1861), and the creation of the agricultural territory of
+Dakota (1861) for the up-river Missouri country, where in a few more
+years were revealed the riches of the Black Hills. In 1863 the mines of
+the lower Colorado River gave excuse for Arizona Territory. Those of the
+northern Continental Divide were grouped in Idaho in the same year, and
+divided in 1864 when Montana was created. Wyoming, the last of the
+subdivisions, was the product of mines and railroads in 1868. Oklahoma
+was not named for twenty years more, but had existed in its final shape
+since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in 1854.
+
+The legitimate influence of these mining-camps upon the United States
+was great. It was no new thing for Congress to solve its national
+problems on the initiative of the West. Since the passage of the
+Ordinance of 1787 this had been a frequent occurrence, and the history
+of the public lands had always been directed by Western demands. In 1862
+the agricultural West, whose capacity to cultivate land had been
+magnified by the new reaper of McCormick, had obtained its Homestead
+Act, by which land titles were conveyed to the farmer who cleared the
+land and used it. Thomas H. Benton had fought for this through a long
+lifetime. He died too soon to see the full apotheosis of the squatter,
+who gradually developed, in point of law, from the criminal stealing the
+public land to the public-spirited pioneer in whose interest a wise
+Congress ought to shape its laws. Under the influence of this new
+Homestead Law, aided by the Preemption Law, which remained in force,
+land titles were established in the Mountain States as rapidly as the
+Indians could be removed.
+
+The frontier mining territories were loud in demanding that Congress
+should give them more land, remove the Indians, extend police
+protection, and give them mails and railroads. The miner disliked the
+isolation which his speculations brought upon him, and Congress unfolded
+new powers to remove it for him. In 1858 it organized the great overland
+mail that ran coaches to California in less than twenty-five days. The
+pony express provided faster service in 1860-61. And after private money
+had built the telegraph line to the Pacific, both Congress and the West
+took up the subject of a continental railway.
+
+In the summer of 1862 a group of railroad companies was authorized to
+build a track from the Missouri River (which had already been reached at
+St. Joseph by a railway from the East) to California. As modified by law
+in 1864 the contract provided for extensive government aid in the
+speculation: twenty sections of land for every mile of track, and a loan
+of United States bonds at the rate of at least $16,000 per mile. But the
+West had little capital, and the prosperous East had better investments
+at home, so that money could hardly be got into this scheme on any
+terms. The Western promoters were driven to shifty extremes before they
+overcame the Eastern belief that no continental railroad could pay. Not
+until 1866 was the construction work begun in earnest.
+
+[Illustration: THE WESTERN RAILWAY LANDGRANTS, 1850-1871
+
+Explanation of the map of
+
+THE WESTERN RAILWAY LAND GRANTS, 1850-1871
+
+(This map is based upon the one in Donaldson, Public Domain, 948, and
+includes certain wagon-road lands.)
+
+There never were any public lands in the State of Texas. Oklahoma lay
+within the Indian Country in which no lands were available for grants
+between 1850 and 1871.
+
+The railway land grants, authorized between 1850 and 1871 lay within the
+areas shaded, and consisted, in all cases, of alternate sections on each
+side of the track. The sections retained by the United States were,
+however, withdrawn from entry upon filing of the railway survey, and
+remained withdrawn until the railway allotment had been made. Regions
+thus impeded in their development often became centers of hostility
+toward the railroads.]
+
+Between 1866 and 1869 the building of the Union Pacific was the most
+picturesque enterprise in America. Across the great plains, the desert,
+and the mountains, from Council Bluffs to Sacramento, it was pushed. In
+the West, Stanford and his group of California visionaries carried the
+burden. The eastern end brought out no single great promoter. Both ends
+fought the problem of timber and stone and railroad iron, but most of
+all of labor. Stanford finally imported the Chinese coolie for the job.
+Civil War veterans and new immigrants did most of the work on the
+eastern end. And along the eastern stretches the Indian tribes of the
+plains watched the work with jealous eyes. The Pawnee, the Sioux, the
+Arapaho, and the Cheyenne saw in the new road the end of a tribal life
+based upon wild game.
+
+Severe Indian outbreaks accompanied the construction of the railroad, as
+the tribes made their last stand in Wyoming, Colorado, and the Indian
+Territory. Before the line was done, the tribes of the plains were under
+control in two great concentration camps, in South Dakota and Indian
+Territory, and the worst of the Indian fighting in the West was over.
+
+In the spring of 1869 the railroad was finished and a spectacular
+celebration was held near Ogden, in Utah Territory. The finishing stroke
+was everywhere regarded as national, since not only had Congress given
+aid, but the union of the oceans was an object of national ambition.
+With the completion, the problem shifted from the exciting risks of
+construction and finance to the prosaic duties of paying the bills, and
+with the shift came a natural falling-off in enthusiasm.
+
+The Union Pacific was the longest railroad of the sixties, and aroused
+the greatest interest. In an economic way it is merely typical of the
+speculative expansion of the North that began early in the Civil War and
+continued increasingly thereafter. The United States was engaged in a
+period of hopeful growth such as has followed every panic. After a few
+years of depression, stagnation, and enforced economy, business had
+revived about 1861. Confidence had increased, loans had been made more
+freely, and capital had taken up again its search for profitable
+investment. In the newer regions, where permanent improvements were
+least numerous, the field for exploitation had been great. The climax of
+exploitation was reached throughout the West.
+
+As had been true at all the stages of the westward movement, the West
+was heavily in debt, and upon a forced balance would generally have
+shown an excess of liabilities over assets. Borrowed money paid much of
+the cost of emigration. During the first year the pioneer often raised
+no crops and lived upon his savings or his borrowings. He and his local
+merchant and his bank and his new railroad had borrowed all they could,
+while the creditor, living necessarily in the older communities where
+saving had created a surplus for investment, lived in the East, or even
+in Europe. The necessary conditions of settlement and development had
+prepared the way for a new sectional alignment of business interests,
+those of the Far West and the Northwest taking their tone from the
+interests of a debtor class, while those of the East represented those
+of the creditor. The possible cleavage was revealed as real when the
+United States Treasury Department, in its work toward financial
+reconstruction, approached the subject of the greenbacks.
+
+The legal-tender greenbacks, which were in circulation to the extent of
+$433,000,000 in 1865, constituted not only a part of the debt of the
+war, but the foundation of the currency in circulation. Throughout most
+of the war they were supplemented by the notes of state banks, local
+token-money, and fractional currency, or "shinplasters," of the United
+States. Coin ceased to circulate in 1862 and was used only by those
+whose contracts obliged them to pay in gold or silver. In 1863 Secretary
+Chase inaugurated a system of national banks, to circulate a uniform
+currency, secured by United States bonds, but these did not become a
+factor in business until the state bank notes had been taxed out of
+existence in 1865. After this time national banks were formed in large
+numbers, replacing the uncertain notes of the state banks with their own
+notes, which were quite as good as greenbacks. But all paper money was
+below par in 1865, and gold remained out of circulation, at a premium,
+until the end of 1878.
+
+The depreciation of the greenbacks reflected a popular doubt as to the
+outcome of the Civil War. They entailed hardship upon all who received
+them as dollars, since their purchasing value was below the standard of
+one hundred cents in gold. When the Government, desperate in war time,
+forced its creditors to accept them at par, it did an injustice which
+it regarded as real, though necessary. The speedy restoration of the
+greenbacks to par received the immediate attention of the Treasury upon
+the return of peace.
+
+Hugh McCulloch, of Indiana, who became Secretary of the Treasury in
+1865, was a banker of long experience and success. He proposed, if
+allowed, to reduce the whole war debt, including the greenbacks, to
+long-term bonds bearing a low rate of interest, and to create a sinking
+fund which should redeem them as they fell due. This involved the
+withdrawal from circulation of the greenbacks, and the destruction of
+that amount of the money used in business. Congress authorized it,
+however, and McCulloch canceled greenbacks from month to month until he
+had reduced the total to $356,000,000 in February, 1868.
+
+The withdrawal of the legal tenders had not been long under way before
+protests began to come in upon the Treasury and Congress from the West.
+Bad as the depreciated currency was, it was the only currency available
+for the active business of the country. If the greenbacks should go
+there would be nothing to take their place until coin should finally
+emerge from hiding. The reduction of the volume of money in a time of
+increasing business would enforce upon each dollar an enlarged activity
+and a greater market value. The price of money rising, the price of all
+commodities measured in money would necessarily fall, and in a period of
+falling prices the West thought it saw financial catastrophe. There was
+enough real truth in the contention that resumption meant a fall in
+prices for the Treasury to be compelled to make the difficult choice
+between this evil and the other evil of a depreciated currency forced
+upon the people.
+
+The creditor East regarded the possible increase in the purchasing value
+of the dollar with entire complacency. Its selfish interests harmonized
+with sound theories of finance. But in the debtor West the process had
+so different an aspect that the financial obligations of the United
+States were obscured by the local interest.
+
+The great "boom" of the West began after the depreciation had commenced.
+Most of the Western debts, whether on the farm of the settler, the stock
+of the merchant, or the bonds of the industrial corporation, had been
+created in legal-tender dollars of the value of the depreciated
+greenbacks. Any appreciation which might come to the greenbacks must
+increase the content-value of the debt. If "dollars," borrowed when they
+were worth sixty cents in gold, were to be repaid in "dollars" worth
+eighty or more cents in gold, the debtor was repaying one third more
+than he had received, and no appeal to the importance of public credit
+could make him forget his loss. He resented not only the decrease in the
+actual amount of money, but the appreciated value of the remainder.
+
+McCulloch, trained in finance, was ready to sacrifice the debtor for the
+sake of national solvency,--and, indeed, one or the other had to yield.
+But Congress felt the pressure, which was strong from all the West, and
+most strong from the Northwest, between Pittsburg and Chicago, whose
+industry had been reorganized during the years of war. In February,
+1868, the retirement of more greenbacks was forbidden by law, the amount
+then in circulation being $356,000,000. The inflation which war had
+brought about was legalized in time of peace, and the Supreme Court
+ultimately ruled[1] that the issue of legal tenders, in either war or
+peace, is at the free discretion of Congress.
+
+Like every other West, the West of 1868 was in debt; like every other
+debtor community, it was liable to yield to theories of inflation, and
+was prone to look to politics for redress of grievances. The farmers of
+Massachusetts and Connecticut had followed Shays for this purpose in
+1786; Ohio and Kentucky had attacked the second Bank of the United
+States when it forced their banks to pay their debts; and now the
+Northwest listened to politicians who told them that more greenbacks
+would cure their ills.
+
+The advocates of the Greenback movement urged that the legal tenders be
+retained as the foundation of the currency, and that all bonds and
+interest payable in "lawful money" be paid in paper. By thus increasing
+the volume of greenbacks in circulation they hoped to avoid a fall in
+prices or an increased pressure on the debtor. Wherever men were heavily
+in debt, they accepted this doctrine. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio,
+became its most prominent spokesman, though it received the support of
+men as far apart as Thaddeus Stevens and B.F. Butler, and on it as an
+issue Pendleton sought to obtain for himself the Democratic nomination
+for the presidency in 1868.
+
+[Footnote 1: In the cases of Knox _vs._ Lee and Juilliard _vs._
+Greenman.]
+
+The aspirations of Pendleton, when his friends brought his "Ohio Idea"
+to the national convention, in Tammany Hall, New York, on July 4, were
+opposed by the similar desires of Chief Justice Chase, who still wanted
+the Presidency, and Horatio Seymour, the Democratic war Governor of New
+York. In its leader, commenting on the convention, _Harper's Weekly_
+asserted that "The Democratic Convention of 1864 declared the war a
+failure. The loyal people scorned the words and fought on to an
+unconditional victory. The Democratic Convention of 1868 declares that
+the war debt shall be repudiated. And their words will be equally
+spurned by the same honorable people." Pendleton failed to secure the
+nomination, which went to Seymour, on the twenty-second ballot, with
+Francis P. Blair, Jr., for the Vice-Presidency, but the "Ohio idea" was
+embodied in the platform of the party, although Seymour distinctly
+disavowed it.
+
+Pledged to what the East commonly regarded as repudiation, the
+Democratic party was severely handicapped at the beginning of the
+campaign. Not only could their opponents reproach Seymour as a
+Copperhead, but they could profess to be frightened by Wade Hampton and
+the "hundred other rebel officers who sat in the Convention." Already
+including "treason," and disloyalty, the indictment was amended to
+include dishonor, by the Republicans, who scarcely needed the strong
+popularity of Grant to carry them into office.
+
+The Republican party was compelled to disguise itself as "Union" in
+1864, and it paid for the disguise during the next four years. Upon the
+death of Lincoln, the Tennessee Democrat, Andrew Johnson, took the oath
+of office. The bond which kept Democrats and Republicans together as
+Unionists had dissolved with the surrender of Lee, so that Johnson was
+enabled to follow his natural bent as a strict constructionist. His
+policies had carried him far away from the radical Republicans before
+Congress convened for its session of 1865-66, and led to a positive
+breach with that body in 1866.
+
+The quarrel between Johnson and the Republican leaders was occasioned by
+his views upon the rights of the Southern States, conquered in war and
+held within the military grasp of the United States. It was his belief,
+as it had been Lincoln's, that these States were still States and were
+in the Union, even though in a temporarily deranged condition. As
+President, entrusted with force to be used in executing the laws, he
+regarded himself as sole judge of the time when force should no longer
+be needed. And in this spirit he offered pardon to many leaders of the
+Confederacy in May, 1865. He followed amnesty with provisional
+governments, and proclaimed rules according to which the conquered
+States should revise their constitutions and reestablish orderly and
+loyal governments. He had reorganized the last of the eleven States
+before Congress could interfere with him.
+
+The difference between Johnson and his Republican associates lay in the
+character of the restored electorates in the South. The whole white
+population had, in most States, been implicated in secession. There was
+no Union faction in the South that remained loyal throughout the war.
+Pardoned and restored to a full share in the Government, these Southern
+leaders would come back into Congress as Democrats, and with increased
+strength. The Thirteenth Amendment abolished slavery, and raised the
+representation of the negroes in the South from the old three-fifths
+ratio to par. Every State would come back with more Representatives than
+it had had before the war, and with the aid of Northern Democrats it was
+not unlikely that a control of Congress might be obtained.
+
+To Northern Republicans it was unreasonable that the conquered South
+should be rewarded instead of punished, and that any theory of
+reconstruction should risk bringing into power the party that Union men,
+headed by Lincoln, had defeated in 1864. Politicians, interested in the
+spoils of office, were enraged at the thought of losing them.
+Disinterested Northerners, who had sacrificed much to save the Union,
+believed it unsafe at once to hand it over to a combination of peace
+Democrats and former "rebels." Yet this was Johnson's plan, and
+Congress, with radical Republicans in control, set about to prevent it.
+
+Although Johnson, as President, controlled the patronage, Congress
+possessed the power, if not the moral right, to limit him in its use. No
+appointment could be made without the consent of the Senate, which was
+Republican. In 1867 Congress enacted that no removal should be made
+without the same consent, in a Tenure-of-Office Bill that brought the
+dispute to a climax. More important than this power of concurrence was
+the exclusive right of each house to judge of "the elections, returns,
+and qualifications" of its own members. So long as the Southern Senators
+and Representatives were out of Congress no power could get them in
+without the consent of either house. Violent advisers of the President
+argued that a Congress excluding the members of eleven States by
+prearrangement was a "rump," and without authority, but they failed to
+influence either the conduct of the majority or the acts of Johnson.
+
+In the Thirty-ninth Congress, which sat in 1865 and 1866, it was the
+problem of the leaders, Charles Sumner in the Senate and Thaddeus
+Stevens in the House, to hold the party together and to block the
+designs of the President. In the House, the heavy Republican majority
+made this easy. In the Senate the majority was slighter, and could be
+kept at two thirds only by unseating a Democratic Senator from New
+Jersey, after which event both houses were able to defy Johnson and to
+pass measures over his veto. The vetoes began when Johnson refused his
+consent to the Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Rights Bills. These and
+all other important acts of reconstruction were forced upon the
+President by the two-thirds vote.
+
+The split, so far as founded upon honest divergence in legal theory, was
+embarrassing. It was made disgraceful by the violence of the radical
+Republicans and the intemperate retorts of Johnson. In 1866 Congress
+sent the Fourteenth Amendment to the States for ratification. In 1867 it
+passed its bills for actual reconstruction under the control of the army
+of the United States, and defied Johnson to interfere by refusing to
+allow him to remove officials from office.
+
+Johnson carried himself through the partisan struggle with ability and
+success. His language was often extreme, but he enforced the acts which
+Congress passed as vigorously as if they had been his own. So far as any
+theory of the Constitution met the facts of reconstruction, his has the
+advantage, but in a situation not foreseen by the Constitution force
+outranked logic, and the radical Republicans with two-thirds in each
+house possessed the force. There was no lapse in the President's
+diligence and no flaw in his official character which his enemies could
+use. They began to talk of impeachment in 1866, but could find no basis
+for it.
+
+The Tenure-of-Office Act furnished the pretext for impeachment. Advised
+by his Attorney-General that it was unconstitutional, Johnson dismissed
+the Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, for whose protection the law had
+been passed. In removing Stanton he broke with Grant, commanding the
+army, over a question of veracity, and gave to Congress its chance. In
+February, 1868, the House of Representatives voted to impeach him.
+
+The trial of Andrew Johnson before the Senate dragged through April and
+May. The articles of impeachment were long and detailed in their
+description of the unquestioned bad manners of the President, but the
+only specific violation of law cited was in the case of Stanton, and
+here it could be urged both that the law was unconstitutional and that
+it was so loosely drawn that it did not really cover this case. In
+brief, it was the policy of Johnson that was on trial, and it was
+finally impossible to persuade two-thirds of the Senators that this
+constituted a high crime or a misdemeanor. The President was acquitted
+in the middle of May, while the Republican party turned to the more
+hopeful work of electing his successor.
+
+In the fight over Johnson party lines had been strengthened and defined
+so that no Unionist, not in sympathy with congressional reconstruction,
+could hope for the nomination. No other issue equaled this in strength.
+The greenback issue was condemned in a plank that denounced "all forms
+of repudiation as a national crime," but ran second to the basis of
+reconstruction. No other candidate than Ulysses S. Grant was considered
+at the Chicago Convention.
+
+Few men have emerged from deserved obscurity to deserved prominence as
+rapidly as General Grant. In 1861 he was a retired army officer, and a
+failure. In 1863, as the victor at Fort Donelson and at Vicksburg, he
+loomed up in national proportions. In the hammering of 1864 and 1865 it
+was his persistence and moral courage that won the day. In 1868, as
+commander of the army, and fortunate in his quarrel with Johnson, he was
+the coveted candidate of both parties, for he had no politics. Held by
+his associations to the Republican leaders, he was nominated at Chicago
+on the first ballot, with Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, as his
+Vice-President.
+
+The nomination of Grant occurred as the impeachment trial was drawing to
+a close. Before Congress adjourned it readmitted several of the Southern
+States that had been restored under the control of Republican
+majorities. Tennessee was already back; the new States were North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, and
+Arkansas. Only three States remained under provisional control when
+Grant was elected in November and seated in the following March. As he
+took the oath of office there were few, North, South, or West, who did
+not rejoice in his election; he had defeated the Greenback pretension,
+which endeared him to the East; the West remembered that he had been
+born and bred in the Mississippi Valley; and to the South he presented
+the clean hands of the regular army officer, and the welcome promise of
+his letter of acceptance, "Let us have peace."
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+For general accounts of the Far West in this period consult K. Coman,
+Economic _Beginnings of the Far West_ (2 vols., 1912), and F.L. Paxson,
+_The Last American Frontier_ (1910). These should be supplemented by
+E.L. Bogart, _Economic History of the United States_ (1907), K. Coman,
+_Industrial History of the United States_ (2d ed., 1910), W.A. Scott,
+_The Repudiation of State Debts_ (1893), and W.C. Mitchell, _History of
+the Greenbacks_. The more valuable memoirs include H. McCulloch, _Men
+and Measures of Half a Century_ (1888), and J.G. Blaine, _Twenty Years
+of Congress_ (2 vols., 1884). A brilliant analysis of the financial
+interests of the debtor sections is M.S. Wildman, _Money Inflation in
+the United States_ (1905). Rhodes continues to furnish a comprehensive
+narrative, and is paralleled by the shorter W.A. Dunning,
+_Reconstruction, Political and Economic, 1865-1877_ (in _The American
+Nation_, vol. 22, 1907). A detailed account of impeachment politics is
+in D.M. DeWitt, _Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson_ (1903), and in
+J.A. Woodburn, _The Life of Thaddeus Stevens_ (1913). J.P. Davis, _The
+Union Pacific Railway_ (1894), is the standard account of the early
+movement for a continental railroad. S.L. Clemens (Mark Twain) presents
+a vivid picture of frontier life in _Roughing It_ (1872), while A.B.
+Paine, _Mark Twain_ (3 vols., 1912), contains much material of general
+historical interest for this period.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE RESTORATION OF HOME RULE IN THE SOUTH
+
+
+The eight Southern States whose votes were cast in 1868 were far
+different from the States of the same names in 1860, and were, like the
+three still outside the Union, largely under the control of radical
+Republicans. Restoration, after a fashion, they had received, but it had
+been accompanied by a revolution in society, in politics, and in
+economic life. "Reconstruction" is an inappropriate name for what took
+place.
+
+Many efforts have been made to show the price paid by the South for its
+attempt at independence, but these have always failed to be exact. No
+scheme of accounting can uncover all the costs. It is a sufficient
+suggestion as to the total that a million men, at the prime of life,
+were diverted from ordinary production for about three years. Not only
+did the South lose the products of their labor, but it lost many of
+them, while its houses, barns, and other permanent improvements wore
+out, were burned, or went to pieces from lack of care. Its slave
+property was destroyed. Poverty was universal within the region of the
+Confederacy when Johnson issued his amnesty proclamation and the troops
+came home.
+
+The most immediate problems before the Southern planter in the spring of
+1865 were his dilapidated buildings, his spring crops, and his labor
+supply. Without money or credit, he needed all the stiffness of a proud
+caste to hold off bankruptcy. The daughter of a prominent Mississippi
+planter told later how her father, at seventy years, did the family
+washing to keep his daughters from the tub. A society whose men and
+women took this view of housework (for the daughters let their father
+have his way) had much to learn before it could reestablish itself. Yet
+this same stubbornness carried the South through the twenty trying years
+after the war.
+
+The system of slave labor was gone, but the negroes were still the chief
+reliance for labor. It appears from the scanty records that are
+available that the planters expected to reopen the plantations using the
+freedmen as hired laborers. In 1865 and 1866 they tried this, only to
+find that the negro had got beyond control and would not work.
+Supervision had become hateful to him. A vagrant life appealed to his
+desire for change. At best, he was unintelligent and indolent. In a few
+years it became clear that the old type of plantation had vanished, and
+that the substitute was far from satisfactory.
+
+Failing at hiring the negro for wages, the planter tried to rent to him
+a part of the estate. But since the tenant was penniless the landlord
+had to find much or all of the tools and stock, and too often had to see
+the crops deserted while the negro went riding around the county on his
+mule, full of his new independence. The census records show the decline
+of the plantation as the labor system changed. In 1860 the average
+American farm contained 199 acres, while those of the eleven seceding
+States ranged in average from 245 in Arkansas, to 430 in Georgia, and
+591 in Texas. All were far above the national average, for the economics
+of the plantation system impelled the owner ever to increase his
+holdings. In 1870, and again in 1880, the reports show a rapid decline.
+The average for the whole country went down from 199 to 134 acres in the
+twenty years, as intensive agriculture advanced, but the South declined
+more rapidly than the whole, and in 1880, in all but two States, the
+average farm was less than half its size before the Civil War.
+
+The vagrant, shiftless freedman was a social problem as well as
+economic. To fix his new status was the effort of the legislatures that
+convened in 1865, under the control of those who had qualified as loyal
+in Johnson's scheme. In several States laws were passed relating to
+contracts, apprenticeship, and vagrancy, under which the negro was to be
+held to regular work and the employer was given the right to punish him.
+The laws represented the opinion of the white citizens that special
+provisions were needed to control and regulate the negro population now
+that the personal bond of the owner for the good behavior of his slaves
+was canceled. To the North, still excited and nervous in 1865, the laws
+appeared to embody an overt attempt to restore the essentials of
+slavery. They served to embitter Congress toward Johnson's plans, and to
+convince Republicans that the professed loyalty of former Confederates
+was hypocritical,--that these must not be permitted to return at once to
+federal office or to Congress.
+
+It was not until the summer of 1867 that Congress substituted
+governments of its own design for those which Johnson had erected by
+proclamation. These, meanwhile, had proceeded to revise their
+constitutions and to adopt the Thirteenth Amendment, which was
+proclaimed as part of the Constitution in December, 1865. The direct
+hand of Congress was shown in the strengthening of the Freedmen's Bureau
+in the spring of 1866, and the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment in
+the following summer.
+
+The Freedmen's Bureau had its excuse in the poverty and ignorance of the
+negroes who crowded about the invading armies. Toward the end of the war
+it was authorized to administer abandoned property, and to aid the
+freedmen in farming upon the same. It did wide charitable and
+educational work in easing the abrupt change from slavery to freedom,
+and would have been dissolved a year after the return of peace had not
+Congress maintained it to offset the tendencies of Johnson's
+administration. Hereafter the agents of the Bureau were thrown into
+politics until 1872.
+
+The permanent government of the conquered South by the army was
+repugnant to even radical Northerners, yet the white inhabitants were
+Democratic almost to the last man, and if restored to civil rights would
+control their States. The only means of developing a Southern Republican
+party that might keep the South "loyal" was the enfranchisement of the
+freedman, for which purpose the Fourteenth Amendment was submitted. The
+agents of the Bureau were expected not only to feed and clothe the
+negroes, but to impress upon them the fact that they owed their freedom
+to the Republicans. Some spread the belief that the Democrats desired to
+restore slavery. Many built up personal machines. The responsibility
+upon these white directors of the negro vote was great, and was too
+often betrayed. Generally not natives, and with no stake in the Southern
+community, they lined their own pockets and earned the unkindly name of
+"carpet-baggers." The Territories had always known something of this
+type of ruler, but the States, hitherto, had known bad government only
+when they made it themselves.
+
+The Reconstruction Acts of 1867 ordered the President to divide the
+South into five military districts, whose commanders should supersede
+all the state officers whom Johnson had restored. With troops behind
+them, these commanders were, first, to enroll on the voting list all
+males over twenty-one. The negroes, before the adoption of the
+Fourteenth Amendment, were thus given by Congress the right to vote in
+their respective States, and were included in the lists. Excluded from
+the lists were the leaders of every Southern community, those whites who
+had held important office in the Confederacy; and none was to be
+enrolled, white or black, until he had taken an ironclad and offensive
+oath of allegiance.
+
+Based upon the list of voters thus made up, state conventions were to be
+summoned to revise the constitutions. In every case they must modify the
+laws to admit the status of the freedmen, must ratify the Fourteenth
+Amendment with its guaranty of civil rights, and must extend the right
+of suffrage to the blacks. When all these things had been done, with
+army officers constantly in supervision, the resulting constitutions
+were to be submitted to Congress for final approval or rejection.
+
+No constitutional theory ever met all the problems of reconstruction.
+The war had been fought on the basis that no State can get out of the
+Union. If this was true, then all the States were still States, and it
+was a reasonable presidential function to restore order and withdraw the
+troops. The unreasonable result of this theory was the immediate
+restoration of an enlarged influence to those very men who had tried to
+break the Union, at a moment when the greenback movement threatened the
+foundations of public faith. Yet Congress, by pretending to readmit or
+restore States, denied that they were still States, and by implication
+conceded the principle for which the Confederacy had contended: that the
+members of the Union could get outside it. The power of Congress to seat
+or unseat members, however, placed it beyond all control. Every effort
+to get the courts to interfere broke down, when the suits were directed
+against the President (Mississippi _vs._ Andrew Johnson), or the
+Secretary of War (Georgia _vs._ Stanton). A personal suit that promised
+some relief (_Ex parte_ McCardle) was evaded by a sudden amendment of
+the law relating to appeals. The situation was unpremeditated, and the
+Constitution made no provision for its facts. In the end, reconstruction
+must be judged by its results rather than by its legality. If it brought
+peace, restored prosperity, safeguarded the Union, and created no new
+grievances of its own, it was good, whatever the Constitution.
+
+Johnson enforced the Reconstruction Acts with care, and the Southern
+conventions, meeting in the autumn of 1867, sat into the following
+winter. In five of the States the roll of electors showed a majority of
+negroes, and in none were conservatives able to control the election of
+delegates. The old leaders were still disfranchised, and many of them
+could not believe that the North would permit the radicals to subject
+them to the control of illiterate negroes. The resulting conventions
+contained many negroes and were dominated by white Republicans,
+carpet-baggers, or scalawags as the case might be. An active part in
+directing them was taken by the officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, while
+the freedmen were consolidated by the secret ritual of the Union League.
+Only Tennessee escaped the ordeal, she having ratified the Fourteenth
+Amendment so promptly that Congress could not evade admitting her in
+1866.
+
+An analysis of the conventions of 1867 reveals the extent of the
+political revolution which Congress intended to thrust upon the South,
+whose industrial revolution was now well advanced. Planters had begun
+already to break up their estates and entrust small holdings to cash
+renters, or share tenants, known as "croppers." Their financial burdens
+were heavy, but with intelligent government and reasonable commercial
+credits from the North, the problems of labor and capital might be met.
+But the men who must control the economic future of the South were
+excluded from the Government as traitors. Their places were filled by
+Northern adventurers and by negroes. The Mississippi convention included
+seventeen negroes, and was called the "black and tan." Inexperience and
+incompetence were in control, leading to extravagance and dishonesty,
+but the conventions were generally superior to the legislatures which
+followed them.
+
+Framing new constitutions, most of the States had met the demands of
+Congress by the summer of 1868, with the respectable portion of the
+South looking on in desperate silence. The war had left no grievances
+equal to those now being suffered. Seven of the new constitutions were
+adopted in time for the radicals to give to their States votes in the
+election of 1868. Alabama, making the eighth, was allowed to vote under
+a constitution which Congress had forced upon her after it had failed of
+ratification by the people. Only Georgia and Louisiana, of these eight,
+did not give their votes to Grant. Only Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas
+remained without the pale when Grant was inaugurated in 1869.
+
+The completion of reconstruction in its formal sense was reached during
+Grant's first Congress. Mississippi completed her process in February,
+1870. She had in 1868 voted down the reconstruction constitution, taking
+courage in the leadership of a conservative governor, Humphreys. When he
+was removed, and replaced by a Northern governor, the conservatives lost
+heart and ratified the constitution that they had rejected. Their delay
+cost the State one more humiliation, since in the interval the
+Fifteenth Amendment had been submitted by Congress and made a condition
+of readmission for the recalcitrant States. A Republican legislature,
+the first fruit of reconstruction, accepted this and sent to Washington
+as the new Mississippi Senators the Northern military governor, Ames,
+and a negro preacher named Revels.
+
+Virginia was readmitted in January, 1870. Her original loyal government
+under Pierpont, which Lincoln had respected, had been supplanted by a
+military regime, having lost its last chance for recognition when it
+rejected the Fourteenth Amendment in 1867. Under congressional direction
+a negro-radical convention made a new constitution which was forced upon
+the people in January, 1870. Texas, too, was in her final stage of
+restoration in 1870, and like Virginia and Mississippi was readmitted
+upon conditions that had become more onerous since the passage of the
+Reconstruction Acts in 1867.
+
+Eleven States, all the old Confederacy, had been restored by the spring
+of 1870; but one, Georgia, was ejected after restoration, and thus
+became the last item in congressional reconstruction. In 1868 Georgia
+had ratified her new constitution and moved her capital from its
+ante-bellum location at Milledgeville to the new town growing upon the
+ashes of Atlanta. She had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, but her
+first legislature had so poorly read the meaning of Congress that it
+expelled every negro whom the radicals had elected to membership.
+Congress had thereupon declined to seat the Georgia delegation at
+Washington, and had renewed the probationary period until the
+legislature, humbled and browbeaten, had undone the expulsion, whereupon
+Georgia received her final recognition.
+
+The arbitrary acts of Congress, passed by the radicals over the
+unvarying vetoes of Johnson, find little sanction in the Constitution,
+but it is to be expected that the laws should suffer in a time of war.
+Congress held off the day of restoration until it saw in the South what
+its majority believed to be loyal governments. Its majority could not
+believe that any party but its own was loyal, and was thus led to a
+policy much more debatable than that of actual reconstruction. Step by
+step it moved. The abolition of slavery, in the Thirteenth Amendment
+(effective December 18, 1865), was expected by all and accepted without
+a fight. The next amendment, inspired by a fear that the freedmen would
+be oppressed and by a hope that they might be converted into a political
+ally of the Republicans, was submitted to the States before the
+Reconstruction Acts were passed, and was proclaimed as part of the
+Constitution July 28, 1868. Only compulsion upon the Southern States
+procured its ratification. It left negro suffrage optional with the
+States, but threatened them with a reduction in representation in
+Congress if they refrained from granting it. In the Southern States
+Congress had already planted a negro electorate by law. The Fifteenth
+Amendment forbade the denial of the right to vote on grounds of race,
+color, or previous condition of servitude, and was not submitted to the
+States until after the inauguration of General Grant. A fear that the
+South would disfranchise the freedmen, pay the price, and revert to
+Democratic control seems to have been the prime motive in its adoption.
+When it was proclaimed, March 30, 1870, the radical Republicans had done
+everything in their power to save themselves, and had inflicted on the
+conquered States, in malice, ignorance, or mistaken philanthropy, a
+condition that in the North, with its trifling number of negroes, was
+tolerated with reluctance.
+
+The South was in name completely restored in 1870, but neither
+restoration nor reconstruction was in fact far advanced. In the latter
+process it was yet clearing away the wreckage of the institution of
+slavery, breaking up the plantations, devising new systems of tenure and
+wage, rebuilding the material equipment that the war had left desolate.
+The former process was only commenced. It was unthinkable that an
+American community should permit itself to remain subject to the
+absolute control of its least respected members, yet this was the aim of
+white disfranchisement and negro suffrage. Law or no law, the
+restoration of the South was not complete until its government was back
+in the control of its responsible white population.
+
+Almost without exception, until 1870, the Southern State Governments
+were what Congress had chosen to make them. Their Senators and
+Representatives in Congress were Republican, commonly of the carpet-bag
+variety. Their governors, administrative officers, and legislatures were
+Republican, too. Rarely were they persons of property or standing in
+their communities, and often, as their records show, they were both
+black and illiterate. Had all possessed good intentions they could
+hardly have hoped to meet the local needs, which called for a wise
+revision of law in order that the community might recover and live. That
+their work should be accompanied by error and waste was inevitable.
+
+From the contemporary accounts of travelers in the South, from public
+documents, from the growing body of Southern biography and reminiscence,
+it is easy to gather a mass of detail upon the extravagance of the
+Reconstruction Governments. Printing bills and salary lists rose without
+a corresponding increase in service done. When expenditures exceeded the
+revenues, loans were created carelessly and recklessly. For negroes,
+only a few months out of the cotton-field, there was an irresistible
+attraction in the plush carpets, the mahogany desks, and the imported
+cuspidors that the taxpayers might be forced to provide for the comfort
+of their servants. A free and continuous lunch, with ample food and
+drink, was set up in one of the capitols. Gratuitous waste was the least
+of the burdens inflicted upon the South.
+
+It is unreasonable to lay all the corruption of the Reconstruction
+Governments to the account of the congressional policy. The period of
+the Civil War was one of abuse of power by local officials everywhere.
+It took a Tweed in New York to drive a Northern public to revolt, and a
+Nast to focus public attention upon the crime. In other States, where
+rogues were less brutal in their methods, or prosecutors less acute, the
+evil ran, not unnoticed but unchecked. In the South the same phenomena
+were resented with greater vigor than in the North because the crimes
+were more openly and clumsily committed, and because they were the work
+of "outsiders."
+
+Deliberate theft of public money was so common as to occasion no
+surprise. In no State were books so kept that the modern student can be
+sure he knows where all the money went. Graft in contracts, fraud in the
+administration of schools and negro-relief schemes, sale of charters and
+votes, illegal issues of bonds, improvident loans to railroads, combined
+to enrich the office-holder and to increase the volume of public debts.
+A long series of repudiations of these debts injured Southern credit for
+many years. South Carolina occasioned the most vivid description of the
+orgy in a book entitled _The Prostrate State_, by a Maine abolitionist
+and Republican, named Pike; but several other States would have
+furnished similar materials to a similar historian.
+
+So far as law was concerned, the South was helpless in those regions in
+which the negroes approached a majority. The military garrisons which
+Congress kept on duty saw to it that the freedmen were protected, yet
+were unable in the long run to control the white population. It is a
+vexed question whether negro violence or white was the first to appear,
+but by 1867 events had begun to point the way to the elimination of
+negro control by force or fraud. By law it could not be destroyed unless
+the whites struggled and argued for negro votes, treating the negroes as
+citizens and equals, which was generally as impossible as an acceptance
+of their control.
+
+The Ku-Klux Klan was a secret movement, with slight organization, that
+appeared earliest in Tennessee, but spread to nearly every crossroads in
+the South. It began in the hazing of negroes and carpet-baggers who were
+insolent or offensive to their neighbors. Its members rode by night, in
+mask, with improvised pomp and ritual, and played as much upon the
+imagination of their victims as upon their bodies. Frequently it
+revenged private grievances and went to extremes of violence or murder.
+From hazing it was an easy step to intimidation at election time, the
+Ku-Klux Klan proving to be an efficient means of reducing the negro
+vote. It was so efficient, indeed, that Grant asked and Congress voted,
+in 1871, special powers for the policing of the South. In this summer a
+committee of Congress visited Southern centers and accumulated a great
+mass of testimony from which a picture of both the Ku-Klux Klan outrages
+and the workings of reconstruction may easily be drawn. The reign of
+terror subsided by 1872, but it had done much to dissuade the negro from
+using his new right, and had started the movement for home rule in the
+South.
+
+That the normal politics of the South was Democratic is shown by the
+votes of the border States, where a population of freedmen had to be
+assimilated and Congress could not interfere. Delaware, Maryland, and
+Kentucky voted against Grant in 1868, although all the restored
+Confederate States but two voted for him. In Georgia the Democrats
+swallowed their pride, electioneered among the negroes, and elected a
+conservative State Government in 1870. Tennessee escaped negro
+domination from the start. Virginia, late to be readmitted, had
+consolidated her white population as she watched the troubles in South
+Carolina and Mississippi, and never elected a radical administration. In
+North Carolina, after a fight that approached a civil war, a Democratic
+State Government was chosen in 1870. The rest of the Confederate States
+followed as opportunity offered; after 1872 the process was rapid, and
+after 1876 there was no Republican administration in the old South. The
+Republican party, itself, almost disappeared from the South at this
+time. A bare organization, largely manned by negroes, endured to enjoy
+the offices which a Republican National Administration could bestow, and
+to contribute pliant delegations to the national conventions of the
+party. But the South had become solid in the sense that its votes were
+recorded almost automatically for the Democratic ticket.
+
+[Illustration: THE SOLID SOUTH 1880-1912
+
+Within the shaded area every electoral vote was cast for the Democratic
+presidential candidate between 1880 and 1892; since 1892 the heavily
+shaded area has continued solidly Democratic, while the border States
+have occasionally cast Republican votes.]
+
+Force and fraud played a large part in the restoration of white control,
+but it could not have been effective without some connivance from the
+North. Before 1872 the keenness of Northern radicalism was blunted.
+Thoughtful Republicans began to examine their work and criticize it. "We
+can never reconstruct the South," wrote Lowell, "except through its own
+leading men, nor ever hope to have them on our side till we make it for
+their interest and compatible with their honor to be so." A social order
+which needed the constant support of troops lost the confidence of
+political independents. These, as the presidential campaign of 1872 drew
+near, openly expressed their hostility to reconstruction as carried out
+by Grant, and threatened to prevent his reelection.
+
+The first term of Grant ended unsatisfactorily. His appointments to
+office were marked by favoritism and incapacity. He appointed the only
+really inferior man who has ever represented the United States in
+London,--one who thought it not incompatible with his high office to
+publish a treatise on draw-poker, and to appear as bellwether in a
+mining prospectus. Grant's personal intimates included shifty
+financiers. Corruption and misgovernment at the South were held against
+him, though Congress was properly to blame for them. Only in his stand
+for honest finance, his effort to improve the Indian service, and his
+conclusion of the disputes with Great Britain, could his supporters take
+great pride.
+
+The settlement with England was his greatest achievement. Since the
+summer of 1862, when the Alabama had evaded the British officials and
+had gone to sea, the American Minister in London had continued to press
+for damages. The Alabama claims were based on the assertion that the law
+of neutrals required Great Britain to prevent any hostile vessel from
+starting, in her waters, upon a cruise against the United States. In the
+face of official rebuff and popular sneers Charles Francis Adams
+formulated the claims. His successor, Reverdy Johnson, reached a sort of
+settlement which the Senate declined to ratify, and which Sumner
+denounced. It was Sumner's contention that the Civil War was prolonged
+by British aid and that a demand for national damages (perhaps
+$2,000,000,000, or Canada, by way of substitute) ought to be advanced.
+So tense did the international situation become in 1869 and 1870 that
+friends of peace were frightened. Boundaries, fisheries, and general
+claims aggravated the situation, which was given into the hands of a
+Joint High Commission, hastily summoned to meet in Washington in 1870.
+The resulting Treaty of Washington, and the successful arbitrations
+which followed it, eliminated Sumner's extreme contention but vindicated
+the main American claims and founded Anglo-American relations on a more
+secure basis than they had ever known. It was Grant's great triumph, but
+it was a political danger as well, for the negotiator in charge, Charles
+Francis Adams, loomed up as the possible presidential candidate of the
+Republican dissenters.
+
+The Liberal Republicans included the enemies of Grant as well as
+dissatisfied reformers of all sorts. Carl Schurz, the great
+German-American independent, was their leader. Horace Greeley, whose
+_Tribune_ had done much to make the Republican party possible, gave them
+his support. Charles Francis Adams was not indifferent to them. Salmon
+P. Chase wanted their nomination. Young newspaper men, like Whitelaw
+Reid and Henry Watterson, tried to control them. And the new group of
+civil service reformers, disappointed in Grant, hoped that the new party
+would take a step toward better government. At Cincinnati, in May, 1872,
+they met in mass convention, and nominated Horace Greeley and Gratz
+Brown. Their platform denounced Republican reconstruction, urged the
+return to self-government in the South, and advocated civil service
+reform, specie payments, and maintenance of public credit. The schism
+became more threatening when the Democrats saw a chance through fusion,
+and nominated the same candidates at Baltimore in July.
+
+No quainter political figure has appeared in America than Horace
+Greeley, thus transferred from his editorial office to the stump. Long
+used to the freedom of the press, he had advocated many things in his
+lifetime, had examined and exploited unpopular social reforms, had
+contradicted himself and retraced his tracks repeatedly. The biting
+cartoons of Nast exploited all these; but no contrast was so absurd as
+that which brought to the great denouncer of slavery and the South the
+support of the party of the South.
+
+The Republican Convention renominated Grant at Philadelphia without
+opposition, refused Colfax a second term, and picked Henry Wilson for
+Vice-President. Its platform, as in 1868, was retrospective, taking
+pride in its great achievements and assuming full credit for the war,
+reconstruction, and financial honor. It offered its ticket to all the
+States for the first time since 1860, and elected Grant with ease. The
+inharmonious Democrat-Liberal-Republican alliance increased the
+Republican majority, but the returns from the South confirmed the
+suspicion that home rule was in sight.
+
+Restored completely to themselves, four years later, the Southern
+Governments ceased to play much part in national affairs and continued
+the economic rebuilding of their region. It was thirty years after the
+war before the South, in population and business, had recovered from its
+devastation, and even then it was far from subordinating its local
+politics to national issues.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The writings of Rhodes and Dunning contain the best comprehensive
+accounts of political reconstruction. For greater detail, the series of
+doctoral dissertations on reconstruction in the several States, directed
+by Professor Dunning and printed generally in the Columbia University
+Studies, has great value. In W.L. Fleming, _Documentary History of
+Reconstruction_ (2 vols., 1906), important selections from the sources
+have been printed; the same writer's _Civil War and Reconstruction in
+Alabama_ (1905) is the best account of the process in a single State.
+J.A. Woodburn, _Thaddeus Stevens_, is useful. The old and new economic
+systems of the South receive their keenest interpretation in the works
+of U.B. Phillips and A.H. Stone. The _Annual Cyclopaedia_ continues
+valuable; the Report of the Ku-Klux Committee is invaluable (42d
+Congress, 2d Session, Senate Report, No. 41, 13 vols.). _Harper's
+Weekly_, which supported Grant in 1872, was the most prominent journal
+of the period. C.F. Adams, Jr., has contributed to the diplomatic
+history of these years his _Charles Francis Adams_ (1900, in American
+Statesmen Series), and his "Treaty of Washington" (in _Lee and
+Appomattox_, 1902). Elaborate details of the arbitrations are in J.B.
+Moore, _History and Digest of the International Arbitrations to which
+the United States has been a Party_ (6 vols., 1898). An interesting
+series of recollections of reconstruction events, by Watterson, Reid,
+Edmunds, and others, was printed in the _Century Magazine_ during 1913.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE PANIC OF 1873
+
+
+"Are not all the great communities of the Western World growing more
+corrupt as they grow in wealth?" asked a critical and thoughtful
+journalist, Edwin L. Godkin, in 1868, as he considered the relations of
+business and politics. He answered himself in the affirmative and found
+comrades in his pessimism throughout that intellectual class in whose
+achievements America has taken conscious pride. For at least ten years
+they despaired of the return of honesty. James Russell Lowell, decorated
+with the D.C.L. of Oxford, and honored everywhere in the world of
+letters, was filled with doubt and dismay as late as 1876, at "the
+degradation of the moral tone. Is it, or is it not," he asked, "a result
+of democracy? Is ours a 'government of the people by the people for the
+people,' or ... for the benefit of knaves at the cost of fools?"
+
+It was not without reason that serious men were fearful in the years in
+which military heroes dominated in politics, and in which commerce
+struggled with its revolution. Had they foreseen the course of the next
+generation, noted the progress of new ideas in government, the extension
+of philanthropy and social relief, and the passion for education that
+swept the country, they need not have despaired. Godkin, himself, could
+not have made a living from his _Nation_, with its high ideals, its
+criticism, and its despondency, in a land that was wholly rotten. The
+young college presidents of the period could not have found a livelihood
+in a country that was not fundamentally sound. At Harvard, Charles
+William Eliot broke down the old technique of culture and enlarged its
+range; at Michigan, James Burrill Angell proved it possible to maintain
+sound, scholarly, and non-political education, in a public institution
+supported by taxation; in a new university a private benefactor, Johns
+Hopkins, gave to Daniel Coit Gilman a chance to show that creative
+scholarship can flourish in a democracy. But the essential soundness of
+the Republic was as much obscured in 1868 as its wealth had been in
+1861, and for the present the objects on the surface, brought there by
+violent convulsion, represented its less creditable part.
+
+The years of Grant's Presidency were filled with unsightly episodes,
+that were scandalous then and have been discouraging always. In his
+first year of office, Jay Gould and James Fisk, tempted by the premium
+on gold, tried to corner the market, and Grant's public association with
+the speculators brought upon him fair reproach. Tweed, exposed and
+jailed after a long fight, revealed the close alliance between crooked
+politics and business in the cities, and became a national disgrace.
+Less prominent than these but far from proper were Schenck and Fremont.
+The latter was arrested in France, charged with promoting a railroad on
+the strength of land grants that did not exist. He had been close to
+the old Republican organization, and the figurehead of the radicals in
+1864, so that his notoriety was great. Schenck, while Minister in
+London, posed as director of a mining company, and borrowed from the
+promoters of the scheme the money with which he bought his shares. When
+the company proved insolvent, and perhaps fraudulent, Grant was forced
+to recall him. Critics who saw dishonesty or low ethical standards in
+these men were ready to see in the carnival of the Reconstruction
+Governments wholesale proofs of decadence.
+
+During the campaign of 1872 yet another item was added to the unpleasant
+list. Letters were made public showing how Congressmen had taken pay, or
+its equivalent, from men behind the Union Pacific Railroad. The scandal
+of the Credit Mobilier touched men in all walks of life, beginning with
+Schuyler Colfax, Vice-President of the United States, including Blaine,
+Allison, and Garfield, Wilson and Dawes, and other men who no longer
+held office. Some of these denied the charges and proved their
+innocence. But none entirely escaped the suspicion that their sense of
+official propriety was low, and their list sampled the Republican party
+at all its levels. One of the victims, Colfax, talked freely in 1870 of
+gifts received--a carriage from a Congressman and horses from an express
+company.
+
+In 1872 the notorious Butler aimed at the governorship of Massachusetts.
+He failed to get the Republican nomination, but the strength of his
+candidacy showed the uncritical devotion of many voters to success. He
+resumed his seat in Congress, unabashed, and put through an act
+properly increasing the salaries of Washington officials, but applying
+also to the men who voted for it and to the session just ending. Its
+makers went home to explain their part in the "salary grab" to their
+constituents, and many never returned to Congress.
+
+Other improprieties of the first Administration of Grant came to light
+in his second term. His Secretary of War, Belknap, confessed to the sale
+of offices. In the Treasury Department were uncovered the whiskey frauds
+which tainted even Grant's private secretary. And the Speaker of the
+House, Blaine, was shown to have urged a railroad company to recognize
+his official aid, promising not to be a "deadhead in the enterprise" in
+its future service.
+
+There is no better illustration of the commercial ethics of the sixties
+than may be found in the letters of Jay Cooke, philanthropist and
+financier. With a lively and sincere piety, and an unrestrained
+generosity, he at once extended hospitalities to the political leaders
+of the day, carried their private speculations on his books, and
+performed official services to the Government. It was impossible to tell
+where his public service ended and his private emolument began, but
+there was nothing in his life of which he was ashamed. A friend of
+General Grant, and liberal patron of his children, Cooke was actually
+entertaining the President at his country home just outside of
+Philadelphia when the failure of his banking house precipitated the
+panic of 1873.
+
+There had been financial uneasiness abroad and in the United States for
+several months, but few had anticipated the collapse of credit that
+followed the suspension of Jay Cooke and Company, September 18, 1873. If
+this house failed, none could be regarded as safe. Jay Cooke had
+established his reputation during the Civil War through his ability to
+find a market for United States bonds. After the war he had carried his
+activity and prestige into railways. In 1869 he had become the financial
+agent of the Northern Pacific, and customers, encouraged by their good
+bargains in the past, continued to invest through him as he directed.
+His personal followers, numerous and confident, had been taught to
+believe his credit as sound as that of the Government whose bonds he had
+handled. When he collapsed, overloaded with Northern Pacific securities,
+in which his confidence was enthusiastic, the panic was so acute that
+the New York Stock Exchange closed its doors for ten days, to prevent
+the ruinous prices that forced sales might have created. Thirty or more
+banking houses were drawn down by the crash within forty-eight hours.
+Others followed in all the business centers, while trade stood still
+through the paralysis of its banking agents.
+
+The distribution of the panic throughout the United States followed the
+usual course. In the first crisis, banking houses broke down, unable to
+meet the runs of their depositors or their original obligations. The
+depositors next, unable to secure their own funds or to obtain their
+usual loans, were driven to insolvency. After the failure of banks came
+that of railroads, the wholesale houses, and the factories. As these
+last defaulted, the loss was spread over their employees, their
+contractors, and their creditors. Confidence was everywhere destroyed.
+Investments were lost, or lessened, or put off indefinitely in their
+payments. After a few days the acute crisis was over, but the resulting
+depression brought stagnation to business. Industries marked time, at
+best; expansions were out of the question; new enterprises were not
+heard of. From 1873 until 1879 the United States was engaged in recovery
+from the injury which the panic had done and from the weakness which it
+had revealed.
+
+The panic, followed by five years of economic prostration, was only
+occasioned by the failure of Cooke. Its real causes lie throughout the
+period of Civil War expansion. Never had the daily necessities of the
+United States equaled its production, and the resulting surplus,
+available for permanent improvements, was larger than ever in the
+sixties because of the growing use of machinery. Funds for investment,
+produced at home and increased through the strong foreign credit of the
+United States, tempted and aided the speculative development of the
+North and West. Yearly greater sums were sunk in municipal improvements
+that brought in no return, or in railroads that were slow in paying, or
+in errors that were a dead loss. The loss from the Civil War was an
+added charge upon the surplus. Great fires in Boston and Chicago
+consumed more of it. By 1870 the United States was using surplus at a
+rate that threatened soon to exhaust it. When the limit should be
+reached, new enterprises must necessarily cease, and all that were not
+wisely planned must fall, dragging down others in their ruins. For
+months before the failure of Jay Cooke, business had been dangerously
+near this margin. His failure, caused by his inability to find a market
+for Northern Pacific, merely precipitated the inevitable crash.
+
+The faulty currency, outstanding since the war, and adding to the
+business uncertainty, now aggravated the panic when it broke. The
+greenbacks were slowly rising in value. They profited by the growing
+credit of the United States, and received a special increase because of
+the development of business. After 1865 business transactions grew in
+number and volume more rapidly than the amount of available money, and
+this, driven to greater activity in circulation, rose in value from the
+increased demand. As the purchasing value of the dollar increased,
+prices, measured by the greenbacks, necessarily fell, while the
+equivalent of every debt that had to be paid in a specified number of
+dollars as steadily rose. Indeed, so great was the increase of
+production from the new farms, reached by the new railroads, and
+supplying raw materials for the new factory processes, that prices fell,
+even when stated in terms of gold. In a period of falling prices and
+appreciating currency, the gap between the poor and the rich was
+widened. The debtor carried a growing burden while the creditor
+harvested an unearned increase. Persons who lived on fixed salary or
+income profited by the fluctuations, but commercial transactions were
+made more difficult for the debtor.
+
+The organized Greenback movement had figured in politics during the
+campaign of 1868, and made a special appeal to the debtor section
+during the hard times after 1873. The Republican Congress had, in 1869,
+sealed the professions of the party's platform by passing a resolution
+"to strengthen the public credit," in which it declared "that the faith
+of the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin or its
+equivalent," of the greenbacks, and that the United States would not
+take advantage of its creditors by paying off its "lawful-money" bonds
+in depreciated paper. All debts created before the war or during its
+early years had lost through depreciation, just as the later debts had
+gained through the reverse.
+
+Despite this pledge, advocates of greenback inflation, with Butler among
+their leaders, became more numerous in both parties after the panic, and
+an attempt was made to have Congress reverse itself. Grant's Secretary
+of the Treasury gave a new construction to the law by reissuing during
+the critical days of the panic some $26,000,000 of greenbacks that had
+been called in by McCulloch. He raised the total outstanding to
+$382,000,000, and Congress in 1874 passed a law increasing the amount to
+$400,000,000, in an act named by its opponents the "Inflation Bill." To
+the surprise of many, Grant sharply vetoed the act, adhering to his
+views of 1869 on the evils of an irredeemable paper currency. During the
+next winter John Sherman, Senator from Ohio, induced Congress to take a
+step in fulfillment of the guaranty which Grant had saved. On January
+14, 1875, it was provided that the Treasury should resume the payment of
+specie on demand on January 1, 1879.
+
+Ultimately Congress was saved from the act of repudiation which the
+Greenbackers urged upon it, but while the movement flourished it added
+another to the catalogue of troubles with which men like Godkin and
+Lowell were distressed. Easterners, in general, had as little
+understanding of the West as they had had of the race problem in the
+South. They were disposed to attribute to inherent dishonesty the
+inflation movement, and to ignore the real economic grievance upon which
+it was founded. The suspicions directed against the ethical standards of
+the West were increased by the Granger movement, to which the panic gave
+volume and importance.
+
+Among the social phenomena of 1873-74 was the sudden emergence in the
+Northwest of a semi-secret, ritualistic society, calling itself the
+"Patrons of Husbandry," but popularly known as the "Grange." It was
+founded locally upon the soil, in farmers' clubs, or granges, at whose
+meetings the men talked politics, while their wives prepared a picnic
+supper and the children played outdoors. It had had a nominal existence
+since 1867, but during the panic it unexpectedly met a new need and grew
+rapidly, creating 1000 or more local granges a month, until at its
+maximum in 1874 it embraced perhaps 20,000 granges and 1,600,000
+persons. In theory the granges were grouped by States, which latter were
+consolidated in the National Grange; in fact, the movement was almost
+entirely confined to the region north of the Ohio River, and even to the
+district northwest of Chicago.
+
+Such a movement as the Grange, revealing a common purpose over a wide
+area and in a great number of citizens, could not but affect party
+allegiance and the conduct of party leaders. Simultaneously with its
+development the legislatures of the Northwest--Illinois, Wisconsin, and
+Iowa--became restive under existing conditions, and assumed an attitude
+which became characteristic of the Grange,--one of hostility to
+railroads and their management. With the approval of the people, these
+States passed, between 1871 and 1874, a series of regulative acts
+respecting the railways, which were known at the start as the "Granger
+Laws," and which became a permanent contribution to American government.
+
+To Eastern opinion the Greenback movement had been barefaced
+repudiation; the Granger movement seemed to be confiscation; for every
+law provided a means by which public authority should fix the charge
+imposed by the railroad upon its customer. Both movements need to be
+studied in their local environment, which at least explains the Western
+zeal in clamoring for the greenbacks, and shows that in the Granger
+movement the West saw farther than it knew.
+
+The Civil War period marks a new era in the history of American
+railways. Prior to the panic of 1837, the few lines that were built were
+local. Few could foresee that the railway would ever be more than an
+adjunct to the turnpike and canal in bringing the city centers closer to
+their environs. In the revival of industry after the panic of 1837, the
+mileage increased progressively, and before the next panic checked
+business in 1857 the tidewater region was well provided, and the
+Alleghanies had been crossed by several trunk lines whose heads extended
+to the Lakes and to the Mississippi. But in these years the change was
+of degree rather than of kind. The lines were built to supplement
+existing routes, like the Erie Canal, the Lakes, the Ohio River, or the
+Mississippi. They connected communities already well developed and
+prosperous, and in undertaking new enterprises promoters had figured
+upon capturing the profits of existing trade.
+
+In the new epoch of the sixties there were only new fields to conquer.
+The great enterprises were forced to speculate upon the development of
+the public domain and to find their profits in the business of
+communities to which they themselves gave birth. Natural waterways and
+roads extended little west of Chicago. The new fields were entered by
+the railroads without prospect of any competition but that of other
+railroads. The resulting communities, born and developed between 1857
+and 1873, were peculiarly the creatures of, and dependent on, the
+railway lines.
+
+This inevitable dependence on railways colored the history of Wisconsin,
+Iowa, and Minnesota, and, to a lesser degree, of all the West. While men
+were yet prosperous and sanguine and without adequate railway service,
+they offered high inducements to promoters of railways. Once the roads
+were built and the communities began to pay for them and to maintain
+them, the dependence was realized and anti-railway agitation began. The
+fact that they were commonly built on money borrowed from the East
+threw debtors and creditors into sectional classes injurious to both.
+
+The antagonism to railways was increased because these yet regarded
+their trade as private, to be conducted in secrecy, with transportation
+to be sold at the best rates that could be got from the individual
+customer. The big shipper got the wholesale rate; the small shipper paid
+the maximum. Favoritism, discrimination, rebates, were the life of
+railway trade, and railway managers objected to them only because they
+endangered profits, not because they felt any obligation to maintain
+uniformity in charges.
+
+In a community as dependent on the railways as the Northwest was, the
+iniquity of discriminatory or extortionate rates was soon seen. The
+East, with rival routes and less dependence on staple interests, saw it
+less clearly. The charges were paid grumblingly in good times; in bad
+times, when the rising greenbacks squeezed the debtor West and the panic
+of 1873 stopped business everywhere, the farmers soon made common cause.
+They seized upon the skeleton organization of the grange and gave it
+life. In 1874 their organized discontent compelled attention.
+
+The Granger Laws were an attempt to establish a new legal doctrine that
+railways are quasi-public because of the nature of the service which
+they render and the privileges they enjoy. This principle was overlaid
+in many cases by the human desire to punish the railroads as the cause
+of economic distress, but it was visible in all the laws. It is an old
+rule of the common law that the ferryman, the baker, and the innkeeper
+are subject to public control, and railways were now classified with
+these. In Wisconsin, the "Potter" Law established a schedule with
+classified rates, superseding all rate-cards of railroads in that State.
+Illinois created a railroad and warehouse commission with power to fix
+rates and annul warehouse charters. In Iowa the maximum rates were fixed
+by law.
+
+The railroads failed to realize at once what the new laws meant. They
+denounced them as confiscatory, and attacked them in court as wrong in
+theory and bad in application. Even admitting the principle of
+regulation, the laws were so crudely shaped as to be nearly unworkable.
+Farmer legislators, chosen on the issue of opposition to railways, were
+not likely to show either fairness or scientific knowledge. Coming at
+the same time with the panic of 1873, it is impossible to measure the
+precise effect of any of these laws, and all were modified before many
+years. But the railroads' objection lay beneath the detail, and the
+fundamental fight turned on two points--the right of public authority to
+regulate a rate at all, and whether state regulation was compatible with
+the power of Congress over interstate commerce.
+
+By 1876 the appeals of the railroads against the constitutionality of
+these Granger Laws had gone through the highest state courts to the
+Supreme Court of the United States. In the spring of 1877 that body
+handed down a definitive decision in the case of Munn _vs._ the State of
+Illinois in which it recognized that the "controlling fact is the power
+to regulate at all." It held that when the institutions in question (in
+this case warehouses) established themselves, they did so "from the
+beginning subject to the power of the body politic to require them to
+conform to such regulations as might be established by the proper
+authorities for the common good." It upheld the rate laws, declared that
+they were not an infringement upon the powers of Congress, and thus gave
+formal sanction to a new doctrine in American law.
+
+The legal consequences of the "Granger Cases" extended through the
+ensuing generation. The need for public intervention grew steadily
+stronger, and as time went on it became clear that this control could
+not be administered by orators or spoilsmen, but called for scientific
+training and permanence of policy. It was one of many influences working
+to reshape American administrative practice.
+
+The Granger movement had close relations with the panic of 1873,
+although it must anyway have appeared in the Northwest at no remote
+date. As a political force it soon died out, leaving the principle of
+regulation as its memorial. With the gradual recurrence of prosperity
+the Northwest found new interests, and as early as 1877, when the
+decisions were made, the passion had subsided.
+
+It was, however, a gloomy United States that faced the end of its first
+century of independence, in 1876. Pessimism was widely spread among the
+best educated in the East. Public life was everywhere discredited by the
+conduct of high officials. The South was in the midst of its struggle
+for home rule, which it could win only through wholesale force and
+fraud. The West was discouraged over finance and still depressed by the
+panic. Yet Philadelphia went ahead to celebrate the centennial as though
+it were ending the century as hopefully as it had begun.
+
+The Exposition at Philadelphia this year was a revelation to the United
+States. Though far surpassed by later "world's fairs," it displayed the
+wide resources of the United States and brought home the difference
+between American and European civilization. The foreign exhibits first
+had a chastening influence upon American exuberance, and then stimulated
+the development of higher artistic standards. In ingenuity the American
+mind held its own against all competition. But few Americans had
+traveled, the cheap processes of illustration were yet unknown, and in
+the resulting ignorance the United States had been left to its
+assumption of a superiority unjustified by the facts. From the
+centennial year may be dated the closer approach of American standards
+to those of the better classes of Europe.
+
+In the summer of 1876 the thirty-eighth State, Colorado, was added to
+the Union. It had been seventeen years since the miners thronged the
+Kansas and Nebraska plains, bound for "Pike's Peak or Bust!" In the
+interval the mining camps had become permanent communities. Authorized
+in 1864 to form a State, they had declined to accept the responsibility
+and had lingered for many years with only a handful of inhabitants. Now
+and then entirely isolated from the United States by Indian wars, they
+had prayed for the continental railroad, only to be disappointed when
+the Union Pacific went through Cheyenne instead of Denver. One of the
+branches of the Union Pacific was extended to Denver in 1870, and
+thereafter Colorado grew in spite of the panic of 1873. Grant began to
+urge its admission in his first Administration, and signed a
+proclamation admitting it in 1876. It came in in time to cast three
+Republican electoral votes in the most troublesome presidential contest
+the United States had seen.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+Among the more valuable books of biography and reminiscence for this
+period are R. Ogden, _Life and Letters of Edwin Lawrence Godkin_ (2
+vols., 1907); H.E. Scudder, _James Russell Lowell_ (2 vols., 1901); C.E.
+Norton, ed., _Letters of J.R. Lowell_ (1894); _Reminiscences of James B.
+Angell_ (1912); J. T. Austen, _Moses Coit Tyler, 1835-1900_ (1911); J.G.
+Blaine, _Twenty Years of Congress_; E.P. Oberholtzer, _Jay Cooke_; and
+A.B. Paine, _Th. Nast_ (1904). The Credit Mobilier may best be studied
+in Rhodes, in J.B. Crawford, _Credit Mobilier of America_ (1880), and in
+the reports of the committees of Congress that investigated the scandal
+(42d Congress, 2d Session, House Report no. 77). J.W. Million, _State
+Aid to Railways in Missouri_ (1896), gives a good view of railroad
+promotion schemes. F. Carter, _When Railroads were New_ (1909), is a
+popular summary. In J.R. Commons (ed.), _Documentary History of American
+Industrial Society_ (10 vols., 1910-), are various documents relating to
+the Grange, which organization received its classic treatment in E.W.
+Martin, _History of the Granger Movement_ (1874; his illustrations
+should be compared with those in J.H. Beadle, _Our Undeveloped West_, in
+which some of them had originally appeared in 1873). There are numerous
+economic discussions of the Grange in the periodicals, which may be
+found through Poole's Indexes, the best work having been done by S.J.
+Buck. The _Chapters of Erie_ (1869), by C.F. Adams, is a valuable
+picture of railroad ethics. Much light is thrown upon financial matters
+by the Annual Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury and J.D.
+Richardson (ed.), _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_ (10 vols.).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+The reelection of Grant in 1872 was almost automatic. No new issue had
+forced itself into politics to stir up the old party fires or light new
+ones. The old issues had begun to lose their force. Men ceased to
+respond when told that the Union was in danger; they questioned or
+ignored the statement. Many of them contradicted it and voted for
+Greeley in 1872, but they were impelled to this by repulsion from
+Republican practice rather than by attraction to Democratic promise.
+Yet, on the whole, the habit of voting the Union or Republican ticket
+retained its hold on so many in the North that Grant's second term was
+insured, and it was even possible that a Republican successor might
+profit by the same political inertia.
+
+The second term (1873-77) added no strength to Grant or to his party.
+Throughout its course, administrative scandals continued to come to
+light, striking at times dangerously near the President, but failing to
+injure him other than in his repute for judgment. The period was one of
+financial depression and discouragement. The best intellect of the
+United States was directed into business, the professions, and
+educational administration. Politics was generally left to the men who
+had already controlled it, and these were the men who had risen into
+prominence in the period of the Civil War.
+
+THE POLITICAL SITUATION AT WASHINGTON, 1869-1917
+
+Showing the party in control of the national government in each Congress
+
+President
++------+ +-------+ +--------+ +------------+ +-------------+ +-----------+
+|GRANT | | GRANT | | HAYES  | | GARFIELD-  | |  CLEVELAND  | | HARRISON  |
+|      | |       | |        | | ARTHUR     | |             | |           |
+| R    | |  R    | |  R     | |    R       | |   D         | |   R       |
++------+ +-------+ +--------+ +------------+ +-------------+ +-----------+
+Senate
+1869      1873         1877         1881           1885      1889    1893
++------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+----+---+
+|  R   |  R  | R   |  R  |  R   |  D   |  R   | R   |  R  |  R  | R  | R |
++------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+----+---+
+House
+    1871        1875          1879        1883        1887         1891
++---+ +----+ +---+ +-----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+
+|41 | |42  | |43 | |44   | |45 | |46 | |47 | |48 | |49 | |50 | |51  | |52 |
+| B | | B  | | B | | R   | | R | | R | | K | | C | | C | | C | | R  | | C |
+| l | | l  | | l | | a   | | a | | a | | e | | a | | a | | a | | e  | | r |
+| a | | a  | | a | | n K | | n | | n | | i | | r | | r | | r | | e  | | i |
+| i | | i  | | i | | d e | | d | | d | | f | | l | | l | | l | | d  | | s |
+| n | | n  | | n | | a r | | a | | a | | e | | i | | i | | i | |    | | p |
+| e | | e  | | e | | l r | | l | | l | | r | | s | | s | | s | |    | |   |
+|   | |    | |   | | l   | | l | | l | |   | | l | | l | | l | |    | |   |
+|   | |    | |   | |     | |   | |   | |   | | e | | e | | e | |    | |   |
+|   | |    | |   | |     | |   | |   | |   | |   | |   | |   | |    | |   |
+| R | |  R | | R | |  D  | | D | | D | | R | | D | | D | | D | | R  | | D |
++---+ +----+ +---+ +-----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+
+
+President
++----------+ +----------+ +-----------+ +-----------+ +--------+ +--------+
+|          | |          | |           | |           | |        | |        |
+|CLEVELAND | | McKINLEY | | McKINLEY- | | ROOSEVELT | |  TAFT  | | WILSON |
+|          | |          | | ROOSEVELT | |           | |        | |        |
+|          | |          | |           | |           | |        | |        |
+|   D      | |   R      | |   R       | |    R      | |    R   | |    D   |
+|          | |          | |           | |           | |        | |        |
++----------+ +----------+ +-----------+ +-----------+ +--------+ +--------+
+Senate
+1893        1897        1901        1905       1909         1913
++------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+-----+-----+-----+------+------+
+|      |     |     |     |     |     |    |     |     |     |      |      |
+|  D   |  R  |  R  |  R  |  R  |  R  |  R |  R  |  R  |  R  |  D   |  D   |
+|      |     |     |     |     |     |    |     |     |     |      |      |
++------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+-----+-----+-----+------+------+
+House
+   1895        1899          1903          1907         1911
++---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+ +----+ +----+ +----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+
+|53 | |54 | |55 | |56  | |57 | |58  | |59  | |60  | |61 | |62 | |63 | |64 |
+|   | |   | |   | |    | |   | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+| C | | R | | R | | H  | | H | | C  | | C  | | C  | | C | | C | | C | | C |
+| r | | e | | e | | e  | | e | | a  | | a  | | a  | | a | | l | | l | | l |
+| i | | e | | e | | n  | | n | | n  | | n  | | n  | | n | | a | | a | | a |
+| s | | d | | d | | d  | | d | | n  | | n  | | n  | | n | | r | | r | | r |
+| p | |   | |   | | e  | | e | | o  | | o  | | o  | | o | | k | | k | | k |
+|   | |   | |   | | r  | | r | | n  | | n  | | n  | | n | |   | |   | |(?)|
+|   | |   | |   | | s  | | s | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+|   | |   | |   | | o  | | o | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+|   | |   | |   | | n  | | n | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+|   | |   | |   | |    | |   | |    | |    | |    | |   | |   | |   | |   |
+| D | | R | | R | | R  | | R | | R  | | R  | | R  | | R | | D | | D | | D |
++---+ +---+ +---+ +----+ +---+ +----+ +----+ +----+ +---+ +---+ +---+ +---+
+
+During only three of the ten Congresses between 1875 and 1895 did either
+party control the national government. The Democrats were in possession
+only once, in the 53d Congress. The Republicans controlled the 47th
+Congress by manipulation of senators, and the 51st by Reed's drastic
+rules. Most of the partisan legislation of twenty years was enacted
+during these three Congresses.
+
+A new and not a better type was brought into American politics by the
+Civil War. Notwithstanding the bad manners and excesses of ante-bellum
+politics, the leaders had been men of defined policy, only occasionally
+reaching high office through trickery or personal appeal. Now came the
+presence of an intense issue which smoothed out other differences,
+magnified a single policy,--the saving of the Union,--and gave
+opportunity to a new type of intense, patriotic, narrow mind. Men of
+this type dominated in the reconstruction days. As the sixties advanced,
+their number was recruited by men who had won prominence and popularity
+on the battlefield, who used military fame as a step into politics, and
+who came into public life with qualifications adapted to an issue that
+was closed.
+
+Few of the leaders of the period 1861 to 1876 ever grew into an
+understanding of problems other than those of the Civil War. The most
+eminent of them were gone before the latter year. Lincoln was dead;
+Grant had had two terms; Stevens was gone; Sumner had been driven from
+party honor before his death; Chase had died Chief Justice, but unhappy.
+With these men living, lesser men had remained obscure. As they dropped
+out, a host of minor leaders, trained to a disproportionate view of the
+war and ignorant of other things, controlled affairs.
+
+About these men the scandals of the Grant Administrations clustered, and
+their standards came to be those of the Republican party organization.
+They represented a dead issue, which they had never directed when it
+was alive, and were chosen by voters whose choice had become automatic.
+In their hands office tended to become a thing to be enjoyed for its own
+sake, not a trust to be fulfilled.
+
+If the Republican organization was drifting into the control of
+second-rate men who misrepresented the rank and file, the status of the
+opposition was no better. At the South the Democratic party was openly
+founded on force and fraud. In the deliberate judgment of the white
+population of the South, negro control was intolerable and worse than
+any variety of political corruption that might be necessary to prevent
+it. The leaders of the party in this section had borne so important a
+part in the Confederacy that it was hopeless to think of them for
+national leaders, while they could meet the Northern charge of fraud
+only by the assertion of a greater alternate evil, which their opponents
+would not recognize as such. The South could be counted on for
+Democratic votes, but not as yet for leaders.
+
+In the North and West the Democratic party was still weakened by its
+past. Its leaders of the early sixties, where they had not joined the
+Union party, were Copperheads, and were as little available as
+ex-Confederates. One of them, Seymour, whose loyalty, though he was in
+opposition to Lincoln, is above question, had been nominated and
+defeated in 1868. So few had been available in 1872 that the party had
+been reduced to the indorsement of Horace Greeley. Even the scandals of
+the Republican administration could not avail the Democrats unless a
+leader could be found free from the taint of treason and copperheadism
+and strong enough to hold the party North and South.
+
+In the paucity of leaders during Grant's second Administration the
+Democrats turned to New York where a reform governor was producing
+actual results and restoring the prestige of his party. Like other
+Democrats of his day, Samuel J. Tilden had few events in his life during
+the sixties to which he could "point with pride" in the certain
+assurance that his fellow citizens would recognize and reward them. He
+had been a civilian and a lawyer. He had not broken with his party on
+its "war a failure" issue in 1864. He had acted harmoniously with
+Tammany Hall while it began its scheme of plunder, in New York City. But
+he had turned upon that organization and by prosecuting the Tweed Ring
+had made its real nature clear. Within the party he had led the demand
+to turn the rascals out, and had been elected Governor of New York on
+this record in 1874. As Governor he had proved that public corruption
+was non-partisan and had exposed fraud among both parties so effectively
+that he was clearly the most available candidate when the Democratic
+Convention met in St. Louis in 1876.
+
+The only competitors of Tilden for the Democratic nomination were
+"favorite sons." Thomas A. Hendricks, a Greenbacker, was offered by
+Indiana and pushed on the supposition that this doubtful State could not
+be carried otherwise. Pennsylvania presented the hero of Gettysburg,
+General Winfield Scott Hancock, through whom it was hoped to bring to
+the Democratic ticket the aid of a good war record. The other candidates
+received local and scattering votes, and altogether they postponed the
+nomination for only one ballot. On the first ballot Tilden started with
+more than half the votes; on the second he had nearly forty more than
+the necessary two thirds. Hendricks got the Vice-Presidency, and the
+party entered the campaign upon a program of reform.
+
+The Republicans had completed their nominations some weeks before the
+Democrats met, and having no unquestioned leader had been forced to
+adjust the claims of several minor men. Six different men received as
+many as fifty votes on one ballot or another, but only three factions in
+the party stood out clearly. The Administration group had sounded the
+public on a third term for Grant, and receiving scanty support had
+brought forward Conkling, a shrewd New York leader, and Morton, war
+Governor of Indiana. The out-and-out reformers were for Bristow, who had
+made a striking reputation as Secretary of the Treasury, over the frauds
+of the Whiskey Ring. Between the two groups was the largest single
+faction, which stood for James G. Blaine from first to last.
+
+The political fortunes of James G. Blaine prove the difficulty with
+which a politician brought up in the Civil War period retained his
+leadership in the next era. Blaine had been a loyal and radical
+Republican through the war. Gifted with personal charms of high order,
+he had built up a political following which his unswerving orthodoxy and
+his service as Speaker of the House of Representatives served to widen.
+Never a rich man, he had felt forced to add to his salary by
+speculations and earnings on the side. In these he had come into contact
+with railroad promoters and had not seen the line beyond which a public
+man must not go, even in the sixties. His indiscretions had imperiled
+his reputation at the time of the Credit Mobilier scandal. They became
+common property when an old associate forced him to the defensive on the
+eve of the convention of 1876. In the dramatic scene in the House of
+Representatives when Blaine read the humiliating "Mulligan" letters that
+he had written years before, tried to explain them, and denounced his
+enemies, he convinced his friends of his innocence, and evidenced to all
+his courage and assurance. But his critics, reading the letters in
+detail, were confirmed in their belief that if his official conduct was
+not criminal, it was at least improper, and that no man with a blunted
+sense of propriety ought to be President.
+
+Despite all opposition, Blaine might have won the nomination had not a
+sunstroke raised a question as to his physical availability. He led for
+six ballots in the convention, and only on the seventh could his
+opponents agree upon the favorite son of Ohio, General Rutherford B.
+Hayes, who added to military distinction a good record as Governor of
+his State.
+
+Neither Hayes nor Tilden represented a political issue. Each had been
+nominated because of availability, and each party contained many voters
+on each side of every question before the public. Even the appeal to
+loyalty and Union, which had worked in three campaigns, failed to stir
+the States. Blaine, expert in the appeal, had revived it over the
+proposition to extend pardon and amnesty to Jefferson Davis, but his
+frantic efforts, as he waved the "bloody shirt," evoked no general
+enthusiasm. The war and reconstruction were over, but the old parties
+had not learned it.
+
+There was doubt throughout the canvass as to the nature of the issue,
+and when the votes were counted there was equal doubt as to which of the
+candidates had been elected. Tilden had received a popular plurality
+over Hayes of about 250,000 votes, but it was not certain that these
+carried with them a majority of the electoral college. Of the 369
+electoral votes, Tilden and Hendricks had, without question, 184; while
+Hayes and Wheeler were equally secure in 166. The remaining 19 (Florida,
+Louisiana, and South Carolina) were claimed by both parties, and it
+appeared that both claims were founded on widespread fraud. Unless all
+these 19 votes could be secured, Hayes was defeated, and to obtain them
+the Republican party set to work.
+
+For weeks between the election and the counting of the electoral votes
+the United States debated angrily over the result. The Constitution
+required that when Congress should meet in joint session to hear the
+returns, the Vice-President should preside, and should open the
+certificates from the several States; and that the votes should then be
+counted. It was silent as to the body which should do the counting, or
+should determine which of two doubtful returns to count. Since the
+outcome of the election would turn upon the answer to this question, it
+was necessary to find some solution before March 4, 1877.
+
+Failing to find in the Constitution a rule for determining cases such as
+this, Congress made its own, and created an Electoral Commission to
+which the doubtful cases were to be submitted. This body, fifteen in
+number, five each from Senate, House, and Supreme Court, failed, as
+historians have since failed, to convince the United States that the
+claims of either Republican or Democratic electors were sound. Honest
+men still differ in their beliefs. The members came out of the
+Commission as they went in, firm in the acceptance of their parties'
+claims, and since eight of the fifteen members were Republican, the
+result was a decision giving none of the nineteen contests to Tilden,
+and making possible the inauguration of Rutherford B. Hayes.
+
+There was bitter partisanship shown over the contest, and the Democrats,
+with a real majority of popular votes, maintained that they had been
+robbed of the Presidency. Excepting this, there was no issue that
+clearly separated the followers of Hayes from those of Tilden when the
+former took the oath of office. There was likewise, unhappily for Hayes,
+no common bond by which the President could hold his own party together
+and make a successful administration.
+
+Like three of his predecessors, John Adams, John Quincy Adams, and
+Martin Van Buren, Hayes was carried into office by the weight of a
+well-organized machine, rather than by his own hold upon the people.
+Like all of them he fought faction as a consequence, and every new step
+in administration forced upon him increased his embarrassment in
+conducting the Government. At the start, he alienated many Republicans
+by his policy toward the South.
+
+Before the election Hayes had reached the conclusion that coercion in
+the South must be abandoned. The people must be left in control of their
+own institutions, and if they mishandled them must take the
+consequences. This meant that the last of the States, in which only the
+army garrisons had kept the Republicans in office, must revert to the
+control of the Democrats. It also meant an attack upon the President by
+those who still believed the South a menace, and those who cherished it
+as a political issue,--the "sentimentalists controlled by knaves," in
+Godkin's language. Hayes acted upon his conviction as soon as he took
+office, withdrew the troops, and turned over to the South her own
+problems. Political reconstruction, as shaped by Congress, had broken
+down in every part, and it remained to be seen whether the
+constitutional reconstruction, as embodied in the amendments, would be
+more permanently effective.
+
+In addition to taking their issue from them, Hayes deprived the
+politicians of their plunder. The personal conduct of his household
+added nothing to his popularity in Washington, for his wife served no
+wines and gave to the White House the atmosphere of the standard
+middle-class American family. His official family struck a blow at the
+political use of offices.
+
+Although many of the Liberal Republicans of 1872 were still dissatisfied
+and saw no prospect of a change of heart for their party, most of them
+had voted for Hayes, and one of them was taken into the new Cabinet.
+Carl Schurz became Secretary of the Interior, bringing into office for
+the first time an active desire to reform the civil service. Congress
+had made a timid experiment in civil service reform early in the
+seventies, but had soon wearied of it. Schurz announced that his
+subordinates would be chosen on merit, and acted upon the announcement.
+
+The storm broke at once upon the Secretary over the issue of the
+patronage, and soon reached the President. The offices were not only
+valued assets of Senators and Representatives, who held control over
+their followers through them, but had come to be regarded as the cement
+that held the national party organization together. In the absence of an
+issue, the binding force of the offices had an enlarged importance. But
+Hayes generally backed up Schurz in the fight. The Indian Bureau, in
+particular, profited by the new policy. Two serious outbreaks had
+recently occurred as the result of bad administration. In one, Custer
+had been led to his destruction; in the other Chief Joseph and the Nez
+Perces had worried the regular army through a long campaign. The
+Democratic House of Representatives had in this very period been
+striking at the army appropriations in order to shape Grant's Southern
+policy. It had enabled Nast to draw, in one of his biting cartoons, a
+picture of the savage, the Ku-Klux, and the Congressman shaking hands
+over a common policy. Schurz and his Indian Commissioner foresaw the
+changes needed, now that the range Indians had all been consolidated on
+reserves, and took this time to reorganize the service.
+
+Hayes refused to give over all the offices as spoils, and removed some
+officials for pernicious political activity. The most important removal
+was that of Chester A. Arthur, Collector of the Port of New York, whose
+enraged friends, Conkling among them, became the center of the attack on
+the titular head of the party. Sneering at the sincerity of the new
+policy, Conkling cynically declared that "when Doctor Johnson said that
+patriotism was the last refuge of a scoundrel, he ignored the enormous
+possibilities of the word reform." But because Hayes did not in every
+case follow an ideal that no other President had even set, he lost the
+support of the reformers who soon denounced him nearly as fiercely as
+did the "Stalwarts."
+
+Even if Hayes had been able to keep a united party behind him, his
+Administration could scarcely have been marked by constructive
+legislation. His party had lost control of the House of Representatives
+in the election of 1874. The Forty-fifth Congress, chosen with Hayes in
+1876, and the Forty-sixth, in 1878, were Democratic, and delighted to
+embarrass the Administration. Dissatisfied Republicans saw the deadlock
+and laid it upon the shoulders of the President. The Democratic Congress
+checked Administration measures, and managed to advance opposition
+measures of its own. Twice Hayes had to summon special sessions because
+of the failure of appropriation bills, and in his first winter the
+opposition endangered those policies of finance to which the Republican
+party had become pledged.
+
+The Greenback agitation, rising about 1868 and stimulated by the panic
+of 1873, had not subsided when Hayes became President. It had lost much
+of its force, but there continued throughout the West, in both parties,
+a spirit that encouraged inflation of every sort. In Congress there were
+repeated efforts to repeal the Resumption Act of 1875, which the
+Democratic platform had denounced the next year. And when a sudden
+increase in the production of silver reduced its price, a silver
+inflation movement was placed beside the Greenback movement.
+
+The United States had used almost no silver coin between 1834 and 1862
+because the coinage ratio, sixteen to one, undervalued silver and made
+it wasteful to coin it. No specie was used as currency between 1862 and
+1879, and the relative market prices of bullion remained close to their
+usual average until the year of panic. During the seventies the price of
+silver fell as new mines were opened in the West. The ratio rose above
+sixteen to one, and silver, from being undervalued at that ratio, came
+to be overvalued. It would now have paid owners of silver bullion to
+coin it into dollars at the legal rate, but Congress had in 1873, after
+a generation of disuse of silver, dropped the silver dollar from the
+list of standard coins. As silver fell in value, mine-owners asked for a
+renewal of coinage, and inflationists joined them, hoping for more money
+of any kind. During the winter of 1878 a free silver coinage bill,
+passed by the Democratic House under the guidance of Richard P. Bland,
+of Missouri, was under consideration in the Republican Senate.
+
+John Sherman, the defender of gold resumption, was no longer in the
+Senate to fight this Bland Act. He had become Hayes's Secretary of the
+Treasury, and in this capacity was working toward resumption and
+upholding Hayes in his war on the spoilsmen. In his place, Allison, of
+Iowa, forced an amendment to the Bland Bill, taking away its
+free-coinage character and substituting a requirement to buy a specified
+amount of silver bullion each month--from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000
+worth--and coin it. Thus amended, the House concurred in the act, which
+Hayes vetoed in February, 1878. It became a law over his veto.
+
+The Administration was embarrassed in its financial policy, but not
+defeated. The Resumption Bill withstood attacks and, as the day for the
+resumption of specie payment approached, the price of greenbacks
+reflected the growing credit of the United States. It reached par two
+weeks before the appointed day. When that day arrived, Wednesday,
+January 1, 1879, John Sherman had the satisfaction of seeing the change
+to a coin basis effected without a shock. More gold was turned into the
+Treasury for exchange with greenbacks than greenbacks for redemption in
+gold. It appeared that Horace Greeley had been right when he had
+maintained that "the way to resume is to resume,"--that few would want
+gold if they could get it.
+
+The adherence of Hayes to the gold standard and resumption drove from
+his side another body of Republicans. He had now lost the reformers and
+the spoilsmen, the radical Republicans and the inflationists, and no one
+hoped or believed that he would recall his pledge for a single term and
+be renominated in 1880 to succeed himself. The disintegration of his
+party was as complete as the collapse of its issues. On no subject,
+between 1876 and 1880, was it possible to bring before the public a
+distinctive party issue. The uncertainties of the campaign of 1876 were
+increased during the next four years.
+
+Both parties had ceased to represent either policies or the people. The
+office-holders were in no sense the leaders of their communities.
+Industry, social life, education, and religion had parted company with
+politics since the decline of the Union issue, and unless a new
+political alignment could be found there was a prospect of continued
+rivalry for offices alone. Yet men were beginning to realize that a new
+period of growth had begun during the Hayes Administration, and that
+American institutions, formulated before the Civil War, had ceased to
+meet industrial needs.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+J.F. Rhodes terminates his great history with the election of 1876, and
+although he has promised sometime to continue it, he has as yet
+published only a few scattered essays upon the later period. A.M.
+Gibson, _A Political Crime_ (1885), is a contemporary and partisan
+account of the electoral contest; P.L. Haworth, _The Hayes-Tilden
+Disputed Presidential Election_ (1906), is a recent work of critical
+scholarship; E. Stanwood may be relied upon for platforms, tables of
+votes, and other formal details, in his _History of the Presidency_.
+_The Writings and Speeches of S.J. Tilden_ (2 vols., ed. by J. Bigelow,
+1885) are useful, as are the Blaine books: J.G. Blaine, _Twenty Years of
+Congress_, E. Stanwood, _James Gillespie Blaine_ (1905, in American
+Statesmen Series); G. Hamilton (pseud. for M.A. Dodge), _James G.
+Blaine_ (1895, a domestic biography); and the spicy _Letters of Mrs.
+James G. Blaine_ (edited by H.S.B. Beale, 2 vols., 1908). Other useful
+biographies or memoirs exist for R.P. Bland, Roscoe Conkling, Robert G.
+Ingersoll, O.H. Platt, T.C. Platt, John Sherman, and Carl Schurz, etc.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+BUSINESS AND POLITICS
+
+
+A great commercial revival, affecting the whole United States, began
+during the Administration of Hayes. Ingersoll had predicted it, in
+defining his candidate in 1876, when he declared: "The Republicans of
+the United States demand a man who knows that prosperity and resumption,
+when they come, must come together; that when they come, they will come
+hand in hand through the golden harvest-fields; hand in hand by the
+whirling spindles and the turning wheels; hand in hand past the open
+furnace doors; hand in hand by the flaming forges; hand in hand by the
+chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the countless
+sons of toil." In every section and in every occupation commerce revived
+during 1878 and 1879. Manufactures began to invade the South;
+mining-booms gave new life to the camps of the Far West; the wheat-lands
+of the Northwest, reached by the "Granger" railroads and cultivated by
+great power machines, produced a new type of bonanza farming; in the
+Southwest and on the plains great droves of cattle produced a new type
+of cattle king; and the factory towns of the East began again to grow.
+Connecting the various sections, the railroads played a new part, and
+built more miles of track in the next ten years than in any decade
+before or since. The whole country awoke as from an anaesthetic, tested
+its muscles to find that they were stronger than ever, and set to work
+again.
+
+The silent evidence of the United States Treasury testifies to the
+prosperity of the next ten years. The average expenditures of the United
+States from 1850 to 1860 were under $60,000,000; they ranged between
+1880 to 1890 from $244,000,000 to $297,000,000 without exhausting the
+supply. Yearly, despite the heavy drains upon it, a surplus accumulated
+to the embarrassment of the Government and the demoralization of
+Congress. The aggregate accumulation for ten years was over
+$1,000,000,000.
+
+The disbursements of the United States were growing at a higher rate
+than its population, though this was keeping up the traditions of a new
+country. From 31,443,321 inhabitants, with which the nation faced the
+Civil War in 1860, it had grown to 38,558,371 in 1870, and it was now,
+in 1880, 50,155,783. In mobility and activity it had increased even more
+rapidly than this, for it was served by nearly three times as many miles
+of railway (87,000) in 1880 as when the war broke out. Along the old
+frontier the percentage figures for population and railway mileage were
+highest, but everywhere a larger population was moving more actively,
+and studying itself more intently than ever before. It was also
+generating more internal friction than ever. In the silver mines at
+Leadville in 1878 had occurred one of the great forerunners of economic
+clash. This had been preceded in 1877 by the railway strikes of
+Pennsylvania and the East. In California, Dennis Kearney and the Irish
+were driving the Chinese from society in the interest of "America for
+Americans." The murders by the "Molly Maguires" had brought condign
+punishment upon the lawless in the anthracite region; and throughout the
+East men were vaguely conscious of a secret society that called itself
+the Knights of Labor.
+
+Complexity, class interest, and the problems at once of labor and of
+capital, thrust themselves upon a society that had occupied its
+continent and used most of its free land. The Centennial had revived the
+study of American history from patriotic reasons. An intense interest in
+self-analysis now kept this alive, as Henry Adams, James Schouler, and
+John Bach McMaster devoted themselves to a scrutiny of historic facts,
+as colleges began to create chairs of American history, as James Ford
+Rhodes retired from his office to his study to write the history of his
+own times. In the next few years associations for the study of political
+economy, political science, sociology, and history multiplied the
+testimonies to the existence of a new nation.
+
+It was many years before the study of history and institutions reached
+the eighties and began to place events in their true proportion. Then it
+appeared that there was in fact a fundamental economic problem and that
+the political issues of the decade faced it from various angles.
+
+The United States had nearly reached its greatest capacity in production
+by 1880, and was no longer able to consume its output. Through its first
+century there had been a rough plenty everywhere,--enough food, enough
+work, and free land,--so that the industrious citizen need never go
+hungry, although he was rarely able to acquire great wealth. Men had
+worked with their own hands and with the labor of their beasts of
+burden, as men had ever worked. Their land had appeared, indeed, to be
+the land of opportunity. Population had doubled itself in a short
+generation, and America had called upon the oppressed of Europe to aid
+in reclaiming the plains and forests. With all the labor and
+opportunity, there had rarely been either an overproduction or a lack of
+work.
+
+The industrial revolution changed the nature of American society in many
+directions. Through an improved system of communication, whose results
+were first visible between 1857 and 1873, it had broadened the realm to
+be exploited, brought the rich plains of the West into agricultural
+competition with the Middle West and the East, and enabled an increased
+production of staples by lessening freights and widening the area of
+choice. As the result of rapid communication grain, cotton, and food
+animals increased more rapidly than population. The use of manures and a
+more careful agriculture on the smaller farms--and all the farms were
+growing smaller--further swelled the productivity of the individual
+farmer.
+
+Machinery increased the capacity of the laborer as transportation
+widened his choice of home. The factories, as they were reorganized in
+the new period of prosperity, found that invention had lessened the need
+for labor and increased the product. Machine tools in agriculture, in
+iron and steel, in textiles, in shoemaking, rendered the course of
+manufacture nearly automatic, and when steam neared its limit in
+dexterity active minds could see electricity holding out a new promise.
+
+In 1880 population and the capacity to consume American products were
+growing less rapidly than the power to produce. The United States was
+finding every year greater difficulty in selling all its output. It was
+possible to foresee the day when overproduction might be a menace unless
+there should be some reorganization of society to meet the new problem.
+Pending the arrival of that reorganization, prices fell.
+
+A study of the prices of standard commodities shows that there was a
+constant, moderate decline after the Civil War. During the war nominal
+prices, expressed in depreciated greenbacks, rose far above the normal,
+but when corrected to a gold basis they show little change. At the end
+of the war, however, the steady decline set in; by 1880 it was
+perceptible, and by 1890 it had come to be generally admitted. It
+continued until 1900, when the larger production of gold and an extended
+use of bank credits and checks, increased the volume and mobility of
+currency and started a general rise in prices. Inflationists believed,
+in the eighties, that the falling prices were due to an appreciation of
+gold, and demanded more money because they so believed; but
+overproduction appears to give a better explanation of the decline than
+gold appreciation. In the falling prices may be seen a proof of the
+enlarged production and a justification of serious study of remedial
+measures.
+
+Solutions, intended to restore good prices and to correct social evils,
+became numerous as the eighties advanced. Tariff reformers claimed that
+the tariff was a vexatious interference with proper freedom of trade,
+without which a foreign market for American surplus could not be
+obtained. The protected manufacturers retorted that only through a
+higher tariff could manufactures be developed and an enlarged consuming
+population of factory workers be created at home. A Western economist
+brushed both these aside and found the key to the situation in the
+disappearance of free land, and urged a single tax upon land as a
+panacea. United labor found the cause to be unrestricted immigration.
+Too much government, with its extravagance and corruption, was a cause
+in the mind of extreme theoretical democrats. Too little government was
+equally responsible for the discords, in the eyes of growing groups of
+socialists and communists.
+
+Before 1890 the United States was involved in an elaborate discussion of
+its troubles and their causes, but in 1880 the period had only just
+begun and its trend was not clear to the political leaders who were yet
+quarreling over the spoils of office. Hayes was ending his term in
+disfavor, and was passing into the jurisdiction of the historians, which
+was much more kindly disposed toward him than was that of his
+contemporaries. He had gone into office without being the leader of his
+party and without having a single definitive issue. He had alienated one
+faction after another; while in Congress, in which both houses were
+never Republican, it was never possible to pass constructive laws. The
+fight for the next nomination began soon after his inauguration.
+
+Grant and Blaine were the most probable candidates for the Republican
+nomination as the spring of 1880 advanced. For the former there was a
+feeling of affection among the senatorial crowd, headed by Roscoe
+Conkling, who had been so severely disciplined by Hayes. The refusal of
+the President to allow the officials of the United States to engage too
+actively in politics had brought about the dismissal of Arthur and
+Cornell from their posts, and a prolonged quarrel with the Senate. Hayes
+had won here, but the defeated leaders turned upon his Southern policy,
+demanded a "strong" candidate who would really keep the South in check,
+and called for Grant as the only strong man who could lead his party.
+Grant was willing in 1880 as he would have been in 1876. Upon his return
+from his trip around the world his candidacy was pressed and had strong
+support among Civil War veterans and men who were displeased with Hayes.
+
+Blaine, too, was still a candidate, drawing his strength from men of the
+same type as those who stood for Grant. He might have secured the
+nomination had he not been opposed by the Secretary of the Treasury,
+John Sherman, whose friends thought his distinguished service in the
+cause of hard money entitled him to a reward. A special element in
+Sherman's strength was a group of pliant negro delegates, from the
+Southern wing of the party, which was brought to Chicago under close
+guard, fed and entertained in a suite at the Palmer House, and voted in
+a block as Sherman's managers directed. None of these three, Grant,
+Blaine, and Sherman, could please the reform element, that found its
+choice in Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont.
+
+The convention at Chicago was marked by the fight of Conkling to secure
+unity and the nomination for Grant, and by the stubbornness with which
+the opposing delegates held out against a third term and for their own
+candidates. In the end the deadlock was broken when the followers of
+Blaine and Sherman shifted to the latter's floor manager, James A.
+Garfield, and gave him the nomination on the thirty-sixth ballot. The
+Vice-Presidency was thrown to the Conkling men, falling upon Chester A.
+Arthur, who accepted it against the desires of his leader. The platform
+was a "code of memories" as it had been in 1876 and 1872, congratulating
+the party on its successes of the past and having no clear vision of the
+future.
+
+The Democratic party in 1880 was without leader or issue, as it had been
+since 1860. Tilden, who might have been renominated and run on the
+charge that he was counted out in 1876, was sick. He was unwilling to
+run unless the demand were more spontaneous than it appeared to be. In
+its perplexity the party turned to a military hero who called himself a
+Democrat and had been passed over in 1876. General Winfield Scott
+Hancock had never been in active politics, but was now nominated over a
+long list of local candidates. William H. English, of Indiana, who was
+known to have money, and was believed to be ready to use it in the
+campaign, was the vice-presidential candidate.
+
+The canvass of 1880 was fought during a prosperous summer on issues that
+were largely personal. As Sherman said of Ohio in 1879, so he might have
+said of the country in 1880, that "the revival of industries and peace
+and happiness was a shrewd political trick of the Republicans to carry"
+the United States. Following their practice for three campaigns, the old
+line speakers dwelt upon the conditions in the South. An Indiana rhyme
+"for young Democrats" ran:--
+
+   "Sing a song of shotguns,
+     Pocket full of knives,
+   Four-and-twenty black men,
+     Running for their lives;
+   When the polls are open
+     Shut the nigger's mouth,
+   Isn't that a bully way
+     To make a solid South?"
+
+But the audiences were unresponsive. An old political reporter remembers
+being in the national headquarters late in the campaign, and hearing
+Blaine, who had been stumping for Garfield, say, "You want to fold up
+the bloody shirt and lay it away. It's of no use to us. You want to
+shift the main issue to protection." Not until the campaign was nearly
+over did a real issue emerge.
+
+The protective tariff had not played a large part in any campaign since
+1860. In 1868 and 1872 both parties had looked forward to the reduction
+of revenue to a peace basis, adopting mild planks to that effect. In
+1876 the topic had been more prominent in the platforms, but not in the
+canvass. In 1880 Hancock was questioned on the tariff during one of his
+speeches. The question was probably unpremeditated, but it took the
+candidate unaware, for as an officer in the regular army he had never
+given the matter thought. His evasive answer, that the tariff was a
+local issue only, gave an opening to his opponents, who forced the
+tariff to a prominent place in the few remaining days before election.
+They made much of Hancock's ignorance, and perhaps by this maneuver
+offset the disadvantage done to Garfield by a forged letter, which
+purported to show him as a friend of cheap labor and Chinese
+immigration. Garfield and Arthur were elected by a small plurality over
+Hancock. No one received a popular majority, for a third candidate,
+named Weaver, headed a Greenback-Labor ticket and polled 308,000 votes.
+
+General James A. Garfield would have become Senator from Ohio in 1881
+had not his election transferred him to the Presidency. The fifty years
+of his life covered a career that was typically American. The son of a
+New England emigrant, he was born in the Connecticut Reserve in Ohio. He
+worked his way from the farm through the log school to college. His
+service on the towpath of the Ohio Canal, in the course of his
+education, became a strong adjunct to his popularity among the common
+people. He taught Latin and Greek after leaving college, studied law,
+worked into politics, and went to the front upon the call for troops. He
+left the war a major-general to enter Congress, in 1863, where he sat
+until his election to the Senate in 1880. He was the friend of John
+Sherman and had been the manager of his campaign. Like his friend, and
+like most Ohio Republicans, he believed that the tariff was one of the
+bases of prosperity in his State. In his campaign a young Cleveland
+merchant named Hanna raised funds among the local manufacturers on the
+plea that Republican success and their interests would go hand in hand.
+In his inaugural address, however, Garfield said nothing of the new
+issue which was threatening to enter politics, but dwelt upon the
+supremacy of law, the status of the South, hard money, religious
+freedom, and the civil service.
+
+The Republican party had been left broken and in hostile camps by
+President Hayes; Garfield tried in his Cabinet to change this and "to
+have a party behind him." The State Department went to his rival and
+ally, Blaine, whose personal following was larger than that of any other
+American politician. The independent Republicans, who had seceded in
+1872 and had muttered ever since, were pleased by the elevation of Wayne
+MacVeagh, a Pennsylvania lawyer, to the post of Attorney-General. A
+friend of Conkling, who had made a striking record in the New York
+Post-Office through two terms, Thomas L. James, became Postmaster-General.
+The sensibilities of the West, always jealous of the East in matters of
+finance, were appeased by the selection of William L. Windom, of
+Minnesota, as Secretary of the Treasury, for "any Eastern man
+would be accused of being an agent or tool of the 'money kings' and
+'gold-bugs' of New York and Europe." The Cabinet as a whole was received
+with favor, but the harmony which its members promised was soon
+disturbed.
+
+The appointment of Blaine as Secretary of State, which Garfield had
+determined upon a few days after his election, was a blow to Roscoe
+Conkling. Hayes had struck at Conkling in removing Arthur and Cornell.
+Now when Garfield decided to please himself in the New York
+collectorship, Conkling saw in the act the hand of Blaine. He fell back
+upon the practice of senatorial courtesy, and held up the confirmation
+of the appointment. When he found himself unable to coerce the
+President, he broke with him as he had broken with Hayes, and this time
+he and his colleague from New York, Thomas Collier Platt, resigned their
+seats and appealed to the New York Legislature, then in session. The
+move was not without promise. Cornell was now Governor of New York.
+Arthur, with the prestige of the Vice-Presidency, left his chair in the
+Senate to work for the reelection and triumphant return of Conkling and
+Platt, on the doctrine that the appointments of a President must be
+personally acceptable to the Senators from the State concerned. But the
+New York Legislature failed to give the martyrs their vindication, and
+permitted them to remain in private life. Their friends, the
+"Stalwarts," ceased to support Garfield.
+
+James, who was not enough a follower of Conkling to emulate him,
+remained in the Post-Office, where he had already found wholesale
+corruption. It had been the practice of the Post-Office to classify the
+mail routes according to their method of transportation, and to mark
+those running by stage or rider by a star on the general list. These had
+come to be known as the "star routes." The contracts for the star routes
+were flexible in order to meet the shifting needs of the Western
+population that lived away from railways and depended upon the
+stage-coach. When the business of any route justified a better service
+than it was receiving, the Department was at liberty to increase the
+service, hasten speed, and raise the pay without a re-letting of the
+contract. During the latter seventies the growth of settlement
+throughout the remoter West had justified a large increase in star-route
+costs, but James discovered not only legitimate increase but collusive
+fraud. The official in charge, in collusion with former Congressmen who
+"knew the ropes," and with the mail contractors, had awarded original
+contracts to low bidders who had no intention of fulfilling their bids.
+After the letting of contracts the compensation had been increased
+without investigation or reference to actual needs.
+
+The unearned profits had been shared by the promoters and the dishonest
+officials, and some of it had gone into the Republican campaign fund. A
+former Senator, Dorsey by name, who was indicted for fraud in 1882, had
+been Secretary of the Republican National Committee in 1880, and had
+been hurried to Indiana to save that State. He did this so effectively
+that his friends gave him a dinner, which Arthur attended, and at which
+the allusions to his methods in Indiana were but loosely veiled. Brady,
+the official in the Post-Office, had collected the usual assessments on
+federal office-holders for Garfield's campaign fund. When he and others
+were threatened with criminal prosecution they produced letters by which
+they hoped to prove that Garfield was cognizant of and had approved
+their financial methods. How far they might have succeeded in blackening
+the President and stopping his prosecutions must remain unknown, for he
+was shot on July 2, 1881, while on his way to a college celebration, and
+died on September 19.
+
+The murderer of Garfield declared to the policeman who arrested him, "I
+am a Stalwart and want Arthur for President." It was soon learned that
+he was a disappointed candidate for office, and irresponsible Washington
+gossip soon had it that Garfield's friends wanted him to hang, while
+Arthur's thought he was only insane. The murderer's sister, in an
+incoherent book based on his story, asserted, "Yes, the 'Star-Route'
+business killed Garfield! The claim, 'The Stalwarts are my friends,'
+hung Guiteau!" He was perhaps insane, and was certainly irresponsible,
+but his crime, coming simultaneously with the notoriety of the
+star-route frauds and the demands of Conkling, emphasized the pettiness
+of factions and the need for a reform in the civil service.
+
+The illness of Garfield dragged on through eleven weeks in the summer of
+1881, with bulletins one day up and the next down. The strain told on
+every one in the Administration. The prospect of Arthur's succession
+called attention to the fact that the Vice-President is rarely nominated
+for fitness, but is chosen at the end of a hot convention, in
+carelessness, or to placate a losing side. It led soon to the passage of
+an adequate Presidential Succession Act. The death of Garfield threw the
+control to the Republican faction that disliked him most.
+
+Blaine, the head of Garfield's Cabinet, was most directly affected by
+the catastrophe. He had stepped from the Senate into the State
+Department at Garfield's request. While he was a receptive candidate for
+the Presidency this post suited his needs and gratified his taste. He
+loved business and liked to associate with men. He had a diplomatic
+vision that led him to formulate a more constructive policy than most
+Secretaries have had.
+
+With England, Blaine found negotiations upon the Isthmian Canal pending,
+having been taken up by Hayes. His attitude in his notes of 1881 failed
+to meet the approval of Great Britain, and ignored obligations that the
+United States had long before accepted. But it pointed to an American
+canal and was part of his larger scheme. His America was inclusive of
+both continents, and drew him to hope for larger trade relations in the
+Western Hemisphere. With the approval of Garfield he had started to
+mediate in South America, in a destructive war between Chile and Peru.
+He had on foot, when Garfield died, a scheme for a congress of the
+American States in the interest of a greater friendliness among them.
+The invitations for this gathering had just been issued when Arthur
+reorganized his Cabinet, brought F.T. Frelinghuysen in as Secretary of
+State, and let Blaine out. There was no public office ready for him at
+this time, so he retired to private life and the historical research
+upon which his _Twenty Years of Congress_ was founded. Jefferson Davis
+had just brought out his _Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government_,
+while the Yorktown centenary, like the centennial of independence, had
+stimulated the market for historical works.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The United States Census of 1880 is more elaborate and reliable than its
+predecessor of 1870, and may be supplemented to advantage by H.V. Poor,
+_Manual of the Railroads of the United States for 1880_, which contains
+a good sketch of railroad construction, and by R.P. Porter, _The West
+from the Census of 1880_ (1882). E.E. Sparks, _National Development_ (in
+_The American Nation_, vol. 23, 1907), is a useful survey of the years
+1877 to 1885, and contains a good bibliographical chapter. The
+bibliographies in Channing, Hart, and Turner's _Guide to the Study and
+Reading of American History_ (1912) are specially valuable for the years
+1876 to 1912. E.B. Andrews, _The United States in Our Own Time_ (1903),
+is discursive and entertaining. Special phases of material development
+may be reached through D.R. Dewey, _Financial History of the United
+States_; T.V. Powderly, _Thirty Years of Labor_ (1889); H. George,
+_Progress and Poverty_ (1879; and often reprinted), and the Aldrich
+Report on Prices (52d Congress, 2d session, Senate Report, No. 1394).
+Many interesting details are to be found in W.C. Hudson, _Random
+Recollections of an Old Political Reporter_ (1911); and J.F. Rhodes has
+touched upon this period in his essays, among which are "A Review of
+President Hayes's Administration in the Light of Thirty Years" (_Century
+Magazine_, October, 1909); "The Railroad Riots of 1877" (_Scribner's
+Magazine_, July, 1911); and "The National Republican Conventions of 1880
+and 1884" (_Scribner's Magazine_, September, 1911). Among the economic
+journals started in the eighties, and containing a wealth of scholarly
+detail for contemporary history, are the _Quarterly Journal of
+Economics_ and the _Political Science Quarterly_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE NEW ISSUES
+
+
+Garfield died before he met his first Congress, the Forty-seventh, which
+was elected with him in 1880, but he lived long enough to foresee the
+first chance to do party business that had appeared since 1875. When
+Grant lost the lower house at the election of 1874, the Democrats gained
+control of that body and Michael C. Kerr, of Indiana, supplanted Blaine
+as Speaker. On Kerr's death in 1876, Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania,
+took the place, and was continued in it through the next two Congresses,
+in the latter of which, the Forty-sixth, his party controlled the Senate
+too. It had been impossible to produce an agreement between the Senate,
+the House, and the President on important new matters. They could not
+always agree even on appropriations, and all Republicans felt with Mrs.
+Blaine when she wrote, after the election of 1880, "Do you take in that
+the House is Republican, and the Senate a tie, which gives the casting
+vote to the Republican V.P.? Oh, how good it is to win and to be on the
+strong side!"
+
+When the new Congress organized, Randall ceased to be Speaker and became
+leader of the minority, while J. Warren Keifer, of Ohio, took his place,
+with a small Republican majority behind him. In the Senate the
+predictions of Mrs. Blaine were fulfilled, although the accident which
+made a President of Arthur left the Senate without a Vice-President. In
+the even division of the Senate, the two independent members controlled
+the whole. Judge David Davis, transferred "from the Supreme Bench to the
+Fence," became the presiding officer, and generally voted with the
+Republicans, though elected as a Democrat. Mahone, of Virginia, an
+Irishman and an ex-Confederate, called himself a "Readjuster," and voted
+with the Administration. These two men made it possible to carry party
+measures through Congress.
+
+Shortly after Congress met in 1881, Arthur reorganized his Cabinet,
+allowing the friends of Garfield to resign and putting his own Stalwart
+friends in their places. The new Secretary of State, Frelinghuysen, took
+up Blaine's policies and mangled them. He adhered to the general view of
+an American canal, as Blaine had done. He pushed the influence of the
+United States in Europe as far as he could, keeping Lowell, in England,
+busy in behalf of Irish-Americans whose lust for Home Rule got them into
+trouble with the British police. But he dropped the South American
+policy, recalled the invitations to the Pan-American Congress, and kept
+hands off the Chilean war. Blaine protested in vain against this
+humiliating reversal.
+
+The decision of Arthur to take counsel from the Stalwarts aroused fears
+among others of the party that his would be the administration of a
+spoilsman. His first message, however, somewhat allayed these fears, for
+it dwelt at length upon the unsatisfactory status of the civil service,
+and the need for a merit system that should govern removals and
+appointments. He promised his support to measures even more
+thoroughgoing than the reformers had asked, and, in January, 1883,
+signed the "magna carta" of civil service reform.
+
+The use of public offices for party purposes had been regarded as a
+scandal by independents of both parties for four administrations. The
+long list of breaches of trust, revealed in the seventies, had made
+reformers feel that incompetence and spoils endangered the life of the
+nation. As late as 1880, they had heard a delegate in the Republican
+Convention, when asked to vote for a civil service plank, exclaim
+indignantly: "Mr. President, Texas has had quite enough of the civil
+service.... We are not here, sir, for the purpose of providing offices
+for the Democracy.... After we have won the race, as we will, we will
+give those who are entitled to positions office. What are we up here
+for?" And they had become used to the silent or outspoken resistance to
+their demands from men in "practical" politics.
+
+The history of the civil servants of the United States falls into three
+periods: Before 1829, 1829-65, and 1865-83. In the first period they
+were commonly treated as permanent officials. Rarely had they been
+removed for partisan purposes, although it had been the wail of
+Jefferson that "few die, and none resign." Appointments had often been
+given as the reward for past services, but none had felt a need for a
+general proscription of officials upon the entry of a new President.
+
+Andrew Jackson brought a new practice into use in 1829. His election
+followed a political revolution, in which it was believed by his
+supporters that the National Republican party had become corrupt. It was
+a matter of faith and pledge to turn the incumbents out of office.
+Hungry patriots crowded round the jobs, while Jackson's advisers
+included men who in New York and Pennsylvania had already learned how to
+use the offices as retainers for future service. Advocacy of the
+Democratic principle of rotation in office was in practice easily
+converted into the maintenance of the maxim that "to the victors belong
+the spoils."
+
+Every President after Jackson used the offices for partisan purposes,
+and few objected to the practice on theoretical grounds. The simplicity
+of the National Government made the habit less destructive than it
+otherwise would have been. The spoils system did not enter the army or
+navy, the only extensive technical departments of the United States. In
+other branches of the Government a large majority of the officials were
+unskilled penmen, whose places could easily be filled with others as
+little skilled as themselves. Always a few clerks who knew the business
+were saved to guide the recruits, and the departments were generally
+working again before a President met his first Congress.
+
+Lincoln was not different from his predecessors in the use of offices.
+He permitted the most complete sweep that had yet been made, being
+forced to an unusually high percentage of new appointments by the
+necessity of removing Southerners. In his hands the patronage became an
+additional weapon for the Union, upholding the leaders in Congress, and
+striking at the backsliders. In the election of 1864 the Union party
+carried all the branches of the Government, and it had a vision of four
+years of complete control of the offices when the death of Lincoln
+brought a Tennessee Democrat into the White. House.
+
+The discussion of civil service reform, on theoretical grounds, began
+about 1865, when the evil of removals for party purposes was shown to
+the Senate. Johnson was trying to use the patronage for his own ends, in
+opposition to the will of the radicals in Congress. Reformers who
+maintained the iniquity of this custom now found temporary converts
+among the Republicans. They got a committee appointed on the civil
+service in 1866, and President Grant announced his conversion to the
+principle early in his Administration.
+
+In 1871 Congress tried the experiment of a modest appropriation
+($25,000) for a reform of the civil service, and Grant placed the test
+in the hands of George William Curtis, a leader of the new reform. The
+commission breasted the whole current of politics, found that Grant
+would not support it in critical cases, and was abandoned by Congress
+after a short trial. The demand, however, increased, receiving the
+support of the independents who were Liberal Republicans in 1872, and
+who thereafter constituted a menace to party regularity. Schurz, Godkin,
+and Curtis were their admitted leaders. In 1872 and 1876 they persuaded
+the great parties to put general pledges for civil service reform into
+their platforms. Schurz, as Secretary of the Interior under Hayes, put
+their ideal partly into practice. In 1881 they were a well-recognized
+body of advocates, with a definite doctrine of non-partisan efficiency,
+which few politicians denied in principle or liked in fact.
+
+Public attention was focused upon the civil service by the events of
+1881. The fight between Garfield and Conkling raised not only the
+question of the relative rights of President and Senate in appointments,
+but that of the use of offices for the support of political machines.
+The frauds uncovered in postal administration by the star-route
+investigations could hardly have occurred in a department administered
+by experienced and competent officials. The murder of Garfield by a
+disappointed office-seeker gave additional emphasis to the need for
+reform, and these things coming together made possible the passage of a
+civil service act earlier than its advocates expected.
+
+President Arthur recommended the reform in 1881, and his party,
+chastened by the fall election of 1882, took up a law in the session of
+1882-83. Eaton, one of the leading reformers, and first chairman of the
+Civil Service Commission, wrote the bill which Congress passed with
+little real debate. Men who hated the measure knew the unwisdom of
+opposing it. A board of three commissioners was created in 1883 to
+classify the civil servants, prepare rules and lists, and conduct
+examinations. The classified service, removed from politics, began with
+13,780 officers in 1884; by 1896 it contained 87,044; by 1911, 227,657.
+It grew most actively toward the end of each administration, as outgoing
+Presidents transferred to it the offices that they had filled. Its best
+recommendation was to be found in the opposition of politicians toward
+it.
+
+Arthur did better than the reformers had hoped in urging and
+administering the Civil Service Act. He prosecuted the star-route
+trials, even among his Stalwart friends.
+
+In 1882 Congress, with Arthur's approval, took up a revision of the
+tariff. Neither of the great parties had, in 1882, received a clear
+mandate touching the tariff, although it was true that most Republicans
+were content with the system in its general outlines, while a
+considerable number of Democrats were listening to tariff reform and
+asking for a tariff for revenue only. It had been eighteen years since
+the last general revision had taken place, and in that period unforeseen
+conditions had developed, whose tendency was at once to point the need
+for a readjustment of schedules and to create a class of citizens whose
+profits would be touched thereby. The course of financial reconstruction
+between 1865 and 1875 had raised the rate of actual protection beyond
+the expectations of its advocates.
+
+In 1865 the revenues of the United States, amounting to $322,000,000,
+and far exceeding the needs of the Treasury in time of peace, came
+chiefly from the tariff and the internal revenue. The two taxes were
+dependent upon each other. Each increase in the latter had forced an
+increase in the former, lest special burdens should be laid upon
+American manufacture. The ideal of protection had never been lacking,
+nor had special interests failed to look out for themselves, but the
+dominant spirit in the war taxes was revenue.
+
+When Congress undertook to reduce the revenue to a peace basis, it found
+that every approach to the tariff aroused classes of interested
+manufacturers, while every attack upon the internal revenue was welcomed
+by the public. As a result, following the line of least resistance, most
+of the internal taxes were removed by 1870, leaving the tariff rates
+where they had been, and higher than any protectionist had asked. A
+large part of the tariff rate had been intended to equalize the internal
+revenue tax; the removal of the latter created to that extent an
+incidental protection, which was unexpected but was none the less
+acceptable. Some few details of the tariff were modified by special
+acts, and there was a flat reduction of ten per cent in 1872. But the
+panic of 1873 reduced the revenues and frightened Congress, in 1875,
+into restoring the ten per cent. In 1882 the rates of 1865 remained
+substantially unchanged, leaving the protected industries in the
+enjoyment of an incidental protection never intended for them and
+created only by accident in the general reduction of revenue.
+
+Spasmodic attacks were made upon the tariff system throughout the
+seventies, but since few defended it on principle they failed to affect
+the public. The tariff was not a political issue. Opposition to it was
+confined to members of the Democratic party, in search for weapons to
+turn against the Republicans, and to theorists and economists who had
+little connection with politics. There were free-trade clubs after
+1868, though few ever wanted to establish real free trade. All that the
+free-trader commonly desired was a mitigation of protection and the
+establishment of reasonable rates. Godkin, Schurz, Sumner of Yale, David
+A. Wells, Edward Atkinson, and Henry D. Lloyd taught the
+tariff-for-revenue theory wherever they could find listeners. Wells
+wrote on "The Creed of Free Trade," in the _Atlantic Monthly_ in 1875,
+and was sure he had found the issue of 1876. But in neither this nor the
+next campaign did the parties face the issue. In 1880 the tariff figured
+only as a means of embarrassing Hancock, while Garfield did not even
+mention it in his inaugural.
+
+The forces that compelled a revision of the tariff in 1882-83 had to do
+with revenue and expenditures. Following the new prosperity the receipts
+increased beyond the ability of Congress to spend them. There was a
+small surplus in 1879. In 1880 it was $68,000,000; in 1881,
+$101,000,000; in 1882, $145,000,000; in 1883, $132,000,000. The surplus
+was a constant incentive to extravagance and deranged the currency. If
+it was allowed to remain in the Treasury, its millions were withheld
+from circulation, and contraction was the result; if it was applied to
+the purchase or redemption of bonds, the national bank currency was
+contracted, for this was founded upon bonds owned by the banks; and it
+could not be spent without the invention of new channels. The temptation
+to increase pension payments was strengthened, while public works
+multiplied without reason.
+
+The waste of money on public works induced Arthur to advertise the need
+for a reduction of the revenue. The annual River and Harbor Bill had
+consumed $3,900,000 in 1870, and $8,900,000 in 1880. In 1882 the bill
+was swollen to over $18,000,000 by greed and log-rolling. Arthur vetoed
+it as unreasonable and unconstitutional in August, 1882. It passed over
+his veto, but the defeat of his party in the following November was
+construed as a vindication of the President. The Republicans lost
+control of the House of Representatives, Democratic governors were
+elected in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, in New York, Connecticut, New
+Jersey, and Indiana, and critics began to ask if this was the beginning
+of the end of the party. The certainty that party bills could not be
+passed in the next Congress, with the control divided, stimulated the
+Republicans to act while they could. The Civil Service Act was passed
+early in 1883, and on the same day the House took up the consideration
+of a new tariff.
+
+Arthur, in 1881, had urged that the revenues be reduced and the tariff
+be revised, and Congress had created a commission to investigate the
+needed changes, in May, 1882. This committee was in session throughout
+the following summer, sitting in manufacturing centers all over the East
+and hearing testimony from all varieties of manufacturers. It had been
+organized on a conservative basis, containing members familiar with the
+needs of sheep-raisers and wool manufacturers, and iron and sugar, as
+well as experts on administration. Its enemies thought that it was
+pledged to protection at the start. The commission expressed a belief
+that the country desired to adhere to the general idea of protection,
+but it early learned the force of the demand for revision and reduction,
+and sent into the House, in December, 1882, a project for a bill
+intended to reduce the tariff at least twenty per cent. The bill based
+on this was reported from the Committee on Ways and Means on January 16,
+1883, and was debated until February 20, and then abandoned in the House
+for a bill which had passed the Senate.
+
+The Senate Bill was in the form of an amendment to an Internal Revenue
+Bill already before that house. It was passed on February 20 under the
+leadership of the young Senator from Rhode Island, Nelson W. Aldrich,
+and was sent to conference by the House a week later. In conference a
+new bill was substituted for the Senate Bill. This was hurried through
+both houses in time to receive the signature of Arthur on March 3, 1883.
+
+The tariff of 1883 failed to meet the demand for a revision. Its debates
+show the difficulties attendant upon the construction of any tariff.
+Congress was divided upon the theory of protection, both parties
+including high protectionists as well as tariff-for-revenue men. The
+revenue-producing side of the tariff increased the complexities, since
+every change in a rate might affect the standing of the Treasury. In
+addition to the economic and the fiscal needs, quite serious enough,
+there was the tireless influence of the lobby of manufacturers, pressing
+for single rates which should aid this business or that. Few Congressmen
+were sufficiently detached in interests to be entirely dispassionate as
+they framed the schedules. Many did not even try to disguise their
+desire to promote local interests. Neither party had a mandate on the
+tariff in 1882, but when the act had become a law it was clear that most
+of the Republican leaders voted cheerfully for all the protection they
+could get, that the intent to reduce the revenue had failed, and that
+what little hope of revision remained was in the opposition party. "The
+kaleidoscope has been turned a hair's breadth," said the _Nation_, "and
+the colors transposed a little, but the component parts are the same."
+It was deliberate bad faith throughout, urged a Democratic leader, and
+"finished this magnificent shaft [of the tariff policy] which they had
+been for years erecting, and crowned it with the last stone by repealing
+the internal tax on playing cards and putting a twenty per cent tax upon
+the Bible."
+
+Throughout the tariff debate no argument had been used more steadily
+than that of the protectionists that protection to labor was their aim.
+The degradation of "pauper labor" in Europe was contrasted repeatedly
+with that prosperity that was typical of America. The insistence upon
+the argument revealed the desire to conciliate a class that was being
+noticed in American society for the first time.
+
+The great labor problem before the Civil War had been that of getting
+enough laborers and meeting the competition which the abundant free
+lands of the West had offered. Labor organizations and strikes had been
+so unusual that public opinion had not yet come to regard them as normal
+features of society. But the manufacturing development of the sixties
+in iron and steel, in textiles, and in other machine industries, threw
+workmen together in increasing number, taught them their interests as a
+class, and set the scene for an outbreak of strikes when the shops shut
+down or reduced wages in the depression of the seventies. About 1877
+these strikes shocked society by their violence. Neither had the public
+been educated to the strike itself, nor the labor leaders to that
+moderation, without which public sympathy cannot be retained or strikes
+won. A feeling adverse to organized labor swept the country and
+endangered the existence of the labor movement.
+
+POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION, 1850-1910
+
+(Table and Diagram based upon Thirteenth Census, 1910, Population,
+Vol. 1, pp. 129, 130.)
+
+             Total             Foreign
+             Population.      and Mixed       Foreign Born.
+                              Parentage.
+
+  1910       91,972,266       18,897,837       13,345,545
+  1900       75,994,575       15,646,017       10,213,817
+  1890       62,947,714       11,503,675        9,121,867
+  1880       50,155,783        8,274,867        6,559,679
+  1870       39,818,449        5,324,268        5,493,712
+  1860       31,443,321                         4,096,753
+  1850       23,191,876                         2,240,535
+
+[Illustration: graph]
+
+The Knights of Labor received the heaviest weight of disfavor. This was
+an industrial union, founded in 1869, embracing labor of all trades, and
+held together by a secret organization. Dismissal so often followed
+admitted membership in a union that secrecy was defensible, but secrecy
+mystified and frightened the public. The policy of secrecy was abandoned
+in 1882, after the excesses of the "Molly Maguires" had brought
+discredit upon all organized labor. Under the leadership of Grand Master
+Workman Powderly the Knights carried on an open and aggressive campaign
+of education for labor and inspection laws throughout the Union. The
+American Federation of Labor, founded in 1881 and reorganized in 1886,
+aided in this general work, and with the Knights helped to reconcile the
+public to the principle of unionism.
+
+State bureaus of labor appeared in many States as the result of the
+general agitation. An eight-hour law, for federal employees, had been
+gained in 1868, while in 1884 a Commissioner of Labor was created in
+the Department of the Interior. Arthur was urged to give the post to
+Powderly, but selected instead an economist less actively identified
+with the propaganda, Carroll D. Wright, under whose direction the Bureau
+grew steadily in importance. Its reports became quarries for statistical
+information on the labor problem, and its success justified its
+incorporation in the new Department of Commerce and Labor in 1903.
+
+The "Army of the Discontented," as Powderly called the workers, demanded
+education and protective laws, and turned their attention to competition
+about 1882. The cutting of wages by peasant laborers, newly arrived in
+America, was a grievance as soon as labor became class-conscious.
+Opposition to this became virulent in the Far West, where the foreigner
+was also a Mongolian. The Chinese of the Pacific Slope, more frugal and
+industrious than Americans, were harried in the early eighties, and
+violence was done them in many quarters. Garfield had been weakened in
+1880 by a forged letter seeming to show that he favored the introduction
+of more Chinese. So numerous were the persecutors that Congress
+responded to the demand for a Chinese Exclusion Bill, in spite of the
+Treaty of 1880, which guaranteed fair treatment. Arthur vetoed the first
+bill, but accepted a second, less stringent in its terms. After this
+victory, the labor forces turned upon immigration in general.
+
+No idea had been fixed more firmly in the American mind than that the
+oppressed of Europe were here to find opportunity. Immigrants had
+always been welcomed and assimilated, while Congress had, in 1864,
+organized a bureau to encourage and safeguard immigration. The influx
+always increased in prosperous, and declined in adverse, years. After
+1878 the annual number broke all records. Western railway corporations
+were inviting immigrants to use their lands, manufacturers called them
+to the mills, and the total rose from 177,000 in 1879 to 788,000 in
+1882. This latter year was the greatest of the century, its newcomers
+attracting the attention of the press, of the city charities who felt
+their growing responsibilities, and of the unions who felt their
+competition. Nearly all the immigrants were producers, a high percentage
+being able-bodied young men and women. The greatest number came from
+Great Britain, among whom the Irish settled in the Eastern cities. Next
+were the Germans, who moved toward Chicago or St. Louis, while the
+Scandinavians filled up the wheat-lands of the Northwest.
+
+Under the demand of the labor vote, Congress provided, in 1882, for the
+inspection of immigrants and the deportation of undesirable aliens, and
+in 1885 it forbade the importation of skilled laborers under contract.
+As yet the labor movement was largely aristocratic, safeguarding the
+skilled workmen, but disregarding the common laborers.
+
+The labor and immigration movement in its new aspect widened the field
+for economic legislation, for few States had factory laws, employers'
+liability laws, or laws protecting the weak,--the women and the
+children. It also complicated the situation in politics. The Germans
+and Scandinavians, settling in centers which had been strongly Unionist
+in the Civil War, were believed to absorb the doctrines of the
+Republicans from their compatriots already in America. The Irish were
+generally Democrats, and the only Republican leader who had a large
+following among them was Blaine. He had fraternized with the California
+Irish leader, Dennis Kearney; as Secretary of State he had protected
+naturalized Irishmen who went home to fight for Home Rule; some of his
+immediate family were Catholics; and his insistence on an American canal
+won him friends who were already disposed to hate Great Britain.
+
+The votes of 1876 and 1880 showed that the two parties were nearly even
+in strength, so that any slight popularity or accident might decide an
+election. As politicians prepared for 1884 the attitude of naturalized
+foreigners assumed a new importance which the friends of the various
+candidates tried to measure. The campaign could not be fought on any of
+the old issues, but which of the new--civil service, tariff, or
+labor--was in doubt.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The best history of civil service reform is C.R. Fish, _The Civil
+Service and the Patronage_ (1905). This supplants all previous accounts,
+and may itself be supplemented in detail by the Annual Reports of the
+United States Civil Service Commission (1883-), by the _Memoirs of Carl
+Schurz_ (3 vols., 1907-08), the _Writings of Carl Schurz_ (7 vols.,
+Frederic Bancroft, _ed._, 1912), the biographies of J.R. Lowell, E.L.
+Godkin, and George William Curtis, and the files of _Harper's Weekly_,
+the _Nation_, and the _North American Review_. The general narrative of
+the eighties is covered by E.E. Sparks, _National Development_, and D.R.
+Dewey, _National Problems_ (in _The American Nation_, vols. 23 and 24,
+1907), and E.B. Andrews, _The United States in Our Own Time_. A
+thoughtful economic analysis of the period is D.A. Wells, _Recent
+Economic Changes_ (1890). The Report of the Tariff Commission of 1882 is
+valuable for the study of tariff revision, as are also the standard
+tariff histories by E. Stanwood, I.M. Tarbell, and F.W. Taussig. The
+Annual Reports of the Commissioner of Labor (1884-) are fundamental for
+the labor problem. Useful monographs are C.D. Wright, _An Historical
+Sketch of the Knights of Labor_ (in _Quarterly Journal of Economics_,
+vol. I), T.V. Powderly, _Thirty Years of Labor_ (1889), G.E. McNeill,
+_The Labor Movement_ (1887), and M.A. Aldrich, _The American Federation
+of Labor_ (in American Economic Association, Economic Studies, vol.
+III).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+GROVER CLEVELAND
+
+
+The Administration of Chester A. Arthur proved that the President had
+never been so discreditable a spoilsman as the reformers had believed,
+or else that he had changed his spots. The term ended in dignity and
+Arthur hoped to secure a personal vindication through renomination by
+his party. His struggle precipitated a contest of leaders, and until the
+nominations were made, none could say where either party stood.
+
+The independents, chiefly of Republican antecedents, hoped to retain
+what had been gained in the last Administration. They hoped to extend
+the reform in the civil service and to focus attention upon the tariff.
+The failure of downward revision in 1883 had strengthened their hands
+and increased their hopes. They had dallied with bolting movements and
+threats so long that party regularity meant little to them. Either party
+could obtain their support by nominating men who could be trusted to
+stick to their platform. Arthur was not acceptable to them, and Blaine
+was anathema.
+
+The candidacy of Arthur was doomed to failure. He had alienated the
+Stalwarts by his independence, while he had failed to win the reformers
+because he had not invariably refrained from playing the politician. In
+the fall of 1882 he had interfered in the campaign in New York, allowing
+his Secretary of the Treasury, Charles J. Folger, while retaining that
+office, to be the Republican candidate for governor. This had led to the
+belief that the patronage was being used for local purposes, and had
+stirred up an opposition to Folger which defeated him. Arthur's veto of
+the Chinese Exclusion Bill and the River and Harbor Bill further
+increased his unpopularity in various sections. He failed to win over
+the Blaine faction, who regarded him as an intrusive accident and waited
+impatiently for the next national convention.
+
+Blaine was the leader of the Republican party in 1884, so far as it had
+a leader, and he possessed all the weaknesses of such a leader as well
+as personal weaknesses of his own. Rarely has it been possible to
+nominate or to elect one who has gained a dominant place through party
+struggles. Such men, Clay, Webster, Calhoun, and their kind, have
+commonly created enough enemies, as they have risen, to make them
+unavailable as leaders of a national ticket. Blaine was handicapped like
+these. His prolonged fight against Conkling and the Stalwarts created a
+breach too deep to fill, while the old questions respecting his honor
+would not down.
+
+Early in 1884 Blaine was the leading candidate for the nomination in
+spite of all opposition. The Republican National Committee was in charge
+of men who sympathized with him. Dorsey had resigned as its secretary
+after the star-route exposure, though his associate in land
+speculations, Stephen B. Elkins, remained as one of the managers. The
+control was in the hands of men who had close affiliation with the old
+organization, and of the manufacturers who had blocked tariff revision
+in 1883. It was improbable, in the opinion of many independents, that a
+tariff reduction could be got from an Administration headed by Blaine;
+they questioned his sincerity upon civil service reform; and they
+thought it not right that any man, concerning whose character there was
+a doubt, should be President. They put forward, within the party,
+Senator George F. Edmunds, whom they had desired in 1880, and who had
+since become President of the Senate. Other candidates with local
+followings were General John A. Logan, of Illinois, John Sherman, and
+the President himself.
+
+The Chicago Convention of the Republican party, meeting early in June,
+was the scene of a battle between the two elements in the party. At the
+outset, the old independents, headed by Curtis, and reinforced by
+younger men like Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, and Theodore
+Roosevelt, of New York, broke the slate of the National Committee and
+seated a chairman of their own choice. But the regulars rallied,
+controlled the platform, and made the nomination. Blaine and John A.
+Logan were selected, the former accepting the honor with secret
+misgivings, for he had a clear understanding of the intensity of the
+opposition within the party. The reformers went home discouraged, many
+of them determined not to let party regularity hold them to Blaine.
+
+Out of the nomination of Blaine grew the "Mugwump" movement, whose
+influence was greater than that of the last bolt. The origin of the name
+"Mugwump" is not entirely clear, but it was well known as an opprobrious
+epithet, and was applied now by party regulars to the "holier-than-thou"
+reformers. One of the regulars later quoted Revelation at them: "Thou
+art neither hot nor cold ... so, then, I will spew thee out of my
+mouth." They were more offensive to Republicans than were the Democrats,
+while the latter were bewildered but cynical. "I know that to-day we are
+living in a very highly scented atmosphere of political reform," said
+one of the Democratic Senators a little later, "I know that under the
+saintly leadership of the Eatonian school of political philosophers we
+are all ceasing to be partisans, that we no longer recognize party
+obligations, party duty, party discipline, and party devoirs; that we
+are all to become reconciled to a life of political monasticism; but I
+will continue to have one failing, and that is in my humble way to be as
+watchful and as vigilant of the purposes, designs, and craft of the
+Republican leaders as I have endeavored to be in the past."
+
+The Mugwumps left Chicago and at once opened negotiations with the
+Democratic leaders. The _Nation_ and the _Evening Post_ were already
+with them. _Harper's Weekly_, which had been a Union journal in the war,
+and Republican ever since, abandoned the party ticket. George William
+Curtis, its editor, led in the revolt, and the Mugwumps met at the house
+of one of the Harpers for organization, on June 17, 1884. Their problem
+was whether to nominate an independent ticket and be defeated, or to
+support and help elect a Democratic President, in case the Democrats
+should be willing to cooperate with them.
+
+Not all the reformers turned from Blaine. Whitelaw Reid, the successor
+of Horace Greeley on the New York _Tribune_, remained regular. Lodge
+went back to Massachusetts and persuaded himself to take part in the
+canvass. Roosevelt, discouraged by the nomination of Blaine, remained
+regular, but stepped out of the campaign and began his ranch life in the
+Far West. With him, as with many others, it was a matter of conviction
+that reform, to be effective, must be urged within the party. But enough
+of the reformers went with the Mugwumps to lessen Blaine's chances of
+election.
+
+When the Mugwumps made overtures for fusion to the Democratic leaders,
+they had in mind as a candidate a young Democratic lawyer who had
+appeared as Mayor of Buffalo in 1881 and had been elected as reform
+Governor of New York in 1882. He had secured the aid of independent
+reformers in that campaign,--men who resented the candidacy of Folger
+and the intrusion of the National Administration in local politics. As
+governor he had speedily established his reputation for stubborn honesty
+and independent judgment. Grover Cleveland had become, like Tilden, the
+most promising candidate in a party that had no admitted leader.
+
+The opposition from two elements in his party, at the Democratic
+Convention in Chicago, strengthened Cleveland as the candidate of
+reform. Ben Butler, who had himself been nominated for the Presidency by
+an Anti-Monopoly Convention, denounced him as a foe of labor; and such
+was Butler's reputation that his enmity was one of Cleveland's assets.
+John Kelly, the chief of Tammany Hall, opposed him, too, having learned
+to know him as Governor of New York. Well might Cleveland's friends say,
+"We love him for the enemies he has made." They nominated him on the
+second ballot, selecting Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, to run with
+him. Their platform was full of reform, even of the tariff, but on the
+latter subject it was less specific than the tariff reformers had hoped.
+
+As the parties stood in 1884, personal character meant more than
+platform or party name. Cleveland possessed qualities that made his
+appeal to independents quite as strong as it was to Democrats. With
+older brothers in the army he had supported his mother during the war,
+and had kept clear of copperheadism. He stood for sound money; he
+believed in a tariff for revenue; he had proved his devotion to civil
+service reform; he lacked the factional enemies who weakened the
+candidacy of a prominent leader like Blaine; and his peculiar appeal to
+Republican dissenters led the canvass away from issues into the field of
+personalities.
+
+The charge of the independents upon Blaine's personal honor caused the
+Republican schism and drove the party regulars into a retort in kind.
+The private life of the candidates was uncovered to the annoyance of
+both and to the greater embarrassment of Cleveland. Nothing
+discreditable to his honesty could be found, but an apparent lapse in
+his private conduct gave the pretext for wild and dishonest attacks upon
+his character. A few years later the novelist, Paul Leicester Ford, in a
+keen study of New York politics entitled _The Honorable Peter Stirling_,
+portrayed a situation somewhat resembling that of Cleveland, though
+disclaiming Cleveland as his model. The Boston _Journal_ led in the
+exploitation of the charges, and partisans forgot decency on both sides.
+Nast, having formerly cartooned Blaine in the "Bloody Shirt," now turned
+to "A Roaring Farce--The Plumed Knight in a Clean Shirt," while others
+pointed out the fact that the admirer who coined the "plumed knight"
+epithet had been counsel for the fraudulent star-route contractors.
+
+Attempts were made to appeal to class hatred on both sides. Butler had
+hesitated for several weeks in his acceptance of the nomination by the
+Anti-Monopoly Convention. Greenbackers and a few labor leaders made up
+his following, and it was supposed that they would draw votes from the
+Democrats. After conference with Republican leaders, Butler agreed to
+run, and it was freely charged that these leaders financed his campaign
+to injure Cleveland. Republicans appealed to the Irish vote by recalling
+Blaine's vigorous diplomacy against Great Britain; their opponents
+caricatured Blaine by representing him as consorting with Irish thugs
+and dynamiters. At the very end of the canvass a chance remark may have
+decided the result.
+
+So much had been said of character in the campaign that both candidates
+brought out the clergy to give them certificates of excellence. In
+October a meeting of clergymen of all denominations was held at the
+Fifth Avenue Hotel to greet Blaine. The oldest minister, Burchard by
+name, was asked to deliver the address, and while he spoke Blaine
+thought of other matters. He thus missed a phrase which other hearers
+caught and which the Democrats immediately advertised. It denounced the
+Democrats as adherents of "rum, Romanism, and rebellion," and was
+reported as conveying a gratuitous insult to the Irish vote. How many
+Irish turned from Blaine to Cleveland in the last week of the campaign
+cannot be said, but the election was so close that a few votes, swung
+either way, could have determined it. Cleveland carried New York and won
+a majority of the electoral college, but his popular plurality over
+Blaine was only 23,000, while he had some 300,000 fewer than his
+combined rivals. Butler drew 175,000 votes without defeating Cleveland.
+Purists, disgusted with the personalities of the campaign, swelled the
+Prohibition vote to 150,000.
+
+On March 4, 1885, Grover Cleveland was inaugurated as the first Democrat
+elected President since James Buchanan. His Cabinet was necessarily
+filled with men inexperienced in national administration, for the party
+had been proscribed for six terms. The greatest attention was attracted
+by the two former Confederates, Garland and Lamar, whose career did much
+to disprove the "gloomy and baseless superstition" of twenty years,
+"that one half of the nation had become the irreconcilable enemies of
+the national unity and the national will." It was an American
+Administration, and of its chief, James Russell Lowell, who had known
+men in many lands, wrote, "He is a truly American type of the best
+kind--a type very dear to me, I confess."
+
+The State Department was entrusted to Thomas F. Bayard, who had been a
+competitor for the nomination in 1884, and who sustained the tradition
+that only first-rate men shall fill this office. Bayard proceeded at
+once to undo the work of the last five years and to reverse a policy of
+Blaine. A treaty with Nicaragua, negotiated by Frelinghuysen in
+December, 1884, ran counter to the English treaty of 1850. After a vain
+attempt to persuade Great Britain to abandon the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty
+respecting an isthmian canal, Frelinghuysen had disregarded it and
+acquired a complete right-of-way from Nicaragua. This was pending in the
+Senate when Cleveland was inaugurated, and was withdrawn at once. The
+United States reverted to the old Whig policy of a neutralized canal.
+
+In all departments the new Administration was forced to test the
+strength of its convictions upon civil service reform. During its long
+years of opposition the party had often voiced a demand for reform, but
+now in office its workers demanded the usual rewards of success.
+Cleveland had fought the spoils politicians in New York, and had taken
+counsel of Carl Schurz after his election as President. In the next four
+years he nearly doubled the number in the classified service in the face
+of opposition from his most intimate associates.
+
+The problems of prosperity and national growth, developing in the
+eighties and culminating between 1885 and 1889, involved administrative
+efficiency rather than party policy. On every side the Government was
+forced to expand its activities, and Cleveland was occupied in getting
+new machinery into operation and meeting conditions for which no
+precedents existed.
+
+Organized labor had gained concessions from Congress in a Bureau of
+Labor, in 1884, and an Anti-Contract Labor Law in 1885. These called for
+sympathetic administration and encouraged labor to hope for more. During
+1886 and 1887 the views of labor leaders attracted much attention
+because of a series of strikes and riots. In the greatest of these the
+local chapters of the Knights of Labor fought against the Gould railways
+of the Southwest--the Missouri Pacific and the Texas Pacific. The strike
+originated in March, 1886, in sympathy with labor organizers who had
+been discharged by the railroad. Under the leadership of Martin Irons it
+spread over the Southwest, causing distress in those regions which were
+dependent upon the railroad for fuel and food and causing disorder in
+the towns where the idle workmen congregated. Powderly and the other
+chief officials of the Knights tried to stop the strike, but were
+ineffective, while the railroad managers shaped events so as to divert
+the sympathies of the Western people against the strikers. The Knights
+never recovered from the blow which the loss of the strike inflicted
+upon them.
+
+In May, 1886, a general demonstration in favor of the eight-hour day
+was planned and carried out. In Milwaukee riots ensued, the militia was
+called out by Governor Rusk, and a volley was fired into the mob. In
+Chicago the union movement was combined with anarchy and socialism, and
+opponents of all did not discriminate among them. A meeting of the
+anarchists was broken up by the police, several of whom were killed by
+the explosion of a bomb thrown in the tumult. In 1887 a group of the
+anarchist leaders were hanged, having been convicted of what may be
+called constructive conspiracy. The unrest revealed by the strikes and
+riots showed that the old period of uniform well-being and satisfaction
+was over.
+
+The demands made upon politics by organized labor were exceeded by the
+demands of organized patriotism. The veterans of the Civil War, who were
+in early manhood in 1865, were now in middle life, were possessed of
+political influence, and turned to the National Government for personal
+advantage. Advocates of protection acted upon the theory that for
+national purposes special advantages ought to be given to manufacturers.
+The same idea of government readily bestowed these advantages in return
+for a past service.
+
+The machinery of the veterans was the Grand Army of the Republic, which,
+from being an unimportant, reminiscent league, had grown to be an
+instrument for the procuring of pensions. The surplus tempted citizens
+to make demands upon it; the number of soldier votes encouraged
+politicians to comply with the demands. In 1879 the movement began with
+an Arrears of Pensions Act, by which pensioners were entitled to back
+pay from their mustering-out dates, regardless of the period at which
+their incapacity set in. The next step involved the issuing of pensions
+for incapacity and dependence, regardless of their cause, and opened the
+way for pensions for service only. In 1887 Cleveland vetoed a pension
+bill of this character, and prevented its passage until the term of his
+successor, in 1890. He had already offended many of his supporters by
+guarding the offices; his pension veto offended more by checking the
+attack of the old soldiers on the Treasury. No one opposed the granting
+of pensions to soldiers who had been injured in the Civil War, but the
+demands of the leaders of the Grand Army, supported by the interests of
+hundreds of attorneys who lived on pension claims, now assumed the
+appearance of an organized raid on the Treasury. The general laws were
+supplemented by special private pension laws, of which 1871 were sent to
+Cleveland in four years. He vetoed 228 of these, often to his political
+injury. In many cases these made allowances to persons whose claims had
+been rejected by the Pension Bureau as inadequate or fraudulent. In the
+course of time Cleveland became "thoroughly tired of disapproving gifts
+of public money to individuals who in my view have no right or claim to
+the same." The pension fund, he maintained, was "the soldiers' fund,"
+and should be distributed so as to "exclude perversion as well as to
+insure a liberal and generous application of grateful and benevolent
+designs." In the ten years ending in 1889, Congress spent $644,000,000
+on pensions; in the next ten it spent $1,350,000,000.
+
+The surplus incited extravagance, and its reduction had been demanded on
+this ground, the tariff appearing to afford the best method of
+reduction. When the Democratic party gained control of the House, in
+1883, it proceeded at once to discuss revision, and promptly uncovered a
+difference of opinion among its members. The last Democratic Speaker of
+the House had been Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, a Democrat who
+had been trained in the philosophy of Henry Clay and in the interests of
+a great manufacturing State. He was by conviction and association a
+protectionist, and was a candidate for his party's nomination as Speaker
+in the Forty-eighth Congress, which met in December, 1883. From this
+date he ceased to lead his party in the House and became the leader of
+an internal faction. John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, supplanted him, was
+elected Speaker, and organized the House in the interest of a tariff for
+revenue only. For the next six years the Democratic organization of the
+House was pledged to revision, but operated in the face of a growing
+Republican opposition, and with Randall and the protectionist Democrats
+attacking from the rear.
+
+The election of Cleveland gave the Democrats control of two branches of
+the Government, but left the Senate in the hands of the Republicans. It
+was vain to talk of serious revision or any other party measure in a
+divided administration, yet the President chafed under his inability to
+fulfill party pledges. The surplus continued to accumulate, to permit
+extravagance in Congress, and to arouse the cupidity of citizens. In his
+message to his second Congress, in 1887, Cleveland startled the country
+by devoting his undivided attention to this single topic. He set his
+party a text which could not be evaded, although there was even yet no
+reason to believe that a tariff bill could pass both houses. He had
+taken Carlisle into his confidence before sending the message; the
+latter entrusted the leadership in revision to Roger Q. Mills, of Texas,
+a free-trader, whom he appointed as chairman of the Committee on Ways
+and Means.
+
+With the opening of the debate on the Mills Bill, in April, 1888, there
+began "the first serious attempt since the war to reduce toward a peace
+basis the customs duties imposed during that conflict almost solely for
+purposes of revenue." Mills and William L. Wilson, who had been a
+college president in West Virginia, bore the burden of advocacy of a
+reduction of the revenue to the extent of $50,000,000. They were opposed
+by a united Republican party, both frightened and gratified because the
+issue had been made so clear. It was charged that the Committee on Ways
+and Means had drawn up the bill in secrecy, and that a majority of its
+Democratic members were Southerners who knew nothing of the needs of
+manufactures. The danger to American labor from the competition of the
+pauper labor of Europe was urged against it. It was asserted to be a
+pro-British measure, and stories were circulated of British gold, coming
+from the Cobden Club, a free-trade organization, to subvert American
+institutions. The Democratic organization drove the bill through the
+House of Representatives in spite of all resistance. In the Senate, with
+the Republicans in control, the bill never came to a vote, and was used
+to manufacture campaign materials for the campaign then pending. Many of
+the advisers of Cleveland had urged him to withhold the tariff message,
+lest he arouse the enemy and defeat himself, but he had risked personal
+and party defeat in order to get an issue definitively accepted--the
+first issue so accepted in politics since 1864.
+
+The Mills Bill fiasco was the most important party measure of
+Cleveland's Administration, yet it served only to accentuate the
+difficulties in tariff legislation which had been experienced in 1883,
+and to provide an issue for the campaign of 1888. The laws that were
+passed between 1885 and 1889 were generally non-partisan in their
+character and were of most influence when they helped to readjust
+federal law to national economic problems. The Federal Government was
+unfolding and testing powers that had existed since the adoption of the
+Constitution, but had not been needed hitherto in an agricultural
+republic. The change that forced the resort to these powers came largely
+from the completion of a national system of communication.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+For the election of 1884, consult, in addition to Stanwood, J.F. Rhodes,
+"The National Republican Conventions of 1880 and 1884" (_Scribner's
+Magazine_, September, 1911), and "Cleveland's Administrations"
+(_Scribner's Magazine_, October, 1911). There is an annotated reprint of
+the "Mulligan Letters" in _Harper's Weekly_ (1884, pp. 643-46). The
+biographies of Blaine by Hamilton and Stanwood should be examined, as
+well as the sketches of Cleveland (who left few literary remains), by
+J.L. Williams, G.F. Parker, and R.W. Gilder. Among partisan party
+histories, the best are F. Curtis, _The Republican Party_, (2 vols.,
+1904), and W.L. Wilson, _The National Democratic Party_ (1888). J.H.
+Harper recounts details of the Mugwump split in his history of _The
+House of Harper_ (1912). The standard compilation on the pension system,
+which has not yet received adequate treatment, is W.H. Glasson,
+_Military Pension Legislation in the United States_ (in Columbia
+University Studies, vol. XII). C.F. Adams and W.B. Hale published useful
+essays on the pension system in _World's Work, 1911_. H.T. Peck begins
+his popular _Twenty Years of the Republic_ (1907) with the inauguration
+of Cleveland in 1885. Consult also Sparks, Dewey, Andrews, and the
+_Annual Cyclopaedia_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE LAST OF THE FRONTIER
+
+
+Five statutes that received the signature of Grover Cleveland are
+documentary proof of the new problems and the changing attitude of the
+National Administration during the eighties. They indicate that the
+chief function of the National Government had ceased to be to moderate
+among a group of self-sufficient States and had come to be the direction
+of such interests as were national in importance or extent. On February
+4, 1887, the Interstate Commerce Law was passed in recognition of a
+transportation system that had become national; and four days later the
+Dawes Bill, providing that lands should be issued to Indians in
+severalty, marked the disappearance of the wild Indian from the border.
+In 1889 a Department of Agriculture, with a seat in the Cabinet, and a
+law for the survey of irrigation sites in the Far West, mark the
+interest of a nation in the prosperity of its whole area and population;
+while laws of 1889 and 1890 admitting six new States extended the chain
+of commonwealths for the first time from ocean to ocean. A process that
+had been under way since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock had culminated in
+the occupation of the whole breadth of the continent.
+
+The first continental railroad, the Union Pacific, chartered in 1862
+and finished in 1869, was admittedly a national project. Its purpose was
+to bind the Pacific Slope to the East in a period when sectionalism was
+a menace to national unity. Its opening was the first step in the
+completion of an intricate system of lines extending to the Pacific.
+Direct federal aid was given to the road in the form of land grants,
+right of way, and a loan of bonds.
+
+Other continental railroads were authorized in the later sixties. In
+1864 a Northern Pacific, to connect Lake Superior and Puget Sound, made
+its appearance. In 1866 the Atlantic & Pacific was given the right to
+run from a southwestern terminal at Springfield, Missouri, to southern
+California. In 1871 the Texas Pacific was designed to connect the head
+of navigation on the Red River, near Shreveport and Texarkana, with Fort
+Yuma and San Diego. Additional lines with continental possibilities
+received charters from the Western States,--the Denver & Rio Grande, the
+Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, and the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe,--and
+received indirectly a share of the public domain as an inducement to
+build. Congress stopped making land grants for this purpose in 1871, but
+not until more lines than could be used for twenty years had been
+allowed.
+
+All the continental railways were begun before 1873, were checked by the
+five years of depression, and were revived about 1878. When they began
+again to build there was associated with them a new project for an old
+continental route.
+
+The interoceanic canal had been foreseen ever since the first white man
+stood on the Isthmus and gazed at the Pacific. Its construction had been
+stimulated by the gold discoveries and the California emigration of
+1848-49, and had been arranged for in a treaty signed with Great Britain
+in 1850. No means to build the canal were found, however, and the
+project drifted along until De Lesseps finished his canal at Suez, and
+the new interest in continental communication in America resuscitated
+the canal at Panama. In 1878 a French company, with De Lesseps at its
+head, obtained a concession from Colombia. It began work in 1880, at
+once arousing the jealousy of the United States which was shown in the
+efforts of Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer
+Treaty and procure for the United States a free hand at the Isthmus.
+Cleveland reverted to the policy of a neutralized canal in 1885, but
+interest on either side was premature, since no canal was built for
+thirty years.
+
+The continental railways aroused keen interest in problems of
+transportation by their completion between 1881 and 1885. The Northern
+Pacific was finished under the direction of Henry Villard, a German
+journalist who had been a correspondent in the Civil War and had managed
+the interests of foreign investors after 1873. He gained control of the
+partly finished Northern Pacific and the local lines of Oregon through a
+holding company known as the Oregon & Transcontinental. In September,
+1883, he took a special train, full of distinguished visitors, over his
+lines to witness the driving of the last spike near Helena, Montana. On
+the way out, they stopped at Bismarck to help lay the corner-stone for
+an ambitious new capitol of the Territory of Dakota. From Duluth to
+Tacoma the new line brought in immigrants whose freight made its chief
+business.
+
+South of the Northern Pacific, the original main line of the Union
+Pacific ran from Omaha up the Platte Trail through Cheyenne to Ogden,
+with a branch from Kansas City to Denver and Cheyenne. Between the main
+line and the branch the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy constructed a road
+that reached Denver in May, 1882. Here it met, in 1883, the Denver & Rio
+Grande, a narrow-gauge road that penetrated the divide by way of the
+canyon of the Arkansas River, and extended to the Great Salt Lake. The
+two roads together offered a competition to the Union Pacific for its
+whole length from the Missouri River to Ogden, and drove that road to
+extend feeder branches south to the Gulf and north into Oregon.
+
+Farther south the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe stretched the whole length
+of Kansas and followed the old trail to Santa Fe and the Rio Grande, and
+thence to Old Mexico. Its owners cooperated with the owners of the
+Atlantic & Pacific franchise, and the Southern Pacific of California, to
+build a connecting link between the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe at
+Albuquerque and the Colorado River at the Needles. From this point the
+Southern Pacific traversed the valleys of California. In October, 1883,
+trains were running from San Francisco to St. Louis over this road.
+
+[Illustration: By 1870 the railway net had covered the eastern half of
+the United States and had just begun its Pacific extension. There were
+52,914 miles of railroad.]
+
+[Illustration: By 1890 the railway mileage of the United States had
+increased to 163,597, extending the railway net over the whole
+trans-Missouri region, and reinforced by lines in Canada and Mexico.
+
+THE WESTERN RAILROADS AND THE CONTINENTAL FRONTIER, 1870-1890
+
+(Based upon the maps showing density of population in the Eleventh
+Rand-McNally Official Rail-Census, and upon Appleton's Railway Guide,
+November, 1871, and the way Guide, August, 1891.)]
+
+The Southern Pacific of California met the other continental lines at
+the Fort Yuma crossing of the Colorado River. The Texas Pacific had got
+only to Fort Worth before the panic of 1873. It now built across Texas
+toward El Paso. Subsidiary corporations owned by the Southern Pacific
+men built the line between El Paso and Fort Yuma, and enabled a through
+service to start to St. Louis in January, and to New Orleans in October,
+1882. Yet another Southern Pacific line was opened through San Antonio
+and Houston, tapping the commerce of the Gulf shore, and running trains
+to New Orleans in February, 1883.
+
+The opening of great lines in the United States in the early eighties
+was part of a similar movement throughout the world. In Canada, Sir
+Donald Smith, later raised to the peerage as Lord Strathcona, was
+beginning the Canadian Pacific from Port Arthur to Vancouver, while on
+the Continent of Europe the first train of the "Orient Express" left
+Paris for Constantinople in June, 1883. In November, 1883, the American
+railroads, realizing that they were a national system, agreed upon a
+scheme of standard time by which to run their trains. Heretofore every
+road had followed what local time it chose, to the confusion of the
+traveling public.
+
+Most of the continental railways had extensive land grants, of from
+twenty to forty sections per mile of track, but whether they had lands
+to sell or not they were vitally interested in the settlement of the
+regions through which they ran. Each encouraged immigration and
+colonization. Their literature, scattered over Europe, was one factor in
+the heavy drift of population that started after 1878. Six new Western
+States were created in the ten years after their completion.
+
+The youngest American Territory in the eighties was Wyoming, created in
+1868, and the youngest State was Colorado, admitted in 1876. After
+Colorado, the political division of the West embraced eight organized
+Territories: Dakota, Montana, Idaho, and Washington along the Canadian
+line, Wyoming and Utah in the middle, Arizona and New Mexico on the
+Mexican border. Besides these Territories there was the unorganized
+remnant of the Indian country known as Indian Territory, and attracting
+the covetous glances of frontiersmen in all the near-by Western States.
+
+Agriculture was the main reliance of the wave of pioneers that poured
+over the plains along the lines of the railroads. In the valley of the
+Red River of the North, wheat-farming was their staple industry. As the
+Old South had devoted itself to the staple crop of cotton, so this new
+region took up the single crop of wheat, bringing to its cultivation
+great machines, white labor, and a modified factory system. South of the
+wheat country, corn dominated in Kansas, Iowa, and Nebraska, and went to
+market either as grain or in the converted form of hogs or stock. In
+Texas the cotton-fields pushed into new areas. The farm lands completely
+surrounded the Indian Territory, in which a diversified agriculture was
+known to be both possible and profitable.
+
+Across the United States, from Canada to Mexico, the advance line of
+farms pushed from the well-watered bottoms of the Mississippi Valley
+into the plains that rise toward the Rocky Mountains. Near the
+ninety-seventh meridian the rainfall of this region becomes insufficient
+for general farming in ordinary years. But the solicitations of
+land-sellers brought settlers into the sub-humid region, while for a few
+years in the eighties the rainfall was greater than the average.
+Permanent climatic changes were imagined by the hopeful. A Governor of
+Kansas stated, in 1886, "with absolute certainty, that great areas in
+the Western third of Kansas are becoming more fertile," while an Eastern
+Senator, who was generally well informed, believed in 1888 that "the
+whole Territory of Dakota is as capable of sustaining population as
+Iowa."
+
+Between the farming frontier and the mountains the cattlemen expanded
+the grazing industry, with profits that were enlarged because of the
+markets that the railroads brought them. The "long drive" from Texas to
+Montana became a familiar idea on the border, while the cowboys in their
+lonely watches developed a folk-song literature that is typically
+American. Between the cattlemen and the sheepmen there was permanent
+war, for the sheep injured the grass they grazed over. Although both
+industries were trespassers on the public lands the herders resented the
+appearance of the flocks as an intrusion upon their domain.
+
+Kansas City rose suddenly to prominence as the meeting-place of the
+railways of the West and Southwest with those of the East. Near to the
+line that divided steady agriculture from the nomadic life of the
+plains it became a convenient market for both. Here the packers
+developed the traffic in fresh beef that the new railways with their
+refrigerator cars made possible. The cities of the East, in need of more
+fresh meat than the local farmers could provide, found their supply on
+the plains of the Far West.
+
+Beyond the plains, the mountain regions changed less from the advent of
+the railways than any other section of the remote West. They had
+attracted population to their camps during the Civil War, and now they
+grew in size and permanence. But only such regions reached permanent
+importance as had valleys to be irrigated and fields to be cultivated.
+Without agriculture no important region has flourished in the West.
+
+Toward the end of the eighties the pressure of the population for more
+homestead lands brought about the opening of Oklahoma. Here, for over
+half a century, the Indian tribes had lived in full possession. After
+the Civil War the plains tribes had been colonized here too. Now, as the
+lands were awarded to the Indians in severalty under the Dawes Act, the
+old tribal holdings were surrendered and large areas were offered to
+white settlement. After ten years of ejectment and restraint the
+Oklahoma boomers were let into the country in 1889. Guthrie and Oklahoma
+City were created overnight, and in 1890 the Territory of Oklahoma
+received permanent organization.
+
+Before the last continental railway was finished, the Territories were
+asking for statehood and were showing advance in population to justify
+it. When Villard aided in the corner-stone laying at Bismarck in 1883
+there were already three clearly defined groups of population in Dakota
+and an ultimate division had been determined upon by the settlers.
+Repeatedly, in the decade, the Dakota colonists framed constitutions and
+signed petitions, and the Republicans in Congress sought to give them
+statehood. The Democratic House, which prevailed from 1883 to 1889, saw
+no reason for creating more Republican States, as these would likely be,
+and found pretexts for holding up the bills. Montana, less advanced than
+Dakota, and Idaho and Wyoming which were yet more primitive, joined the
+forces of the statehood advocates. Arizona and New Mexico did the same,
+and Utah had been a suitor since 1850. Washington, with a growing
+population on Puget Sound and in the Spokane country, was obviously not
+long to be denied.
+
+For party purposes, the Democrats resisted the demands for statehood
+until the election of 1888 insured Republican control through every
+branch of the United States Government. Thereafter there was no point to
+resistance, and Cleveland, in 1889, signed an "omnibus" bill under which
+North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Washington were admitted. Idaho
+and Wyoming, defeated at this time, were let in by the Republicans in
+1890. The unorganized frontier was now all but gone, and the pioneers of
+these new States used Pullman cars and read the monthly magazines like
+any other citizens.
+
+Arizona and New Mexico were excluded from the new States of 1889 and
+1890 because a Republican Congress expected them to be Democratic, and
+both remained Territories for more than twenty succeeding years. Utah,
+with ample population, was kept where the Federal Government could
+control it because of the practices taught by its Church. The Mormons
+had made a prosperous Territory in Utah by 1850. They had flourished
+ever since, but their institution of polygamy frightened the United
+States and created permanent hostility to their admission. In 1882 the
+Territory was placed under a commission, and thereafter polygamous
+citizens were brought to punishment. In 1890 the Church gave up the
+fight and formally abandoned the obnoxious doctrine, but the surrender
+came too late to accomplish admission at this time.
+
+THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN, 1789-1904
+
+The large rectangle represents the total land area of the United States,
+excluding Alaska and the Islands
+
+1,902,000,000 Acres
+
++-----------------------------------------------------------+-------------+
+|                                                           |Land area of |
+|                                                           |the thirteen |
+|                                                           |original     |
+|                                                           |states       |
+|                                                           |and Maine,   |
+|                                                           |Vermont, West|
+|          Public lands remaining in the possession         |Virginia,    |
+|                of the United States in 1904               |Kentucky,    |
+|                   about 700,000,000 Acres                 |Tennessee,   |
+|                                                           |and Texas,   |
+|                                                           |in none      |
+|                                                           |of which     |
+|                                                           |has the      |
+|                                                           |public domain|
+|                                                           |ever existed |
++-----------+------------+------------+---------------------+             |
+|Area       |Land grants |Donations   |Sales to companies |460,000,000    |
+|given to   |   for      | to the     | or individuals    | Acres         |
+|individuals|  internal  | states for | under preemption  |               |
+|in the     |improvements| education  | and general laws, | (Diagram      |
+|form of    |   and      | and        | and private land  | based upon    |
+|homesteads |railroads   | other      | claims allowed    | the Report    |
+|or         |            | local      |                   | of the        |
+|allotments |            | purposes   |                   | Public Lands  |
+|           |            |            |                   | Commission    |
+|           |            |            |                   | and the       |
+|122,000,000|137,000,000 | 164,000,000| 319,000,000       | Report of the |
+|Acres      | Acres      | Acres      | Acres             | Commissioner  |
+|                                                         | of the        |
+|   Land area of the twenty-nine states constituting the  | General Land  |
+|   public domain. 1,442,000,000 Acres                    | Office, 1905) |
++---------------------------------------------------------+---------------+
+
+By 1890 the good agricultural lands of the United States were nearly all
+in private hands. Their occupation had been hastened in the last five
+years by facility of access and the efforts of the railways. With the
+disappearance of free lands a new period in America began, as was
+recognized at the time, and has become clearer ever since.
+
+Out of forty-eight States comprising the United States in 1912, and
+including about 1,902,000,000 acres, twenty-nine with 1,442,000,000
+acres had been erected in the public domain to which Congress had once
+owned title. By cession, purchase, or conquest this domain had been
+acquired between 1781 and 1853; it had been treated as a national asset
+and governed with what efficiency Congress possessed. By 1903 the United
+States had transferred to individuals about half its public land and
+nearly all its farm land. It retained many millions of acres, but these
+were mountain or desert, and were not usable by the individual farmer
+who had been the typical unit in the occupation of the West.
+
+Already, by 1880, the statisticians had recognized that the period of
+free land was at an end, and had turned their attention to the abuses
+which had arisen in the administration of the estate. From the
+beginning, it had been difficult to compel the West to respect national
+land laws. The squatter who occupied lands without title had always been
+an obstacle to uniform administration. Evasion of the law had rarely
+been frowned upon by Western opinion, which had hoped to get the public
+lands into private hands by the quickest route. In the region where the
+laws had to be enforced, opinion prevented it, while the National
+Administration, before the adoption of civil service reform, was
+incapable of directing with accuracy and uniform policy any
+administrative scheme which must be so highly technical as a land
+office. The Preemption, Homestead, and Timber Culture Laws were all
+framed in the interest of the small holder, but were all perverted by
+fraud and collusion. The United States invited much of the fraud by
+making no provision by which those industries which had a valid need for
+a large acreage could get it legally.
+
+Among the special abuses that were observed now that it was too late to
+remedy them were the violations of the law and the lawless seizures of
+the public lands. The cattle companies took and fenced what they needed
+and drove out "trespassers" by force. Mail contractors complained of
+illegal inclosures which they dare not cross, but which diverted the
+United States mail from its lawful course. Yet such was the general land
+law that against all but the United States Government the possessors
+could maintain their possession. If the Government could not or would
+not interfere, there was no redress.
+
+These abuses had been noticed for many years, and were specially
+advertised in the early eighties by the enormous holdings of a few
+British noblemen. The problem of absentee landlordism was exciting
+Ireland in these years. When Cleveland became President his Commissioner
+of the General Land Office, Sparks, turned cheerfully and vigorously to
+reform, and denounced the discreditable condition the more readily
+because it had appeared under Republican administration. He held up the
+granting of homestead and preemption titles for the purpose of
+examination and inspection, and demanded the repeal of the Preemption
+Law. He was successful in recovering some of the lands that had been
+offered to the railways to aid in their construction.
+
+The railway land grants were notorious because the railways had rarely
+been done on contract time, and had in theory forfeited their grants.
+The estimated area offered them was about 214,000,000 acres, and the
+question arose as to the extent to which forfeiture should be imposed
+upon them. The spectacular completion of their lines and their efforts
+to bring a population into the West, and the vast size of the
+corporations that owned them, had aroused a hostile opinion that
+supported the Democratic Administration in its efforts to save what
+lands it could. Some fifty million acres were restored to the domain by
+this fight, but the restoration only emphasized the fact that most of
+the good lands were gone.
+
+Out of the demand for the reform of the public lands grew a new interest
+in the condition of the lands that were left. The Department of
+Agriculture was created at the end of Cleveland's term, and Governor
+Jeremiah Rusk was appointed as its first Secretary by Harrison. Rusk
+accepted cheerfully his place as "the tail of the Cabinet," asserting
+that as such he was expected "to keep the flies off," and set about
+rearranging or organizing a group of scientific bureaus. Since most of
+the remaining lands could not be used without irrigation, the surveys
+undertaken by Congress started a new phase of public science, and led
+ultimately to the rise of a positive theory of conservation.
+
+The problems of national communication, Western settlement, and public
+lands resulted from the completion of the continental railways, while
+the railways themselves gave a new significance to transportation in
+America. During the years of the Granger movement the doctrine had been
+established that railroads are quasi-public and are subject to
+regulation by public authority. In the Granger Cases in 1877 the Supreme
+Court recognized the right of the States to establish rates by law, even
+when these rates, by becoming part of a through rate, had an incidental
+effect upon interstate commerce. The problem had been viewed as local
+or regional during the seventies. Most of the States had passed railway
+laws and had proceeded to accumulate a volume of statistical information
+upon the railway business, that was increased by such public
+investigations as the Windom and Hepburn Reports and by lawsuits that
+revealed the nature of special favors and rebates.
+
+Before the States had gone far in the direction of railway regulation it
+was discovered that no State could regulate an interstate railway with
+precision and justice. The great systems built up by Villard and Gould
+and Vanderbilt and Huntington dominated whole regions and precipitated
+the question of the effectiveness of state action. The continental
+lines, necessarily long and traversing several States, emphasized the
+inequality between the powers of a State and the problem to be met.
+Their national character pointed to national control.
+
+In Congress there were repeated attempts after 1873 to secure the
+passage of an Interstate Commerce Act. In continuation of this campaign
+a committee headed by Senator Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois, made a new
+investigation in 1885, and reported early in 1886 that supervision and
+publicity were required, and that these could best be obtained through a
+federal commission with large powers of taking testimony and examining
+books. The committee was convinced, as the public was already convinced,
+that the problem had become national.
+
+The Supreme Court reached the same opinion in 1886 when it handed down a
+new decision in the case of the Wabash Railway Company vs. Illinois.
+Here it reversed or modified its own decision in the Granger Cases. In
+1877 it had ruled that railways are subject to regulation and that the
+States under their police powers may regulate. It now adhered to its
+major premise, but declared that such regulation as affected an
+interstate rate is exclusively a federal function. In effect it
+determined that if there was to be regulation of the great systems it
+could only be at the hands of Congress.
+
+The regulation of interstate commerce was not a party measure. It had
+its advocates in both parties, and found its opponents in the railroad
+lobby that resented any public interference with the business of the
+roads. The railway owners and directors were slower than the public in
+accepting the doctrine of the quasi-public nature of their business. It
+was a powerful argument against them that their size and influence were
+such that they could and did ruin or enrich individual customers, and
+that they could make or destroy whole regions of the West. Enough
+positive proof of favoritism existed to give point to the demand that
+the business must cease to discriminate.
+
+The Interstate Commerce Act became a law February 4, 1887. It created a
+commission of five, with a six-year term and the proviso that not more
+than three of the commissioners should belong to one party. It forbade a
+group of practices which had resulted in unfair discrimination and gave
+to the commission considerable powers in investigation and interference.
+The later interpretation of the law deprived the commission of some of
+the powers that, it was thought, had been given to it, but during the
+next nineteen years the Interstate Commerce Commission was a central
+figure in the solution of the railroad problem. The work of this
+commission, like the work of irrigation and agriculture, was technical,
+calling for expert service, and aiding in the process that was changing
+the character of the National Administration as one function after
+another was called into service for the first time.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+In 1893 F.J. Turner called attention to the _Significance of the
+Frontier in American History_ (in American Historical Association,
+Annual Report, 1893). His theory has been elaborated by F.L. Paxson,
+_The Last American Frontier_ (1910), and K. Coman, _Economic Beginnings
+of the Far West_ (1912). There is no good account of the public lands.
+T. Donaldson, _The Public Domain_ (1881), is inaccurate, antiquated, and
+clumsy, but has not been supplanted. Many useful tables are in the
+report of the Public Lands Commission created by President Roosevelt (in
+58th Congress, 3d session, Senate Document, No. 189, Serial No. 4766).
+The general spirit of the frontier in the eighties has been appreciated
+by Owen Wister, in _The Virginian_ (1902), and _Members of the Family_
+(1911), and by E. Talbot, in _My People of the Plains_ (1906). J.A.
+Lomax has preserved some of its folklore in _Cowboy Songs and Other
+Frontier Ballads_ (1910). The best narratives on the continental
+railways are J.P. Davis, _Union Pacific Railway_ (1894), and E.V.
+Smalley, _The Northern Pacific Railroad_ (1883). Many contributory
+details are in H. Villard, _Memoirs_ (2 vols., 1904), E.P. Oberholtzer,
+_Jay Cooke_ (2 vols., 1907), and in the appropriate volumes of H.H.
+Bancroft, _Works_. L.H. Haney has compiled the formal documents in his
+_Congressional History of Railroads_ (in Bulletins of the University of
+Wisconsin, Nos. 211 and 342). The debate over the Isthmian Canal may be
+read in J.D. Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_; the
+Foreign relations Reports, 1879-83; L.M. Keasbey, _The Nicaragua Canal
+and the Monroe Doctrine_ (1896); J.B. Henderson, _American Diplomatic
+Questions_ (1901); and J. Latane, _Diplomatic Relations of the United
+States and Spanish America_ (1900).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+NATIONAL BUSINESS
+
+
+Transportation was a fundamental factor in the two greatest problems of
+the eighties. In the case of the disappearance of free land and the
+frontier, it produced phenomena that were most clearly visible in the
+West, although affecting the whole United States. In the case of
+concentration of capital and the growth of trusts, its phenomena were
+mostly in the East, where were to be found the accumulations of capital,
+the great markets, and the supply of labor.
+
+Through the improvements in communication it became possible to conduct
+an efficient business in every State and direct it from a single head
+office. Not only railroad and telegraph helped in this, but telephone,
+typewriter, the improved processes in photography and printing, and the
+organization of express service were of importance and touched every
+aspect of life. Journalism both broadened and concentrated. The
+effective range of the weeklies and monthlies and even of the city
+dailies was widened, while the resulting competition tended to weed out
+the weaker and more local. Illustrations improved and changed the
+physical appearance of periodical literature.
+
+Social organizations of national scope or ambition took advantage of the
+new communication. Trade unions, benevolent associations, and
+professional societies multiplied their annual congresses and
+conventions, and increased the proportion of the population that knew
+something of the whole Union. A few periodicals and pattern-makers began
+to circulate styles, which clothing manufacturers imitated and local
+shopkeepers sold at retail. Mail-order business was aided by the same
+conditions. A new uniformity in appearance began to enter American life,
+weakening the old localisms in dress, speech, and conduct. Until within
+a few years it had been possible here and there to sit down to dinner
+"with a gentleman in the dress of the early century--ruffles, even
+_bag-wig_ complete"; but the new standards were the standards of the
+mass, and it became increasingly more difficult to keep up an
+aristocratic seclusion or a style of life much different from that of
+the community.
+
+With the growth of national uniformity went also the concentration of
+control. As the field of competition widened, the number of possible
+winners declined. Men measured strength, not only in their town or
+State, but across the continent, and the handful of leaders used the
+facilities of communication as the basis for the further expansion of
+their industries. Business was extended because it was possible and
+because it was thought to pay.
+
+Many of the economies of consolidation were so obvious as to need no
+argument. If a single firm could do the business of five,--or fifty--it
+increased its profit through larger and better plants, greater division
+of labor, and a more careful use of its by-products. It could cut down
+expenses by reducing the army of competing salesmen and by lessening the
+duplication of administrative offices. The same economics in management
+which had driven the Old South to the large plantation as a type drove
+American industrial society toward economic consolidation and the
+trusts.
+
+The technical form of organization of the trust was unimportant.
+Strictly speaking, it was a combination of competing concerns, in which
+the control of all was vested in a group of trustees for the purpose of
+uniformity. The name was thus derived, but it spread in popular usage
+until it was regarded as generally descriptive of any business so large
+that it affected the course of the whole trade of which it was a part.
+The logical outcome of the trust was monopoly, and trusts appeared first
+in those industries in which there existed a predisposition to monopoly,
+an excessive loss through competition, or a controlling patent or trade
+secret.
+
+The first trust to arouse public notice was concerned in the
+transportation and manufacture of petroleum and its products. Commercial
+processes for refining petroleum became available in the sixties,
+enabling improvements in domestic illumination that insured an
+increasing market for the product. The industry was speculative by
+nature because of the low cost of crude petroleum at the well and the
+high cost of delivering it to the consumer. Slight rises in price caused
+the market to be swamped by overproduction, and threw the control of the
+industry into the hands of those who controlled its transportation.
+
+Once above ground, the cheap and bulky oil had to be hauled first to the
+refiner and then to the consumer. The receptacles were expensive, and
+the methods of transportation that were cheapest in operation had the
+greatest initial cost. Barrels were relatively cheap to buy, but were
+costly to handle. Tank-cars were more expensive, but repaid those who
+could afford them. Pipe-lines were beyond the means of the individual,
+but brought in greater returns to the corporations that owned them.
+
+It was inevitable that some of the dealers who competed in the
+oil-fields of Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia in the sixties
+should realize the strategic value of the control of transportation and
+profit by it. John D. Rockefeller happened to be more successful than
+others in manipulating transportation. His refineries grew in size, as
+they bought out or crushed their rivals, until by 1882 most of the
+traffic in petroleum was under his control. Economy and sagacity had
+much to do with the success, but were less significant than
+transportation. Railway rates were yet unfixed by law and every road
+sold transportation as best it could. Rockefeller learned to bargain in
+freight rates, and through a system of special rates and rebates gained
+advantages over every competitor. His lobby made it difficult to weaken
+him through legislative measures, while his attorneys were generally
+more skillful than his prosecutors before the courts. The recognition of
+the existence of rebates did much to hasten the passage of the
+Interstate Commerce Law. The group of corporations that flourished
+because of them became the greatest of the trusts. By 1882 the
+affiliated Rockefeller companies were so numerous and complicated that
+they were given into the hands of a group of trustees to be managed as a
+single business.
+
+The Whiskey and Sugar Trusts, formed in 1887, had to do with commodities
+in which transportation was not the controlling element. These
+industries suffered from overproduction and ruinous competition, to
+eliminate which the distilleries and sugar refineries entered into trust
+agreements like that of the Standard Oil companies. Other lines of
+manufacture followed as best they could. Before Cleveland was
+inaugurated the trend was noticed and attacked.
+
+Most of the agitation against the trusts came from individuals whose
+lives were touched by them. Competition was ruthless and often
+unscrupulous. Every man who was crushed by it hated his destroyer. There
+was much changing of occupations as firms merged and reorganized and as
+plants grew in size and ingenuity. Perhaps more workers changed the
+character of their occupation in the eighties than in any other decade.
+As each individual readjusted himself to his new environment, he added
+to the mass of public opinion that believed the trusts to be a menace to
+society.
+
+As early as 1881 there was a market for anti-trust literature, for in
+March of that year the _Atlantic Monthly_ printed the "Story of a Great
+Monopoly," by Henry Demarest Lloyd, who became one of the leaders in the
+attack. It had been fashionable to regard success as a vindication of
+Yankee cleverness and worthy of emulation, without much examination of
+the methods by which it was attained. The Standard Oil Company,
+attracting attention to itself, raised the question of the effect of
+industry upon society.
+
+The evils ascribed to the trusts were social or political. In a social
+way they were believed to check individualism and to create too large a
+proportion of subordinates to independent producers. As monopolies, they
+were believed to threaten extortion through high price. It was strongly
+suspected of the largest trusts that having destroyed all competition
+they could fix prices at pleasure. Economists pointed out that such
+price could hardly be high and yet remunerative to the trusts, because
+the latter did not dare to check consumption. But fear of oppression
+could not be dispelled by any economic law.
+
+The trust was believed to have an evil influence in politics, and to
+obtain special favors through bribery or pressure. The United States was
+used to the influence of money in politics, and distrusted public
+officials. The state constitutions framed in this period were being
+expanded into codes of specific law in the hope of safeguarding public
+interests. There was little belief that corrupt overtures, if made by
+the trusts, would be resisted.
+
+Lloyd, and men of his type, believed in regulation and control. Some of
+them became socialists. Others hoped to restore a competitive basis by
+law. The greatest impression on the public was made by one of their
+literary allies, Edward Bellamy.
+
+Early in 1888 Edward Bellamy published a romance entitled _Looking
+Backward_, in which his hero, Mr. Julian West, went to sleep in 1887,
+with labor controversy and trust denunciation sounding in his ears, to
+awake in the year 2000 A.D. The socialized state into which the hero was
+reborn was a picture of an end to which industry was perhaps drifting.
+It caught public attention. Clubs of enthusiasts tried to hasten the day
+of nationalization by forming Bellamistic societies. Those who were
+repelled by a future in which the trusts and the State were merged
+became more active in their demand for regulation.
+
+The legislative side of trust regulation, like that of railway
+regulation, was made more difficult because of the division of powers
+between Congress and the States. It was an interesting question whether
+one State could control a monopoly as large as the nation. But the
+States passed anti-trust laws by the score, as they had passed the
+railway laws. As in the earlier case they found their model in the
+common law, which had long prohibited conspiracies in restraint of
+trade. One of the States, Ohio, with only the common law to go upon,
+brought suit against the Standard Oil Trust and secured a prohibition
+against it in 1892. It was relatively easy to attack the formal
+organization of the trust, but in spite of such attacks concentration
+continued to produce ever greater combinations, as though it were
+fulfilling some fundamental economic law.
+
+Those of the anti-monopolists who were also tariff reformers had a
+weapon to urge besides that of regulation. They maintained that part of
+the power of the corporations was due to the needless favors of
+protection, which deprived the United States of the aid that competition
+from European manufacturers might have given. They insisted that a
+revision of the tariff would do much to remove the burden of the trusts.
+The House ordered an investigation of the trusts while it was engaged on
+the futile Mills Bill in 1888, but it was the latter that furnished the
+text for the ensuing presidential campaign.
+
+So far as the parties were concerned the Republicans took the aggressive
+in 1888. Cleveland's emphasis upon tariff reduction was personal and
+never had the cheerful support of the whole party. The manufacturers,
+however, were thoroughly scared by the continued threats of revision. As
+they had come, by supporting the party in power, to support the
+Republicans, so they now organized within that party to save themselves.
+Their leaders sang a new note in 1888, no longer apologizing for the
+tariff or urging reduction, but defending it on principle,--on Clay's
+old principle of an American system,--and asking that it be made more
+comprehensive. From Florence, and then from Paris, Blaine replied to
+Cleveland's Message of 1887, and his friends continued to urge his
+nomination for the Presidency. Only after his positive refusal to be a
+candidate did the Republican Convention at Chicago make its choice from
+a list of candidates including Sherman, Gresham, Depew, Alger, Harrison,
+and Allison. The ticket finally nominated consisted of Benjamin
+Harrison, a Senator from Indiana, and Levi P. Morton, a New York banker.
+The platform was "uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of
+protection." It denounced Cleveland and the revisionists as serving "the
+interests of Europe," and condemned "the Mills Bill as destructive to
+the general business, the labor, and the farming interests of the
+country."
+
+The Democrats, as is usual for the party in power, had already held
+their convention before the Republicans met. They had renominated Grover
+Cleveland by acclamation, and Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, as
+Vice-President, and had indorsed, not the Mills Bill by name, but the
+views of Cleveland and the efforts of the President and Representatives
+in Congress to secure a reduction. For many of the Democrats the need to
+defend tariff reform was so distasteful that they left the party,
+blaming Cleveland as the cause of their defection.
+
+The canvass of 1888 was not marred by the personalities of 1884. The
+issue of protection was discussed earnestly by both parties, Blaine, who
+returned from Europe, leading the Republican attack. The only exciting
+incidents of the campaign had to do with the "Murchison Letter" and the
+campaign fund.
+
+Matthew S. Quay, whose career as Treasurer of Pennsylvania had not been
+above reproach, was chairman of the Republican campaign committee.
+During the contest it was asserted that he was assessing the protected
+manufacturers and guaranteeing them immunity in case of a Republican
+victory. He was at least able to play upon their fears and bring a
+vigorous support to the protective promises of his party. His committee
+circulated stories of the un-Americanism of Cleveland, charging that
+free-trade was pro-British, and making capital out of the pension
+vetoes. Toward the end of the canvass Sir Lionel Sackville-West, the
+British Minister, fell into a Republican trap and wrote to a pretended
+naturalized Englishman, who called himself Murchison, that a vote for
+Cleveland would best serve Great Britain. His tactless blunder caused
+his summary dismissal from Washington and aided the Republican cause
+much as the Burchard affair had injured it four years before.
+
+Harrison was elected in November as a minority President, Cleveland
+actually receiving more popular though fewer electoral votes. He came
+into office with a Republican Senate and a Republican House, able to
+carry out party intentions for the first time since 1883.
+
+Benjamin Harrison was never a leader of his party. He had a good war
+record and had been Senator for a single term. His nomination was not
+due to his strength, but to his availability. Coming from the doubtful
+State of Indiana, he was likely to carry it, particularly since the
+Republican candidate for governor was a leader of the Grand Army of the
+Republic. Harrison's personal character and piety were valuable assets
+in a time when party leaders were under fire. Once in office he had a
+cold abruptness that made it easy to lose the support of associates who
+felt that their own importance was greater than his.
+
+Blaine, the greatest of these associates, became Secretary of State,
+and soon had the satisfaction of meeting the Pan-American Congress that
+he had called eight years before. In his interest in larger American
+affairs he lost some of his keenness as a protectionist and acquired a
+zeal for foreign trade. With England he had another unsuccessful tilt,
+this time over the seals of Bering Sea.
+
+In some of the appointments Harrison paid the party debts. Windom came
+back to the Treasury, although ex-Senator Platt, of New York, claimed
+that he had been promised it. John Wanamaker, who had raised large sums
+in Philadelphia to aid Quay in the campaign, became Postmaster-General.
+The Pension Bureau, important through the alliance with the soldiers,
+went to a leader of the Grand Army of the Republic, one "Corporal"
+Tanner, whose most famous utterance related to his intentions: "God save
+the surplus!"
+
+The Fifty-first Congress, convening in December, 1889, took up with
+enthusiasm the mandate of the election, as the Republicans saw it, to
+revise the tariff in the interest of protection. It chose as Speaker
+Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, and revised its rules so as to expedite
+legislation. William McKinley prepared a revision of the tariff in the
+House, while another Ohioan, John Sherman, took up the matter of the
+trusts in the Senate.
+
+The Sherman Anti-Trust Law was enacted in July, 1890, after nearly
+ten years of general discussion. Although  formulated by
+Republicans--Sherman, Edmunds, and Hoar--it was not  more distinctly
+a party measure than the Interstate Commerce Act had been. It relied
+upon the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution as its
+authority to declare illegal "every contract, combination in the form
+of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among
+the several States, or with foreign nations," and it provided suitable
+penalties for violation. The most significant debate in connection
+with it occurred upon an amendment offered by Representative Richard
+P. Bland, of Missouri, who desired to extend the scope of the
+prohibition, specifically, to railroads. The Senate excluded the
+amendment on the ground that the law was general, covering the railroads
+without special enumeration. The full meaning of the law remained in doubt
+for nearly fifteen years, for few private suitors invoked it and the
+Attorneys-General were not hostile to the ordinary practices of business.
+A great financial depression which appeared in 1893 acted well as a
+temporary deterrent of trusts. There was a suspicion that the law had
+been intended not to be enforced, but to act as a popular antidote to
+the McKinley Tariff Bill which was pending while it passed.
+
+There were two reasons for a revision of the tariff in 1890. The
+surplus, still a reason, added $105,000,000 in 1889, and continued to
+embarrass the Treasury with a wealth of riches. Secondly, the election
+of 1888 had gone Republican, and party leaders chose to regard this as a
+popular condemnation of Cleveland and tariff reform, and a popular
+mandate for higher protection, in spite of the fact that more Americans
+voted for Cleveland than for Harrison. A third reason, alleged by the
+opposition, was the necessity of fulfilling the pledges given by Quay
+and the campaign managers to the manufacturers who contributed to the
+campaign fund,--manufacturers who were parodied as "Mary":--
+
+   "Our Mary had a little lamb,
+     Her heart was most intent
+   To make its wool, beyond its worth,
+     Bring 56 per cent."
+
+In April, 1890, McKinley presented his act "to equalize the duties upon
+imports and to reduce the revenues." For five months Congress wrestled
+with the details of the bill and the issues connected with it. In June
+it rewarded the soldier allies of the Administration with a Dependent
+Pension Act which granted pensions to those who could show ninety days
+of service and present dependence, and which, aided by the previous
+laws, relieved the surplus of $1,350,000,000 in the next ten years.
+Early in July the Anti-Trust Act was passed. Two weeks later Congress
+paused in its tariff deliberations to pass the Sherman Silver Purchase
+Bill at the demand of Republican Senators from the Rocky Mountain
+States, who wanted their share of protection in this form and were so
+numerous as to be able to produce a deadlock.
+
+The tariff that became a law October 1, 1890, was the first success in
+tariff legislation since the Civil War. It enlarged protection and
+reduced the revenue. The latter was done by repealing the duty on raw
+sugar, which had been the most remunerative item of the old tariff, and
+by substituting a bounty of two cents per pound to the American
+sugar-grower, which further relieved the surplus. The sugar clause was
+one of the notable features of the McKinley Bill, and was closely
+related to a group of duties upon agricultural imports. There had been
+complaint among the farmers that protection did nothing for them. The
+agricultural schedule was designed to silence this complaint.
+
+Another novelty in the bill was the extension of protection to unborn
+industries. In the case of tin plate, the President was empowered to
+impose a duty whenever he should learn that American mills were ready to
+manufacture it. This was an application of the principle that went
+beyond the demands of most advocates of protection.
+
+A final novelty, reciprocity, was the favorite scheme of the Secretary
+of State. Blaine, in his foreign policy, saw in the tariff wall an
+obstacle to friendly trade relations, and induced Congress to permit the
+duties on the chief imports from South America to be admitted on a
+special basis in return for reciprocal favors. McKinley, as his
+experience widened, accepted this principle in full, and died with an
+expression of it upon his lips. But in 1890 most protectionists inclined
+toward absolute exclusion, regardless of foreign relations, and were
+ready to raise the rate whenever the imports were large.
+
+In the passage of the McKinley Tariff Bill it was noticed that a third
+body was sharing largely in such legislation. After each house had
+passed the bill and disagreements on amendments had been reached, it was
+sent to a Joint Committee of Conference whose report was, by rule,
+unamendable. In the Conference Committee the bill was finally shaped,
+and so shaped that the Republican majority was forced to accept it or
+none. The party leaders who sat on the Committee of Conference were a
+third house with almost despotic power, and were, as well, men whose
+association with manufacturing districts or protected interests raised a
+fair question as to the impartiality of their decisions. The Republican
+reply, in their hands, to the assertion that the tariff was the mother
+of trusts was to raise the tariff still higher and to forbid the trusts
+to engage in interstate commerce.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The _Life of Henry Demarest Lloyd_, by C. Lloyd (2 vols., 1912) contains
+an admirable and sympathetic survey of the growth of anti-trust feeling,
+and should be supplemented by the writings of H.D. Lloyd, more
+particularly, "The Story of a Great Monopoly" (in _Atlantic Monthly_,
+March, 1881), and _Wealth against Commonwealth_ (1894). The philosophy
+of Henry George is best stated in his _Progress and Poverty_ (1879), and
+is presented biographically by H. George, Jr., in his _Life of Henry
+George_ (1900). The most popular romance of the decade is based upon an
+economic hypothesis: E. Bellamy, _Looking Backward_ (1887). J.W. Jenks,
+_The Trust Problem_ (1900, etc.), has become a classic sketch of the
+economics of industrial concentration. The histories of the Standard Oil
+Company, by I.M. Tarbell (2 vols., 1904) and G.H. Montague (1903), are
+based largely upon judicial and congressional investigations. The
+Sherman Law is discussed in the writings and biographies of Sherman,
+Hoar, and Edmunds, and in A. H. Walker, _History of the Sherman Law_
+(1910). For the election of 1888, consult Stanwood, Andrews, Peck, the
+_Annual Cyclopaedia_, the tariff histories, and D.R. Dewey, _National
+Problems, 1885-1897_ (in _The American Nation_, vol. 24, 1907).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE FARMERS' CAUSE
+
+
+The Republican protective policy had its strongest supporters among the
+industrial communities of the East where the profits of manufacture were
+distributed. In the West, where the agricultural staples had produced a
+simplicity of interests somewhat resembling those of the Old South in
+its cotton crop, the advantage of protection was questioned even in
+Republican communities. The Granger States and the Prairie States were
+normally Republican, but they had experienced falling prices for their
+corn and wheat, as the South had for its cotton, in the eighties, and
+had listened encouragingly to the advocates of tariff reform.
+Cleveland's Message of 1887 had affected them strongly. Through 1888 and
+1889 country papers shifted to the support of revision, while farmers'
+clubs and agricultural journals began to denounce protection. The
+Republican leaders felt the discontent, and brought forward the
+agricultural schedules of the McKinley Bill to appease it, but
+dissatisfaction increased in 1889 and 1890 through most of the farming
+sections.
+
+The farmer in the South was directly affected by the falling price of
+cotton, and retained his hereditary aversion to the protective tariff.
+He could not believe that either party was working in his interests. The
+dominant issues of the eighties did not touch his problems. He was not
+interested in civil service reform, which was a product of a
+differentiated society, in which professional expertness was recognized
+and valued. He knew and cared little about administration, and being
+used to a multitude of different tasks himself saw no reason why the
+offices should not be passed around. In this view American farmers
+generally concurred.
+
+The Southern farmer was without interest in the pension system and was
+prone to criticize it. The Fourteenth Amendment had forced the
+repudiation of the whole Confederate debt, leaving the Southern veterans
+compelled to pay taxes that were disbursed for the benefit of Union
+veterans and debarred from enjoying similar rewards. They could not turn
+Republican, yet in their own party they saw men who failed to represent
+them.
+
+In the North agriculture was depressed and the farmers were
+discontented. In many regions the farms were worn out. Scientific
+farming was beginning to be talked about to some extent, but was little
+practiced. The improvements in transportation had brought the younger
+and more fertile lands of the West into competition with the East for
+the city markets. Cattle, raised on the plains and slaughtered at Kansas
+City or Chicago, were offered for sale in New York and Philadelphia.
+Western fruits of superior quality were competing with the common
+varieties of the Eastern orchards. Here, as in the South, the farmers
+saw the parties quarreling over issues that touched the manufacturing
+classes, but disregarding those of agriculture.
+
+It was in the West, however, that agricultural discontent was keenest.
+In no other region were uniform conditions to be found over so large an
+area. The Granger States had shown how uniformity in discontent may
+bring forth political readjustments. The new region of the late eighties
+lay west of Missouri and Iowa, where the railroads had stimulated
+settlement along the farther edge of the arable prairies. Texas, Kansas,
+Colorado, and the Dakotas had passed into a boom period about 1885, and
+had pushed new farms into regions that could not in ordinary years
+produce a crop. Only blinded enthusiasts believed that the climate of
+the sub-humid plains was changing. In good years crops will grow as far
+west as the Rockies: in bad, they dry up in eastern Kansas.
+
+It served the interest of the railroads to promote new settlements, and
+speculation got the better of prudence. The rainfall cooperated for a
+few years, enabling the newcomers to break the sod and set up their
+dwellings and barns. The quality of the settlers increased the dangers
+attendant upon the community.
+
+Under earlier conditions in the westward migration each frontier had
+been settled, chiefly, by occupants of the preceding frontier, who knew
+the climate and understood the conditions of successful farming. The
+greater distances in the farther West, and the ease of access which the
+railroads gave, brought a less capable class of farmers into the plains
+settlements. Some were amateurs; others knew a different type of
+agriculture. The population which had to deal with this new region was
+less likely to succeed than that of any previous frontier.
+
+The frontier of the eighties presented new obstacles in its doubtful
+rainfall and its experimental farmers. It contained as well the
+conditions that had always prevailed along the edge of settlement.
+Transportation was vital to its life,--as vital as it had been in the
+Granger States,--yet was nearly as unregulated. The Interstate Commerce
+Law of 1887 had little noticeable immediate effect. Discrimination,
+unreasonable rates, and overcapitalization were still grievances that
+affected the West. The new activity of organized labor, shown in the
+Western strikes of 1885 and 1886, added another obstacle to the easy
+prosperity of farmers who needed uninterrupted train service. The germs
+of an anti-railroad movement were well distributed.
+
+An anti-corporation movement, too, might reasonably be expected in this
+new frontier. Producing only the raw products of agriculture, its
+inhabitants bought most of the commodities in use from distant sections.
+They were impressed with the cost of what they had to buy and the low
+price of what they sold. They were ready listeners to agitators against
+the trusts.
+
+Like all frontiers, this one was financed on borrowed money. The pioneer
+was dependent on credit, was hopeful and speculative in his borrowings,
+built more towns and railroads than he needed, and loaded himself with a
+mountain of debt that could be met only after a long series of
+prosperous years.
+
+By necessity he was readily converted by the arguments of inflation.
+Greenback inflation had run its course, and after the resumption of
+specie payments in 1879 had been only a political threat without
+foundation or many followers. A Greenback party, affiliating with labor
+and anti-monopoly interests, had nominated Weaver in 1880 and Butler in
+1884, but even inflationists had not voted for the ticket in large
+number. A new phase of inflation had become more interesting than the
+greenbacks, and had led to the demand for the free coinage of silver.
+
+Among the demands of the Western farmer, whose greatest problem was the
+payment of his debts, none was more often heard than that for more and
+cheaper money. The Eastern farmer, though less burdened with debt, knew
+that more money would make higher prices, and believed it would bring
+larger profits. The Southern farmer, heavily in debt, not so much for
+purposes of development and permanent improvements, as because he
+regularly mortgaged his crop in advance and allowed the rural
+storekeeper to finance him, was also interested in inflation as a common
+remedy. Together the farmers of all sections kept pressing on the
+parties for free silver after the passage of the Bland-Allison Bill in
+1878. As the price of silver declined the gain which silver inflation
+would bring them increased, and they were joined by another class of
+producers whose profits came from mining the silver bullion.
+
+The silver mines furnished important industries in Montana, Idaho,
+Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Arizona, and California, and were highly valued
+in most of the Western communities. As their output declined in value
+after 1873, their owners turned to the United States Government for aid
+and protection, not differing much from the manufacturers of the East
+in their hope for aid. The restoration of silver coinage was the method
+by which they desired their protection, and they asserted that Congress
+could coin all the silver and yet maintain it at a parity with gold.
+They were allies with the farmer inflationists so far as means of relief
+were concerned, and both failed to see how incompatible were their real
+aims. The miners wanted free silver in order to increase the price of
+silver and their profits; the farmers wanted it to increase the volume
+of money and reduce its value. If either was correct in his prophecy as
+to the result of free coinage, the other was doomed to disappointment.
+But the combined demand was reiterated through the eighties. While times
+were good it was not serious, but any shock to the prosperity or credit
+of the West was likely to stimulate the one movement in which all the
+discontented concurred.
+
+The crisis which precipitated Western discontent into politics came in
+1889 when rainfall declined and crops failed. In the Arkansas Valley,
+with an average fall of eighteen inches, the total for this year was
+only thirteen inches. General Miles, who had chased hostile Indians
+across the plains for more than twenty years, and who had seen the new
+villages push in, mile by mile, saw the terrible results of drought.
+First suffering, then mortgage, then foreclosure and eviction, he
+prophesied. "And should this impending evil continue for a series of
+years," he wrote, "no one can anticipate what may follow." The glowing
+promises of the early eighties were falsified, whole towns and counties
+were deserted, and the farmers turned to the Government for aid.
+
+The Western upheaval followed a period in which both great parties had
+been attacked as misrepresentative. There was a widely spread belief
+that politicians were dishonest and that the Government was conducted
+for the favored classes. It was natural that the discontented should
+take up one of the agricultural organizations already existing, as the
+Grangers had done, and convert it to their political purpose.
+
+Since the high day of the Granger movement there had always been
+associations among the farmers and organizations striving to get their
+votes. The Grange had itself continued as a social and economic bond
+after its attack upon the railroads. There had been a Farmers' Union and
+an Agricultural Wheel. The great success of the Knights of Labor and the
+American Federation of Labor had had imitators who were less successful
+because farming had been too profitable to give much room for organized
+discontent, while in times of prosperity the farmer was an
+individualist. A new activity among the farmers' papers was now an
+evidence of a growing desire to get the advantage of cooperation.
+
+The greatest farmer organization of the eighties was the Farmers'
+Alliance, a loose federation of agricultural clubs that reflected local
+conditions, West and South. In the South, it was noted in 1888 as
+"growing rapidly," but "only incidentally of political importance." In
+Dakota, it had been active since 1885, conducting for its members fire
+and hail insurance, a purchasing department, and an elevator company.
+In Texas it was building cotton and woolen mills. The machinery of this
+organization was used by the farmers in stating their common cause, and
+as their aims broadened it merged, during 1890, into a People's Party.
+In Kansas, during the summer of this year, the movement broke over the
+lines of both old parties and had such success that its promoters
+thought a new political party had been born.
+
+Agricultural discontent, growing with the hard times of 1889, had been
+noticed, but there had been no means of measuring it until Congress
+adjourned after the passage of the McKinley Bill and the members came
+home to conduct the congressional campaign of 1890. They found that the
+recent law had become the chief issue before them. The so-called popular
+demand for protection, revealed in the election of 1888, had after all
+been based upon a minority of the votes cast. The tariff and the way it
+had been passed were used against them by the Democrats and the Farmers'
+Alliance.
+
+The act was passed so close to election day that its real influence
+could not then be seen and its opponents could not be confuted when they
+told of the evils it would do. Before the election of 1888, as again in
+1892, Republican manufacturers frightened their workmen by threats of
+closing down if free-traders won. This time the tables were turned
+against them by the recital of prospective high prices.
+
+Corrupt methods in framing the schedules furnished an influential
+argument throughout the West. Even in the East the tariff reformers
+asserted that undue favors had been done for greedy interests; that
+manufacturers who had bought immunity by their contributions to Quay's
+campaign fund had been rewarded with increased protection. The farmers
+believed these charges, plausible though unprovable, for they were
+disposed to believe that both the great parties were interested only in
+selfish exploitation of the Government to the advantage of politicians.
+
+In every State Republican candidates had to meet this fire as well as
+the local issues. In Maine, Reed met it and was elected with enlarged
+majority from a community that wanted protection. In Ohio, McKinley lost
+his seat, partly from the revulsion of feeling, but more because the
+Democrats, who controlled the State Legislature, had gerrymandered his
+district against him. Cannon, of Illinois, who had already served nine
+terms and was to serve ten more, lost his seat, and LaFollette, of
+Wisconsin, whom the protectionists had made much of, was checked early
+in a promising career because of an educational issue in his State.
+Pennsylvania, protectionist at heart, elected the Democratic ex-governor
+Pattison again in one of its revulsions against the Quay machine.
+
+The Democrats defeated the Republicans in the East while the Farmers'
+Alliance undermined them in the West. In Kansas and Nebraska the
+Alliance controlled the result, sent their own men to Washington, and
+secured the Kansas Legislature which returned the first Populist
+Senator. In several States fusion tickets were successful with
+Democratic and Alliance support. In the South, Democrats found it aided
+them in winning nomination--for the real Southern election was within
+this party and not at the polls--to assert that they were and had been
+farmers.
+
+When the votes were counted the extent of the reaction was realized. The
+last Congress had contained a safe majority of Republicans in each
+house. The new Congress, the Fifty-second, chosen in 1890, had lost the
+high-tariff majority in the lower body. Only 88 Republicans were
+elected, against 236 Democrats and 8 of the Alliance. The Republicans
+retained the Senate partly because of the "rotten borough" States, Idaho
+and Wyoming, which they had just admitted.
+
+The greatest factor in the landslide was the tariff, but this was,
+largely, only the occasion for an outburst of discontent that had been
+piling up for a decade. The dominant party was punished because things
+went wrong, because the trusts throve and labor was uneasy, because
+prices declined, because there were scandals in the Public Lands and
+Pension Bureaus, and because the rainfall had diminished on the plains.
+The new House elected a Georgian, Crisp, as Speaker, and the second half
+of Harrison's term passed quietly. Among the people, however, there was
+much conjecture upon the future of the Farmers' Alliance. A convention
+at Cincinnati, six months after the election, tried to unite the new
+element and form a third party of importance.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Union between the Knights of Labor and the Farmers' Alliance for
+political purposes was the aim of the promoters of the People's Party, a
+party that was to right all the wrongs from which the plain people
+suffered and restore the Government to their hands. Until the next
+presidential election they had time to organize for the crusade.
+
+The United States, by 1890, had begun to feel the influence of the
+agencies of communication in breaking down sectionalism and letting in
+the light of comparative experience. Men who survived from the
+generation that flourished before the war found their cherished ideas
+undermined or shattered. In public life, administration, literature, and
+religion the old order was being swept away. The United States had
+become a nation because it could not avoid it. Even the Congregational
+churches, with whom parish autonomy was vital, had seen fit to erect a
+National Council. Every important activity of trade had become national,
+and the only agency that retained its old localism was the law, which
+must cope with the new order. In many ways the trust problem was the
+result of an inadequate legal system which left a wide "twilight zone"
+between the local capacity of the State and the activity of the Nation.
+Yet the Nation was unfolding and expanding its powers. Railroad control,
+immigration and labor control, agricultural experiment, irrigation, and
+reclamation were only samples of the new lines of activity that created
+new administrative machinery and advanced abreast of the new idea of
+appointment because of merit and tenure during good behavior. Men who
+continued to see the center of political gravity in the State
+Governments were behind the times.
+
+An indigenous literature was rising in the United States. Dickens had
+lived long enough to recognize the spirit of a new school in _The Luck
+of Roaring Camp_, and _The Outcasts of Poker Flat_, which appeared in
+1868. Before 1890 the fame of their author, Bret Harte, was secure.
+Samuel Langhorne Clemens (Mark Twain), too, had seen the native field
+and had exploited it. The New England school, Emerson and Longfellow,
+Whittier, Holmes, and Lowell, lived into or through the eighties, but
+were less robust in their American flavor than their younger
+contemporaries who picked subjects from the border. _Tom Sawyer_,
+_Huckleberry Finn_, and the _Connecticut Yankee_ were life as well as
+art. Another writer of the generation, William Dean Howells, gave _The
+Rise of Silas Lapham_ to the world in 1885, and revealed a different
+stratum of the new society, while the vogue of _Little Lord Fauntleroy_
+tells less of the life therein described than of the outlook of American
+readers.
+
+Pure literature was in 1890 turning more and more to American subjects;
+applied literature was searching for causes and explanations. The
+writings of Henry George, particularly his _Progress and Poverty_,
+brought him from obscurity to prominence in six years, and by 1885 had
+"formed a noteworthy epoch in the history of economic thought." The
+success of Bellamy's utopian romance proved the avidity of the reading
+public. Parkman and Bancroft, of the older generation, Henry Adams,
+McMaster, and Rhodes, of the younger, led the way through history to an
+understanding of American conditions. Economics, sociology, and
+government were beginning to have a literature of their own, the last
+receiving its strongest impulse from the thoughtful _American
+Commonwealth_ of James Bryce.
+
+In the field of periodical literature the rising American taste was
+supporting a wider range of magazines. The old and dignified _North
+American Review_ was still an arena for political discussion. During
+1890 it printed an important interchange of views between William E.
+Gladstone and James G. Blaine, on the merits of a protective tariff.
+_Harper's Monthly_ and the _Atlantic_ had given employment to the
+leading men of letters since before the Civil War. _Leslie's_ and
+_Harper's Weeklies_ had added illustration to news, making their place
+during the sixties, while the _Independent_ held its own as the leading
+religious newspaper and the _Nation_ appeared as a journal of criticism.
+_Scribner's_ and the _Century_ had been added more recently to the list
+of monthlies, the latter running its great series of reminiscences of
+the battles and leaders of the Civil War and its life of Lincoln by
+Nicolay and Hay. Improvements in typography and illustration, combined
+with greater ease in collecting the news and distributing the product,
+made all the periodicals more nearly national.
+
+The periodicals, in a measure, took the place as national leaders that
+the newspapers had before. The newspaper as a personal expression was
+passing away, as the great editors of Horace Greeley's generation died.
+The younger editors were making investments rather than journalistic
+tools out of their papers. Trade and advertisement used this vehicle to
+approach their customers. News collecting became more prompt and
+adequate, but the opinion of the papers dwindled. They bought their
+news from syndicates or associations, as they bought paper or ink. The
+counting-house was coming to outrank the editorial room in their
+management.
+
+Through the new literature the changing nature of American life was
+portrayed, and as the life reshaped itself under nationalizing
+influences theology lost much of its old narrowness. Among religious
+novels _Robert Elsmere_ was perhaps most widely read. The struggle
+between orthodoxy and the new criticism had got out of the control of
+the professional theologians and had permeated the laity. A revised
+version of the Old and New Testaments gave new basis for textual
+discussion. The influence of the scientific generalizations of Darwin
+and his school had reached the Church and forced upon it a rephrasing of
+its views. It was becoming less dangerous for men to admit their belief
+in scientific process. The orthodox churches lost nothing in popularity
+as the struggle advanced, and outside them new teachers proclaimed new
+religions as they had ever done in America.
+
+The greatest of the new religions was that of Mrs. Mary Baker Eddy, in
+whose teachings may be found a religious parallel to the political
+revolt of the People's Party. Christian Science was a reaction from the
+"vertebrate Jehovah" of the Puritans to a more comfortable and
+responsive Deity. It was the outgrowth of a well-fed and prosperous
+society, presenting itself to the ordinary mind as "primarily a religion
+of healing."
+
+Intellectual, spiritual, economic, and political revolt were common in
+America in 1890, as they must have been after the industrial revolution
+of the last ten years. The whole nation was once more acting as a unit,
+for the South had outlived the worst results of war and reorganization
+and was again developing on independent lines. The immediate problem was
+the effect of the revolt upon political control.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The materials upon the unrest of the later eighties are yet uncollected,
+and must be pursued through the files of the journals, many of which are
+named above in the text. The new scientific periodicals: _Quarterly
+Journal of Economics_, _Political Science Quarterly_, _Yale Review_,
+_Journal of Political Economy_, etc., devoted much space to current
+economic and social analysis. F.L. McVey, _The Populist Movement_ (in
+American Economic Association, Economic Studies, vol. I), is useful but
+only fragmentary. The materials on free silver are mentioned in the note
+to chapter XIV, below. A.B. Paine, _Mark Twain_, gives many
+cross-references to the literary life of the decade. J.F. Jameson
+discusses the fertile field of American religious history in "The
+American Acta Sanctorum" (in the _American Historical Review_, 1908).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+THE NEW SOUTH
+
+
+The Old South, in which two parties had always struggled on fairly equal
+terms, was destroyed during the period of the Civil War, while
+reconstruction failed completely to revive it. The New South, in
+politics, had but one party of consequence. With few exceptions white
+men of respectability voted with the Democrats because of the influence
+of the race question which negro suffrage had raised. From the
+reestablishment of Southern home rule until the advent in politics of
+the Farmers' Alliance no issue appeared in the Southern States that even
+threatened to split the dominant vote. But under the economic pressure
+of the late eighties the old white leaders parted company and even
+contended with each other for the negro vote to aid their plans.
+
+The political influence of the Alliance cannot be measured at the polls
+in the South as easily as in the West. In most States, in 1888 and 1890,
+Alliance tickets were promoted, often in fusion with the Republican
+party. The greater influence, however, was within Democratic lines, at
+the primaries or conventions of that party. Here, among the candidates
+who presented themselves for nomination, the professional politician
+found himself an object of suspicion. The lawyer lost some of his
+political availability. Men who could claim to be close to the soil had
+an advantage.
+
+The value placed upon the dissatisfied farmer vote is shown in the
+autobiographical sketches which Senators and Representatives wrote for
+the _Congressional Directory_ of the Fifty-second Congress. Some who had
+never before held office stated the fact with apparent pride. One, who
+appeared from the Texas district which John H. Reagan had represented
+through eight Congresses, announced that he "became a member of the
+Order of Patrons of Husbandry, and took an active interest in advocating
+the cause of progress among his fellow laborers; is now Overseer of the
+Texas State Grange and President of the Texas Farmer Cooperative
+Publishing Association." From Georgia came several Representatives of
+this type. One "has devoted his time exclusively [since 1886] to
+agricultural interests, and is a member of the Farmers' Alliance."
+Another was elected "as an Alliance man and Democrat." A third "was
+Vice-President of the Georgia State Agricultural Society for eleven
+years, and President of the same for four years; he is now President of
+the Georgia State Alliance." A fourth, Thomas E. Watson, lawyer, editor,
+historian, and leader of the new movement, "has been, and still is,
+largely interested in farming." A South Carolina Representative covered
+himself with the generous assertion that he was "member of all the
+organizations in his State designed to benefit agriculture."
+
+The agricultural bases of the Southern political disturbance lay in the
+changes in tenure and finance that had recently appeared. The South was
+not without a pioneer immigration resembling that of the West. Many of
+the carpet-baggers had undertaken to develop farms there. There was much
+opportunity for rural speculation that increased in attractiveness as
+the area of free Western lands diminished. So far as this went, it
+produced a debtor class and prepared the way for inflation.
+
+But the development of new areas in the South was less significant than
+the method of its industry. The disintegration of plantations continued
+steadily through the seventies and eighties. The figures of the census,
+showing tenure for the first time in 1880, and color in 1890,
+exaggerated this, since many of the small holdings there enumerated were
+to all intents farmed by hired labor and were only matters of
+bookkeeping. Yet there was a marked diminution in the size of the
+estates. A class of negro owners was slowly developing to account for a
+part of the diminution. Frugality and industry appeared in enough of the
+freedmen to bring into negro ownership in 1900, within the slave area,
+149,000 farms, averaging 55 acres. There were at this time 2,700,000
+farms in the South, and 5,700,000 in the whole United States. Negro
+renters and negro croppers, many of whom labored under the direct
+supervision of the white landlords, increased the number of individual
+farmers, and like the rest lived upon the proceeds of the cotton crop
+that was not yet grown.
+
+Much of the capital that was used in Southern agriculture came from the
+North through the manufacturers and wholesalers who supplied the retail
+merchants of the South. These merchants advanced credit to their
+customers, measuring it by the estimated value of the next crop. Once
+the bargain had been struck, the farmer bought all his supplies from his
+banker-merchant, paying such prices as the latter saw fit to charge.
+There could be little competition among merchants under this system,
+since the burden of his debt kept the planter from seeking the cheapest
+market. The double weight of extortionate prices and heavy interest
+impressed a large section of the South with the scarcity of cash and the
+evils of existing finance.
+
+In agricultural method as well as in finance the South was oppressed by
+its system. The merchant wanted cotton, for cotton was marketable, and
+could not be consumed by a tricky debtor. Single cropping was thus
+unduly encouraged; diversified agriculture and rotation of crops made
+little progress. The use of commercial fertilizers was greatly
+stimulated, but agriculture as a whole could not advance.
+
+Tied fast to a system nearly as inflexible as that of the ante-bellum
+plantation, the South suffered disproportionately in years when cotton
+was low. Depression in the later eighties and the early nineties
+intensified the suffering of the debtor class and produced an inflation
+movement that allied the South and West in the demand for cheaper money
+and more of it. The Farmers' Alliance, with its demands for railroad
+control, trust regulation, banking reform, and free silver, was the
+logical vehicle for the expression of Southern discontent.
+
+The white population of the South, undivided since the Civil War, was
+confronted in 1890 by an issue that bore no relation to race and that
+divided society into debtor and creditor classes. For twenty years, by
+common agreement in which the North had tacitly concurred, the negro had
+been suppressed outside the law. Occasional negroes had got into office
+and even to Congress in reconstruction days. One, who described himself
+as "a bright mulatto," sat in the Fifty-first and Fifty-second
+Congresses, but in most regions of the South the negro had not been
+allowed to vote or had been "counted out" at the polls, while only in
+sporadic cases, mostly in the mountain sections, was the Republican
+party able to get enough votes to elect its candidates.
+
+The Farmers' Alliance split the white vote and gave to the negro an
+unusual power. From being suppressed by all to being courted by many
+involved a change that raised his hopes only to destroy them. The South
+no sooner saw the possibility that the negro vote might hold a balance
+of power between two equal white factions than it took steps to remove
+itself from temptation and to disfranchise the undesired class.
+
+The purpose of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments had been to raise
+the freedmen to civil equality and protect them there. Pursuant to the
+Fourteenth Amendment, Congress passed, in 1875, a Civil Rights Bill,
+which forbade discrimination against any citizen in "the full and equal
+enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges
+of inns, public conveyances on land or water, theaters, and other places
+of public amusement." It was restrained from imposing coeducation of
+the races only by Northern philanthropists who were interested in
+Southern education. Its compulsion was disregarded at the South, where
+social equality between the races could not be attained. Innkeepers and
+railroads continued to separate their customers, and in time a few of
+them were haled into court to answer for violating the law. Their
+defense was that the Fourteenth Amendment forbade discrimination by the
+States, but did not touch the private act of any citizen; that it
+protected the rights of citizens, but that these rights, complete before
+the law, did not extend to social relations,--that attendance at a
+theater is not a civil right at all, and may properly be regulated by
+the police power without conflict with the Constitution. In the Civil
+Rights Cases, decided in 1883, the Supreme Court released the
+defendants, ruling that the Fourteenth Amendment was too narrow in its
+intention to justify Congress in the passage of a code of social
+relations at the South. This part of reconstruction thus broke down,
+leaving the negro population at the discretion of its white neighbors.
+
+The Fifteenth Amendment, too, had been limited in its protecting force
+before 1890. It forbade a denial of the right to vote by any State. The
+Supreme Court easily determined that no violation could occur when a
+hostile mob excluded negroes from the polls. It had been settled before
+1890 that the negro was defenseless against personal discrimination. It
+remained to be seen whether he could be disfranchised by law and yet
+have no redress. Not till the South found some of its people appealing
+for the negro vote in the crisis of the Farmers' Alliance did it take
+the last steps in the undoing of reconstruction.
+
+The Fifteenth Amendment was not explicit. Instead of asserting the right
+of the negro to vote, it said, by negation, that the right should not be
+denied on account of "race, color, or previous condition of servitude."
+The three qualities of race, color, and servitude separated the races,
+but the South learned that they were separated by other qualities that
+were not proscribed by the amendment as a basis for the franchise. The
+negro was generally poor, and any qualification based on property would
+exclude him. He was shiftless, and often vagrant, and hence could be
+touched by poll-tax and residence requirements. He was illiterate, and
+was unable to meet an educational test. Tired of using force or fraud,
+the South began in 1890 a system of legal evasion of the Fifteenth
+Amendment.
+
+The State of Mississippi, in a new constitution framed in 1890, defined
+the franchise in terms that bore heavily upon the negro. In the debates
+of its convention members talked frankly and freely of their intention
+to disqualify the race; the clause bore no mention of discrimination. It
+permitted persons to vote who, being male citizens over twenty-one, and
+having reasonable residence qualifications, had paid a poll or other tax
+for two years preceding the election, and could read, or understand and
+interpret when read to them, any section of the constitution of the
+State. Under this clause, between the cumulative tax and the large
+discretionary powers vested in the officers of enrollment, the negro
+electorate was reduced until it was negligible in Mississippi; and it
+was a subject of admiration for other Southern States, which proceeded
+to imitate it.
+
+All of the cotton States but Florida and Texas, and most of the old
+slave States, revised their electoral clauses in the next twenty years.
+Arkansas, in 1893, based the franchise on a one-year poll-tax. South
+Carolina, in 1895, used residence, enrollment, and poll-tax, while the
+convention called to disfranchise the negro passed resolutions of
+sympathy for Cuban independence. Delaware, in 1897, established an
+educational test. Louisiana, in 1898, established education and a
+poll-tax; North Carolina, in 1900, did the same. Alabama, in 1901, made
+use of residence, registry, and poll-tax. Virginia based the suffrage on
+property, literacy, or poll-tax in 1902. Georgia did the same in 1908,
+and the new State of Oklahoma followed the Southern custom in 1910.
+
+It was relatively easy to exclude most of the negroes by means of
+qualifications such as these, but every convention was embarrassed by
+the fact that each qualification excluded, as well, some of the white
+voters. In nearly every case revisions were accompanied by a
+determination to save the whites, and for this purpose a temporary basis
+of enrollment was created in addition to the permanent. Louisiana
+devised the favorite method in 1898. Her constitution provided that, for
+a given period, persons who could not qualify under the general clause
+might be placed upon the roll of voters if they had voted in the State
+before 1867 or were descended from such voters. The "grandfather
+clause," as this was immediately called, saved the poor whites, and was
+imitated by North Carolina, Alabama, Virginia, and Georgia. The governor
+of Louisiana, in 1898, sang the praises of the new invention: "The white
+supremacy for which we have so long struggled at the cost of so much
+precious blood and treasure is now crystallized into the constitution as
+a fundamental part and parcel of that organic instrument, and that, too,
+by no subterfuge or evasions. With this great principle thus firmly
+embedded in the constitution and honestly enforced, there need be no
+longer any fear as to the honesty and purity of our future elections."
+The Supreme Court, in Williams _vs._ Mississippi (1898), and Giles _vs._
+Teasley (1903), declined to go behind the innocent phraseology of the
+clauses, and refused to overthrow them.
+
+Before the courts had shown their unwillingness to interfere, Congress
+had done the same. Two methods of redress were discussed during the
+years of Republican ascendancy, 1889-91. One of these contemplated a
+reduction of the Southern representation in the House, under that part
+of the Fourteenth Amendment that requires such reduction in proportion
+to the number of citizens who are disfranchised. Although urged angrily
+more than once, this action was not taken, and would not have affected
+cases in which the denial was by force and not by law. To meet the
+former situation the Republican party pledged itself in 1888. A Force
+Bill, placing the control of Southern elections in federal hands was
+considered. It received the enthusiastic support of Henry Cabot Lodge,
+and was the occasion for another waving of the "bloody shirt." It passed
+the House, with the aid of Speaker Reed, but in the Senate was abandoned
+by the caucus and allowed to die in 1891. The South was left alone with
+its negro problem. In the words of a Southern governor, "There are only
+two flags--the white and the black. Under which will you enlist?"
+
+The New South removed the negro from politics, but he remained, in
+industry and society, a problem to whose solution an increasing
+attention was paid. At the time of emancipation he was almost
+universally illiterate and lived in a bankrupt community. Northern
+philanthropy saw an opportunity here. The teachers sent south by the
+Freedmen's Bureau stirred up interest by their letters home. In 1867
+George Peabody, already noted for his benefactions in England and in
+Baltimore, created a large fund for the relief of illiteracy in the
+destitute region. His board of trustees became a clearing-house for
+educational efforts. Ex-President Hayes became, in 1882, the head of a
+similar fund created by John F. Slater, of Connecticut. Through the rest
+of the century these boards, in close cooperation, studied and relieved
+the educational necessities of the South. In 1901 the men who directed
+them organized a Southern Educational Board for the propagation of
+knowledge, while in 1903 Congress incorporated a General Education
+Board, to which John D. Rockefeller gave many millions for the
+subsidizing of educational attempts.
+
+The negro advanced in literacy under the pressure of the new influences.
+In 1880 seventy per cent of the American negroes over ten years old were
+illiterate, but the proportion was reduced in the next ten years to
+fifty-seven per cent; to forty-five per cent by 1900; and to thirty per
+cent by 1910. As the negro advanced, his own leaders, as well as his
+white friends, differed in the status to which they would raise him and
+in the methods to be pursued. Some of his ablest representatives, W.E.B.
+DuBois among them, resented the discrimination and disfranchisement from
+which they suffered, and insisted upon equality as a preliminary.
+Others, like Booker T. Washington, who founded a notable trade school in
+Alabama in 1881, worried little over discrimination, and hoped to solve
+their problem through common and technical education which might lead
+the race to self-respect and independence.
+
+Friction increased between the races at the South after emancipation.
+Freedom and political pressure demoralized many of the negroes, whose
+new feeling of independence exasperated many of the whites. Southern
+society still possessed many border traits. Men went armed and fought on
+slight provocation. The duel and the public assault aroused little
+serious criticism even in the eighties, and the freedmen lived in a
+society in which self-restraint had never been the dominant virtue. In
+Alabama, in 1880, the assessed value of guns, dirks, and pistols was
+nearly twice that of the libraries and five times that of the farm
+implements of the State. The distribution of the races varied
+exceedingly, from the Black Belt, where in the Yazoo bottom lands the
+negroes outnumbered the whites fifteen or more to one, to the uplands
+and mountains, where the proportions were reversed. But everywhere the
+less reputable of both races retarded society by their excesses.
+
+In spite of its unsolvable race problem the South was reviving in the
+eighties and was changing under the influence of the industrial
+revolution. Northern capital was a mainstay of its agriculture.
+Transportation, manufacture, and city development found stimulation from
+the same source. In 1884 the National Planters' Association promoted a
+celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the export of the first
+American cotton. In a great exposition at New Orleans they showed how
+far the New South had gone in its development.
+
+In the twenty years after 1880 the South became a modern industrial
+community. Its coal mines increased their annual output from 6,000,000
+tons to 50,000,000; its output of pig iron grew from 397,000 tons to
+2,500,000; its manufactures rose in annual value from $338,000,000 to
+$1,173,000,000, with a pay roll swelling from $76,000,000 to
+$350,000,000. The spindles in its cotton mills were increased from
+610,000 to 4,298,000. With the industrial changes there came a shifting
+of Southern population. The census maps show a tendency in the black
+population to concentrate in the Black Belt, and in the white population
+to increase near the deposits of coal and iron. Factory towns appeared
+in the Piedmont, where cheap power could be obtained, and drew their
+operatives from the rural population of the neighborhood. Unembarrassed
+by the child-labor and factory laws of the North, the new Southern mills
+exploited the women and children, and were consuming one seventh of the
+cotton crop by 1900. In Alabama, Birmingham became a second Pittsburg.
+
+The Southern railway system was completely rebuilt after the Civil War.
+In 1860 it included about one third of the thirty thousand miles of
+track in the United States, but war and neglect reduced it to ruin.
+Partly under federal auspices it was restored in the later sixties.
+After 1878 it suddenly expanded as did all the American railway systems.
+
+Texas experienced the most thorough change in the fifty years after the
+Civil War. From 307 miles her railways expanded to more than 14,000
+miles. Only one of the Confederate States, Arkansas, had a slighter
+mileage in 1860, but in 1910 no one had half as much as Texas. The
+totals for the Confederate area rose from 11,000 miles in 1870 to 17,000
+in 1880, to 36,000 in 1890, to 45,000 in 1900, and to 63,000 in 1910.
+After 1880 no Confederate State equaled Texas, whose vast area, suddenly
+brought within reach of railway service, poured forth cotton until by
+the end of the century she alone raised one fourth of the American crop.
+Through the expanding transportation system the area of profitable
+cotton culture rose more rapidly than the demand for cotton, and in
+overproduction may be found one of the reasons for the decline in cotton
+values in the early nineties. In the decline may be found an incentive
+toward diversified agriculture. When cotton went down, farmers tried
+other crops. The corn acreage in the ten cotton States passed the
+cotton acreage before 1899, and with the diversification came no
+decrease in the total cotton output, but an increase in general
+agricultural prosperity. In many regions fruit culture and truck-raising
+forced their way to the front among profitable types of agriculture.
+
+In spite of the changes in industry and transportation the South
+remained in 1910 a rural community when compared with the rest of the
+United States. Out of 114 cities of 50,000 population in 1910, only 15
+were in the Confederate area. But when compared with its own past the
+South was developing cities at a rapid rate. Only New Orleans and
+Richmond, in 1880, had 50,000 inhabitants. Atlanta, Charleston, Memphis,
+and Nashville were added to this class by 1890. Texas had no city of
+this size until 1900. But in 1910 she possessed four, Dallas, Forth
+Worth, Houston, and San Antonio. As the cities increased in number,
+bound together, and bound to the cities of the rest of the United States
+by the ties of trade and society, the localisms of the South diminished.
+The essential fear of negro control remained untouched, but in
+superficial ways the Southerner came to resemble his fellow citizen of
+whatever section.
+
+The sectionalism which had made a political unit of the South before the
+war was weakened. In the tariff debates of 1883 and later a group of
+Southern protectionists made common cause with Northern Republicans.
+Sugar, iron, and cotton manufactures converted them from the old
+regional devotion to free trade. A fear of national power had kept the
+old South generally opposed to internal improvements at the public cost.
+The Pacific railroads had been postponed somewhat because of this. But
+this repugnance had died away, and in the Mississippi River the United
+States found a field for work that was welcomed in the South.
+
+The Mississippi never fully recovered the dominance that it had
+possessed before the war, but it remained an important highway for the
+Western cotton States. The whimsical torrent, washing away its banks,
+cutting new channels at will, flooding millions of acres every spring,
+was too great to be controlled by States that had been impoverished by
+war and reconstruction. In 1879 Congress created a Mississippi River
+Commission. Unusual floods in 1882 attracted attention to the danger,
+and thereafter Congress found the money for a levee system that
+restrained the river between its banks from Cairo to the Gulf.
+
+The mouth of the river, always choked by mud flats, was opened by the
+United States in 1879. A Western engineer, James B. Eads, devised a
+scheme by which the current scoured out its own channel and converted
+itself into an ocean-going highway. He had already proved his power over
+the Father of Waters by building the railroad bridge that was opened at
+St. Louis in 1874. In 1892 other engineers completed a bridge at
+Memphis.
+
+The active development of the New South lessened the difference between
+it and the rest of the United States, and brought it within the general
+industrial revolution. By 1884 the trend was not noticeable. By 1890
+the white population had divided over a political issue like the North
+and West. In the years immediately following 1890 Populism was as much a
+problem in the South as anywhere.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+Most of the books relating to the South are partisan. The most useful
+economic analyses are to be found in the writings of W.L. Fleming, U.B.
+Phillips, and A.H. Stone. Special points of view are presented in A.B.
+Hart, _The Southern South_ (1911), E.G. Murphy, _Problems of the Present
+South_ (1904), E.A. Alderman and A.C. Gordon, _Life of J.L.M. Curry_
+(1911), J.L.M. Curry, _A Brief Sketch of George Peabody_ (1898), J.E.
+Cutler, _Lynch Law_ (1905), B.T. Washington, _Up from Slavery_ (1905),
+W.E.B. DuBois, _Souls of Black Folk_ (1903), and J.L. Mathews, _Remaking
+the Mississippi_ (1909). The _Annual Cyclopaedia_ is full of useful
+details. The Annual Reports of the Peabody Fund, the Slater Fund, and
+the United States Commissioner of Education contain statistics and
+discussions upon Southern society. The Civil Rights Cases (109 U.S.
+Reports) give the best treatment of the legal status of the negro, and
+are supplemented by J.C. Rose, "Negro Suffrage" (in _American Political
+Science Review_, vol. I, pp. 17-43,--a partial sketch only), and J.M.
+Mathews, _Legislative and Judicial History of the Fifteenth Amendment_
+(in Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. XXVII). There were
+interesting articles on the New Orleans Exposition, by E.V. Smalley, in
+the _Century Magazine_ for April and May, 1885.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+POPULISM
+
+
+The election of 1890 stunned and bewildered both old parties. The
+Republicans lost their control of the Lower House, while the Democrats
+paid for their victory the price of a partial alliance with a new
+movement whose weight they could only estimate. Populism was engendered
+by local troubles in the West and South, but its name now acquired a
+national usage and its leaders were encouraged to attempt a national
+organization.
+
+In a series of conventions, held between 1889 and 1892, the People's
+Party developed into a finished organization with state delegations and
+a national committee. At St. Louis, in December, 1889, the Farmers'
+Alliance held a national convention and considered the basis for wider
+growth. The outcome was an attempt to combine in one party organized
+labor, organized agriculture, and believers in the single tax. The
+leaders of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor
+were not averse to such common action, although the latter preferred
+their own Federation to any party. The dangers of political action, seen
+in the decline of the National Labor Union of 1866, did not check the
+desires of the Knights in 1889, although the leaders found it easier
+then, as later, to promise the support of organized labor than to
+deliver it at the polls. After the St. Louis Convention the name
+Farmers' Alliance merged into the broader name of the People's Party,
+though the attempt to win the rank and file of the unions failed.
+
+In December, 1890, the farmers met at Ocala, Florida, to rejoice over
+the congressional victory and to plan for 1892. Since each of the great
+parties was believed to be indifferent to the people and corrupt, a
+permanent third party was a matter of conviction, and in May, 1891, this
+party was formally created in a mass convention at Cincinnati.
+Miscellaneous reforms were insisted upon here, but were overshadowed by
+the demands of the inflationists. James B. Weaver, of Iowa, the old
+presidential candidate of the Greenbackers, was a leading spirit at
+Cincinnati. His best-known aide was Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota, a
+devotee of the Baconian theory and of the "Lost Atlantis," who was now
+devoting his active mind to the support of free silver. A national
+committee was created after another meeting, at St. Louis in February,
+1892, and on July 2, 1892, the party met in that city in its first
+national nominating convention.
+
+The platform of the People's Party was based on calamity. "We meet in
+the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and
+material ruin," it declared. "Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the
+legislature, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench. The
+people are demoralized.... The newspapers are largely subsidized or
+muzzled; public opinion silenced; business prostrated; our homes
+covered with mortgages; labor impoverished; and the land concentrating
+in the hands of the capitalists."
+
+The greatest of the evils in sight was "the vast conspiracy against
+mankind," which had demonetized silver, added to the purchasing power of
+gold, and abridged the supply of money "to fatten usurers." To correct
+the financial evils the platform demanded "the free and unlimited
+coinage of silver at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one," and an
+issue of legal-tender currency until the circulation should reach an
+average of fifty dollars per capita. Postal savings banks, a graduated
+income tax, and economy in government were the subsidiary demands.
+
+No demand of the Populists attracted so much attention as this for free
+silver, but its platform touched reform at every angle. In the field of
+transportation it asked for government ownership of railroads,
+telegraphs, and telephones. It asked that land monopolies be prevented,
+that the public lands be in part regained, and that alien ownership be
+forbidden. It wanted the Australian ballot, liberal pensions,
+restriction of immigration, an eight-hour day, a single term for
+President and Vice-President, direct election of United States Senators,
+abolition of the Pinkerton detectives, and was curious about the
+initiative and referendum. It was in many respects a prophecy as to the
+workings of reform for the next twenty years.
+
+The People's Party entered the campaign of 1892 with this platform and
+with the support of advanced reformers, with a considerable following
+in the West and South, and with James B. Weaver and James G. Field as
+candidates. Few of the workers for its ticket were politicians of known
+standing, and its voters had a preponderance of youth. In several
+Western States the Democratic party supported it with fusion tickets. In
+the South it often cooperated with the Republicans. From the first the
+third party found it harder to stand alone than to unite with the weaker
+local party.
+
+The disrupting force of hard times was increased by the acts of the
+Republican party. Harrison's first Congress had passed a series of laws
+that provoked opposition and criticism. The Interstate Commerce Law was
+still new when he took office. In quick succession in 1890 came the new
+States, and Oklahoma Territory, the Dependent Pensions Bill, the Sherman
+Anti-Trust Bill, the Silver Purchase Bill, and the McKinley Tariff. The
+dominant majority had used arbitrary methods to enforce its will and had
+given to its enemies more than one text. After 1891 the Democratic
+majority in the House reduced the Administration to the political
+incompetence that had prevailed from 1883 to 1889.
+
+Benjamin Harrison gained little prestige as the result of the
+Administration. He had been nominated for his availability, and the
+campaign songs had said as much of his illustrious grandfather, the hero
+of Tippecanoe, as of himself. His appointments had pleased neither the
+politicians nor the reformers, while there was much laughter at the
+presence in the offices of numerous personal friends and relatives. The
+most notable of his appointments was the most embarrassing.
+
+James G. Blaine, as Secretary of State, found no topic in foreign
+relations as interesting as the canal had been in his earlier term. The
+wranglings with Great Britain and Germany over their treatment of
+naturalized Americans had subsided. The fisheries of the North Atlantic
+had been temporarily settled by President Cleveland. The regulation of
+the seal fisheries of Bering Sea brought no new glory to Blaine.
+
+There was no doubt that the seal herd of the Pacific was being rapidly
+destroyed by careless and wasteful hunters from most of the countries
+bordering on that ocean. On the American islands the herds could be
+protected, and here they gathered every summer to mate and breed. But
+the men who hunted with guns at sea, instead of with clubs on land,
+could not be controlled unless the world would consent to an American
+police beyond the three-mile limit. In an arbitration with Great
+Britain, at Paris, Blaine tried to prove that the seals were American,
+and entitled to protection on the high seas, and that the waters of the
+northern Pacific were _mare clausum_. The arbitration went against him
+on every material point.
+
+The only episode that threatened war occurred in Chile. Here Harrison
+had sent as Minister Patrick Egan, a newly naturalized Irishman and
+follower of Blaine. In a revolution of 1891 Egan sided with the
+conservative party that lost. His enemies charged him with improper
+interest in contracts and with instinctive antagonism to British
+interests in Chile. After the revolution a mob in Valparaiso showed its
+dislike for Americans by attacking sailors on shore leave. Egan's
+extreme demands for summary punishment of the rioters were upheld by
+Harrison, who prepared the navy for war. Finally the Chilean Government
+was forced to make complete apologies.
+
+In the same year an American mob in New Orleans lynched several
+Italians, and Blaine repelled with indignation the demand that indemnity
+be accorded before trial and conviction. He could not even promise trial
+because of the helplessness of the United States in local criminal
+proceedings. The Italian Minister, Baron Fava, was withdrawn from
+Washington on this account, and returned only when Congress had healed
+the breach by making provision for the families of the sufferers.
+
+The internal relations of the Administration were not happier than the
+external. Harrison chafed under the influence of Blaine, and alienated
+so many of the regular Republican leaders that it became doubtful
+whether he could secure his own renomination. Both Quay and Platt had
+been offended, and the former had resigned his chairmanship of the
+National Committee after the failure of a political bank in
+Philadelphia. No one was anxious to manage the President's campaign, and
+he showed little skill in managing it himself. The future was still in
+doubt when, on June 4, 1892, three days before the meeting of the
+convention at Minneapolis, Blaine resigned his position without a word
+of explanation. Whether he was only sick and unhappy, or whether he
+desired the nomination, was uncertain.
+
+The strength of Blaine and the rising influence of William McKinley were
+apparent in the Republican Convention. Harrison was renominated on the
+first ballot, but Blaine and McKinley received more than one hundred and
+eighty votes apiece. The former had reached the end of his career, and
+died the next winter. The latter was now Governor of Ohio. McKinley had
+lost his seat in the election of 1890, but had been raised to the
+governorship in the next year. He was chairman of the convention that
+renominated Harrison, reaffirmed the "American doctrine of protection,"
+and evaded the issue of free silver.
+
+The Democratic party had bred no national leader but Grover Cleveland
+since the Civil War, and he had earned the dislike of the organization
+before his defeat in 1888. His insistence upon the tariff offended the
+protectionist wing of his party, and he left office unpopular and
+lonely. He retired to New York City, where he took up the practice of
+law and regained the confidence of the people. Demands upon him for
+public speeches in 1891 revealed the recovery of his popularity. His
+friends began to organize in his behalf during 1892, and David B. Hill
+aided by his opposition.
+
+The strength of Hill, who had been elected Governor of New York, and who
+was now Senator, was based upon Tammany Hall and those elements in the
+New York Democracy that reformers were constantly attacking. He was
+believed to have defeated Cleveland in 1888 by entering into a deal with
+the Republican machine by which Harrison received the electoral and he
+the gubernatorial vote of New York. Early in 1892, as interest in
+Cleveland revived, Hill called a "snap" convention and secured the
+indorsement of New York for his own candidacy. The solid New York
+delegation shouting for Hill was an item in Cleveland's favor at the
+Democratic Convention in Chicago. With tariff reformers in control,
+denouncing "Republican protection as a fraud, a robbery of the great
+majority of the American people for the benefit of a few," and
+reasserting Cleveland's phrase that "public office is a public trust,"
+the convention selected Cleveland and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois,
+as the party candidates. Its coinage plank, like that of the
+Republicans, meant what the voter chose to read into it.
+
+There were two debates in the campaign of 1892. On the surface was the
+renewed discussion of the tariff, with the Republicans fighting for the
+McKinley Bill all the more earnestly because there was danger of its
+repeal, and the Democrats officially demanding reduction. "I would
+rather have seen Cleveland defeated than to have had that fool
+free-trade plank adopted," said one of the Eastern Democrats to "Tom"
+Johnson after the convention. But the Democratic protectionists were
+forced into surly acquiescence so long as Cleveland was the candidate
+and William L. Wilson the chairman of the convention. The partial
+insincerity of the tariff debate aided the Populists, who were directing
+a discussion upon the general basis of reform.
+
+Cleveland was elected with a majority of electoral votes and a plurality
+of popular votes, but the vote for Weaver and Field measured the extent
+of the revolt against both parties. The Populists carried Colorado,
+Idaho, Nevada, and Kansas, gained twenty-two electoral votes, and polled
+over a million popular votes. Their protest, based on local hard times
+and discontent, probably defeated Harrison, while their organization was
+ready to receive a large following should the hard times spread.
+
+Harrison was not unwilling to surrender the Government to Cleveland in
+March, 1893, for he had been struggling for weeks to conceal the
+financial weakness of the United States and to avoid a panic. The great
+surplus that had been a motive for legislation for more than ten years
+had nearly become a deficit. Continuous prosperity had tempted Congress
+to make lavish appropriations. The McKinley Bill had reduced the revenue
+through changes in the sugar schedule. The Pension Bill had used other
+millions. Internal improvements had been distributed to every section.
+The surplus, which had been at $105,000,000 for 1890, fell to
+$37,000,000 in 1891, and in the next two years to $9,900,000 and to
+$2,300,000. In the spring of 1893 the Treasury was so reduced that any
+unexpected shock might cause a suspension. Cleveland's first duty was
+with causes and cures.
+
+The surplus had been affected both by increase in expenditures and by
+decrease in revenues. The latter had been due in part to the hard times,
+which had forced a curtailment of imports, with a resulting shrinkage in
+tariff receipts. At the same time an increasing nervousness, based upon
+the deterioration in quality of the assets of the United States, showed
+itself. The fear of free silver was hastening the day of panic.
+
+Silver and gold had always been traditional American coins, but since
+1834 little of the former had been coined or circulated, while between
+1862 and 1879 neither variety of specie was ordinarily used as money. In
+1873 a codification of coinage laws had omitted from the standard list
+the silver dollar, which had been unimportant for nearly forty years;
+and when, shortly thereafter, the decline in the price of silver made
+its coinage at the ratio of sixteen to one profitable, it was
+impossible. The demand for a restoration of silver coinage began with
+the silver miners who desired a stimulated market for their output. Some
+believed coinage would raise the price of bullion; others thought the
+Government would keep up the value of the silver coins, as it did the
+greenbacks, by redemption in gold. In 1878 a Free Coinage Act, pushed by
+R.P. Bland, was converted into the limited Bland-Allison Act. Under this
+the Treasury bought the minimum amount of silver bullion (two million
+dollars' worth) every month for twelve years, and protested continually
+that the silver coined from it was increasing the burden of redemption
+on the gold reserve. As the price of silver fell farther, the demand of
+the miners increased, and toward 1890 it was reinforced by the demands
+of inflationists who desired it for another reason.
+
+In 1890 the free-silver movement was not political in the sense that
+parties had declared for or against it. In each great party it had
+supporters, and few politicians were actively opposing it. A movement in
+its favor, with the support of the Senate, was reshaped under the
+influence of Sherman, and became a law in July, 1890. Under this the
+Treasury was forced to buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver each month, and to
+pay for it in a new issue of treasury notes. For the next three years
+the United States kept at par with gold the Civil War greenbacks, the
+Bland-Allison silver dollars, and the treasury notes of 1890. Only by
+its constant willingness to pay out any form of money at the option of
+the customer could it prevent the Gresham Law from operating and the
+currency from declining to the bullion value of silver.
+
+Every creditor feared the establishment of the silver basis because of
+the loss which it would entail upon him. His dollars would shrink from
+their gold value to their silver value. A depreciated currency was bad
+enough when unavoidable, but the deliberate adoption of it would be
+frank repudiation. Continually, after 1890, popular apprehension of this
+grew more acute, discouraging the undertaking of new enterprises and
+leading to the insertion of "gold clauses" in contracts. Gold was
+hoarded whenever possible. The receipts at the New York Custom-House,
+which had been mostly gold before 1890, contained less than four per
+cent of gold in the winter of 1892-93. As the Treasury found its
+expenditures nearing its receipts, and the proportion of gold in its
+assets lessening, business men were badly worried over the future of the
+currency, and an actual limit of available capital appeared.
+
+For fourteen years there had been prosperity in the United States.
+Financial and economic disturbances had been relatively slight, and
+every year had seen a greater business expansion than the last.
+Investment for permanent improvement had passed the amount of annual
+savings, and before 1893 the United States as a community had approached
+the point at which its economic surplus would be exhausted and an
+enforced liquidation would be due. As banks curtailed in 1893 to save
+themselves, stringency became general, and depression turned to panic.
+In April the gold reserve in the Treasury, on which the whole volume of
+silver and paper depended, passed below $100,000,000, which business had
+come to regard as the limit of safety. In the summer Great Britain
+closed her Indian mints to silver and that bullion dropped farther in
+value. Before July there was panic and failure everywhere in the United
+States.
+
+Panic had been imminent before Harrison left office and remained for
+Cleveland to confront. Already Cleveland had taken a solid stand against
+free silver and the silver basis. He saw in the Sherman Silver Purchase
+Act the most striking cause of danger, and summoned Congress to meet in
+August, 1893, to repeal it, while he maintained the gold reserve for the
+next two years by borrowing on bonds. For the first time since the Civil
+War his party controlled every branch of the Government, yet it now met
+an issue on which it had not been elected and over which it broke to
+pieces.
+
+An angry minority opposed the Message in which Cleveland described the
+financial dangers and demanded the repeal of the Sherman Law. It was a
+sectional minority that included Western Representatives from both
+parties and many Democrats from the South. Men who had fought the
+Populists since 1890 now fraternized with them and raised their strength
+beyond their hopes. The President refused compromise, even to save his
+party from destruction, and found a majority for repeal among Easterners
+of both parties. The Sherman Law was repealed in November, and the
+liquidation following the crisis was effected during the next three
+years.
+
+It was a bad beginning for tariff revision, to split the party at its
+first session and to drive into opposition those Democrats who were most
+genuinely interested in tariff reform. Cleveland had lost his influence
+with Western Democrats before the repeal of the McKinley Act was
+undertaken, and they, like the Populists, had decided that he was the
+tool of the corporations and the "gold-bugs" of the East. The
+anti-corporation feelings of the West were increased by the accident
+which threw the corporations and the farmers into different sides upon
+the silver question.
+
+A tariff for revenue had been the winning issue in 1890 and 1892, and
+the Democratic organization was pledged to pass it. When Speaker Crisp
+made William L. Wilson chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means his
+act showed an intention to fulfill the pledge, for which purpose Wilson
+brought in his bill early in the regular session of 1893-94. Like
+previous bills, this tariff was passed in the House, rewritten in the
+Senate, and again changed in conference committee. "The truth is,"
+confessed Senator Cullom long after, "we were all--Democrats as well as
+Republicans--trying to get in amendments in the interest of protecting
+the industries of our respective States." The surplus was no longer an
+argument in favor of reduction. The free-trade arguments were flatly
+contradicted by a group of Democratic Senators under whose leadership
+the bill lost most of its reducing tendency. Out of doors the
+Republicans attacked the measure and noisily charged it with having
+produced the panic of 1893. Fourteen years later a Republican President
+still described it as the measure "under the influence of which wheat
+went down below fifty cents." When it finally came to the President it
+was so little different from the McKinley Bill that he denounced it
+violently. He had tried in vain to hold his party to an honest revision,
+and now, in July, 1894, refused to sign the bill. It became a law
+without his signature. It contained no novelty but an income tax, which
+was a concession to the Populists and which the Supreme Court soon
+declared to be unconstitutional.
+
+In the fight over the Wilson Bill, Cleveland affronted Eastern members
+of his party as he had the Western members, in 1893, over the Sherman
+repeal. In the summer of 1894 he offended the whole body of organized
+labor by intervening in a Western strike.
+
+The panic of 1893 had unsettled labor and created a floating element
+among the unemployed. These drifted toward Chicago, attracted by the
+Columbian Exposition held there during that summer, and worried the
+police for many months. About Easter, 1894, an "Army of the Unemployed"
+marched on Washington under the command of Jacob S. Coxey. A few weeks
+later a strike occurred among the employees of the Pullman Palace Car
+Company. The American Railroad Union, under the leadership of Eugene V.
+Debs, established a sympathetic boycott against the Pullman cars. The
+Knights of Labor indorsed the strike, and railway travel was impeded
+over all the West. Around Chicago there was disorder and rioting which
+the Governor of Illinois, John P. Altgeld, did not suppress. He held the
+militia in readiness, but had not intervened when Cleveland sent federal
+troops to Chicago to remove obstructions to the carriage of the mails.
+
+This federal intervention offended those who still adhered to the
+doctrine of state rights, and angered the strikers and organized labor
+as a whole. They believed the President was a tool of the railroads, and
+believed the same of the courts when a federal judge issued an
+injunction to Debs forbidding him to interfere in the strike. In the end
+the strikers lost, leaving Cleveland's conduct in maintaining the peace
+in sharp contrast with that of the Populist Governor of Colorado, who
+intervened in a great miners' strike at Cripple Creek to arrest, not the
+strikers who had seized control of the mines, but the sheriff and his
+posse who wished to dislodge them. "It is better, infinitely better,"
+Governor Waite had declared, "that the blood should flow to the horses'
+bridles than that our national liberties should be destroyed." Congress
+made Labor Day a legal holiday in 1894, but failed to placate the
+unions.
+
+By the summer of 1894 Cleveland's party was split beyond repair, and his
+friends were mostly among the Republicans. Consistent in his belief in
+sound money, tariff revision, and law and order, he had been forced by
+events to alienate the West, the East, and organized labor. His course
+had aided the Populist party by widening the belief that the Democrats
+had no interest in their welfare. The panic had aided it yet more, by
+multiplying the discontented who might be converted to the new faith.
+Every month the Populist party increased in strength, the East watching
+it with mingled fear and contempt and ignorance. The comic papers
+pictured as the typical Populist the raw-boned, booted, unkempt farmer,
+in shirt-sleeves and with flowing beard. It could not see the foundation
+of real reforms on which the movement stood. A satirist pictured the
+Populist as "The Kansas Bandit," declaiming
+
+                   "The People's Party, to
+   Which me native instinct draws me because it
+   Loves the rule of mediocrity, is now on top. I
+   Love the rule of Ignorance."
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+F.J. Turner discussed "The Problems of the West," in the _Atlantic
+Monthly_ for September, 1896, and C. Becker has interpreted a similar
+point of view under the title "Kansas" in the _Turner Essays_ (1910).
+Wildman and McVey are valuable guides. The external facts of the
+Populist movement are accessible in the _Annual Cyclopaedia_; Stanwood,
+_History of the Presidency_; Annual Reports of the Secretary of the
+Treasury; and Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_.
+Standard writings on the silver problem are J.L. Laughlin, _History of
+Bimetallism in the United States_ (1886, etc.), and F. W. Taussig,
+_Silver Situation in the United States_ (1893). Useful details are added
+in the biographies of Blaine, Bland, Sherman, and Vance. W.E. Connelley,
+_Ingalls of Kansas_ (1909), has included much material upon Populism,
+including E. Ware's satirical verses, _Alonzo, or the Kansas Bandit_.
+Light is thrown upon Governor J.P. Altgeld and his influence in the
+Democratic party by B. Whitlock, "Forty Years of It" (1914), and C.
+Lloyd, _Henry Demarest Lloyd_. The _Memoirs of a Varied Career_, William
+F. Draper (1908), gives a glimpse of the rigid protectionist attitude. A
+stimulating novel, based upon municipal politics in the nineties, is
+P.L. Ford's _The Honorable Peter Stirling_ (1894).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+FREE SILVER
+
+
+Serious students of finance are almost unanimous in their belief that
+the adoption of free silver would have brought into operation the
+Gresham Law and would have resulted in a reduction of the value of the
+dollar. But the motives which divided the United States were less
+economic law than personal interest. The creditor foresaw the shrinkage
+of his property, and feared it. The debtor saw the lightening of his
+debt, and easily convinced himself that the ethics of the case required
+such relief for him.
+
+It appeared to the West that the declining prices of the eighties had
+been due not so much to overproduction and mechanical invention as to an
+appreciation of the dollar. The silver advocate claimed that the money
+supply was inadequate to the demands of increasing business, that the
+overworked dollars were acquiring a scarcity value, and that their
+increase in value was placing an unfair burden upon every person with a
+debt to pay. It was the old attitude of the Greenback Northwest, brought
+out by a period of debt and depression. In accounting for the scarcity
+of money the Act of 1873 seemed important to the West. The
+demonetization of silver became a crime, and justice from the Western
+standpoint demanded the restoration of the dollar to its old value,--the
+value of its silver. Before 1893 the discontent was serious, but had
+not come to be the primary interest of the West. Men were not yet
+willing to leave their parties for the sake of silver. The panic drove
+them to the final step.
+
+Through the campaign of 1892 the major parties had dodged the issue of
+free silver by adopting evasive planks, while the general ignorance
+respecting the laws of money prevented the evasion from being seen.
+Until 1890 neither organization had been unfavorably disposed towards
+free silver and Congressmen catered to the movement when they dared. As
+its accomplishment became more probable, the selfish interests that
+would be adversely affected, and the economists who saw its theoretical
+danger, and the moralists who disliked repudiation, made common cause in
+a wide campaign of education.
+
+With the exception of extreme inflationists, all had declared that they
+wanted "honest" or "sound" money, and both parties insisted, in 1892,
+that all dollars, of whatever sort, must remain equal in value and
+interchangeable. They insisted, too, that silver must be used as well as
+gold, and neither platform saw that the demands were either inconsistent
+or improbable of realization. The pledge of equality pleased the
+creditor East, while that of equal use of both metals satisfied the
+debtor West and South.
+
+Bimetallism was a cry of many who disliked free silver, yet feared that
+a demand for the gold standard would wreck the party. As long as the
+traditional ratio of sixteen to one remained the commercial ratio, the
+free use of both metals was theoretically possible, but the experience
+of the United States showed that a slight variation in the commercial
+ratio inevitably drove the more valuable dollar into retirement and left
+the cheaper in use. The truth of Gresham's Law was believed by most
+economists, who doubted whether the commercial ratio was ever
+sufficiently permanent to make bimetallism possible. With the silver
+declining rapidly it was out of the question. If the silver in
+circulation ever got beyond the power of the government to control it
+through redemption in gold nothing could avoid the silver standard. No
+law of the United States could prevent it. There was only a bare
+possibility that an international agreement always to regard sixteen
+ounces of silver as worth one ounce of gold might establish the ratio,
+but to this straw the bimetallist turned, trying to ward off the demand
+for free silver with his plea for international bimetallism.
+
+[Illustration: The Flood of Silver
+
+Gold and Silver Output of the World, 1861-1911 In Ounces
+
+(Based on United States Statistical Abstract, 1912, pp. 796, 797)]
+
+The panic of 1893, the decline of silver, and the repeal of the Sherman
+Law stimulated the activities of those who believed in free silver and
+produced formal steps to bring it into politics. A silver convention,
+held in Chicago in August, 1893, denounced the "Crime of 1873," and
+Governor Waite recommended to the Colorado Legislature that it open a
+mint of its own for the coinage of legal-tender silver dollars. At state
+conventions, in 1893 and 1894, both parties adopted silver planks. The
+Nebraska Democrats rejected such a plank in 1893, but in 1894, after a
+caucus of free-silver Democrats in Omaha, they adopted a demand for the
+immediate restoration of free-silver coinage "without waiting for the
+aid or consent of any nation on earth."
+
+At the congressional election of 1894 the Republicans regained control
+of both Senate and House and many of the silver candidates were left at
+home. Some thirty, who had sat in the Fifty-third Congress, joined in
+March, 1895, in a call for the adoption of free silver as a party
+measure. To the iniquity alleged to exist in the gold standard was added
+the aggravating fact that its defenders had wealth and were often
+directors of corporations. The measure had become a class contest. Its
+textbook was found in _Coin's Financial School_, a little book with
+simple dialogue and graphic illustration, that popularized the Western
+view of free silver and reached hundreds of thousands with its apparent
+frankness. Free silver had by 1895 outgrown the Populists, and had
+overshadowed other measures of reform before either party had taken a
+frank attitude respecting it. "I have been more than usually
+despondent," wrote the originator of the Wilson Bill, who had lost his
+seat in 1894, "as I see how the folly of our Southern people, in taking
+up a false and destructive issue, and assaulting the very foundations of
+public and private credit, are throwing away the solid fruits of the
+great victory, solidifying the North as it never was solid in the
+burning days of reconstruction, and condemning the South to a position
+of inferiority and lessening influence in the Union she has never before
+reached."
+
+When the Fifty-fourth Congress met in 1895, Reed was again enthroned as
+Speaker, but the spread of silver sentiment had undermined party
+loyalty. Cleveland's annual Message contained the usual range of items
+upon government and foreign relations, and devoted several pages to a
+resume of the financial operations of the Treasury and the currency
+problem. It closed with an appeal to the enthusiastic multitude that
+approved free coinage to reexamine their views "in the light of
+patriotic reason and familiar experience." It gave no hint that any
+other topic was likely to pass free silver in the public view. Fifteen
+days later, on December 17, 1895, the President sent a special Message
+to Congress, in reference to an old dispute between Great Britain and
+Venezuela, that startled the world, upset the stock markets, and brought
+to life once more the Monroe Doctrine.
+
+For many years the unsettled boundary between Venezuela and British
+Guiana had been a source of irritation. The pretensions of both
+claimants were great and vague, while the continuous encroachment of
+British miners alarmed the weaker country. For nearly twenty years
+Venezuela had vainly appealed to the United States, asking that the
+dispute be arbitrated. The United States had taken a mild interest in
+the wrangle, but no one before Cleveland had felt vitally concerned. He
+undertook, in the summer of 1895, to persuade Great Britain to accept an
+arbitration, and pressed Lord Salisbury in a series of notes drafted by
+Richard Olney, Secretary of State.
+
+The contention of Olney was that the dispute was suitable for
+arbitration because of the difference in physical strength between the
+two countries, and that the United States had an interest in an
+equitable territorial adjustment. He stated the doctrine that John
+Quincy Adams had advanced in the Administration of Monroe, that
+interference with the destiny of the South American Republics affects
+the United States, and asserted that this was now a part of the public
+law of the United States. He listed the precedents in which it had been
+advanced since 1823, finding none in which it had been flatly checked.
+His long arguments upon the interests and proper supremacy of the United
+States in all American questions failed to convince the British Foreign
+Office, which denied both Olney's correctness in applying the Monroe
+Doctrine and the binding force of the doctrine itself. Arbitration was
+declined, and Cleveland, in submitting the correspondence to Congress,
+urged that an American court be created to ascertain the true boundary
+and that the United States afterward maintain it. "In making these
+recommendations," he admitted, "I am fully alive to the responsibility
+incurred and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow."
+
+The threat of war conveyed in the Message drove silver from the public
+mind. Business was aghast, and judicious publicists either questioned
+the value of the Monroe Doctrine or denied the propriety of its
+application. The general public supported the President without
+question, but many of his closest advisers turned against him. His
+political enemies charged him with raising a foreign issue to reunite
+his party, or with creating a scare to help his speculations in stocks.
+Great Britain blustered in her press, but opened her archives to the
+American Venezuelan Commission. In 1897 she allowed an arbitration to
+take place, and the affair passed over.
+
+Whatever Cleveland's motive in the Venezuela Message, it did not
+establish more than a transient calm in either party. His own was doubly
+split by silver and the tariff, while Republican plans for 1896 had
+become badly deranged. That party had organized to play upon protection,
+but found interest in its chosen subject silenced for the time.
+
+In spite of its defeats in 1890 and 1892, the Republican organization
+had kept up its fight for protection. Quay had in 1888 completed the
+partnership between the manufacturers who had a cash interest in the
+tariff and the Republican voters. In manufacturing communities the
+doctrine had been accepted that prosperity and protection went together.
+Ruin was prophesied if the Democrats should win. The panic of 1893
+seemed to prove this, and when the Democrats passed the Wilson Bill the
+Republicans asserted that the fear of this had caused the panic. In
+private, the leaders agreed with the president of the Home Market Club,
+who wrote in his memoirs, "The bill ... was much less destructive than
+there was reason to fear." "Our business was not unprofitable during
+these lean years, but much less profitable than it had been and ought to
+have been." Prosperity was clearly lacking and to be desired, and among
+the candidates for the nomination in 1896 was the author of the McKinley
+Bill, in whom an Ohio cartoonist had discovered the "Advance Agent of
+Prosperity."
+
+Associated with the name of William McKinley, of Canton, Ohio, was that
+of Marcus Alonzo Hanna, a citizen of Cleveland who had acted on the
+borderland between business and politics since 1880. Hanna had been
+among the earliest to see the financial interest of the manufacturers in
+the tariff and to capitalize it for political purposes. For several
+years he had collected money in Ohio for campaign funds, assessing the
+manufacturers according to their interests and impressing upon them the
+duty of paying on demand. It had been a business transaction. Hanna had
+no extraordinary stake in the result, but combined a genuine interest in
+politics with business standards of the prevailing type. About 1890 he
+became a friend of the Ohio protectionist and worked steadily thereafter
+for his election to the Presidency.
+
+McKinley was a tactful and successful Congressman. He believed in the
+tariff, spoke convincingly in its favor, had few enemies and many warm
+friends, and was widely advertised by the Tariff Bill of 1890. In public
+places after 1893 he was repeatedly hailed as the next candidate, but as
+the silver issue rose it appeared that there might be great difficulty
+in adapting his record to the new problem. He had favored bimetallism
+and free coinage in so many debates that the East, where lay the
+strongholds of the party, distrusted his soundness on the currency
+question. Yet if he abandoned free silver it was doubtful if he could
+hold the West. For months his friends, steered by Hanna, who spent his
+own money freely, endeavored to keep the tariff in the foreground, while
+the candidate preserved a discreet and exasperating silence upon the
+dominant issue of free silver.
+
+The most important rivals of McKinley for the nomination were Harrison
+and Reed, but neither of these possessed a manager as shrewd and
+resourceful as Hanna. McKinley was nominated on the first ballot at St.
+Louis, with Garrett P. Hobart, of New Jersey, a corporation lawyer who
+believed in the gold standard, as his associate.
+
+The nature of the Republican platform had been in debate throughout the
+spring of 1896. The organization was reluctant to take up the silver
+issue and the predetermined candidate was uncertain upon it. In the
+Platform Committee there was a contest involving the opportunists, who
+wanted to continue the policy of evasion; the Westerners, who felt that
+silver meant more to them than the party; and the representatives of the
+populous commercial East, who were devoted to the gold standard.
+Bimetallists had progressed in their education until most of them saw
+that bimetallism must be international if it could be at all. Various
+committeemen later assumed the credit for the plank that was finally
+adopted. After castigating the Democrats for producing the panic and
+renewing the pledge for protection, the party denounced the debasement
+of currency or credit. It opposed the free coinage of silver, asserted
+that all money must be kept at a "parity with gold," and pledged itself
+to work for an international agreement for bimetallism.
+
+The fight for free silver was carried by the silver state delegations to
+the floor of the convention, where it was defeated by a vote of 818-1/2
+to 105-1/2. At this point, led by Senators from Colorado and Utah,
+thirty-four members withdrew from the convention in protest. Even the
+Prohibition party had already been broken by the new issue. The humorous
+weekly, _Life_, spoke seriously when it declared that "The two great
+parties in the country at this writing are the Gold party and the Silver
+party. The old parties are in temporary eclipse." Few were satisfied
+with the Republican result, for while the platform pointed one way and
+the candidate's career pointed the other on free silver, the real
+interest of the party, protection, aroused no enthusiasm.
+
+No Democrat was the predetermined candidate of his party when it met at
+Chicago in July, 1896. Cleveland, least of all, was not given even the
+scanty notice of a commendatory plank. He stood alone as no other
+President had done, at issue with the Republicans on their major policy,
+yet without followers in his own organization. Slow, patient,
+courageous, stubborn, he had twice held his party to its promise, and he
+had refused to be carried away by the transitory demand of the West for
+dangerous finance. He had guided the National Administration through
+eight years of expansion and reorganization, and had been a devoted
+servant of civil service reform. In May, 1896, he had aggravated his
+offenses in the eyes of the politicians by issuing new rules that
+extended the classified service to include some 31,000 new employees,
+making a total of 86,000 out of 178,000 federal employees. He passed out
+of party politics at least two years before his term expired, and in
+1897 he took up his final abode in Princeton. From Princeton he wrote
+and spoke for eleven years, and before he died in 1908 the animosities
+of 1896 were forgotten, and he looked large in the American mind as a
+statesman whose independence and sincerity were beyond reproach.
+
+Forces beyond the control of politicians carried the Democrats toward an
+alliance with Populism and free silver. As two minority parties they had
+felt in 1892 a tendency to fuse against the Republicans. By conviction
+they were both obliged to fight the party of Hanna and McKinley, in
+which the forces of business, finance, and manufacture were assembled in
+the joint cause of protection and the gold standard. It was convenient
+to make this fight in close alliance, the more so because the Populist
+doctrine of free silver had permeated the Democratic organization in the
+West and South. In the conventions of 1896 more than thirty States, as
+Nebraska had done in 1894, asked for immediate free coinage, and a
+majority of the Democratic delegates were pledged to this before they
+came to Chicago. They gained control of the convention on the first
+vote, determined contests in their own favor, and offered a plank
+demanding "the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the
+present legal ratio of sixteen to one without waiting for the aid or
+consent of any other nation."
+
+The debate on the silver plank was long and bitter, although its passage
+was certain. It was closed by the leader of the Nebraska delegation,
+William Jennings Bryan, who had been a former Congressman, and who
+later said, "An opportunity to close such a debate had never come to me
+before, and I doubt if as good an opportunity had ever come to any other
+person during this generation." He took advantage of the moment, in a
+tired convention that had been wrangling in bitterness for several days,
+that had deserted the old politicians, and that had no candidate. He was
+only thirty-six years old, his face was unfamiliar, and his name had
+rarely been heard outside his State, but he had been preaching free
+silver with religious intensity and oratorical skill. His speech had
+grown through repeated speaking, and reached its climax as he pleaded
+for free silver: "If they dare to come out in the open field and defend
+the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost.
+Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world,
+supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, and the
+toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for the gold standard by
+saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this
+crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."
+Swept off its feet by the enthusiasm for silver, and having no other
+candidate in view, the convention nominated Bryan on the fifth ballot,
+selecting Arthur Sewall, of Maine, as his companion.
+
+The Populists met in St. Louis on July 22. "If we fuse, we are sunk,"
+complained one of the most devoted leaders; "if we don't fuse, all the
+silver men will leave us for the more powerful Democrats." Fusion
+controlled the convention, voting down the "Middle-of-the-Road" group
+that adhered to independence. Bryan was nominated, although Sewall was
+rejected for Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia. The organization of the
+People's Party continued after 1896, but its vitality was gone forever.
+
+The campaign of 1896 was an orgy of education, emotion, and panic.
+McKinley was driven by the opposition to defend the gold standard with
+increasing intensity. Protection ceased to arouse interest and other
+issues were forgotten. The Bryan party attracted to itself the silver
+wings of the Republicans and Prohibitionists, and absorbed the
+Populists. The gold Democrats, after several weeks of indecision as to
+tactics, became bolters, held a convention at Indianapolis in September,
+and nominated John M. Palmer and Simon Buckner. To this ticket,
+Cleveland and his Cabinet gave their support. Up and down the land Bryan
+traveled, preaching his new gospel, which millions regarded as "the
+first great protest of the American people against monopoly--the first
+great struggle of the masses in our country against the privileged
+classes." "Probably no man in civil life," said the _Nation_ at the end
+of the fight, "has succeeded in inspiring so much terror without taking
+life."
+
+As chairman of the National Committee, Marcus A. Hanna directed the
+Republican campaign. He encouraged the belief that Bryan was waging a
+"campaign against the Ten Commandments." He drew his sinews of war from
+the manufacturers, who were used to such demands, and from a wide range
+of panic-stricken contributors who feared repudiation. Insurance
+companies and national banks were assessed and paid with alacrity. The
+funds went into the broadest campaign of education that the United
+States had seen.
+
+In contrast to the activity of Bryan, McKinley stayed at home through
+the summer, and delegations from afar were brought up to his veranda at
+Canton, Ohio. To these he spoke briefly and with dignity, gaining an
+assurance that grew with the campaign. His arguments were taken over the
+country by a horde of speakers whom Hanna organized, who reached and
+educated every voter whose mind was open on the silver question. In the
+closing days of the campaign panic struck the conservative classes and
+produced for Hanna campaign funds such as had never been seen, and cries
+of corruption met the charges of repudiation.
+
+An English visitor in New York wrote on the Sunday before election: "Of
+course nothing can be done till Wednesday. All America is aflame with
+excitement--and New York itself is at fever heat. I have never seen such
+a sight as yesterday. The whole city was a mass of flags and innumerable
+Republican and Democratic insignia--with the streets thronged with over
+two million people. The whole business quarter made a gigantic parade
+that took seven hours in its passage--and the business men alone
+amounted to over 100,000. Every one--as, indeed, not only America, but
+Great Britain and all Europe--is now looking eagerly for the final word
+on Tuesday night. The larger issues are now clearer: not merely that the
+Bryanite fifty-cent dollar (instead of the standard hundred-cent) would
+have far-reaching disastrous effects, but that the whole struggle is one
+of the anarchic and destructive against the organic and constructive
+forces."
+
+The vote was taken in forty-five States, Utah having been admitted early
+in 1896, and no election had evoked a larger proportion of the possible
+vote. Bryan received 6,500,000 votes, nearly a million more than any
+elected President had ever received, but he ran 600,000 votes behind
+McKinley. The Republican list included every State north of Virginia and
+Tennessee, and east of the Missouri River, except Missouri and South
+Dakota. The solid South was confronted by a solid North and East, while
+the West was divided. McKinley received 271 electoral votes; Bryan, 176.
+
+Education played a large part in the result, and economic opinion
+believes that the better cause prevailed. But cool analysis had less
+effect than emotion and self-interest at the time. The lowest point of
+depression had been reached during 1894, while the harvests of 1895 and
+1896 were larger and more profitable than had been known for several
+years. Free silver was a hard-times movement that weakened in the face
+of better crops. "Give us good times," said Reed to Richard Watson
+Gilder, "and all will come out right." Inflation was not to be desired
+by the citizen who had in hand the funds to pay his debts. When he
+became solvent he could understand the theories of sound finance. It is
+probable that nature as well as gold was a potent aid to Hanna in
+procuring the result.
+
+William McKinley was advertised as the "Advance Agent of Prosperity,"
+and before he was inaugurated in March, 1897, prosperity was in sight.
+His election had destroyed all fear that the currency would be upset by
+legislative act, while the liquidation after the panic of 1893 had
+nearly run its course. Business was reviving, crops were improving, and
+the luckless farmers of the Western plains had abandoned their farms or
+learned how to use them. After 1896 the financial danger was not silver
+but gold inflation. In that year great mines were opened in Alaska,
+drawing heavy immigration to the valley of the Yukon and, a little
+later, to the beach at Nome. Other discoveries increased the gold output
+and flooded the world with the more precious metal. By 1900 prices were
+rising instead of falling, and public interest was turned upon the high
+cost of living rather than the low prices of the previous period. The
+average annual output of gold for the fifteen years ending in 1896 was
+$132,000,000. For the fifteen years beginning in 1896, it was
+$337,000,000. The election of McKinley was in name a victory for the
+Republican party, but was in reality one for sound money. The
+organization upon which he stood was an amalgamation of creditors and
+manufacturers, reenforced by gold-standard men of all parties. Without
+the aid of the last element he could hardly have been elected, on this
+or any other issue. When he took office the Republican party had control
+in both houses of Congress, had been elected on a money issue, but had a
+permanent organization based upon the tariff propaganda. Before his
+inauguration, Hanna declared that the election was a mandate for a new
+protective tariff, and one of McKinley's earliest official acts was to
+summon Congress to meet in special session, to fulfill that mandate, on
+March 15, 1897.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The most popular document in the free-silver propaganda was W.H. Harvey,
+_Coin's Financial School_ (_c._ 1894). This was replied to by Horace
+White, _Coin's Financial Fool; or the Artful Dodger Exposed_ (_c._
+1896); and the same author, in _Money and Banking_ (4th ed., 1911),
+discusses the economics of free silver. The best economic arguments for
+free silver came from the pens of Francis A. Walker and E. Benjamin
+Andrews. The Reports of the International Monetary Conferences (at
+Paris, 1867 and 1881, and at Brussels, 1892) are useful upon the attempt
+to establish a currency ratio by international agreement. There is no
+good biography of William McKinley, although the external facts of his
+career may be obtained in the _Annual Cyclopaedia_, and in _Who's Who in
+America_ (a biennial publication which, since its first issue in
+1899-1900, has been the standard source of biographical data concerning
+living Americans). These may be strengthened by D. Magie, _Life of
+Garrett A. Hobart_ (1910). The best biography of the period is H. Croly,
+_Marcus Alonzo Hanna_ (1912), which gives an illuminating survey of
+Republican politics, although based on only the public printed materials
+and personal recollections. The opposition may be studied in W.J. Bryan,
+_The First Battle_ (1896). The platforms, as always, are in Stanwood,
+and there are useful narratives in Dewey, Latane, Andrews, and Peck.
+From this period the _Outlook_ (January, 1897), and the _Independent_
+(July, 1898), take on a modern magazine form and are to be added to the
+list of valuable newspaper files, while the _Literary Digest_ begins to
+play the part carried by _Niles's Register_ in the early part of the
+century. They may generally be trusted as intelligent, honest, and
+reasonably independent. The Venezuelan affair, besides stimulating
+diplomatic correspondence (_q.v._, in Foreign Relations Reports), led to
+the writing of W.F. Reddaway, _The Monroe Doctrine_ (1898), which is
+still one of the most judicious discussions of the topic. J.B.
+Henderson, _American Diplomatic Questions_ (1901), is useful also.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+THE "COUNTER-REFORMATION"
+
+
+The mission of Populism did not end when free silver had been driven
+like a wedge into all the parties. Its more fundamental reforms
+outlasted both the hard times and the recovery from them. Although
+obscured by the shadow of the larger controversy, the reforms had been
+stated with conviction. The Populist party was not permitted to bring
+the reformation that it promised, but it stimulated within the parties
+in power a "counter-reformation," that was already under way. This
+counter-reformation was largely within the Republican ranks because that
+party dominated in every branch of the National Government for fourteen
+years after 1897, but it was essentially non-partisan. It derived its
+advocates from the generation that had been educated since the Civil
+War, and many of its leaders bore the imprint of democratic higher
+education. It derived its materials from historical, economic, and
+sociological study of the forces of American society.
+
+Practical politics in America was at its lowest level in the thirty
+years after the Civil War. The United States was politically fatigued
+after the years of contest and turned eagerly to the business
+speculations that opened in every direction. Offices were left to those
+who chose to run them, while public scrutiny of public acts was
+materially reduced. The men in charge, unwatched in their business, used
+it often for personal advantage, and were aided in this by the character
+of both the electoral machinery and the electorate. A multitude of
+offices had to be kept filled in every State and city by voters who
+could know little of the candidates and who accepted the recommendation
+implied in the party name. Control of the nominations meant control of
+the elections, and was within reach of those who were persistent in
+attending caucuses and conventions and were not too scrupulous in
+manipulating them. The laws against bribery at the polls did not touch
+corruption at the primaries. The cities, rapidly growing through
+manufactures and immigration, were full of voters who could be trained
+to support the "bosses" who befriended them.
+
+The American "boss" made his appearance in the cities about 1870. His
+power was based upon his personal influence with voters of the lower and
+more numerous class. Gaining control of party machinery he dictated
+nominations and policies, and used the government, as the exposures of
+the Tweed Ring showed, to enrich his friends and to perpetuate his
+power. Caring little for party principle, he made a close alliance with
+the new business that continually needed new laws,--building laws,
+transportation laws, terminal rights, or franchises. From these allies
+came the funds for managing elections, and, too often, for direct
+bribery, although this last was necessary only rarely.
+
+Exposures of the evil of boss government were frequent after 1870, and
+in most cities occasional revolts of outraged citizens overturned the
+machines, but in the long run the citizen was no match for the
+professional politician. In the unequal contest city government became
+steadily worse in America at a time when European city government was
+rapidly improving. States, too, were afflicted with machine politics,
+and before 1890 it appeared that the dominant national party derived its
+most valuable support from organized business that profited by the
+partnership.
+
+A minority of Americans fought continually for better and cleaner
+government as the evils of boss rule became more visible. One of them,
+Bishop Potter, of New York, gained wide hearing through a sermon
+preached at the centennial of the Constitution, in 1887, in which he
+turned from the usual patriotic congratulation to discuss actual
+government. The keenest interest in the subject was aroused by the
+_American Commonwealth_ of James Bryce.
+
+Not since Alexis de Tocqueville published his _Democracy in America_, in
+1835, had any foreign observer made an equally intimate study of
+American life, until James Bryce, a young English historian, began a
+series of visits to the United States in the early seventies. For nearly
+twenty years Bryce repeated his visits, living at home a full life in
+his Oxford professorate, in the House of Commons, and in the Ministry.
+In America he knew every one worth knowing, and he saw the remoter
+regions of the West as well as the older society of the East. In 1888
+he brought out the result of his studies in two volumes that were filled
+with admiration for the United States and with disheartening observation
+upon its practices. One of its chapters cut so close that its victim
+brought suit for libel, but American opinion accepted the book as a
+friendly picture and regarded attacks upon it as further evidence of its
+inherent truth. Probably no book in a generation so profoundly
+influenced American thought and so specifically directed the course of
+American reform. It became a textbook at once, teaching the truth that
+corruption and misgovernment were non-partisan, and until the Populists
+took them up the movements for reform were non-partisan as well.
+
+The power of the boss lay largely in the structure of American
+governmental machinery, and though some preached the need for a reform
+in spirit, others saw that only mechanical improvements could accomplish
+results. A corruptible electorate, such as had long confused British and
+American politics, was one defect most easily improved. The prevailing
+system for conducting elections made it easy for the purchaser of votes
+to see that he got value for his money. The State provided the
+polling-place, but the candidate or the party provided the printed
+ballot. Party agents distributed these at the polls, and the voters who
+received them could be watched until the votes were cast. Intimidation
+of employees or direct bribery were easy and common, while secret deals
+were not unknown. The loyal party voter deposited the ballots provided
+for him; the boss could have these arranged to suit his needs. It was
+commonly supposed that in 1888, through an agreement between the
+Democratic and Republican bosses of New York, Hill and Platt, many
+Republicans were made to vote for Hill as Governor, while Democrats
+voted for Harrison as President.
+
+A secret ballot was so reasonable a reform that once it had been
+suggested it spread rapidly over the United States. In 1888
+Massachusetts adopted a system based upon the Australian Ballot Law,
+while New York advertised its value in the same year when Governor Hill
+vetoed a bill to establish it. Before the next presidential election
+came in 1892, open bribery or intimidation of voters was rapidly
+becoming a thing of the past, for thirty-three States had adopted the
+Australian ballot, provided by public authority and voted in secrecy.
+"Quay and Platt and Clarkson may find in this fact a fresh explanation
+of President Harrison's willingness to divest himself of their
+services," wrote Godkin in a caustic paragraph in 1892.
+
+The Australian ballot enabled the honest citizen to vote in secrecy and
+safety, but it failed to touch the fact that the nominations were still
+outside the law. "To find the honest men," Bryce wrote, "and having
+found them, to put them in office and keep them there, is the great
+problem of American politics." So long as a boss could direct the
+nomination he could tolerate an honest election. The movement to
+legalize the party primaries was just beginning when the ballot reform
+was accomplished. The most extreme of the primary reformers saw the need
+for a preliminary election conducted within each party, but under all
+the safeguards of law, to the end that the voters might themselves
+determine their candidates. Direct primaries were discussed by the
+younger men, who were often ambitious, but helpless because of the rigor
+with which the bosses selected their own candidates. In 1897 a young
+ex-Congressman, Robert M. LaFollette, worked out a complete system of
+local and national primaries, and found wide and sympathetic hearing for
+it. The movement had to face the bitter opposition of the machine
+politicians because it struck directly at their power, but it progressed
+slowly. In 1901 it won in Minnesota; a little later it won in Wisconsin;
+and in the next ten years it became a central feature in reform
+platforms.
+
+The reforms of the primary and the ballot were designed to improve the
+quality of public officers, and were supplemented by a demand for direct
+legislation which would check up the result. In Switzerland a scheme had
+been devised by which the people, by petition, could initiate new laws
+or obtain a vote upon existing laws. The idea of submitting special
+measures to popular vote, or referendum, was old in the United States,
+for in this way state constitutions and constitutional amendments were
+habitually adopted, and matters of city charters, loans and franchises
+often determined. The initiative, however, was new, and appealed to the
+reformer who resented the refusal of the legislature to pass desired
+laws as well as the unwillingness to pass worthy ones. The Populists, in
+1892, recommended that the system of direct legislation be investigated,
+and they favored its adoption in 1896. A journal for the promotion of
+the reform appeared in 1894. In 1898 the first State, South Dakota,
+adopted the principle of initiative and referendum in a constitutional
+amendment. To those who attacked the device as only mechanical it was
+answered: "Direct legislation is not a panacea for all national ills. In
+fact it is not a panacea at all. It is merely a spoon with which the
+panacea can be administered. Specific legislation is the panacea for
+political ills."
+
+The West was more ready than the East to break from existing practice
+and take up the new reforms. It had always been the liberal section of
+the United States. Between 1800 and 1830 it had led in the enlargement
+of the franchise and in the removal of qualifications of wealth and
+religion. It now approached the one remaining qualification of sex. With
+the admission of Wyoming in 1890, full woman suffrage appeared among the
+States. Colorado adopted an amendment establishing it in 1893. Utah, in
+the words of the women, "completing the trinity of true Republics at the
+summit of the Rockies," became the third suffrage State in January,
+1896, while Idaho adopted woman suffrage in the same year. It was
+fifteen years before a fifth State was added to the list, but the
+women's movement was advancing in all directions. A General Federation
+of Women's Clubs was organized in 1890 as a clearing-house for the
+activities of the women, and through organizations like the Consumers'
+League, the movement fell into line with the general course of reform. A
+clearer vision of the defects in governmental machinery and of the
+needs of society was spreading rapidly. Hull House, opened in 1889 by
+Jane Addams, had a host of imitators in the cities, and enabled social
+workers to study the results of industrial progress upon the laboring
+class.
+
+The new reforms, mechanical and otherwise, established themselves about
+1890, and were taken up by the Populist party between 1892 and 1896.
+Neither great party noticed the reforms before 1896, but in each party
+the younger workers saw their point. As non-partisan movements they
+gained adherents before the Populist party died out, and were pressed
+more and more seriously upon reluctant organizations. As a whole they
+were an attempt to make government more truly representative of the
+voters, and to take the control of affairs from the hands of men who
+might and often did use them for private aggrandizement. They were
+overshadowed in 1896 by the paramount issue of free silver, and were
+deferred in their fulfilment for a decade by accidents which drove them
+from the public mind. The Spanish War, reviving prosperity, and the
+renewal of tariff legislation, did not check the activities of the
+reformers, but did divert the attention of the public.
+
+William McKinley was inaugurated on March 4, 1897. He had served in five
+Congresses and had been three times governor of Ohio. He "knew the
+legislative body thoroughly, its composition, its methods, its habits of
+thought," said John Hay. "He had the profoundest respect for its
+authority and an inflexible belief in the ultimate rectitude of its
+purposes." He was not likely to embarrass business through bluntness or
+inexperience. He had risen through a kindly disposition, a recognition
+of the political value of tact, and an unusual skill as a moderator of
+variant opinions. He believed that his function was to represent the
+popular will as rapidly as it expressed itself, differing fundamentally
+in this from Cleveland, who thought himself bound to act in the interest
+of the people as he saw it. His Cabinet reflected the interests that
+secured his election.
+
+The trend of issues had made the Republican party, by 1897, the party of
+organized business. For twelve years the alliance had grown steadily
+closer. Marcus A. Hanna was its spokesman. The burlesque of his sincere
+and kindly face, drawn by a caricaturist, Davenport, for Eastern papers,
+created for the popular eye the type of commercialized magnate, but it
+did him great injustice. Self-respecting and direct, he believed it to
+be the first function of government to protect property, and that
+property should organize for this purpose. Without malevolence, he
+conducted business for the sake of its profits, and regarded government
+as an adjunct to it. He possessed great capacity for winning popularity,
+and after his entry into public life in 1897 gained reputation as an
+effective speaker. He destroyed, before his death, much of the offensive
+notoriety that had been thrust upon him during the campaign of 1896, but
+he remained the best representative of the generation that believed
+government to be only a business asset. He did not enter the Cabinet of
+McKinley, but was appointed Senator from Ohio when John Sherman vacated
+his seat.
+
+The pledge of the Republicans for international bimetallism created a
+need for a financial Secretary of State, and John Sherman, though old
+and infirm, was persuaded to undertake the office. The routine of the
+department was assigned to an assistant secretary, William R. Day, an
+old friend of the President. A magnate of the match trust, Russell A.
+Alger, of Michigan, received the War Department. The president of the
+First National Bank of Chicago, Lyman J. Gage, received the Treasury.
+The other secretaries, too, were men of solidity, generally self-made,
+and likely to inspire confidence in the world of business.
+
+The new Senators who appeared at this time represented the same alliance
+of trade and politics. Hanna, in Ohio, and Thomas C. Platt, president of
+the United States Express Company, in New York, were the most striking
+instances. In Pennsylvania Quay was able to nominate his colleague in
+spite of the opposition of his old associate, John Wanamaker, and
+selected Boies Penrose. Only with the aid of the silver Senators could a
+Republican majority be procured in the Senate. This made currency
+legislation impossible, but the managers hoped that there would be a
+majority for a protective tariff when Congress met in special session,
+two weeks after the inauguration.
+
+Preparations for a revision of the tariff had been made long before
+Cleveland left office. Reed was certain to be reelected as Speaker by a
+large majority. Nelson Dingley, of Maine, was equally certain to be
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and began to hold tariff
+hearings early in 1897. A rampant spirit for protection was revealed as
+the manufacturers stated their wishes to the committee. It was often
+told how the low rates of the Wilson Bill had caused the panic of 1893,
+and a New York maker of "Oriental rugs" created amusement by asking to
+be protected from the competition, not of the Orient, but of the German
+manufacturers. Since 1890 the strength of the Republican organization
+had been directed toward this revision, and the leaders had held back
+the silver issue lest it should derange their plans. Now, though
+returned to power only on the issue of the currency, they held
+themselves empowered to act as though the tariff had been dominant in
+1896. The call stated the need for tariff legislation, and Reed held the
+House to its task by refusing to appoint the committees without which
+other business could not be undertaken.
+
+The Dingley Bill passed the House of Representatives after a perfunctory
+debate which every one regarded as only preliminary to the real struggle
+in Senate and Conference Committee. In the Senate it became a new
+measure at the hands of the Finance Committee, whose secretary, S.N.D.
+North, was also secretary of the Wool Manufacturers' Association.
+Revenue was everywhere subordinated to protection, until the Chief of
+the Bureau of Statistics, Worthington C. Ford, declared that the act
+would prolong the deficit which it was designed to cure. On its final
+passage, the Democratic Senator, McEnery, of Louisiana, left his party
+to vote for protection to sugar. He was welcomed home in August, in
+spite of his "treason," by a reception committee with four hundred
+vice-presidents. The silver Senators, headed by Jones, of Nevada, were
+induced to support the bill. They had procured the Sherman Silver Bill
+in 1890 by the same tactics, and now, holding the balance of power,
+secured a group of amendments for themselves, covering hides, wool, and
+ore. The measure passed the Senate early in July and became a law July
+24, 1897. Senator William B. Allison, of Iowa, was largely responsible
+for its final passage, although the law continued to bear the name of
+its forgotten originator, Dingley.
+
+The Republican party was in no condition in 1897 to become the vehicle
+of the non-partisan reforms that the Populists advocated and that many
+young Republicans had taken up. The interest in tariff legislation drove
+everything else from the national organization, while returning
+prosperity destroyed the mental attitude in which reforms had
+flourished. Political introspection was less easy in 1897 and 1898 than
+it had been in the years of confusion and enforced economy since 1890.
+The civil service and ballot reforms had been started on the upward
+course, but party machines continued in control of each great
+organization.
+
+The conduct of the Senate discouraged many of the reformers in the
+spring of 1897. Cleveland had left in its hands a treaty of arbitration
+with Great Britain, but no action had been taken upon it when he left
+office. Arbitration had been a common international tool between Great
+Britain and the United States. Boundaries, fisheries, and claims had
+repeatedly been submitted to courts or commissions of varying
+structure, and even the claims affecting the honor of Great Britain had
+been settled by arbitration at Geneva. After the Venezuela excitement
+friends of peace gathered in a convention at Lake Mohonk to discuss the
+extension of the method of arbitration. When Great Britain had accepted
+the principle in the case of Venezuela, Cleveland entered into a general
+arbitration treaty, which was signed at Washington in February, 1897.
+Public opinion received it cordially, but the Senate was slow to take it
+up. Late in the spring it was ratified with amendments that destroyed
+its force and showed the reluctance of Senators to accept the principle
+of arbitration. International peace was thus postponed, while the rising
+insurrection in Cuba drove it as well as general reform from the center
+of public interest.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The _American Commonwealth_ of James Bryce (1888) is the starting-point
+for the study of political conditions of the nineties, and is to be
+reinforced by W. Wilson, _Congressional Government_ (1885), T.
+Roosevelt, _Essays on Practical Politics_ (1888), and P.L. Ford, _The
+Honorable Peter Stirling_ (1894). Among the personal narratives the most
+useful are T. Roosevelt, _Fifty Years of My Life_ (1913); R.M.
+LaFollette, _A Personal Narrative of Political Experiences_ (1913; also
+published serially in the _American Magazine_, 1911, as
+"Autobiography"); Tom L. Johnson's _My Story_ (1911; edited by E.J.
+Hauser); C. Lloyd, _Henry Demarest Lloyd_ (2 vols., 1912);
+_Autobiography of Thomas Collier Platt_ (1910; edited by L.J. Lang, and
+highly unreliable); and Jane Addams, _Twenty Years of Hull House_
+(1910). Much light is thrown upon the mechanics of tariff legislation by
+I.M. Tarbell, _The Tariff in Our Times_ (1911), and by the lobby
+investigations conducted by committees of Congress in 1913, and by the
+campaign fund investigations conducted by similar committees in 1912.
+The progress of the Australian ballot reform must be traced through the
+periodicals, as it has no good history. E.C. Meyer, _Nominating Systems:
+Direct Primaries versus Conventions in the United States_ (1902), is
+standard in its field, as are E.P. Oberholtzer, _The Referendum in
+America_ (1893), and E.C. Stanton, S.B. Anthony, and M.J. Gage, _History
+of Woman Suffrage_, 1848-1900(4 vols., 1881-1902). The Annual Reports of
+the Lake Mohonk Conferences on International Arbitration are a useful
+aid in tracing the principles of arbitration.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+THE SPANISH WAR
+
+
+Cuba broke out in one of her numerous insurrections in 1895. The island
+had been nominally quiet since the close of the Ten Years' War, in 1878,
+but had always been an object of American interest. More than once it
+had entered into American diplomacy to bring out reiterations of
+different phases of the Monroe Doctrine. Its purchase by the United
+States had been desired to extend the slave area, or to control the
+Caribbean, or to enlarge the fruit and sugar plantation area. The free
+trade in sugar, which the McKinley Bill had allowed, ended in 1894, and
+almost immediately thereafter the native population demanded
+independence.
+
+The revolt of 1895 was defended and justified by a recital of the faults
+of Spanish colonial government. Caste and monopoly played a large part
+in Cuban life. The Spanish-born held the offices, enjoyed the profits,
+and owned or managed the commercial privileges. The western end of the
+island, most thickly settled and most under the influence of Spain, gave
+least support to the uprising, but in the east, where the Cubans and
+negroes raised and ground cane, or grazed their herds, discontent at the
+system of favoritism and race discrimination was an important political
+force. Here the insurgents soon gained a foothold in the provinces of
+Santiago, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara. From the jungle or the
+mountains they sent bands of guerrillas against the sugar mills and
+plantations of the ruling class, and when pursued their troops hid their
+weapons and became, ostensibly, peaceful farmers. A revolutionary
+government, sitting safely in New York, directed the revolt, raised
+money by playing on the American love of freedom, and sent cargoes of
+arms, munitions, and volunteers to the seat of war. Avoiding pitched
+battles and living off the country, the patriot forces compelled Spain
+to put some 200,000 troops in Cuba and to garrison every place that she
+retained.
+
+[Illustration: ALASKA, THE PHILIPPINES, AND THE SEAT OF THE SPANISH WAR]
+
+Through 1895 and 1896 the war dragged on with no prospect of victory for
+the authorities and with growing interest on the part of the United
+States. Public sympathy was with the Cubans, and news from the front was
+so much desired that enterprising papers sent their correspondents to
+the scene of action. The reports of these, almost without exception,
+magnified the character and promise of the native leaders and attacked
+the policy of the Spanish forces of repression.
+
+The insurgents began, in 1895, a policy of terror, destroying the cane
+in the fields of loyalists and burning their sugar mills. To protect the
+loyalists and repress the rebels the Queen Regent sent General Valeriano
+Weyler to the island in 1896, with orders to end the war. Weyler replied
+to devastation with concentration. Unable to separate the loyal natives
+from the disloyal, or to prevent the latter from aiding the rebels, he
+gathered the suspected population into huge concentration camps,
+fortified his towns and villages with sentinels and barbed-wire fences,
+and endeavored to depopulate the area outside his lines. American public
+opinion, unused for a generation to the sight of war, was shocked by the
+suffering in the camps and was aroused in moral protest. Sympathy with
+the insurgents grew in 1896 and 1897, as exaggerated tales of hardship
+and brutality were circulated by the "yellow" newspapers. The evidence
+was one-sided and incomplete, and often dishonest, but it was effective
+in steering a rising public opinion toward ultimate intervention.
+
+The nearness of the contest brought the trouble to the United States
+Government through the enforcement of the neutrality laws. There was no
+public war, and Spain was thus unable to seize or examine American
+vessels until they entered actual Cuban waters. It was easy to run the
+Spanish blockade and take supplies to the rebel forces, which was a
+permissible trade. It was easy, too, to organize and send out
+filibustering parties, which were highly illegal, and which the United
+States tried to stop. Out of seventy-one known attempts, the United
+States broke up thirty-three, while other Powers, including Spain,
+caught only eleven. Enough landed to be a material aid to the natives
+and to embitter Spain in her criticism of the United States. Cleveland
+issued proclamations against the unfriendly acts of citizens, and
+enforced the law as well as he could in a population and with juries
+sympathizing with the law-breakers. Even in Congress he found little
+sympathy in his attempt to maintain a sincere neutrality.
+
+Congress felt the popular sympathy with the Cubans and responded to it,
+as well as to the demands of Americans with investments in Cuba. In the
+spring of 1896 both houses joined in a resolution favoring the
+recognition of Cuban belligerency. This Cleveland ignored. In December,
+1896, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a resolution
+for the recognition of Cuban independence, and individual members of
+Congress often read from the newspapers accounts of horror, and made
+impassioned speeches for recognition and intervention. But Cleveland
+kept his control over the situation until he left office, as Grant had
+done during the Ten Years' War and the excitement over the Virginius
+affair. He left the determination of the time and manner of ultimate
+intervention to his successor.
+
+Among the planks of the Republican platform of 1896 was one asserting
+the duty of the United States to "use its influence and good offices to
+restore peace and give independence to Cuba," but there is no evidence
+that President McKinley contemplated a forcible intervention when he
+organized his Cabinet. John Sherman had, as Senator, spoken freely in
+sympathy with Cuba. As Secretary of State he recalled Hannis Taylor from
+Madrid and sent out General Stewart L. Woodford, with instructions
+looking toward a peaceful mediation. Not until the autumn of 1897 was it
+possible to press the Cuban matter, for Spain suffered two changes of
+Ministry and the murder of a Prime Minister. But by the end of
+September Spain had been notified that McKinley hoped to be able to give
+positive assurances of peace to Congress when it met in December.
+
+A Liberal Government, headed by Sagasta, took office in Spain in
+October, 1897. It declined mediation by the United States, retorting
+that if the United States were to enforce the law of neutrality the war
+would soon cease. It recalled Weyler, however, sent out a new and milder
+governor-general, modified the _reconcentrado_ orders that had so
+enraged the United States, and issued, on November 25, a proclamation
+establishing a sort of home rule, or autonomy, for Cuba. In the winter
+of 1897 the Spanish Government was endeavoring to give no excuse for
+American intervention, and at the same time, by moderate means, to
+restore peace in Cuba. The Spanish population of Cuba opposed autonomy
+and made the establishment of autonomous governments a farce. In January
+there were riots in Havana among the loyal subjects. Outside the Spanish
+lines the rebels laughed at autonomy, for they were determined to have
+independence or nothing. Woodford, in touch with the Spanish Government,
+believed that in the long run the Spanish people would let the Queen
+Regent go beyond autonomy to independence, and that with patience Cuba
+might be relieved of Spanish control.
+
+There was no positive news for Congress in December, 1897, but by
+February the conditions in Cuba had become the most interesting current
+problem. The New York _Journal_ obtained and published a private letter
+written by the Spanish Minister, De Lome, in which McKinley was
+characterized as a temporizing politician. The Minister had no sooner
+been recalled than the Maine, a warship that had been detached from the
+North Atlantic Squadron, and sent to Cuba to safeguard American citizens
+there, was destroyed by an explosion in the harbor of Havana, on
+February 15, 1898. There was no evidence connecting the destruction of
+the Maine with any person, but unscrupulous newspapers made capital out
+of it, using the catch-phrase, "Remember the Maine," to inflame a public
+mind already aroused by sympathy and indignation. After February, only a
+determined courage could have withstood the demand for intervention and
+a Spanish war.
+
+The negotiations with Spain continued rapidly in the two months after
+the loss of the Maine. McKinley avoided an arbitral inquiry into the
+accident, urged by Spain, but pressed increasingly for an end of
+concentration, for relief for the suffering population, and for full
+self-government. He did not ask independence for Cuba, and every demand
+that he made was assented to by Spain. Notwithstanding this, on April
+11, 1898, he sent the Cuban correspondence to Congress, urged an
+intervention, and turned the control of the situation over to a body
+that had for two years been clamoring for forcible interference. Nine
+days later Congress resolved, "That the people of the Island of Cuba
+are, and of right ought to be, free and independent." On April 21 the
+Spanish War began.
+
+The administrative branches of the Government had made some
+preparations for war before the declaration. The navy was small but
+modern. It dated from the early eighties, when Congress was roused to a
+realization that the old Civil War navy was obsolete and began to
+authorize the construction of modern fighting ships. The "White
+Squadron" took shape in the years after 1893. Only two armored cruisers
+were in commission when Harrison left office, but the number increased
+rapidly until McKinley had available for use the second-class
+battleships Maine and Texas, the armored cruiser Brooklyn, and the
+first-class battleships Iowa, Indiana, Massachusetts, and Oregon. From
+the beginning of the McKinley Administration these, as well as the
+lesser vessels of all grades, were diligently drilled and organized. The
+new Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt, had foreseen
+and hoped for war. He spent the contingent funds on target practice, and
+had the naval machine at its highest efficiency when the Maine was lost.
+On March 9, 1898, Congress, in a few hours, put $50,000,000 at the
+disposal of the President for national defense, and the navy spent its
+share of this for new vessels, transports, and equipment. The vessels in
+the Orient were mobilized at Hongkong under the command of Commodore
+George Dewey; the Oregon, on station in the Pacific, was ordered home by
+the long route around the Horn; the ships in the Atlantic were assembled
+off the Chesapeake. Part of the latter were organized as a flying
+squadron, for patrol, under Commodore Winfield Scott Schley, while
+toward the end of March Captain William T. Sampson was promoted over
+the heads of many ranking officers and given command of the whole North
+Atlantic Squadron, including the fleet of Schley.
+
+Congress debated a new army bill while the navy was being prepared for
+war. Not until April 22 did it permit the enlargement of the little
+regular army of 25,000. Until war had begun the volunteers, of whom some
+216,000 were taken into the service, could not be called out or made
+ready for the field. Some preparations were made within the War
+Department, but the little staff of clerks, used to the small routine of
+the peace basis, and having no plan of enlargement or mobilization
+worked out, made little headway. The navy was ready to strike the day
+war was declared, but the army had yet to be planned, recruited,
+clothed, drilled, and transported to the front. The men of the navy knew
+their duty and were ready for it; in the army thousands of civilians had
+to blunder through the duties of strange offices. William J. Bryan
+accepted the colonelcy in a Nebraska regiment. Theodore Roosevelt
+resigned his office in the Navy Department to raise a regiment of
+volunteer cavalry. Politicians struggled for commissions for themselves
+and friends. Civil War veterans fought for reappointment, and enough
+soldiers of the Confederacy put on the blue uniforms, or sent their
+sons, to show that the breach had been healed between the North and
+South. It was an enthusiastic rather than an effective army that was
+brought together in the two months after the war began.
+
+Cuba, the cause of the war and its objective, was the center of the
+scheme of strategy. The navy was called upon to protect the Atlantic
+seaboard from the fleet of Spain, which was reputed to be superior to
+that of the United States. It had also to maintain a blockade of Cuba
+and prevent the landing of reinforcements until the army could be
+prepared to invade the island. Dewey's fleet in the Pacific was ordered
+to destroy the Spanish naval force in the Philippine Islands, and moved
+immediately upon Manila when Great Britain issued her proclamation of
+neutrality and made it impossible to remain longer in her waters at
+Hongkong.
+
+On the morning of May 1 Dewey led his squadron past the forts, over the
+submerged mines, and up the channel of Manila Bay. The Spanish forces in
+the islands, already contending with a native insurrection, were
+helpless before evening, having lost the whole fleet. Dewey was left in
+a position to take the city when he chose, and sent home word to that
+effect. He waited in the harbor until an army of occupation had been got
+ready, hurried to the transports at San Francisco, and sent out under
+General Wesley Merritt. He brought the native leader Aguinaldo back to
+the islands, whence he had been expelled, to foment insurrection. The
+first American reinforcements arrived at Manila by the end of June. On
+August 13 they took the city.
+
+Before the news of the surprising victory at Manila reached the United
+States there was nervousness along the Atlantic Coast because of the
+uncertain plans of the main Spanish fleet, which had left the Cape Verde
+Islands, under Admiral Cervera, on April 29, and which might appear off
+New York or Boston at any time. The naval strategists knew it must be
+headed for the West Indies, but seaboard Congressmen begged excitedly
+for protection, and the sensational newspapers pictured the coast in
+ruins after bombardment.
+
+To Sampson and Schley was assigned the task of guarding the coast,
+keeping up the blockade, and finding Cervera's fleet before it reached a
+harbor in American waters. San Juan, Santiago de Cuba, Cienfuegos, and
+Havana were the only probable destinations. Sampson watched the north
+side of Cuba and Porto Rico, while Schley and the flying squadron moved
+to Key West, and on May 19 started around the west end of Cuba to patrol
+the southern shore. On that same day, entirely unobserved, Cervera
+slipped into the port of Santiago, at the eastern extremity of Cuba.
+When the rumor of his arrival reached Sampson at Key West, Schley was
+already well on his way and firm in his belief that Cervera was heading
+for Cienfuegos.
+
+The flying squadron, impeded by its colliers and its tenders, moved
+deliberately around Cuba to Cienfuegos, outside of whose harbor it
+remained for two days. Here Sampson's orders to proceed immediately to
+Santiago reached it. On May 26 the fleet was off the entrance to
+Santiago Harbor, and in this vicinity it stayed for two more days.
+Schley could get no news that Cervera was here; he feared that his coal
+would give out and that heavy seas would prevent his getting what coal
+he had out of his colliers. He decided, in spite of orders, to go back
+to Key West; he started a retrograde movement, reconsidered it, and was
+again on blockade when, early on Sunday morning, May 29, he discovered
+the Spanish fleet at anchor in the channel, where it had been for the
+last nine days.
+
+The blockade of Santiago was strengthened on June 1 by the arrival of
+Sampson, who had rushed thither on hearing that Schley had decided to
+leave the post. The two fleets were merged, and Schley, outranked by
+Sampson, became a passenger on his flagship Brooklyn. By day, the
+warships, ranged in a great half-circle, watched the narrow outlet of
+the harbor. By night they took turns standing close in, with
+searchlights playing on the entrance. For five weeks they kept this up,
+not entering the harbor because of their positive orders not to risk the
+loss of any fighting units, and waited for the arrival of an army to
+cooperate with them against the land defenses of Santiago.
+
+Sampson asked for military aid early in June, and on June 7 the War
+Department ordered the army that had been mobilized at Tampa to go to
+his assistance. General Nelson A. Miles, in command of the army, was not
+allowed to head the expedition, but was kept at home while General
+William R. Shafter directed the field work. At Tampa there was almost
+hopeless confusion. The single track railway that supplied the camp was
+unable to move promptly either men or munitions, the Quartermaster's
+Department sent down whole trainloads of supplies without bills of
+lading, and when the troops were at last on board the fleet of
+transports they were kept in the river for a week before they were
+allowed to start for Santiago. Sixteen thousand men, mostly regulars,
+with nearly one thousand officers and two hundred war correspondents,
+sailed on June 14, and were in conference with Sampson six days later.
+
+A misunderstanding as to strategy arose in this conference. Sampson left
+it believing that the army would land and move directly along the shore
+against the batteries that covered the entrance to the harbor. Shafter,
+however, though he issued no general order to that effect, was
+determined to march inland upon the city of Santiago itself. On June 22
+and 23 the army was landed by the navy, for it had neither boats nor
+lighters of its own. The first troops, climbing ashore at the railway
+pier at Daquiri, marched west along the coast to Siboney, and then
+plunged inland, each regiment for itself, along the narrow jungle trail
+leading to Santiago. Shafter himself, corpulent and sick, followed as he
+could. Before he established his control over the army on land the head
+of the column had engaged the enemy at Las Guasimas, nine miles from
+Santiago, on June 24. The First Volunteer Cavalry, under the command of
+Colonel Leonard M. Wood, with Theodore Roosevelt as lieutenant-colonel,
+had marched most of the night in order to be in the first fighting.
+After a sharp engagement the Spanish retired and the American advance
+upon Santiago continued in a more orderly fashion.
+
+The narrow trail between Siboney, on the shore, and Santiago, was some
+twelve miles long. There were dense forests on both sides. Along this
+the American army stretched itself at the end of June. There were few
+ambulances or wagons, and they could not have been used if they had been
+more numerous. Rations for the front were packed on mules or horses. The
+troops, hurried to the tropics in the heavy, dark, winter clothing of
+the regular army, suffered from heat, rain, and irregular rations.
+Before them the San Juan River crossed the trail at right angles. Beyond
+this were low hills carrying the fortifications, trenches, and wire
+fences of Santiago, behind which the Spanish force could fight with
+every advantage in its favor. Some five miles to the right of the line
+of advance was the Spanish left, in a blockhouse at El Caney. On the
+night before July 1, the American army moved on a concerted plan against
+the whole Spanish line.
+
+Lawton, with a right wing, moved against El Caney, with the idea of
+demolishing it and crumpling up the Spanish left. The main column
+followed the trail, crossed the San Juan River, and stormed the hills
+beyond. The fight lasted all day on July 1, leaving the American forces
+to sleep in the Spanish trenches, and to re-face them the next day.
+There was more fighting on July 2 and 3, after which Santiago was
+besieged by land, as it had been by sea since June 1.
+
+Cervera watched the invading army with growing desperation. He knew the
+inefficiency of his fleet, that it had left Spain unprepared because
+public opinion demanded immediate action, that its guns were lacking and
+its morale low, that if it stayed at anchor in the harbor it would be
+taken by the army, and that if it went to sea it would be annihilated
+by Sampson. His only chance was to rush out, scatter in flight, and
+trust to luck. On Sunday, July 3, he led his ships out of the harbor in
+single file, turned west against the Brooklyn, which guarded the
+American left, and endeavored to escape.
+
+Sampson had already issued orders for battle in case Cervera should come
+out. He had himself started with his flagship, the New York, for a
+conference with Shafter, and was some seven miles east of the entrance
+to the harbor when the fleet appeared and the battle began. He turned at
+once to the long chase that pursued the Spanish vessels along the Cuban
+shore. The Brooklyn, at which Cervera had headed, instead of closing,
+circled to the right, and nearly rammed her neighbor, the Texas, before
+she regained her place at the head of the pursuit. Schley was the
+ranking officer in the battle, but no one needed or heeded the orders
+that he signaled to the other ships. Before sundown the Spanish fleet
+was completely destroyed.
+
+The land and naval battles at Santiago brought the Spanish War to an
+end. For several weeks the army kept up the investment, with health and
+morale steadily deteriorating. On July 17 the Spanish army at Santiago
+was surrendered. On July 27 an invasion of Porto Rico under General
+Miles took place, and on August 12 the preliminaries of peace were
+signed on behalf of Spain by the French Minister at Washington. Manila
+fell the next day, and the war closed with the American army in
+possession of the most valuable of Spain's remaining colonies.
+
+The Spanish and American peace commissioners met in Paris in October to
+fix a basis for settlement. An American demand that Cuba should be set
+free, without debt, and left to the tutelage of the United States, and
+that Porto Rico should become an American possession, was formulated
+early in the autumn. There was less certainty about the retention of the
+Philippines, for here the desire for expansion was checked by a
+conservative opposition to the adoption of foreign colonies. The evil
+effects of imperialism were already being pictured by those who had
+opposed the war. The difficulties of returning the islands to Spain were
+greater than those involved in their retention, and McKinley finally
+determined that the cession must include the Philippine Archipelago, and
+the island of Guam in the Ladrones. The chief of the American
+commissioners was William R. Day, who had become Secretary of State
+early in the war, and who was succeeded in that post by John Hay. Under
+his direction the Treaty of Paris was signed December 10, 1898.
+
+The war and the conquest of the Philippines hastened another though
+peaceful expansion. The Hawaiian Islands had been a matter of interest
+to the United States since the American missionaries had begun to work
+there in the thirties. A growing, American, sugar-raising population had
+long hoped for annexation and had carried out a successful revolution
+shortly before 1893. Harrison had concluded a treaty of annexation with
+the provisional government, but Cleveland had refused to approve it. On
+July 7, 1898, however, the Newlands Resolution accomplished the
+annexation of the republic, and in 1900 a regular territorial government
+was provided for the group of islands. The spectacular journey of the
+Oregon around Cape Horn revived the demand for an isthmian canal.
+Expansion suddenly took possession of the American mind, and a new idea
+of duty, summed up by Rudyard Kipling in _The White Man's Burden_,
+filled a large portion of the press.
+
+The United States had suddenly passed from internal debate over free
+silver to war and conquest. At the end of 1898 the War Department, that
+had proved its inadequacy in nearly every phase of the war, was forced
+to develop a colonial policy for Porto Rico and the Philippines and to
+guide Cuba to independence. It was still under the direction of General
+Russell A. Alger, but was torn by dissension and criticism upon the
+conduct of the war. Not until Alger was asked to retire, in 1899, and
+Elihu Root, of New York, succeeded him, was the War Department made
+equal to its task.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The best account of the war with Spain is F.E. Chadwick, _Relations of
+the United States and Spain: Diplomacy_ (1909), and _Relations of the
+United States and Spain: The Spanish American War_ (2 vols., 1911).
+These works have in large measure superseded the earlier studies; J.M.
+Callahan, _Cuba and International Relations_ (1899); J.H. Latane, _The
+Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America_
+(1900:--so far as it relates to Cuba); H.E. Flack, _Spanish-American
+Diplomatic Relations preceding the war of 1898_ (in Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, vol. XXIV); and E.J. Benton, _International Law and
+Diplomacy of the Spanish-American War_ (1908). Useful narratives
+relating to the army are R.A. Alger, _The Spanish-American War_ (1901);
+H.H. Sargent, _The Campaign of Santiago de Cuba_ (3 vols., 1907); J.
+Wheeler, _The Santiago Campaign_ (1899); J.D. Miley, _In Cuba with
+Shafter_ (1899); and T. Roosevelt, _The Rough Riders_ (1899). The navy
+may be followed in J.D. Long, _The New American Navy_ (2 vols., 1903);
+E.S. Maclay, _History of the United States Navy_ (3 vols., 1901, the
+third volume containing allegations that precipitated the Schley-Sampson
+controversy); G.E. Graham, _Schley and Santiago_ (1902); W.S. Schley,
+_Forty-five Years under the Flag_ (1904); W.A.M. Goode, _With Sampson
+through the War_ (1899). The public documents of the war are easily
+accessible, especially in the Annual Reports for 1898 of the Secretaries
+of War and Navy, and in the Foreign Relations volume for that year. The
+controversies after the war illuminated many details, particularly the
+Schley Inquiry (57th Congress, 1st Session, House Document, no. 485,
+Serial nos. 4370, 4371), and the Miles-Eagan Inquiry (56th Congress, 1st
+Session, Senate Document, no. 270, Serial nos. 3870-3872).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+THEODORE ROOSEVELT
+
+
+Out of the humiliating debates upon the war, on the capacity of Alger
+and Shafter, on the management of the commissary and the field
+hospitals, on the failure of Sampson and Shafter to cooperate, on the
+tactics and the alleged weakness of Schley, and on the diplomatic
+sincerity of McKinley, only one name caught the public ear. The only
+career that placed a soldier in line for political promotion was that of
+Theodore Roosevelt, who was still under forty years of age, although he
+had lived a keen, aggressive, and public life for nearly twenty years.
+Just out of Harvard in 1880, Roosevelt entered the rough and tumble of
+New York politics. He was a reform legislator when Cleveland was
+governor, and an opponent of the nomination of Blaine in 1884. He did
+not fight the ticket or turn Mugwump, for he had already formed a
+political philosophy, that only those who stayed within the party could
+be efficient in reform; but he dropped out of the ranks and took up
+ranch life in the West. Harrison made him a Civil Service Commissioner
+and supported him in a stern administration of the merit system. Before
+he left this office in 1895, to become Police Commissioner of New York
+City, the breezy and vigorous assaults of Roosevelt upon political
+corruption had already marked him as a reformer of a new type, who
+remained an active politician and a party man without losing his
+interest in reform. As police commissioner he gained new fame and more
+admirers. In 1897 he took the post of Assistant Secretary of the Navy
+and prepared for war. He had already found time to write many books on
+the West, reform, naval history, and outdoor life. He resigned his post
+in April, 1898, on the eve of war, raised a regiment of volunteers,
+which the public speedily named the "Rough Riders," kept his men in the
+center of the stage while there was fighting, risked and violated all
+theories of discipline to attack the sanitary policy of the
+Administration in the autumn, and in October received the nomination of
+his party for Governor of New York, over the ill-concealed opposition of
+Thomas Collier Platt.
+
+During the campaign of 1898 Roosevelt carried his candidacy to the voter
+in every part of the State. He spoke from rear platforms day after day.
+Rough Riders, in uniform, accompanied his party and reinforced his
+appeal to mixed motives of good government and patriotic fervor. He was
+elected in November, and on the same day the Republican control of
+Congress was assured. It was made possible for the party to fulfill the
+last of the obligations laid upon it by the election of 1896.
+
+A currency act, passed in March, 1900, was the result of Republican
+success. It established the gold dollar by law as the standard of value,
+legalized the gold reserve at $150,000,000, and made it the duty of the
+Treasury to keep at a parity with gold the $313,000,000 of Civil War
+greenbacks, the $550,000,000 of silver and silver certificates, the
+$75,000,000 of Sherman Act treasury notes, as well as the national bank
+notes, which aggregated $300,000,000 in 1900. The law left the currency
+far from satisfactory in that it made it dependent upon redemption, and
+hence liable to sudden changes in value, but it silenced the fear of
+free-silver coinage.
+
+In the spring of 1900 Congress was forced to consider the basis of
+colonial government. Governments similar to those of the Territories
+were provided for Hawaii and Porto Rico, but a troublesome revolt
+prevented such treatment of the Philippine Islands. There had been a
+native insurrection in these islands before the Spanish War began, and
+the aid of the rebels had made it easier for the United States to
+overthrow the power of Spain. Instead of receiving a pledge of
+independence, as Cuba did, the islands became a territorial possession
+of the United States. In February, 1899, under the native leader, Emilio
+Aguinaldo, insurrection broke out against the United States and received
+the sympathy of large numbers of Americans. The spectacle of the United
+States subduing a spirit of independence in the Philippines aroused and
+stimulated the movement of anti-imperialism that had fought against the
+acquisition of the islands. The incompatibility of republican
+institutions and foreign colonies, the demoralizing influence of ruling
+on the ruling class, the lesson of the fall of Rome, were held up before
+the public. Carl Schurz was one of the leaders in the protest, and his
+followers included many whose names were already well known in the
+advocacy of tariff and civil service reform. In 1901 the Supreme Court
+upheld the constitutionality of expansion and imperial control. The
+people had already decided in their favor in 1900.
+
+There was no contest for either nomination in the campaign of 1900.
+Bryan had established his right to the leadership that had come to him
+by chance in 1896. Although conservative Democrats still distrusted him,
+their voices were drowned by the popular approval of his honesty and
+humanity. "Four years ago," said Altgeld, in the Democratic Convention
+at Kansas City, "we quit trimming, we quit using language that has a
+double meaning.... We went forth armed with that strength that comes
+from candor and sincerity and we fought the greatest campaign ever waged
+on the American continent.... [For] the first time in the history of
+this Republic the Democracy of America have risen up in favor of one
+man." On a platform that repeated the currency demands of 1896 and
+denounced imperialism, Bryan was unanimously renominated, with Adlai E.
+Stevenson for the Vice-Presidency.
+
+The emphatic denunciation of imperialism brought to Bryan and Stevenson
+the support of a group of independents,--the "hold-your-nose-and-vote"
+group, as the Republican press called them,--who were strong for the
+gold standard, but believed that currency was less fundamental than
+imperialism. The Republican party had accepted and approved the war and
+the benevolent intentions of the United States, and had renominated
+McKinley at Philadelphia, without a dissenting voice. Vice-President
+Hobart had died in office, or the original ticket might have been
+continued. As a substitute, rumor had attacked the name of Governor
+Roosevelt, while Senator Platt, preferring not to have him reelected
+Governor of New York, had encouraged his boom for the Vice-Presidency.
+Repeatedly, in the spring of 1900, Roosevelt declared that he would not
+seek or accept the Vice-Presidency. Hanna and McKinley did not desire
+him on the ticket, but at the convention the delegates broke down all
+resistance and forced him to accept the nomination.
+
+The policy of dignity, which McKinley had assumed in 1896, was continued
+by him in 1900, but the vice-presidential candidate proved the equal of
+Bryan as a campaigner. In hundreds of speeches, reaching nearly every
+State, they carried their personality to the voters. The two issues,
+imperialism and free silver, divided the voters along different lines,
+but the Administration had an economic basis for support in the recovery
+of business on every hand. The Republicans took credit for the general
+and abundant prosperity, and their cartoonists emphasized the idea of
+the "full dinner pail" as a reason for continued support. A smaller
+percentage of citizens voted than in 1896, for the issue was less clear
+than it had been then. Many who were discontented with both candidates
+voted with the Prohibitionists or Socialists. The Republican ticket was
+elected, with 292 electoral votes, as against 155 received by Bryan and
+Stevenson. A continuance of the Republican control of Congress was
+assured at the same time.
+
+William McKinley was the first President after Grant to receive a second
+consecutive term. He made few changes in his Cabinet in 1901. Elihu Root
+remained in the War Department, for the sake of which he had refused to
+consider the Vice-Presidency, and strove for order in the Philippines,
+in Cuba, and in the United States Army itself. John Hay, as Secretary of
+State, continued his correspondence with the Powers over the Chinese
+revolt, without a break.
+
+Only Seward and John Quincy Adams can rival John Hay as successful
+American Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Born in the Middle West in 1838,
+Hay served in Lincoln's household as a private secretary throughout the
+Civil War. He held minor appointments after this and alternated
+diplomatic experience with literary production. The monumental _Life of
+Abraham Lincoln_ was partly his work. His graceful verse gained for him
+a wide reading. His anonymous novel, _The Breadwinners_, was an
+important document in the early labor movement. McKinley sent him to
+London as Ambassador in 1897, following the tradition that only the best
+in the United States may go to the Court of St. James, and had recalled
+him to be Secretary of State in the fall of 1898. The Boxer outbreak in
+China in 1900 gave the first opening to the new diplomacy of the United
+States, broadened out of its insularity by the Spanish War and
+interested in the attainment of international ideas. Hay led in the
+adjustment which settled the Chinese claims, opened the door of China
+to the commerce of the world, and prevented her dismemberment. He was
+still engaged in this correspondence when President McKinley was
+murdered by an anarchist, and Theodore Roosevelt became President of the
+United States, September 14, 1901.
+
+In the hurried inaugural ceremony held in the Buffalo residence in which
+McKinley died, Roosevelt declared his intention to continue the term as
+his predecessor had begun it. He insisted that all the members of the
+Cabinet should remain with him, as they did for considerable periods. He
+took up the work where it had been dropped, and for some months it was
+not apparent that a change had been made from a party administration to
+a personal administration. The suave and cordial tolerance of McKinley
+was succeeded by the aggressive certainty of his successor. Through John
+Hay's skillful hand this new tone made a deeper impression on the
+politics of the world than had that of any President since Washington
+gave forth the doctrine of neutrality.
+
+Cuba was a pending problem. The American army, under General Leonard
+Wood, had cleaned up the island. The medical service had learned to
+isolate the mosquito, and had expelled the scourge of yellow fever. The
+natives formed a constitution which became effective on May 20, 1902. On
+this day the United States withdrew from the new Republic, leaving it to
+manage its own affairs, subject only to a pledge that it would forever
+maintain its independence, that it would incur no debt without providing
+the means for settling it, and that the United States might lawfully
+intervene to protect its independence or maintain responsible
+government. In the winter of 1901-02 Roosevelt urged Congress to adopt a
+policy of commercial reciprocity with Cuba. He was supported in this by
+opinion in Cuba, and by officials of the American Sugar Trust, but was
+opposed in the Senate by a combination of beet-sugar Republicans and
+cane-sugar Democrats. The measure failed in 1902, creating bad feeling
+between President and Congress, but a treaty of modified reciprocity was
+ratified in 1903.
+
+In 1902 the United States became the first suitor to test the efficacy
+of the new court of arbitration at The Hague. In 1898 the Czar of Russia
+had invited the countries represented at St. Petersburg to join in a
+conference upon disarmament. His motives were questioned and derided,
+but the conference met the next summer at Huis ten Bosch, the summer
+palace of the Queen of the Netherlands, at The Hague. Here the plan of
+disarmament proved futile, but a great treaty for the settlement of
+international disputes was accepted by the countries present. It seemed
+probable that the Hague Court, thus created, would die of neglect, but
+President Roosevelt, appealed to by an advocate of peace, produced a
+trifling case and submitted it to arbitration. The Pious Fund dispute,
+with Mexico and the United States as suitors, involved the control of
+church funds in California. The suit was won by the United States, but
+derived its chief importance from being the first Hague settlement.
+
+The pledge of the United States for Cuban independence had hardly been
+fulfilled when another Latin Republic became involved in trouble.
+Venezuela, torn by war, had incurred obligations to European creditors,
+and had defaulted in the payments upon them. In December, 1902, Great
+Britain and Germany announced a blockade of the Venezuelan ports in
+retaliation, and they were soon joined by other Powers with similar
+claims. Disclaiming intent to protect Venezuela in defaulting, Roosevelt
+urged the European claimants to abandon force for arbitration. Under his
+leadership joint commissions were finally established, and in 1903 the
+legal technicalities involved were sent to The Hague. The episode
+involved a new interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine, making it clear
+that unless the United States wished to protect the South American
+Republics in the evasion of their debts it must assume some
+responsibility for the honest settlement of them.
+
+The boundary of Alaska next became a subject for arbitration. Since the
+valley of the Yukon had attracted its first great migration in the
+summer of 1897 the mining-camps had steadily increased in importance.
+Many of these were on the Canadian side of the meridian of 141 deg., and
+all were reached either by the river steamers or the trails from the
+south. The most important ports of entry were Dyea and Skaguay, at the
+head of the Lynn Canal, a long fiord projecting some ninety miles into
+the continent. From these ports the prospector plunged inland, climbed
+the Chilkoot or the Chilkat Pass, and followed one of several overland
+trails to the Upper Yukon.
+
+The importance given to Dyea and Skaguay revived the question of their
+ownership and with this the boundary of Alaska. When Seward bought
+Alaska for the United States in 1867 he received it with the boundaries
+agreed upon at St. Petersburg between England and Russia in 1825. These
+followed the meridian of 141 deg. from Mount St. Elias to the Arctic
+Ocean, and followed the irregularities of the shore-line southeast from
+that mountain to the Pacific at 54 deg. 40', North Latitude. The narrow
+coast strip was described as following the windings (_sinuosites_) of the
+shore, bounded by the shore mountains if possible, but in no case to be
+more than thirty miles wide. The narrow Lynn Canal pierces the
+thirty-mile strip, and the dispute turned chiefly upon interpretation:
+whether the canal should be regarded as a _sinuosite_ of the shore,
+around which the boundary must go, or as a stream which it might
+properly cross.
+
+For thirty years after 1867 the British and Canadian government maps
+treated the Lynn Canal and other similar fiords as American, but it
+became convenient for Canada, after 1897, to urge that the boundary
+should cross the canal and leave Dyea and Skaguay on British soil. A
+Canadian and American Joint High Commission, meeting in 1898, had been
+unable to adjust the controversy. In 1903 it was submitted to a
+tribunal, three to a side, which sat in London. It was doubtful whether
+the three American adjudicators, Root, Lodge, and Turner, were all
+"jurists of repute," as the treaty provided, but the arguments of the
+American counsel convinced Lord Chief Justice Alverstone, one of the
+British adjudicators, and his vote, added to the American three, gave a
+verdict that sustained most of the claims of the United States.
+
+In Cuba and Venezuela, at The Hague, and in the Alaskan matter,
+Roosevelt and Hay showed at once a firmness and a reasonableness that
+attracted European attention to American diplomacy as never before. The
+subject of American diplomacy became a common study in American
+universities. England and Germany appeared to be desirous of
+conciliating the United States. The German Emperor bought a steam yacht
+in the United States, sent his brother, Prince Henry of Prussia, to
+attend the launching, and sent as Ambassador a German nobleman who had
+long been a personal friend of the President. The reputation for
+firmness was enhanced, but that for fairness was lessened by the next
+episode, which involved the Colombian State of Panama.
+
+The dangerous voyage of the Oregon in 1898 completed the conviction of
+the United States that an isthmian canal must be constructed, and that
+the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty was no longer adequate. The activity of De
+Lesseps and his French company at Panama had raised the question about
+1880, but nothing had been done to weaken the treaty that obstructed
+American construction and control until Hay undertook a negotiation
+under the direction of McKinley in the fall of 1899. Congress was in the
+midst of a debate over a Nicaragua canal scheme when it was announced
+that on February 5, 1900, Hay and Lord Pauncefote had signed a treaty
+opening the canal to American construction, but providing for its
+neutralization. The treaty forbade the fortification of the canal or its
+use as an instrument of war. It was killed by amendment in the Senate,
+but on November 18, 1901, Lord Pauncefote signed a second treaty, by
+which Great Britain waived all her old rights save that of equal
+treatment for all users of the canal, and left the future waterway to
+the discretion of the United States. With the way thus opened,--for the
+Senate promptly confirmed this treaty,--a new study of routes and
+methods was hurried to completion.
+
+An Isthmian Commission, created by the United States in 1899, was ready
+to report upon a route when the second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty was
+concluded. The practicable routes had been reduced in number to two, at
+Panama, and through Nicaragua. The former was under the control of the
+French company, which placed so high a price upon its concession that
+the commission recommended the Nicaragua route as, on the whole, more
+available. In Congress there was a strong predisposition in favor of
+this same route, but during 1902 this was weakened. Senator Hanna
+preferred the Panama route and worked effectively for it. The French
+Panama Company, frightened by the popularity of the Nicaragua route,
+reduced its price. The earthquake and volcanic eruption on the Island of
+Martinique reminded the world that Nicaragua was nearer the zone of
+active volcanic life, and hence more exposed to danger, than Panama. In
+June Congress empowered the President to select the route and build a
+canal at once.
+
+Negotiations with Colombia for the right to build at Panama dragged on
+through 1902 and 1903. Weakened by continuous revolution, that Republic
+realized that the isthmian right of way was its most valuable asset.
+Only after prolonged discussion did its Government authorize its
+Minister at Washington to sign a treaty reserving Colombian sovereignty
+over the strip, but giving to the United States the canal concession in
+return for $10,000,000 in cash and an annuity of $250,000. This treaty
+was signed in Washington in January, 1903, and was received as a triumph
+for the diplomacy of Hay and Roosevelt. It was ratified in March by the
+Senate, in spite of a last filibuster by the friends of Nicaragua, but
+the Colombian Congress rejected the treaty and adjourned.
+
+By the autumn of 1903 Roosevelt had determined upon the route at Panama,
+the French company had become eager to sell, and the Colombians living
+on the Isthmus were anxious to have the negotiations ended and the
+digging begun. In October the President wrote to an intimate friend
+hoping that there might be a revolt of the Isthmus against Colombia,
+though disclaiming any intent to provoke one. The friend made the wish
+public over his own name, but before it appeared in print the revolt had
+taken place. It was known in advance to the State Department, which
+telegraphed on November 3, 1903, asking when it was to be precipitated.
+It took place later on this day, the independence of the Republic of
+Panama was proclaimed, the United States prevented Colombia from
+repressing it by force, recognized the new Republic by cable, and on
+November 18 signed at Washington a treaty with Panama granting the canal
+concession. "I took Panama," boasted President Roosevelt some years
+later, when critics denounced his policy as a robbery of a weak
+neighbor.
+
+The construction of a canal proceeded rapidly, once the diplomatic
+entanglements had been brushed away. The incidental problems of
+sanitation, labor, supplies, and engineering were solved promptly and
+effectively. Congress poured money into the enterprise without
+restraint, the first boats were passed through the locks in 1914, and in
+1915 the formal opening of the canal was celebrated by a naval
+procession at the Isthmus and an Exposition at San Francisco.
+
+Vigor and certainty of purpose marked the conduct of domestic affairs as
+well as foreign, but the necessity for the concurrence in these by
+Congress made the former results less striking than the latter. The
+appointments of President Roosevelt were such as might be expected from
+one who had himself devoted six years to the Civil Service Commission.
+Few of them met with opposition from the reform element. In the South he
+became involved with local public opinion, especially in the cases of a
+negro postmistress at Indianola, Mississippi, and the negro collector of
+the port of Charleston, in which he maintained that although federal
+appointments ought generally to go to persons acceptable in their
+districts, the door of opportunity must not be shut against the negro.
+Within a few weeks of his inauguration he precipitated a severe
+discussion upon the status of the negro by entertaining Booker T.
+Washington at the White House. He disciplined Republican leaders in the
+South who endeavored to exclude negroes from the party organization and
+to build up a "lily-white" Republican machine.
+
+The administrative duties of the United States expanded rapidly after
+the Spanish War. The extension of scientific functions beginning in the
+eighties continued until the volume of work forced the creation of new
+offices. Federal civil employees numbered 107,000 in 1880, 166,000 in
+1890, 256,000 in 1900, and 384,000 in 1910. Among the newer scientific
+activities was included that of the reclamation of the arid or semi-arid
+lands of the Southwest.
+
+The region between the Missouri River and the Sierra Nevada had been
+regarded as uninhabitable since the days of Pike. Known as the "American
+Desert," it figured in the atlases as a place of sand and aridity, and
+became the home chosen for the Indian tribes between 1825 and 1840.
+Under the influence of migration to Oregon and California the real
+character of the Far West became known, but not until the continental
+railways were finished did many inhabitants enter it. In 1889 and 1890
+the "Omnibus" States were admitted, embracing all the northwest half of
+the old desert. Utah followed in 1896. Arizona and New Mexico and
+Oklahoma developed rapidly after 1890 and were all demanding statehood
+in 1902.
+
+The advance of population into the Far West revealed the existence of
+large areas in which an abundant agriculture could be produced through
+irrigation. Private means were inadequate for this and the land laws
+discouraged it. A demand for federal reclamation appeared in the
+eighties. In 1889 a survey of available sites for reservoirs was made by
+government engineers, and in 1902 Roosevelt cooperated with the
+Far-Western Congressmen in securing the passage of the Newlands
+Reclamation Act. By this bill the proceeds of land sales in the arid
+States became a fund to be used by the reclamation service for the
+construction of great public irrigation works. In the succeeding years
+dams, tunnels, and ditches were undertaken that were rivaled in
+magnitude only by the railroad tunnels at New York and the excavations
+at Panama.
+
+The aggressive assurance with which the Roosevelt Administration handled
+the problems of diplomacy and administration created for the President a
+wide and unusual popularity, which was strongest in the West. Many
+critics, also, were created, who distrusted personal influence when
+injected into government, and who doubted the solidity of Roosevelt's
+judgment. Personal altercations, in which the President was often the
+aggressor, were numerous. Among professional politicians dislike was
+mingled with fear because the President had established personal
+relations immediately with their constituents. Under President McKinley
+the state delegations in Congress had controlled the appointive federal
+offices of their States, and had been secure in their personal standing;
+under Roosevelt their control of appointments was less secure. When
+matters of legislation were taken up, this dissatisfaction among
+members of Congress was a serious obstacle to the attainment of
+constructive laws.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+After the Spanish War the secondary materials for the history of the
+United States become fragmentary and unsatisfactory. Peck, Andrews, and
+J.H. Latane, _America as a World Power, 1897-1907_ (in _The American
+Nation_, vol. 25, 1907), are the best general guides. The facts of
+campaigns are contained in E. Stanwood's second volume,--_History of the
+Presidency from 1897 to 1909_ (1912, with an appendix containing the
+platforms of 1912), but the Annual Cyclopaedia stopped publication after
+1902, and left no good successor. The various year-books should be
+consulted, and the files of the magazines, which steadily improve in
+historical value: _Nation_, _Harper's Weekly_, _Collier's Weekly_,
+_Independent_, _Outlook_, _Literary Digest_, and the _Review of
+Reviews_. Articles in these and other periodicals, dealing with episodes
+occurring after 1898, may be reached through Poole's Indexes. _The
+American Journal of International Law_ and the _American Political
+Science Review_ are typical of the new technical periodicals. Extensive
+contributions to the history of international arbitration have been made
+by F.W. Holls, J.B. Scott, and W.I. Hull. There is, of course, no
+critical biography of Theodore Roosevelt, although there are numerous
+panegyrics by F.E. Leupp, J.A. Riis, J. Morgan, and others, and some
+autobiographical papers which appeared first in the _Outlook_ (1913),
+and later as _Fifty Years of My Life_ (1913). The later Messages of
+McKinley and those of his successors are scattered among the government
+documents, which are to be found in many libraries. _The Second Battle_
+(1900), by W.J. Bryan, is autobiographic, as is A.E. Stevenson,
+_Something of Men I Have Known_ (1909).
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+BIG BUSINESS
+
+
+The panic of 1893 ended the first period of the trust problem. The
+preceding years had been years of formation and experiment. They had
+been accompanied by an increasing popular distaste for combinations of
+capital and a growing activity in the organization of labor. The Sherman
+Law of 1890 had temporarily quieted the anti-trust movement, while
+economic depression had checked the extravagance of speculation that had
+been prevalent everywhere. During the years of depression attention was
+shifted to tariff and currency, but a new era began with the recurrence
+of prosperity about 1897.
+
+The industrial revival was marked by an extension of the scope of
+industry, as every similar period had been. After the panic of 1837 the
+railroad had appeared among the important new activities of American
+society. Improvements in manufacturing technique followed the panic of
+1857. After 1873 the varied applications of electricity to industry and
+communication gave a new direction to investment. After 1893, with every
+preceding activity stimulated and extended, there came the first
+successful construction of a trackless engine--the motor-car--and the
+rebuilding of the physical plants of cities, railways, and suburban
+residences. The recovery of confidence came after 1896, and before the
+end of the century speculation was at full blast.
+
+The drift toward monopoly was marked. The trusts had already shown their
+profitable character. Concentration had been made possible by the
+development of communication in the eighties, and grew now on a larger
+scale than the eighties had imagined. Within the field of transportation
+the promoters reorganized the railroads after the panic, reduced their
+number, and gathered their control into the hands of a few men.
+
+The railway system by 1900, with 198,000 miles of track, was directed by
+a few powerful groups of roads. In the East the New York Central and
+Pennsylvania systems were dominant. In the West the continental railways
+formed the basis of new organizations. The keenest interest gathered
+round the reconstruction of the Union Pacific by Edward H. Harriman, who
+reorganized its finances after 1897. The Union Pacific had been forced
+into combination by its location and its neighbors. Running from Omaha
+to Ogden it was dependent for through traffic upon the Central Pacific
+that ran from Ogden to San Francisco. When the latter came under the
+control of the California capitalists who owned the Southern Pacific
+lines, the Union Pacific was driven to build or buy outlets of its own,
+and extended into Oregon and Texas as the result. Jay Gould had begun
+the consolidation in the eighties and Harriman continued it after the
+panic of 1893. He rebuilt the main line and improved the value and
+credit of his property. In 1901 his road borrowed money with which to
+buy a controlling interest in the Central Pacific and Southern
+Pacific--the Huntington lines,--and thereafter the Harriman system, with
+two complete railroads from the Mississippi to the Pacific, was beyond
+the reach of hostile competition.
+
+The Interstate Commerce Law of 1887 stimulated combination among the
+railroads, since it made pools and rate agreements illegal. The
+alternative to such agreements was destructive competition, since no two
+lines were of exactly equal strength. To avoid this, the stronger lines
+bought or leased the weaker, with which they might not cooperate, but
+which they might buy outright. Harriman, successful with his
+Southwestern system, tried in 1901 to buy the Northern Pacific, too, and
+came into direct conflict with another group of railway owners.
+
+The Northern Pacific had been supplemented after 1893 by the Great
+Northern, which James J. Hill had built without a subsidy. These two
+roads, and the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, covered the Northwest as
+Harriman's lines covered the Southwest. They were so placed that with
+common management they could be more effective than with rivalry. The
+owners of the Great Northern and the Burlington, James J. Hill and J.
+Pierpont Morgan, were on the verge of a general consolidation when
+Harriman tried to buy a control of the Northern Pacific. They struggled
+to retain it and succeeded, but their competition raised its stock to
+one thousand per share, causing a stock exchange panic on May 9, 1901.
+Only the speculators suffered by the panic, but public attention was
+drawn by it to the gigantic size of the combinations which held
+arbitrary control over nearly half the United States.
+
+Minor consolidations followed these in 1902 and 1903, but none aroused
+so much fear as the Northern Securities Company of New Jersey, the
+holding company in whose hands Hill and Morgan determined to put the
+control of their lines. The fate of any single company could be
+determined by the ownership of not over fifty-one per cent of its stock.
+If this was owned by another corporation, a similar proportion of the
+stock of the latter would control the whole. The holding company was a
+machine whereby capital could control property several times its bulk.
+The Governors of the Northwest States, alarmed at the monopolization of
+their railways, protested and started suits. It was claimed that this
+sort of merging of railroads was, after all, a conspiracy in restraint
+of trade. In March, 1902, President Roosevelt instructed his
+Attorney-General, Philander C. Knox, to test the Sherman Act of 1890,
+and bring suit under it for the dissolution of the Northern Securities
+Company. For several years after 1897 foreign affairs and big business
+had been dominant in the American mind, which had admired their bigness
+and activity, but now the social consequences of big business aroused
+the fears of the nation. In 1903 Congress passed the Elkins Law,
+forbidding railroads to give rebates to favored customers, and an
+Expedition Law, to make the wheels of justice move more rapidly when
+prosecutions under the Sherman and Interstate Commerce Laws were under
+way.
+
+Industrial consolidation, like that of the railways, began again in
+1897, and many of the new corporations assumed a type that marked an
+evolution for the trust. In the earlier period the aim of the trust had
+been to eliminate competition by gathering under a single control the
+whole of a given business. Oil, sugar, steel, whiskey, and tobacco were
+notable instances in which extreme consolidation had been reached.
+Competition changed its character as consolidation increased. It ceased
+to mean a struggle between rivals in the same trade, and came to mean a
+struggle between successive processes of manufacture. The mine-owner
+struggled for his profits with the smelter who used his ore. The smelter
+struggled with the steel manufacturer in the same way. Control of single
+industries left untouched this newer competition, but an integration of
+great groups of related processes promised to avoid it.
+
+In 1901 the greatest of the integrated trusts, the United States Steel
+Corporation, was created. The iron and steel industry had been expanding
+since the Bessemer and other commercial processes for the manufacture of
+steel had made it available for railway, bridge, and architectural
+construction. Andrew Carnegie, with his Pittsburg mills, was the most
+successful producer. His partnership controlled by 1901 about
+twenty-five per cent of the output of finished steel. He already
+included many related and successive processes, but now he allowed his
+works to be merged with those of his rivals into a large company. The
+resulting United States Steel Corporation owned and operated the ore
+deposits and the mines, the necessary coal fields, the local railways
+and freight steamers, the smelters and the blast furnaces, the rolling
+mills and the factories in which iron and steel were manufactured into a
+multitude of shapes for sale. With a New Jersey charter it was
+capitalized at $1,100,000,000, and drew attention to the industrial
+phase of the trust problem much as Harriman, Hill, and Morgan had drawn
+it to the railroads.
+
+Promotion of new trusts, with billions of aggregated capital, was the
+order of the day from 1897 to 1902. The fear of monopoly was speedily
+aroused, and in 1898 Congress created an Industrial Commission, whose
+nineteen volumes of reports contain the facts upon which the history of
+the trusts must be based. In the fall of 1899 there met in Chicago a
+great conference on the trusts, where business men, economists, and
+politicians discussed the economic and social possibilities of the
+movement. A willingness to hear and perhaps to rely on the judgment of
+experts was shown in the discussions over the trusts. It marked a change
+in the American attitude toward government. By 1902 the demand for a
+solution of the trust problem was heard repeatedly, but there was little
+agreement as to whether the trusts were good or bad, or whether they
+should be abolished, regulated, or owned outright by the Government. It
+was not even certain what powers the United States possessed to regulate
+general industry, but a group of Supreme Court cases suggested that the
+power could be found. In the Trans-Missouri Freight Case (1897), the
+Supreme Court declared that the Sherman Law applied to railway
+conspiracies, and in the Addystone Pipe Case (1898), a decision against
+an industrial combination, written by Circuit Judge William H. Taft, was
+upheld by the court of last appeal. The Northern Securities Case,
+started in 1902, was pushed to a successful end in 1904, when it became
+apparent that legal control could be exercised if Congress so desired.
+
+Labor followed the course of industry and transportation, becoming
+stronger and better united, and showing a keen jealousy of centralized
+control. The years of trust promotion were years of notable strikes and
+of episodes which drew attention to the social results of industrial
+concentration. Sometimes the trust had labor at a disadvantage, as was
+shown in the strike against the Steel Corporation by the Amalgamated
+Association in 1901. In 1892 this union had conducted a great strike
+against the Carnegie Works and had lost public sympathy and the strike.
+Its men had committed open violence, and an anarchistic sympathizer had
+tried to murder Carnegie's representative at Homestead, Henry C. Frick.
+In 1901 the strike affected the unionized mills of the Steel
+Corporation, but that trust had only to close down the mills involved
+and transfer pending contracts to other mills, remote and non-unionized.
+The strike collapsed because of the superior organization of the trust.
+
+More important than the steel strike in its effect upon the public was
+the strike of the miners in the anthracite coal fields of Pennsylvania.
+In 1900 these workers were organized by the United Mine Workers of
+America, under the leadership of John Mitchell. They gained concessions
+in a strike in this year, partly because the strike threatened to
+disturb political conditions and embarrass the Republican national
+ticket. The mine-owners, most of whom were Republicans, were persuaded
+by Hanna and others to end the quarrel.
+
+In the spring of 1902 the strike broke out again, turning largely upon
+the question of the formal recognition of the union. All through the
+summer John Mitchell held his followers together, gaining an unusual
+degree of public sympathy for his cause. In the autumn, with both sides
+obstinate, a third party, the public, took an interest in the strike.
+The prospect of a coalless winter alarmed political leaders and citizens
+in general. It was felt that public interest was superior to the claims
+of either contestant, but there was neither law nor recognized machinery
+through which the public could protect itself. At this stage, in
+October, 1902, President Roosevelt secretly reached the intention "to
+send in the United States Army to take possession of the coal fields" if
+necessary. He called the operators and Mitchell to a conference at the
+White House, spoke to them as a citizen upon their duty to serve the
+public, and with rising public opinion behind him and supporting him,
+forced the owners to consent to an arbitration of the points at issue.
+The men returned to work, pleased with the President, to whose
+interference they and the public owed industrial peace.
+
+In 1903 another miners' union, the Western Federation of Miners,
+conducted a great strike in the mines of Cripple Creek. Public opinion
+in Colorado knew no middle class. The miners and the operators
+represented the two chief interests of the section. Hard feeling and
+violence accompanied the strike. The malicious murder of non-union men
+added to the bitterness, which the presence of the militia and a series
+of arbitrary arrests could not allay. The strike was complicated by the
+presence among the workers of a strong element of Socialists, whose ends
+were political as well as economic. The leaders of the Federation, Moyer
+and Haywood, were Socialists, and for them the strike was only a
+beginning of political revolution. The strike lasted until the outraged
+citizens of Cripple Creek formed a vigilance committee and deported the
+chief agitators to Kansas.
+
+Socialism played an increasing part in labor discussions after 1897. A
+Socialist Labor party had presented a ticket and received a few votes in
+1892 and 1896, but socialism had not taken a strong hold on the American
+imagination. The swelling immigration that followed the new prosperity
+brought new life to socialism. In 1900 a Social Democratic party polled
+94,000 votes for Eugene V. Debs for President. In 1904, with the same
+candidate, it received 402,000 votes. Society was reorganizing amid the
+industrial changes, while the discontented classes were growing more
+coherent and constructive.
+
+President Roosevelt met the changes in transportation, industry, and
+labor with vigor. He invoked the Sherman Law against the Northern
+Securities Company. He brought suits against certain of the trusts
+which he stigmatized as the "bad trusts." Not all concentration, he
+urged, was undesirable. Capital, like labor, had its rights, but it must
+obey the law. Partly through his efforts Congress created in 1903 a new
+administrative department of Commerce and Labor. George B. Cortelyou
+became the first Secretary of this department. Through its Bureaus of
+Corporations and of Labor there was new activity in the investigation of
+the facts of the industrial movement.
+
+The vigor with which the President directed foreign relations,
+interfered in big business, and espoused the cause of labor produced a
+breach between him and many of the regular leaders of the party. Through
+two campaigns Marcus A. Hanna had worked on the theory that the
+Republican party was the party of business, and had attracted to its
+support all who believed this or had something to make out of it. Many
+of these Republicans could not understand what Roosevelt was trying to
+do, and maintained an opposition, silent or open, to his policies.
+
+The popularity of Hanna was used by many Republicans to offset the
+popularity of Roosevelt. Before 1896 Hanna had taken little part in
+public politics. Entering the Senate in 1897, he developed great
+influence. By 1900 he began to speak in public with directness and
+effect, and to undo the work of the cartoonists who had misrepresented
+his character. He interfered to bring peace in the anthracite regions in
+1900, became interested in the labor problem on its own account, and
+discovered that he was popular. He was essentially a direct and honest
+man, who had had no reason to doubt that it was the chief end of
+government to conserve business. As he came into touch with public
+affairs he broadened, saw new responsibilities for capital, and had a
+new understanding of the wants of labor. The only personality that even
+threatened to rival that of Roosevelt in 1904 was that of "Uncle Mark"
+Hanna.
+
+Roosevelt had been made Vice-President to get rid of him in New York.
+The single life that stood between him and the White House was removed
+by an assassin, and as a President by accident he desired to establish
+himself and secure a nomination on his own account in 1904. By the
+summer of 1902 he appreciated the growing interest in the problems of
+capital and labor. A speaking tour in 1902 gave him a chance to demand a
+"square deal" for all, and the control of the trusts. From some sections
+of the West came the suggestion that the way to approach the trusts was
+through the tariff.
+
+The Dingley Tariff was unpopular with the Republican farmers of the
+Northwest, and for some years they tolerated it in silence as a test of
+party loyalty. In 1902 a liberal faction, controlled by Governor Albert
+B. Cummins, captured the Iowa convention and demanded a revision of the
+more extreme schedules. The belief that the tariff was the "mother of
+trusts" was spreading, and the Iowa idea gained wide acceptance. In
+Congress, in the session of 1902, the Republican organization had shown
+the stubbornness with which any opening in the tariff wall would be
+opposed.
+
+Cuba was set free in the spring of 1902, her government having been
+formed under the guidance of the United States. The duty to aid the
+young Republic, and in particular to mitigate the severities of the
+Dingley Tariff impressed the President, who used all his influence to
+get such legislation from Congress. He failed signally, raising only a
+new issue by his attempt to coerce Congress. His speeches in the summer
+showed a willingness to revise the tariff, while his interference in the
+coal strike in the autumn showed his willingness to oppose the ends of
+capital. How far he would go in breaking with the leaders of his party
+was unknown, but their disposition to "stand pat" and do nothing with
+the tariff was marked before the end of 1902.
+
+In 1902 it became a habit of Republican state conventions to demand the
+renomination of Roosevelt in 1904. Whatever his effect upon the party
+leaders, the rank and file liked him and believed in him, while his
+personal popularity among Democrats led many to think his strength
+greater than it was. His candidacy was formal and authorized, but his
+opponents hoped that Hanna might be induced to try to defeat him. In
+1903 the Ohio convention, with the consent of Hanna, approved the
+candidacy of Roosevelt, and early in 1904 the death of Hanna removed the
+last hope of Roosevelt's Republican opponents. The delegates went to a
+national convention in Chicago, for which the procedure had all been
+arranged at the White House, where it had been determined that Elihu
+Root should be temporary chairman, and that Joseph G. Cannon, the
+Speaker, should be permanent chairman. Through these the convention
+registered the renomination of Roosevelt and selected Charles W.
+Fairbanks, of Indiana, as Vice-President.
+
+In the Democratic party the forces that had dominated in 1896 and 1900
+had lost control. William Jennings Bryan, after two defeats, was not a
+candidate in 1904. He had become a lay preacher on political subjects,
+lecturing and speaking constantly in all parts of the United States, and
+reinforcing his political views in the columns of his weekly _Commoner_,
+which he founded after his defeat in 1900. Roosevelt had adopted many of
+his fundamental themes, but Bryan retained an increasing popularity as
+did the President, and, like the latter, had relations of doubtful
+cordiality with the leaders of his own party. The Cleveland wing of the
+Democrats still believed Bryan to be dangerous and unsound upon
+financial matters, and some of them made overtures to Cleveland to be a
+candidate for a third term himself. His emphatic refusal to reenter
+politics compelled the conservatives to find a new candidate. Judge
+Alton B. Parker, of New York, was their choice. The owner of the most
+notorious of the sensational newspapers, William Randolph Hearst,
+offered himself. Several other candidates were presented to the
+Democratic Convention at Chicago, but Parker received the nomination,
+over the bitter opposition of Bryan. When a doubt arose as to his status
+on the silver issue, Judge Parker telegraphed to the convention that he
+regarded "the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established."
+Bryan supported the ticket, Parker and Henry G. Davis of West Virginia,
+but without enthusiasm.
+
+There was no issue that clearly divided the parties in the campaign of
+1904. Roosevelt asked for an indorsement of his Administration and for
+approval of his general theory of a "square deal," but it was obvious
+that his party associates were less enthusiastic for reform than he, and
+that only his great personal popularity prevented some of them from
+withdrawing their support. The Bryan Democrats were drawn more toward
+Roosevelt than toward their own party candidate. It was clear that
+Parker represented, on the whole, the weight of conservatism, while
+Roosevelt embodied the spirit of progress, and that neither was typical
+of his party. Parker was driven by the progressive Democrats to insist
+upon a regulation of the trusts; Roosevelt acquiesced in the desire of
+the "stand-pat" Republicans and refrained from advocating a lowering of
+the tariff.
+
+The result of the election was proof of the public confidence in
+Roosevelt. He carried every State outside the South, and Missouri and
+Maryland besides. His popular vote was over 7,500,000, while his
+plurality over Parker was more than 2,500,000. In the last week of the
+canvass Parker charged that the trusts were supporting Roosevelt, and
+that the reform demands were only a pose. He pointed out that the
+Chairman of the Republican National Committee, who had succeeded Hanna,
+George B. Cortelyou, had been Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and thus
+in a position to examine the books of corporations. He hinted at a
+political blackmail of the trusts, and many of the papers that
+supported him were outspoken in their charges. An indignant denial of
+blackmail appeared over the President's signature the Saturday before
+election. Later investigation proved that many of the great corporations
+had, as usual, contributed to the campaign fund, and that Roosevelt had
+urged the railroad magnate, Harriman, to contribute toward the campaign
+in New York.
+
+As soon as the results of the election were known, Roosevelt answered a
+question that was on the lips of many. His three and a half years
+constituted his first term. He was now elected for a second term, and he
+characterized as a "wise custom" the limiting of a President to two
+terms. "Under no circumstances will I be a candidate for or accept
+another nomination," he declared.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The history of the recent trust movement may be followed in the writings
+upon the United States Steel Corporation by E.S. Meade and H.L. Wilgus.
+There is a detailed and gossipy _Inside History of the Carnegie Steel
+Company_ (1903), by J.H. Bridge. W.F. Willoughby has made searching
+analyses of Concentration and Integration, which may be found in the
+_Yale Review_, vol. VII, and the _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, vol.
+XVI. The prosecution of the Northern Securities Company brought out many
+typical facts of railroad consolidation, and is best described in B.H.
+Meyer, _A History of the Northern Securities Case_ (in University of
+Wisconsin Bulletin, no. 142). More general material upon these topics
+may be found in E.R. Johnson, _American Railway Transportation_ (1903,
+etc.); F.A. Cleveland and F.W. Powell, _Railway Promotion and
+Capitalization in the United States_ (1909, with an admirable
+bibliography); Poore's _Railroad Manual_; and the files of the
+_Commercial and Financial Chronicle_. The voluminous Report of the
+Industrial Commission (19 vols., Washington, 1900-02) is a storehouse of
+facts upon industry; labor conditions are illustrated in the Annual
+Reports of the United States Commissioner of Labor, who has also special
+reports upon individual strikes, including that at Cripple Creek in
+1903. The history of the campaign fund in 1904 was partially revealed in
+an investigation in 1912. H. Croly, _Marcus A. Hanna_, is invaluable for
+these years.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+THE "MUCK-RAKERS"
+
+
+Before Roosevelt was inaugurated for his second term, the national
+"revival," in which he and Bryan and other preachers of civic virtue had
+played the speaking parts, was sweeping over the country. The menace of
+the trusts was seen and exaggerated as railways, corporations, and labor
+availed themselves of the means of cooperation. The connection between
+the great financial interests and politics was believed to be dangerous
+to public welfare. All the mechanical reforms for the recovery of
+government by the people, that had been originated between 1889 and
+1897, were revived once more, and there was added to confidence in them
+a widespread belief in the existence of a malevolent, plundering class.
+
+It was not enough that the trust movement should be explained as an
+unavoidable development from modern communication. It was believed to
+constitute more than an economic evolution. The public was prone to
+place an ethical responsibility upon an individual or groups of
+individuals, and there came a series of revelations or exposures that
+appeared, in part, to fix the blame. All the old uprisings against
+boss-rule were revivified, and capitalistic control was placed upon the
+Index.
+
+Miss Ida M. Tarbell, an historical student who had gained an audience
+through popular and discriminating lives of Napoleon and Lincoln,
+published a history of the Standard Oil Company in _McClure's Magazine_
+during 1903. She showed conclusively the connection between
+transportation and monopoly in the oil industry, revealing the mastery
+of the tools of transportation, by rebates, by control of tank cars, or
+by pipe lines, that had enabled John D. Rockefeller to establish his
+great trust. She showed also the unlovely methods of competition, long
+common to all business, but magnified by their use in the hands of a
+monopoly to establish itself. "What we are witnessing," wrote Washington
+Gladden a little later, "is a new apocalypse, an uncovering of the
+iniquity of the land.... We have found that no society can march
+hellward faster than a democracy under the banner of unbridled
+individualism."
+
+Three years before Miss Tarbell displayed the tendency of the trusts,
+President Hadley, of Yale, had suggested that social ostracism, or
+social stigma, might be made an efficient tool for reform. Other writers
+used the tool. Lincoln Steffens, in a series of articles on "The Shame
+of the Cities," exposed the connection between graft and politics.
+Thomas Lawson, with spectacular exaggeration, laid the troubles of
+society at the feet of "Frenzied Finance." _Collier's Weekly_ undertook
+to reveal the worthlessness and fraud in the trade in patent medicines.
+Many of the exposers encroached upon the fields of fiction in their
+work, while books of avowed fiction exploited the conditions they
+portrayed. _Coniston_, by Winston Churchill, was based upon the control
+of a State by a railroad boss. Upton Sinclair wrote _The Jungle_ to
+expose the meat-packers.
+
+A new journalism aided and was aided by the zeal to expose and the greed
+of the public for literature of exposure. In the later nineties city
+journalism was reorganized under the influence of the "yellow" papers,
+and sensational news was made a profitable commodity as never before.
+The range of the daily paper was, however, limited by a few hundred
+miles, and its influence could not become national. A new periodical
+literature, resembling the old literary monthlies, but using many timely
+and journalistic articles, sprang into life and gained national
+circulation and influence. S.S. McClure was one of its pioneers.
+_Everybody's_, the _Cosmopolitan_, _Munsey's_, the _American_, and
+weeklies like _Collier's_, the _Outlook_, and the _Independent_ were
+among the journals that helped to spread the conclusions and advocate
+reforms. Besides these a horde of imitators fattened for a time upon
+exposure.
+
+Journalism had a large part in directing the American revival, and
+private investigators furnished many of the facts. Public suits marked
+an attempt to act upon the facts and remedy them. In Missouri Joseph W.
+Folk conducted a series of prosecutions against grafters in St. Louis
+that elevated him in a few months to the head of his party and the
+governorship of his State. The Bureau of Corporations, attached to the
+new Department of Commerce and Labor in 1903, made a series of reports
+the most notable of which showed that the charges against the Standard
+Oil Company for extorting rebates, and against the meat-packers for
+unsanitary conditions, were founded upon fact.
+
+The most notable public exposure of indiscretion and wrongdoing in high
+finance occurred in New York. Here, during 1905, a quarrel over the
+management of the Equitable Life Insurance Company led to a legislative
+investigation by a so-called Armstrong Committee. One of the attorneys
+employed by the committee, Charles E. Hughes, soon became the spirit of
+the examination. One by one he called insurance officers to the witness
+stand, and drew from their reluctant lips the story of their relation to
+banking, to speculative finance, and to politics. He revealed the
+existence of a group among the bankers not unlike a money trust. He
+proved that for at least three national campaigns the insurance
+companies, like other corporations, had given heavy subsidies to the
+campaign funds, sometimes of both but always of the Republican party.
+
+Whenever an investigator rose above the level and established his
+reputation for honesty and competence, the aroused public seized upon
+him for use in politics. In September, 1906, the Democrats of New York
+nominated the most successful of the sensational journalists, Hearst,
+for governor. On the same day the Republican Convention, in which no
+delegate had been instructed for him, nominated Hughes as governor of
+New York, because public opinion in the party would take no other
+candidate. Hughes was elected in 1906 and again in 1908, in spite of the
+hostility of Republican party leaders. His administrations were
+prophetic of the new spirit that was entering politics.
+
+Many of the problems raised by the investigations were old and presented
+only a need for an honest enforcement of the law against law-breakers.
+Others were simple and prescribed their own methods of treatment. The
+evil of corporation contributions to campaign funds was met in 1907 by a
+law forbidding national banks to contribute to any election, or any
+corporations to contribute to a presidential or congressional election.
+In 1906 the gift of free railroad passes upon interstate railroads was
+prohibited by law. The presidential candidates in 1908 pledged
+themselves to publicity in the matter of contributions, while the
+complaints of poverty-stricken campaign managers in 1908 and 1912
+indicated that the laws were generally obeyed. Still other problems
+raised large questions of scientific investigation and legislation.
+
+The reaction from the carelessness revealed by the investigation of the
+meat-packers stimulated a pure-food movement that had had its advocates
+for many years. With the concentration of food manufacture and the
+increase in the consumption of "package products," the consumer had
+given up the preparation of his own food and thrown himself upon the
+dealer. The numerous domestic industries typical of the American family
+in 1880 had been sorted out. The sewing had gone to the sweat shop and
+the factory, the baking had gone to the public baker, the laundry was
+going, the killing and preservation of meat and the preparation of
+canned vegetables and fruits were nearly gone. Population followed the
+industries to work in the factories. Country life lost much of its
+variety and interest, while the congested masses in the cities were made
+dependent for their health and strength upon private initiative.
+Rigorous bills for the inspection of meats at the slaughter houses, and
+for the proper labeling of manufactured foods and medicines, were
+carried through Congress in 1906 on the strength of the popular
+revulsion against the manufacturers. Hereafter the Department of
+Agriculture stood between the people and their food. James Wilson, of
+Iowa, had been Secretary since 1897 and remained in the office until
+1913. He and his subordinates, notably Dr. Harvey Wiley, in charge of
+the pure-food work, administered the law amid the proddings of consumers
+and the protests of manufacturers. With much complaint, but with little
+difficulty because of the consolidation of control, business adjusted
+itself to the new requirements and labels in the next few years.
+
+The anti-railroad movement reminded the public that the Interstate
+Commerce Law of 1887 was an imperfect statute. It had always done less
+than its framers had intended. Judicial interpretation had limited its
+scope. The commission did not have power to fix a rate or to compel in
+the railroads the uniformity of bookkeeping without which no scientific
+rates could be established. After Roosevelt had directed his speeches of
+1903 and 1904 to the subject, Congress responded to the public interest
+thus aroused with a flood of projected railroad bills. One of these
+passed the House of Representatives in 1905, but was held up in the
+Senate while a new investigation of interstate commerce, the most
+exhaustive since the Cullom investigation of 1885, was undertaken. In
+1906 the Hepburn Railway Bill was passed. In its chief provisions it
+gave the Interstate Commerce Commission power to fix rates and to
+prescribe uniform bookkeeping, and it forbade railways to issue free
+passes or to own the freight they carried. The long railroad debate was
+made notable by the speeches of a new Senator, Robert M. LaFollette, of
+Wisconsin, who had fought his way to the governorship on this issue and
+gone through a prolonged fight with the railroads of his own State. He
+insisted that public rate-making could not succeed without a preliminary
+physical valuation of the roads that would show the extent of their real
+capitalization. He talked, often, to empty chairs in the Senate, but he
+prophesied that the people had a new interest in their affairs, and that
+many of the seats, vacant because of the indifference of their owners,
+would soon be filled with Senators of a new type. In vacations he spoke
+to public audiences on the same subject, reading his "roll-call," and
+telling the people how their representatives voted for or against
+commercial privilege. With its enlarged powers the Interstate Commerce
+Commission made rapid headway against rebates and discrimination.
+
+The popular revival was well advanced by 1905, but was becoming more
+sensational every month. Led on by an expectant public, the magazines
+manufactured exposures to supply the market, and hysteria often took the
+place of investigation. The real needs of reform were in danger of
+being lost in a flood of denunciation. In the spring of 1906 President
+Roosevelt spoke out to check the indiscriminate abuse. He drew his topic
+from Bunyan's "Man with the Muck-Rake," pointed out that blame and
+exposure had run its course, and demanded that enforcement of the law be
+taken up, and that efforts be turned from destruction to construction.
+He had done much himself to "arouse the slumbering conscience of the
+nation," and turned now to direct it toward a permanent advantage.
+
+The trend of criticism injured the party under whose administration
+corporate abuse had grown up. The personal popularity of Roosevelt, and
+his associates, Root, Taft, Knox, and Hughes, saved the party from
+defeat. In 1906 the congressional campaign was fought on the basis of
+holding on to prosperity, enforcing the law against all violators, and
+strengthening the hands of government. Roosevelt wrote the substance of
+the platform, and his party gained control of its sixth consecutive
+Congress since 1896. The canvass over, Roosevelt departed from an old
+precedent, left the territory of the United States, and visited the
+Isthmus of Panama to inspect the work on the canal.
+
+Six months after the signing of the Panama Treaty in 1903 the United
+States took possession of the Canal Zone and began to dig. It had to
+learn lessons of both management and tropical engineering. One by one
+its chief engineers deserted the enterprise. The choice between a
+sea-level and a lock canal divided the experts. The legislation by
+Congress was inadequate. In the spring of 1906 Roosevelt, with the
+approval of Taft, who had been recalled from the Philippines to be
+Secretary of War, determined to build a lock canal. The President
+tramped over the workings in November, 1906, and sent an illustrated
+message about them to Congress on his return. In 1907 Major George W.
+Goethals was detailed from the army to be benevolent despot and engineer
+of the Canal Zone. Inspired and encouraged by repeated visits from Taft,
+the work now made rapid progress toward completion. Sir Frederick
+Treves, the great English surgeon, visited the canal in 1908, and found
+there not only gigantic engineering works, but a triumph for the
+preventive medicine of Colonel William C. Gorgas, chief of the sanitary
+officers.
+
+The attention of the world, directed toward the United States since
+1898, was held by the canal and by a continuation of a vigorous and open
+diplomacy. In February, 1904, Russia and Japan, unable to agree upon the
+conduct of the former in Manchuria, had gone to war. Hostilities had
+continued until Russian prestige was shattered and Japanese finance was
+wavering. In June, 1905, the United States directed identical notes to
+the belligerents, offering a friendly mediation. The invitation was
+accepted, and during the summer of 1905 the envoys of Russia and Japan
+met in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to conclude a treaty of peace. In 1906
+the Nobel Committee awarded to Roosevelt the annual prize for services
+to peace.
+
+Relations with all the world were friendly between 1905 and 1909. Great
+Britain contributed to the cordiality by sending to the United States
+as her ambassador the best-fitted of her subjects, James Bryce. Under
+his tactful management the next five years were a period of
+unprecedented friendship. The South American republics, always sensitive
+about the headship of the United States, were brought to kindlier
+feelings. There had been two congresses of all the Americas, one in
+1889, at the instigation of Blaine, the next in Mexico in 1901. In 1906
+the American republics convened at Rio de Janeiro in July. Secretary of
+State Elihu Root made a plea for friendship before this congress. From
+Rio he went to other capitals of South America, achieving notable
+triumphs in his public speeches.
+
+The Pan-American Conference at Rio was an American preliminary to a
+larger meeting in which the United States played an important part in
+1907. During 1904 Roosevelt had agreed to start a movement for a second
+conference at The Hague. He took up the negotiation during the
+Russo-Japanese War, deferred it at the instance of the Czar, and then
+stood aside to let the latter issue the formal invitation. The American
+delegation at the Second Hague Conference was led by Joseph H. Choate,
+leader of the American Bar and former ambassador to Great Britain. It
+forced the discussion throughout the session, tried in vain to produce
+an agreement to abolish the right of capture of enemy property on the
+high seas in time of war, and helped to strengthen the permanent court
+of arbitration. In January, 1906, the United States had sat in
+conference at Algeciras, over the affairs of Morocco. It had mediated
+in the Oriental war. It had strengthened its position at home. It was no
+longer true that the United States was entirely disinterested in the
+affairs of Europe, for it had become a world power.
+
+A visible emblem of power was afforded to the world in 1907. Since the
+Treaty of Portsmouth there had been friction with Japan over the
+treatment of Japanese subjects on the Pacific Coast, and alarmists had
+drawn pictures of a possible war. Late in 1907 the President announced a
+practice voyage for the whole effective navy that would carry it around
+South America and into the Pacific. In December he reviewed the fleet,
+and saw it off from Hampton Roads. From the Pacific it was ordered round
+the world, visited Japan and China, and was received with keen interest
+everywhere. It came home early in 1909, having made a record for holding
+together without breakdown or accident.
+
+While the fleet was going round the world and business was adjusting
+itself to the new constructive laws, an old problem was formally ended.
+The tribal sovereignty, which had made the Indians a problem, was
+terminated. The Dawes Act of 1887 had substituted severalty for tribal
+landholdings among the Indians. Out of the first cessions which followed
+the act Oklahoma Territory had been made in 1890. This had developed
+more rapidly than any previous Territory because of the railroads that
+crossed it in every direction. By 1900 it demanded statehood. In 1906 it
+was enabled, and during 1907 it was admitted, with the longest and most
+radical of state constitutions. Fear of the activities of corporate
+wealth and distrust of the agents of government were written into nearly
+every article.
+
+In the spring of 1908 nearly all of the forty-six governors met with
+President Roosevelt in the White House and registered another problem
+upon which agitation and revelation had led to public reflection. The
+coal strikes of 1900 and 1902 had drawn attention to the possible
+relation of government to the coal supply of the people. The beginnings
+of reclamation in 1902 had revealed the fact that public reclamation was
+impeded by large private and corporate water rights. The natural
+resources of the country were seen to be following the course of all
+business and settling into the control of great corporations. The waste
+of coal and timber and water and land itself was unreasonable. The
+denudation of the hills led to terrible floods along the rivers. The
+future was being darkened by the organized selfishness of the present. A
+movement for conservation grew out of the conference of governors, but
+Congress for the present would not encourage it.
+
+In popular education, in initiation of new administrative policies, and
+in the passage of constructive laws efforts were being made to adjust
+government to the needs of modern industry and to safeguard society. The
+business interests affected by the changes obstructed the process when
+they could, and were intensified in their opposition by the series of
+prosecutions brought by Attorney-General Knox, and his successor Charles
+J. Bonaparte, under the Sherman Law. At no time in the earlier history
+of this law had there been a strong disposition to test its merit, and
+no one of the notorious trusts had been attacked before the Northern
+Securities case. In later years it was turned against the Standard Oil
+Company, the beef-packers, the Tobacco Trust, the Sugar Trust, and the
+United States Steel Corporation, while railways and smaller
+corporations, in great number, were prosecuted. The enforcement of the
+law aroused blind opposition among many of the victims, and stimulated
+queries as to whether or not any attempt to limit the size of business
+was sound public policy. The debate upon regulation, as against
+prohibition of trusts and monopolies, ran on with no sign of victory for
+either side of the argument. Personal hostility against the
+Administration for applying the law gave color to the last two years of
+Roosevelt's Administration.
+
+By 1907 there had been ten years of the prosperity that had begun with
+the election of McKinley. Finance had developed with industry and trade.
+The needs of corporations dealing in millions and hundreds of millions
+of capital had induced the consolidation of banks and the concentration
+of financial power in the hands of a small group of men. The holding
+companies were great aids in the furtherance of this concentration. J.
+Pierpont Morgan and John D. Rockefeller were best known as
+representative of the inner circle. Their speculations and investments
+were embarrassed by the weakening of public confidence. It was certain
+there would come a time when the whole surplus capital of the United
+States would be invested in permanent improvements. Such periods had
+followed eras of boom in 1837, 1857, and 1873. It was too probable that
+some accident occurring in the period of liquidation would create a
+panic. Suspicion had been directed against the controlling agents of
+business by the revelations of 1902-07. It was exaggerated by
+sensational journalism. It reached a climax in the fall of 1907 when a
+group of banks, reputed strong, failed through dishonesty and
+speculative management. The failure of the Mercantile National Bank and
+the suspension of the Knickerbocker Trust Company in New York brought
+the crisis on October 22, 1907. The loss to the public was lessened by
+resolute and sympathetic cooperation among the clearing-houses, Morgan,
+Rockefeller, and the United States Treasury, but a period of enforced
+economy was begun for all.
+
+The managers of big business attributed the panic to "Theodore the
+Meddler." They claimed that business was sound and honest, and the
+upheaval was caused by the agitation of demagogues. The President, they
+asserted, had destroyed confidence by his attack on the commercial
+class. Federal prosecutions, new laws, and the enforcement of
+inquisitorial pure-food regulations had made it impossible for business
+to live. "Let us alone," they cried.
+
+They convinced only themselves, a small minority of the people of the
+United States. Since 1902 the people as a body, regardless of the great
+parties, had opened their eyes to the trend of business and had decided
+that public authority must be summoned to the defense of democracy. The
+independent vote broke away from each party in increasingly numerous
+cases. The old American view that democracy meant unrestrained
+individualism had given way to the newer view that democratic
+opportunity was dependent upon the restriction of monopoly. The
+ostensible leaders, from the President down, were only the mouths that
+spoke the new language. Without them the same condition would have
+existed in large degree. The attack of the financial interests and Wall
+Street upon the President only convinced the people that the Roosevelt
+policies were, on the whole, their policies, and that individual
+interest and party machinery must give way to their attainment.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+The periodicals and special articles alluded to in this chapter
+constitute the best sources as yet available for the period. There were
+numerous investigations by committees of Congress that furnished facts
+in their reports. Certain of the departments of government, notably the
+Bureau of Corporations and the Department of Agriculture, were active in
+the publication of facts. Thoughtful surveys of society in the United
+States may be found in E.A. Ross, _Changing America_ (1912); H. Croly,
+_The Promise of American Life_ (1909); A.B. Hart, _National Ideals
+Historically Traced_ (in _The American Nation_, vol. 26, 1907). The
+autobiography of R.M. LaFollette is of considerable value. A great
+number of books upon America by foreign visitors bring out special
+viewpoints. Among these are F. Klein, _In the Land of the Strenuous
+Life_ (1905); A. Bennett, _Your United States_ (1912); W. Archer,
+_America To-Day_ (1899); Anon., _As a Chinaman Saw Us_ (1904); and James
+Bryce has revised and brought down to date his _American Commonwealth_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+NEW NATIONALISM
+
+
+The process of adjusting national administration and laws, to meet the
+needs of life and business that knew no state lines, had been begun
+during the Roosevelt period. For its completion it was necessary that a
+successor be found, convinced of the Roosevelt policies and able to
+carry them out. Three Republicans of this type were often mentioned for
+the Presidency in 1908. Elihu Root had been the legal mainstay of three
+administrations, and had received the public commendation of Roosevelt
+often and without restraint. His availability for the elective office
+was, however, weakened by his prominence as a corporation lawyer, which
+would be urged against him in a campaign. William H. Taft, Secretary of
+War, had a wider popularity than Root; had, as federal judge, long been
+identified with the enforcement of law, and had been used repeatedly as
+the spokesman of the President. He knew the colonies as no other
+American knew them, and was in touch with every detail of the Panama
+Canal. Neither he nor Root had won a leadership in competitive politics
+as had the third candidate, Charles E. Hughes, who, as Governor of New
+York, had shown his capacity to fight professional politicians on their
+own ground.
+
+In 1907, President Roosevelt announced his preference for Judge Taft,
+and fought off, as he had often done, suggestions that he accept
+another term himself. He controlled the Republican convention at
+Chicago, where his candidate was nominated on the first ballot. A
+Republican Representative from New York, James S. Sherman, was nominated
+for the Vice-Presidency, and the party leaders were driven to a platform
+of enthusiastic indorsement of the Roosevelt policies.
+
+The Democratic party, meeting at Denver in 1908, was again under the
+control of the radical element, and nominated William J. Bryan for the
+third time. The career of Roosevelt had modified the emphasis of the
+Bryan reforms. "Any Republican who, after following Roosevelt, should
+object to Bryan as a radical, would simply be laughed at consumedly,"
+said one of the weeklies. In the ensuing campaign both candidates
+professed ends that were nearly identical, and their advocates were
+forced to explain whether the Roosevelt policies would have a better
+chance under Bryan or Taft. There was no clear issue, and in each party
+there was a powerful minority that wanted neither of the candidates. The
+election of Taft had been discounted throughout the campaign, but it was
+accompanied by a demonstration of independent voting that revealed the
+weakness of party ties. Four Democratic governors were elected in States
+that were carried by the Republican national ticket.
+
+The Administration of President Taft was greeted with cordial good will
+by the progressive elements in both parties. His courage and sincerity
+had never been questioned. Roosevelt was unlimited in his praise. His
+judicial training made impossible for him types of political activity
+that had made enemies for his predecessor among many conservatives, yet
+his devotion to policies of administrative reform was beyond dispute. He
+immediately fulfilled one pledge of the Republican platform by summoning
+Congress to meet on March 15, 1909, to revise the tariff, and on this
+subject he had for several years avowed a desire that revision should be
+downward, to remove all trace of special tariff privilege.
+
+The movement for tariff reform had begun in the Middle West about 1902,
+and had spread with the feeling against the trusts. Roosevelt had
+indicated a sympathy with it in 1902 and 1903, and had fought Congress
+for tariff modification in the interest of Cuban reciprocity. But most
+of the party leaders had opposed tampering with the protective system.
+Speaker Cannon was an avowed protectionist and defended the attitude of
+the stand-pat tariff advocates. After 1904 the President had ceased to
+discuss the tariff, confining himself to other schemes for reform. He
+left the problem of revision to his successor.
+
+The tariff of 1909 bore the names of Sereno E. Payne, of New York,
+chairman of the House Committee of Ways and Means, and Nelson W.
+Aldrich, chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance. As it passed the
+House it embodied numerous reductions from the Dingley rates. In the
+Senate it was reframed and became an instrument of even greater
+protection than the existing law. It was debated in a stronger glare of
+public interest than any other tariff, and its details were explained
+and fought by a group of Republicans who refused to accept the control
+of the inner circle of the party, and who were determined that the
+revision should be downward and sincere. They did less to affect the
+bill, however, than President Taft, who forced the conference committee
+to accept a few reductions in the rates, notably on hides and lumber,
+and to include a provision for levying an income tax on corporations. A
+constitutional amendment, authorizing a general income tax, was a part
+of the agreement. The bill became a law in August, 1909. "The bill, in
+its final form," said the _Outlook_, which inclined toward free trade,
+"is by far the most enlightened protectionist measure ever enacted in
+the history of the country." "I think that the present tariff," wrote
+Roosevelt, who had returned to private life, "is better than the last,
+and considerably better than the one before the last."
+
+Whatever its relation to earlier tariffs the Payne-Aldrich Act was
+distasteful to the country, which had since 1897 become critical of the
+methods of tariff legislation. Seven Republican Senators and twenty
+Representatives voted against it on its final passage. These represented
+the Middle West and the new generation, and returned home to find their
+constituents generally with them in denouncing the measure as an
+instrument of privilege. Some of them had broken with President Taft
+during the debate, and the breach was deepened when the latter spoke in
+the West, at Winona, Minnesota, and defended the act as a compliance
+with the party pledge. It became apparent that the new President was
+unable to procure party legislation and to maintain at the same time an
+appearance of harmony in the party. Roosevelt had dissatisfied but had
+overriden the conservative wing; Taft failed to satisfy the most
+progressive wing and failed to silence them.
+
+In the autumn of 1909 began a series of administrative misunderstandings
+that greatly embarrassed the Taft Administration. A prospective minister
+to China was dismissed abruptly before he left the United States, on
+account of a supposed indiscretion. In the Department of Agriculture
+there was dissension between the Secretary, James Wilson, and the
+chemist engaged in the enforcement of the Pure Food Law, Harvey W.
+Wiley. The chief of the forestry service, Gifford Pinchot, quarreled
+openly with the Secretary of the Interior, Richard A. Ballinger, and
+raised the question of the future of the policy of conservation.
+
+The work of the forestry and reclamation services was at the center of
+the scheme for conservation of natural resources that had grown out of
+Roosevelt's conference with the governors in 1908. A subordinate of the
+forestry service attacked the Secretary of the Interior in 1909,
+charging favoritism and lack of interest in conservation. He was
+dismissed in September, upon order of President Taft, whereupon
+_Collier's Weekly_ undertook an attack upon the President as an enemy of
+conservation, receiving the moral support of many of the progressives
+who disliked the tariff act. In January, 1910, the growing controversy
+led the President to dismiss Pinchot from the service, for
+insubordination, and Congress to erect a joint committee to investigate
+the Pinchot-Ballinger dispute.
+
+The Ballinger committee ultimately vindicated the Secretary of the
+Interior, but the testimony taken brought out a fundamental difference
+between the theory of Taft, that the President could act only in
+accordance with the law, and that of Roosevelt, that he could do
+whatever was not forbidden by law. Although Taft stood by his
+subordinate, claiming that he and Ballinger were both active in
+conservation, a large section of the public believed that the aggressive
+movement for reform had lost momentum. What Roosevelt thought of it was
+impossible to learn, since he had gone to Africa in 1909, and remained
+outside the sphere of American politics until the summer of 1910.
+
+The progressive Republicans revolted in 1909 and 1910 against the
+domination of the "stand-pat" group, and received the name "Insurgents."
+Senators LaFollette and Cummins, both of whom desired to be President,
+were the avowed leaders. In the House of Representatives, in March,
+1910, the Insurgents cooperated with the Democratic minority, defeated a
+ruling of Speaker Cannon, and modified the House rules in order to
+curtail the autocracy of the presiding officer. They asked the country
+to believe that Taft had ceased to be progressive and had become the
+ally of the stand-pat interests. The split in the Republican party
+enabled the Democrats to carry the country in 1910, and to obtain a
+large majority in the House of Representatives. Champ Clark, of
+Missouri, and Oscar Underwood, of Alabama, both aspirants for the
+Democratic presidential nomination, became, respectively, Speaker and
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means in the new House. No one man
+controlled or led either party by his personality as Theodore Roosevelt
+had done; the rivalry of lesser leaders destroyed the harmony of both
+parties, and neither party even approached unanimity in regard to the
+great policies of the future. In January, 1911, the Insurgent
+Republicans organized a Progressive Republican League for the purpose of
+capturing the nomination in 1912 for one of their number, presumably
+Senator LaFollette.
+
+The Taft policies differed from those of his predecessor chiefly in the
+method of their advocacy. Like Roosevelt, Taft had trouble in getting
+them enacted, and unlike Roosevelt, he failed to magnetize the people
+and carry them with him. He procured, however, funds for the creation of
+a board of tariff experts to aid in future revisions of schedules, and
+for a commerce court, to handle appeals in interstate commerce cases.
+The income tax amendment secured his support. He used his influence to
+prevent the seating of William Lorimer, a Senator elected from Illinois
+under conditions of grave scandal. The Interstate Commerce Law was
+revised and strengthened in 1910. An enabling act for Arizona and New
+Mexico was passed in 1910, under which both of these Territories became
+States in 1912. He continued the series of anti-trust suits begun under
+Roosevelt, and procured decisions ordering the dissolution of the
+Southern Pacific merger, the Standard Oil Company, and the Tobacco
+Trust, and the penalizing of many others.
+
+In the field of administration President Taft showed an instinct for
+orderly and economical government. He urged upon Congress the adoption
+of a budget system for expenditures, and employed a body of experts to
+aid in reducing the cost and inefficiency of the executive departments.
+He extended the civil service until in 1912 only 56,000 of the 334,000
+federal employees were still outside the classified service.
+
+The foreign negotiations of the Taft Administration were most
+distinguished in respect to Latin-American trade, to arbitration, to
+neutrality, and to reciprocity. With the Latin-Americas he continued the
+policy of friendly support, through Philander C. Knox, his Secretary of
+State. The critics of this policy stigmatized it as "dollar diplomacy,"
+but Taft and Knox defended it as leading these republics through sound
+finance to stable government. A protracted revolution in Mexico led to
+the expulsion of President Porfirio Diaz in 1911, and was followed by
+counter-revolutions in 1912. Throughout the disturbance Taft maintained
+a rigid neutrality, and induced Congress to permit him to prohibit the
+export of arms for sale to the belligerents. This constituted an advance
+upon the customary practice of neutrals, who are permitted under
+international law to sell munitions of war to either belligerent.
+
+In 1908, Roosevelt had signed general arbitration treaties with Great
+Britain and other countries, containing the usual reservations of cases
+involving honor or national existence. In 1911, Taft signed yet broader
+treaties with Great Britain and France, providing for the arbitration of
+all justiciable disputes, and for a commission to determine whether
+disputed cases were justiciable or not. The Senate declined to ratify
+these agreements.
+
+Canadian reciprocity was a part of Taft's tariff program. In 1911, he
+called Congress in special session to approve an agreement for a
+modification of the Payne-Aldrich rates with Canada. The Democratic
+majority in the House of Representatives supported this measure, as did
+enough of the regular Republicans to insure its passage. But the
+Insurgents opposed it as likely to injure the interests of the farmer.
+In September, 1911, Canada rejected the whole measure after a general
+election in which a fear of annexation by the United States was an
+important motive.
+
+The Taft policies failed to thrill the party or the people. They were
+less spectacular than the evils which the muck-rakers had portrayed.
+They were constructive and detailed, and aroused as opponents many who
+had joined in the general clamor for reform. They interested the party
+leaders little, for these were more concerned with their own personal
+fates, and were not overshadowed by the President as they had been for
+eight preceding years. They were all conceived in the spirit of a lawyer
+and judge, and were passed in an alliance with the wing of the
+Republican party that was most impervious to the new reforms, and were
+hence open to the attack that they were in spirit and intent
+reactionary.
+
+In June, 1910, with the Republican schism well advanced, Theodore
+Roosevelt returned to the United States. A few weeks later he made a
+speaking trip in the West, and at Osawatomie, Kansas, he laid down a
+platform of reform that he called "New Nationalism." This was in
+substance an evolution from the history of forty years. It assumed the
+fact of the development of business and society along national lines,
+and demanded that the Government meet the new problems. It believed that
+constitutional power already existed for most of the needed functions of
+government, and demanded that where the power was lacking it should be
+obtained by constitutional amendment. The platform was received with
+equally violent commendation and attack. Many Progressives hailed it as
+an exposition of their faith. Conservatives were prone to call it
+socialistic or revolutionary. It restored Roosevelt to a position of
+consequence in public affairs, and emphasized the fact that Taft had
+developed no power of popular leadership comparable to that of his
+friend and predecessor. It gave the Progressives hope that Roosevelt,
+debarred from the Presidency by his pledge and by the unwritten
+third-term tradition, would aid them in forcing the Republican party to
+nominate a Progressive in 1912.
+
+The concrete principles of the Progressive group embraced a series of
+policies looking toward the destruction of ring-controlled politics.
+They demanded and generally concurred in the initiative and referendum,
+the direct primary, and the direct election of delegates to national
+conventions, and the direct election of United States Senators. Many of
+them believed in a new doctrine, the recall, which was to be applied to
+administrative officials, to judges, and even to judicial decisions.
+Woman suffrage was commonly acceptable to them.
+
+The cause of woman suffrage had made great progress since Idaho became,
+in 1896, the fourth suffrage State. A modified form of suffrage in local
+or school elections had been allowed in many States. A new period of
+agitation for unrestricted woman suffrage had begun in England about
+1906, and had been given advertisement by the deliberate violations of
+law and order by the militant suffragettes. The agitation, though not
+the excess, had spread to the United States. In 1910, Washington, and in
+1911, California, had become woman suffrage States. By 1914, the total
+was raised to twelve by the addition of Arizona, Kansas, Oregon,
+Illinois,[2] Nevada, and Montana.
+
+In the winter of 1911-12, the prospect of Republican success in the next
+national campaign was slight. The Democrats had gained the House in
+1910, and they, with the aid of Progressive Republican votes, had passed
+and sent up to the President several tariff bills, reducing the rates,
+schedule by schedule. Everyone of these had been vetoed, each veto
+tending to convince the Progressives that Taft was conservative, if not
+stand-pat in his sentiments. The Progressive Republicans were pledged to
+work against the renomination of Taft, and were unlikely to support him
+vigorously, if renominated. Many regular Republicans believed he could
+not be reelected. The section of the party that desired a Progressive
+President became larger than the group that believed in LaFollette, and
+demands that Roosevelt return were heard from many sources.
+
+[Footnote 2: In Illinois the right was somewhat restricted, yet included
+the voting for presidential electors and for local officials.]
+
+In February, 1912, an appeal signed by seven Republican governors, all
+of whom dwelt in States now likely to go Democratic, urged Roosevelt to
+withdraw his pledge and become a candidate for the nomination. The
+demand was concurred in by admirers who believed that only he could
+bring about the new nationalism, by Progressives who distrusted
+LaFollette's capacity to win, and by Republicans who wanted to win at
+any price and saw only defeat through Taft. On February 24, Roosevelt
+announced his willingness to accept the nomination, explained that his
+previous refusal to accept another term had meant another consecutive
+term, and entered upon a canvass for delegates to the Republican
+National Convention.
+
+The campaign before the primaries was made difficult because in most
+States the Republican machinery was in the hands of politicians who
+disliked Roosevelt, whether they cared for Taft or not. It began too
+late for the voters to overturn the state and national committees, or to
+register through the existing party machinery their new desire. It
+brought out the defects in methods of nomination which direct primaries
+were expected to remedy, and in some States public opinion was strong
+enough to compel a hasty passage of primary laws to permit the overturn
+of the convention system. The LaFollette candidacy was deprived of most
+of its supporters, through the superior popularity of Roosevelt.
+
+When the convention met at Chicago on June 18, 1912, there were some 411
+Roosevelt delegates among the 1078, and more than 250 more who, though
+instructed for Taft, were contested by Roosevelt delegations. When the
+national committee overruled the claims of these, Roosevelt denounced
+their action as "naked theft." He had definitely allied himself with the
+wing of the party that opposed Taft. When the convention, presided over
+by Elihu Root, and supported by nearly all the men whom Roosevelt had
+brought into public prominence, finally renominated Taft and Sherman,
+Roosevelt asserted that no honest man could vote for a ticket based upon
+dishonor. The Roosevelt Republicans did not bolt the convention, but
+when it adjourned they held a mass convention of their own, were
+addressed by their candidate, and went home to organize a new
+Progressive party.
+
+The Democratic counsels were affected by the break-up of the Republican
+party and the success of its conservative wing at Chicago. They met at
+Baltimore the next week, with Bryan present and active, but not himself
+a candidate. They had to choose among Clark, the Speaker, Underwood, the
+chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and Governors Harmon, of
+Ohio, Marshall, of Indiana, and Woodrow Wilson, of New Jersey.
+
+The last of these had risen into national politics since 1910. He had
+long been known as a brilliant essayist and historian. He was of
+Virginian birth, and had left the presidency of Princeton University to
+become Democratic candidate for Governor of New Jersey in 1910. He had
+shown as governor great capacity to lead his party in the direction of
+the progressive reforms. He differed in these less from Roosevelt and
+LaFollette than he or they did from the reactionaries in their own
+parties. "The President is at liberty, both in law and conscience," he
+had written long ago, "to be as big a man as he can. His capacity will
+set the limit.... He has no means of compelling Congress except through
+public opinion." Unembarrassed by previous attachment to any faction of
+the Democratic party, with a clear record against special privilege and
+corporation influence in politics, and supported obstinately by Bryan
+and the young men who had urged his candidacy, Woodrow Wilson was
+nominated on the forty-sixth ballot, with Governor Thomas Marshall for
+Vice-President. The conservative nomination by the Republicans had
+thrown the Democrats into the hands of their radical wing.
+
+The Progressives held a convention in Chicago on August 5, and nominated
+Theodore Roosevelt and Governor Hiram Johnson, of California. Their
+platform included every important reform seriously urged, and was built
+around the idea of social justice and human rights. They denied that
+either of the old parties was fitted to carry on the work of progress.
+In the campaign their candidates and speakers revealed the vigor and the
+bitterness of the former Insurgents.
+
+The schism threw the election into the hands of the Democrats, who
+retained the House, gained the Senate, and elected Wilson, though the
+latter received fewer votes than Bryan had received in each of his three
+attempts. The struggle was one of personalities, since few openly
+attacked the avowed aim of progressive legislation. The popularity of
+Roosevelt detached many Democratic votes from Wilson, but his
+unpopularity among Republicans who feared him and Progressive
+Republicans who resented his return to politics, drove to Wilson votes
+that would otherwise have gone to Taft. Taft received only eight
+electoral votes in November, and ran far behind both his rivals in the
+popular count. More than four million votes were polled by the new third
+party in an independent movement that was without precedent. The
+Socialist vote for Debs rose from 420,000 in 1908 to 895,000 in 1912.
+
+The last year of the administration of President Taft was overshadowed
+by the party war, and reduced in effectiveness by the Democratic control
+of the House. The prosecutions of the trusts were continued, a parcel
+post was established as a postal savings bank had been, the income tax
+amendment became part of the Constitution, and an amendment for the
+direct election of Senators made progress.
+
+When Woodrow Wilson succeeded to the Presidency he formed a cabinet
+headed by William J. Bryan as Secretary of State, and including only
+Democrats of progressive antecedents. He called Congress in April, 1913,
+to revise the tariff once more, and overturned a precedent of a century
+by delivering to it his message in person. With almost no breathing
+space for eighteen months, he kept Congress at its task of fulfilling
+his party's pledges as he interpreted them.
+
+Tariff, currency, and trust control were the main topics upon which the
+Democrats had avowed positive convictions, and upon which the great mass
+of progressive citizens, regardless of party affiliation, demanded
+legislation. One by one these were taken up, the President revealing
+powers of coercive leadership hitherto unseen in his office. Only the
+fact that non-partisan opinion was generally with him made possible the
+mass of constructive legislation that was placed upon the books. The
+tariff, which became a law on October 3, 1913, was a revision whose
+downward tendency was beyond dispute. The Federal Reserve Act, revising
+the banking laws in the interest of flexibility and decentralization,
+was signed on December 23 of the same year. In January, 1914, President
+Wilson laid before Congress his plan of trust control, advocating a
+commission with powers over trade coordinate with those of the
+Interstate Commerce Commission, and an elaboration of the anti-trust
+laws to deal with unfair practices and interlocking directorates. The
+Federal Trade Commission and Clayton Anti-Trust bills fulfilled these
+recommendations in the autumn of 1914. The Panama Canal Act of 1912 had
+meanwhile been revised so as to eliminate a preference in rates to
+American vessels which the President believed to be in violation of the
+guaranty of equal treatment pledged in the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty. With a
+more portentous list of constructive laws than had been passed by any
+Congress since 1890, the Democratic majority allowed an adjournment on
+October 24, 1914, and its members went home to sound their constituents
+upon the state of the Union.
+
+The passage of economic laws had called for tact and force upon the part
+of the President, whose party, like the Republican party, was without a
+clear vision of its policy and included many reactionaries. Added
+embarrassments were found in the continuance of civil strife in Mexico.
+Here, shortly before the inauguration of President Wilson, there had
+been another revolution, followed by the elevation by the army of
+General Victoriano Huerta to the Presidency. The followers of the
+deposed Madero went into revolt at once, and the new Government was
+refused recognition by the United States on the ground that it was not a
+Government _de facto_, and that its title was smirched with blood.
+Patiently and stubbornly the United States held to its refusal to
+recognize the results of conspiracy in Mexico. In April, 1914, Vera Cruz
+was occupied by American forces in retaliation for acts of insult on the
+part of the Huerta regime, and in July the steady pressure of "watchful
+waiting" brought about the resignation of the dictator. The
+Constitutionalists, succeeding him, quarreled shortly among themselves,
+but the danger from Mexico appeared to be lessening as the year
+advanced.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+[Illustration: NORTH AMERICA
+
+IN 1915]
+
+From Europe came other embarrassments in August. Here, the policy of
+national armament which had been adopted in the middle of the
+nineteenth century, reached its logical outcome in a great war
+which was precipitated by Austria in an attack upon Servia. Russia
+immediately came to the aid of her Slavonic kinsmen, and upon her
+Germany declared war on August 1. In a few more days Great Britain and
+France had joined Russia against the German-Austrian alliance, and most
+of Europe was at war. To bring home the thousands of American tourists
+whom the war had reduced to suffering was the first work of the
+administration. The American ministers in Europe became the custodians
+of the affairs of the belligerents in every enemy country, and with the
+aid of all the belligerent nations Americans were carried home. After
+this came the problems of neutrality and American business. Suffering,
+due to the stoppage of the export trade, particularly that of cotton,
+brought wide depression throughout the United States. A new law for the
+transfer of foreign-built vessels to American registry, and another for
+federal insurance against war risks, were hurriedly passed, and the
+question of a public-owned line of merchant ships was discussed. All
+these problems were distracting the attention of the United States when
+Congress brought to an end its prolonged labors, and adjourned.
+
+The congressional election of 1914 was profoundly affected by the
+European war. Early in the year it appeared that conservative opposition
+to the Democratic program was growing, and that the Democratic majority
+was likely to be cut down. The Progressive party appeared to be
+weakening, and the control of the Republican party was settling back
+among those Republicans against whom the Insurgents had made their
+protest. But President Wilson's precise neutrality won the confidence of
+all parties, and although conservatives like Cannon, of Illinois, and
+Penrose, of Pennsylvania, won over Democrats and Progressives alike in a
+few cases, he retained for the Sixty-fourth Congress a working majority
+in the House and an enlarged majority in the Senate. His election in
+1912 had been, in part, due to the dispersion of Republican strength
+caused by the Progressive schism; in 1914, the influence of the
+Progressives was negligible and the Democrats retained their power in
+the face of the whole Republican attack.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
+
+Between 1909 and 1914, the _Outlook_, to which Theodore Roosevelt had
+been an occasional contributor, and which had been a strong supporter of
+Republican policies since 1898, was the regular organ through which Mr.
+Roosevelt addressed the public, over his signature as Contributing
+Editor. In a similar way William J. Bryan reached his followers through
+the _Commoner_ (1900-), and Robert M. LaFollette through his
+_LaFollette's Weekly_ (1909-). _Collier's Weekly_ became a center of the
+adverse criticism of President Taft. All of these, as well as the more
+general periodicals, are indispensable sources for the period, but are
+so highly partisan as to need constant correction for prejudice. The
+election of 1908 is treated in Stanwood's _History of the Presidency
+from 1897 to 1909_, while that of 1912 is excellently described in the
+_New International Year Book_ for 1912. The theories of the new
+nationalism are in T. Roosevelt, _The New Nationalism_ (1910).
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+Adams, Charles Francis, 55, 56.
+
+Agricultural colleges, beginning of, 17.
+
+Agriculture, changes in, 14, 15;
+  in the South after the War, 39, 40;
+  Department of, created, 142, 157;
+  main reliance of Western pioneers, 149, 151;
+  discontent in North and West, 178, 179, 184;
+  depression of, in South, 195;
+  diversified by decline of cotton values, 204, 205.
+
+Aguinaldo, Emilio, 267, 278.
+
+Alabama Claims, the, 55, 56.
+
+Alaska, gold mines in, 241;
+  settlement of boundary, 284, 285.
+
+Aldrich, Nelson W., 118, 326.
+
+Algeciras, United States in conference at, 318.
+
+Alger, Russell A., 253, 274.
+
+Allison, William B., 89, 255.
+
+Altgeld, Gov. John P., 222, 279.
+
+Alverstone, Lord Chief Justice, 285, 286.
+
+Amendment, the Thirteenth, 33, 42, 48.
+
+Amendment, the Fourteenth, 42, 43, 48, 196, 197.
+
+Amendment, the Fifteenth, 46, 47, 48, 196, 198.
+
+American diplomacy, 286.
+
+American Federation of Labor, 121, 183, 208.
+
+American Railroad Union, 222.
+
+Ames, Adelbert, 47.
+
+Angell, James B., 60.
+
+Anti-Contract Labor Law, 135.
+
+Anti-imperialism, 278, 279.
+
+Anti-monopolists, 168, 169.
+
+Anti-trust literature, 166.
+
+Arbitration, 255, 256;
+  treaties refused by Senate, 331, 332.
+
+Arizona, a Territory, 21, 152, 154;
+  becomes a State, 330.
+
+Army of the United States, at outbreak of Spanish War, 266;
+  in poor condition during the war, 269-72, 274;
+  later service in Cuba, 282.
+
+Arrears of Pension Act, 137.
+
+Arthur, Chester A., removed from office by Hayes, 87, 98, 103;
+  Vice-President with Garfield, 99;
+  opposes Garfield, 103;
+  as President, reorganizes his Cabinet, 106, 109;
+  his first message, 109, 110;
+  recommends civil service reform, 113, 114;
+  approves revision of the tariff, 114;
+  vetoes River and Harbor Bill, 117, 127;
+  hopes for renomination, 126;
+  reasons for failure of his candidacy, 126, 127;
+  and the Panama Canal, 144.
+
+Australian ballot, 248.
+
+
+Ballinger, Richard A., 328, 329.
+
+Ballot reform, 248, 249.
+
+Bayard, Thomas F., 134.
+
+Belknap, William W., 62.
+
+Bellamy, Edward, 167, 168, 188.
+
+Benton, Thomas H., 21.
+
+Bimetallism, 226;
+  plea for international, 227, 234.
+
+Black Belt, the, 202, 203.
+
+Blaine, James G., improper official conduct of, 62, 81;
+  the Mulligan letters, 82;
+  and the proposal to extend pardon to Jefferson Davis, 83;
+  candidate for Presidential nomination (1880), 98;
+  his personal following large, 102;
+  Secretary of State under Garfield, 102, 103, 106;
+  plans for Pan-American Congress, 106;
+  his large following among Irish, 124, 133;
+  nominated for President (1884), 127, 128;
+  and the Mugwumps, 130;
+  caricatures of, 132;
+  defeated, 133;
+  replies to Cleveland's message on tariff reduction (1887), 169;
+  refuses to be Presidential candidate again, 169;
+  Secretary of State under Harrison, 171, 172;
+  urges reciprocity, 175;
+  exchanges views with Gladstone on protective tariff, 189;
+  in the seal fisheries controversy, 212;
+  resigns Secretaryship, 213;
+  death, 214.
+
+Blair, Francis P., Jr., 31.
+
+Bland, Richard P., 88, 89, 173, 217.
+
+Bland-Allison Bill, 181, 217, 218.
+
+"Bloody shirt," the, 83, 100, 201.
+
+Bonaparte, Charles J., 320.
+
+"Boss," the, 245, 246;
+  power of, 247, 248.
+
+Boxer outbreak in China, 281.
+
+Brady, Thomas J., 104, 105.
+
+Bristow, Benjamin, 81.
+
+Brown, B. Gratz, 56.
+
+Bryan, William Jennings, nominated for President, 237;
+  wages vigorous campaign, 238;
+  defeated, 240;
+  colonel in Spanish War, 266;
+  renominated for President, 279;
+  denounces imperialism, 279;
+  again defeated, 280;
+  a lay preacher on political subjects, 305;
+  nominated for Presidency third time, 325;
+  made Secretary of State by Wilson, 338.
+
+Bryce, James, his _American Commonwealth_, 188, 189, 246;
+  influence of, 247;
+  ambassador from Great Britain, 318.
+
+Buckner, Simon B., 238.
+
+Burchard, Rev. Samuel D., 133.
+
+Bureau of Corporations, valuable reports of, 311, 312.
+
+Butler, Benjamin F., advocates the Greenback movement, 30, 66;
+  aims at Governorship of Massachusetts, 61;
+  his relation to the "salary grab," 62;
+  Anti-Monopoly candidate for Presidency, 131, 132.
+
+
+Canadian reciprocity, 332.
+
+Cannon, Joseph G., defeated for Congress, 185;
+  Speaker of the House, 304, 305;
+  a stand-pat protectionist, 327;
+  ruling as Speaker defeated, 329;
+  returned to Congress, 342.
+
+Carlisle, John G., 138, 139.
+
+Carnegie, Andrew, 297.
+
+"Carpet-baggers," 43, 45, 49, 194.
+
+Centennial Exposition, at Philadelphia, 73.
+
+Cervera, Admiral, 267, 268, 271, 272.
+
+Chase, Salmon P., wishes to be President, 3, 4, 31, 56;
+  urges creation of bonded debt to provide for war expenses, 5;
+  inaugurates a system of national banks, 27.
+
+Chile, threatened war with, 212, 213.
+
+Chinese, coolies imported into California, 25;
+  and Irish, 94;
+  harried, 122.
+
+Chinese Exclusion Bill, 122, 127.
+
+Choate, Joseph H., 318.
+
+Christian Science, rise of, 190.
+
+Churchill, Winston, writes _Coniston_, 310, 311.
+
+Cities, growth of, 14;
+  in the New South, 205;
+  government of, 246.
+
+Civil Rights Bill, 196, 197.
+
+Civil Service Act, 113, 117.
+
+Civil Service reform, 86, 110;
+  growth of, 112, 113, 114;
+  further extended by Cleveland, 134, 235;
+  and by Taft, 331.
+
+Civil War, the, influence of its military successes, 1;
+  benefits of the four years of, 18;
+  new type brought into politics by, 78;
+  veterans of, 136.
+
+Clark, Champ, 329, 330, 336.
+
+Clayton Anti-trust Bill, 339.
+
+Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 134, 144;
+  inadequate, 286.
+
+Cleveland, Grover, Mayor of Buffalo and Governor of New York, 130;
+  favored by the Independents, 130, 131;
+  nominated for Presidency, 131;
+  his character attacked, 132;
+  elected and inaugurated, 133;
+  his Cabinet, 133;
+  Lowell's tribute to, 134;
+  meets new problems, 135;
+  vetoes pension bills, 137;
+  troubled by divided administration, 138, 139, 140;
+  signs "omnibus" bill for new States, 152;
+  his emphasis on tariff reduction, 169;
+  renominated, 170;
+  defeated by Harrison, 171;
+  again nominated for Presidency, 214, 215;
+  and elected, 215;
+  opposes free silver and the silver basis, 219, 229, 230;
+  loses influence with Western Democrats, 220;
+  refuses to sign Wilson Bill, 221;
+  sends federal troops to Chicago, 221, 222;
+  splits Democratic party, 223;
+  in Venezuela boundary dispute, 230, 231;
+  abandoned by his party, 235;
+  dies in Princeton, 236;
+  tries to maintain neutrality in Cuban revolt, 261, 262.
+
+Cobden Club, and British gold, 139.
+
+_Coin's Financial School_, 229.
+
+Colfax, Schuyler, Vice-President with Grant, 37, 57, 61.
+
+Colorado, Territory, 20;
+  becomes a State, 73, 74, 149.
+
+Commissioner of Labor, 122.
+
+Conkling, Roscoe, 81, 87;
+  disciplined by Hayes, 98;
+  fights for Grant, 99;
+  resigns from Senate, 103.
+
+Conservation movement, 320, 328.
+
+Consumers' League, the, 250.
+
+Cooke, Jay, his connection with panic of 1873, 62, 63, 64.
+
+Cornell, Alonzo B., 98, 103.
+
+Cortelyou, George B., 302, 306.
+
+Cotton, the staple crop of the Old South, 149;
+  hundredth anniversary of first export celebrated, 203;
+  overproduction, 204.
+
+Cowboys, develop a folk-song literature, 150.
+
+Coxey, Jacob S., 222.
+
+Credit Mobilier, scandal of, 61.
+
+Cripple Creek, great miners' strike at, 301.
+
+Crisp, Charles F., 186, 220.
+
+Cuba, insurrections in, 258;
+  revolutionary government in New York, 260;
+  number of Spanish troops in, 260;
+  filibustering parties, 261;
+  Congress favors recognition of belligerency, 262;
+  autonomy proposed, 263;
+  Congress recognizes independence of, 264;
+  blockaded, 267, 268;
+  freed from Spain, 273;
+  sanitary improvement in, 282;
+  adopts a constitution, 282;
+  makes reciprocity treaty with United States, 283.
+
+Cullom, Shelby M., 158, 221.
+
+Cummins, Gov. Albert B., 303;
+  leader of Insurgent Republicans, 329.
+
+Curtis, George William, leader in civil-service reform, 112, 128;
+  a Mugwump, 129.
+
+Custer, Gen. George A., 86.
+
+Czar of Russia, calls conference on disarmament, 283.
+
+
+Dakota Territory, 21;
+  made into two States, 152.
+
+Darwin, Charles, his influence on religious thought, 190.
+
+Davenport, Homer C., 252.
+
+Davis, Judge David, 109.
+
+Davis, Henry G., 306.
+
+Davis, Jefferson, 83, 106.
+
+Dawes Act, the, awarding lands to Indians in severalty, 142, 151, 319.
+
+Day, William R., 253, 273.
+
+Debs, Eugene V., 222;
+  Social Democratic candidate for President, 301, 338.
+
+De Lesseps, Ferdinand M., 144.
+
+DeLome, Senor, criticizes McKinley, 263, 264.
+
+Democratic party, the, differences in, during the Civil War, 2, 3;
+  Chicago convention (1864), 4, 5;
+  nominates Seymour (1868), 31;
+  gains control of readmitted Southern States, 52, 54;
+  nominates Greeley (1872), 57;
+  weakened by its past, 79;
+  nominates Tilden (1876), 80, 81;
+  gets plurality of popular vote, 83;
+  gains control of the House (1874), 87;
+  nominates Hancock (1880), 99;
+  gains the Senate (1878), 108;
+  loses the House (1880), 108;
+  regains it (1882), 117;
+  elects Cleveland (1884), 130-133;
+  on tariff revision, 138, 220, 221;
+  resists demands for statehood, 152;
+  casts plurality of votes in 1888, but loses all branches of government, 171;
+  regains the House (1890), 186;
+  reelects Cleveland and wins the Senate (1892), 215;
+  split by free silver and tariff questions, 228, 229, 232;
+  loses both Senate and House (1894), 229;
+  nominates Bryan on free-silver platform (1896), 237;
+  denounces imperialism and renominates Bryan (1900), 279;
+  nominates Parker on conservative platform (1904), 305, 306;
+  nominates Bryan for third time (1908), 325;
+  regains the House (1910), 329, 330;
+  elects Wilson (1912), 337, 338.
+
+Department of Agriculture, 142, 157.
+
+Department of Commerce and Labor, 122, 302.
+
+Dependent Pension Act, 174.
+
+Dewey, Commodore George, 265;
+  destroys Spanish fleet at Manila, 267.
+
+Diaz, Porfirio, expelled from Mexico, 331.
+
+Dingley, Nelson, 253, 254.
+
+Dingley Bill, the, 254, 255, 303, 304.
+
+Dollar diplomacy, 331.
+
+Donnelly, Ignatius, 209.
+
+Dorsey, Senator Stephen W., in star route frauds, 104, 127.
+
+Du Bois, W.E.B., 202.
+
+
+Eads, James B., 206.
+
+Eaton, Dorman B., 113.
+
+Edmunds, George F., 99, 128.
+
+Education Board, General, incorporated by Congress, 201.
+
+Educational Board, Southern, organized, 201.
+
+Egan, Patrick, Minister to Chile, 212, 213.
+
+Eight-hour day, 135, 136.
+
+Electoral Commission, the, 84.
+
+Eliot, Charles W., 60.
+
+Elkins, Stephen B., 127, 128.
+
+English, William H., 99.
+
+Equitable Life Insurance Company, investigation of, 312.
+
+
+Factories, American, growth of, 14, 15, 16;
+  influenced by inventions, 95.
+
+Fairbanks, Charles W., Vice-President with Roosevelt, 305.
+
+Farmers, condition of, in North and South, contrasted, 178;
+  discontent keenest in West, 179;
+  experimental, 180;
+  demand cheaper money, 181;
+  desire cooperation, 182;
+  believe charges against both political parties, 185;
+  value of vote of dissatisfied, 193.
+
+Farmers' Alliance, the, in South and West, 183, 184, 192, 193;
+  undermines Republicans in West, 185;
+  attempts union with Knights of Labor, 186, 187;
+  splits white vote in the South, 192, 193, 196;
+  used to express Southern discontent, 195;
+  holds national convention at St. Louis, 208;
+  merged in People's Party, 209.
+
+Farms, American, size of, 40, 41, 95;
+  increase in number, 149, 150;
+  decrease in size of Southern, 194;
+  number of, 194.
+
+Farragut, Admiral David G., 5.
+
+Fava, Baron, Italian Minister at Washington, 213.
+
+Federal Reserve Act, 339.
+
+Federal Trade Commission, 339.
+
+Field, James G., 211.
+
+Fisk, James, Jr., 60.
+
+Folger, Charles J., 127.
+
+Folk, Joseph W., 311.
+
+Force Bill, the, 200, 201.
+
+Ford, Paul Leicester, _The Honorable Peter Stirling_, 132.
+
+Ford, Worthington C., 254.
+
+Forestry service, 328.
+
+Free lands, disappearance of, marks new period, 154, 155.
+
+Free passes, on interstate railroads, forbidden by law, 313.
+
+Free silver, demanded by Populists, 209, 210;
+  agitation for, 226, 228;
+  textbook of, 229;
+  fight for, in Republican convention (1896), 234, 235;
+  demanded by Democratic convention, 236.
+
+Freedmen's Bureau, 34, 201;
+  work of, 42, 43, 45.
+
+Frelinghuysen, Frederick T., 106, 109, 134.
+
+Fremont, John C., candidate for the Presidency, 3, 4;
+  arrested in France, 60;
+  charged with land frauds, 60, 61.
+
+"Frenzied finance," 310.
+
+Frick, Henry C., 299.
+
+"Full dinner pail, the," 280.
+
+
+Gage, Lyman J., 253.
+
+Garfield, James A., nominated for Presidency (1880), 99;
+  forged letters against, 101, 104, 105, 122;
+  sketch of, 101;
+  his Cabinet, 102;
+  trouble with Conkling, 103;
+  death of, 105, 108;
+  and the Panama Canal, 144.
+
+Garland, Augustus H., 133.
+
+George, Henry, 188.
+
+Georgia, difficulties with Congress, 47, 48.
+
+Gilman, Daniel Coit, 60.
+
+Gladden, Washington, 310.
+
+Gladstone, William E., 189.
+
+Godkin, Edwin L., editor of the _Nation_, 59, 67, 85;
+  and civil service reform, 112.
+
+Goethals, Major George W., engineer of Canal Zone, 317.
+
+Gold, at a premium, 27;
+  hoarded, 218;
+  great increase in production of, 241.
+
+Gold dollar, ratio to silver, 9;
+  value in greenbacks, 10, 29.
+
+Gorgas, Col. William C., chief sanitary officer of Canal Zone, 317.
+
+Gould, Jay, 60, 294.
+
+Grand Army of the Republic, used for procuring pensions, 136, 137.
+
+Grandfather clause, the, 200.
+
+Granger Laws, the, 68, 70, 157;
+  constitutionality of, 71, 72.
+
+Granger movement, the, 67, 68, 183;
+  relations with the panic of 1873, 72;
+  doctrine established by, 157.
+
+Grant, Ulysses S., the coveted candidate of both parties, 36;
+  general rejoicing in his election, 37;
+  inaugurated in 1869, 46;
+  his first term ends unsatisfactorily, 55;
+  success with the Alabama claims, 55, 56;
+  renominated, 57;
+  various unsavory episodes of his years as President, 60, 62;
+  vetoes the Inflation Bill, 66;
+  reelection of (1872), 75;
+  receives scanty support for a third term, 81, 98, 99;
+  and civil service reform, 112.
+
+Greeley, Horace, nominated for President by Liberal Republicans, 56;
+  a quaint political figure, 57;
+  quoted, 89.
+
+Greenback movement, the, advocates of, 30, 65, 66;
+  Eastern opinion of, contrasted with Western, 68;
+  and silver inflation, 88, 180, 181.
+
+Greenbacks, 9;
+  value of, 10;
+  depreciation of, 27;
+  withdrawal of, 28;
+  further retirement of, forbidden by law, 30;
+  rising in value, 65;
+  issued during panic of 1873, 66.
+
+Guam, ceded to United States, 273.
+
+Guiteau, William B., 105.
+
+
+Hadley, Pres. Arthur T., 310.
+
+Hague, the, court of arbitration at, 283;
+  Venezuelan claims referred to, 284;
+  second conference, 318.
+
+Hancock, Gen. Winfield Scott, 80, 99, 100, 101.
+
+Hanna, Marcus Alonzo, raises funds for Republicans, 102, 233, 238, 239;
+  appointed Senator, 252;
+  helps settle coal strike, 300, 302;
+  grows in popularity, 302, 303;
+  death, 304.
+
+Harmon, Gov. Judson, 336.
+
+Harriman, Edward H., 294, 295.
+
+Harrison, Benjamin, nominated for Presidency, 169;
+  elected as a minority President, 171, 211;
+  friction with Chile, 212, 213;
+  renominated, 214;
+  defeated, 215, 216.
+
+Hawaiian Islands, 273, 274, 278.
+
+Hay, John, on McKinley, 251;
+  Secretary of State, 273, 282;
+  career of, 281.
+
+Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, for Isthmian canal, 286, 287.
+
+Hayes, Rutherford B., receives nomination for President, 82;
+  difficulties of his election, 83, 84;
+  alienates many Republicans by his attitude toward the South, 85;
+  his troubles with Democratic congress, 87;
+  removes Chester A. Arthur from office, 87, 98, 103;
+  financial policy of his administration, 89, 90;
+  a new period of growth begun during his term of office, 90, 92;
+  end of his term, 97, 102;
+  and the Panama Canal, 144;
+  becomes head of Slater fund, 201.
+
+Hearst, William R., 305, 312.
+
+Hendricks, Thomas A., candidate for Vice-President, 80, 81, 131.
+
+Hepburn Railway Bill, the, 315.
+
+Hill, Gov. David B., 214, 215, 248.
+
+Hill, James J., 295, 296.
+
+Hobart, Garrett P., Vice-President with McKinley, 234;
+  dies in office, 280.
+
+Homestead Act, the, 21, 155.
+
+Hopkins, Johns, 60.
+
+Howells, William Dean, 188.
+
+Huerta, Victoriano, President of Mexico, 340.
+
+Hughes, Charles E., exposes wrongdoing of insurance companies, 312;
+  mentioned for Presidency, 324.
+
+Hull House, 251.
+
+Humphreys, Benjamin G., 46.
+
+Husbandry, Patrons of, 193.
+
+
+Idaho, becomes a Territory, 21;
+  admitted to the Union, 152.
+
+Immigration movement, the, influences of, 123, 124.
+
+Income tax, 221, 327, 338.
+
+Indians, removal of, 22, 25;
+  outbreaks of, 25, 86;
+  Dawes Bill, 142, 151, 319.
+
+Industrial Commission, 298.
+
+Industrial consolidation, evolves new type of trust, 297, 299.
+
+Industrial revival, after 1897, 293, 294.
+
+Industrial revolution, effects of, 95.
+
+Inflation Bill, the, 66.
+
+Ingersoll, Robert G., quoted, 92.
+
+Initiative and referendum, 249, 250.
+
+Interstate Commerce Act, the, 142, 158, 159;
+  commission created, 159, 160;
+  influence of rebate system on, 165;
+  had little immediate effect, 180;
+  an imperfect statute, 314;
+  strengthened by Congress, 315, 330.
+
+Irons, Martin, 135.
+
+Irrigation, 142, 291.
+
+Italians, lynched in New Orleans, 213.
+
+
+Jackson, Andrew, 8, 111.
+
+James, Thomas L., 102, 103, 104.
+
+Japan, at war with Russia, 317.
+
+Johnson, Andrew, candidate for the Vice-Presidency, 4;
+  becomes President upon death of Lincoln, 32;
+  opposition of Congress to, 33, 34;
+  impeached by House, 35;
+  acquitted, 36;
+  vetoes arbitrary acts of Congress, 48.
+
+Johnson, Gov. Hiram, 337.
+
+Johnson, Reverdy, 55.
+
+Journalism, expansion of, 162;
+  reorganized in the later nineties, 311.
+
+
+Kansas City, important as meeting place of railways, 150, 151.
+
+Kearney, Dennis, 94, 124.
+
+Keifer, J. Warren, 108.
+
+Kelly, John, 131.
+
+Kerr, Michael C., 108.
+
+Kipling, Rudyard, _The White Man's Burden_, 274.
+
+Knickerbocker Trust Company, suspension of, 322.
+
+Knights of Labor, secret society in the East, 94;
+  meet with disfavor, 121;
+  demands of, 122;
+  fight the Gould railways, 135;
+  success of, 183;
+  union with Farmers' Alliance, 186, 187;
+  in Pullman strike, 222.
+
+Knox, Philander C., 296, 320, 331.
+
+Ku-Klux Klan, the, 52.
+
+
+Labor, tariff supposed to protect, 119;
+  Commissioner of, 122;
+  Bureau of, 135;
+  danger from European pauper, 139;
+  becomes better united, 299.
+  _See also_ Knights of Labor, Strikes.
+
+La Follette, Robert M., defeated for Congress, 185;
+  works out a system of primaries, 249;
+  in the Senate debate on railroads, 315;
+  leader of Insurgent Republicans, 329;
+  possible Presidential candidate, 330, 335, 336.
+
+Lamar, L.Q.C., 133.
+
+Land grants, to railroads, 22, 24, 148, 156;
+  discontinued, 143.
+
+Land laws, difficulty in enforcing, 155, 156.
+
+Lawson. Thomas W., 310.
+
+Lawton, Gen. Henry W., 271.
+
+Liberal Republicans, secede in 1872 and nominate Greeley and Brown, 56;
+  platform of, 56, 57;
+  in Garfield's administration, 102;
+  favor civil service reform and tariff revision, 112, 116, 126;
+  put Edmunds forward for Presidential candidate (1884), 128.
+
+Lincoln, Abraham, his view in regard to the spoils system, 2;
+  aims to develop a Union sentiment, 2, 3;
+  aided by excesses of Democrats, 4, 5;
+  his use of offices, 111, 112.
+
+Literature in United States, 187, 188;
+  periodical, 189, 190;
+  religious, 190.
+
+Lloyd, Henry D., 116, 166, 167.
+
+Lodge, Henry Cabot, as an independent, 128;
+  supports Blaine, 130;
+  approves the Force Bill, 200, 201.
+
+Logan, John A., 128.
+
+Lorimer, William, 330.
+
+Lowell, James Russell, quoted, 54, 59;
+  on Cleveland, 134.
+
+
+McClellan, Gen. George B., 3, 5.
+
+McClure, S.S., 311.
+
+McCulloch, Hugh, 28, 29.
+
+McEnery, Samuel D., 254.
+
+McKinley, William, his Tariff Bill, 172, 173, 174, 175;
+  accepts principle of reciprocity, 175;
+  defeated for Congress, 185;
+  Governor of Ohio, 214;
+  "advance agent of prosperity," 232, 241;
+  a tactful Congressman, 233;
+  nominated for President (1896), 234;
+  makes no personal campaign, 239;
+  elected, 240;
+  his election a victory for sound money, 241;
+  calls special session of Congress for new tariff, 242;
+  inaugurated as President, 251;
+  his theory of the office, 252;
+  action in the Cuban matter, 262, 264;
+  reelected President, 280;
+  murdered, 282.
+
+McKinley Bill, the, 173, 174, 215, 216;
+  sugar clause a notable feature of, 175;
+  opposition to, 184.
+
+MacVeagh, Wayne, 102.
+
+Machinery, influence of, 15, 16, 95.
+
+Mahone, William, 109.
+
+Maine, the, blown up in Havana harbor, 264.
+
+Marshall, Thomas R., nominated by Democrats for Vice-Presidency, 337.
+
+Merritt, Gen. Wesley, 267.
+
+Mexico, revolutions in, 331, 340.
+
+Miles, Gen. Nelson A., on the results of drought, 182;
+  commander of army in Spanish War, 269;
+  invades Porto Rico, 272.
+
+Mills, Roger Q., tariff leader, 139.
+
+Mills Bill, the, 139, 140, 169, 170.
+
+Mining camps, rapid development of, 20, 21, 22.
+
+Mississippi, the process of reconstruction in, 46, 47;
+  disqualifies negroes, 198, 199.
+
+Mississippi River Commission, 206.
+
+Mitchell, John, 300.
+
+"Molly Maguires," 94, 121.
+
+Monroe Doctrine, in Venezuela case, 230, 231, 284.
+
+Montana, created a Territory, 21;
+  becomes a State, 152.
+
+Morgan, J. Pierpont, 295, 321.
+
+Mormons, 20;
+  make a prosperous Territory in Utah, 154.
+
+Morton, Levi P., Vice-President with Harrison, 169.
+
+Morton, Oliver P., war Governor of Indiana, 81.
+
+Muck-raking, 315, 316.
+
+Mugwumps, 129, 130.
+
+Mulligan letters, the, 82.
+
+Murchison letter, the, 170, 171.
+
+
+Nast, Thomas, cartoonist, 50, 57, 86, 132.
+
+National Labor Union, 208.
+
+National Planters' Association, 203.
+
+Navy, of the United States, at outbreak of Spanish War, 265;
+  sent round the world without mishap, 319.
+
+Negro, the, would not work at close of war, 40;
+  a social and economic problem, 41, 42;
+  made a voter by Congress, 43, 45, 48;
+  elimination of control by, 51, 52, 54;
+  a factor in Republican national convention, 98, 99;
+  becomes a farm owner, 194;
+  suppressed outside the law, 196;
+  bad qualities of, 198;
+  practically disfranchised in South, 199, 200;
+  advances in literacy, 202;
+  distribution of, 202, 203;
+  Roosevelt's attitude toward, 289, 290.
+
+Newlands Reclamation Act, 291.
+
+New Mexico, 152, 154;
+  becomes a State, 330.
+
+New South, the, has but one political party of consequence, 192;
+  dissatisfied farmer vote in, 193;
+  disintegration of plantations, 194;
+  oppressed by its agricultural system, 195;
+  practically disfranchises negroes, 196-200;
+  education in, 201, 202;
+  border traits of, 202;
+  a modern industrial community, 203;
+  development of cities, 205.
+
+Nez Perces, outbreak of, 86.
+
+Nicaragua Canal, 134, 286.
+
+North, S.N.D., and the Dingley Bill, 254.
+
+North Dakota, admitted to Union, 152.
+
+Northern Pacific Railroad, 143, 295;
+  and panic of 1873, 63, 65;
+  finished under direction of Henry Villard, 144.
+
+Northern Securities Company, 296, 299.
+
+
+Oklahoma, Indians colonized in, 151;
+  opened to white settlers, 151;
+  becomes a State, 319.
+
+Olney, Richard, 230, 231.
+
+Oregon, the, spectacular voyage of, 274, 286.
+
+Overproduction, menace of, 96.
+
+
+Palmer, John M., 238.
+
+Panama, Republic of, 288.
+
+Panama Canal, begun by De Lesseps, 144, 286;
+  determined on by Congress and President Roosevelt, 287, 288;
+  Panama grants concession, 289;
+  first boats pass through, 289;
+  dispute over sea-level and lock systems, 316-17.
+
+Pan-American Conference at Rio de Janeiro, 318.
+
+Pan-American Congress, 106, 109.
+
+Panic of 1857, the, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12.
+
+Panic of 1873, the, 62-74;
+  Jay Cooke's connection with, 62-65;
+  real causes of, 64, 65;
+  reduces revenues, 115;
+  often attributed to low rates of Wilson Bill, 254.
+
+Parker, Judge Alton B., Democratic candidate for President (1904), 305;
+  defeated, 306.
+
+Payne, Sereno E., 326.
+
+Peabody, George, creates fund to relieve negro illiteracy, 201.
+
+Pendleton, George H., 30, 31.
+
+Penrose, Boies, 253, 342.
+
+Pension Bureau, 137;
+  important through alliance with the soldiers, 172.
+
+Pensions, influence of soldier vote on, 136;
+  for service only, 137;
+  amounts spent on, 137, 138;
+  system criticized by Southern farmers, 178;
+  used millions of the national surplus, 216.
+
+People's Party. 184;
+  to right all wrongs of the plain people, 186, 187;
+  becomes a finished organization, 208, 209;
+  demands of, 210.
+
+Petroleum trust, 164, 165.
+
+Philippine Islands, ceded to United States, 273;
+  revolt in, under Aguinaldo, 278.
+
+Pierpont, Francis A., 47.
+
+Pike, James S., author of _The Prostrate State_, 51.
+
+Pinchot, Gifford, 328.
+
+Pious Fund dispute, the, 283.
+
+Platt, Thomas C., resigns from Senate, 103;
+  claims promise of Secretaryship under Harrison, 172;
+  offended by Harrison, 213;
+  Senator from New York, 253;
+  opposes nomination of Roosevelt for governor, 277;
+  aids Roosevelt boom for Vice-Presidency, 280.
+
+Polygamy, in Utah, 154.
+
+Populism, origin of, 208.
+
+Populists, demands of, 210;
+  carry four States in Presidential election (1892), 216;
+  caricatures of, 223;
+  fuse with Democrats, 237, 238;
+  favor direct legislation, 249, 250.
+
+Porto Rico, invaded by United States troops, 272;
+  ceded to United States, 273;
+  Territorial government provided, 278.
+
+Post-office, the, corruption in, 103, 104, 105, 113, 114.
+
+Potter, Bishop Henry C., 246.
+
+Powderly, Terence V., 121, 122, 135.
+
+Practical politics, 110.
+
+Preemption Law, the, 21, 155, 156.
+
+Presidential Succession Act, 105.
+
+Primaries, direct, 249, 335.
+
+Progressive Republicans, revolt, 329;
+  organize a League, 330;
+  principles of, 333;
+  oppose renomination of Taft, 334;
+  urge Roosevelt to run, 335;
+  organize Progressive Party, 336;
+  nominate Roosevelt and Johnson, 337;
+  popular vote of, 338;
+  influence negligible in 1914, 342.
+
+Protection, in Republican platform (1888), 170, 171;
+  earnestly discussed by both parties, 170;
+  enlarged by McKinley Bill, 174, 176;
+  of unborn industries, 175;
+  strongest in East, 177;
+  rampant spirit for, in 1897, 254.
+
+Pure food movement, 313, 314, 328.
+
+
+Quay, Matthew S., chairman of Harrison campaign committee, 170, 171, 174;
+  offended by Harrison, 213;
+  completes partnership of manufacturers and voters, 232;
+  selects Penrose for Senator, 253.
+
+
+Railroads, development of, 10, 12, 68, 69, 92, 93;
+  importance of, 16, 69;
+  land grants to, 22, 24, 148;
+  continental, 22, 25, 26, 143, 144, 145;
+  hostility of the Grange, 68, 70;
+  rate laws, 71, 72;
+  agree upon standard time, 148;
+  encourage immigration and colonization, 148, 149;
+  regarded as quasi-public, 157, 159;
+  national control of, 158;
+  bargaining in rates, 165;
+  and the Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 173;
+  promote new settlements, 179;
+  in the South after the Civil War, 204;
+  controlled by a few men, 294.
+
+Rainfall, importance of, 150, 179, 180, 182, 186.
+
+Randall, Samuel J., 108, 138.
+
+Rebates, railroad, forbidden by Elkins Law, 296.
+
+Reciprocity, favorite scheme of Blaine, 175.
+
+Reclamation of arid lands of the Southwest, 290, 291, 320.
+
+Reconstruction, an inappropriate name for what took place, 39;
+  no constitutional theory adequate to meet problems of, 44;
+  must be judged by results, 44, 45;
+  completion of, in formal sense, 46;
+  not far advanced by 1870, 49;
+  dominant type of leaders, 78;
+  political superseded by constitutional, 85.
+
+Reconstruction Acts of 1867, the, 43, 45, 47.
+
+Reconstruction Governments, evils of, 50, 51, 61.
+
+Reed, Thomas B., 172, 229, 240.
+
+Referendum and initiative, 249, 250, 333, 334.
+
+Regan, John H., 193.
+
+Reid, Whitelaw, 56, 130.
+
+Republican party, the, during the Civil War, 1, 2;
+  called itself Union, 4, 32;
+  paid for its disguise, 32;
+  in the South after 1876, 54;
+  new men in control, 78, 79;
+  regains control of the House (1880), 108;
+  but loses it again (1882), 117;
+  dissensions in, 128;
+  defeated in 1884, 133;
+  elects President and majority in both houses in 1888, 171;
+  suffers a landslide (1890), 185, 186;
+  regains control of Senate and House, (1894), 229;
+  platform in 1896, 234;
+  dominates every branch of National Government for fourteen years, 244;
+  the party of organized business, 252;
+  approves the Spanish War, 279;
+  elects Taft President (1908), 324, 325;
+  revises tariff, 326, 327;
+  dissatisfaction in, 327, 328;
+  loses the House (1910), 329;
+  renominates Taft (1912), 336.
+
+Revels, Hiram R., negro Senator from Mississippi, 47.
+
+River and Harbor Bill, 117.
+
+Rockefeller, John D., gains chief control of petroleum traffic, 165, 166;
+  aids cause of education in South, 201;
+  methods of, 310, 321.
+
+Roosevelt, Theodore, 128;
+  steps out of Blaine campaign, 130;
+  Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 265, 277;
+  raises a regiment for Spanish War, 266;
+  in Cuba, 270;
+  early public career of, 276;
+  Governor of New York, 277;
+  a reformer of a new type, 277;
+  Vice-President with McKinley, 280;
+  succeeds to Presidency, 282;
+  and the Hague Court, 283, 284;
+  activity in securing Panama Canal, 286, 288;
+  questionable course toward Colombia, 286, 288;
+  attitude toward negroes, 289, 290;
+  widely popular, 291;
+  disliked by professional politicians, 291;
+  dissolves Northern Securities Company, 296, 299;
+  settles coal strike, 300;
+  alienates party leaders, 302;
+  wants nomination on his own account, 303;
+  tries to modify Dingley Tariff, 304;
+  nominated for President, 305;
+  and elected, 306;
+  declares he will not accept another nomination, 307;
+  goes outside of United States territory, 316-17;
+  receives the Nobel prize, 317;
+  promotes second Hague Conference, 318;
+  sends navy round the world, 319;
+  holds conference of state governors at White House, 320;
+  called "Theodore the Meddler," 322;
+  his policies those of the people, 323;
+  secures nomination of Taft for Presidency, 324, 325;
+  goes to Africa, 329;
+  formulates New Nationalism, 333;
+  defeated in Republican convention, 336;
+  nominated by Progressives, 337.
+
+Root, Elihu, becomes Secretary of War, 274, 281;
+  Secretary of State, 318;
+  mentioned for Presidency, 324;
+  presides over Chicago convention, 336.
+
+Rough Riders, the, 266, 270, 277.
+
+"Rum, Romanism, and rebellion," 133.
+
+Rusk, Jeremiah M., 136, 157.
+
+Russia, at war with Japan, 317.
+
+
+Sackville-West, Sir Lionel, 170.
+
+Salary grab, in Congress, 62.
+
+Salisbury, Lord, in Venezuela case, 230, 231.
+
+Sampson, Capt. William T., in blockade of Cuba, 265, 268, 269, 270, 272.
+
+Schenck, Robert C., 55, 61.
+
+Schley, Commodore Winfield Scott, in blockade of Cuba, 265, 268, 269, 272.
+
+Schurz, Carl, leader of the Liberal Republicans, 56;
+  introduces merit system, 86;
+  reorganizes the Indian service, 86, 87;
+  supports civil service reform, 112, 113;
+  an anti-imperialist, 278.
+
+Seal fisheries, 212.
+
+Sewall, Arthur, 237.
+
+Seymour, Horatio, 4;
+  nominated for Presidency, 31;
+  loyalty above question, 79.
+
+Shafter, Gen. William R., 269, 270.
+
+Sherman, James S., nominated for Vice-Presidency, 325, 336.
+
+Sherman, John, Senator from Ohio, 66;
+  Secretary of the Treasury, 89;
+  proposed for the Presidency, 98, 99, 128;
+  Secretary of State, 253.
+
+Sherman, Gen. William T., 5.
+
+Sherman Anti-Trust Law, the, enacted, 172, 173, 293;
+  enforced under Roosevelt, 320, 321.
+
+Sherman Silver Purchase Bill, 174, 218, 219, 220.
+
+Silver, fall in value of, 88, 228;
+  free coinage demanded, 181, 182;
+  mines, output of, 181;
+  coinage of, 217;
+  demonetization of, called a crime, 225.
+
+Sinclair, Upton, 311.
+
+Slater, John F., creates fund for education of negro, 201.
+
+Social Democratic party, 301.
+
+Socialist Labor party, 301, 338.
+
+South, the, before the war, 11, 12;
+  price of its attempt at independence, 39;
+  stubbornness of, 40;
+  decrease in size of farms, 40, 41;
+  government of, by army, 42;
+  divided into five military districts, 43;
+  new constitutions of its States, 46;
+  readmission to Union, 47, 49;
+  repudiation of debts, 51;
+  normal politics Democratic, 52, 54, 79.
+  _See also_ New South.
+
+South Dakota, admitted to Union, 152;
+  first State to adopt initiative and referendum, 250.
+
+Southern Pacific Railroad, 145, 148;
+  passes into control of Union Pacific, 294, 295;
+  merger dissolved, 330.
+
+Spain, sends Gen. Weyler to Cuba, 260;
+  embittered against United States by filibustering parties, 261;
+  changes of Ministry in, 262;
+  declines mediation, but recalls Gen. Weyler, 263;
+  establishes a sort of autonomy for Cuba, 263;
+  war with United States begun, 264;
+  loses fleet at Manila, 267;
+  and another at Santiago, 272;
+  army at Santiago surrenders, 272;
+  loses Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippine Islands, and Guam, 273.
+
+Squatters, 21, 155.
+
+Stalwarts, the, support Conkling against Garfield, 103;
+  claimed as friends by Guiteau, 105;
+  relations with Arthur, 109, 126.
+
+Standard Oil Company, the, 166, 167;
+  suit against, brought by Ohio, 168;
+  history of, 310;
+  charges of extorting rebates, 311, 312;
+  dissolved, 330, 331.
+
+Standard time, adopted by American railroads, 148.
+
+Stanford, Leland, 25.
+
+Stanton, Edwin M., 3, 35.
+
+Star route frauds, 103, 104, 105, 113.
+
+Steel industry, the, 16, 297, 298.
+
+Steffens, Lincoln, 310.
+
+Stevens, Thaddeus, 30, 34.
+
+Stevenson, Adlai E., Vice-President with Cleveland, 215;
+  nominated with Bryan, 279.
+
+Strathcona, Lord, interested in Canadian railways, 148.
+
+Strikes, 121; Pullman, 222;
+  at Cripple Creek, 222, 301;
+  at Homestead, 299;
+  in Pennsylvania coal fields, 299, 300.
+
+Sumner, Charles, 34, 55.
+
+Surplus, embarrassing, 93, 173;
+  an incentive to extravagance, 116, 136, 138;
+  easily relieved, 174;
+  nearly exhausted, 216.
+
+
+Taft, William II., decision as Circuit Judge against an industrial
+  combination, 299;
+  recalled from Philippines to be Secretary of War, 317;
+  Roosevelt's choice for Presidency, 324;
+  nominated and elected (1908), 325;
+  urges tariff revision, 326, 327;
+  alienates some of the Republican lenders, 327, 328;
+  in the Pinchot-Ballinger dispute, 328, 329;
+  pushes anti-trust suits, 330, 331;
+  extends civil service, 331;
+  negotiates arbitration treaties with Great Britain and France, 331, 332;
+  renominated (1912), 336;
+  badly defeated, 338.
+
+Tanner, James ("Corporal"), 172.
+
+Tarbell, Ida M., writes history of Standard Oil Company, 309, 310.
+
+Tariff, the favorite national tax, 6, 7;
+  basis of the rate of, 7;
+  at the end of the war, 8;
+  different views of, 97;
+  influence of, in Presidential campaigns, 100;
+  revision of, 114, 116, 117;
+  as a source of revenue, 114, 115;
+  attacks upon, 115, 116;
+  commission created to investigate needs of, 117, 118;
+  difficulties of constructing, 118, 119, 140;
+  revision demanded, 169;
+  McKinley Bill, 172-75;
+  opposition to the new law, 184;
+  a factor in political landslide of 1890, 186;
+  McKinley Bill in danger, 215;
+  tariff for revenue the winning issue in 1890 and 1892, 220;
+  financial interest of manufacturers in, 233;
+  the Dingley Bill, 253, 254, 255;
+  the "mother of trusts," 303;
+  revised by Republicans, 326, 327;
+  reduced by Democrats, 339.
+
+Taxes, as means of raising money, 6, 114, 115;
+  authorized more reluctantly than loans, 6;
+  often revised and increased, 7;
+  difficulties of Congress with, 115.
+
+Taylor, Hannis, 262.
+
+Tennessee, readmitted to the Union, 45;
+  escapes negro domination, 54.
+
+Tenure-of-Office Act, 34, 35.
+
+Texas, readmitted to Union, 47;
+  through change in, after the Civil War, 204, 205.
+
+Thurman, Allen G., 170.
+
+Tilden, Samuel J., prosecutes the Tweed ring, 80;
+  Democratic candidate for President in 1876, 80, 81;
+  doubtful result of the election, 83, 84;
+  unwilling to run in 1880, 99.
+
+Timber Culture Laws, 155.
+
+Tobacco Trust, 330, 331.
+
+Transportation, a fundamental factor, 162;
+  creates new standards of living, 162, 163;
+  relation to the trusts, 164, 165;
+  vital to frontier life, 180.
+
+Treves, Sir Frederick, praises work in Canal Zone, 317.
+
+Trusts, formation of, 163, 164;
+  logical outcome of, 164;
+  influence of transportation, 164, 165;
+  whiskey and sugar, 166;
+  evils of, social or political, 167;
+  difficulty of regulating, 168;
+  investigation ordered, 169;
+  the aim of, 297;
+  Chicago conference on, 298;
+  and strikes, 299, 300;
+  not all "bad," 302;
+  tariff the mother of, 303;
+  the menace of, 309;
+  prosecution of, 320, 321.
+
+Tweed, William M., 50, 60.
+
+
+Underwood, Oscar W., 329, 330, 336.
+
+Union League, of freedmen, 45.
+
+Union Pacific Railroad, building of, 22, 24, 25;
+  celebration of completion, 25;
+  scandals of, 61;
+  extended to Denver, 74;
+  a national project, 142, 143;
+  extended to the Gulf and into Oregon, 145;
+  reconstructed by Harriman, 294.
+
+United Mine Workers of America, 300.
+
+United States Steel Corporation, 297, 298.
+
+Utah, polygamy in, 154;
+  admitted to the Union, 240, 290.
+
+
+Vallandigham, Clement L., 4.
+
+Venezuela, boundary dispute with Great Britain, 230-32;
+  before the Hague Court, 284.
+
+Villard, Henry, 144, 145.
+
+Virginia, readmitted to Union, 47.
+
+
+Waite, Gov. Davis H., 222, 228.
+
+Wanamaker, John, 172, 253.
+
+Washington, becomes a State, 152.
+
+Washington, Booker T., 202, 290.
+
+Watson, Thomas E., 193, 238.
+
+Watterson, Henry, 56.
+
+Weaver, James B., Greenback-Labor candidate for the Presidency, 101;
+  leader in the People's Party, 209;
+  Presidential candidate, 211, 216.
+
+Wells, David A., 116.
+
+Western Federation of Miners, in Cripple Creek strike, 301.
+
+Weyler, Gen. Valeriano, 260, 261, 263.
+
+Wheeler, William A., Vice-President with Hayes, 83.
+
+Whiskey Ring, the, 62, 81.
+
+Whiskey and Sugar Trusts, 166.
+
+Wiley, Dr. Harvey, 314, 328.
+
+Wilson, Henry, Vice-President in Grant's second term, 57.
+
+Wilson, James, 314, 328.
+
+Wilson, William L., 215;
+  leader in tariff revision, 139, 220, 221;
+  on free silver, 229.
+
+Wilson, Woodrow, career of, 336, 337;
+  nominated by Democrats for Presidency, 337;
+  elected, 338;
+  delivers message to Congress in person, 339;
+  a coercive leader, 339;
+  attitude toward Mexico, 340;
+  neutrality in European war, 341, 342.
+
+Windom, William L., 102, 172.
+
+Woman suffrage, adopted by several States, 250, 334.
+
+Wood, Gen. Leonard, 270, 282.
+
+Woodford, Gen. Stewart L., Minister to Spain, 262, 263.
+
+Wright, Carroll D., Commissioner of Labor, 122.
+
+Wyoming, made a Territory, 149;
+  a State, 152, 250.
+
+
+Yellow fever, suppressed in Cuba, 282.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The New Nation, by Frederic L. Paxson
+
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