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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers, by 
+Henry William Lee
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers
+
+Author: Henry William Lee
+
+Release Date: July 14, 2008 [EBook #26051]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOLSHEVISM: A CURSE & DANGER ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness, Jeannie Howse and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +---------------------------------------------------+
+    | Transcriber's Note:                               |
+    |                                                   |
+    | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. |
+    | For a complete list, please see the end of this   |
+    | document.                                         |
+    |                                                   |
+    | Bold text is marked like so: =bold text=.         |
+    |                                                   |
+    +---------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+_Second Edition._             PRICE TWOPENCE.
+
+
+
+
+BOLSHEVISM:
+
+A CURSE & DANGER
+TO THE WORKERS.
+
+BY
+
+H.W. LEE
+
+(_Editor of "Justice"; Author of "The First of May: International
+Labour Day"; "A Socialist View of the Unemployed Question";
+"Social-Democracy and the Zollverein"; "The Triumph of the Trust
+under Free Trade"; "The Great Strike Movement of 1911"; and
+"Why Starve? Britain's Food in War--and in Peace."_).
+
+WITH
+FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.
+
+
+THE TWENTIETH CENTURY PRESS (1912), LIMITED.
+(TRADE UNION AND 48 HOURS),
+37, 37A AND 38, CLERKENWELL GREEN, LONDON, E.C.
+
+_February, 1919._
+
+
+
+
+FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.
+
+
+I have been asked to write a brief introduction to the pamphlet which
+my old friend and comrade H.W. Lee has written on the undercurrent of
+Bolshevist propaganda going on in this country, of which the recent
+unauthorised strike outbreaks are outward and visible signs. I do this
+gladly. Our comrade Lee, through being long associated with the
+Social-Democratic Federation as its Secretary, and his editorship of
+"Justice" during the last five years, has gained a knowledge of
+International Socialist movements in their many phases which renders
+his pamphlet both authoritative and reliable.
+
+I hope the pamphlet will have a wide circulation in all the large
+industrial centres, because I feel convinced that the majority of the
+rank and file of the wage-earners do not and cannot know what it is
+that our Bolshevists are striving for. They have not the faintest idea
+in what direction some of them are being led. The Bolshevists in
+certain industrial centres want to impose their own authority on the
+rank and file of the workers, using catch-words for that purpose. If
+they succeed in this direction they will set to work to undermine the
+trade union movement of this country, and upset, instead of making use
+of, the means we at present possess for improving our economic
+conditions.
+
+Our minds go back to the Leeds "Convention," held in June, 1917. The
+delegates at that Conference declared that they were in favour of
+Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils being formed in all the large
+industrial centres of the country. Nothing whatever came of it. But
+the W.S.C.s then controlling the revolutionary undercurrent in Russia
+were totally different from the Bolshevist tyranny of to-day, and many
+of the delegates who formed the W.S.C.s in various parts of Russia
+after the Revolution have been imprisoned or shot because they opposed
+the domination of Lenin and Trotzky.
+
+Last Tuesday I saw two friends whom I met in Petrograd in April, 1917,
+and both of them absolutely confirm the statements made in the Press
+about the hundreds of men and women who have been shot without any
+trial or confirmation of the charges brought against them.
+
+An article which appears in the "Nineteenth Century" of January,
+written by Mr. Pierson, who was imprisoned in the Fortress of St.
+Peter and St. Paul last October, after being arrested at the British
+Embassy in Petrograd at the same time that Captain Cromie was shot,
+also confirms the brutalities that are taking place constantly in
+Petrograd and other parts of Russia.
+
+A letter in the "Daily Express," written by Colonel John Ward, M.P.,
+shows the terrible hell which Bolshevism is making, and the methods
+that are being pursued by the followers of Lenin and Trotzky. If the
+Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils had done their duty in the latter
+part of April, 1917, after Lenin made his two hours' speech in the
+Duma on April 17, they would have sent him back whence he came,
+because it is a well-known fact that he was allowed to pass through
+Germany with thirty other companions in a first-class saloon. I am
+quite convinced that it was not the Russian people who were paying his
+expenses during the time he was carrying on his pernicious propaganda
+work in various parts of Russia. The downfall of the Soldiers' and
+Workmen's Councils has been the consequence of their giving Lenin and
+his thirty companions full freedom to spread their anarchical creed
+and the wiping out of duly elected Assemblies.
+
+The leading men of the Bolshevik movement in this country are out for
+the overthrow of things as they are by physical force as soon as they
+feel confident that they have a good number of the rank and file of
+the wage-earners behind them. I want to warn the wage-earners--men and
+women of my own class--against being associated with such people,
+because I know that their tactics cannot remedy the economic and
+industrial injustices under which the industrial workers are
+suffering. They can be rectified by Social-Democratic education,
+scientific organisation in the trade union movement, and by using
+political powers to that end.
+
+The methods adopted by the unauthorised shop stewards movement in the
+different parts of the country must be rigorously suppressed, and
+properly appointed shop stewards and works committees in all factories
+and workshops must be elected instead. By that method industrial and
+economic improvements can be brought about with the greatest benefit
+and the least harm to all.
+
+The pamphlet gives a very clear statement about what is taking place
+in connection with the Bolshevist movement. That is the reason why I
+trust that it will have a wide circulation in all the large industrial
+centres of the country.
+
+                                                WILL THORNE.
+
+     February 13, 1919.
+
+
+
+
+"BOLSHEVISM":
+
+A Curse and a Danger to the Workers.
+
+
+Russia has given most countries of the world a new word. "Bolshevism"
+is to-day known universally, though its meaning is not by any means so
+universal. In Russia it has a very definite and often striking
+meaning, as many anti-Bolsheviks have known and are learning to their
+cost. Elsewhere it has a wider, if looser, significance, and is
+frequently employed to express or describe a number of things to which
+one objects. Our own Press, for instance, flings "Bolshevik" and
+"Bolshevism" at everybody and everything that it denounces, or against
+whom and which it seeks to raise prejudice. In this respect it has
+often overreached itself, for it is causing some to accept the Russian
+Bolsheviks at their own estimation, because they know that many of the
+things styled "Bolshevist" are not as bad as they are made out to be.
+
+In Russia "Bolshevik" means majority, and "Menshevik" minority. Their
+real significance was purely an internal one for the Russian
+Social-Democratic Party. It is important to make this point clear, for
+now and again we come across British supporters of and sympathisers
+with the Russian Bolsheviks who take the name as a proof that the
+Government of Lenin and Trotzky actually represents the majority of
+the Russian people! Nothing is more contrary to the fact. The
+Bolshevist "coup de rue" of November, 1917, was as complete a
+usurpation of power as that of Louis Napoleon in 1851. True it was a
+usurpation by professed Socialists, supposedly in the interests of the
+Russian working class, but it was no less a usurpation and an attack
+on democracy which only success in the interests of the Russian
+working class could possibly justify. The forcible dissolution of the
+Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks two months afterwards, because
+the elections did not go in their favour, compelled them to take the
+road to complete domination, and they are now unable to retrace their
+steps, even if, as is reported, the more honest of them wish to do so.
+
+
+Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, and Social Revolutionaries.
+
+The terms "Bolshevik" and "Menshevik" (majority and minority) arose
+from the division in the Russian Social-Democracy which had shown
+itself at the Congress held in London in 1903. The difference is
+generally assumed to be one of tactics--of a readiness to co-operate
+with other parties for certain definite objects under certain special
+conditions ("Menshevik"), or of complete antagonism and opposition to
+all other parties every time and all the time ("Bolshevik"). But the
+difference lies deeper than that. "Bolshevism" is, in effect, the
+Russian form of "impossibilism." From this the thorough-going
+Social-Democrats of all countries have to suffer at times. By
+divorcing the application of Socialist principles and measures from
+the actual life of the day, and arguing and discussing "in vacuo,"
+impossibilism drives many, who see the utter sterility of its results,
+into the opposite direction, that of opportunism for the moment
+without much thought for the future.
+
+Until their "coup de rue" of November, 1917, the Russian Bolsheviks
+regarded themselves as the extreme Left of the Russian Social-Democratic
+Party. But latterly they have dropped the name Social-Democrat--so much
+the better for Social-Democracy--and have adopted that of the "Russian
+Communist Party"--so much the worse for Communism, for towards
+Communism the Social-Democratic Commonwealths of the future are bound
+to tend. "Bolshevism" to-day, where it is honest, is in the main a
+revival of the Anarchism of Bakunine, together with a policy of armed
+insurrection, and a seizure of political power which shall install the
+"dictatorship of the proletariat." That is the dividing line between
+the Bolsheviks and their Social-Democratic opponents, the Mensheviks,
+and their far more numerous and powerful antagonists, the Social
+Revolutionaries, who obtained an overwhelming majority in the
+Constituent Assembly which the Bolsheviks dissolved by force. The
+Social Revolutionaries seek the emancipation of the peasants and
+workers by democratic means--the only safe and sure way--though they
+were quite ready to use force for the overthrow of Tsardom, happily
+effected in March, 1917. Unhappily, though, Bolshevik terrorism, with
+its complete inability to carry out its promises of "peace and bread"
+for the Russian people, and certain European financial interests are
+together rehabilitating reaction in Russia, and the people and the
+peasants may be driven to put up with some new autocratic régime in the
+hope that it may shield them from the present terrorism and secure them
+something to eat.
+
+
+Bolshevist Intolerance.
+
+Innumerable instances could be given of the bitter intolerance of the
+honest Bolshevik fanatics towards all sections of the International
+Socialist movement with which they have not agreed. Paul Axelrod, one
+of the founders of Russian Social-Democracy, in a pamphlet published at
+Zürich in 1915, entitled "The Crisis and the Duties of International
+Social-Democracy," reproaches Lenin with seeking to carry into the
+internal struggles of the Socialist Parties in Europe "specifically
+Russian methods" which aim directly at creating troubles and divisions,
+and branding without any distinction "nearly all the known and
+respected bodies of International Social-Democracy as traitors and
+deserters stranded in the bourgeois camp, treating these comrades,
+whose international conscience and sentiments are above all suspicion,
+as National Liberals, chauvinists, philistines, traitors, etc." Is this
+the way in which to raise the enthusiasm of the workers for the cause
+of Socialism? Is this the manner in which the spirit of self-sacrifice
+can be roused in the masses? It savours far too much of the old
+implacable bitterness of the Terrorists--reasonable and natural enough
+in their secret conspiracies, where a fellow-conspirator might be a
+police agent--but utterly out of place and mischievous when introduced
+into open propaganda and organisation.
+
+To this jaundiced outlook of the prominent Bolsheviks is added
+ignorance of administration. Nearly all of them are refugees who have
+spent many years of their lives outside of Russia. They have evolved
+theories of Socialist policy from their inner consciousness without an
+opportunity of putting them to practical tests--until now, when the
+world is in the throes of a war crisis. And they attempt to apply
+their theories of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" in a vast
+nation made up of various races in different stages of civilisation,
+only just entering upon full capitalist development, where the
+proletariat, the wage workers, constitute fewer than 20,000,000 out of
+a total population of 180,000,000! And yet there are supporters of the
+Bolsheviks in Britain who profess to be Marxists--more Marxist than
+Marx, in fact--and who can countenance such a logical outrage on the
+"materialist conception of history"!
+
+
+Offensive and Defensive Wars.
+
+Nothing better illustrates the unreality of some of Lenin's theories
+than his attitude on national self-defence. In 1915 he and Zinovieff,
+another well-known Bolshevik, published a pamphlet on "Socialism and
+the War." One chapter dealt with "A War of Defence and a War of
+Attack." It contains this passage:--"If to-morrow, for example,
+Morocco were to go to war against France, the Indies against England,
+and China against Russia, they would be wars of defence, just wars,
+independently of any question of which began the war." Being "wars of
+defence, just wars," the people would obviously be justified in taking
+part in them from Lenin's point of view. Now let us see where the
+logic of this contention will land us. Morocco, possibly because what
+capitalism is there is foreign, may justly wage war against France;
+but if France fights a war of defence against an aggressive attack by
+Germany, she is engaged in an "imperialist war." Similarly, if India
+rises against Britain, the people will be fighting a just war; but if
+Britain supports France and Belgium against German imperialism, she is
+carrying on an "imperialist war." Hence it follows that, if the
+Central Powers had won the war, and Belgium had been subjugated by
+Germany, Belgium would have been fully justified in fighting to
+recover her independence; but in defending that independence which she
+would have a right to recover, if deprived of it, she was taking part
+in an "imperialist war "! Such is Leninist logic when brought down to
+actual facts.
+
+In short, Lenin, like Bakunine, loves ideas more than men. This may be
+said of all the honest Bolshevist fanatics. There are others--many of
+them. And even the genuine fanatics appear to have reached a stage of
+mental "impossibilism" where the end not only justifies the means, but
+any means must necessarily help to achieve the end. We know the
+Bolsheviks were conveyed to Russia in April, 1917, via Germany in
+sealed carriages with the consent of the German authorities. The Swiss
+Bolshevik, Platten, arranged the affair with the German Government.
+That the German Government expected that the Bolshevist mission to
+Russia would be of advantage to Germany cannot be questioned;
+otherwise the Bolshevist refugees would not have been allowed to go to
+Petrograd through Germany. The Bolsheviks themselves knew that their
+actions in the Russian Revolution would help Imperialist Germany, for
+the "Berner Tagwacht" announced, after they had left Switzerland, that
+they were "perfectly well aware that the German Government is only
+permitting the transit of those persons because it believes that their
+presence in Russia will strengthen the anti-war tendencies there." It
+is the same with whatever money was supplied by Germany to the
+Bolsheviks. It would all help to establish the "dictatorship of the
+proletariat."
+
+It is necessary to refer also to Leo Trotzky. Some who are convinced
+of Lenin's honesty of purpose do not hold the same view of Trotzky.
+Lenin is the implacable theorist in whose nostrils compromise of any
+sort stinks. Trotzky is not of that character. He is much more
+adaptable. And he has changed opinions on war issues more than once
+during the war. In the autumn of 1914 or the beginning of 1915,
+Trotzky wrote a brilliant pamphlet, "Der Krieg und die Internationale"
+("The War and the International"). In that pamphlet he boldly declared
+that the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was a necessity.
+While ridiculing defensive wars, he nevertheless wrote: "The more
+obstinate the resistance of France--and now, truly, it is her duty to
+protect her territory and her independence against the German
+attack--the more surely does she hold, and will hold, the German army
+on the Western front." Again: "The victory of Germany over France--a
+very regrettable strategic necessity in the opinion of German
+Social-Democracy--would signify first of all not merely the defeat of
+the permanent army under a democratic republican régime, but the
+victory of the feudal and monarchical constitution over the
+democratic and republican constitution." Thus wrote Trotzky while
+still a Social-Democrat, before he became a Bolshevist dictator. How,
+then, can he denounce France for fighting an "imperialist war," or
+Britain for helping her to prevent a "victory of the feudal and
+monarchical constitution over the democratic and republican
+constitution"?
+
+
+The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
+
+The "dictatorship of the proletariat" appeals to Trotzky, because he
+has become virtually the dictator of the proletariat and everything
+else in Russia within the power of the "Red Guards" and his Chinese
+battalions. These Chinese battalions, recruited from Chinese labourers
+employed behind the military lines while Russia was in the war, may be
+responsible for some of the "executions" which have taken place. The
+Bolshevist emissary, Maxim Litvinoff, pooh-poohs all stories of
+massacres. It is generally the dregs of the Chinese population who are
+recruited for labour gangs abroad; and if "removals" of
+"counter-revolutionaries" can be accomplished by Chinese battalions,
+the Bolsheviks can then aver that they have not had a hand in it!
+Since the acceptance of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty because Russia could
+fight no longer, Trotzky has not only talked of raising Bolshevik
+armies, but has succeeded in raising them and officering them by
+officers of the old Tsarist régime. What Trotzky would not do against
+the German armies he is quite prepared to do against those portions of
+Russia that have taken advantage of the self-determination granted by
+the Bolshevist Administration. Perhaps the peculiar Bolshevist
+philosophy regarding wars of defence is also to apply to neighbouring
+States if they do not happen to be strong militarily. You must not
+prevent the "self-determination" of any portion of an existing State,
+but you may attack it when "self-determined," in the interests of the
+"international Social Revolution" and the "dictatorship of the
+proletariat." That sort of action, when undertaken by an autocracy, is
+usually described as an act of imperialist aggression in order to
+divert attention from internal difficulties; and Bolshevism in Russia
+is an autocracy--a dictatorship not of the proletariat, but over the
+proletariat. It cannot possibly be anything else.
+
+The Russian Revolution of March, 1917, was in many respects similar to
+the French Revolution of 1789. It brought the downfall of absolute
+monarchy. It was not so bourgeois in character as the French
+Revolution, because there was a definite proletarian class in Russia,
+though small in comparison with its immense population, and capitalist
+production was established. But the Russian Revolution had this
+disadvantage compared with the French Revolution--there was
+practically no class able to take over the administration in the
+interests of the Revolution as with the French; and if that was so
+when certain bourgeois elements were with the Revolution, how much
+less of administrative knowledge would there be in a Bolshevist
+Government over millions of ignorant workers and peasants accustomed
+only to a despotic régime, whose "Commissaries" are mainly refugees,
+most of whom have lost all real touch with Russian internal affairs?
+
+
+Bolshevist Inquisition.
+
+There is not the slightest need to accept the capitalist Press of this
+or any other country as authoritative on the present condition of
+things in Russia. Consult the Bolshevist organs themselves,
+particularly the "Izvestya" and "Pravda." They give quite enough
+evidence to prove what terrorism prevails, how all freedom of the
+Press, speech and public meeting is ruthlessly suppressed. The
+following is from "Pravda" of October 8 last:--
+
+    "The absence of the necessary restraint makes one feel appalled
+    at the 'instruction' issued by the All-Russian Extraordinary
+    Commission to 'All Provincial Extraordinary Commissions,' which
+    says: 'The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission is perfectly
+    independent in its work, carrying out house searches, arrests,
+    executions, of which it _afterwards_ reports to the Council of
+    the People's Commissaries and to the Central Executive Council.'
+    Further, the Provincial and District Extraordinary Commissions
+    'are independent in their activities, and when called upon by
+    the local Executive Council present a report of their work.' In
+    so far as house searches and arrests are concerned, a report
+    made _afterwards_ may result in putting right irregularities
+    committed owing to lack of restraint. The same cannot be said of
+    executions.... It can also be seen from the 'instruction' that
+    personal safety is to a certain extent guaranteed only to
+    members of the Government, of the Central Council and of the
+    local Executive Committees. With the exception of these few
+    persons, all members of the local Committees of the [Bolshevist]
+    Party, of the Control Committees, and of the Executive Committee
+    of the Party may be shot at any time by the decision of any
+    Extraordinary Commission of a small district town if they happen
+    to be on its territory, and a report of that made _afterwards_."
+
+"Vorwärts," quoting from "Pravda," says that the Bolshevist organ
+reports that 13,764 persons have been executed within the last three
+months.
+
+As regards the internal economic situation in Russia under Bolshevist
+rule, a Russian workman, whose experience has not been confined to
+Petrograd and Moscow, makes the following statement in the
+"Social-Demokraten" of Stockholm:--
+
+    "The output of the factories has decreased by 80 per cent.,
+    notwithstanding that the Revolutionary Committees stimulate
+    production with the revolver. The condition of the railways is
+    worse than ever. All the industrial workmen are against the
+    Bolsheviks, and the same is the case with the peasants. The
+    so-called 'Committees of the Poor' are drawn from the small
+    number of peasants who sought employment in the factories during
+    the war and have now returned to the country. The only
+    supporters of the Bolsheviks, apart from the Letts and the
+    Chinese, are those belonging to their own official caste. The
+    European Press has rather understated than exaggerated the Red
+    Terror."
+
+As regards food conditions,[1] the Bolshevist Administration seems to
+be thorough and precise in the issue of food-cards of all
+descriptions, according to the four categories into which the
+population is divided. More food-cards, in fact, appear to have been
+issued to the population of Moscow than the population itself, which
+was 1,694,971 last April. Restaurants, dining-rooms, etc., are fully
+supplied with supplementary food-cards. But what of supplies? They
+are, after all, the main thing. Translated into English money and
+weight, the prices last September were as follows: Potatoes, 7-1/2d. a
+lb.; fresh cabbage, 7d. a lb.; fish (supply diminishing), pickled
+herrings from 1s. 9d. to 3s. 3d. a lb.; smoked herrings, from 2s. 4d.
+to 4s. each; meat, 7s. 7d. a lb.; pork, 12s. 8d. a lb.; boiled
+sausage, 9s. 3d. a lb.; smoked sausage, 11s. 10d. a lb.; milk, of
+which there was little, was 2s. 6d. a bottle; cream butter, 25s. 3d. a
+lb.; lump sugar, 25s. 3d. a lb. In Petrograd meat was from 9s. 7d. a
+lb.; veal, 11s. a lb.; pork, 12s. 7d. a lb.; mutton, 10s. 1d. a lb.
+Fish, supplies of which were limited, were about the same prices as at
+Moscow. The figures of municipal bread-baking in Petrograd for last
+April, May and June were 328,128, 262,075 and 185,222 puds
+respectively. A pud is 36 lbs. This indicates a most serious
+reduction. According to rations on the bread-cards, which are 3/8 lb.
+per day, with the same amount for supplementary cards for workers'
+categories, and 1/8 lb. a day per child, the monthly supply for
+Petrograd should be 792,000 puds.
+
+In October reports from Tambov, Viatka, Vladimir, Tula and Saratov
+indicate that, though supplies of all kinds of grain were fairly good,
+the disorganisation of transport was so great that the larger part of
+those supplies remained where they were. A number of delegates were
+sent to Saratov to obtain 30,000 puds of breadstuffs for twenty-five
+workmen's organisations in Moscow. They only succeeded in obtaining
+3,000 puds, and they complained most bitterly of "bureaucracy" at the
+hands of the Saratov Provincial Food Committee, who kept them waiting
+a very long time and finally passed them on to a local Committee who
+declined to do anything. They demanded that pressure should be brought
+to bear on the Provincial Committee to make them disgorge part of
+their large reserves for the starving centre.
+
+
+Russian Co-operative Societies.
+
+Recently reports and articles have been appearing in certain of the
+Labour and capitalist Press favourable to the Bolsheviks, notably the
+"Labour Leader," concerning the co-operative movement in Russia. It is
+alleged that the growth of the co-operative movement there is evidence
+that the Bolshevist Government is really and seriously building up a
+new Socialist society despite the grave difficulties within and the
+antagonism from without. It is true that the co-operative movement is
+going ahead in Russia, but it is not because of, but in spite of,
+Bolshevism. The co-operative movement in Russia is not the product of
+the Bolshevist Government; it existed and progressed under Tsardom.
+The help which the co-operative societies rendered to the Russian
+people during the war is beyond all dispute. The majority of the
+co-operators in the area under Bolshevist domination are forced to
+work with the Bolshevist Soviets in order to save their societies from
+dissolution. The co-operative societies in Siberia, representing two
+million affiliated families, a population of about ten millions, have
+been the backbone of the opposition to the Bolshevist Government east
+of the Urals.
+
+Bolshevism in Russia is, in fact, a revival of the Anarchism of
+Bakunine, tinged with certain Marxist theories which the Bolshevik
+refugees have gathered during their numerous sojourns abroad. It is a
+worship of the Revolution to which everything must be sacrificed. In
+its adoration of the Goddess of Liberty it is willing-to crush the
+freedom of human beings. The change from Tsardom to Bolshevism is, to
+use Trotzky's cynical phrase, "the turn of the wheel."
+
+The Bolshevist Government has now dominated the central portion of
+European Russia for more than a twelvemonth. It bases its demand for
+general recognition on the fact that it has lasted a year without
+being overturned, and contends that that proves it has the support of
+"Soviet" Russia. The brief statement of internal conditions at Moscow
+and Petrograd made above suggests that the reports of terrible food
+shortage in those great cities, which come from independent sources,
+are not entirely destitute of foundation. And yet the apologists of
+the Bolsheviks here assure us that in Russia at the present time we
+have a "Socialist Republic of a very high order"!
+
+These facts require to be made thoroughly well known among the working
+classes of these islands. The idea is being assiduously put about,
+more subterraneously than openly, that there is now established in
+Russia a genuine Socialist Republic, or, at all events, a real and
+conscious attempt on the part of the workers and peasants of Russia to
+establish such a Republic. Given this idea, there is every reason for
+a popular agitation to prevent anything being done by the British
+Government and its allies to hamper that Socialist Republic in the
+early stages of its development. Unfortunately, the utter incapacity
+of the recent and present Coalition to come to any definite policy
+regarding Russia, and the inclination of some of its members to back
+the reactionists, while standing aloof from the real democratic forces
+in Russia which support the Constituent Assembly, play completely into
+the hands of the Bolsheviks of Russia and their sympathisers here.
+Whatever Bolshevist undercurrents there are in the present reckless
+strike movements in Glasgow, Belfast and elsewhere are therefore due
+in great part to the Governments of Mr. Lloyd George. Nevertheless it
+behoves the working class of these islands to take cognisance of the
+facts concerning Russia, for they will enable them to realise clearly
+the grave mischief that these "unauthorised" strikes are doing, more
+to their own class and the country generally than to the capitalists
+against whom the efforts of the majority of the strikers are directed.
+
+
+Bolshevism on the Clyde.
+
+The Clyde is the centre of Bolshevism in Britain, though the spirit of
+it is in other parts also. But on the Clyde a number of very
+determined and exceedingly well meaning, but "heady," Socialists of
+the S.L.P. "impossibilist" type have influenced by sheer persistence a
+good many others who do not understand whither they are being led.
+Here, again, the "dictatorship of the proletariat" means the dictation
+of the proletariat by these "impossibilists," in order to bring
+capitalist industry to its knees. For that purpose strikes are to be
+brought about as frequently as possible on no matter what pretext,
+provided that pretext calls out enough "hands" to paralyse capitalist
+industry. It may be increased wages one day, shorter hours the next,
+shop conditions the day after, anything that will cause men to "down
+tools."
+
+The idea, obviously, is to reduce industry to such a state of chaos
+that it becomes absolutely unprofitable to the employers, and thus it
+will be easier for the shop committees to take over the "control of
+industry" by Soviets from which all "bourgeois" and
+"counter-revolutionaries" shall be excluded. Meanwhile, when the
+strikes have reached a certain point, the demand shall be made for
+Government intervention, which, if granted under vague threats of
+terrible things to come, will redound to the power and credit of the
+Bolshevist leaders; and if not, and disturbances take place, then the
+leaders will be arrested, the revolutionary fires will be lighted on
+the Clyde, and will spread over the whole country; the leaders in
+question will be released from gaol by enthusiastic "revolutionary"
+crowds; and then will follow a glorified transformation scene as in a
+pantomime, with the heroes bathed in gorgeous "revolutionary"
+lime-light effects. I should not write in this fashion did I not know
+that this idea has influenced a few of the most single-minded and
+devoted Socialists on the Clyde, and we can only regret that such
+really noble spirits should have been unable to keep their heads in
+the greatest crisis in the world's history.
+
+
+The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" in Operation.
+
+The battle cry of the Russian Bolsheviks and their sympathisers and
+would-be imitators elsewhere is the "dictatorship of the proletariat."
+Let us consider what that means. Dictatorship means despotism, and
+whether it is that of a Tsar or a Kaiser, an oligarchy or a Bolshevik
+administration, it is despotism--nothing more and nothing less.
+Impatience with the slowness of the mass of the people is only to be
+expected in all who see what human existence could be made on this
+planet, how enjoyable and pleasurable life might be made by light and
+pleasant labour for all, with the vast powers which man now possesses
+over Nature. I don't suppose there is a single Socialist who has spent
+twenty years of his or her life in the cause of International
+Social-Democracy who has not at times wished that the Social
+Revolution could be quickly brought about by some benevolent
+despotism. That a similar train of thought should have entered the
+minds of Russian refugees, driven from a land where political
+democracy in any form appeared almost hopeless of achievement, is only
+natural, and equally natural that it should have been pursued to its
+abstract logical conclusion, inasmuch as, unlike ourselves, they were
+not working actually amongst the people day in and day out to
+understand how impossible of realisation such a wish must be.
+Impatience with the mass--however the Mass may be worshipped--is at
+the bottom of the idea of the "dictatorship of the proletariat." They
+must be emancipated in spite of themselves. Liberty and democracy can
+come afterwards when the Socialist dictators have transformed
+capitalist society into the Socialist State. During that
+transformation the mass must obey the minority which has seized power;
+it must accept as right and just what that minority decrees; it must
+abandon liberty of speech and the Press, or at least it must refuse
+those liberties to all who do not agree with the actions of the
+minority in power. And if the mass don't like it, well----! Are these
+not precisely the principles on which Lenin and Trotzky are striving
+to create this "Socialist Republic of a very high order"? And are they
+not revealed in the attempts of a small minority to impose their will
+on the majority during our own strike influenza? Often is it
+observable that those who most vehemently denounce the slightest
+exercise of power in others have not the faintest objection to using
+it ruthlessly themselves. Bolshevism, then, is another phase, and
+anything but a pleasant phase, of Utopian Socialism, whatever use of
+the name of Karl Marx be made in connection with its advocacy.
+
+
+The Blind Samson.
+
+The wage-earners constitute by far the largest section of the
+community. Their votes, now more than ever, can do much to control the
+administration of the country if they will take the trouble to
+exercise that control in the direction of securing the thorough
+democratisation of the State, so that it may be made ready to organise
+the industries of the nation for the common good. The paralysis of
+industry will hurt the capitalist employers unquestionably, but it
+will certainly not benefit the workers. Blind Samson damaged the
+Philistines when he pulled down their temple; but he did not come out
+unscathed--quite the contrary. The Social Revolution--i.e., the change
+from capitalist production for profit to social production for
+use--cannot be made with rose-water; but that is no reason why there
+should be blood-letting just for the fun of seeing if red corpuscles
+are present in sufficient quantity.
+
+Let them be what they may, the trade unions are the only form of
+working-class organisation to-day which can secure for the workers a
+decent standard of existence under capitalist conditions of industry.
+Anything which tends to weaken them and reduce their influence,
+whether in the interests of the employers or for the supposed
+advancement of r-r-r-revolutionary proletarian principles, whatever
+they may be, will be harmful to the workers. It is for the workers
+themselves to see that their trade unions shall be the means of
+securing something more than higher wages or even shorter hours of
+labour. War conditions have shown what a will-o'-the-wisp are mere
+increases of pay; and short hours of labour such as could easily be
+arranged under collective organisation of industry, with all the
+economies of effort which co-operation would effect, cannot be secured
+under capitalism. That surely should be obvious to all who call
+themselves Socialists and who have even a passing acquaintance with
+economics; otherwise, why the necessity of the Co-operative
+Commonwealth? Socialist policy towards the trade unions should be, in
+short, not their capture for political purposes, nor their upset for
+Bolshevist phantasies, but one of educating the trade unionists. It is
+only along that line that the Social-Democratic movement can make real
+and steady progress.
+
+The policy of the strike for anything and everything is not only
+anti-social; it is anti-Socialist. Writing on the strike outbreak of
+1911,[2] I said: "The mass strike is rarely effective, save in a
+negative fashion. It is successful mostly when used against some
+particular object or for some definite purpose of the moment. It can
+be used to break an objectionable agreement; it may prevent the
+putting into force of an unpopular law, or the passing of some
+tyrannical measure; it may check an attempt to suppress popular
+liberties, such as they are; and it may prove the best possible means
+of preventing war between two countries, if action in that direction
+be taken equally in both countries. But as _the_ means for the
+overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of the
+Socialist Republic it is useless. Those who rely upon the general
+strike as _the_ means for the realisation of Social-Democracy are like
+the ancient Gauls, of whom it is said that they shook all States and
+founded none."
+
+
+Sporadic and Lightning Strikes Anti-Social and Anti-Socialist.
+
+What applied to the strike movement of 1911 applies with even greater
+force to the present strike ebullitions, in which the presence of
+Russian Bolsheviks is to be noted. This is all in accordance with the
+Bolshevist plan of "world revolution" for which roubles are being
+plentifully furnished, mainly through agents in Sweden. The prevailing
+idea is to pull down bourgeois society, no matter what the
+consequences. If conditions generally in the countries of Europe under
+capitalism to-day were like what they were here a century ago, coupled
+with an absolute monarchical tyranny such as that which existed until
+recently in Russia, then there might be something to be said for the
+destruction of bourgeois society by any means that would bring it
+down. Nothing under such conditions could be worse for the mass of the
+people. But with the destruction of the State in these islands would
+go the trade unions built up by years of solid labour and sacrifice,
+the co-operative societies, just now beginning to take a wider outlook
+on things than mere "divi." hunting, and the democratic political
+institutions of which the people can make far more use than they do
+when they choose to exercise their intelligence and bestir their
+energies. Then the increasingly complicated nature of production,
+distribution and exchange has also to be considered. A piece of grit
+will often throw elaborate and delicate machinery out of gear, but we
+do not regard it as a revolutionary agent on that account. The control
+of a few engineering workshops by shop stewards, puffed out with
+vanity and a "little brief authority," will not provide the food
+necessary to feed the people of these islands. We have, too, an
+indication of the spirit of liberty with which they are animated in
+the massed picketing at Glasgow, not against blacklegs and
+non-unionists, but against fellow trade unionists who refused to aid
+"unauthorised strikes."
+
+I have said that these "down tools" outbursts are anti-Socialist. They
+are anti-Socialist because they are anarchical. They may pull down,
+but they cannot build up. Socialism and Socialists have suffered
+enough during the war because of the freaks and cranks that the war
+discovered among us, and the greater number of the same genus who now
+profess to be Socialists without understanding much, if anything,
+about the Socialist movement. We do not want further prejudice raised
+against us by attempts to connect us with anarchical violence,
+hooliganism and looting. Nothing for the benefit of the people can
+possibly come out of what is now going on. All it will do is to help
+reaction, and make even the majority of the working class ready to
+acquiesce in a mild military dictatorship as a lesser evil than
+Bolshevist tyranny and violence. And there are some British Generals
+who are popular, and who are not merely militarists!
+
+There is no royal road to the Social Revolution. The steady and
+patient work of Socialist propaganda and organisation together with
+the pressing forward of thorough-going collectivist proposals for the
+ownership and control of industry for the common good, and the
+imagination to take advantage of everything that will help forward the
+great change from capitalist production for profit to Socialist
+production for use--those are the lines we must follow. All the
+imaginary shortcuts of the impatient ones, which lead to anarchical
+deserts or reactionary morasses, serve only to retard real
+Social-Democratic progress.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Comrade "R.," who has written much for "Justice" on the food
+question abroad, has supplied these particulars.--H.W.L.
+
+[2] "The Great Strike Movement of 1911, and Its Lessons."
+
+
+    +----------------------------------------------------------+
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+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +-------------------------------------------------+
+    | Typographical errors corrected in text:         |
+    |                                                 |
+    | Page 8: 'whch have taken place' replaced with   |
+    |         'which have taken place'                |
+    |                                                 |
+    +-------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
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+
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+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers, by 
+Henry William Lee
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers
+
+Author: Henry William Lee
+
+Release Date: July 14, 2008 [EBook #26051]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOLSHEVISM: A CURSE & DANGER ***
+
+
+
+
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+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
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+
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+</pre>
+
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<div class="tr">
+<p class="cen" style="font-weight: bold;">Transcriber's Note:</p>
+<br />
+<p class="noin" style="text-align: left;">Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
+For a complete list, please see the <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="#TN">end of this document</a>.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<p><span class="lefttext"><i>Second Edition.</i></span>  <span class="righttext">PRICE TWOPENCE.</span></p>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h1>BOLSHEVISM:</h1>
+
+<h2 style="text-decoration: underline;">A CURSE &amp; DANGER<br />
+TO THE WORKERS.</h2>
+
+<br />
+
+<h4>BY</h4>
+
+<h2>H.W. LEE</h2>
+
+<p class="cen">(<i>Editor of "Justice"; Author of "The First of May: International<br />
+Labour Day"; "A Socialist View of the Unemployed Question";<br />
+"Social-Democracy and the Zollverein"; "The Triumph of the Trust<br />
+under Free Trade"; "The Great Strike Movement of 1911"; and<br />
+"Why Starve? Britain's Food in War&mdash;and in Peace."</i>).</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<h5>WITH</h5>
+<h4>FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.</h4>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<h5>THE TWENTIETH CENTURY PRESS (1912), LIMITED.<br />
+(<span class="sc">Trade Union and 48 Hours</span>),<br />
+<span class="sc">37, 37a and 38, Clerkenwell Green, London, E.C.</span></h5>
+
+<h5><i>February, 1919.</i></h5>
+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+
+
+<h3>FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.</h3>
+<br />
+
+<p>I have been asked to write a brief introduction to the pamphlet which
+my old friend and comrade H.W. Lee has written on the undercurrent of
+Bolshevist propaganda going on in this country, of which the recent
+unauthorised strike outbreaks are outward and visible signs. I do this
+gladly. Our comrade Lee, through being long associated with the
+Social-Democratic Federation as its Secretary, and his editorship of
+"Justice" during the last five years, has gained a knowledge of
+International Socialist movements in their many phases which renders
+his pamphlet both authoritative and reliable.</p>
+
+<p>I hope the pamphlet will have a wide circulation in all the large
+industrial centres, because I feel convinced that the majority of the
+rank and file of the wage-earners do not and cannot know what it is
+that our Bolshevists are striving for. They have not the faintest idea
+in what direction some of them are being led. The Bolshevists in
+certain industrial centres want to impose their own authority on the
+rank and file of the workers, using catch-words for that purpose. If
+they succeed in this direction they will set to work to undermine the
+trade union movement of this country, and upset, instead of making use
+of, the means we at present possess for improving our economic
+conditions.</p>
+
+<p>Our minds go back to the Leeds "Convention," held in June, 1917. The
+delegates at that Conference declared that they were in favour of
+Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils being formed in all the large
+industrial centres of the country. Nothing whatever came of it. But
+the W.S.C.s then controlling the revolutionary undercurrent in Russia
+were totally different from the Bolshevist tyranny of to-day, and many
+of the delegates who formed the W.S.C.s in various parts of Russia
+after the Revolution have been imprisoned or shot because they opposed
+the domination of Lenin and Trotzky.</p>
+
+<p>Last Tuesday I saw two friends whom I met in Petrograd in April, 1917,
+and both of them absolutely confirm the statements made in the Press
+about the hundreds of men and women who have been shot without any
+trial or confirmation of the charges brought against them.</p>
+
+<p>An article which appears in the "Nineteenth Century" of January,
+written by Mr. Pierson, who was imprisoned in the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>Fortress of St.
+Peter and St. Paul last October, after being arrested at the British
+Embassy in Petrograd at the same time that Captain Cromie was shot,
+also confirms the brutalities that are taking place constantly in
+Petrograd and other parts of Russia.</p>
+
+<p>A letter in the "Daily Express," written by Colonel John Ward, M.P.,
+shows the terrible hell which Bolshevism is making, and the methods
+that are being pursued by the followers of Lenin and Trotzky. If the
+Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils had done their duty in the latter
+part of April, 1917, after Lenin made his two hours' speech in the
+Duma on April 17, they would have sent him back whence he came,
+because it is a well-known fact that he was allowed to pass through
+Germany with thirty other companions in a first-class saloon. I am
+quite convinced that it was not the Russian people who were paying his
+expenses during the time he was carrying on his pernicious propaganda
+work in various parts of Russia. The downfall of the Soldiers' and
+Workmen's Councils has been the consequence of their giving Lenin and
+his thirty companions full freedom to spread their anarchical creed
+and the wiping out of duly elected Assemblies.</p>
+
+<p>The leading men of the Bolshevik movement in this country are out for
+the overthrow of things as they are by physical force as soon as they
+feel confident that they have a good number of the rank and file of
+the wage-earners behind them. I want to warn the wage-earners&mdash;men and
+women of my own class&mdash;against being associated with such people,
+because I know that their tactics cannot remedy the economic and
+industrial injustices under which the industrial workers are
+suffering. They can be rectified by Social-Democratic education,
+scientific organisation in the trade union movement, and by using
+political powers to that end.</p>
+
+<p>The methods adopted by the unauthorised shop stewards movement in the
+different parts of the country must be rigorously suppressed, and
+properly appointed shop stewards and works committees in all factories
+and workshops must be elected instead. By that method industrial and
+economic improvements can be brought about with the greatest benefit
+and the least harm to all.</p>
+
+<p>The pamphlet gives a very clear statement about what is taking place
+in connection with the Bolshevist movement. That is the reason why I
+trust that it will have a wide circulation in all the large industrial
+centres of the country.</p>
+
+<p class="right">WILL THORNE.</p>
+
+<p>February 13, 1919.</p>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<br />
+<hr />
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span><br />
+
+<h1 class="cen" style="padding-left: 0em;">"BOLSHEVISM":</h1>
+
+<h2>A Curse and a Danger to the Workers.</h2>
+<br />
+
+<p>Russia has given most countries of the world a new word. "Bolshevism"
+is to-day known universally, though its meaning is not by any means so
+universal. In Russia it has a very definite and often striking
+meaning, as many anti-Bolsheviks have known and are learning to their
+cost. Elsewhere it has a wider, if looser, significance, and is
+frequently employed to express or describe a number of things to which
+one objects. Our own Press, for instance, flings "Bolshevik" and
+"Bolshevism" at everybody and everything that it denounces, or against
+whom and which it seeks to raise prejudice. In this respect it has
+often overreached itself, for it is causing some to accept the Russian
+Bolsheviks at their own estimation, because they know that many of the
+things styled "Bolshevist" are not as bad as they are made out to be.</p>
+
+<p>In Russia "Bolshevik" means majority, and "Menshevik" minority. Their
+real significance was purely an internal one for the Russian
+Social-Democratic Party. It is important to make this point clear, for
+now and again we come across British supporters of and sympathisers
+with the Russian Bolsheviks who take the name as a proof that the
+Government of Lenin and Trotzky actually represents the majority of
+the Russian people! Nothing is more contrary to the fact. The
+Bolshevist "coup de rue" of November, 1917, was as complete a
+usurpation of power as that of Louis Napoleon in 1851. True it was a
+usurpation by professed Socialists, supposedly in the interests of the
+Russian working class, but it was no less a usurpation and an attack
+on democracy which only success in the interests of the Russian
+working class could possibly justify. The forcible dissolution of the
+Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks two months afterwards, because
+the elections did not go in their favour, compelled them to take the
+road to complete domination, and they are now unable to retrace their
+steps, even if, as is reported, the more honest of them wish to do so.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, and Social Revolutionaries.</p>
+
+<p>The terms "Bolshevik" and "Menshevik" (majority and minority) arose
+from the division in the Russian Social-Democracy which had shown
+itself at the Congress held in London in 1903. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>The difference is
+generally assumed to be one of tactics&mdash;of a readiness to co-operate
+with other parties for certain definite objects under certain special
+conditions ("Menshevik"), or of complete antagonism and opposition to
+all other parties every time and all the time ("Bolshevik"). But the
+difference lies deeper than that. "Bolshevism" is, in effect, the
+Russian form of "impossibilism." From this the thorough-going
+Social-Democrats of all countries have to suffer at times. By
+divorcing the application of Socialist principles and measures from
+the actual life of the day, and arguing and discussing "in vacuo,"
+impossibilism drives many, who see the utter sterility of its results,
+into the opposite direction, that of opportunism for the moment
+without much thought for the future.</p>
+
+<p>Until their "coup de rue" of November, 1917, the Russian Bolsheviks
+regarded themselves as the extreme Left of the Russian Social-Democratic
+Party. But latterly they have dropped the name Social-Democrat&mdash;so much
+the better for Social-Democracy&mdash;and have adopted that of the "Russian
+Communist Party"&mdash;so much the worse for Communism, for towards
+Communism the Social-Democratic Commonwealths of the future are bound
+to tend. "Bolshevism" to-day, where it is honest, is in the main a
+revival of the Anarchism of Bakunine, together with a policy of armed
+insurrection, and a seizure of political power which shall install the
+"dictatorship of the proletariat." That is the dividing line between
+the Bolsheviks and their Social-Democratic opponents, the Mensheviks,
+and their far more numerous and powerful antagonists, the Social
+Revolutionaries, who obtained an overwhelming majority in the
+Constituent Assembly which the Bolsheviks dissolved by force. The
+Social Revolutionaries seek the emancipation of the peasants and
+workers by democratic means&mdash;the only safe and sure way&mdash;though they
+were quite ready to use force for the overthrow of Tsardom, happily
+effected in March, 1917. Unhappily, though, Bolshevik terrorism, with
+its complete inability to carry out its promises of "peace and bread"
+for the Russian people, and certain European financial interests are
+together rehabilitating reaction in Russia, and the people and the
+peasants may be driven to put up with some new autocratic r&eacute;gime in the
+hope that it may shield them from the present terrorism and secure them
+something to eat.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">Bolshevist Intolerance.</p>
+
+<p>Innumerable instances could be given of the bitter intolerance of the
+honest Bolshevik fanatics towards all sections of the International
+Socialist movement with which they have not agreed. Paul Axelrod, one
+of the founders of Russian Social-Democracy, in a pamphlet published at
+Z&uuml;rich in 1915, entitled "The Crisis and the Duties of International
+Social-Democracy," reproaches Lenin with seeking to carry into the
+internal struggles of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>Socialist Parties in Europe "specifically
+Russian methods" which aim directly at creating troubles and divisions,
+and branding without any distinction "nearly all the known and
+respected bodies of International Social-Democracy as traitors and
+deserters stranded in the bourgeois camp, treating these comrades,
+whose international conscience and sentiments are above all suspicion,
+as National Liberals, chauvinists, philistines, traitors, etc." Is this
+the way in which to raise the enthusiasm of the workers for the cause
+of Socialism? Is this the manner in which the spirit of self-sacrifice
+can be roused in the masses? It savours far too much of the old
+implacable bitterness of the Terrorists&mdash;reasonable and natural enough
+in their secret conspiracies, where a fellow-conspirator might be a
+police agent&mdash;but utterly out of place and mischievous when introduced
+into open propaganda and organisation.</p>
+
+<p>To this jaundiced outlook of the prominent Bolsheviks is added
+ignorance of administration. Nearly all of them are refugees who have
+spent many years of their lives outside of Russia. They have evolved
+theories of Socialist policy from their inner consciousness without an
+opportunity of putting them to practical tests&mdash;until now, when the
+world is in the throes of a war crisis. And they attempt to apply
+their theories of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" in a vast
+nation made up of various races in different stages of civilisation,
+only just entering upon full capitalist development, where the
+proletariat, the wage workers, constitute fewer than 20,000,000 out of
+a total population of 180,000,000! And yet there are supporters of the
+Bolsheviks in Britain who profess to be Marxists&mdash;more Marxist than
+Marx, in fact&mdash;and who can countenance such a logical outrage on the
+"materialist conception of history"!</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">Offensive and Defensive Wars.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing better illustrates the unreality of some of Lenin's theories
+than his attitude on national self-defence. In 1915 he and Zinovieff,
+another well-known Bolshevik, published a pamphlet on "Socialism and
+the War." One chapter dealt with "A War of Defence and a War of
+Attack." It contains this passage:&mdash;"If to-morrow, for example,
+Morocco were to go to war against France, the Indies against England,
+and China against Russia, they would be wars of defence, just wars,
+independently of any question of which began the war." Being "wars of
+defence, just wars," the people would obviously be justified in taking
+part in them from Lenin's point of view. Now let us see where the
+logic of this contention will land us. Morocco, possibly because what
+capitalism is there is foreign, may justly wage war against France;
+but if France fights a war of defence against an aggressive attack by
+Germany, she is engaged in an "imperialist war." Similarly, if India
+rises against Britain, the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>people will be fighting a just war; but if
+Britain supports France and Belgium against German imperialism, she is
+carrying on an "imperialist war." Hence it follows that, if the
+Central Powers had won the war, and Belgium had been subjugated by
+Germany, Belgium would have been fully justified in fighting to
+recover her independence; but in defending that independence which she
+would have a right to recover, if deprived of it, she was taking part
+in an "imperialist war "! Such is Leninist logic when brought down to
+actual facts.</p>
+
+<p>In short, Lenin, like Bakunine, loves ideas more than men. This may be
+said of all the honest Bolshevist fanatics. There are others&mdash;many of
+them. And even the genuine fanatics appear to have reached a stage of
+mental "impossibilism" where the end not only justifies the means, but
+any means must necessarily help to achieve the end. We know the
+Bolsheviks were conveyed to Russia in April, 1917, via Germany in
+sealed carriages with the consent of the German authorities. The Swiss
+Bolshevik, Platten, arranged the affair with the German Government.
+That the German Government expected that the Bolshevist mission to
+Russia would be of advantage to Germany cannot be questioned;
+otherwise the Bolshevist refugees would not have been allowed to go to
+Petrograd through Germany. The Bolsheviks themselves knew that their
+actions in the Russian Revolution would help Imperialist Germany, for
+the "Berner Tagwacht" announced, after they had left Switzerland, that
+they were "perfectly well aware that the German Government is only
+permitting the transit of those persons because it believes that their
+presence in Russia will strengthen the anti-war tendencies there." It
+is the same with whatever money was supplied by Germany to the
+Bolsheviks. It would all help to establish the "dictatorship of the
+proletariat."</p>
+
+<p>It is necessary to refer also to Leo Trotzky. Some who are convinced
+of Lenin's honesty of purpose do not hold the same view of Trotzky.
+Lenin is the implacable theorist in whose nostrils compromise of any
+sort stinks. Trotzky is not of that character. He is much more
+adaptable. And he has changed opinions on war issues more than once
+during the war. In the autumn of 1914 or the beginning of 1915,
+Trotzky wrote a brilliant pamphlet, "Der Krieg und die Internationale"
+("The War and the International"). In that pamphlet he boldly declared
+that the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was a necessity.
+While ridiculing defensive wars, he nevertheless wrote: "The more
+obstinate the resistance of France&mdash;and now, truly, it is her duty to
+protect her territory and her independence against the German
+attack&mdash;the more surely does she hold, and will hold, the German army
+on the Western front." Again: "The victory of Germany over France&mdash;a
+very regrettable strategic necessity in the opinion of German
+Social-Democracy&mdash;would signify first of all not merely the defeat of
+the permanent army under a democratic republican r&eacute;gime, but the
+victory of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>feudal and monarchical constitution over the
+democratic and republican constitution." Thus wrote Trotzky while
+still a Social-Democrat, before he became a Bolshevist dictator. How,
+then, can he denounce France for fighting an "imperialist war," or
+Britain for helping her to prevent a "victory of the feudal and
+monarchical constitution over the democratic and republican
+constitution"?</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat."</p>
+
+<p>The "dictatorship of the proletariat" appeals to Trotzky, because he
+has become virtually the dictator of the proletariat and everything
+else in Russia within the power of the "Red Guards" and his Chinese
+battalions. These Chinese battalions, recruited from Chinese labourers
+employed behind the military lines while Russia was in the war, may be
+responsible for some of the "executions" which have taken place. The
+Bolshevist emissary, Maxim Litvinoff, pooh-poohs all stories of
+massacres. It is generally the dregs of the Chinese population who are
+recruited for labour gangs abroad; and if "removals" of
+"counter-revolutionaries" can be accomplished by Chinese battalions,
+the Bolsheviks can then aver that they have not had a hand in it!
+Since the acceptance of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty because Russia could
+fight no longer, Trotzky has not only talked of raising Bolshevik
+armies, but has succeeded in raising them and officering them by
+officers of the old Tsarist r&eacute;gime. What Trotzky would not do against
+the German armies he is quite prepared to do against those portions of
+Russia that have taken advantage of the self-determination granted by
+the Bolshevist Administration. Perhaps the peculiar Bolshevist
+philosophy regarding wars of defence is also to apply to neighbouring
+States if they do not happen to be strong militarily. You must not
+prevent the "self-determination" of any portion of an existing State,
+but you may attack it when "self-determined," in the interests of the
+"international Social Revolution" and the "dictatorship of the
+proletariat." That sort of action, when undertaken by an autocracy, is
+usually described as an act of imperialist aggression in order to
+divert attention from internal difficulties; and Bolshevism in Russia
+is an autocracy&mdash;a dictatorship not of the proletariat, but over the
+proletariat. It cannot possibly be anything else.</p>
+
+<p>The Russian Revolution of March, 1917, was in many respects similar to
+the French Revolution of 1789. It brought the downfall of absolute
+monarchy. It was not so bourgeois in character as the French
+Revolution, because there was a definite proletarian class in Russia,
+though small in comparison with its immense population, and capitalist
+production was established. But the Russian Revolution had this
+disadvantage compared with the French <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>Revolution&mdash;there was
+practically no class able to take over the administration in the
+interests of the Revolution as with the French; and if that was so
+when certain bourgeois elements were with the Revolution, how much
+less of administrative knowledge would there be in a Bolshevist
+Government over millions of ignorant workers and peasants accustomed
+only to a despotic r&eacute;gime, whose "Commissaries" are mainly refugees,
+most of whom have lost all real touch with Russian internal affairs?</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">Bolshevist Inquisition.</p>
+
+<p>There is not the slightest need to accept the capitalist Press of this
+or any other country as authoritative on the present condition of
+things in Russia. Consult the Bolshevist organs themselves,
+particularly the "Izvestya" and "Pravda." They give quite enough
+evidence to prove what terrorism prevails, how all freedom of the
+Press, speech and public meeting is ruthlessly suppressed. The
+following is from "Pravda" of October 8 last:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="block"><p>"The absence of the necessary restraint makes one feel appalled
+at the 'instruction' issued by the All-Russian Extraordinary
+Commission to 'All Provincial Extraordinary Commissions,' which
+says: 'The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission is perfectly
+independent in its work, carrying out house searches, arrests,
+executions, of which it <i>afterwards</i> reports to the Council of
+the People's Commissaries and to the Central Executive Council.'
+Further, the Provincial and District Extraordinary Commissions
+'are independent in their activities, and when called upon by
+the local Executive Council present a report of their work.' In
+so far as house searches and arrests are concerned, a report
+made <i>afterwards</i> may result in putting right irregularities
+committed owing to lack of restraint. The same cannot be said of
+executions.... It can also be seen from the 'instruction' that
+personal safety is to a certain extent guaranteed only to
+members of the Government, of the Central Council and of the
+local Executive Committees. With the exception of these few
+persons, all members of the local Committees of the [Bolshevist]
+Party, of the Control Committees, and of the Executive Committee
+of the Party may be shot at any time by the decision of any
+Extraordinary Commission of a small district town if they happen
+to be on its territory, and a report of that made <i>afterwards</i>."</p></div>
+
+<p>"Vorw&auml;rts," quoting from "Pravda," says that the Bolshevist organ
+reports that 13,764 persons have been executed within the last three
+months.</p>
+
+<p>As regards the internal economic situation in Russia under Bolshevist
+rule, a Russian workman, whose experience has not <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>been confined to
+Petrograd and Moscow, makes the following statement in the
+"Social-Demokraten" of Stockholm:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="block"><p>"The output of the factories has decreased by 80 per cent.,
+notwithstanding that the Revolutionary Committees stimulate
+production with the revolver. The condition of the railways is
+worse than ever. All the industrial workmen are against the
+Bolsheviks, and the same is the case with the peasants. The
+so-called 'Committees of the Poor' are drawn from the small
+number of peasants who sought employment in the factories during
+the war and have now returned to the country. The only
+supporters of the Bolsheviks, apart from the Letts and the
+Chinese, are those belonging to their own official caste. The
+European Press has rather understated than exaggerated the Red
+Terror."</p></div>
+
+<p>As regards food conditions,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the Bolshevist Administration seems to
+be thorough and precise in the issue of food-cards of all
+descriptions, according to the four categories into which the
+population is divided. More food-cards, in fact, appear to have been
+issued to the population of Moscow than the population itself, which
+was 1,694,971 last April. Restaurants, dining-rooms, etc., are fully
+supplied with supplementary food-cards. But what of supplies? They
+are, after all, the main thing. Translated into English money and
+weight, the prices last September were as follows: Potatoes, 7-1/2d. a
+lb.; fresh cabbage, 7d. a lb.; fish (supply diminishing), pickled
+herrings from 1s. 9d. to 3s. 3d. a lb.; smoked herrings, from 2s. 4d.
+to 4s. each; meat, 7s. 7d. a lb.; pork, 12s. 8d. a lb.; boiled
+sausage, 9s. 3d. a lb.; smoked sausage, 11s. 10d. a lb.; milk, of
+which there was little, was 2s. 6d. a bottle; cream butter, 25s. 3d. a
+lb.; lump sugar, 25s. 3d. a lb. In Petrograd meat was from 9s. 7d. a
+lb.; veal, 11s. a lb.; pork, 12s. 7d. a lb.; mutton, 10s. 1d. a lb.
+Fish, supplies of which were limited, were about the same prices as at
+Moscow. The figures of municipal bread-baking in Petrograd for last
+April, May and June were 328,128, 262,075 and 185,222 puds
+respectively. A pud is 36 lbs. This indicates a most serious
+reduction. According to rations on the bread-cards, which are 3/8 lb.
+per day, with the same amount for supplementary cards for workers'
+categories, and 1/8 lb. a day per child, the monthly supply for
+Petrograd should be 792,000 puds.</p>
+
+<p>In October reports from Tambov, Viatka, Vladimir, Tula and Saratov
+indicate that, though supplies of all kinds of grain were fairly good,
+the disorganisation of transport was so great that the larger part of
+those supplies remained where they were. A number of delegates were
+sent to Saratov to obtain 30,000 puds of breadstuffs for twenty-five
+workmen's organisations in Moscow. They only succeeded in obtaining
+3,000 puds, and they complained <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>most bitterly of "bureaucracy" at the
+hands of the Saratov Provincial Food Committee, who kept them waiting
+a very long time and finally passed them on to a local Committee who
+declined to do anything. They demanded that pressure should be brought
+to bear on the Provincial Committee to make them disgorge part of
+their large reserves for the starving centre.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">Russian Co-operative Societies.</p>
+
+<p>Recently reports and articles have been appearing in certain of the
+Labour and capitalist Press favourable to the Bolsheviks, notably the
+"Labour Leader," concerning the co-operative movement in Russia. It is
+alleged that the growth of the co-operative movement there is evidence
+that the Bolshevist Government is really and seriously building up a
+new Socialist society despite the grave difficulties within and the
+antagonism from without. It is true that the co-operative movement is
+going ahead in Russia, but it is not because of, but in spite of,
+Bolshevism. The co-operative movement in Russia is not the product of
+the Bolshevist Government; it existed and progressed under Tsardom.
+The help which the co-operative societies rendered to the Russian
+people during the war is beyond all dispute. The majority of the
+co-operators in the area under Bolshevist domination are forced to
+work with the Bolshevist Soviets in order to save their societies from
+dissolution. The co-operative societies in Siberia, representing two
+million affiliated families, a population of about ten millions, have
+been the backbone of the opposition to the Bolshevist Government east
+of the Urals.</p>
+
+<p>Bolshevism in Russia is, in fact, a revival of the Anarchism of
+Bakunine, tinged with certain Marxist theories which the Bolshevik
+refugees have gathered during their numerous sojourns abroad. It is a
+worship of the Revolution to which everything must be sacrificed. In
+its adoration of the Goddess of Liberty it is willing-to crush the
+freedom of human beings. The change from Tsardom to Bolshevism is, to
+use Trotzky's cynical phrase, "the turn of the wheel."</p>
+
+<p>The Bolshevist Government has now dominated the central portion of
+European Russia for more than a twelvemonth. It bases its demand for
+general recognition on the fact that it has lasted a year without
+being overturned, and contends that that proves it has the support of
+"Soviet" Russia. The brief statement of internal conditions at Moscow
+and Petrograd made above suggests that the reports of terrible food
+shortage in those great cities, which come from independent sources,
+are not entirely destitute of foundation. And yet the apologists of
+the Bolsheviks here assure us that in Russia at the present time we
+have a "Socialist Republic of a very high order"!</p>
+
+<p>These facts require to be made thoroughly well known among the working
+classes of these islands. The idea is being assiduously <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>put about,
+more subterraneously than openly, that there is now established in
+Russia a genuine Socialist Republic, or, at all events, a real and
+conscious attempt on the part of the workers and peasants of Russia to
+establish such a Republic. Given this idea, there is every reason for
+a popular agitation to prevent anything being done by the British
+Government and its allies to hamper that Socialist Republic in the
+early stages of its development. Unfortunately, the utter incapacity
+of the recent and present Coalition to come to any definite policy
+regarding Russia, and the inclination of some of its members to back
+the reactionists, while standing aloof from the real democratic forces
+in Russia which support the Constituent Assembly, play completely into
+the hands of the Bolsheviks of Russia and their sympathisers here.
+Whatever Bolshevist undercurrents there are in the present reckless
+strike movements in Glasgow, Belfast and elsewhere are therefore due
+in great part to the Governments of Mr. Lloyd George. Nevertheless it
+behoves the working class of these islands to take cognisance of the
+facts concerning Russia, for they will enable them to realise clearly
+the grave mischief that these "unauthorised" strikes are doing, more
+to their own class and the country generally than to the capitalists
+against whom the efforts of the majority of the strikers are directed.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">Bolshevism on the Clyde.</p>
+
+<p>The Clyde is the centre of Bolshevism in Britain, though the spirit of
+it is in other parts also. But on the Clyde a number of very
+determined and exceedingly well meaning, but "heady," Socialists of
+the S.L.P. "impossibilist" type have influenced by sheer persistence a
+good many others who do not understand whither they are being led.
+Here, again, the "dictatorship of the proletariat" means the dictation
+of the proletariat by these "impossibilists," in order to bring
+capitalist industry to its knees. For that purpose strikes are to be
+brought about as frequently as possible on no matter what pretext,
+provided that pretext calls out enough "hands" to paralyse capitalist
+industry. It may be increased wages one day, shorter hours the next,
+shop conditions the day after, anything that will cause men to "down
+tools."</p>
+
+<p>The idea, obviously, is to reduce industry to such a state of chaos
+that it becomes absolutely unprofitable to the employers, and thus it
+will be easier for the shop committees to take over the "control of
+industry" by Soviets from which all "bourgeois" and
+"counter-revolutionaries" shall be excluded. Meanwhile, when the
+strikes have reached a certain point, the demand shall be made for
+Government intervention, which, if granted under vague threats of
+terrible things to come, will redound to the power and credit of the
+Bolshevist leaders; and if not, and disturbances take place, then the
+leaders will be arrested, the revolutionary fires will be lighted on
+the Clyde, and will spread over the whole country; <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>the leaders in
+question will be released from gaol by enthusiastic "revolutionary"
+crowds; and then will follow a glorified transformation scene as in a
+pantomime, with the heroes bathed in gorgeous "revolutionary"
+lime-light effects. I should not write in this fashion did I not know
+that this idea has influenced a few of the most single-minded and
+devoted Socialists on the Clyde, and we can only regret that such
+really noble spirits should have been unable to keep their heads in
+the greatest crisis in the world's history.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" in Operation.</p>
+
+<p>The battle cry of the Russian Bolsheviks and their sympathisers and
+would-be imitators elsewhere is the "dictatorship of the proletariat."
+Let us consider what that means. Dictatorship means despotism, and
+whether it is that of a Tsar or a Kaiser, an oligarchy or a Bolshevik
+administration, it is despotism&mdash;nothing more and nothing less.
+Impatience with the slowness of the mass of the people is only to be
+expected in all who see what human existence could be made on this
+planet, how enjoyable and pleasurable life might be made by light and
+pleasant labour for all, with the vast powers which man now possesses
+over Nature. I don't suppose there is a single Socialist who has spent
+twenty years of his or her life in the cause of International
+Social-Democracy who has not at times wished that the Social
+Revolution could be quickly brought about by some benevolent
+despotism. That a similar train of thought should have entered the
+minds of Russian refugees, driven from a land where political
+democracy in any form appeared almost hopeless of achievement, is only
+natural, and equally natural that it should have been pursued to its
+abstract logical conclusion, inasmuch as, unlike ourselves, they were
+not working actually amongst the people day in and day out to
+understand how impossible of realisation such a wish must be.
+Impatience with the mass&mdash;however the Mass may be worshipped&mdash;is at
+the bottom of the idea of the "dictatorship of the proletariat." They
+must be emancipated in spite of themselves. Liberty and democracy can
+come afterwards when the Socialist dictators have transformed
+capitalist society into the Socialist State. During that
+transformation the mass must obey the minority which has seized power;
+it must accept as right and just what that minority decrees; it must
+abandon liberty of speech and the Press, or at least it must refuse
+those liberties to all who do not agree with the actions of the
+minority in power. And if the mass don't like it, well&mdash;&mdash;! Are these
+not precisely the principles on which Lenin and Trotzky are striving
+to create this "Socialist Republic of a very high order"? And are they
+not revealed in the attempts of a small minority to impose their will
+on the majority during our own strike influenza? Often is it
+observable that those who most vehemently denounce the slightest
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>exercise of power in others have not the faintest objection to using
+it ruthlessly themselves. Bolshevism, then, is another phase, and
+anything but a pleasant phase, of Utopian Socialism, whatever use of
+the name of Karl Marx be made in connection with its advocacy.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">The Blind Samson.</p>
+
+<p>The wage-earners constitute by far the largest section of the
+community. Their votes, now more than ever, can do much to control the
+administration of the country if they will take the trouble to
+exercise that control in the direction of securing the thorough
+democratisation of the State, so that it may be made ready to organise
+the industries of the nation for the common good. The paralysis of
+industry will hurt the capitalist employers unquestionably, but it
+will certainly not benefit the workers. Blind Samson damaged the
+Philistines when he pulled down their temple; but he did not come out
+unscathed&mdash;quite the contrary. The Social Revolution&mdash;i.e., the change
+from capitalist production for profit to social production for
+use&mdash;cannot be made with rose-water; but that is no reason why there
+should be blood-letting just for the fun of seeing if red corpuscles
+are present in sufficient quantity.</p>
+
+<p>Let them be what they may, the trade unions are the only form of
+working-class organisation to-day which can secure for the workers a
+decent standard of existence under capitalist conditions of industry.
+Anything which tends to weaken them and reduce their influence,
+whether in the interests of the employers or for the supposed
+advancement of r-r-r-revolutionary proletarian principles, whatever
+they may be, will be harmful to the workers. It is for the workers
+themselves to see that their trade unions shall be the means of
+securing something more than higher wages or even shorter hours of
+labour. War conditions have shown what a will-o'-the-wisp are mere
+increases of pay; and short hours of labour such as could easily be
+arranged under collective organisation of industry, with all the
+economies of effort which co-operation would effect, cannot be secured
+under capitalism. That surely should be obvious to all who call
+themselves Socialists and who have even a passing acquaintance with
+economics; otherwise, why the necessity of the Co-operative
+Commonwealth? Socialist policy towards the trade unions should be, in
+short, not their capture for political purposes, nor their upset for
+Bolshevist phantasies, but one of educating the trade unionists. It is
+only along that line that the Social-Democratic movement can make real
+and steady progress.</p>
+
+<p>The policy of the strike for anything and everything is not only
+anti-social; it is anti-Socialist. Writing on the strike outbreak of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>1911,<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> I said: "The mass strike is rarely effective, save in a
+negative fashion. It is successful mostly when used against some
+particular object or for some definite purpose of the moment. It can
+be used to break an objectionable agreement; it may prevent the
+putting into force of an unpopular law, or the passing of some
+tyrannical measure; it may check an attempt to suppress popular
+liberties, such as they are; and it may prove the best possible means
+of preventing war between two countries, if action in that direction
+be taken equally in both countries. But as <i>the</i> means for the
+overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of the
+Socialist Republic it is useless. Those who rely upon the general
+strike as <i>the</i> means for the realisation of Social-Democracy are like
+the ancient Gauls, of whom it is said that they shook all States and
+founded none."</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="noin" style="font-weight: bold;">Sporadic and Lightning Strikes Anti-Social and Anti-Socialist.</p>
+
+<p>What applied to the strike movement of 1911 applies with even greater
+force to the present strike ebullitions, in which the presence of
+Russian Bolsheviks is to be noted. This is all in accordance with the
+Bolshevist plan of "world revolution" for which roubles are being
+plentifully furnished, mainly through agents in Sweden. The prevailing
+idea is to pull down bourgeois society, no matter what the
+consequences. If conditions generally in the countries of Europe under
+capitalism to-day were like what they were here a century ago, coupled
+with an absolute monarchical tyranny such as that which existed until
+recently in Russia, then there might be something to be said for the
+destruction of bourgeois society by any means that would bring it
+down. Nothing under such conditions could be worse for the mass of the
+people. But with the destruction of the State in these islands would
+go the trade unions built up by years of solid labour and sacrifice,
+the co-operative societies, just now beginning to take a wider outlook
+on things than mere "divi." hunting, and the democratic political
+institutions of which the people can make far more use than they do
+when they choose to exercise their intelligence and bestir their
+energies. Then the increasingly complicated nature of production,
+distribution and exchange has also to be considered. A piece of grit
+will often throw elaborate and delicate machinery out of gear, but we
+do not regard it as a revolutionary agent on that account. The control
+of a few engineering workshops by shop stewards, puffed out with
+vanity and a "little brief authority," will not provide the food
+necessary to feed the people of these islands. We have, too, an
+indication of the spirit of liberty with which they are animated in
+the massed picketing at <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>Glasgow, not against blacklegs and
+non-unionists, but against fellow trade unionists who refused to aid
+"unauthorised strikes."</p>
+
+<p>I have said that these "down tools" outbursts are anti-Socialist. They
+are anti-Socialist because they are anarchical. They may pull down,
+but they cannot build up. Socialism and Socialists have suffered
+enough during the war because of the freaks and cranks that the war
+discovered among us, and the greater number of the same genus who now
+profess to be Socialists without understanding much, if anything,
+about the Socialist movement. We do not want further prejudice raised
+against us by attempts to connect us with anarchical violence,
+hooliganism and looting. Nothing for the benefit of the people can
+possibly come out of what is now going on. All it will do is to help
+reaction, and make even the majority of the working class ready to
+acquiesce in a mild military dictatorship as a lesser evil than
+Bolshevist tyranny and violence. And there are some British Generals
+who are popular, and who are not merely militarists!</p>
+
+<p>There is no royal road to the Social Revolution. The steady and
+patient work of Socialist propaganda and organisation together with
+the pressing forward of thorough-going collectivist proposals for the
+ownership and control of industry for the common good, and the
+imagination to take advantage of everything that will help forward the
+great change from capitalist production for profit to Socialist
+production for use&mdash;those are the lines we must follow. All the
+imaginary shortcuts of the impatient ones, which lead to anarchical
+deserts or reactionary morasses, serve only to retard real
+Social-Democratic progress.</p>
+
+<br />
+<hr style="width: 15%;" />
+<br />
+
+<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Comrade "R.," who has written much for "Justice" on the
+food question abroad, has supplied these particulars.&mdash;H.W.L.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p class="noin"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "The Great Strike Movement of 1911, and Its Lessons."</p></div>
+
+<br />
+<br />
+
+<div class="tr2">
+<p class="cen">For accurate and reliable information on International<br />
+Labour and Socialist movements<br />
+and happenings read...</p>
+
+<h3>"JUSTICE."</h3>
+
+<p class="cen">The oldest Socialist Journal in Great Britain.</p>
+
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+
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+
+<br />
+<hr />
+<br />
+
+<div class="tr">
+<p class="cen"><a name="TN" id="TN"></a>Typographical errors corrected in text:</p>
+<br />
+Page 8: &nbsp;'whch have taken place' replaced with 'which have taken place'<br />
+</div>
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+<pre>
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+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the
+Workers, by Henry William Lee
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+</body>
+</html>
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@@ -0,0 +1,1183 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers, by
+Henry William Lee
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the Workers
+
+Author: Henry William Lee
+
+Release Date: July 14, 2008 [EBook #26051]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BOLSHEVISM: A CURSE & DANGER ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Bryan Ness, Jeannie Howse and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +---------------------------------------------------+
+    | Transcriber's Note:                               |
+    |                                                   |
+    | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. |
+    | For a complete list, please see the end of this   |
+    | document.                                         |
+    |                                                   |
+    | Bold text is marked like so: =bold text=.         |
+    |                                                   |
+    +---------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+_Second Edition._             PRICE TWOPENCE.
+
+
+
+
+BOLSHEVISM:
+
+A CURSE & DANGER
+TO THE WORKERS.
+
+BY
+
+H.W. LEE
+
+(_Editor of "Justice"; Author of "The First of May: International
+Labour Day"; "A Socialist View of the Unemployed Question";
+"Social-Democracy and the Zollverein"; "The Triumph of the Trust
+under Free Trade"; "The Great Strike Movement of 1911"; and
+"Why Starve? Britain's Food in War--and in Peace."_).
+
+WITH
+FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.
+
+
+THE TWENTIETH CENTURY PRESS (1912), LIMITED.
+(TRADE UNION AND 48 HOURS),
+37, 37A AND 38, CLERKENWELL GREEN, LONDON, E.C.
+
+_February, 1919._
+
+
+
+
+FOREWORD BY WILL THORNE, M.P.
+
+
+I have been asked to write a brief introduction to the pamphlet which
+my old friend and comrade H.W. Lee has written on the undercurrent of
+Bolshevist propaganda going on in this country, of which the recent
+unauthorised strike outbreaks are outward and visible signs. I do this
+gladly. Our comrade Lee, through being long associated with the
+Social-Democratic Federation as its Secretary, and his editorship of
+"Justice" during the last five years, has gained a knowledge of
+International Socialist movements in their many phases which renders
+his pamphlet both authoritative and reliable.
+
+I hope the pamphlet will have a wide circulation in all the large
+industrial centres, because I feel convinced that the majority of the
+rank and file of the wage-earners do not and cannot know what it is
+that our Bolshevists are striving for. They have not the faintest idea
+in what direction some of them are being led. The Bolshevists in
+certain industrial centres want to impose their own authority on the
+rank and file of the workers, using catch-words for that purpose. If
+they succeed in this direction they will set to work to undermine the
+trade union movement of this country, and upset, instead of making use
+of, the means we at present possess for improving our economic
+conditions.
+
+Our minds go back to the Leeds "Convention," held in June, 1917. The
+delegates at that Conference declared that they were in favour of
+Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils being formed in all the large
+industrial centres of the country. Nothing whatever came of it. But
+the W.S.C.s then controlling the revolutionary undercurrent in Russia
+were totally different from the Bolshevist tyranny of to-day, and many
+of the delegates who formed the W.S.C.s in various parts of Russia
+after the Revolution have been imprisoned or shot because they opposed
+the domination of Lenin and Trotzky.
+
+Last Tuesday I saw two friends whom I met in Petrograd in April, 1917,
+and both of them absolutely confirm the statements made in the Press
+about the hundreds of men and women who have been shot without any
+trial or confirmation of the charges brought against them.
+
+An article which appears in the "Nineteenth Century" of January,
+written by Mr. Pierson, who was imprisoned in the Fortress of St.
+Peter and St. Paul last October, after being arrested at the British
+Embassy in Petrograd at the same time that Captain Cromie was shot,
+also confirms the brutalities that are taking place constantly in
+Petrograd and other parts of Russia.
+
+A letter in the "Daily Express," written by Colonel John Ward, M.P.,
+shows the terrible hell which Bolshevism is making, and the methods
+that are being pursued by the followers of Lenin and Trotzky. If the
+Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils had done their duty in the latter
+part of April, 1917, after Lenin made his two hours' speech in the
+Duma on April 17, they would have sent him back whence he came,
+because it is a well-known fact that he was allowed to pass through
+Germany with thirty other companions in a first-class saloon. I am
+quite convinced that it was not the Russian people who were paying his
+expenses during the time he was carrying on his pernicious propaganda
+work in various parts of Russia. The downfall of the Soldiers' and
+Workmen's Councils has been the consequence of their giving Lenin and
+his thirty companions full freedom to spread their anarchical creed
+and the wiping out of duly elected Assemblies.
+
+The leading men of the Bolshevik movement in this country are out for
+the overthrow of things as they are by physical force as soon as they
+feel confident that they have a good number of the rank and file of
+the wage-earners behind them. I want to warn the wage-earners--men and
+women of my own class--against being associated with such people,
+because I know that their tactics cannot remedy the economic and
+industrial injustices under which the industrial workers are
+suffering. They can be rectified by Social-Democratic education,
+scientific organisation in the trade union movement, and by using
+political powers to that end.
+
+The methods adopted by the unauthorised shop stewards movement in the
+different parts of the country must be rigorously suppressed, and
+properly appointed shop stewards and works committees in all factories
+and workshops must be elected instead. By that method industrial and
+economic improvements can be brought about with the greatest benefit
+and the least harm to all.
+
+The pamphlet gives a very clear statement about what is taking place
+in connection with the Bolshevist movement. That is the reason why I
+trust that it will have a wide circulation in all the large industrial
+centres of the country.
+
+                                                WILL THORNE.
+
+     February 13, 1919.
+
+
+
+
+"BOLSHEVISM":
+
+A Curse and a Danger to the Workers.
+
+
+Russia has given most countries of the world a new word. "Bolshevism"
+is to-day known universally, though its meaning is not by any means so
+universal. In Russia it has a very definite and often striking
+meaning, as many anti-Bolsheviks have known and are learning to their
+cost. Elsewhere it has a wider, if looser, significance, and is
+frequently employed to express or describe a number of things to which
+one objects. Our own Press, for instance, flings "Bolshevik" and
+"Bolshevism" at everybody and everything that it denounces, or against
+whom and which it seeks to raise prejudice. In this respect it has
+often overreached itself, for it is causing some to accept the Russian
+Bolsheviks at their own estimation, because they know that many of the
+things styled "Bolshevist" are not as bad as they are made out to be.
+
+In Russia "Bolshevik" means majority, and "Menshevik" minority. Their
+real significance was purely an internal one for the Russian
+Social-Democratic Party. It is important to make this point clear, for
+now and again we come across British supporters of and sympathisers
+with the Russian Bolsheviks who take the name as a proof that the
+Government of Lenin and Trotzky actually represents the majority of
+the Russian people! Nothing is more contrary to the fact. The
+Bolshevist "coup de rue" of November, 1917, was as complete a
+usurpation of power as that of Louis Napoleon in 1851. True it was a
+usurpation by professed Socialists, supposedly in the interests of the
+Russian working class, but it was no less a usurpation and an attack
+on democracy which only success in the interests of the Russian
+working class could possibly justify. The forcible dissolution of the
+Constituent Assembly by the Bolsheviks two months afterwards, because
+the elections did not go in their favour, compelled them to take the
+road to complete domination, and they are now unable to retrace their
+steps, even if, as is reported, the more honest of them wish to do so.
+
+
+Bolsheviks, Mensheviks, and Social Revolutionaries.
+
+The terms "Bolshevik" and "Menshevik" (majority and minority) arose
+from the division in the Russian Social-Democracy which had shown
+itself at the Congress held in London in 1903. The difference is
+generally assumed to be one of tactics--of a readiness to co-operate
+with other parties for certain definite objects under certain special
+conditions ("Menshevik"), or of complete antagonism and opposition to
+all other parties every time and all the time ("Bolshevik"). But the
+difference lies deeper than that. "Bolshevism" is, in effect, the
+Russian form of "impossibilism." From this the thorough-going
+Social-Democrats of all countries have to suffer at times. By
+divorcing the application of Socialist principles and measures from
+the actual life of the day, and arguing and discussing "in vacuo,"
+impossibilism drives many, who see the utter sterility of its results,
+into the opposite direction, that of opportunism for the moment
+without much thought for the future.
+
+Until their "coup de rue" of November, 1917, the Russian Bolsheviks
+regarded themselves as the extreme Left of the Russian Social-Democratic
+Party. But latterly they have dropped the name Social-Democrat--so much
+the better for Social-Democracy--and have adopted that of the "Russian
+Communist Party"--so much the worse for Communism, for towards
+Communism the Social-Democratic Commonwealths of the future are bound
+to tend. "Bolshevism" to-day, where it is honest, is in the main a
+revival of the Anarchism of Bakunine, together with a policy of armed
+insurrection, and a seizure of political power which shall install the
+"dictatorship of the proletariat." That is the dividing line between
+the Bolsheviks and their Social-Democratic opponents, the Mensheviks,
+and their far more numerous and powerful antagonists, the Social
+Revolutionaries, who obtained an overwhelming majority in the
+Constituent Assembly which the Bolsheviks dissolved by force. The
+Social Revolutionaries seek the emancipation of the peasants and
+workers by democratic means--the only safe and sure way--though they
+were quite ready to use force for the overthrow of Tsardom, happily
+effected in March, 1917. Unhappily, though, Bolshevik terrorism, with
+its complete inability to carry out its promises of "peace and bread"
+for the Russian people, and certain European financial interests are
+together rehabilitating reaction in Russia, and the people and the
+peasants may be driven to put up with some new autocratic regime in the
+hope that it may shield them from the present terrorism and secure them
+something to eat.
+
+
+Bolshevist Intolerance.
+
+Innumerable instances could be given of the bitter intolerance of the
+honest Bolshevik fanatics towards all sections of the International
+Socialist movement with which they have not agreed. Paul Axelrod, one
+of the founders of Russian Social-Democracy, in a pamphlet published at
+Zuerich in 1915, entitled "The Crisis and the Duties of International
+Social-Democracy," reproaches Lenin with seeking to carry into the
+internal struggles of the Socialist Parties in Europe "specifically
+Russian methods" which aim directly at creating troubles and divisions,
+and branding without any distinction "nearly all the known and
+respected bodies of International Social-Democracy as traitors and
+deserters stranded in the bourgeois camp, treating these comrades,
+whose international conscience and sentiments are above all suspicion,
+as National Liberals, chauvinists, philistines, traitors, etc." Is this
+the way in which to raise the enthusiasm of the workers for the cause
+of Socialism? Is this the manner in which the spirit of self-sacrifice
+can be roused in the masses? It savours far too much of the old
+implacable bitterness of the Terrorists--reasonable and natural enough
+in their secret conspiracies, where a fellow-conspirator might be a
+police agent--but utterly out of place and mischievous when introduced
+into open propaganda and organisation.
+
+To this jaundiced outlook of the prominent Bolsheviks is added
+ignorance of administration. Nearly all of them are refugees who have
+spent many years of their lives outside of Russia. They have evolved
+theories of Socialist policy from their inner consciousness without an
+opportunity of putting them to practical tests--until now, when the
+world is in the throes of a war crisis. And they attempt to apply
+their theories of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" in a vast
+nation made up of various races in different stages of civilisation,
+only just entering upon full capitalist development, where the
+proletariat, the wage workers, constitute fewer than 20,000,000 out of
+a total population of 180,000,000! And yet there are supporters of the
+Bolsheviks in Britain who profess to be Marxists--more Marxist than
+Marx, in fact--and who can countenance such a logical outrage on the
+"materialist conception of history"!
+
+
+Offensive and Defensive Wars.
+
+Nothing better illustrates the unreality of some of Lenin's theories
+than his attitude on national self-defence. In 1915 he and Zinovieff,
+another well-known Bolshevik, published a pamphlet on "Socialism and
+the War." One chapter dealt with "A War of Defence and a War of
+Attack." It contains this passage:--"If to-morrow, for example,
+Morocco were to go to war against France, the Indies against England,
+and China against Russia, they would be wars of defence, just wars,
+independently of any question of which began the war." Being "wars of
+defence, just wars," the people would obviously be justified in taking
+part in them from Lenin's point of view. Now let us see where the
+logic of this contention will land us. Morocco, possibly because what
+capitalism is there is foreign, may justly wage war against France;
+but if France fights a war of defence against an aggressive attack by
+Germany, she is engaged in an "imperialist war." Similarly, if India
+rises against Britain, the people will be fighting a just war; but if
+Britain supports France and Belgium against German imperialism, she is
+carrying on an "imperialist war." Hence it follows that, if the
+Central Powers had won the war, and Belgium had been subjugated by
+Germany, Belgium would have been fully justified in fighting to
+recover her independence; but in defending that independence which she
+would have a right to recover, if deprived of it, she was taking part
+in an "imperialist war "! Such is Leninist logic when brought down to
+actual facts.
+
+In short, Lenin, like Bakunine, loves ideas more than men. This may be
+said of all the honest Bolshevist fanatics. There are others--many of
+them. And even the genuine fanatics appear to have reached a stage of
+mental "impossibilism" where the end not only justifies the means, but
+any means must necessarily help to achieve the end. We know the
+Bolsheviks were conveyed to Russia in April, 1917, via Germany in
+sealed carriages with the consent of the German authorities. The Swiss
+Bolshevik, Platten, arranged the affair with the German Government.
+That the German Government expected that the Bolshevist mission to
+Russia would be of advantage to Germany cannot be questioned;
+otherwise the Bolshevist refugees would not have been allowed to go to
+Petrograd through Germany. The Bolsheviks themselves knew that their
+actions in the Russian Revolution would help Imperialist Germany, for
+the "Berner Tagwacht" announced, after they had left Switzerland, that
+they were "perfectly well aware that the German Government is only
+permitting the transit of those persons because it believes that their
+presence in Russia will strengthen the anti-war tendencies there." It
+is the same with whatever money was supplied by Germany to the
+Bolsheviks. It would all help to establish the "dictatorship of the
+proletariat."
+
+It is necessary to refer also to Leo Trotzky. Some who are convinced
+of Lenin's honesty of purpose do not hold the same view of Trotzky.
+Lenin is the implacable theorist in whose nostrils compromise of any
+sort stinks. Trotzky is not of that character. He is much more
+adaptable. And he has changed opinions on war issues more than once
+during the war. In the autumn of 1914 or the beginning of 1915,
+Trotzky wrote a brilliant pamphlet, "Der Krieg und die Internationale"
+("The War and the International"). In that pamphlet he boldly declared
+that the break-up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was a necessity.
+While ridiculing defensive wars, he nevertheless wrote: "The more
+obstinate the resistance of France--and now, truly, it is her duty to
+protect her territory and her independence against the German
+attack--the more surely does she hold, and will hold, the German army
+on the Western front." Again: "The victory of Germany over France--a
+very regrettable strategic necessity in the opinion of German
+Social-Democracy--would signify first of all not merely the defeat of
+the permanent army under a democratic republican regime, but the
+victory of the feudal and monarchical constitution over the
+democratic and republican constitution." Thus wrote Trotzky while
+still a Social-Democrat, before he became a Bolshevist dictator. How,
+then, can he denounce France for fighting an "imperialist war," or
+Britain for helping her to prevent a "victory of the feudal and
+monarchical constitution over the democratic and republican
+constitution"?
+
+
+The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
+
+The "dictatorship of the proletariat" appeals to Trotzky, because he
+has become virtually the dictator of the proletariat and everything
+else in Russia within the power of the "Red Guards" and his Chinese
+battalions. These Chinese battalions, recruited from Chinese labourers
+employed behind the military lines while Russia was in the war, may be
+responsible for some of the "executions" which have taken place. The
+Bolshevist emissary, Maxim Litvinoff, pooh-poohs all stories of
+massacres. It is generally the dregs of the Chinese population who are
+recruited for labour gangs abroad; and if "removals" of
+"counter-revolutionaries" can be accomplished by Chinese battalions,
+the Bolsheviks can then aver that they have not had a hand in it!
+Since the acceptance of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty because Russia could
+fight no longer, Trotzky has not only talked of raising Bolshevik
+armies, but has succeeded in raising them and officering them by
+officers of the old Tsarist regime. What Trotzky would not do against
+the German armies he is quite prepared to do against those portions of
+Russia that have taken advantage of the self-determination granted by
+the Bolshevist Administration. Perhaps the peculiar Bolshevist
+philosophy regarding wars of defence is also to apply to neighbouring
+States if they do not happen to be strong militarily. You must not
+prevent the "self-determination" of any portion of an existing State,
+but you may attack it when "self-determined," in the interests of the
+"international Social Revolution" and the "dictatorship of the
+proletariat." That sort of action, when undertaken by an autocracy, is
+usually described as an act of imperialist aggression in order to
+divert attention from internal difficulties; and Bolshevism in Russia
+is an autocracy--a dictatorship not of the proletariat, but over the
+proletariat. It cannot possibly be anything else.
+
+The Russian Revolution of March, 1917, was in many respects similar to
+the French Revolution of 1789. It brought the downfall of absolute
+monarchy. It was not so bourgeois in character as the French
+Revolution, because there was a definite proletarian class in Russia,
+though small in comparison with its immense population, and capitalist
+production was established. But the Russian Revolution had this
+disadvantage compared with the French Revolution--there was
+practically no class able to take over the administration in the
+interests of the Revolution as with the French; and if that was so
+when certain bourgeois elements were with the Revolution, how much
+less of administrative knowledge would there be in a Bolshevist
+Government over millions of ignorant workers and peasants accustomed
+only to a despotic regime, whose "Commissaries" are mainly refugees,
+most of whom have lost all real touch with Russian internal affairs?
+
+
+Bolshevist Inquisition.
+
+There is not the slightest need to accept the capitalist Press of this
+or any other country as authoritative on the present condition of
+things in Russia. Consult the Bolshevist organs themselves,
+particularly the "Izvestya" and "Pravda." They give quite enough
+evidence to prove what terrorism prevails, how all freedom of the
+Press, speech and public meeting is ruthlessly suppressed. The
+following is from "Pravda" of October 8 last:--
+
+    "The absence of the necessary restraint makes one feel appalled
+    at the 'instruction' issued by the All-Russian Extraordinary
+    Commission to 'All Provincial Extraordinary Commissions,' which
+    says: 'The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission is perfectly
+    independent in its work, carrying out house searches, arrests,
+    executions, of which it _afterwards_ reports to the Council of
+    the People's Commissaries and to the Central Executive Council.'
+    Further, the Provincial and District Extraordinary Commissions
+    'are independent in their activities, and when called upon by
+    the local Executive Council present a report of their work.' In
+    so far as house searches and arrests are concerned, a report
+    made _afterwards_ may result in putting right irregularities
+    committed owing to lack of restraint. The same cannot be said of
+    executions.... It can also be seen from the 'instruction' that
+    personal safety is to a certain extent guaranteed only to
+    members of the Government, of the Central Council and of the
+    local Executive Committees. With the exception of these few
+    persons, all members of the local Committees of the [Bolshevist]
+    Party, of the Control Committees, and of the Executive Committee
+    of the Party may be shot at any time by the decision of any
+    Extraordinary Commission of a small district town if they happen
+    to be on its territory, and a report of that made _afterwards_."
+
+"Vorwaerts," quoting from "Pravda," says that the Bolshevist organ
+reports that 13,764 persons have been executed within the last three
+months.
+
+As regards the internal economic situation in Russia under Bolshevist
+rule, a Russian workman, whose experience has not been confined to
+Petrograd and Moscow, makes the following statement in the
+"Social-Demokraten" of Stockholm:--
+
+    "The output of the factories has decreased by 80 per cent.,
+    notwithstanding that the Revolutionary Committees stimulate
+    production with the revolver. The condition of the railways is
+    worse than ever. All the industrial workmen are against the
+    Bolsheviks, and the same is the case with the peasants. The
+    so-called 'Committees of the Poor' are drawn from the small
+    number of peasants who sought employment in the factories during
+    the war and have now returned to the country. The only
+    supporters of the Bolsheviks, apart from the Letts and the
+    Chinese, are those belonging to their own official caste. The
+    European Press has rather understated than exaggerated the Red
+    Terror."
+
+As regards food conditions,[1] the Bolshevist Administration seems to
+be thorough and precise in the issue of food-cards of all
+descriptions, according to the four categories into which the
+population is divided. More food-cards, in fact, appear to have been
+issued to the population of Moscow than the population itself, which
+was 1,694,971 last April. Restaurants, dining-rooms, etc., are fully
+supplied with supplementary food-cards. But what of supplies? They
+are, after all, the main thing. Translated into English money and
+weight, the prices last September were as follows: Potatoes, 7-1/2d. a
+lb.; fresh cabbage, 7d. a lb.; fish (supply diminishing), pickled
+herrings from 1s. 9d. to 3s. 3d. a lb.; smoked herrings, from 2s. 4d.
+to 4s. each; meat, 7s. 7d. a lb.; pork, 12s. 8d. a lb.; boiled
+sausage, 9s. 3d. a lb.; smoked sausage, 11s. 10d. a lb.; milk, of
+which there was little, was 2s. 6d. a bottle; cream butter, 25s. 3d. a
+lb.; lump sugar, 25s. 3d. a lb. In Petrograd meat was from 9s. 7d. a
+lb.; veal, 11s. a lb.; pork, 12s. 7d. a lb.; mutton, 10s. 1d. a lb.
+Fish, supplies of which were limited, were about the same prices as at
+Moscow. The figures of municipal bread-baking in Petrograd for last
+April, May and June were 328,128, 262,075 and 185,222 puds
+respectively. A pud is 36 lbs. This indicates a most serious
+reduction. According to rations on the bread-cards, which are 3/8 lb.
+per day, with the same amount for supplementary cards for workers'
+categories, and 1/8 lb. a day per child, the monthly supply for
+Petrograd should be 792,000 puds.
+
+In October reports from Tambov, Viatka, Vladimir, Tula and Saratov
+indicate that, though supplies of all kinds of grain were fairly good,
+the disorganisation of transport was so great that the larger part of
+those supplies remained where they were. A number of delegates were
+sent to Saratov to obtain 30,000 puds of breadstuffs for twenty-five
+workmen's organisations in Moscow. They only succeeded in obtaining
+3,000 puds, and they complained most bitterly of "bureaucracy" at the
+hands of the Saratov Provincial Food Committee, who kept them waiting
+a very long time and finally passed them on to a local Committee who
+declined to do anything. They demanded that pressure should be brought
+to bear on the Provincial Committee to make them disgorge part of
+their large reserves for the starving centre.
+
+
+Russian Co-operative Societies.
+
+Recently reports and articles have been appearing in certain of the
+Labour and capitalist Press favourable to the Bolsheviks, notably the
+"Labour Leader," concerning the co-operative movement in Russia. It is
+alleged that the growth of the co-operative movement there is evidence
+that the Bolshevist Government is really and seriously building up a
+new Socialist society despite the grave difficulties within and the
+antagonism from without. It is true that the co-operative movement is
+going ahead in Russia, but it is not because of, but in spite of,
+Bolshevism. The co-operative movement in Russia is not the product of
+the Bolshevist Government; it existed and progressed under Tsardom.
+The help which the co-operative societies rendered to the Russian
+people during the war is beyond all dispute. The majority of the
+co-operators in the area under Bolshevist domination are forced to
+work with the Bolshevist Soviets in order to save their societies from
+dissolution. The co-operative societies in Siberia, representing two
+million affiliated families, a population of about ten millions, have
+been the backbone of the opposition to the Bolshevist Government east
+of the Urals.
+
+Bolshevism in Russia is, in fact, a revival of the Anarchism of
+Bakunine, tinged with certain Marxist theories which the Bolshevik
+refugees have gathered during their numerous sojourns abroad. It is a
+worship of the Revolution to which everything must be sacrificed. In
+its adoration of the Goddess of Liberty it is willing-to crush the
+freedom of human beings. The change from Tsardom to Bolshevism is, to
+use Trotzky's cynical phrase, "the turn of the wheel."
+
+The Bolshevist Government has now dominated the central portion of
+European Russia for more than a twelvemonth. It bases its demand for
+general recognition on the fact that it has lasted a year without
+being overturned, and contends that that proves it has the support of
+"Soviet" Russia. The brief statement of internal conditions at Moscow
+and Petrograd made above suggests that the reports of terrible food
+shortage in those great cities, which come from independent sources,
+are not entirely destitute of foundation. And yet the apologists of
+the Bolsheviks here assure us that in Russia at the present time we
+have a "Socialist Republic of a very high order"!
+
+These facts require to be made thoroughly well known among the working
+classes of these islands. The idea is being assiduously put about,
+more subterraneously than openly, that there is now established in
+Russia a genuine Socialist Republic, or, at all events, a real and
+conscious attempt on the part of the workers and peasants of Russia to
+establish such a Republic. Given this idea, there is every reason for
+a popular agitation to prevent anything being done by the British
+Government and its allies to hamper that Socialist Republic in the
+early stages of its development. Unfortunately, the utter incapacity
+of the recent and present Coalition to come to any definite policy
+regarding Russia, and the inclination of some of its members to back
+the reactionists, while standing aloof from the real democratic forces
+in Russia which support the Constituent Assembly, play completely into
+the hands of the Bolsheviks of Russia and their sympathisers here.
+Whatever Bolshevist undercurrents there are in the present reckless
+strike movements in Glasgow, Belfast and elsewhere are therefore due
+in great part to the Governments of Mr. Lloyd George. Nevertheless it
+behoves the working class of these islands to take cognisance of the
+facts concerning Russia, for they will enable them to realise clearly
+the grave mischief that these "unauthorised" strikes are doing, more
+to their own class and the country generally than to the capitalists
+against whom the efforts of the majority of the strikers are directed.
+
+
+Bolshevism on the Clyde.
+
+The Clyde is the centre of Bolshevism in Britain, though the spirit of
+it is in other parts also. But on the Clyde a number of very
+determined and exceedingly well meaning, but "heady," Socialists of
+the S.L.P. "impossibilist" type have influenced by sheer persistence a
+good many others who do not understand whither they are being led.
+Here, again, the "dictatorship of the proletariat" means the dictation
+of the proletariat by these "impossibilists," in order to bring
+capitalist industry to its knees. For that purpose strikes are to be
+brought about as frequently as possible on no matter what pretext,
+provided that pretext calls out enough "hands" to paralyse capitalist
+industry. It may be increased wages one day, shorter hours the next,
+shop conditions the day after, anything that will cause men to "down
+tools."
+
+The idea, obviously, is to reduce industry to such a state of chaos
+that it becomes absolutely unprofitable to the employers, and thus it
+will be easier for the shop committees to take over the "control of
+industry" by Soviets from which all "bourgeois" and
+"counter-revolutionaries" shall be excluded. Meanwhile, when the
+strikes have reached a certain point, the demand shall be made for
+Government intervention, which, if granted under vague threats of
+terrible things to come, will redound to the power and credit of the
+Bolshevist leaders; and if not, and disturbances take place, then the
+leaders will be arrested, the revolutionary fires will be lighted on
+the Clyde, and will spread over the whole country; the leaders in
+question will be released from gaol by enthusiastic "revolutionary"
+crowds; and then will follow a glorified transformation scene as in a
+pantomime, with the heroes bathed in gorgeous "revolutionary"
+lime-light effects. I should not write in this fashion did I not know
+that this idea has influenced a few of the most single-minded and
+devoted Socialists on the Clyde, and we can only regret that such
+really noble spirits should have been unable to keep their heads in
+the greatest crisis in the world's history.
+
+
+The "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" in Operation.
+
+The battle cry of the Russian Bolsheviks and their sympathisers and
+would-be imitators elsewhere is the "dictatorship of the proletariat."
+Let us consider what that means. Dictatorship means despotism, and
+whether it is that of a Tsar or a Kaiser, an oligarchy or a Bolshevik
+administration, it is despotism--nothing more and nothing less.
+Impatience with the slowness of the mass of the people is only to be
+expected in all who see what human existence could be made on this
+planet, how enjoyable and pleasurable life might be made by light and
+pleasant labour for all, with the vast powers which man now possesses
+over Nature. I don't suppose there is a single Socialist who has spent
+twenty years of his or her life in the cause of International
+Social-Democracy who has not at times wished that the Social
+Revolution could be quickly brought about by some benevolent
+despotism. That a similar train of thought should have entered the
+minds of Russian refugees, driven from a land where political
+democracy in any form appeared almost hopeless of achievement, is only
+natural, and equally natural that it should have been pursued to its
+abstract logical conclusion, inasmuch as, unlike ourselves, they were
+not working actually amongst the people day in and day out to
+understand how impossible of realisation such a wish must be.
+Impatience with the mass--however the Mass may be worshipped--is at
+the bottom of the idea of the "dictatorship of the proletariat." They
+must be emancipated in spite of themselves. Liberty and democracy can
+come afterwards when the Socialist dictators have transformed
+capitalist society into the Socialist State. During that
+transformation the mass must obey the minority which has seized power;
+it must accept as right and just what that minority decrees; it must
+abandon liberty of speech and the Press, or at least it must refuse
+those liberties to all who do not agree with the actions of the
+minority in power. And if the mass don't like it, well----! Are these
+not precisely the principles on which Lenin and Trotzky are striving
+to create this "Socialist Republic of a very high order"? And are they
+not revealed in the attempts of a small minority to impose their will
+on the majority during our own strike influenza? Often is it
+observable that those who most vehemently denounce the slightest
+exercise of power in others have not the faintest objection to using
+it ruthlessly themselves. Bolshevism, then, is another phase, and
+anything but a pleasant phase, of Utopian Socialism, whatever use of
+the name of Karl Marx be made in connection with its advocacy.
+
+
+The Blind Samson.
+
+The wage-earners constitute by far the largest section of the
+community. Their votes, now more than ever, can do much to control the
+administration of the country if they will take the trouble to
+exercise that control in the direction of securing the thorough
+democratisation of the State, so that it may be made ready to organise
+the industries of the nation for the common good. The paralysis of
+industry will hurt the capitalist employers unquestionably, but it
+will certainly not benefit the workers. Blind Samson damaged the
+Philistines when he pulled down their temple; but he did not come out
+unscathed--quite the contrary. The Social Revolution--i.e., the change
+from capitalist production for profit to social production for
+use--cannot be made with rose-water; but that is no reason why there
+should be blood-letting just for the fun of seeing if red corpuscles
+are present in sufficient quantity.
+
+Let them be what they may, the trade unions are the only form of
+working-class organisation to-day which can secure for the workers a
+decent standard of existence under capitalist conditions of industry.
+Anything which tends to weaken them and reduce their influence,
+whether in the interests of the employers or for the supposed
+advancement of r-r-r-revolutionary proletarian principles, whatever
+they may be, will be harmful to the workers. It is for the workers
+themselves to see that their trade unions shall be the means of
+securing something more than higher wages or even shorter hours of
+labour. War conditions have shown what a will-o'-the-wisp are mere
+increases of pay; and short hours of labour such as could easily be
+arranged under collective organisation of industry, with all the
+economies of effort which co-operation would effect, cannot be secured
+under capitalism. That surely should be obvious to all who call
+themselves Socialists and who have even a passing acquaintance with
+economics; otherwise, why the necessity of the Co-operative
+Commonwealth? Socialist policy towards the trade unions should be, in
+short, not their capture for political purposes, nor their upset for
+Bolshevist phantasies, but one of educating the trade unionists. It is
+only along that line that the Social-Democratic movement can make real
+and steady progress.
+
+The policy of the strike for anything and everything is not only
+anti-social; it is anti-Socialist. Writing on the strike outbreak of
+1911,[2] I said: "The mass strike is rarely effective, save in a
+negative fashion. It is successful mostly when used against some
+particular object or for some definite purpose of the moment. It can
+be used to break an objectionable agreement; it may prevent the
+putting into force of an unpopular law, or the passing of some
+tyrannical measure; it may check an attempt to suppress popular
+liberties, such as they are; and it may prove the best possible means
+of preventing war between two countries, if action in that direction
+be taken equally in both countries. But as _the_ means for the
+overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of the
+Socialist Republic it is useless. Those who rely upon the general
+strike as _the_ means for the realisation of Social-Democracy are like
+the ancient Gauls, of whom it is said that they shook all States and
+founded none."
+
+
+Sporadic and Lightning Strikes Anti-Social and Anti-Socialist.
+
+What applied to the strike movement of 1911 applies with even greater
+force to the present strike ebullitions, in which the presence of
+Russian Bolsheviks is to be noted. This is all in accordance with the
+Bolshevist plan of "world revolution" for which roubles are being
+plentifully furnished, mainly through agents in Sweden. The prevailing
+idea is to pull down bourgeois society, no matter what the
+consequences. If conditions generally in the countries of Europe under
+capitalism to-day were like what they were here a century ago, coupled
+with an absolute monarchical tyranny such as that which existed until
+recently in Russia, then there might be something to be said for the
+destruction of bourgeois society by any means that would bring it
+down. Nothing under such conditions could be worse for the mass of the
+people. But with the destruction of the State in these islands would
+go the trade unions built up by years of solid labour and sacrifice,
+the co-operative societies, just now beginning to take a wider outlook
+on things than mere "divi." hunting, and the democratic political
+institutions of which the people can make far more use than they do
+when they choose to exercise their intelligence and bestir their
+energies. Then the increasingly complicated nature of production,
+distribution and exchange has also to be considered. A piece of grit
+will often throw elaborate and delicate machinery out of gear, but we
+do not regard it as a revolutionary agent on that account. The control
+of a few engineering workshops by shop stewards, puffed out with
+vanity and a "little brief authority," will not provide the food
+necessary to feed the people of these islands. We have, too, an
+indication of the spirit of liberty with which they are animated in
+the massed picketing at Glasgow, not against blacklegs and
+non-unionists, but against fellow trade unionists who refused to aid
+"unauthorised strikes."
+
+I have said that these "down tools" outbursts are anti-Socialist. They
+are anti-Socialist because they are anarchical. They may pull down,
+but they cannot build up. Socialism and Socialists have suffered
+enough during the war because of the freaks and cranks that the war
+discovered among us, and the greater number of the same genus who now
+profess to be Socialists without understanding much, if anything,
+about the Socialist movement. We do not want further prejudice raised
+against us by attempts to connect us with anarchical violence,
+hooliganism and looting. Nothing for the benefit of the people can
+possibly come out of what is now going on. All it will do is to help
+reaction, and make even the majority of the working class ready to
+acquiesce in a mild military dictatorship as a lesser evil than
+Bolshevist tyranny and violence. And there are some British Generals
+who are popular, and who are not merely militarists!
+
+There is no royal road to the Social Revolution. The steady and
+patient work of Socialist propaganda and organisation together with
+the pressing forward of thorough-going collectivist proposals for the
+ownership and control of industry for the common good, and the
+imagination to take advantage of everything that will help forward the
+great change from capitalist production for profit to Socialist
+production for use--those are the lines we must follow. All the
+imaginary shortcuts of the impatient ones, which lead to anarchical
+deserts or reactionary morasses, serve only to retard real
+Social-Democratic progress.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Comrade "R.," who has written much for "Justice" on the food
+question abroad, has supplied these particulars.--H.W.L.
+
+[2] "The Great Strike Movement of 1911, and Its Lessons."
+
+
+    +----------------------------------------------------------+
+    |  For accurate and reliable information on International  |
+    |              Labour and Socialist movements              |
+    |                  and happenings read...                  |
+    |                                                          |
+    |                        "JUSTICE."                        |
+    |                                                          |
+    |      The oldest Socialist Journal in Great Britain.      |
+    |                                                          |
+    |        =Published every Thursday, price Twopence.=       |
+    |                                                          |
+    | Of all Newsagents, or direct from the Publishers,        |
+    | Twentieth Century Press (1912) Ltd., 37-38 Clerkenwell   |
+    | Green, London. E.C. 1 Subscription rates: 13 weeks,      |
+    | 2/6; 26 weeks, 5/-; 52 weeks, 10/-; post free.           |
+    +----------------------------------------------------------+
+
+Printed and Published by the Twentieth Century Press (1912), Ltd.,
+37-38 Clerkenwell Green, London, E.C.1. Trade Unions and other
+organisations supplied with quantities at special rates, to be had on
+application to the Manager.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    +-------------------------------------------------+
+    | Typographical errors corrected in text:         |
+    |                                                 |
+    | Page 8: 'whch have taken place' replaced with   |
+    |         'which have taken place'                |
+    |                                                 |
+    +-------------------------------------------------+
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Bolshevism: A Curse & Danger to the
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