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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Mediæval Wales, by A. G. Little
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Mediæval Wales
+       Chiefly in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries: Six Popular Lectures
+
+Author: A. G. Little
+
+Release Date: March 29, 2008 [EBook #24947]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEDIÆVAL WALES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Sam W. and the Online Distributed Proofreading
+Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
+images generously made available by The Internet
+Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+               MEDIÆVAL WALES
+
+           CHIEFLY IN THE TWELFTH
+          AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES
+
+
+           Six Popular Lectures
+
+                    BY
+
+      A. G. LITTLE, M.A., F.R.Hist.S.
+
+   PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY
+  COLLEGE OF SOUTH WALES AND MONMOUTHSHIRE
+ AUTHOR OF "THE GREY FRIARS IN OXFORD," ETC.
+
+
+            WITH MAPS AND PLANS
+
+
+                   LONDON
+              T. FISHER UNWIN
+             PATERNOSTER SQUARE
+                    1902
+
+
+
+
+[_All rights reserved._]
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This volume contains the substance of a course of popular Lectures
+delivered at Cardiff in 1901. The work does not claim in any way to
+be an original contribution to knowledge, and is published on the
+recommendation of some friends in whose literary judgment I have
+confidence. In a popular book of this kind I have not thought it
+necessary to give detailed references to authorities, but a list of
+a few of the books which I used in the preparation of the Lectures,
+and which are likely to be interesting to readers of Welsh history,
+may be useful. Among mediæval works I may mention the two Welsh
+chronicles--the Annales Cambriæ and the Brut y Tywysogion, both
+published in the Rolls Series; Geoffrey of Monmouth's "History of
+the Kings of Britain" (translated in Bohn's "Six Old English
+Chronicles"); Giraldus Cambrensis, "The Itinerary and Description of
+Wales" (translated in Bohn's library); the prefaces, especially those
+by Brewer, in the Rolls Series edition of Giraldus, will be found
+interesting. Of the English chroniclers, Ordericus Vitalis, Roger of
+Wendover, and Matthew Paris are perhaps the most valuable for the
+history of Wales and the Marches during the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries. Among modern books, the reader may be referred to Rhys and
+Jones, "The Welsh People"; Freeman, "William Rufus"; Thomas Stephens,
+"Literature of the Kymry"; Henry Owen, "Gerald the Welshman"; Clark,
+"Mediæval Military Architecture," and "The Land of Morgan"; Newell,
+"History of the Welsh Church"; Tout, "Edward I."; and the "Dictionary
+of National Biography." Since these Lectures were delivered at least
+three books on Welsh history have appeared which deserve mention: Mr.
+Bradley's "Owen Glyndwr," with a summary of earlier Welsh history;
+Mr. Owen Edwards's charmingly written volume in the Story of the
+Nations Series; and Mr. Morris's valuable work on "The Welsh Wars of
+Edward I."
+
+The maps are taken from large wall maps which I used when lecturing.
+In drawing up the map of Wales and the Marches at the beginning of the
+thirteenth century, I had the assistance of my friend and former
+pupil, Mr. Morgan Jones, M.A., of Ferndale, who generously placed at
+my disposal the results of his researches into the history of the
+Welsh Marches.
+
+    A. G. LITTLE.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                        PAGE
+
+      I. INTRODUCTORY                                      1
+
+     II. GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH                             27
+
+    III. GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS                              51
+
+     IV. CASTLES                                          77
+
+      V. RELIGIOUS HOUSES                                 99
+
+     VI. LLYWELYN AP GRUFFYDD AND THE BARONS' WAR        125
+
+
+
+
+MAPS AND PLANS
+
+
+                                                        PAGE
+
+    WALES AND THE MARCHES, c. A.D. 1200-1210               2
+
+    CASTLES AND RELIGIOUS HOUSES                          78
+
+    CARDIFF AND CAERPHILLY CASTLES                        88
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: WALES & THE MARCHES, c. A.D. 1200-1210.]
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+INTRODUCTORY
+
+
+In the following lectures no attempt will be made to give a systematic
+account of a political development, which is the ordinary theme of
+history. History is "past politics" in the wide sense of the word. It
+has to do with the growth and decay of states and institutions, and
+their relations to each other. The history of Wales in the Middle
+Ages, viewed from the political standpoint, is a failure; its interest
+is negative; and in this introductory lecture I intend to discuss "the
+failure of the nation" (to use the words of Professor Rhys and Mr.
+Brynmor Jones) "to effect any stable and lasting political
+combination." Wales failed to produce or develope political
+institutions of an enduring character--failed to become a state. Its
+history does not possess the unity nor the kind of interest which the
+history of England possesses, and which makes the study of English
+history so peculiarly instructive to the student of politics. In
+English history we study primarily the growth of the principle of
+Representative Government, which we can trace for centuries through a
+long series of authoritative records. That is the great gift of
+England to the world. Not only has Wales entered on this inheritance;
+it helped to create it. It was Llywelyn ap Iorwerth who began the
+revolt against John which led to the Great Charter, and the clauses of
+the Great Charter itself show that it was the joint work of English
+and Welsh. Wales again exerted a decisive influence on the Barons'
+War--the troubles in which the House of Commons first emerged. And
+Wales--half of it for more than six hundred years--half of it for
+nearly four hundred--has lived under the public law and administrative
+system which the Norman and Angevin kings of England built up on
+Anglo-Saxon foundations. This public law and this administrative
+system have become part and parcel of the life and history of Wales.
+The constitutional history of England is one of the elements which go
+to make up the complex history of Wales.
+
+The history of Wales, taken by itself, is constitutionally weak; and
+its interest is social or personal, archæological, artistic,
+literary--anything but political. And the fact--which is
+indisputable--that Wales failed to establish any permanent or united
+political system needs explanation.
+
+The ultimate explanation will perhaps be found in the geography of the
+country. The mountains have done much to preserve the independence and
+the language of Wales, but they have kept her people disunited; and
+the Welsh needed a long drilling under institutions, which could only
+grow up in a land less divided by nature, before they could develope
+their political genius.
+
+Wales, owing largely to its geography, had the misfortune never to be
+conquered at one fell swoop by an alien race of conquerors. Such a
+conquest may not at first sight strike one as a blessing, but it is,
+if it takes place when a people is in an early, fluid, and
+impressionable stage, as may be seen from a comparison of countries
+which have undergone it with countries which have not--a comparison,
+for instance, of England with Ireland or Germany. Perhaps the nearest
+parallel in the history of Wales to the Norman Conquest of England is
+the conquest of Wales by Cunedda, the founder of the Cymric kingdom,
+in the dark and troublous times which followed the withdrawal of the
+Roman troops from Britain. But though an invader and a conqueror,
+Cunedda was not an alien; he spoke the same language as the people he
+conquered and belonged to the same race to which the most important
+part of them belonged. And this militated against his chances of
+becoming a founder of Welsh unity. A race of conquerors distinct from
+the conquered in blood and language and civilisation, must hold
+together for a time; they form an official governing class, enforcing
+the same principles of government, and establishing a uniform
+administration throughout the country. And the uniform pressure reacts
+on the conquered, turning them from a loose group of tribes into a
+nation. This is what the Norman Conquest did for England. But if the
+conquerors are of the same race and language as the conquered, they
+readily mix with them; instead of holding together they identify
+themselves with local jealousies and tribal aspirations. This happened
+again and again in Germany. A Saxon emperor sends a Saxon to govern
+Bavaria as its duke and hold it loyal to the central government; the
+Saxon duke almost instantaneously becomes a Bavarian--the champion of
+tribal independence against the central government; and so the Germans
+remained a loose group of tribes and states--a divided people. This
+illustration suggests one of the reasons why Cunedda's conquest failed
+to unite Wales.
+
+Again the custom of sharing landed property among all the sons tended
+to prevent the growth of Welsh unity. Socially it appears far more
+just and reasonable than the custom of primogeniture. It is with the
+growth of feudalism (already apparent in the Welsh laws of the tenth
+century) that its political dangers become evident. The essence of
+feudalism is the confusion of political power and landed property; the
+ruler is lord of the land, the landlord is the ruler. If landed
+property is divided, political power is divided. When the Lord Rhys
+died in 1197 leaving four sons, Deheubarth had four rulers and formed
+four states instead of one; and civil war ensued.
+
+The unity of Welsh history is not to be found in the growth of a state
+or a political system. But may we regard the history of Wales as a
+long and heroic struggle inspired by the idea of nationality? A
+caution is necessary here. It is one of the besetting sins of
+historians to read the ideas of the present into the past; and to the
+general public historical study is dull unless they can do so. It is
+very difficult to avoid doing so; it needs a severe training, a long
+immersion in the past, and a steady passion for truth above all
+things. In no case perhaps is this warning so necessary as in matters
+involving the idea of nationality. This is characteristic of the
+present age, but it has not been characteristic of any other to
+anything like the same extent. We live in an atmosphere of
+nationality; we have seen it create the German Empire and the kingdom
+of Italy, and the Welsh University; we see it now labouring to break
+up the Austrian Empire, and perhaps changing the unchanging East. But
+the whole history of Europe shows that it is an idea of slow and
+comparatively late growth. The first appearance of nationality as a
+conscious principle of political action is found in England--and
+possibly in France--at the beginning of the thirteenth century, and in
+Wales about the same time; in the other countries of Europe much
+later. And it was very rarely till the very end of the eighteenth
+century that it became a dominant factor in politics. Of course our
+ancestors always hated a foreigner--but they did not love their
+fellow-countrymen. The one thing a man hated more than being driven
+out of house and home by a foreign invader, was being driven out by
+his next-door neighbour; and, as his neighbour was more likely to do
+it, and when he did it, to stay, he hated his neighbour most. A
+certain degree of order and settled government was necessary before
+the national idea could become effective.
+
+In mediæval Wales it never succeeded in uniting the people; the petty
+patriotism of the family stood in the way of the larger patriotism of
+the nation; local rivalries and jealousies were always stronger than
+the sense of national unity. The attempt of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth to
+create a National Council, like the Great Council of England, died
+with him. In the final struggle with Edward I., when for a few months
+the idea of Welsh unity was nearest realisation in action, the men of
+Glamorgan fought on the winning side. Read the "Brut y Tywysogion" and
+consider how far the actions there related can have been inspired by
+the feeling of nationality. Here is the account in the "Brut" of what
+was happening in Wales in 1200 and the following years, the period
+represented by our map.
+
+    "1200. One thousand and two hundred was the year of
+    Christ when Gruffudd, son of Cynan, son of Owain, died,
+    after taking upon him the religious habit, at
+    Aberconway,--the man who was known by all in the isle of
+    Britain for the extent of his gifts, and his kindness
+    and goodness; and no wonder, for as long as the men who
+    are now shall live, they will remember his renown, and
+    his praise and his deeds. In that year, Maelgwn, son of
+    Rhys, sold Aberteivi, the key of all Wales, for a
+    trifling value, to the English, for fear of and out of
+    hatred to his brother Gruffudd. The same year, Madog,
+    son of Gruffudd Maelor, founded the monastery of
+    Llanegwestl, near the old cross, in Yale.
+
+    "1201. The ensuing year, Llywelyn, son of Iorwerth,
+    subdued the cantrev of Lleyn, having expelled Maredudd,
+    son of Cynan, on account of his treachery. That year on
+    the eve of Whitsunday, the monks of Strata Florida came
+    to the new church; which had been erected of splendid
+    workmanship. A little while afterwards, about the feast
+    of St. Peter and St. Paul, Maredudd, son of Rhys, an
+    extremely courteous young man, the terror of his
+    enemies, the love of his friends, being like a lightning
+    of fire between armed hosts, the hope of the South Wales
+    men, the dread of England, the honour of the cities, and
+    the ornament of the world, was slain at Carnwyllon; and
+    Gruffudd, his brother, took possession of his castle at
+    Llanymddyvri. And the cantrev, in which it was situated,
+    was taken possession of by Gruffudd, his brother. And
+    immediately afterwards, on the feast of St. James the
+    Apostle, Gruffudd, son of Rhys, died at Strata Florida,
+    having taken upon him the religious habit; and there he
+    was buried. That year there was an earthquake at
+    Jerusalem.
+
+    "1202. The ensuing year, Maredudd, son of Cynan, was
+    expelled from Meirionydd, by Howel, son of Gruffudd, his
+    nephew, son of his brother, and was despoiled of
+    everything but his horse. That year the eighth day after
+    the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, the Welsh fought
+    against the castle of Gwerthrynion, which was the
+    property of Roger Mortimer, and compelled the garrison
+    to deliver up the castle, before the end of a fortnight,
+    and they burned it to the ground. That year about the
+    first feast of St. Mary in the autumn, Llywelyn, son of
+    Iorwerth, raised an army from Powys, to bring Gwenwynwyn
+    under his subjection, and to possess the country. For
+    though Gwenwynwyn was near to him as to kindred, he was
+    a foe to him as to deeds. And on his march he called to
+    him all the other princes, who were related to him, to
+    combine in making war together against Gwenwynwyn. And
+    when Elise, son of Madog, son of Maredudd, became
+    acquainted therewith, he refused to combine in the
+    presence of all; and with all his energy he endeavoured
+    to bring about a peace with Gwenwynwyn. And therefore,
+    after the clergy and the religious had concluded a peace
+    between Gwenwynwyn and Llywelyn, the territory of Elise,
+    son of Madog, his uncle, was taken from him. And
+    ultimately there was given him for maintenance, in
+    charity, the castle of Crogen, with seven small
+    townships. And thus, after conquering the castle of
+    Bala, Llywelyn returned back happily. That year about
+    the feast of St. Michael, the family of young Rhys, son
+    of Gruffudd, son of the lord Rhys, obtained possession
+    of the castle of Llanymddyvri."
+
+One may almost say that Wales is Wales to-day in spite of her
+political history. Wales owes far more to her poets and men of letters
+than to her princes and their politics.
+
+Giraldus Cambrensis laid his finger on the spot, when he said: "Happy
+would Wales be if it had one prince, and that a good one." A necessary
+preliminary to the union of Welshmen was the wiping out of all
+independent Welsh princes except one. Till that happened local feeling
+would always remain stronger than national feeling; the disintegrating
+forces of family feuds and personal ambitions and clannish loyalty
+would always outweigh the sense of national unity.
+
+The Lords of the Marches were slowly doing this for Wales; they were
+wiping out all the independent Welsh princes except one. We may see
+the process going on in the accompanying map, which gives the chief
+political divisions of Wales at the beginning of the thirteenth
+century, and we will turn for a few minutes to consider the fortunes
+of some of these petty states and the manner of the men who ruled
+them.
+
+The great Palatine Earldom of Chester, a kingdom within the kingdom,
+was ruled before 1100 by Hugh the Wolf, of Avranches, who conquered
+for a time the north coast of Wales. In Anglesey he built a castle,
+and kennelled the hounds he loved so well in a church, to find them
+all mad the next morning. The stories of his savage mutilation of his
+Welsh prisoners show that he merited the name of "the Wolf." Yet he
+was the friend of the holy Anselm, and died a monk. The struggle
+between Chester and Gwynedd for the possession of the Four Cantreds,
+the lands between the Conway and the Dee, was almost perpetual during
+the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the fortune of war
+continually changing. With the extinction of the old line of the Earls
+of Chester (1237) and the grant of the earldom to Prince Edward
+(1254), a new era opened for Wales.
+
+Further south, in the Middle March, along the upper valleys of the
+Severn and the Wye, the great power of the Mortimers was growing. They
+had already stretched out a long arm to grasp Gwerthrynion. But the
+greatest expansion of their power came later, under Roger Mortimer,
+grandson of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, friend of Edward I. in the wild days
+of his youth, persistent foe of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd; and soon the
+Mortimer lands embraced all Mid-Wales and reached the sea, and a
+Mortimer was strong enough to depose and murder a king and rule
+England as paramour of the queen. Savage as the Mortimers were, they
+were mild compared with one of their predecessors. Robert Count of
+Bellesme and Ponthieu, the great castle builder of his time, became
+Earl of Shrewsbury and Arundel in 1098. Men had heard tales of his
+ferocity on the Continent--how he starved his prisoners to death
+rather than hold them to ransom; how, when besieging a castle, he
+threw in the horses to fill up the moat, and when these were not
+enough he gave orders to seize the villeins and throw them in, that
+his battering rams might go forward on a writhing mass of living human
+bodies. These tales seemed incredible in England, but the men of the
+Middle March believed them when they were "flayed alive by the iron
+claws" of the devil of Bellesme. In his rebellion against Henry I. the
+princes of Gwynedd supported him, till their army was bought over by
+the lying promises of the king; but the day when the Earl of
+Shrewsbury surrendered to King Henry and the whole force of England
+was a day of deliverance alike to England and to Wales.
+
+We next come to the group of lordships held about this time by William
+de Braose, lord of Bramber in Sussex. They stretched from Radnor to
+Gower, from the Monnow to the Llwchwr, and included the castles of
+Builth, Brecon, Abergavenny. But he held these lands by different
+titles, and they were never welded together. William de Braose began
+his public career by calling the princes of Gwent to a conference at
+Abergavenny, and massacring them. He was on intimate terms with King
+John, who gave Prince Arthur into his keeping; but this was a piece of
+work which even De Braose recoiled from, and he refused to burden his
+soul with Arthur's murder. A few years later John suddenly turned
+against him, and demanded his sons as hostages. His wife, Maud de St.
+Valérie, who lived long in the popular memory as a witch, sent back
+the answer: she would not entrust her children to a man who had
+murdered his nephew. The king chased Braose from his lands, caught his
+wife and eldest son, and starved them to death in Windsor Castle. The
+Braose family continued to hold Gower, but the rest of their
+possessions passed to other houses--Brecon to the Bohuns of Hereford,
+Elvael to Mortimer, Abergavenny to Hastings, Builth first to Mortimer
+and then to the Crown.
+
+Glamorgan, during our period, was attached to the earldom of
+Gloucester. From Fitzhamon the Conqueror it passed, through his
+daughter, to Robert of Gloucester, and early in the thirteenth
+century to the great house of Clare, Earls of Gloucester and Hertford,
+who held the balance between parties in the Barons' War. With the
+organisation of Glamorgan and with its great rulers we shall deal
+later. At the time represented by our map, it was in the hands of King
+John, who obtained it by marriage. John divorced his wife in 1200, but
+managed to keep her inheritance till nearly the end of his reign; and
+Fawkes de Bréauté, the most infamous of his mercenary captains, lorded
+it in Cardiff Castle.
+
+Further west, between the Llwchwr and the Towy, lay the lordship of
+Kidweli, held by the De Londres family, who had accompanied Fitzhamon
+in the conquest of Glamorgan, and were lords of Ogmore and founders of
+Ewenny. One episode in the history of this family may be
+mentioned--the battle in the Vale of Towy in 1136, when Gwenllian, the
+heroic wife of Rhys ap Gruffydd, led her husband's forces against
+Maurice and De Londres, and was defeated and slain by the Lord of
+Kidweli. Her death was soon avenged by the slaughter of the Normans
+at Cardigan. The present castle of Kidweli dates from the later
+thirteenth century, before the war of 1277, after the lordship had
+passed to the Chaworths.
+
+In the extreme west, in Dyfed, the land of fiords, Arnulf of
+Montgomery had early founded the Norman power, but he was involved in
+the fall of his brother, Robert of Bellesme, and Henry I. tried to
+form the land into an English shire, and planted a colony of Flemings
+in "Little England beyond Wales." But it was too far off for the royal
+power to be effectively exercised there, and the Earldom of Pembroke
+was granted to a branch of the De Clares, who had already conquered
+Ceredigion, and built castles at Cardigan and Aberystwyth. The De
+Clares also held Chepstow and lands in Lower Gwent. The Earldom itself
+was smaller than the present shire of Pembroke, and William Marshall,
+who succeeded the De Clares through his marriage with the daughter of
+Richard Strongbow (1189), owed his commanding position in English
+history of the thirteenth century far more to his personal qualities,
+his courage and wisdom and patriotism, than to his territorial
+possessions.
+
+It was by driving the De Clares out of Ceredigion in Stephen's reign
+that Rhys ap Gruffydd laid the foundation of his power, and raised
+Deheubarth to be the foremost of the native principalities. The Lord
+Rhys was clever and farseeing enough to win the confidence of Henry
+II., and received from him the title of Justiciar--or King's
+Deputy--in South Wales. As long as Owain Gwynedd lived the unusual
+spectacle was seen of a prince of South Wales and a prince of North
+Wales working harmoniously together. But after Owain's death (1170)
+Rhys fought with his successors over the possession of Merioneth,
+while Owain Cyfeiliog, the poet-prince of Powys, did all he could to
+thwart him. In 1197 the death of Rhys, "the head and the shield and
+the strength of the South and of all Wales," and the civil wars among
+his sons, opened his principality again to the encroachment of foes on
+all sides, and removed one danger from Powys. Powys, however, was
+being steadily squeezed by the pressure of Gwynedd on one side, and
+the growing power of Mortimer on the other, and its princes resorted
+to a shifty diplomacy and a general adherence--open or secret as
+circumstances dictated--to the English Crown, till they sank at length
+into the position of petty feudatories of the English king.
+
+The Prince of Gwynedd alone upheld the standard of Welsh nationality,
+the dragon of Welsh independence; only in Gwynedd and its dependencies
+did the Welsh public law prevail over feudal custom. And what was the
+result? Exactly what Giraldus Cambrensis had foreseen and longed for.
+The eyes of Welshmen everywhere began to turn to the Lord of Eryri,
+the one hope of Wales. It was an alluring--an inspiring prospect,
+which opened before the princes of Gwynedd--to head a national
+movement, drive out the foreigners, and unite all Wales under their
+sway. Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, at the end of his long reign, deliberately
+rejected the dream. That is the meaning of his emphatic declaration
+of fidelity and submission to Henry III. in 1237. "Llywelyn, Prince of
+Wales, by special messengers sent word to the king that, as his time
+of life required that he should thenceforth abandon all strife and
+tumult of war, and should for the future enjoy peace, he had
+determined to place himself and his possessions under the authority
+and protection of him, the English king, and would hold his lands from
+him in all fealty and friendship, and enter into an indissoluble
+treaty; and if the king should go on any expedition he would, to the
+best of his power, as his liege subject, promote it, by assisting him
+with troops, arms, horses, and money." Llywelyn the Great refused to
+dispute the suzerainty of England. This may appear pusillanimous to
+the enthusiastic patriot, but subsequent events proved the old
+statesman's wisdom and clearsightedness. His successors were less
+cautious, were carried away by the patriotism round them and the syren
+voices of the bards. And to Llywelyn ap Gruffydd the prospect was even
+more tempting than to Llywelyn ap Iorwerth. The Barons' War weakened
+the power of England, and the necessities of Simon de Montfort led
+him to enter into an alliance with Llywelyn. The expansion of Gwynedd
+was great and rapid. Llywelyn's rule extended as far south as Merthyr,
+and made itself felt on the shores of Carmarthen Bay. The Earl of
+Gloucester found it necessary to build Caerphilly Castle to uphold his
+influence in Glamorgan. But it was just the expansion of Llywelyn's
+power which forced Edward I. to overthrow him once for all. "We hold
+it better"--so ran Edward's proclamation in 1282--"that, for the
+common weal, we and the inhabitants of our land should be wearied by
+labours and expenses this once, although the burden seem heavy, in
+order to destroy their wickedness altogether, than that we should in
+future times, as so often in the past, be tormented by rebellions of
+this kind at their good pleasure."
+
+The "Principality" now became shire land--under English laws and
+English administration. The rest of Wales remained divided up into
+Marcher Lordships for another two hundred and fifty years, under
+feudal laws--a continual source of disturbance and scene of disorder.
+These were the lands in which the King's Writ did not run, where (to
+summarise the description in the Statute of 1536) "murders and
+house-burnings, robberies and riots are committed with impunity, and
+felons are received, and escape from justice by going from one
+lordship to another."
+
+Yet the Marcher Lords did something for Welsh civilisation in their
+earlier centuries. Guided by enlightened self-interest, they often
+founded towns, granting considerable privileges to them in order to
+attract burgesses--such as low rents, and freedom from arbitrary
+fines. Fairs, too, were established and protected by the Lords
+Marchers. The early lords of Glamorgan seem to have been specially
+successful in this respect; in the twelfth century immigrants from
+other parts of Wales are said to have come to reside in Glamorgan,
+owing to the privileges and comparative security which were to be
+found there. Nor perhaps has it been sufficiently recognised how soon
+the Lords of the Marches began drilling their Welsh subjects in
+Anglo-Norman methods of local self-government. Most of the greater
+Marcher Lords possessed estates in England; not a few of them, such as
+William de Braose, served as sheriffs in English shires; some, such as
+John de Hastings, were judges in the royal courts. They introduced
+into Wales methods of government which they learnt in England, and
+institutions with a great future before them, like the Franco-Roman
+"inquest by sworn recognitors," from which trial by jury was
+developed, were soon acclimatised in the Marches of Wales.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH
+
+
+When Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote, Norman influence in Wales was at its
+height. In the old days we used to begin English history with William
+the Conqueror; since Freeman wrote his five thick volumes and
+proved--not that the Norman Conquest was unimportant--but that it did
+not involve a breach of continuity, a new start in national life, the
+pendulum has swung too much the other way, and the tendency of late
+years has been to underestimate the importance of the Norman Conquest.
+
+The Norman wherever he went brought little that was new; he was but a
+Norseman--a Viking--with a French polish. He had no law of his own; he
+had forgotten his own language, he had no literature. But he had the
+old Norse energy; which not only drove him or his ancestors to settle
+and conquer in lands so distant and diverse as Russia and Sicily,
+Syria and North America, but enabled him to infuse new life into the
+countries he conquered. Further, he still retained that adaptability
+and power of assimilation which is characteristic of peoples in a
+primitive stage of civilisation. With a wonderful instinct he fastened
+on to the most characteristic and strongest features of the different
+nations he was brought in contact with, developed them, gave them
+permanent form, and often a world-wide importance.
+
+The Norman conquerors were not always fortunate in their selection.
+Ireland has little to thank them for. The most striking characteristic
+which they found in Ireland was anarchy, and they brought it to a high
+pitch of perfection. To quote Sir J. Davies's luminous discourse on
+Ireland, in 1612: "Finding the Irish exactions to be more profitable
+than the English rents and services, and loving the Irish tyranny
+which was tied to no rules of law and honour better than a just and
+lawful seigniory, they did reject the English law and government,
+received the Irish laws and customs, took Irish surnames, as
+MacWilliam, MacFeris, refused to come to Parliaments, and scorned to
+obey those English knights who were sent to command and govern this
+kingdom."
+
+One extortionate Irish custom, called "coigny," they specially
+affected, of which it was said "that though it were first invented in
+hell, yet if it had been used and practised there as it hath been in
+Ireland, it had long since destroyed the very kingdom of Beelzebub."
+
+England and Wales were more fortunate. In England--while the old
+English literature was crushed out by the heel of the oppressor, the
+Norman instinct seized on the latent possibilities of the old English
+political institutions, welded them into a great system, developed out
+of them representative government, and created a united nation.
+
+In Wales, the Normans paid little or no heed to Welsh laws and
+political institutions; the law of the Marches was the feudal law of
+France, the charters of liberties of the towns were imported from
+Normandy; the Welsh Marches and border shires were the most thoroughly
+Normanised part of the whole kingdom. But with a fine instinct for the
+really great things, in Wales the Normans seized on the literary
+side--the poetic traditions of the people--giving them permanent form,
+adding to them, making them for ever part of the intellectual heritage
+of the whole world.
+
+It may very likely be a mere accident that the earliest Welsh
+manuscripts date from the twelfth-century--Norman times; it may also
+imply an increased literary productiveness. It may be due to
+accidental causes that the first accounts of Eisteddfodau extant date
+from the twelfth century; it may also be that the institution excited
+new interest, received new attention and honour, under the influence
+of the open-minded and keen-sighted invaders. Take, for instance, the
+account of the great Eisteddfod in 1176, from the Brut y Tywysogion:
+"The lord Rhys held a grand festival at the castle of Aberteivi,
+wherein he appointed two sorts of competitions--one between the bards
+and poets, and the other between harpers, fiddlers, pipers, and
+various performers of instrumental music; and he assigned two chairs
+for the victors in the competitions; and these he enriched with vast
+gifts. A young man of his own court, son to Cibon the fiddler,
+obtained the victory in instrumental music, and the men of Gwynedd
+obtained the victory in vocal song; and all the other minstrels
+obtained from the lord Rhys as much as they asked for, so that there
+was no one excluded." An Eisteddfod where every one obtained prizes,
+and every one was satisfied, suggests the enthusiasm natural to a new
+revival. It was now--when Wales was brought in contact with the great
+world through the Normans--that modern Welsh poetry had its beginning.
+The new intellectual impetus is clearly illustrated by the change
+which takes place in the Welsh chronicles about 1100. Before that time
+they are generally thin and dreary: they suddenly become full, lively,
+and romantic. Wales was not exceptional in this renaissance; something
+of the same sort occurred in most parts of Europe; and the
+renaissance is no doubt to be connected with the Crusade, the reform
+of the Church, in a word, with the Hildebrandine movement, and so
+ultimately with the Burgundian monastery of Clugny. But it was the
+Normans who brought this new life to England and Wales; the Normans
+were the hands and feet of the great Hildebrandine movement of which
+the Clugniac popes were the head.
+
+Among the Norman magnates who encouraged the intellectual movement in
+Wales--one stands out pre-eminent--Robert Earl of Gloucester and Lord
+of Glamorgan, a splendid combination of statesman, soldier, patron of
+letters. Robert was a natural son of Henry I.--born before 1100--there
+is no evidence that his mother was the beautiful and famous Nest,
+daughter of Rhys ap Tudor. He acquired the Lordship of Glamorgan
+together with the Honour of Gloucester and other lands in England and
+Normandy, by marriage with Mabel, daughter and heiress of Fitzhamon,
+conqueror of Glamorgan. An account of the wooing is preserved in old
+rhymed chronicle: the king conducts negotiations; the lady remarks
+that it was not herself but her possessions he was after--and she
+would prefer to marry a man who had a surname. The account is not
+historical, as surnames had not come in: in the early twelfth century
+the lady would have expressed her meaning differently. However, there
+is evidence that she was a good wife: William of Malmesbury says, "She
+was a noble and excellent woman, devoted to her husband, and blest
+with a numerous and beautiful family." Robert was a great builder of
+castles; Bristol and Cardiff Castles were his work, and many others in
+Glamorgan; he organised Glamorgan, giving it the constitution of an
+English shire--with Cardiff Castle as centre and meeting-place. After
+Henry I.'s death, he was the most important man in England, and was
+the only prominent man who played an honourable part in the civil wars
+which are known as the reign of Stephen; he died in 1147. His
+relations with the Welsh appear to have been good; large bodies of
+Welsh troops fought under him at the battle of Lincoln, 1141--he was
+probably the first Norman lord of Glamorgan who could thus rely on
+their loyalty. And it is significant that in the earliest inquisitions
+extant for Glamorgan--or inquests by sworn recognitors--Welshmen were
+freely employed in the work of local government.
+
+Robert of Gloucester was a magnificent patron of letters; to his age
+Giraldus Cambrensis looked back with longing regret as to the good old
+times in which learning was recognised and received its due reward. To
+Robert of Gloucester, William of Malmesbury, the greatest historian of
+the time, dedicated his history, attributing to him the magnanimity of
+his grandfather the Conqueror, the generosity of his uncle, the wisdom
+of his father, Henry I. He was the founder of Margam Abbey, whose
+chronicle is one of the authorities for Welsh history; Tewkesbury,
+another abbey whose chronicle is preserved, counted him among its
+chief benefactors; Robert de Monte, Abbot of Mont St. Michel, the
+Breton and lover of Breton legends, was a native of his Norman estates
+at Torigny, and wrote a valuable history of his times. Among the
+brilliant circle of men of letters who frequented his court at
+Gloucester and Bristol and Cardiff were Caradoc of Llancarven, whose
+chronicle (if he ever wrote one) has been lost, and greatest of all
+Geoffrey of Monmouth.
+
+Geoffrey dedicated his History of the Kings of Britain to Robert: "To
+you, therefore, Robert Earl of Gloucester, this work humbly sues for
+the favour of being so corrected by your advice that it may be
+considered not the poor offspring of Geoffrey of Monmouth, but, when
+polished by your refined wit and judgment, the production of him who
+had Henry, the glorious King of England, for his father, and whom we
+see an accomplished scholar and philosopher, as well as a brave
+soldier and tried commander."
+
+Not very much is known about Geoffrey. The so-called "Gwentian Brut,"
+attributed to Caradoc of Llancarven, on which his biographers have
+relied for a few details of his life, is very untrustworthy, and,
+according to the late Mr. Thomas Stephens, was written about the
+middle of the sixteenth century, though containing earlier matter.
+The sixteenth century was a great age for historical forgeries. We
+find a Franciscan interpolating passages in a Greek manuscript of the
+New Testament in order to refute Erasmus; a learned Oxonian forging a
+passage in the manuscript of Asser's "Life of Alfred" to prove that
+Alfred founded the University of Oxford; and Welsh genealogies
+invented by the dozen and the yard--reaching back to "son of Adam, son
+of God." The "Gwentian Brut" or "Book of Aberpergwm" is in doubtful
+company. The following seem to be the facts known about Geoffrey. In
+1129 he was at Oxford, in company with Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford
+(not Walter Mapes). His father's name was Arthur; and he was connected
+with the Welsh lords of Caerleon. He calls himself "of Monmouth,"
+either as being born there, or as having a connection with the
+Benedictine monastery at Monmouth, which was founded by a Breton, and
+kept up connections with Brittany and Anjou. He may have been
+archdeacon--but not of Monmouth. The first version of his history was
+finished in or before April, 1139, and the final edition of the
+History was completed by 1147. In his later years he resided at
+Llandaff. He was ordained priest in February, 1152, and consecrated
+bishop of St. Asaph in the same month. In 1153 he was one of the
+witnesses to the compact between King Stephen and Henry of Anjou,
+which ended the civil wars. He died at Llandaff in 1153.
+
+We will now turn to consider the sources of his History of the Kings
+of Britain. Geoffrey says: "In the course of many and various studies
+I happened to light on the history of the Kings of Britain, and
+wondered that, in the account which Gildas and Bede, in their elegant
+treatises, had given of them, I found nothing said of those kings who
+lived here before Christ, nor of Arthur, and many others; though their
+actions were celebrated by many people in a pleasant manner, and by
+heart, as if they had been written. Whilst I was thinking of these
+things, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, a man learned in foreign
+histories, offered me a very ancient book in the Britannic tongue,
+which, in a continued regular story and elegant style, related the
+actions of them all, from Brutus down to Cadwallader. At his request,
+therefore, I undertook the translation of that book into Latin." At
+the end of his history he adds: "I leave the history of the later
+kings of Wales to Caradoc of Llancarven, my contemporary, as I do also
+the kings of the Saxons to William of Malmesbury and Henry of
+Huntingdon. But I advise them to be silent concerning the kings of the
+Britons, since they have not that book written in the Britannic
+tongue, which Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, brought out of Britannia."
+
+There has been a good deal of controversy as to whether this very
+ancient book was in Welsh or Breton, but the first question is, Did it
+ever exist? Was Geoffrey a translator, or an inventor, or a collector
+of oral traditions current in Wales or Brittany during his time?
+
+There can be little doubt that the conclusion of Thomas Stephens, in
+the "Literature of the Kymry," is correct--that "Geoffrey was less a
+translator than an original author." It is very doubtful whether the
+Britannic book ever existed, whether it was not a mere ruse, such as
+was often resorted to by mediæval romancers, and is still a favourite
+method with modern historical novelists--to give their works an
+appearance of genuineness. It has been argued against this, that in
+that case, Archdeacon Walter must have been a party to the
+fraud--which is incredible. Such an argument implies a large ignorance
+of the archdeacons of the twelfth century--when it was a question
+solemnly discussed among the learned--whether an archdeacon could
+possibly be saved. It would be well if there were nothing worse to
+bring against them than such an innocent fraud on the public as this.
+But the strongest argument against the existence of the Britannic book
+is (not that it is not extant now, but) that the historians of the
+next generation never saw it. Geoffrey's History at once created a
+tremendous stir in the literary world--nor was it accepted on
+trust--but received with suspicion and incredulity. Thus William of
+Newburgh, in the latter part of the twelfth century, calls Geoffrey
+roundly, "a saucy and shameless liar." William, of course, did not
+know Welsh, and could not have made anything out of the Britannic
+book, even if he had seen it. This objection does not apply to
+Giraldus Cambrensis; his knowledge of Welsh was indeed slight--but he
+had plenty of Welsh-speaking relatives and friends, and he was himself
+a collector of manuscripts. Gerald refers to "the lying statements of
+Geoffrey's fabulous history," and implies in a much-quoted passage
+that he regarded Geoffrey's history as a pack of lies. Speaking of a
+Welshman at Caerleon who had dealings with evil spirits, and was
+enabled by their assistance to foretell future events, he goes on: "He
+knew when any one told a lie in his presence, for he saw the devil
+dancing on the tongue of the liar. If the evil spirits oppressed him
+too much, the Gospel of St. John was placed on his bosom, when like
+birds they immediately vanished; but when the Gospel was removed, and
+the History of the Britons by Geoffrey Arthur was substituted in its
+place, the devils instantly came back in greater numbers, and remained
+a longer time than usual on his body and on the book." Geoffrey may
+very probably have used some Britannic manuscript, but it could not
+have been very ancient; and he certainly did not translate it, but
+used it as he used Gildas and Bede and Nennius--sometimes quoting
+their statements, more generally amplifying them almost beyond
+recognition.
+
+Was Geoffrey merely an inventor? Sometimes--undoubtedly. The long
+strings of names of purely fictitious princes whom the Roman Consul
+summoned to fight against King Arthur, at a time when in sober history
+Justinian was Roman Emperor, are invented by Geoffrey. And consider
+too his parodies of the practice of historians of referring to
+contemporary events: an instance of the genuine article is given in
+Gerald's Itinerary. "In 1188, Urban III. being pope, Frederick,
+Emperor of the Romans, Isaac, Emperor of Constantinople, Philip, King
+of France," &c., &c. Now take Geoffrey's parodies: "At this time,
+Samuel the prophet governed in Judæa, Æneas was living, and Homer was
+esteemed a famous orator and poet." Or again: "At the building of
+Shaftesbury an eagle spoke while the wall of the town was being built:
+and indeed I should have transmitted the speech to posterity, had I
+thought it true, like the rest of the history. At this time Haggai,
+Amos, Joel, and Azariah were prophets of Israel." One may be quite
+sure that passages like these are not derived from the writings of the
+ancients, or from oral traditions. One can in some cases trace back
+his statements and see how much he added to his predecessors. A good
+instance is his account of the conversion of the Britons under King
+Lucius, in Bk. IV., cap. 19 and 20, and V., cap. 1 (A.D. 161).
+Geoffrey's account is circumstantial: King Lucius sent to the Pope
+asking for instruction in the Christian religion. The Pope sent two
+teachers (whose names are given), who almost extinguished paganism
+over the whole island, dedicated the heathen temples to the true God,
+and substituted three archbishops for the three heathen archflamens
+at London, York, and Caerleon-on-Usk, and twenty-eight bishops for the
+twenty-eight heathen flamens. Now all this is based on a short passage
+in Bede: "Lucius King of the Britains sent to the Pope asking that he
+might be made a Christian; he soon obtained his desire, and the
+Britons kept the faith pure till the Diocletian persecution," which
+itself is amplified from an entry in the _Liber Pontificalis_: "Lucius
+King of the Britains sent to the Pope asking that he might be made a
+Christian." This last does not occur in the early version of the
+_Liber Pontificalis_, and is irreconcilable with the history and
+position of the papacy in the second century; but is a forgery,
+inserted at the end of the seventh century by the Romanising party in
+the Welsh Church--the party desiring to bring the Welsh Church into
+communion with the Roman, and so interested in proving that British
+Christianity came direct from the Pope; and all the talk about the
+archflamens and archbishops, &c., is pure invention. Notice too what
+an important part the places with which Geoffrey is specially
+connected play in his history: Caerleon is the seat of an
+archbishopric and favourite residence of Arthur; Oxford is frequently
+mentioned though it did not exist until the end of the ninth century;
+the Consul of Gloucester (predecessor of Geoffrey's patron, Robert,
+Consul of Gloucester) makes the decisive move in Arthur's battle with
+the Romans.
+
+A parallel case is Geoffrey's account of Brutus and the descent of the
+Britons from the Trojans. The tradition is found in Nennius, and
+perhaps dates from the classical revival at the court of Charlemagne.
+It is clearly not a popular tradition, but an artificial tradition of
+the learned; but whilst Geoffrey did not invent the legend, he
+invented all the details--letters and speeches, and hairbreadth
+escapes and tales of love and war.
+
+Probably his detailed accounts of King Arthur's European
+conquests--extending over nearly all Western Europe, from Iceland and
+Norway to Gaul and Italy--are still more the work of Geoffrey's
+inventive genius, though it is possible they may rest on early Celtic
+myths about the voyage of Arthur to Hades, as Professor Rhys suggests,
+or on late Breton traditions which mixed up Arthur with Charles the
+Great.
+
+Now let us consider Geoffrey as a gatherer and transmitter of the
+genuine oral traditions of the Welsh and Breton people. Genuine
+traditions are true history in the sense that they preserve manners
+and customs and modes of thought prevalent at the time when they
+became current. Thus they are on quite a different level from
+Geoffrey's inventions, though they cannot be taken as containing the
+history of any of the individuals to whom they profess to relate. He
+tells us in his preface that the actions of Arthur and many others,
+though not mentioned by historians, "were celebrated by many people in
+a pleasant manner and by heart," were sung by poets and handed down
+from generation to generation, like the poetical traditions of every
+people in primitive times. There can be no doubt that Geoffrey
+collected a number of these old stories and wove them into his
+narrative. Thus, the story of King Lear and his daughters has the
+ring of a genuine popular tradition about it, though the dates and
+pseudo-historical setting were probably supplied by Geoffrey. Again,
+there were certainly prophecies attributed to Merlin current in
+Geoffrey's time. But one may suspect Geoffrey of doing a good deal
+more than translate the prophecies of Merlin; he adapted them; one may
+even suspect him of parodying them. "After him shall succeed the boar
+of Totness, and oppress the people with grievous tyranny. Gloucester
+shall send forth a lion and shall disturb him in his cruelty in
+several battles. The lion shall trample him under his feet ... and at
+last get upon the backs of the nobility. A bull shall come into the
+quarrel and strike the lion ... but shall break his horns against the
+walls of Oxford." "Then shall two successively sway the sceptre, whom
+a horned dragon shall serve. One shall come in armour and ride upon a
+flying serpent. He shall sit upon its back with his naked body, and
+cast his right hand upon its tail.... The second shall ally with the
+lion; but a quarrel happening they shall encounter one another ...
+but the courage of the beast shall prevail. Then shall one come with a
+drum, and appease the rage of the lion. Therefore shall the people of
+the kingdom be at peace, and provoke the lion to a dose of physic!"
+
+Then as to Arthur. In Geoffrey's history he appears mainly as a great
+continental conqueror--a kind of Welsh Charlemagne. "Many of the most
+picturesque and significant features of the full-grown legend (as
+Professor Lewis Jones points out)[1] are not even faintly suggested by
+Geoffrey. The Round Table, Lancelot, the Grail were unknown to him,
+and were grafted on the legend from other sources." But he made the
+Arthurian legends fashionable; he opened for all Europe the hitherto
+unknown and inexhaustible well of Celtic romance; and it may be said
+without exaggeration that "no mediæval work has left behind it so
+prolific a literary offspring as the History of the Kings of Britain."
+
+The value of Geoffrey is not in his fictions about past history, but
+in his influence on the literature and ideas of the future. He stands
+at the beginning of a new age: he is the first spokesman of the Age of
+the new Chivalry. Read his glowing account of Arthur's court, where
+"the knights were famous for feats of chivalry, and the women esteemed
+none worthy of their love but such as had given proof of their valour
+in three several battles. Thus was the valour of the men an
+encouragement for the women's chastity, and the love of the women a
+spur to the knight's bravery." Or, as an old French version has it,
+"Love which made the women more chaste made the knights more valorous
+and famous." We have here a new conception of love which has
+profoundly influenced life and thought ever since--love no longer a
+weakness as in the ancient world, or a sin as it seemed to the ascetic
+spirit of the Church, but a conscious source of strength, an avowed
+motive of heroism. And it was round Arthur and his court that the
+French poets of the next generation wove their romances inspired by
+this conception--the offspring of the union of Norman strength and
+Celtic gentleness.
+
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[1] See his paper on Geoffrey of Monmouth (Transactions of the
+Cymmrodorion Society, 1899), to which I am much indebted.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS
+
+
+Gerald the Welshman was certainly one of the most remarkable men of
+letters that the Middle Ages produced--remarkable not merely for the
+great range of his knowledge, or the voluminousness of his writings,
+but for the originality of his views and variety of his interests.
+
+In this lecture I intend to give first a general account of his life,
+and then deal in more detail with his Itinerary through Wales.
+
+We know a great deal about Gerald; he was interested in many things,
+and not least in himself; he was not troubled by that shrinking sense
+of his own worthlessness--with the feeling of being not an individual,
+but a part of a community--which is so characteristic of mediæval
+writers, and led them often to omit to mention their own names.
+
+Gerald was born about 1146, at Manorbier, in Pembroke--"the most
+delightful spot in Wales." His ancestry is interesting. His father was
+a Norman noble, holding of Glamorgan, William de Barri by name; his
+mother was the daughter of another Norman noble, Gerald de Windsor of
+Pembroke, and the famous Nest, daughter of Rhys ap Tudor, the Helen of
+Wales. He was cousin of the Fitzgeralds who played so important a part
+in the conquest of Ireland, and connected with Richard Strongbow and
+the great house of Clare. He thus "moved in the highest circles," and
+lived in an atmosphere of great deeds and great traditions.
+
+He was from the first marked out by his own inclinations for an
+ecclesiastical career. He tells us that when he and his elder brothers
+used to play as children on the sands of Manorbier his brothers built
+castles but he always built churches. He received an elementary
+education from the chaplains of his uncle, the Bishop of St. David's;
+he seems to have been slow at learning when a child, and his tutors
+goaded him on not by the birch rod, but by sarcasm--by declining
+"_Stultus_, _stultior_, _stultissimus_." His higher education was not
+obtained in Wales, and it is singular that he does not notice any
+place of learning in Wales in all his writings. He studied at
+Gloucester, and then at Paris, the greatest mediæval university. We
+have it on his own authority that he was a model student. "So entirely
+devoted was he to study, having in his acts and in his mind, no sort
+of levity or coarseness, that whenever the Masters of Arts wished to
+select a pattern from among the good scholars, they would name Gerald
+before all others." Later he lectured at Paris on canon law and
+theology; his lectures, he tells us, were very popular. He returned
+thence in 1172, two years after the martyrdom of Thomas Becket, whose
+example and struggle for the rights of the Church made a deep and
+lasting impression on him. Gerald soon obtained preferment: he held
+three livings in Pembroke, one in Oxfordshire, and canonries at
+Hereford and St. David's. His energy soon made itself felt. He
+excommunicated the Welshmen and Flemings who would not pay tithes; and
+then attacked the sins of the clergy. Most of the Welsh clergy were
+married, contrary to the laws of the Church. Gerald hated a married
+priest even more than he hated a monk. The Welsh priest, he says, was
+wont to keep in his house a female (_focaria_) "to light his fire but
+extinguish his virtue." "How can such a man practice frugality and
+self-denial with a house full of brawling brats, and a woman for ever
+extracting money to buy costly robes with long skirts trailing in the
+dust?" Gerald hated women--the origin of all evil since the world
+began: observing that in birds of prey the females are stronger than
+the males, he remarks that this signifies "the female sex is more
+resolute in all evil than the male." Among the married clergy he
+attacked was the Archdeacon of Brecon; and the old man, being forced
+to choose between his wife and his archdeaconry, preferred his wife.
+Gerald was made Archdeacon of Brecon. In later years he had qualms of
+conscience about the part he took in this business.
+
+Between 1180 and 1194 he was often at Court and employed in the
+king's affairs. Henry II. selected him as a suitable person to
+accompany the young prince John to Ireland in 1185, and the result was
+his two great works--"The Topography," and "The Conquest of Ireland,"
+which are the chief and almost the only authorities for Irish history
+in the Middle Ages. The former work he read publicly at Oxford on his
+return; it was a great occasion: we must tell it in his own words.
+"When the work was finished, not wishing to hide his candle under a
+bushel, but wishing to place it in a candlestick, so that it might
+give light, he resolved to read it before a vast audience at Oxford,
+where scholars in England chiefly flourished and excelled in
+scholarship. And as there were three divisions in the work, and each
+division occupied a day, the readings lasted three successive days. On
+the first day, he received and entertained at his lodgings all the
+poor people of the town; on the second, all the doctors of the
+different faculties and their best students; and on the third, the
+rest of the students and the chief men of the town. It was a costly
+and noble act; and neither present nor past time can furnish any
+record of such a solemnity having ever taken place in England."
+
+In 1188 he accompanied the Archbishop of Canterbury in his tour
+through Wales to preach the Third Crusade. With this we shall deal
+later.
+
+He was abroad with Henry II. at the time of the old king's death, and
+has left a valuable account of his later years in the book "On the
+Instruction of Princes." His connection with the Court gave him
+opportunities for studying the great characters of the time at close
+quarters, and we have from his pen graphic sketches of many of them.
+Take this description of Henry II.: "He had a reddish complexion,
+rather dark, and a large round head. His eyes were gray, bloodshot,
+and flashed in anger. He had a fiery face; his voice was shaky; he had
+a deep chest, and long muscular arms, his great round head hanging
+somewhat forward. He had an enormous belly--though not from gross
+feeding. Indeed he was temperate in all things, for a prince. To keep
+down his corpulency, he took immoderate exercise. Even in times of
+peace he took no rest--hunting furiously all day, and on his return
+home in the evening seldom sitting down either before or after supper;
+for in spite of his own fatigue, he would weary out the Court by being
+constantly on his legs."
+
+The whole is very interesting and full of life. It occurs in the
+"Conquest of Ireland," and is quoted in several of his other works.
+Gerald's favourite author was Gerald of Barry, Archdeacon of Brecon.
+
+The next important episode in his life was the struggle for St.
+David's (1198-1203). It was really a fight for the independence of the
+Welsh Church from England and its direct dependence on the Pope.
+Gerald was elected bishop by the canons of St. David's, in opposition
+to the will of King John (whose consent was necessary) and of Hubert
+Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury (whose rights as metropolitan were
+attacked). Gerald hastened off to Rome to get the Pope's support,
+taking with him the most precious offering that he could think of--six
+of his own books; for Rome had a bad name for bribery--and who could
+resist such a bribe? But he found it advisable to supplement his books
+by other promises, especially by the offer to the Pope of tithes from
+Wales.
+
+The Pope at this time was Innocent III.--the greatest of all the
+Popes--who brought kings and nations under his feet and held despotic
+sway over the Universal Church, and stamped out heresy in blood. In
+the references to him in Gerald's works he appears in much more human
+guise. We see him after supper unbending and laughing at Gerald's
+anecdotes and cracking jokes of a somewhat risky character with the
+archdeacon. It is clear that the Pope thoroughly enjoyed the
+Welshman's company, but also that he did not take him very seriously
+as an ecclesiastical statesman. "Let us have some more stories about
+your archbishop's bad Latin," he would say, when Gerald was getting
+too urgent on the independence of the Welsh Church or his own right to
+the see of St. David's.
+
+This archbishop was Hubert Walter, who was much more of a secular
+administrator than an ecclesiastic, and whose Latin though clear and
+ready might show a fine contempt for all rules of grammar. Gerald was
+a stickler for correct Latin grammar; he is great on "howlers." There
+is one of his stories, illustrating both the avarice of the Norman
+prelates and the ignorance of the Welsh clergy: A Welsh priest came to
+his bishop and said, "I have brought your lordship a present of two
+hundred _oves_." He meant "_ova_"; but the bishop insisted on the
+sheep; and the priest probably rubbed up his Latin grammar. Gerald had
+also other patriotic reasons for his hostility to the archbishop, who
+as chief justiciary--_i.e._, chief minister of the king--had recently
+attacked and defeated the Welsh between the Wye and the Severn.
+"Blessed be God," writes Gerald sarcastically to him, "who has taught
+your hands to war and your fingers to fight, for since the days when
+Harold almost exterminated the nation, no prince has destroyed so many
+Welshmen in one battle as your Grace."
+
+Gerald continued the struggle till 1203, though deserted by the Welsh
+clergy. "The laity of Wales," he said, "stood by me; but of the
+clergy whose battle I was fighting, scarce one." He was proclaimed as
+a rebel, and had some narrow escapes of imprisonment or worse--escapes
+which he owed to his ready wit and which he delights to tell. At last
+he gave way, and during the remainder of his life we find him at Rome,
+Lincoln, St. David's, revising his works and writing new ones,
+modifying some of his judgments (especially that on Hubert Walter),
+and encouraging Stephen Langton in the great struggle against John. He
+was buried at St. David's, probably in 1223.
+
+We will now return to the "Itinerary through Wales" and the
+"Description of Wales." Jerusalem was taken by Saladin in 1187, and
+the Third Crusade--the Crusade of Richard Coeur de Lion--was preached
+throughout Europe. In 1188 Archbishop Baldwin made a preaching tour
+through Wales accompanied by Glanville, the great justiciary of Henry
+II., and Gerald of Barry. While the primary object was the preaching
+of the Crusade, the king had an eye to business and saw that the Holy
+Cause could be utilised for other purposes; it gave an opportunity for
+the assertion of the metropolitan rights of Canterbury over the Welsh
+Church, and for a survey of the country by the royal officials, which
+was not possible under other circumstances. That is why the archbishop
+and the justiciar accompanied the expedition. It is remarkable that
+Gerald, the champion of the Welsh Church, should have given his
+support to it; but he had not fully adopted the patriotic attitude of
+his later years; and, with him as with most people of the time, the
+rescue of the Holy Sepulchre was, in theory at any rate, the greatest
+object in the world; while further, we must not forget that the
+journey had many attractions for him as an author; it gave him "copy"
+for a new book, and the chance of reading his Irish Topography to the
+archbishop. Every day during the journey the archbishop listened to a
+portion of this book, and at the end took it home to finish. As the
+journey lasted at least fifty days, one may calculate that it took at
+most an average of three pages a day to send the archbishop to sleep.
+
+The Itinerary (which was later dedicated to Stephen Langton) contains
+in the author's words an account of "the difficult places through
+which we passed, the names of springs and torrents, the witty sayings,
+the toils and incidents of the journey, the memorable events of
+ancient and modern times, and the natural history and description of
+the country."
+
+The route pursued was as follows: From Hereford to Radnor, Brecon,
+Abergavenny, Caerleon, Newport, Cardiff, Llandaff, Ewenny, Margam,
+Swansea, Kidweli, Carmarthen, Haverford, St. David's, Cardigan, Strata
+Florida, thence keeping close to the coast, through Bangor and
+Chester; and then south by Oswestry, Shrewsbury, Ludlow, to Hereford.
+
+The travellers were well received and entertained both by the Lords
+Marcher and the Welsh princes. It was especially to the Welsh that
+their attention was directed, and Welsh princes accompanied them
+through their territories. The chief was Rhys ap Gruffydd (Gerald's
+uncle), prince of South Wales, who was then at the height of his
+power, and had been made chief justice of South Wales by Henry II., to
+whom he faithfully adhered. Gwynedd and Powys were then divided among
+several heirs. One of the princes of Powys, Owain Cyfeiliog, the poet,
+was distinguished as being the only prince who did not come to meet
+the archbishop with his people; for which he was excommunicated.
+Gerald notes that he was an adherent of Henry II., and was
+"conspicuous for the good management of his territory." Perhaps that
+is why he would not have anything to do with the Crusade.
+
+How far was the expedition successful in its primary object in gaining
+crusaders? The archbishop and justiciar had already taken the cross;
+they remained true to their vows and went to the Holy Land, the
+archbishop dying at the siege of Acre, heartbroken at the wickedness
+of the army. Gerald himself was the first to take the cross in Wales,
+not acting under the influence of religious enthusiasm, but (as he
+says himself) "impelled by the urgent requests and promises of the
+king and persuasions of the archbishop," who wanted him to act as
+historian; but Gerald, after setting the example, bought a
+dispensation and did not go. A number of the lesser Welsh princes soon
+took the cross. The Lord Rhys himself was eager to do so, but "his
+wife by female artifices diverted him wholly from his noble purpose."
+The wives were all dead against the whole affair. At Hay the wives
+caught hold of their husbands, and the would-be Crusaders had
+literally to run away from them to the castle, leaving their cloaks
+behind them. A nobler spirit of self-sacrifice was shown by the old
+woman of Cardigan, who, when her only son took the cross, said: "O
+most beloved Lord Jesus Christ, I give Thee hearty thanks for having
+conferred on me the blessing of bringing forth a son worthy of Thy
+service." This son was probably worth more than the twelve archers of
+the castle of St. Clears who were forcibly signed with the cross for
+committing a murder; and one may reasonably look with suspicion on the
+sudden conversion of "many of the most notorious murderers and robbers
+of the neighbourhood" at Usk. It was this kind of thing that turned
+the Holy Land into a sort of convict settlement.
+
+The preachers clearly worked hard and had some trying experiences, and
+kept up their spirits by little jokes, which Gerald retails. They
+nearly came to grief in quicksands at the mouth of the river Neath.
+"Terrible hard country this," said one of the monks next day in the
+castle at Swansea. "Some people are never satisfied," retorted his
+companion; "you were complaining of its being too soft in the
+quicksand yesterday." The mountains were trying to men no longer in
+their youth; after toiling up one the archbishop sank exhausted on a
+fallen tree and said to his panting companions, "Can any one enliven
+the company by whistling a tune?" "Which," adds Gerald, "is not very
+easily done by people out of breath." From whistling the conversation
+passed to nightingales, which some one said were never found in Wales.
+"Wise bird, the nightingale," remarked the archbishop.
+
+One serious difficulty they had was that none of them, not even
+Gerald, knew Welsh sufficiently well to preach in it, though they
+generally had interpreters. The archbishop, who would sometimes preach
+away for hours without result, felt this much more than Gerald. He
+declares he moved crowds to tears though they did not understand a
+word of what he was saying. But one may take the words of Prince
+Rhys's fool as evidence (if any were needed) that ignorance of Welsh
+weakened the effect. "You owe a great debt, Rhys, to your kinsman the
+archdeacon, who has taken a hundred or so of your men to serve the
+Lord; if he had only spoken in Welsh, you wouldn't have had a soul
+left."
+
+In all about three thousand took the cross; but the Crusade was
+delayed, zeal cooled, and it is probable that comparatively few went.
+The _Itinerarium Regis Ricardi_ mentions, I think, only one exploit by
+a Welshman in the Third Crusade; he was an archer, and so a South
+Walian.
+
+This brings me to one of the incidental notes of great value scattered
+about the Itinerary. Speaking of the siege of Abergavenny (1182),
+Gerald tells us that the men of Gwent and Glamorgan excelled all
+others in the use of the bow, and gives curious evidence of the
+strength of their shooting. Thus the arrows pierced an oak door four
+inches thick; they had been left there as a curiosity, and Gerald saw
+them with their iron points coming through on the inner side. He
+describes these bows as "made of elm--ugly, unfinished-looking
+weapons, but astonishingly stiff, large, and strong, and equally
+useful for long and short shooting." Add to this that the longbow was
+not a characteristic English weapon till the latter part of the
+thirteenth century, that the first battle in which an English king
+made effective use of archery (at Falkirk, 1298), his infantry
+consisted mainly of Welshmen; and there can be little doubt that the
+famous longbow of England, which won the victories of Creçy and
+Poitiers and Agincourt, and indirectly did much to destroy feudalism
+and villenage, had its home in South Wales.
+
+Gerald was also a keen observer of nature, and his knowledge of the
+ways of animals is extensive and peculiar. Perhaps even more marked
+is his love of the supernatural; he could believe anything, if it was
+only wonderful enough--except Geoffrey of Monmouth's History. But I
+must confine myself to one story--the story of the boy in Gower who
+(as the root of learning is bitter) played truant and found two little
+men of pigmy stature, and went with them to their country under the
+earth, and played games with golden balls with the fairy prince. These
+little folk were very small--of fair complexion, and long luxuriant
+hair; and they had horses and dogs to suit their size. They hated
+nothing so much as lies; "they had no form of public worship, being
+lovers and reverers, it seemed, of truth." The boy often went, till he
+tried to steal a golden ball, and then he could never find fairyland
+again. But he learnt some of the fairy language, which was like Greek.
+And then Gerald compares words in different languages, and notes how,
+for instance, the same word for _salt_ runs through Greek and British
+and Irish and Latin and French and English and German, and the fairy
+language, which suggests a close relation between all these peoples
+in past ages. It is very modern; and it is not without reason that
+Gerald has been called "the father of comparative philology."
+
+In his "Description of Wales" Gerald describes the manner of life and
+characteristics of the people. All are trained to arms, and when the
+trumpet sounds the alarm, the husbandman rushes as eagerly from his
+plough as the courtier from his court. Agricultural work takes up
+little of their time, as they are still mainly in a pastoral stage,
+living on the produce of their herds, and eating more meat than bread.
+They fight and undergo hardships and willingly sacrifice their lives
+for their country and for liberty. They wear little defensive armour,
+and depend mainly on their mobility; they are not much good at a close
+engagement, but generally victors in a running fight, relying more on
+their activity than on their strength.
+
+It was the fashion to keep open house for all comers. "Those who
+arrive in the morning are entertained till evening with the
+conversation of young women and the music of the harp; for each house
+has its young women and harps allotted for the purpose. In each
+family the art of playing on the harp is held preferable to any other
+learning; and no nation is so free from jealousy as the Welsh." After
+a simple supper (for the people are not addicted to gluttony or
+drunkenness), "a bed of rushes is placed along the side of the hall,
+and all in common lie down to sleep with their feet towards the fire.
+They sleep in the thin cloak and tunic they wear by day. They receive
+much comfort from the natural heat of the persons lying near them; but
+when the underside begins to be tired with the hardness of the bed, or
+the upper one to suffer from the cold, they get up and go to the fire;
+and then returning to the couch they expose their sides alternately to
+the cold and to the hardness of the bed."
+
+Gifted with an acute and rich intellect they excel in whatever studies
+they pursue, notably in music. They are especially famous for their
+part-singing, "so that in a company of singers, which one very often
+meets with in Wales, you will hear as many different parts and voices
+as there are performers,"(!) and this gift has by long habit become
+natural to the nation.
+
+"They show a greater respect than other nations to churches and
+ecclesiastics, to the relics of saints, bells, holy books, and the
+cross; and hence their churches enjoy more than common tranquillity."
+
+He then goes on to the other side of the picture: "for history without
+truth becomes undeserving of its name." "These people are no less
+light in mind than in body, and by no means to be relied on. They are
+easily urged to undertake any action, and as easily checked from
+prosecuting it.... They never scruple at taking a false oath for the
+sake of any temporary advantage.... Above all other peoples they are
+given to removing their neighbours' landmarks. Hence arise quarrels,
+murders, conflagrations, and frequent fratricides. It is remarkable
+that brothers show more affection to each other when dead than when
+living; for they persecute the living even unto death, but avenge the
+dead with all their power."
+
+Finally, as a scientific observer of politics, he discusses how Wales
+may be conquered and governed, and how the Welsh may resist.
+
+A prince who would subdue this people must give his whole energies to
+the task for at least a whole year. He must divide their strength, and
+by bribes and promises endeavour to stir up one against the other,
+knowing the spirit of hatred and envy which generally prevails among
+them. He must cut off supplies, build castles, and use light-armed
+troops and plenty of them; for though many English mercenaries perish
+in a battle, money will procure as many more; but to the Welsh the
+loss is for the time irreparable. He recommends that all the English
+inhabitants of the Marches should be trained to arms; for the Welsh
+fight for liberty and only a free people can subdue them. His advice
+to the Welsh is: Unite. "If they would be inseparable, they would be
+insuperable, being assisted by these three circumstances--a country
+well defended by nature, a people contented to live upon little, a
+community whose nobles and commoners alike are trained in the use of
+arms; and especially as the English fight for power, the Welsh for
+liberty; the English hirelings for money, the Welsh patriots for their
+country."
+
+I hope I may persuade some who do not yet know Gerald to make his
+acquaintance, and to read either his works on Ireland and Wales,
+translated in Bohn's library, or Mr. Henry Owen's brilliant and
+delightful volume, "Gerald the Welshman," my indebtedness to which I
+wish to acknowledge. Gerald tells us many miracles; but he has himself
+performed a miracle as wonderful as any he relates; he has kept all
+the charm and freshness of youth for more than seven hundred years.
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: CASTLES & RELIGIOUS HOUSES. (12th & 13th Centuries)]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+CASTLES
+
+
+Wales is pre-eminently the land of castles. There are between thirty
+and forty in Glamorgan alone. The accompanying map, though it is by no
+means exhaustive, shows the general lie of the castles, which may be
+divided into three groups, having as their respective bases Chester,
+Shrewsbury, and Gloucester. But though there is some evidence of an
+organised plan for the conquest of Wales in the time of William Rufus,
+it is useless to look for any great and general system of offence or
+defence, because most of the castles were not built by a centralised
+government with any such object in view, but by individuals to guard
+their own territories and protect their independence against either
+their neighbours or the English king. The great age of castle-building
+was between 1100 and 1300. Castles play a very small part in the
+fighting in Wales till the end of the eleventh century. Before that
+time indeed there were few stone castles anywhere; the usual type, even
+of the early Norman castles, was a moated mound surrounded by wooden
+palisades. One hears for instance of a castle being built by William
+the Conqueror in eight days. An example of this early type of fortress
+was Pembroke Castle at the end of the eleventh century, "a slender
+fortress of stakes and turf," which had the good fortune to be in
+charge of Gerald of Windsor, grandfather of Giraldus Cambrensis. It
+stood several sieges, which shows that the siege engines of the Welsh
+were of a very poor and primitive type. One of these sieges was turned
+into a blockade, and the garrison was nearly reduced by starvation. The
+constable had recourse to a time-honoured ruse. "With great prudence he
+caused four hogs which still remained to be cut into small pieces and
+thrown down among the enemy. The next day he had recourse to a more
+refined stratagem: he contrived that a letter from him should fall
+into the hands of the enemy stating that there was no need for
+assistance for the next four months." The besiegers were taken in and
+dispersed to their homes.
+
+The characteristic types of castles in the twelfth century were the
+rectangular keep and the shell keep; in the thirteenth the concentric
+castle. Of the two last we have splendid examples in Cardiff and
+Caerphilly. Of rectangular keeps there are very few in Wales--Chepstow
+is the only important one--though there are several on the borders,
+notably Ludlow. The square keep seems to us most characteristic of
+Norman military architecture; the Tower of London, Rochester,
+Newcastle, Castle Rising, are well-known examples, and there are many
+more in a good state of preservation; there are many more solid square
+keeps than shell keeps well preserved, but this is simply due to the
+greater solidity of the former; the shell keeps were far more numerous
+in the twelfth century; and the reasons for this are obvious--the
+rectangular keep was much more expensive to build, and it was too
+heavy to erect on the artificial mounds on which the Norman
+architects generally founded their castles.
+
+The keep of Cardiff Castle is one of the most perfect shell keeps in
+existence. It is built on a round artificial mound, surrounded by a
+wide and deep moat--the mound and moat being, of course, complements
+of each other. Such mounds and moats are common in all parts of
+England, and in Normandy. They are not Roman, nor British, nor are
+they, as Mr. G. T. Clark maintained, characteristic of Anglo-Saxon
+work. They are essentially Norman, and a good representation of the
+making of such a mound may be seen in the Bayeux Tapestry, under the
+heading--'He orders them to dig a castle.' When was the Cardiff mound
+made? Perhaps the short entry in the Brut gives the answer: "1080, the
+building of Cardiff began." It would then be surrounded by wooden
+palisades, and surmounted by a timber structure, as a newly made mound
+would not stand the masonry. The shell keep was probably built by
+Robert of Gloucester, and it was probably in the gate-house of this
+keep, that Robert of Normandy was imprisoned. A shell keep was a ring
+wall eight or ten feet thick, about thirty feet high, not covered in,
+and enclosing an open courtyard, round which were placed the
+buildings--light structures, often wooden sheds, abutting on the ring
+wall--such as one may see now in the courtyard of Castell Coch. The
+shell keep was the centre of Robert's castle, but not the whole. From
+this time dated the great outer walls on the south and west--walls
+forty feet high and ten feet thick and solid throughout. The north and
+east and part of the south sides of the castle precincts are enclosed
+by banks of earth, beneath which, the walls of a Roman camp have
+recently been discovered. These banks were capped by a slight
+embattled wall. Outside along the north, south and east fronts was a
+moat, formerly fed by the Taff through the Mill leat stream which ran
+along the west front. The present lodgings, or habitable part of the
+castle built on either side of the great west wall, date mostly from
+the fifteenth century. The earlier lodgings were, perhaps, on the same
+site--though only inside the wall; a great lord did not as a rule
+live in the keep, except in times of danger.
+
+The area of the enclosure is about ten acres--more suited to a Roman
+garrison than to a lord marcher of the twelfth century. That the
+castle was difficult to guard is shown by the success of Ivor Bach's
+bold dash, _c._ 1153-1158. Ivor ap Meyric was Lord of Senghenydd,
+holding it of William of Gloucester, the Lord of Glamorgan, and,
+perhaps, had his headquarters in the fortress above the present
+Castell Coch. "He was," says Giraldus Cambrensis, "after the manner of
+the Welsh, owner of a tract of mountain land, of which the earl was
+trying to deprive him. At that time the Castle of Cardiff was
+surrounded with high walls, guarded by 120 men at arms, a numerous
+body of archers and a strong watch. Yet in defiance of all this, Ivor,
+in the dead of night secretly scaled the walls, seized the earl and
+countess and their only son, and carried them off to the woods; and
+did not release them till he had recovered all that had been unjustly
+taken from him," and a goodly ransom in addition. Perhaps the most
+permanent result of this episode was the building of a wall 30 feet
+high between the keep and the Black Tower--dividing the castle
+enclosure into two parts and forming an inner or middle ward of less
+extent, and less liable to danger from such sudden raids.
+
+Cardiff Castle was much more than a place of defence; it was the seat
+of government. The bailiff of the Castle was _ex officio_ mayor of the
+town in the Middle Ages. The Castle was also the head and centre of
+the Lordship of Glamorgan. This was divided into two parts--the shire
+fee or body, and the members. The shire fee was the southern part;
+under a sheriff appointed by the chief Lord: the chief landowners owed
+suit and service--_i.e._, they attended and were under the
+jurisdiction of the shire court held monthly in the castle enclosure,
+and each owed a fixed amount of military service--especially the duty
+of "castle-guard"--supplying the garrison and keeping the castle in
+repair. There are indications of the work of the shire court in some
+of the castle accounts published in the Cardiff Records, _e.g._, in
+1316, an official accounts for 1d., the price of "a cord bought for
+the hanging of thieves adjudged in the county court: stipend of one
+man hanging those thieves 4d." The "members" consisted of ten
+lordships (several of which were in the hands of Welsh nobles): these
+were much more independent; each had its own court (with powers of
+life and death), from which an appeal lay to the Lord's court at
+Cardiff: generally they owed no definite service to the Lord (except
+homage, and sometimes a heriot at death), but on failure of heirs the
+estate lapsed to the chief Lord. At Cardiff Castle the Lord had his
+chancery, like the royal chancery on a small scale--issuing writs,
+recording services and grants of privileges, and legal decisions:
+practically the whole of these records have been lost--and our
+knowledge of the organisation of the Lordship is mainly derived from
+the royal records at times, when owing to minority or escheat, the
+Lordship was under royal administration. The Lord of Glamorgan owed
+homage, but no service to the king; and (though this was sometimes
+disputed by his tenants and the royal lawyers), no appeal lay from his
+courts to the king's court. The machinery of government was probably
+more complete and elaborate in Glamorgan than in any other Marcher
+Lordship.
+
+Caerphilly Castle had not the political importance of Cardiff, but far
+surpasses it as a fortress. By the strength and position of
+Caerphilly, one may measure the power of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd after
+the Barons' War and before the accession of Edward I. The Prince of
+Wales had extended his sway down as far as Brecon, and Welshmen
+everywhere were looking to him as the restorer of their country's
+independence. Among them was the Welsh Lord of Senghenydd, one of the
+chief "members" of Glamorgan, and his overlord probably saw reason to
+suspect his loyalty. An alliance between him and Llywelyn would open
+the lower Taff Valley to the Welsh prince and give him command of the
+hill country north of Cardiff. It was on the lands of the lord of
+Senghenydd that Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, built Castell
+Coch and Caerphilly.
+
+[Illustration: CARDIFF CASTLE. (12th Century)]
+
+[Illustration: CAERPHILLY CASTLE. (13th Century)]
+
+Caerphilly is described by the latest historian of the Art of War as
+the grandest specimen of its class; it represents the high-water mark
+of mediæval military architecture in this country, and was the model
+of Edward I.'s great castles in the north. It illustrates the
+influence of the Crusades on Western Europe, being an instance of the
+"concentric" system of defences, of which the walls of Constantinople
+afford the most magnificent example, and which the Crusaders adopted
+in many of their great fortresses in the East.
+
+Caerphilly Castle consists of three lines of defences, and the way in
+which these supplement each other shows that the work in all
+essentials was designed as a great whole; it did not grow up bit by
+bit. There are of course many evidences of alterations and rebuilding
+at later times; the buildings in the middle ward, on the south side,
+seem to be later additions; the hall appears to have been enlarged,
+and the tracery of the windows suggests the fourteenth century; the
+state-rooms to the west of the hall have been much altered; but such
+alterations as appear are confined to the habitable part of the
+castle, and do not affect it as a military work. It has been suggested
+that the castle may have been greatly enlarged in the latter years of
+Edward II., when it played an important part in connection with the
+division of the Gloucester inheritance and the younger Despenser's
+ambitions. There are a number of notices of the castle in the
+chronicles and public records of that time, but apparently no
+references to any building operations. And the unity of plan is
+evidence that the whole dated from the same time.
+
+The castle is built on a tongue of gravel nearly surrounded by low,
+marshy land, forming a sort of peninsula; a stream on the south
+running eastwards to the Rhymny; and two springs on the north. By
+damming these waters and cutting through the tongue of gravel an
+artificial island was secured for the site of the castle. The inner
+ward, or central part of the castle, consists of a quadrangle with a
+large round tower at each corner: in the centre of the east and west
+side are massive gate-houses defended by portcullises; from the
+projecting corner towers all the intervening wall was commanded. The
+gateways communicate with the second line of defence or middle ward.
+This completely encircles the inner ward, on a much lower level; it is
+a narrow space bounded by a wall, with low, semi-circular bastions at
+the corners; it is commanded at every point from the inner ward; the
+narrowness of the space would prevent the concentration of large
+bodies of assailants or the use of battering-rams, and communication
+is at several points stopped by walls or buildings jutting out from
+the inner ward. The middle ward had strong gate-houses at the east and
+west ends, and was completely surrounded by water--east and west by a
+moat, north and south the moat widens into lakes: note how on the
+north a narrow ridge of gravel has been used to ensure a water moat on
+that side, in case there was not enough water to flood the whole lake.
+These lakes form part of the third line of defence or outer ward,
+which includes also on the west the "horn-work" and on the east the
+grand front. The horn-work is about three acres in extent, surrounded
+by a wall 15 feet high, which is of the nature of an escarpment, the
+ground rising above it. It is entirely surrounded by a moat, and
+connected with the middle ward on one side and the mainland on the
+other by drawbridges. It would probably be used for grazing purposes,
+and thus would be of great value to the garrison; but so far as the
+actual defences of the castle are concerned, a lake would have been
+much more effective; the nature of the ground would however have
+prevented this. The horn-work was intended to cover the only side upon
+which the castle was open to an attack from level ground, and to
+occupy what would otherwise have been a dangerous platform.
+
+The eastern side of the outer ward--the grand front--is a most
+imposing structure. It is a wall about 250 yards long, and in some
+parts 60 feet high, furnished with buttresses and projecting towers
+from which the intervening spaces are easily commanded, culminating
+in the great gate-house near the centre, and terminating at both ends
+in clusters of towers which protect the sally-ports. On the outside is
+a moat spanned by a double drawbridge. The northern part of this
+front, which was probably occupied by stables, would in dry weather be
+the least defensible part of the castle; but it was cut off from the
+rest by an embattled wall running from the gate-house to the inner
+moat and pierced only by one small and portcullised gate. The southern
+half was more important and stronger. It crossed the stream at the
+dam, the walls being 15 feet thick where subjected to the pressure of
+the water, and the strong group of towers at the end--on the other
+side of the stream--guarded the dam on which the safety of the castle
+largely depended; the wall and towers here form a semicircle, curving
+back into the edge of the lake, so as to avoid the danger of being
+outflanked.
+
+On the inside of the grand front were various buildings, such as the
+mill. This eastern line was divided from the middle ward by a moat 45
+feet wide--a space which is too wide to be spanned by a single
+drawbridge, and as there are no signs of the foundations of a central
+pier, it seems probable that the bridge rested on a wooden support,
+which could be removed when necessary, and the assailants plunged into
+the moat below.
+
+There are a large number of interesting details connected with both
+the military functions of the castle and its domestic economy. There
+were at least four exits (not counting the two water-gates); this
+would give the garrison opportunities of harassing assailants by
+sallies, and would make a much larger army necessary in order to
+blockade the castle; contrast the single narrow entrance to the Norman
+keep--high up in the wall and visible to all outside. The water-gates
+are worth studying, especially the methods of protecting the eastern
+water-gate--two grates with a shoot above and between them. One should
+notice, too, the "splaying" of the outer wall, by which missiles from
+the top would be projected outwards; and also the use of the
+mill-stream to carry away the refuse of the garderobe tower. And there
+are many other points, to which one would like to call attention, if
+time allowed.
+
+The history of Caerphilly in the Middle Ages need not detain us long.
+It was besieged by Llywelyn in 1271, while it was being built.
+Llywelyn declared he could have taken it in three days if he had not
+been persuaded to submit the dispute to the arbitration of the king.
+It is clear that the castle was not finished; shortly after this
+Gilbert de Clare obtained license from the king to "enditch" the
+castle: such license was not, as a rule, required in the Marches (as
+it was in England) and was only necessary now because the king was
+acting as arbitrator. The Earl of Gloucester kept possession. We next
+hear of it in 1315, when it resisted the attack of Llywelyn Bren. It
+was then in the hands of the king, pending the division of the
+Gloucester inheritance among the three co-heiresses. In 1318
+Caerphilly, with the rest of Glamorgan, was granted to the younger
+Despenser, who perhaps enlarged the hall and made the other
+alterations referred to above. Edward II. was there for a few days
+when flying for his life; had he trusted to Caerphilly, instead of
+fleeing further through South Wales, he might have saved his head and
+his crown; at any rate, there would have been a great siege to add to
+the history of mediæval warfare. The king's adherents held out in
+Caerphilly for months, and only surrendered when, the king being dead,
+there was nothing more to fight for, and they were allowed to go free.
+Happy is the castle which has no history. The perfection of Caerphilly
+as a fortress saved it from serious attacks.
+
+In conclusion, I will give two illustrations of the relations between
+the garrison of a castle and those outside. The first refers to
+Swansea. There is a curious Charter of King John to the good men of
+Swansea, in which he releases them from the "custom of eating" forced
+on them by the men of the castle. This would be a solid variation of
+the liquid scot-ales or free drinks which officials and garrisons were
+in the habit of exacting from their neighbours, and which were among
+the most persistent grievances in the Middle Ages.
+
+The second concerns Builth, and is taken from the Patent Rolls of
+Edward II. in 1315. Builth was then in the hands of the king, to whom
+the townsfolk appeal for redress of grievances. The community complain
+that, though they are only bound to carry timber to the castle twice a
+week, they are often forced to carry it three times a week and more,
+and victuals too; and the men of the castle compel them to plough
+their lands and cut their corn, and hold them to ransom if they
+refuse; and they carry away from the houses of the said complainants
+divers kind of victuals--lambs, geese, hens, &c.--and pay only one
+quarter of their value, or nothing at all; and though the complainants
+gave the keeper of the castle £120 that they might be free from such
+oppressions, he took the money and oppresses them just the same.
+Further, the courts which the people have to attend are multiplied;
+and recently the court was held at a time when so great a flood had
+happened that neither horsemen nor footmen could approach the court,
+and so thirty-six men and women, fearing the cruelty of the bailiffs,
+entered a boat and were overwhelmed in the rush of the river. And one
+night men of the castle, maliciously seeking occasion against the
+commonalty of the town, went out of the castle and pretended to
+besiege it and shot arrows at it; and then secretly re-entered the
+castle and declared the townsfolk had been attacking the castle. And
+on this account many burgesses were imprisoned in the castle and
+ill-treated, and their swine maliciously killed. And things are so
+intolerable that many of the greater burgesses have left the country,
+and the residue, without speedy remedy, cannot remain.
+
+Life was evidently dull in a castle: one had to play practical jokes
+to relieve the monotony; and life was anything but pleasant outside a
+castle. The castles of Wales are much more attractive to us to-day
+than they were to those who lived in them or round them six or seven
+hundred years ago.
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+RELIGIOUS HOUSES
+
+
+In speaking of the Religious Houses in Wales I shall deal with those
+which flourished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries--the period
+we have hitherto been studying--though it is tempting to go back to
+the glories of the old Welsh monasteries of the sixth century, such as
+Llantwit Major and Bangor Iscoed, whose dim memories must always
+exercise a strong fascination. The monasteries of this early type had
+fallen on evil days in Wales, as in Ireland and elsewhere, before the
+twelfth century, many had been wiped out by the Danes; and those that
+remained seem to have lost the spirit of life (save in a few distant
+islands or inaccessible mountains), and made no struggle for existence
+against the vigorous invasion of the new monasticism.
+
+We shall be concerned with two kinds of religious houses--namely, the
+houses of monks and the houses of friars. And, first, let us consider in
+briefest outline the main course of development of the religious orders
+in the Roman Church. The Rule of St. Benedict (+541) was adopted by all
+monks: the essential features of it were prayer, labour, silence, a
+common life and common property. But among the early Benedictines each
+monastery was independent and self-governing, though an abbey might have
+priories in some measure connected with it. The result was that in the
+course of time the discipline and life of monasteries varied infinitely;
+and there was no co-operation for self-defence among the various
+monasteries. Hence in the tenth century arose the Cluniac order--the
+first attempt at organisation--the Abbot of Clugny became head of a vast
+number of monasteries in different countries of Europe; the priors of
+these owed allegiance to the Abbot of Clugny, were appointed by him, and
+paid revenues to the head abbey and the general fund of the Order. This
+organisation was thus monarchical--despotic; the Abbot of Clugny was a
+pope of monasticism. The movement acquired enormous influence on the
+Church as a whole, getting control of the papacy, insisting that the
+Church should be independent of the State, and that celibacy of the
+clergy should be practically enforced. But the Cluniacs instead of
+withdrawing from the world began to dominate it, losing many of the
+essential features of monasticism. Hence another reform movement arose
+about 1100, that of the Cistercian Order, which is associated with the
+name of St. Bernard. This aimed at reviving the Benedictine rule in all
+its strictness, insisting especially on manual labour. Cistercian houses
+were founded in desolate places, as far removed from populous centres as
+possible. But the Order differed from the early Benedictines in
+organisation. Each Cistercian house was independent and self-governing,
+electing its own abbot; but all the abbots were bound to come together
+at stated times for general assemblies or chapters, and these general
+assemblies were the supreme governing body in the Order. Thus unity was
+established; the organisation was close, but not monarchical; the Order
+was a great federation. This is the highest point reached in monastic
+development.
+
+But about the time of the Crusades another ideal made itself felt.
+Hitherto the religious man withdrew from the world: but, as an old
+chronicler put it, "God found out the Crusades as a way to reconcile
+religion and the world"--was it not possible to serve God _in_ the
+world? The knight did it; he went on fighting, but he fought for the
+Holy Sepulchre. The Military Orders (Templars and Hospitallers)
+combined the life of a monk with the life of a soldier. The Regular or
+Augustinian Canons combined the life of a monk with the life of a
+parish priest. And this ideal--new to the Middle Ages--received its
+highest realisation in the Dominican and Franciscan friars. The monk
+left the world in order to become religious; the friar aimed at making
+the world religious. The monk's main object was to save his own soul;
+the friar's, to save the souls of others.
+
+We will now turn to the monasteries in Wales. Of the older
+Benedictine houses there were about fifteen, almost all in South
+Wales, and all except one were not abbeys but priories, or cells,
+_i.e._, they were dependent on some abbey elsewhere. A number of them
+belonged to some foreign abbey, especially the earliest. This was the
+case with the Priory of Monmouth, founded by the Breton Wihenoc, which
+belonged to the Abbey of St. Florence of Saumur (Anjou); and this was
+the case too with the priories of Abergavenny and Pembroke. These
+"alien priories" were simply used by the abbeys abroad as sources of
+revenue; they were foreign, unpopular, and during the French war in
+the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries most of them were suppressed
+and their revenues appropriated by the Crown. The same applies to the
+three Cluniac cells established in Wales, such as St. Clears, which
+seems only to have contained the prior and one monk, who did not live
+with much strictness, though Gerald of Barry says the Cluniacs here
+were better than they were abroad, and not nearly so bad as the
+Cistercians. The life of monks in these outlying cells, where they
+were not under any supervision, and where there was no "public
+opinion" of the monastery to keep them straight, was generally very
+lax; they lived liked laymen, looking after the estates (generally
+wasting them), and without much regard to their vows: "they lived like
+beasts," says Gerald. Thus the Lord Rhys had to eject the monks from
+one cell, because of the charges brought against them by the fathers
+and husbands of the surrounding district, who declared that they would
+leave and go to England if the evil was not stopped.
+
+Another class of houses were those founded as priories or cells of
+English abbeys. Thus the Priory at Brecon was a cell of Battle Abbey,
+founded by Bernard of Newmarch, and largely endowed by the Braoses;
+Ewenny, founded by Maurice de Londres, was a cell to St. Peter's,
+Gloucester. All these of course, like the alien priories, were founded
+by the Norman conquerors, and for two purposes: Firstly, for the souls
+of the founder and his family, a very necessary provision; the Normans
+were in their way a devout people and made sacrifices to win the
+favour of heaven. William de Braose used to give his clerks "something
+extra" for inserting pious expressions in his legal documents.
+Secondly, these houses also served as castles and stations for
+garrisons. Take, for instance, Ewenny; it is much more like a castle
+than a religious house, with its great embattled walls and towers, and
+magnificent gate-house furnished with a triple portcullis and
+"shoots," or holes in the roof above for pouring molten lead on the
+assailants' heads. The De Londres family were businesslike as well as
+pious; Ewenny's prime object was to help them to gain heaven, it also
+helped them to gain the earth. The close and constant connection which
+these houses maintained with their mother abbeys in England and abroad
+always kept them Anglo-Norman in sympathies--foreign garrisons. But
+while recognising this aspect of the monastic houses in Wales, one
+must avoid exaggerating it, as, _e.g._, Mr. Willis Bund does. He
+regards all the monasteries as founded solely with this political
+object: "to represent," he says, "a Welsh prince as founder of a
+religious house in South Wales after 1066 is representing him as the
+worst of traitors. Bad as the Welsh chieftains were, even they would
+have hesitated to introduce into their country what were really Norman
+garrisons;" and he rejects the idea of a Welsh prince founding Strata
+Florida. Now these remarks are only applicable to those religious
+houses which were dependencies on some English or foreign abbey; they
+do not apply to the Cistercian monasteries, all of which were
+practically equal and self-governing; each elected its own head and
+was not under foreign dictation. While the whole Cistercian Order
+formed an united body for purposes of monastic life and discipline,
+each abbey identified itself in a very remarkable way with the local
+or national aspirations of the people round, from whom its monks were
+drawn. Some of the Cistercian monasteries in Ireland refused to admit
+any Englishman. Some of the Cistercian abbeys in Wales were the
+warmest supporters of Welsh independence.
+
+The Welsh princes felt the need of providing for the safety of their
+souls just as the Norman barons did, and the souls of both parties
+needed a great deal of saving. Further, the Welsh were not cut off
+from the great movements of the world; they felt like every other
+country in Europe the waves of religious enthusiasm, which resulted in
+the twelfth century in the spread of the Cistercians, in the
+thirteenth century in the spread of the friars. In the twelfth century
+the acts most pleasing to God were generally thought to be taking the
+Cross and endowing a Cistercian monastery. Again, though many of the
+Welsh chiefs were mere creatures of impulse, there were others who
+looked to the future. The Lord Rhys was an acute man of the world, who
+was not averse to improving his property. He possessed great tracts of
+mountain land, which was practically worthless; he saw Cistercian
+monks elsewhere, not exactly making such tracts blossom like the rose,
+but, at any rate, utilising them for pasture land, keeping flocks of
+sheep, becoming the great wool-growers for all Europe; why should he
+not hand over his worthless property to Cistercians, and by so doing
+lay up for himself treasure in heaven and on earth? Mr. Willis Bund
+says, "How unnatural for any Welsh prince to found a Cistercian
+abbey!" Surely it was the most natural thing in the world.
+
+The Cistercians had far greater influence in Wales than any other
+monastic order. The Cistercian abbeys were Aberconway, Basingwerk,
+Valle Crucis, Strata Marcella, Cymer, Strata Florida, Cwm Hir,
+Whitland, Neath, Margam, Llantarnam, Tintern, Grace Dieu, Dore. We
+have in Gerald a very unfavourable and prejudiced witness on the
+Cistercians. He tells with pious horror and human satisfaction the
+story of the abbot of Strata Marcella, who was a great founder of
+nunneries, and at length eloped with a nun (he soon repented and came
+back to his abbey, preferring the bread and water of affliction to the
+nun). Gerald had a personal grudge against the Cistercians; wanting to
+raise money he had pawned his library to the monks of Strata Florida,
+and when he tried to redeem the books they declared they had bought
+them, and would not give them up.
+
+The Cistercians certainly drove hard bargains, and insisted on their
+rights to the uttermost farthing. In reading the history of any of
+these Cistercian houses--the history, say, of Margam by Mr. Trice
+Martin--one's first feeling is one of disappointment: it is nearly all
+about property. When one looks through to find evidences of spiritual
+influence one finds instead prosecutions for poaching. Did they have
+schools and teach the youth of the country round? I have found no
+evidence of it. Why should they? Monks never professed to be learned
+men or to be teachers. Many were both, but it was a disputed question
+whether they were not in this contravening their rule. At any rate, it
+was going outside their duty. Their business was to serve God--to
+perform divine services--and in the intervals to keep out of mischief
+by manual labour, and to perform works of charity. Margam was
+specially famous for this last.
+
+Margam Abbey was founded by Robert of Gloucester, in 1147, and the
+brother of St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, the most important man in
+Europe in his time, came over to arrange about the establishment of
+the house. It was endowed with lands by both English and Welsh, such
+as the Earl of Gloucester and the Lord of Senghenydd. William
+Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, granted the monks freedom from toll in all
+his boroughs in Wales and Ireland. The Braoses gave them the privilege
+of "buying and selling freely all manner of merchandise without toll"
+in Gower, and they had the right to all wrecks along the coast near
+Kenfig. We find the abbot asserting his fishing rights sometimes by
+excommunicating poachers, sometimes by the more effective method of
+haling them before the Shire Court at Cardiff and getting them fined
+3d. a head. The monks of Margam obtained also a footing in Bristol
+through the Earls of Gloucester, a great commercial advantage to them
+for the sale of their wool both in England and abroad.
+
+Their lands and privileges were not always, of course, free gifts.
+Thus in the twelfth century Gilbert Burdin grants land to Margam, and
+in return the abbot gives 20s. to the grantor, a gold coin to his
+wife, and red shoes to each of his children. In 1325 John Nichol, of
+Kenfig, gave his property to the abbey in return for a life annuity.
+He was to receive daily one loaf, two cakes, and a gallon of beer;
+also 6s. 8d. for wages, four pairs of shoes (price 12d.), a quarter of
+oats, and pasture for two beasts.
+
+The annual revenue of Margam was returned as 500 marks in 1383, but
+before that time the abbey had suffered severely from inundations, sea
+and sand covering whole villages and much of the best property of the
+house; and the finances were in a bad way. These were improved by
+grants of the tithes of parish churches--a favourite form of gift to a
+monastery, but a great scandal. The rectorial tithes were paid to a
+monastery, while the monks at best put in some under-paid vicar to
+look after the parish. Generally, wherever there is a vicar instead of
+a rector in England or Wales the explanation is the appropriation of
+the tithes by a monastery.
+
+What did Margam do with its income? The first charge was the support
+of about forty monks and forty lay brethren. Next there were the
+construction and keeping in repair of the church and other monastic
+buildings; and, thirdly, the expense of charity and hospitality. The
+monasteries were the hotels of the Middle Ages, except that they made
+no charges, and Margam was celebrated for its hospitality for
+centuries. Gerald, the enemy of monks, says: "This noble abbey was
+more celebrated for its charitable deeds than any other of that order
+in Wales. And as a reward for that abundant charity which the
+monastery had always, in times of need, exercised towards strangers
+and the poor, in a season of approaching famine their corn and
+provisions were divinely increased, like the widow's cruse of oil."
+Two centuries later we find the Pope bearing witness to the well-known
+and universal hospitality of the Abbey of Margam. It was placed on the
+main road between Bristol and Ireland, at a distance from other places
+of refuge, and so was continually overrun by rich and poor strangers,
+the poor evidently preponderating. In this connection I will give one
+instance of wise charity on the part of these monks from the end of
+the twelfth century. Hugh, son of Robert of Llancarven, gives the
+abbey some land in return for "four marks of silver and a young ox,
+given to him in his great need by the Abbot." The monastery performed
+some of the services of the modern bank.
+
+Strata Florida presents some different characteristics. Like most
+Cistercian houses, it lay off the beaten track. It was founded in 1164
+by the Lord Rhys, near the site of an older monastery. It was endowed
+with large expanse of lands, mostly mountain pastures, and the monks
+soon began building their church and refectory and cloister. The
+monastery was completed in 1201, when "the monks came to the new
+church, which had been erected of splendid workmanship." The
+architectural details of this church are peculiar and almost unique.
+Mr. S. W. Williams notices especially the large amount of interlacing
+work in the carving, which one sees in the old Celtic crosses, and
+which is so characteristic of Celtic art. The convent seems to have
+become very soon essentially Welsh. Nearly all the abbots have Welsh
+names. It was the burial-place of the princes of South Wales; but as
+they were, after the Lord Rhys, quite unimportant, its political
+interest is connected with the princes of Gwynedd. When in the
+thirteenth century the princes of North Wales were attracting the
+allegiance of the South Welsh also they found Strata Florida a
+convenient place for important political assemblies. It was here that
+Llywelyn ap Iorwerth summoned all the Welsh chiefs to do homage to his
+son David. The monastery suffered damage during the wars of Edward I.,
+who in 1284 granted it £78 for repairs. But it suffered the worst
+injuries during the rebellion of Owen Glyndwr, when the English troops
+used it as a barracks, and stabled their horses in church and choir.
+
+The patriotic tone of Strata Florida is expressed in the Welsh
+chronicles written there. The later part of the _Annales Cambriæ_ was
+written there, and the Brut y Tywysogion. At Margam also a chronicle
+was composed which has been preserved. When an abbey decided to begin
+a chronicle, the first step was to borrow a chronicle from some other
+house; thus Margam, founded by Robert of Gloucester, copied out the
+Chronicle of William of Malmesbury, which was dedicated to Robert of
+Gloucester. The monks of Strata Florida copied out the earlier portion
+of the _Annales Cambriæ_. These chronicles of course only became of
+historical value when they become independent and contemporary. They
+do not confine themselves to the monastery or local history, but
+relate events of general interest--to the whole of Britain and to all
+Europe--intermixed with notices of the burning of a monastic barn or
+the death of the local abbot. Knowledge of the great world came to an
+abbey through the travellers who stayed there; through political or
+ecclesiastical assemblies held there; and through public documents
+sent to the monks for safekeeping or to be copied. We generally do not
+know who wrote these chronicles; they were rather the work of the
+community than of the individual monks. "Every year (so runs a
+regulation on the subject) the volume is placed in the _scriptorium_,
+with loose sheets of paper or parchment attached to it, in which any
+monk may enter notes of events which seem to him important. At the end
+of the year, not any one who likes, but he to whom it is commanded,
+shall write in the volume as briefly as he can what he thinks of all
+these loose notes is truest and best to be handed down to posterity."
+"Thus it was that a monastic chronicle grew, like a monastic house, by
+the labour of different hands and at different times; but of the heads
+that planned it, of the hands that executed it, no satisfactory record
+was preserved. The individual is lost in the community."
+
+Coming now to the Friaries in Wales, we find ourselves in a different
+atmosphere. The friars were not troubled with questions of property:
+they had none; they depended for their livelihood on the alms of the
+faithful. Again, speaking generally, one may say that while the
+Benedictine priory is found under the shadow of a castle, and the
+Cistercian abbey in the heart of the country, the friaries were built
+in the slums of the towns. As there were few towns in Wales, the
+houses of the Mendicant Orders were not numerous or important. The
+Dominicans (or Black Friars) had houses at Bangor, Rhuddlan, Brecon,
+Haverfordwest, and Cardiff; the Franciscans (or Grey Friars) at
+Cardiff, Carmarthen, and Llanfaes; the Carmelites (or White Friars) at
+Denbigh; and the Austin Friars at Newport in Monmouthshire. It is
+remarkable that the Dominicans had more houses in Wales than the
+Franciscans; though the Franciscans--the mystic apostles of love--were
+more in sympathy with the Celtic spirit than the Dominicans, the stern
+champions of orthodoxy. Francis of Assisi strove to reproduce again on
+earth the life of Christ--in the letter and in the spirit; and the
+religious poetry of Wales in the thirteenth century is saturated with
+Franciscan feeling--full of intense realisation of the childhood and
+suffering of Christ, the humanity of God. This may be illustrated by
+the following poem by a Welsh friar of the thirteenth century, Madawc
+ap Gwallter:--
+
+    "A Son is given us,
+    A kind Son is born ...
+    A Son to save us,
+        The best of Sons.
+
+    A God, a man,
+    And the God a man
+        With the same faculties.
+    A great little giant,
+    A strong puny potentate
+        Of pale cheeks.
+
+    Richly poor
+    Our father and brother,
+    Exalted, lowly,
+        Honey of minds;
+    With the ox and ass,
+    The Lord of life
+    Lies in a manger;
+    And a heap of straw
+    As a chair,
+        Clothed in tatters;
+
+    Velvet He wants not,
+    Nor white ermine--
+        To cover Him;
+    Around His couch
+    Rags were seen
+        Instead of fine linen."
+
+I do not know the dates of the foundations of the Welsh Franciscan
+houses; the dates given in Mr. Newell's scholarly "History of the
+Church in Wales" are impossible. Llanfaes is said to have been
+established by Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, and Franciscan influence would
+come to Wales through Thomas the Welshman, Bishop of St. David's
+(1247), who had been lecturer to the Franciscans at Oxford, and was
+famous for his piety and learning. Another Franciscan I wish to
+mention is Friar John the Welshman, who in his old age was employed to
+negotiate with the Welsh in 1282. He had studied and taught at Oxford
+and Paris, and made a creditable show beside such intellectual giants
+as Thomas Aquinas and Roger Bacon, his contemporaries. The widespread
+and lasting popularity of his works is shown by the large number of
+manuscripts and early printed editions which have come down to us. But
+his chief interest and life-work was the popularisation of knowledge
+in the service of morality. He devoted his energies to training up
+lecturers who should go to the Franciscan friaries in the chief towns
+in England and Wales and teach friars and clergy the art of popular
+preaching. Friar John of Wales was one of the chief inspirers of the
+"University Extension" movement of the Middle Ages. These popular
+preachers or lecturers did not do much for the advancement of sound
+learning, because they did not study any science for its own sake,
+but only for the moral lessons they could find in it. But, to rouse
+some intellectual interest in the people at large, and stimulate their
+moral sense, was a work not unworthy of the universities; and this aim
+was to some degree attained. One of the favourite ways of spending a
+holiday in the Middle Ages was to go and hear a friar preach. Here is
+a summary of a friar's sermon constructed after the method of Friar
+John of Wales, on the relative merits of the Ass and the Pig.
+
+"The pig and the ass live not the same life: for the pig during his
+life does no good, but eats and swills and sleeps; but when he is
+dead, then do men make much of him. The ass is hard at work all his
+days and does good service to many; but when he dies, there is no
+profit. And that is the way of the world. Some do no good thing while
+they live, but eat and drink and wax fat, and then they are dragged
+off to the larder of hell, and others enrich themselves with their
+goods. Whereby I know that those, who for God's sake live the life of
+holy poverty, shall never lack substance, because their heavenly
+Father has pigs to kill. For as the good man before the season will
+kill a pig or two to give puddings to his children, so will our Lord
+kill those hardened sinners before their time, and give their goods to
+the children of God. So the psalmist says: 'The bloodthirsty and
+deceitful men shall not live out half their days,' because they do no
+work to keep their bodies healthy. Nothing is so healthful for body
+and soul as honest work. Work is the life of man, the guardian of
+health; work drives away sin, and makes people sleep well at night.
+Work is the strength of feebleness, the health of sickness, the
+salvation of men,--quickener of the senses, foe of sloth, nurse of
+happiness, a duty in the young and in the old a merit. Therefore it is
+better to be an ass than a pig."
+
+One of the most able of these "extension lecturers" was another
+Welshman--probably a native of Cardiff--Friar John David, whose
+lectures at Hereford were so successful that after a year both the
+friars and the clergy of the city declared he was indispensable, and
+petitioned for his reappointment. He became the head of the
+Franciscan province of England, and lies buried among the ruins of the
+church of the Grey Friars in Cardiff.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+LLYWELYN AP GRUFFYDD AND THE BARONS' WAR
+
+
+Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the history of England
+and the history of Wales are so closely bound up together that it is
+impossible to study either apart from the other. In illustration of
+this general statement I will ask you to consider briefly the history
+of twelve years, from 1255 to 1267--a period of special interest to
+us, because these are the years in which Llywelyn's power was founded
+and built up.
+
+In 1255 occurred three events of great importance to Wales: (1)
+Llywelyn overthrew his brothers in battle; (2) Edward Longshanks took
+possession of his Chester estates; (3) Edmund Crouchback was formally
+proclaimed king of Sicily.
+
+1. David, younger son of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, died in 1246, leaving
+no descendants, and the Principality was seized by the three sons of
+his elder brother Gruffydd--Owain the Red, Llywelyn, and David. For
+some years they held together, because Henry III. opposed the
+accession of any of them, claiming the Principality as a lapsed fief
+under a treaty made with the last prince, David ap Llywelyn. But after
+a time the king accepted the homage and recognised the rights of the
+sons of Gruffydd. Being thus freed from direct hostility of the
+English king, the joint rulers soon quarrelled, and came to open war
+in 1255. "By the instigation of the devil," says the Brut y
+Tywysogion, "a great dissension arose between the sons of
+Gruffydd--namely, Owain the Red and David on the one side, and
+Llywelyn on the other. And thereupon Llywelyn and his men awaited
+without fear, trusting in God, at Bryn Derwin the cruel coming of his
+brother accompanied by a vast army, and before the end of one hour
+Owain was taken and David fled, after many of the army were killed and
+others captured, and the rest had taken to flight. And then Owain the
+Red was imprisoned; and Llywelyn took possession of the territory of
+Owain and David without any opposition." Thus Gwynedd was united under
+one ruler.
+
+2. It was the policy of Henry III. to collect the earldoms into the
+hands of his relations. Thus the great palatine earldom of Chester,
+having lapsed to the Crown through failure of heirs, was granted in
+1254 to the king's eldest son, Edward. Besides Chester and its
+dependencies Edward received Montgomery and the royal lands in South
+Wales (Cardigan and Carmarthen), Ireland and Gascony--in fact all the
+territory outside England over which the king had rights. These
+possessions were calculated to give the heir to the throne a varied
+experience and splendid training in the art of government. Edward was
+in need of such training, as the story of his early years shows. He
+was only sixteen years of age in 1255, but in the Middle Ages men
+lived short lives and matured very early. Edward was married in 1254,
+and had much experience in war and statesmanship before he was
+twenty. It was a wild time, and young Edward was among the wildest
+spirits; as he rode through the country, accompanied by his two
+hundred followers--mostly rollicking and arrogant foreign
+adventurers--who robbed and devastated the land, and thrashed and even
+mutilated passers-by for fun, people looked forward with great fear to
+the accession of such a ruffian. A few years of responsibility, and
+failure, soon changed him into the noblest and most law-abiding of the
+Plantagenets. It was Wales which gave him his first lesson. He first
+tried his hand at the reorganisation of the "Middle Country," making
+it "shire-land," introducing the English law and administrative
+system; the same policy was put in force in Cardigan and Carmarthen,
+which formed one shire with a Shiremoot and the usual institutions of
+an English county. Some Welshmen had already petitioned the king for
+the introduction of English law into Wales, complaining that by Welsh
+law the crime of the guilty is visited on the innocent relations. At
+best it was a task which required very careful management, and Edward
+and his advisers were as yet quite unfitted for it, prone as they were
+to violent methods, having an insolent contempt for all customs and
+habits which differed from those to which they were used, and all
+classes except their own. The result is thus expressed by the Welsh
+chronicler: After Edward returned to England, "the nobles of Wales
+came to Llywelyn, having been robbed of their liberties and made
+captives, and declared they would rather be killed in war for their
+liberty than suffer themselves to be trampled on by strangers. And
+Llywelyn was moved at their tears, and invaded the Middle Country and
+subdued it all before the end of the week." In this work Llywelyn was
+assisted by descendants of Rhys, the princes of South Wales, who in
+Cardigan suffered from Prince Edward's policy in the same way as the
+men of the Middle Country or Four Cantreds. This union of North and
+South Wales is one of the special characteristics of the struggle
+under Llywelyn ap Gruffydd. That the Welsh of the North should join
+those of the South was, notes Matthew Paris, "a circumstance never
+known before." And Llywelyn was statesman enough to see the importance
+of this union and take steps to strengthen it. After recovering the
+Middle Country, he marched south, took possession of Cardigan and
+Builth--then a possession of the Crown, though in the custody of
+Mortimer--and gave these districts to Meredydd, grandson of the Lord
+Rhys, to hold as vassal--a wise measure, intended to bind the South to
+him by common interests. Matthew Paris, who holds up the Welsh
+resistance to tyranny as an example to the English, puts in Llywelyn's
+mouth a striking speech in favour of unity: "Let us then stand firm
+together; for if we remain inseparable we shall be insuperable"--the
+very words of Gerald of Barry, whose advice had borne some fruit. But
+Meredydd soon proved a traitor, and the failure of Henry III.'s
+campaign in 1257 was less due to the union of the Welsh than to the
+disunion of the English.
+
+3. This brings us to the third event referred to above--the
+proclamation of Edmund as King of Sicily. The Pope was trying to
+conquer Sicily, but wanted some one else to pay the war budget. After
+trying various people he induced Henry III. to accept the crown of
+Sicily for Edmund and promise enormous sums for the payment of the
+papal armies, and pledge his whole kingdom as security for the
+payment. This, coming on the top of many years of misgovernment and a
+long series of extortions, led directly to the crisis of the
+reign--the revolution known as the Provisions of Oxford in 1258, by
+which the powers of government were taken away from the Crown and
+given to committees of barons.
+
+The disaffection against Henry III. at once made itself felt in the
+Welsh war. "Those who had promised the king assistance did not come;"
+and when the whole knighthood of England were called out to meet at
+Chester, only "manifold complaints and murmurs were heard." We might
+have expected the Marcher Lords at any rate to rally round the king;
+but they were not disposed to assist in building up a royal power in
+Wales which would endanger their independence, and were glad enough to
+stand by and see the scheme thwarted. Some of them even went so far as
+to send secret information to the Welsh prince. The king had to
+retreat ingloriously, pursued by Llywelyn, and followed by the
+derisive sneers of the enemy. It may interest some of us to note that
+in this war the English army fought, as often, under the Dragon
+standard; probably the Dragon made in 1244 by Edward Fitz Odo, the
+King's goldsmith, who was commanded to make it "in the manner of a
+standard or ensign, of red samit, to be embroidered with gold, and his
+tongue to appear as though continually moving, and his eyes of
+sapphire or other stones agreeable to him." This was in 1257; the king
+was still less able to attack Llywelyn in 1258 and the following
+years, and had to agree to an ignominious truce.
+
+Almost the whole English baronage under the leadership of Simon de
+Montfort, Earl of Leicester, and Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester,
+combined against the king, who was only supported by the royal family
+and those of his foreign relations to whom he had given earldoms and
+baronies and bishoprics in England or Wales. If Llywelyn had contented
+himself with occupying the royal lands in Wales--the territories
+granted to Edward--and with seizing Powys, which held to the English
+king, he would have had nothing to fear at this time from the English
+baronage, and the Crown was powerless to resist. It is clear from the
+English chroniclers that there was a genuine admiration for the Welsh
+resistance on the part of the English people. "Their cause," says
+Matthew Paris, "seemed a just one even to their enemies." But Llywelyn
+attacked the great Marcher Lords; it was difficult for a champion of
+Welsh patriotism to avoid doing so--it may be also that Llywelyn
+failed to grasp thoroughly the political situation in England, as he
+certainly failed to grasp it after the accession of Edward I. The
+first to suffer severely from him was Roger Mortimer, lord of the
+Middle March; thus Llywelyn drove him out of Gwerthrynion and
+Maelienydd, and added these territories to his own. Successes like
+these roused great enthusiasm among the Welsh gentry, though they
+excited the alarm and jealousy of some of the princes (such as
+Meredydd, and Llywelyn's brother David, who "by the instigation of the
+devil" deserted the cause and went over to the English). But the good
+men of Brecon revolted from their lord, the Earl of Hereford, and
+adhered to Llywelyn, who came down and received their homage in 1262.
+
+The general situation was altered by these events. It became clear to
+the Lords Marchers that their power was endangered by Llywelyn's
+success, and that they must make common cause with Prince Edward. The
+Lords Marchers began to form the royalist party. Thus Mortimer, who in
+1258 was among the leaders of the baronial opposition to the Crown,
+was in 1260 acting with the king against the barons. The Mortimers
+were the most directly affected of all the Marchers by the successes
+of Llywelyn, not only because their territories lay near Gwynedd, but
+because nearly all their lands lay in or close to the Marches; they
+had all their eggs in the same basket, while the other leading Lords
+Marchers had large possessions elsewhere, from which they drew the
+bulk of their revenues, using their March lands as a recruiting-ground
+for their troops. Thus to the De Clares their estates in Kent were
+probably worth more as a source of income than the whole of Glamorgan;
+and they also had estates in Hertford and Suffolk and Hampshire, and
+elsewhere; the Fitzalans were great landowners in Sussex; the Bohuns
+of Hereford had broad acres in Huntingdon, Essex, and Hertford. To
+these men the limitation of the royal powers--especially of the power
+of taxing, and the king's right to employ foreigners in places of
+trust--was more important than the checking of Llywelyn's advance,
+which certainly weakened the king and made it easier to enforce
+constitutional rights against him.
+
+Still we have here one of the causes which broke the unity of the
+baronage, which created a royalist party, and led to open war. This
+has hardly been enough emphasised. It is generally said that the
+question on which the barons split was the question of the recognition
+of popular representation in the government of the country--the
+question, in a word, of a House of Commons--Simon de Montfort being
+the leader of the popular cause, Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester
+(till his death in July, 1262), the leader of the oligarchic party,
+which aimed merely at transferring the royal power to a committee of
+barons. This was undoubtedly the most important cause of the quarrel,
+because it was a question of principle big with results for the
+future, affecting the whole course of English history, while the
+attitude which the barons ought to take towards Llywelyn was merely
+for the barons a matter of political tactics. But it is probable that
+the latter loomed larger in the eyes of contemporaries--certainly in
+the eyes of most of the Lords Marchers.
+
+Hence it came about that, when war actually broke out in the spring of
+1263, the elder of the Lords Marchers fought on the side of the
+king--such as Roger Mortimer and Humphrey de Bohun--though the younger
+men--young Gilbert of Gloucester and Humphrey de Bohun, the son of
+Hereford--remained under the spell of Simon de Montfort's fascination
+and high-minded enthusiasm. The war began in the Welsh Marches, Simon
+attacking the forces of Edward of Chester and Roger Mortimer--the
+principal royalists. As these were also the most formidable enemies of
+the Welsh, Llywelyn at the same time attacked them from the other
+side, the baronial party and Welsh co-operating, though without any
+formal alliance or friendly feelings. Thus in 1263 the baronial army
+besieged Shrewsbury, which defended itself till "a countless host" of
+Welshmen, came up and began to attack it from the other side; the town
+then surrendered to the barons lest it should fall into the hands of
+the Welsh.
+
+This campaign led to a very great defection from the baronial side:
+the Lord Marchers generally--such as Clifford and Fitzalan--deserted
+Simon, who appeared as a traitor to the country. How great the
+defection is shown by Simon's words: "Though all should leave me, yet
+with my four sons I will stand true to the just cause, which I have
+sworn to uphold for the honour of the Church and the good of the
+kingdom; I have been in many lands, pagan and Christian, but in none
+have I found such faithlessness as in England."
+
+The royalists were now the strongest party in the Marches, and in 1264
+Edward and Mortimer gained a number of successes over the troops of
+Simon and Llywelyn (who seem to have been acting together) and
+captured Brecon. But they were called off to the main seat of war in
+the Midlands, and Simon inflicted a crushing defeat on the royalists
+at Lewes, in Sussex, 1264. It appears that Welsh archers fought in
+Simon's army, but these would be South Welsh, not North Welsh, the
+troops of Gilbert de Clare, not those of Llywelyn. The Marchers who
+escaped from Lewes were followed up by Simon, and being encircled by
+his forces and those of Llywelyn, submitted in December, 1264.
+
+But Simon in the hour of triumph was now near his fall, which was made
+inevitable by the defection of Gilbert de Clare and whole of the
+Gloucester interest. The causes of the quarrel as given in the
+chronicles are mainly personal. Simon, with all his greatness, was
+quick-tempered and overbearing, inclined to seize power for himself,
+and perhaps even avaricious; one may infer this from the statement of
+a friendly chronicler, William Rishanger: "his habitual prayer to God
+was that he would save him from avarice and covetousness of worldly
+goods." But, apart from merely personal questions, it is to be noticed
+that the closer the relations between Simon and Llywelyn became, the
+less cordial became his relations to Gilbert de Clare. Thus when Simon
+co-operated with Llywelyn in bringing Mortimer and the Marchers to
+submission in December, 1264, Gilbert began to intrigue with them; and
+soon after the famous parliament of 1265 had transferred to Simon the
+earldom of Chester--thus relieving Llywelyn of his most dangerous
+neighbour, Prince Edward--Gilbert definitely joined Mortimer and
+Edward. The meeting between the three at Ludlow is very important;
+for Prince Edward now, at the instance of Gloucester, definitely
+pledged himself to the cause of reform and good government. It may be
+said for the Red Earl of Gloucester that in deserting Simon he did not
+desert his cause. To ensure the future of English liberties it was no
+longer necessary to support De Montfort: "henceforth it was not Simon
+but Edward who best represents the cause of orderly national
+progress."
+
+A few days after the desertion of Gloucester Simon made his first
+formal treaty with Llywelyn, ceding to him Hawarden, Ellesmere,
+Montgomery, Maud's Castle, a line of fortresses along the eastern
+border, recognising his right to the title of Prince of Wales, and to
+the homage of all the Welsh barons, while Llywelyn engaged to supply
+Simon with five thousand spearmen and raid the estates of Mortimer and
+De Clare. The first part of the campaign of Evesham was carried out in
+Gwent. Prince Edward held the line of the Severn, separating Simon at
+Hereford from his English partisans. Simon, while waiting for his
+English supporters to concentrate, entered Monmouthshire, where
+Llywelyn's spearmen joined him and ravaged the Gloucester estates,
+trying to entice the royalists into Wales. Edward followed; but--his
+pupil in war as in politics--the young prince outgeneralled him at
+every point, and Simon only escaped at Newport by hurried flight
+across the river, burning the bridge behind him. He kept the Usk
+between him and his enemy, but this involved a long march north,
+through mountains and barren country, and he got back to Hereford with
+a half-starved army, only to find the line of the Severn held more
+strongly than ever. We cannot follow out the rest of the campaign,
+marked as it was by brilliant strategy on the part of the young
+Edward, which proved him a born master of the art of war. In the final
+battle all the advantages were on his side, and one cannot blame the
+spearmen of Gwynedd for trying to save themselves by flight at the
+"murder of Evesham." The body of the great Earl of Leicester was
+shamefully mutilated by the conquerors, and his head sent as a
+fitting present to Matilda de Braose, wife of Roger Mortimer.
+
+The struggle continued for two years both in England and Wales. In
+England Simon's adherents held out owing to the severity of the terms
+which the victorious party insisted on. They are known as "The
+Disinherited," and their cause was championed by the two
+enemies--Llywelyn and Gilbert de Clare. The "Brut" states that in
+1267, "Llywelyn confederated with Earl Clare; and then the earl
+marched with an immense army to London; and through the treachery of
+the citizens he got possession of the Tower. And when King Henry and
+his son Edward heard of this they collected an immense army and
+marched to London and attacked it, and upon conditions they compelled
+the earl and citizens to submit." "The Annals of Winchester," a
+contemporary English chronicle, relate the same event, but omit any
+mention of Llywelyn: "Earl Gilbert took London, and the Disinherited
+flocked to him as to their saviour; peace was settled in June, and
+many of the Disinherited were pacified at the instance of the Earl of
+Gloucester." It is clear that each of these rivals posed as champion
+of the Disinherited, but for opposite reasons. Llywelyn's object was
+to encourage their resistance and keep England divided by civil war;
+Gilbert's to insist on better terms in order to induce them to yield.
+Gilbert was successful in bringing about peace and reform. The
+Disinherited were allowed to pay a fine instead of losing all their
+property, and many of the legal reforms demanded by the baronial party
+at the beginning of the struggle were embodied in the Statute of
+Marlborough. And now the Earl of Gloucester employed his resources in
+strengthening his Glamorgan lordship to resist the threatened invasion
+of Llywelyn by building Castell Coch and Caerphilly.
+
+Llywelyn continued his victorious career as long as war lasted. In
+1266 he inflicted a crushing defeat on Mortimer at Brecon. In the
+autumn of next year, when peace had been established in England, he
+came to terms, through the mediation of the papal legate, in the
+Treaty of Montgomery. Llywelyn kept the four cantreds of the Middle
+Country; also Cydewain, Ceri, Gwerthrynion, Builth, and Brecon. But
+Maelienydd was restored to Roger Mortimer, though Llywelyn reserved
+his right to appeal to the law against this article. Further, the
+Prince of Gwynedd received the hereditary title of Prince of Wales,
+and was recognised as overlord of all the Welsh barons in Wales,
+except Meredydd ap Rhys, who remained immediate vassal of the King of
+England: his territories therefore in the Vale of Towy were withdrawn
+from the power of Llywelyn. The Prince of Wales in return did homage
+and agreed to pay him 25,000 marks by instalments. The treaty is less
+favourable to Llywelyn than that of 1265. His rights in Deheubarth
+were curtailed, and he gave up his claims to Ellesmere and Montgomery,
+and possession of Maelienydd.
+
+The papal legate who arranged the treaty is not to be congratulated on
+his draftsmanship. Many things were left undecided, and a series of
+disputes arose. Thus Llywelyn seems to have claimed suzerainty over
+the Lord of Senghenydd as one of the "Welsh barons," though that term
+was surely only meant to include the Welsh barons who held directly of
+the king, not the vassals of the Lord of Glamorgan. But it is evident
+that Llywelyn did not try to abide by the treaty. He continued to
+intrigue with the English barons, posing as the successor of Simon de
+Montfort, and failing to see that Edward I. was the political heir of
+the great earl. He tried to throw off the suzerainty of England, with
+the result that he lost the independence of his country. He lived in
+an atmosphere of enthusiasm and flattery, and failed to realise the
+limits of his power. The bards by whom he was surrounded exercised a
+"highly pernicious influence in practical concerns," and ill-repaid
+his generosity by urging him to attempt the impossible.
+
+    "His bards are comely about his tables,
+    I have seen him generously distributing his wealth,
+    And his meadhorns filled with generous liquors.
+    I never returned empty-handed from the North.
+    The bards prophesy that he shall have the government and
+        sovereign power;
+    Every prediction is at last to be fulfilled."
+
+But if Llywelyn lacked the hard head of the practical statesman, if
+he did not, like his grandfather, merit the title of "the Great," he
+will always remain an attractive and striking figure in history; he
+possessed qualities which made him an ideal representative of the
+Cymric race in the Middle Ages:--
+
+    "A bold and bounteous lion--the most reckless of givers,
+    Man whose anger was destructive; most courteous prince;
+    A man sincere in grief, true in loving,
+    Perfect in knowledge."
+
+
+
+
+UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON.
+
+
+
+
+    =SOME WELSH BOOKS.=
+
+
+    =WALES.= By OWEN M. EDWARDS. Crown 8vo, cloth, 5s. ("The
+    Story of the Nations" Series.)
+
+    =THE WELSH PEOPLE.= By JOHN RHYS, M.A., and DAVID
+    BRYNMOR-JONES, Q.C., M.P. Third Edition, revised. Demy
+    8vo, cloth, 16s.
+
+
+    =THE WELSH LIBRARY.=
+
+    Edited by OWEN M. EDWARDS, Author of "Wales." Each
+    volume Foolscap 8vo. 2s. Cloth, 1s. Paper.
+
+    =Vols. 1-3. THE MABINOGION.=
+        (_In Preparation._)
+
+
+    LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN.
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note
+
+Minor typographic errors in punctuation and variations in hyphenation
+have been corrected without note.
+
+The following amendments have been made:
+
+    Page vi--Cymry amended to Kymry--"... Thomas Stephens,
+    "Literature of the Kymry"; ..."
+
+    Page 21--harminously amended to harmoniously--"... and a
+    prince of North Wales working harmoniously together."
+
+    Page 34--FitzHamon amended to Fitzhamon--"... daughter
+    and heiress of Fitzhamon, conqueror of Glamorgan."
+
+    Page 37--Caradog amended to Caradoc--"... attributed to
+    Caradoc of Llancarven, on which his biographers ..."
+
+    Page 80--omitted word 'the' added--"... fighting in
+    Wales till the end of ..."
+
+    Page 84--Senghennydd amended to Senghenydd--"Ivor ap
+    Meyric was Lord of Senghenydd, ..."
+
+The single oe ligature (in Coeur), and superscripts within century
+numbers have not been retained in this version. The single dagger symbol
+is indicated using a + symbol.
+
+The illustration on page 88 (Cardiff and Caerphilly Castles) has been
+moved so that it is not in the middle of a paragraph.
+
+Repeated headings at the start of each essay have been deleted so
+there is only one instance left for each.
+
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+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Mediæval Wales; Six Popular Lectures, by A. G. Little.
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Mediæval Wales, by A. G. Little
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Mediæval Wales
+       Chiefly in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries: Six Popular Lectures
+
+Author: A. G. Little
+
+Release Date: March 29, 2008 [EBook #24947]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEDIÆVAL WALES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Sam W. and the Online Distributed Proofreading
+Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
+images generously made available by The Internet
+Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+<h1 style="padding-top: 3em;"><span class="smcap">Medi&aelig;val Wales</span></h1>
+
+<p class="center">CHIEFLY IN THE TWELFTH<br />
+AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES</p>
+
+<h2 style="padding-top: 3em;">Six Popular Lectures</h2>
+
+<p class="center"><b>BY</b></p>
+
+<h2>A. G. LITTLE, M.A., <span class="smcap">F.R.Hist.S.</span></h2>
+
+<p class="center" style="font-size: small;">PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY<br />
+COLLEGE OF SOUTH WALES AND MONMOUTHSHIRE<br />
+AUTHOR OF &ldquo;THE GREY FRIARS IN OXFORD,&rdquo; ETC.</p>
+
+<p class="center" style="padding-top: 3em;">WITH MAPS AND PLANS</p>
+
+
+<p class="center" style="padding-top: 5em;">LONDON<br />
+T. FISHER UNWIN<br />
+<span class="smcap">Paternoster Square</span><br />
+1902</p>
+
+
+
+<p class="center" style="padding-top: 5em;">[<i>All rights reserved.</i>]</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg&nbsp;v]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">T</span>HIS volume contains the substance
+of a course of popular Lectures delivered
+at Cardiff in 1901. The work
+does not claim in any way to be an
+original contribution to knowledge, and is
+published on the recommendation of some
+friends in whose literary judgment I have
+confidence. In a popular book of this
+kind I have not thought it necessary to
+give detailed references to authorities, but
+a list of a few of the books which I used
+in the preparation of the Lectures, and
+which are likely to be interesting to
+readers of Welsh history, may be useful.
+Among medi&aelig;val works I may mention
+the two Welsh chronicles&mdash;the Annales
+Cambri&aelig; and the Brut y Tywysogion,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg&nbsp;vi]</a></span>
+both published in the Rolls Series;
+Geoffrey of Monmouth&rsquo;s &ldquo;History of the
+Kings of Britain&rdquo; (translated in Bohn&rsquo;s
+&ldquo;Six Old English Chronicles&rdquo;); Giraldus
+Cambrensis, &ldquo;The Itinerary and Description
+of Wales&rdquo; (translated in Bohn&rsquo;s
+library); the prefaces, especially those by
+Brewer, in the Rolls Series edition of
+Giraldus, will be found interesting. Of
+the English chroniclers, Ordericus Vitalis,
+Roger of Wendover, and Matthew Paris
+are perhaps the most valuable for the history
+of Wales and the Marches during the
+twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Among
+modern books, the reader may be referred
+to Rhys and Jones, &ldquo;The Welsh People&rdquo;;
+Freeman, &ldquo;William Rufus&rdquo;; Thomas
+Stephens, &ldquo;Literature of the Kymry&rdquo;;
+Henry Owen, &ldquo;Gerald the Welshman&rdquo;;
+Clark, &ldquo;Medi&aelig;val Military Architecture,&rdquo;
+and &ldquo;The Land of Morgan&rdquo;; Newell,
+&ldquo;History of the Welsh Church&rdquo;; Tout,
+&ldquo;Edward I.&rdquo;; and the &ldquo;Dictionary of
+National Biography.&rdquo; Since these Lectures
+were delivered at least three books
+on Welsh history have appeared which
+deserve mention: Mr. Bradley&rsquo;s &ldquo;Owen
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg&nbsp;vii]</a></span>
+Glyndwr,&rdquo; with a summary of earlier
+Welsh history; Mr. Owen Edwards&rsquo;s
+charmingly written volume in the Story
+of the Nations Series; and Mr. Morris&rsquo;s
+valuable work on &ldquo;The Welsh Wars of
+Edward I.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The maps are taken from large wall
+maps which I used when lecturing. In
+drawing up the map of Wales and the
+Marches at the beginning of the thirteenth
+century, I had the assistance of my friend
+and former pupil, Mr. Morgan Jones,
+M.A., of Ferndale, who generously placed
+at my disposal the results of his researches
+into the history of the Welsh Marches.</p>
+
+<p class="sig">A. G. LITTLE.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii"><!-- blank page --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg&nbsp;ix]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="60%" summary="Table of contents">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdrt">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrt"><small>PAGE</small></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdrt">I.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">INTRODUCTORY</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdrt">II.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdrt">III.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdrt">IV.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">CASTLES</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_77">77</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdrt">V.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">RELIGIOUS HOUSES</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_99">99</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdrt">VI.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">LLYWELYN AP GRUFFYDD AND THE BARONS&rsquo; WAR</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_125">125</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x"><!-- blank page --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg&nbsp;xi]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>MAPS AND PLANS</h2>
+
+
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" width="60%" summary="Maps and plans">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
+    <td class="tdrt"><small>PAGE</small></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">WALES AND THE MARCHES, c. A.D. 1200-1210</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_2">2</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">CASTLES AND RELIGIOUS HOUSES</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdl">CARDIFF AND CAERPHILLY CASTLES</td>
+    <td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1"><!-- duplicate title --></a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg&nbsp;2]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 394px;">
+<img src="images/mwspl01th.png" width="394" height="500" alt="" />
+<span class="link"><a href="images/mwspl01.png">See larger image</a></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="caption">WALES &amp; THE MARCHES, c. A.D. 1200-1210.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg&nbsp;3]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>I</h2>
+
+<h3>INTRODUCTORY</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">I</span>N the following lectures no attempt
+will be made to give a systematic
+account of a political development,
+which is the ordinary theme of history.
+History is &ldquo;past politics&rdquo; in the wide
+sense of the word. It has to do with
+the growth and decay of states and
+institutions, and their relations to each
+other. The history of Wales in the
+Middle Ages, viewed from the political
+standpoint, is a failure; its interest is
+negative; and in this introductory lecture
+I intend to discuss &ldquo;the failure of the
+nation&rdquo; (to use the words of Professor
+Rhys and Mr. Brynmor Jones) &ldquo;to effect
+any stable and lasting political combination.&rdquo;
+Wales failed to produce or
+develope political institutions of an enduring
+character&mdash;failed to become a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg&nbsp;4]</a></span>
+state. Its history does not possess the
+unity nor the kind of interest which the
+history of England possesses, and which
+makes the study of English history so
+peculiarly instructive to the student of
+politics. In English history we study
+primarily the growth of the principle of
+Representative Government, which we
+can trace for centuries through a long
+series of authoritative records. That is
+the great gift of England to the world.
+Not only has Wales entered on this
+inheritance; it helped to create it. It
+was Llywelyn ap Iorwerth who began
+the revolt against John which led to the
+Great Charter, and the clauses of the
+Great Charter itself show that it was the
+joint work of English and Welsh. Wales
+again exerted a decisive influence on the
+Barons&rsquo; War&mdash;the troubles in which the
+House of Commons first emerged. And
+Wales&mdash;half of it for more than six
+hundred years&mdash;half of it for nearly four
+hundred&mdash;has lived under the public law
+and administrative system which the
+Norman and Angevin kings of England
+built up on Anglo-Saxon foundations.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg&nbsp;5]</a></span>
+This public law and this administrative
+system have become part and parcel of
+the life and history of Wales. The
+constitutional history of England is one
+of the elements which go to make up
+the complex history of Wales.</p>
+
+<p>The history of Wales, taken by itself,
+is constitutionally weak; and its interest is
+social or personal, arch&aelig;ological, artistic,
+literary&mdash;anything but political. And the
+fact&mdash;which is indisputable&mdash;that Wales
+failed to establish any permanent or united
+political system needs explanation.</p>
+
+<p>The ultimate explanation will perhaps
+be found in the geography of the country.
+The mountains have done much to preserve
+the independence and the language
+of Wales, but they have kept her people
+disunited; and the Welsh needed a long
+drilling under institutions, which could only
+grow up in a land less divided by nature,
+before they could develope their political
+genius.</p>
+
+<p>Wales, owing largely to its geography,
+had the misfortune never to be conquered
+at one fell swoop by an alien race of
+conquerors. Such a conquest may not at
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg&nbsp;6]</a></span>
+first sight strike one as a blessing, but it
+is, if it takes place when a people is in
+an early, fluid, and impressionable stage,
+as may be seen from a comparison of
+countries which have undergone it with
+countries which have not&mdash;a comparison,
+for instance, of England with Ireland or
+Germany. Perhaps the nearest parallel
+in the history of Wales to the Norman
+Conquest of England is the conquest of
+Wales by Cunedda, the founder of the
+Cymric kingdom, in the dark and troublous
+times which followed the withdrawal of
+the Roman troops from Britain. But
+though an invader and a conqueror,
+Cunedda was not an alien; he spoke
+the same language as the people he
+conquered and belonged to the same
+race to which the most important part
+of them belonged. And this militated
+against his chances of becoming a founder
+of Welsh unity. A race of conquerors
+distinct from the conquered in blood and
+language and civilisation, must hold together
+for a time; they form an official
+governing class, enforcing the same principles
+of government, and establishing a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg&nbsp;7]</a></span>
+uniform administration throughout the
+country. And the uniform pressure reacts
+on the conquered, turning them from a
+loose group of tribes into a nation. This
+is what the Norman Conquest did for
+England. But if the conquerors are of
+the same race and language as the conquered,
+they readily mix with them;
+instead of holding together they identify
+themselves with local jealousies and tribal
+aspirations. This happened again and
+again in Germany. A Saxon emperor
+sends a Saxon to govern Bavaria as its
+duke and hold it loyal to the central
+government; the Saxon duke almost
+instantaneously becomes a Bavarian&mdash;the
+champion of tribal independence against
+the central government; and so the
+Germans remained a loose group of
+tribes and states&mdash;a divided people.
+This illustration suggests one of the
+reasons why Cunedda&rsquo;s conquest failed
+to unite Wales.</p>
+
+<p>Again the custom of sharing landed
+property among all the sons tended to
+prevent the growth of Welsh unity.
+Socially it appears far more just and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg&nbsp;8]</a></span>
+reasonable than the custom of primogeniture.
+It is with the growth of
+feudalism (already apparent in the Welsh
+laws of the tenth century) that its political
+dangers become evident. The essence of
+feudalism is the confusion of political
+power and landed property; the ruler is
+lord of the land, the landlord is the ruler.
+If landed property is divided, political
+power is divided. When the Lord Rhys
+died in 1197 leaving four sons, Deheubarth
+had four rulers and formed four
+states instead of one; and civil war
+ensued.</p>
+
+<p>The unity of Welsh history is not to
+be found in the growth of a state or a
+political system. But may we regard the
+history of Wales as a long and heroic
+struggle inspired by the idea of nationality?
+A caution is necessary here. It
+is one of the besetting sins of historians
+to read the ideas of the present into the
+past; and to the general public historical
+study is dull unless they can do so. It is
+very difficult to avoid doing so; it needs a
+severe training, a long immersion in the
+past, and a steady passion for truth above
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg&nbsp;9]</a></span>
+all things. In no case perhaps is this
+warning so necessary as in matters involving
+the idea of nationality. This is
+characteristic of the present age, but it has
+not been characteristic of any other to
+anything like the same extent. We live
+in an atmosphere of nationality; we have
+seen it create the German Empire and
+the kingdom of Italy, and the Welsh
+University; we see it now labouring to
+break up the Austrian Empire, and
+perhaps changing the unchanging East.
+But the whole history of Europe shows
+that it is an idea of slow and comparatively
+late growth. The first appearance
+of nationality as a conscious principle of
+political action is found in England&mdash;and
+possibly in France&mdash;at the beginning of
+the thirteenth century, and in Wales
+about the same time; in the other
+countries of Europe much later. And it
+was very rarely till the very end of the
+eighteenth century that it became a
+dominant factor in politics. Of course our
+ancestors always hated a foreigner&mdash;but
+they did not love their fellow-countrymen.
+The one thing a man hated more than
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg&nbsp;10]</a></span>
+being driven out of house and home by
+a foreign invader, was being driven out
+by his next-door neighbour; and, as his
+neighbour was more likely to do it, and
+when he did it, to stay, he hated his
+neighbour most. A certain degree of
+order and settled government was necessary
+before the national idea could become
+effective.</p>
+
+<p>In medi&aelig;val Wales it never succeeded
+in uniting the people; the petty patriotism
+of the family stood in the way of the larger
+patriotism of the nation; local rivalries
+and jealousies were always stronger than
+the sense of national unity. The attempt
+of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth to create a
+National Council, like the Great Council
+of England, died with him. In the final
+struggle with Edward I., when for a few
+months the idea of Welsh unity was nearest
+realisation in action, the men of Glamorgan
+fought on the winning side. Read the
+&ldquo;Brut y Tywysogion&rdquo; and consider how
+far the actions there related can have been
+inspired by the feeling of nationality.
+Here is the account in the &ldquo;Brut&rdquo; of
+what was happening in Wales in 1200
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg&nbsp;11]</a></span>
+and the following years, the period
+represented by our map.</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>&ldquo;1200. One thousand and two hundred
+was the year of Christ when Gruffudd, son
+of Cynan, son of Owain, died, after taking
+upon him the religious habit, at Aberconway,&mdash;the
+man who was known by all in
+the isle of Britain for the extent of his gifts,
+and his kindness and goodness; and no
+wonder, for as long as the men who are
+now shall live, they will remember his
+renown, and his praise and his deeds. In
+that year, Maelgwn, son of Rhys, sold
+Aberteivi, the key of all Wales, for a
+trifling value, to the English, for fear of
+and out of hatred to his brother Gruffudd.
+The same year, Madog, son of Gruffudd
+Maelor, founded the monastery of Llanegwestl,
+near the old cross, in Yale.</p>
+
+<p>&ldquo;1201. The ensuing year, Llywelyn,
+son of Iorwerth, subdued the cantrev of
+Lleyn, having expelled Maredudd, son of
+Cynan, on account of his treachery. That
+year on the eve of Whitsunday, the monks
+of Strata Florida came to the new church;
+which had been erected of splendid
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg&nbsp;12]</a></span>
+workmanship. A little while afterwards, about
+the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, Maredudd,
+son of Rhys, an extremely courteous young
+man, the terror of his enemies, the love of
+his friends, being like a lightning of fire
+between armed hosts, the hope of the
+South Wales men, the dread of England,
+the honour of the cities, and the ornament
+of the world, was slain at Carnwyllon; and
+Gruffudd, his brother, took possession of his
+castle at Llanymddyvri. And the cantrev,
+in which it was situated, was taken possession
+of by Gruffudd, his brother. And
+immediately afterwards, on the feast of
+St. James the Apostle, Gruffudd, son of
+Rhys, died at Strata Florida, having taken
+upon him the religious habit; and there
+he was buried. That year there was an
+earthquake at Jerusalem.</p>
+
+<p>&ldquo;1202. The ensuing year, Maredudd, son
+of Cynan, was expelled from Meirionydd,
+by Howel, son of Gruffudd, his nephew,
+son of his brother, and was despoiled of
+everything but his horse. That year the
+eighth day after the feast of St. Peter and
+St. Paul, the Welsh fought against the
+castle of Gwerthrynion, which was the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg&nbsp;13]</a></span>
+property of Roger Mortimer, and compelled
+the garrison to deliver up the castle,
+before the end of a fortnight, and they
+burned it to the ground. That year about
+the first feast of St. Mary in the autumn,
+Llywelyn, son of Iorwerth, raised an army
+from Powys, to bring Gwenwynwyn under
+his subjection, and to possess the country.
+For though Gwenwynwyn was near to him
+as to kindred, he was a foe to him as to
+deeds. And on his march he called to
+him all the other princes, who were related
+to him, to combine in making war together
+against Gwenwynwyn. And when Elise,
+son of Madog, son of Maredudd, became
+acquainted therewith, he refused to combine
+in the presence of all; and with all
+his energy he endeavoured to bring about
+a peace with Gwenwynwyn. And therefore,
+after the clergy and the religious had
+concluded a peace between Gwenwynwyn
+and Llywelyn, the territory of Elise, son
+of Madog, his uncle, was taken from him.
+And ultimately there was given him for
+maintenance, in charity, the castle of
+Crogen, with seven small townships.
+And thus, after conquering the castle of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg&nbsp;14]</a></span>
+Bala, Llywelyn returned back happily.
+That year about the feast of St. Michael,
+the family of young Rhys, son of Gruffudd,
+son of the lord Rhys, obtained possession
+of the castle of Llanymddyvri.&rdquo;</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>One may almost say that Wales is
+Wales to-day in spite of her political history.
+Wales owes far more to her poets
+and men of letters than to her princes and
+their politics.</p>
+
+<p>Giraldus Cambrensis laid his finger on
+the spot, when he said: &ldquo;Happy would
+Wales be if it had one prince, and that a
+good one.&rdquo; A necessary preliminary to
+the union of Welshmen was the wiping
+out of all independent Welsh princes
+except one. Till that happened local
+feeling would always remain stronger
+than national feeling; the disintegrating
+forces of family feuds and personal ambitions
+and clannish loyalty would always
+outweigh the sense of national unity.</p>
+
+<p>The Lords of the Marches were slowly
+doing this for Wales; they were wiping
+out all the independent Welsh princes
+except one. We may see the process
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg&nbsp;15]</a></span>
+going on in the accompanying map, which
+gives the chief political divisions of Wales
+at the beginning of the thirteenth century,
+and we will turn for a few minutes to consider
+the fortunes of some of these petty
+states and the manner of the men who
+ruled them.</p>
+
+<p>The great Palatine Earldom of Chester,
+a kingdom within the kingdom, was ruled
+before 1100 by Hugh the Wolf, of
+Avranches, who conquered for a time
+the north coast of Wales. In Anglesey
+he built a castle, and kennelled the hounds
+he loved so well in a church, to find them
+all mad the next morning. The stories of
+his savage mutilation of his Welsh prisoners
+show that he merited the name of &ldquo;the
+Wolf.&rdquo; Yet he was the friend of the holy
+Anselm, and died a monk. The struggle
+between Chester and Gwynedd for the
+possession of the Four Cantreds, the lands
+between the Conway and the Dee, was
+almost perpetual during the twelfth and
+thirteenth centuries, and the fortune of war
+continually changing. With the extinction
+of the old line of the Earls of Chester
+(1237) and the grant of the earldom to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg&nbsp;16]</a></span>
+Prince Edward (1254), a new era opened
+for Wales.</p>
+
+<p>Further south, in the Middle March, along
+the upper valleys of the Severn and the
+Wye, the great power of the Mortimers was
+growing. They had already stretched out a
+long arm to grasp Gwerthrynion. But the
+greatest expansion of their power came
+later, under Roger Mortimer, grandson of
+Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, friend of Edward I.
+in the wild days of his youth, persistent
+foe of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd; and soon
+the Mortimer lands embraced all Mid-Wales
+and reached the sea, and a Mortimer
+was strong enough to depose and
+murder a king and rule England as
+paramour of the queen. Savage as the
+Mortimers were, they were mild compared
+with one of their predecessors.
+Robert Count of Bellesme and Ponthieu,
+the great castle builder of his time, became
+Earl of Shrewsbury and Arundel in 1098.
+Men had heard tales of his ferocity on the
+Continent&mdash;how he starved his prisoners
+to death rather than hold them to ransom;
+how, when besieging a castle, he threw in
+the horses to fill up the moat, and when
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg&nbsp;17]</a></span>
+these were not enough he gave orders to
+seize the villeins and throw them in, that
+his battering rams might go forward on a
+writhing mass of living human bodies.
+These tales seemed incredible in England,
+but the men of the Middle March believed
+them when they were &ldquo;flayed alive by the
+iron claws&rdquo; of the devil of Bellesme. In
+his rebellion against Henry I. the princes
+of Gwynedd supported him, till their army
+was bought over by the lying promises of
+the king; but the day when the Earl of
+Shrewsbury surrendered to King Henry
+and the whole force of England was a
+day of deliverance alike to England and
+to Wales.</p>
+
+<p>We next come to the group of lordships
+held about this time by William de
+Braose, lord of Bramber in Sussex. They
+stretched from Radnor to Gower, from
+the Monnow to the Llwchwr, and included
+the castles of Builth, Brecon,
+Abergavenny. But he held these lands
+by different titles, and they were never
+welded together. William de Braose
+began his public career by calling the
+princes of Gwent to a conference at
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg&nbsp;18]</a></span>
+Abergavenny, and massacring them. He
+was on intimate terms with King John,
+who gave Prince Arthur into his keeping;
+but this was a piece of work which
+even De Braose recoiled from, and he
+refused to burden his soul with Arthur&rsquo;s
+murder. A few years later John suddenly
+turned against him, and demanded
+his sons as hostages. His wife, Maud de
+St. Val&eacute;rie, who lived long in the popular
+memory as a witch, sent back the answer:
+she would not entrust her children to a
+man who had murdered his nephew. The
+king chased Braose from his lands, caught
+his wife and eldest son, and starved them
+to death in Windsor Castle. The Braose
+family continued to hold Gower, but the
+rest of their possessions passed to other
+houses&mdash;Brecon to the Bohuns of Hereford,
+Elvael to Mortimer, Abergavenny to
+Hastings, Builth first to Mortimer and
+then to the Crown.</p>
+
+<p>Glamorgan, during our period, was
+attached to the earldom of Gloucester.
+From Fitzhamon the Conqueror it
+passed, through his daughter, to Robert
+of Gloucester, and early in the thirteenth
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg&nbsp;19]</a></span>
+century to the great house of Clare, Earls
+of Gloucester and Hertford, who held the
+balance between parties in the Barons&rsquo;
+War. With the organisation of Glamorgan
+and with its great rulers we shall
+deal later. At the time represented by
+our map, it was in the hands of King
+John, who obtained it by marriage. John
+divorced his wife in 1200, but managed to
+keep her inheritance till nearly the end of
+his reign; and Fawkes de Br&eacute;aut&eacute;, the
+most infamous of his mercenary captains,
+lorded it in Cardiff Castle.</p>
+
+<p>Further west, between the Llwchwr and
+the Towy, lay the lordship of Kidweli,
+held by the De Londres family, who had
+accompanied Fitzhamon in the conquest
+of Glamorgan, and were lords of Ogmore
+and founders of Ewenny. One episode in
+the history of this family may be mentioned&mdash;the
+battle in the Vale of Towy in 1136,
+when Gwenllian, the heroic wife of Rhys
+ap Gruffydd, led her husband&rsquo;s forces
+against Maurice and De Londres, and
+was defeated and slain by the Lord of
+Kidweli. Her death was soon avenged
+by the slaughter of the Normans at
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg&nbsp;20]</a></span>
+Cardigan. The present castle of Kidweli
+dates from the later thirteenth century,
+before the war of 1277, after the
+lordship had passed to the Chaworths.</p>
+
+<p>In the extreme west, in Dyfed, the land
+of fiords, Arnulf of Montgomery had
+early founded the Norman power, but he
+was involved in the fall of his brother,
+Robert of Bellesme, and Henry I. tried
+to form the land into an English shire,
+and planted a colony of Flemings in
+&ldquo;Little England beyond Wales.&rdquo; But it
+was too far off for the royal power to
+be effectively exercised there, and the
+Earldom of Pembroke was granted to
+a branch of the De Clares, who had
+already conquered Ceredigion, and built
+castles at Cardigan and Aberystwyth.
+The De Clares also held Chepstow and
+lands in Lower Gwent. The Earldom
+itself was smaller than the present shire
+of Pembroke, and William Marshall, who
+succeeded the De Clares through his
+marriage with the daughter of Richard
+Strongbow (1189), owed his commanding
+position in English history of the thirteenth
+century far more to his personal
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg&nbsp;21]</a></span>
+qualities, his courage and wisdom and
+patriotism, than to his territorial possessions.</p>
+
+<p>It was by driving the De Clares out of
+Ceredigion in Stephen&rsquo;s reign that Rhys
+ap Gruffydd laid the foundation of his
+power, and raised Deheubarth to be the
+foremost of the native principalities.
+The Lord Rhys was clever and farseeing
+enough to win the confidence of Henry II.,
+and received from him the title of Justiciar&mdash;or
+King&rsquo;s Deputy&mdash;in South Wales. As
+long as Owain Gwynedd lived the unusual
+spectacle was seen of a prince of South
+Wales and a prince of North Wales
+working harmoniously together. But after
+Owain&rsquo;s death (1170) Rhys fought with
+his successors over the possession of
+Merioneth, while Owain Cyfeiliog, the
+poet-prince of Powys, did all he could
+to thwart him. In 1197 the death of
+Rhys, &ldquo;the head and the shield and the
+strength of the South and of all Wales,&rdquo;
+and the civil wars among his sons, opened
+his principality again to the encroachment
+of foes on all sides, and removed one danger
+from Powys. Powys, however, was being
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg&nbsp;22]</a></span>
+steadily squeezed by the pressure of
+Gwynedd on one side, and the growing
+power of Mortimer on the other, and its
+princes resorted to a shifty diplomacy and
+a general adherence&mdash;open or secret as
+circumstances dictated&mdash;to the English
+Crown, till they sank at length into the
+position of petty feudatories of the English
+king.</p>
+
+<p>The Prince of Gwynedd alone upheld
+the standard of Welsh nationality, the
+dragon of Welsh independence; only in
+Gwynedd and its dependencies did the
+Welsh public law prevail over feudal
+custom. And what was the result?
+Exactly what Giraldus Cambrensis had
+foreseen and longed for. The eyes of
+Welshmen everywhere began to turn to
+the Lord of Eryri, the one hope of Wales.
+It was an alluring&mdash;an inspiring prospect,
+which opened before the princes of
+Gwynedd&mdash;to head a national movement,
+drive out the foreigners, and unite all
+Wales under their sway. Llywelyn ap
+Iorwerth, at the end of his long reign,
+deliberately rejected the dream. That is
+the meaning of his emphatic declaration
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg&nbsp;23]</a></span>
+of fidelity and submission to Henry III.
+in 1237. &ldquo;Llywelyn, Prince of Wales, by
+special messengers sent word to the king
+that, as his time of life required that he
+should thenceforth abandon all strife and
+tumult of war, and should for the future
+enjoy peace, he had determined to place
+himself and his possessions under the
+authority and protection of him, the English
+king, and would hold his lands from
+him in all fealty and friendship, and enter
+into an indissoluble treaty; and if the king
+should go on any expedition he would, to
+the best of his power, as his liege subject,
+promote it, by assisting him with troops,
+arms, horses, and money.&rdquo; Llywelyn the
+Great refused to dispute the suzerainty of
+England. This may appear pusillanimous
+to the enthusiastic patriot, but subsequent
+events proved the old statesman&rsquo;s wisdom
+and clearsightedness. His successors were
+less cautious, were carried away by the
+patriotism round them and the syren
+voices of the bards. And to Llywelyn ap
+Gruffydd the prospect was even more
+tempting than to Llywelyn ap Iorwerth.
+The Barons&rsquo; War weakened the power of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg&nbsp;24]</a></span>
+England, and the necessities of Simon de
+Montfort led him to enter into an alliance
+with Llywelyn. The expansion of Gwynedd
+was great and rapid. Llywelyn&rsquo;s
+rule extended as far south as Merthyr,
+and made itself felt on the shores of
+Carmarthen Bay. The Earl of Gloucester
+found it necessary to build Caerphilly
+Castle to uphold his influence in
+Glamorgan. But it was just the expansion
+of Llywelyn&rsquo;s power which forced
+Edward I. to overthrow him once for all.
+&ldquo;We hold it better&rdquo;&mdash;so ran Edward&rsquo;s
+proclamation in 1282&mdash;&ldquo;that, for the
+common weal, we and the inhabitants of
+our land should be wearied by labours
+and expenses this once, although the
+burden seem heavy, in order to destroy
+their wickedness altogether, than that we
+should in future times, as so often in the
+past, be tormented by rebellions of this
+kind at their good pleasure.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The &ldquo;Principality&rdquo; now became shire
+land&mdash;under English laws and English
+administration. The rest of Wales remained
+divided up into Marcher Lordships
+for another two hundred and fifty
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg&nbsp;25]</a></span>
+years, under feudal laws&mdash;a continual
+source of disturbance and scene of disorder.
+These were the lands in which
+the King&rsquo;s Writ did not run, where (to
+summarise the description in the Statute
+of 1536) &ldquo;murders and house-burnings,
+robberies and riots are committed with
+impunity, and felons are received, and
+escape from justice by going from one
+lordship to another.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Yet the Marcher Lords did something
+for Welsh civilisation in their earlier
+centuries. Guided by enlightened self-interest,
+they often founded towns, granting
+considerable privileges to them in
+order to attract burgesses&mdash;such as low
+rents, and freedom from arbitrary fines.
+Fairs, too, were established and protected
+by the Lords Marchers. The early lords
+of Glamorgan seem to have been specially
+successful in this respect; in the twelfth
+century immigrants from other parts of
+Wales are said to have come to reside in
+Glamorgan, owing to the privileges and
+comparative security which were to be
+found there. Nor perhaps has it been
+sufficiently recognised how soon the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg&nbsp;26]</a></span>
+Lords of the Marches began drilling
+their Welsh subjects in Anglo-Norman
+methods of local self-government. Most
+of the greater Marcher Lords possessed
+estates in England; not a few of them,
+such as William de Braose, served as
+sheriffs in English shires; some, such
+as John de Hastings, were judges in the
+royal courts. They introduced into Wales
+methods of government which they learnt
+in England, and institutions with a great
+future before them, like the Franco-Roman
+&ldquo;inquest by sworn recognitors,&rdquo;
+from which trial by jury was developed,
+were soon acclimatised in the Marches of
+Wales.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"><!-- duplicate title --></a></span></p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"><!-- blank page --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg&nbsp;29]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>II</h2>
+
+<h3>GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">W</span>HEN Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote,
+Norman influence in Wales was at
+its height. In the old days we used to
+begin English history with William the
+Conqueror; since Freeman wrote his five
+thick volumes and proved&mdash;not that the
+Norman Conquest was unimportant&mdash;but
+that it did not involve a breach of continuity,
+a new start in national life, the
+pendulum has swung too much the other
+way, and the tendency of late years has
+been to underestimate the importance of
+the Norman Conquest.</p>
+
+<p>The Norman wherever he went brought
+little that was new; he was but a Norseman&mdash;a
+Viking&mdash;with a French polish.
+He had no law of his own; he had forgotten
+his own language, he had no literature.
+But he had the old Norse energy;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg&nbsp;30]</a></span>
+which not only drove him or his ancestors
+to settle and conquer in lands so distant
+and diverse as Russia and Sicily, Syria
+and North America, but enabled him to
+infuse new life into the countries he conquered.
+Further, he still retained that
+adaptability and power of assimilation
+which is characteristic of peoples in a
+primitive stage of civilisation. With a
+wonderful instinct he fastened on to the
+most characteristic and strongest features
+of the different nations he was brought in
+contact with, developed them, gave them
+permanent form, and often a world-wide
+importance.</p>
+
+<p>The Norman conquerors were not
+always fortunate in their selection. Ireland
+has little to thank them for. The most
+striking characteristic which they found in
+Ireland was anarchy, and they brought it
+to a high pitch of perfection. To quote
+Sir J. Davies&rsquo;s luminous discourse on
+Ireland, in 1612: &ldquo;Finding the Irish
+exactions to be more profitable than the
+English rents and services, and loving the
+Irish tyranny which was tied to no rules
+of law and honour better than a just and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg&nbsp;31]</a></span>
+lawful seigniory, they did reject the
+English law and government, received the
+Irish laws and customs, took Irish surnames,
+as MacWilliam, MacFeris, refused
+to come to Parliaments, and scorned to
+obey those English knights who were sent
+to command and govern this kingdom.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>One extortionate Irish custom, called
+&ldquo;coigny,&rdquo; they specially affected, of which
+it was said &ldquo;that though it were first
+invented in hell, yet if it had been used
+and practised there as it hath been in Ireland,
+it had long since destroyed the very
+kingdom of Beelzebub.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>England and Wales were more fortunate.
+In England&mdash;while the old English literature
+was crushed out by the heel of the
+oppressor, the Norman instinct seized on
+the latent possibilities of the old English
+political institutions, welded them into a
+great system, developed out of them
+representative government, and created a
+united nation.</p>
+
+<p>In Wales, the Normans paid little or no
+heed to Welsh laws and political institutions;
+the law of the Marches was the
+feudal law of France, the charters of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg&nbsp;32]</a></span>
+liberties of the towns were imported from
+Normandy; the Welsh Marches and
+border shires were the most thoroughly
+Normanised part of the whole kingdom.
+But with a fine instinct for the really great
+things, in Wales the Normans seized on
+the literary side&mdash;the poetic traditions of
+the people&mdash;giving them permanent form,
+adding to them, making them for ever part
+of the intellectual heritage of the whole
+world.</p>
+
+<p>It may very likely be a mere accident
+that the earliest Welsh manuscripts date
+from the twelfth-century&mdash;Norman times;
+it may also imply an increased literary productiveness.
+It may be due to accidental
+causes that the first accounts of Eisteddfodau
+extant date from the twelfth century;
+it may also be that the institution excited
+new interest, received new attention and
+honour, under the influence of the open-minded
+and keen-sighted invaders. Take,
+for instance, the account of the great
+Eisteddfod in 1176, from the Brut y
+Tywysogion: &ldquo;The lord Rhys held a
+grand festival at the castle of Aberteivi,
+wherein he appointed two sorts of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg&nbsp;33]</a></span>
+competitions&mdash;one between the bards and
+poets, and the other between harpers,
+fiddlers, pipers, and various performers of
+instrumental music; and he assigned two
+chairs for the victors in the competitions;
+and these he enriched with vast gifts. A
+young man of his own court, son to Cibon
+the fiddler, obtained the victory in instrumental
+music, and the men of Gwynedd
+obtained the victory in vocal song; and
+all the other minstrels obtained from the
+lord Rhys as much as they asked for, so
+that there was no one excluded.&rdquo; An
+Eisteddfod where every one obtained
+prizes, and every one was satisfied,
+suggests the enthusiasm natural to a new
+revival. It was now&mdash;when Wales was
+brought in contact with the great world
+through the Normans&mdash;that modern Welsh
+poetry had its beginning. The new intellectual
+impetus is clearly illustrated by the
+change which takes place in the Welsh
+chronicles about 1100. Before that time
+they are generally thin and dreary: they
+suddenly become full, lively, and romantic.
+Wales was not exceptional in this
+renaissance; something of the same sort
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg&nbsp;34]</a></span>
+occurred in most parts of Europe; and the
+renaissance is no doubt to be connected
+with the Crusade, the reform of the Church,
+in a word, with the Hildebrandine movement,
+and so ultimately with the Burgundian
+monastery of Clugny. But it was the
+Normans who brought this new life to
+England and Wales; the Normans were
+the hands and feet of the great Hildebrandine
+movement of which the Clugniac
+popes were the head.</p>
+
+<p>Among the Norman magnates who
+encouraged the intellectual movement in
+Wales&mdash;one stands out pre-eminent&mdash;Robert
+Earl of Gloucester and Lord of Glamorgan,
+a splendid combination of statesman,
+soldier, patron of letters. Robert was
+a natural son of Henry I.&mdash;born before
+1100&mdash;there is no evidence that his
+mother was the beautiful and famous Nest,
+daughter of Rhys ap Tudor. He acquired
+the Lordship of Glamorgan together with
+the Honour of Gloucester and other lands
+in England and Normandy, by marriage
+with Mabel, daughter and heiress of Fitzhamon,
+conqueror of Glamorgan. An
+account of the wooing is preserved in old
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg&nbsp;35]</a></span>
+rhymed chronicle: the king conducts
+negotiations; the lady remarks that it
+was not herself but her possessions he was
+after&mdash;and she would prefer to marry a man
+who had a surname. The account is not
+historical, as surnames had not come in:
+in the early twelfth century the lady would
+have expressed her meaning differently.
+However, there is evidence that she was a
+good wife: William of Malmesbury says,
+&ldquo;She was a noble and excellent woman,
+devoted to her husband, and blest with a
+numerous and beautiful family.&rdquo; Robert
+was a great builder of castles; Bristol and
+Cardiff Castles were his work, and many
+others in Glamorgan; he organised
+Glamorgan, giving it the constitution of
+an English shire&mdash;with Cardiff Castle as
+centre and meeting-place. After Henry
+I.&rsquo;s death, he was the most important man
+in England, and was the only prominent
+man who played an honourable part in
+the civil wars which are known as the
+reign of Stephen; he died in 1147. His
+relations with the Welsh appear to have
+been good; large bodies of Welsh troops
+fought under him at the battle of Lincoln,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg&nbsp;36]</a></span>
+1141&mdash;he was probably the first Norman
+lord of Glamorgan who could thus rely on
+their loyalty. And it is significant that
+in the earliest inquisitions extant for
+Glamorgan&mdash;or inquests by sworn recognitors&mdash;Welshmen
+were freely employed
+in the work of local government.</p>
+
+<p>Robert of Gloucester was a magnificent
+patron of letters; to his age Giraldus
+Cambrensis looked back with longing
+regret as to the good old times in which
+learning was recognised and received its
+due reward. To Robert of Gloucester,
+William of Malmesbury, the greatest
+historian of the time, dedicated his history,
+attributing to him the magnanimity of his
+grandfather the Conqueror, the generosity
+of his uncle, the wisdom of his father,
+Henry I. He was the founder of Margam
+Abbey, whose chronicle is one of the
+authorities for Welsh history; Tewkesbury,
+another abbey whose chronicle is preserved,
+counted him among its chief
+benefactors; Robert de Monte, Abbot of
+Mont St. Michel, the Breton and lover
+of Breton legends, was a native of his
+Norman estates at Torigny, and wrote a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg&nbsp;37]</a></span>
+valuable history of his times. Among
+the brilliant circle of men of letters who
+frequented his court at Gloucester and
+Bristol and Cardiff were Caradoc of
+Llancarven, whose chronicle (if he ever
+wrote one) has been lost, and greatest of
+all Geoffrey of Monmouth.</p>
+
+<p>Geoffrey dedicated his History of the
+Kings of Britain to Robert: &ldquo;To you,
+therefore, Robert Earl of Gloucester, this
+work humbly sues for the favour of being
+so corrected by your advice that it may be
+considered not the poor offspring of
+Geoffrey of Monmouth, but, when polished
+by your refined wit and judgment, the
+production of him who had Henry, the
+glorious King of England, for his father,
+and whom we see an accomplished scholar
+and philosopher, as well as a brave soldier
+and tried commander.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Not very much is known about Geoffrey.
+The so-called &ldquo;Gwentian Brut,&rdquo; attributed
+to Caradoc of Llancarven, on which his
+biographers have relied for a few details
+of his life, is very untrustworthy, and,
+according to the late Mr. Thomas Stephens,
+was written about the middle of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg&nbsp;38]</a></span>
+sixteenth century, though containing earlier
+matter. The sixteenth century was a
+great age for historical forgeries. We
+find a Franciscan interpolating passages
+in a Greek manuscript of the New Testament
+in order to refute Erasmus; a learned
+Oxonian forging a passage in the manuscript
+of Asser&rsquo;s &ldquo;Life of Alfred&rdquo; to prove
+that Alfred founded the University of
+Oxford; and Welsh genealogies invented
+by the dozen and the yard&mdash;reaching back
+to &ldquo;son of Adam, son of God.&rdquo; The
+&ldquo;Gwentian Brut&rdquo; or &ldquo;Book of Aberpergwm&rdquo;
+is in doubtful company. The
+following seem to be the facts known
+about Geoffrey. In 1129 he was at
+Oxford, in company with Walter, Archdeacon
+of Oxford (not Walter Mapes).
+His father&rsquo;s name was Arthur; and he
+was connected with the Welsh lords of
+Caerleon. He calls himself &ldquo;of Monmouth,&rdquo;
+either as being born there, or
+as having a connection with the Benedictine
+monastery at Monmouth, which
+was founded by a Breton, and kept up
+connections with Brittany and Anjou.
+He may have been archdeacon&mdash;but not
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg&nbsp;39]</a></span>
+of Monmouth. The first version of his
+history was finished in or before April,
+1139, and the final edition of the History
+was completed by 1147. In his later
+years he resided at Llandaff. He was
+ordained priest in February, 1152, and
+consecrated bishop of St. Asaph in the
+same month. In 1153 he was one of the
+witnesses to the compact between King
+Stephen and Henry of Anjou, which
+ended the civil wars. He died at Llandaff
+in 1153.</p>
+
+<p>We will now turn to consider the sources
+of his History of the Kings of Britain.
+Geoffrey says: &ldquo;In the course of many
+and various studies I happened to light
+on the history of the Kings of Britain,
+and wondered that, in the account which
+Gildas and Bede, in their elegant treatises,
+had given of them, I found nothing said
+of those kings who lived here before
+Christ, nor of Arthur, and many others;
+though their actions were celebrated by
+many people in a pleasant manner, and
+by heart, as if they had been written.
+Whilst I was thinking of these things,
+Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, a man
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg&nbsp;40]</a></span>
+learned in foreign histories, offered me a
+very ancient book in the Britannic tongue,
+which, in a continued regular story and
+elegant style, related the actions of them
+all, from Brutus down to Cadwallader.
+At his request, therefore, I undertook the
+translation of that book into Latin.&rdquo; At
+the end of his history he adds: &ldquo;I leave
+the history of the later kings of Wales to
+Caradoc of Llancarven, my contemporary,
+as I do also the kings of the Saxons to
+William of Malmesbury and Henry of
+Huntingdon. But I advise them to be
+silent concerning the kings of the Britons,
+since they have not that book written in
+the Britannic tongue, which Walter,
+Archdeacon of Oxford, brought out of
+Britannia.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>There has been a good deal of controversy
+as to whether this very ancient
+book was in Welsh or Breton, but the
+first question is, Did it ever exist? Was
+Geoffrey a translator, or an inventor, or
+a collector of oral traditions current in
+Wales or Brittany during his time?</p>
+
+<p>There can be little doubt that the conclusion
+of Thomas Stephens, in the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg&nbsp;41]</a></span>
+&ldquo;Literature of the Kymry,&rdquo; is correct&mdash;that
+&ldquo;Geoffrey was less a translator than
+an original author.&rdquo; It is very doubtful
+whether the Britannic book ever existed,
+whether it was not a mere ruse, such as was
+often resorted to by medi&aelig;val romancers,
+and is still a favourite method with
+modern historical novelists&mdash;to give their
+works an appearance of genuineness. It
+has been argued against this, that in that
+case, Archdeacon Walter must have been
+a party to the fraud&mdash;which is incredible.
+Such an argument implies a large ignorance
+of the archdeacons of the twelfth
+century&mdash;when it was a question solemnly
+discussed among the learned&mdash;whether
+an archdeacon could possibly be saved.
+It would be well if there were nothing
+worse to bring against them than such
+an innocent fraud on the public as this.
+But the strongest argument against the
+existence of the Britannic book is (not
+that it is not extant now, but) that the
+historians of the next generation never
+saw it. Geoffrey&rsquo;s History at once created
+a tremendous stir in the literary world&mdash;nor
+was it accepted on trust&mdash;but received
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg&nbsp;42]</a></span>
+with suspicion and incredulity. Thus
+William of Newburgh, in the latter part of
+the twelfth century, calls Geoffrey roundly,
+&ldquo;a saucy and shameless liar.&rdquo; William, of
+course, did not know Welsh, and could not
+have made anything out of the Britannic
+book, even if he had seen it. This objection
+does not apply to Giraldus Cambrensis;
+his knowledge of Welsh was indeed slight&mdash;but
+he had plenty of Welsh-speaking
+relatives and friends, and he was himself
+a collector of manuscripts. Gerald refers
+to &ldquo;the lying statements of Geoffrey&rsquo;s
+fabulous history,&rdquo; and implies in a much-quoted
+passage that he regarded Geoffrey&rsquo;s
+history as a pack of lies. Speaking of a
+Welshman at Caerleon who had dealings
+with evil spirits, and was enabled by
+their assistance to foretell future events, he
+goes on: &ldquo;He knew when any one told
+a lie in his presence, for he saw the devil
+dancing on the tongue of the liar. If the
+evil spirits oppressed him too much, the
+Gospel of St. John was placed on his
+bosom, when like birds they immediately
+vanished; but when the Gospel was
+removed, and the History of the Britons
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg&nbsp;43]</a></span>
+by Geoffrey Arthur was substituted in its
+place, the devils instantly came back in
+greater numbers, and remained a longer
+time than usual on his body and on
+the book.&rdquo; Geoffrey may very probably
+have used some Britannic manuscript, but
+it could not have been very ancient; and
+he certainly did not translate it, but
+used it as he used Gildas and Bede
+and Nennius&mdash;sometimes quoting their
+statements, more generally amplifying
+them almost beyond recognition.</p>
+
+<p>Was Geoffrey merely an inventor?
+Sometimes&mdash;undoubtedly. The long
+strings of names of purely fictitious princes
+whom the Roman Consul summoned to
+fight against King Arthur, at a time
+when in sober history Justinian was
+Roman Emperor, are invented by Geoffrey.
+And consider too his parodies of the
+practice of historians of referring to
+contemporary events: an instance of the
+genuine article is given in Gerald&rsquo;s
+Itinerary. &ldquo;In 1188, Urban III. being
+pope, Frederick, Emperor of the Romans,
+Isaac, Emperor of Constantinople, Philip,
+King of France,&rdquo; &amp;c., &amp;c. Now take
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg&nbsp;44]</a></span>
+Geoffrey&rsquo;s parodies: &ldquo;At this time, Samuel
+the prophet governed in Jud&aelig;a, &AElig;neas was
+living, and Homer was esteemed a famous
+orator and poet.&rdquo; Or again: &ldquo;At the
+building of Shaftesbury an eagle spoke
+while the wall of the town was being
+built: and indeed I should have transmitted
+the speech to posterity, had I
+thought it true, like the rest of the history.
+At this time Haggai, Amos, Joel, and
+Azariah were prophets of Israel.&rdquo; One
+may be quite sure that passages like these
+are not derived from the writings of the
+ancients, or from oral traditions. One
+can in some cases trace back his statements
+and see how much he added to
+his predecessors. A good instance is
+his account of the conversion of the
+Britons under King Lucius, in Bk. IV.,
+cap. 19 and 20, and V., cap. 1 (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 161).
+Geoffrey&rsquo;s account is circumstantial: King
+Lucius sent to the Pope asking for
+instruction in the Christian religion.
+The Pope sent two teachers (whose names
+are given), who almost extinguished
+paganism over the whole island, dedicated
+the heathen temples to the true God, and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg&nbsp;45]</a></span>
+substituted three archbishops for the three
+heathen archflamens at London, York,
+and Caerleon-on-Usk, and twenty-eight
+bishops for the twenty-eight heathen
+flamens. Now all this is based on a short
+passage in Bede: &ldquo;Lucius King of the
+Britains sent to the Pope asking that he
+might be made a Christian; he soon
+obtained his desire, and the Britons kept
+the faith pure till the Diocletian persecution,&rdquo;
+which itself is amplified from an
+entry in the <i>Liber Pontificalis</i>: &ldquo;Lucius
+King of the Britains sent to the Pope
+asking that he might be made a Christian.&rdquo;
+This last does not occur in the early version
+of the <i>Liber Pontificalis</i>, and is irreconcilable
+with the history and position of the
+papacy in the second century; but is a
+forgery, inserted at the end of the seventh
+century by the Romanising party in the
+Welsh Church&mdash;the party desiring to
+bring the Welsh Church into communion
+with the Roman, and so interested in
+proving that British Christianity came
+direct from the Pope; and all the talk
+about the archflamens and archbishops,
+&amp;c., is pure invention. Notice too what
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg&nbsp;46]</a></span>
+an important part the places with which
+Geoffrey is specially connected play in
+his history: Caerleon is the seat of an
+archbishopric and favourite residence of
+Arthur; Oxford is frequently mentioned
+though it did not exist until the end of
+the ninth century; the Consul of Gloucester
+(predecessor of Geoffrey&rsquo;s patron, Robert,
+Consul of Gloucester) makes the decisive
+move in Arthur&rsquo;s battle with the Romans.</p>
+
+<p>A parallel case is Geoffrey&rsquo;s account of
+Brutus and the descent of the Britons
+from the Trojans. The tradition is found
+in Nennius, and perhaps dates from the
+classical revival at the court of Charlemagne.
+It is clearly not a popular
+tradition, but an artificial tradition of the
+learned; but whilst Geoffrey did not
+invent the legend, he invented all the
+details&mdash;letters and speeches, and hairbreadth
+escapes and tales of love and war.</p>
+
+<p>Probably his detailed accounts of King
+Arthur&rsquo;s European conquests&mdash;extending
+over nearly all Western Europe, from
+Iceland and Norway to Gaul and Italy&mdash;are
+still more the work of Geoffrey&rsquo;s
+inventive genius, though it is possible
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg&nbsp;47]</a></span>
+they may rest on early Celtic myths
+about the voyage of Arthur to Hades,
+as Professor Rhys suggests, or on late
+Breton traditions which mixed up Arthur
+with Charles the Great.</p>
+
+<p>Now let us consider Geoffrey as a
+gatherer and transmitter of the genuine
+oral traditions of the Welsh and Breton
+people. Genuine traditions are true history
+in the sense that they preserve manners
+and customs and modes of thought prevalent
+at the time when they became
+current. Thus they are on quite a
+different level from Geoffrey&rsquo;s inventions,
+though they cannot be taken as containing
+the history of any of the individuals to
+whom they profess to relate. He tells us
+in his preface that the actions of Arthur
+and many others, though not mentioned
+by historians, &ldquo;were celebrated by many
+people in a pleasant manner and by
+heart,&rdquo; were sung by poets and handed
+down from generation to generation, like
+the poetical traditions of every people in
+primitive times. There can be no doubt
+that Geoffrey collected a number of these
+old stories and wove them into his narrative.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg&nbsp;48]</a></span>
+Thus, the story of King Lear and his
+daughters has the ring of a genuine popular
+tradition about it, though the dates and
+pseudo-historical setting were probably
+supplied by Geoffrey. Again, there were
+certainly prophecies attributed to Merlin
+current in Geoffrey&rsquo;s time. But one may
+suspect Geoffrey of doing a good deal more
+than translate the prophecies of Merlin;
+he adapted them; one may even suspect
+him of parodying them. &ldquo;After him shall
+succeed the boar of Totness, and oppress
+the people with grievous tyranny. Gloucester
+shall send forth a lion and shall
+disturb him in his cruelty in several battles.
+The lion shall trample him under his feet
+... and at last get upon the backs of the
+nobility. A bull shall come into the
+quarrel and strike the lion ... but shall
+break his horns against the walls of Oxford.&rdquo;
+&ldquo;Then shall two successively sway
+the sceptre, whom a horned dragon shall
+serve. One shall come in armour and
+ride upon a flying serpent. He shall sit
+upon its back with his naked body, and
+cast his right hand upon its tail.... The
+second shall ally with the lion; but a
+quarrel happening they shall encounter one
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg&nbsp;49]</a></span>
+another ... but the courage of the beast
+shall prevail. Then shall one come with
+a drum, and appease the rage of the lion.
+Therefore shall the people of the kingdom
+be at peace, and provoke the lion to a dose
+of physic!&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Then as to Arthur. In Geoffrey&rsquo;s history
+he appears mainly as a great continental
+conqueror&mdash;a kind of Welsh Charlemagne.
+&ldquo;Many of the most picturesque and significant
+features of the full-grown legend
+(as Professor Lewis Jones points out)<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> are
+not even faintly suggested by Geoffrey.
+The Round Table, Lancelot, the Grail
+were unknown to him, and were grafted
+on the legend from other sources.&rdquo; But
+he made the Arthurian legends fashionable;
+he opened for all Europe the hitherto
+unknown and inexhaustible well of Celtic
+romance; and it may be said without
+exaggeration that &ldquo;no medi&aelig;val work has
+left behind it so prolific a literary offspring
+as the History of the Kings of Britain.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The value of Geoffrey is not in his
+fictions about past history, but in his
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg&nbsp;50]</a></span>
+influence on the literature and ideas of the
+future. He stands at the beginning of a
+new age: he is the first spokesman of the
+Age of the new Chivalry. Read his
+glowing account of Arthur&rsquo;s court, where
+&ldquo;the knights were famous for feats of
+chivalry, and the women esteemed none
+worthy of their love but such as had given
+proof of their valour in three several
+battles. Thus was the valour of the men
+an encouragement for the women&rsquo;s chastity,
+and the love of the women a spur to the
+knight&rsquo;s bravery.&rdquo; Or, as an old French
+version has it, &ldquo;Love which made the
+women more chaste made the knights more
+valorous and famous.&rdquo; We have here a
+new conception of love which has profoundly
+influenced life and thought ever
+since&mdash;love no longer a weakness as in
+the ancient world, or a sin as it seemed to
+the ascetic spirit of the Church, but a
+conscious source of strength, an avowed
+motive of heroism. And it was round
+Arthur and his court that the French
+poets of the next generation wove their
+romances inspired by this conception&mdash;the
+offspring of the union of Norman strength
+and Celtic gentleness.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> See his paper on Geoffrey of Monmouth
+(Transactions of the Cymmrodorion Society,
+1899), to which I am much indebted.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"><!-- duplicate title --></a></span></p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"><!-- blank page --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg&nbsp;53]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>III</h2>
+
+<h3>GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">G</span>ERALD the Welshman was certainly
+one of the most remarkable
+men of letters that the Middle Ages produced&mdash;remarkable
+not merely for the
+great range of his knowledge, or the
+voluminousness of his writings, but for
+the originality of his views and variety of
+his interests.</p>
+
+<p>In this lecture I intend to give first a
+general account of his life, and then deal
+in more detail with his Itinerary through
+Wales.</p>
+
+<p>We know a great deal about Gerald; he
+was interested in many things, and not
+least in himself; he was not troubled by
+that shrinking sense of his own worthlessness&mdash;with
+the feeling of being not an
+individual, but a part of a community&mdash;which
+is so characteristic of medi&aelig;val
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg&nbsp;54]</a></span>
+writers, and led them often to omit to
+mention their own names.</p>
+
+<p>Gerald was born about 1146, at Manorbier,
+in Pembroke&mdash;&ldquo;the most delightful
+spot in Wales.&rdquo; His ancestry is interesting.
+His father was a Norman noble,
+holding of Glamorgan, William de Barri
+by name; his mother was the daughter of
+another Norman noble, Gerald de Windsor
+of Pembroke, and the famous Nest, daughter
+of Rhys ap Tudor, the Helen of Wales. He
+was cousin of the Fitzgeralds who played
+so important a part in the conquest of
+Ireland, and connected with Richard
+Strongbow and the great house of Clare.
+He thus &ldquo;moved in the highest circles,&rdquo;
+and lived in an atmosphere of great deeds
+and great traditions.</p>
+
+<p>He was from the first marked out by his
+own inclinations for an ecclesiastical career.
+He tells us that when he and his elder
+brothers used to play as children on the
+sands of Manorbier his brothers built
+castles but he always built churches. He
+received an elementary education from the
+chaplains of his uncle, the Bishop of St.
+David&rsquo;s; he seems to have been slow at
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg&nbsp;55]</a></span>
+learning when a child, and his tutors
+goaded him on not by the birch rod, but
+by sarcasm&mdash;by declining &ldquo;<i>Stultus</i>, <i>stultior</i>,
+<i>stultissimus</i>.&rdquo; His higher education was
+not obtained in Wales, and it is singular
+that he does not notice any place of learning
+in Wales in all his writings. He studied at
+Gloucester, and then at Paris, the greatest
+medi&aelig;val university. We have it on his
+own authority that he was a model student.
+&ldquo;So entirely devoted was he to study,
+having in his acts and in his mind, no sort
+of levity or coarseness, that whenever the
+Masters of Arts wished to select a pattern
+from among the good scholars, they would
+name Gerald before all others.&rdquo; Later he
+lectured at Paris on canon law and theology;
+his lectures, he tells us, were very
+popular. He returned thence in 1172, two
+years after the martyrdom of Thomas
+Becket, whose example and struggle for
+the rights of the Church made a deep and
+lasting impression on him. Gerald soon
+obtained preferment: he held three livings
+in Pembroke, one in Oxfordshire, and
+canonries at Hereford and St. David&rsquo;s.
+His energy soon made itself felt. He
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg&nbsp;56]</a></span>
+excommunicated the Welshmen and Flemings
+who would not pay tithes; and then
+attacked the sins of the clergy. Most of
+the Welsh clergy were married, contrary
+to the laws of the Church. Gerald hated
+a married priest even more than he hated
+a monk. The Welsh priest, he says, was
+wont to keep in his house a female (<i>focaria</i>)
+&ldquo;to light his fire but extinguish his virtue.&rdquo;
+&ldquo;How can such a man practice frugality
+and self-denial with a house full of
+brawling brats, and a woman for ever
+extracting money to buy costly robes
+with long skirts trailing in the dust?&rdquo;
+Gerald hated women&mdash;the origin of all
+evil since the world began: observing that
+in birds of prey the females are stronger
+than the males, he remarks that this
+signifies &ldquo;the female sex is more resolute
+in all evil than the male.&rdquo; Among the
+married clergy he attacked was the Archdeacon
+of Brecon; and the old man, being
+forced to choose between his wife and his
+archdeaconry, preferred his wife. Gerald
+was made Archdeacon of Brecon. In later
+years he had qualms of conscience about
+the part he took in this business.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg&nbsp;57]</a></span>
+Between 1180 and 1194 he was often at
+Court and employed in the king&rsquo;s affairs.
+Henry II. selected him as a suitable person
+to accompany the young prince John to
+Ireland in 1185, and the result was his two
+great works&mdash;&ldquo;The Topography,&rdquo; and
+&ldquo;The Conquest of Ireland,&rdquo; which are the
+chief and almost the only authorities for
+Irish history in the Middle Ages. The
+former work he read publicly at Oxford on
+his return; it was a great occasion: we
+must tell it in his own words. &ldquo;When the
+work was finished, not wishing to hide his
+candle under a bushel, but wishing to place
+it in a candlestick, so that it might give
+light, he resolved to read it before a vast
+audience at Oxford, where scholars in
+England chiefly flourished and excelled in
+scholarship. And as there were three
+divisions in the work, and each division
+occupied a day, the readings lasted three
+successive days. On the first day, he
+received and entertained at his lodgings all
+the poor people of the town; on the second,
+all the doctors of the different faculties and
+their best students; and on the third, the
+rest of the students and the chief men of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg&nbsp;58]</a></span>
+the town. It was a costly and noble act;
+and neither present nor past time can
+furnish any record of such a solemnity
+having ever taken place in England.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>In 1188 he accompanied the Archbishop
+of Canterbury in his tour through Wales to
+preach the Third Crusade. With this we
+shall deal later.</p>
+
+<p>He was abroad with Henry II. at the
+time of the old king&rsquo;s death, and has left a
+valuable account of his later years in the
+book &ldquo;On the Instruction of Princes.&rdquo;
+His connection with the Court gave him
+opportunities for studying the great characters
+of the time at close quarters, and
+we have from his pen graphic sketches of
+many of them. Take this description of
+Henry II.: &ldquo;He had a reddish complexion,
+rather dark, and a large round head. His
+eyes were gray, bloodshot, and flashed in
+anger. He had a fiery face; his voice was
+shaky; he had a deep chest, and long
+muscular arms, his great round head hanging
+somewhat forward. He had an enormous
+belly&mdash;though not from gross feeding.
+Indeed he was temperate in all things, for
+a prince. To keep down his corpulency,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg&nbsp;59]</a></span>
+he took immoderate exercise. Even in
+times of peace he took no rest&mdash;hunting
+furiously all day, and on his return home in
+the evening seldom sitting down either
+before or after supper; for in spite of his
+own fatigue, he would weary out the Court
+by being constantly on his legs.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The whole is very interesting and full of
+life. It occurs in the &ldquo;Conquest of Ireland,&rdquo;
+and is quoted in several of his other works.
+Gerald&rsquo;s favourite author was Gerald of
+Barry, Archdeacon of Brecon.</p>
+
+<p>The next important episode in his life
+was the struggle for St. David&rsquo;s (1198-1203).
+It was really a fight for the
+independence of the Welsh Church from
+England and its direct dependence on
+the Pope. Gerald was elected bishop by
+the canons of St. David&rsquo;s, in opposition
+to the will of King John (whose consent
+was necessary) and of Hubert Walter,
+Archbishop of Canterbury (whose rights
+as metropolitan were attacked). Gerald
+hastened off to Rome to get the Pope&rsquo;s
+support, taking with him the most
+precious offering that he could think of&mdash;six
+of his own books; for Rome had
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg&nbsp;60]</a></span>
+a bad name for bribery&mdash;and who could
+resist such a bribe? But he found it
+advisable to supplement his books by
+other promises, especially by the offer to
+the Pope of tithes from Wales.</p>
+
+<p>The Pope at this time was Innocent III.&mdash;the
+greatest of all the Popes&mdash;who
+brought kings and nations under his feet
+and held despotic sway over the Universal
+Church, and stamped out heresy in blood.
+In the references to him in Gerald&rsquo;s works
+he appears in much more human guise.
+We see him after supper unbending and
+laughing at Gerald&rsquo;s anecdotes and cracking
+jokes of a somewhat risky character
+with the archdeacon. It is clear that the
+Pope thoroughly enjoyed the Welshman&rsquo;s
+company, but also that he did not take
+him very seriously as an ecclesiastical
+statesman. &ldquo;Let us have some more
+stories about your archbishop&rsquo;s bad
+Latin,&rdquo; he would say, when Gerald was
+getting too urgent on the independence
+of the Welsh Church or his own right
+to the see of St. David&rsquo;s.</p>
+
+<p>This archbishop was Hubert Walter,
+who was much more of a secular administrator
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg&nbsp;61]</a></span>
+than an ecclesiastic, and whose Latin
+though clear and ready might show a
+fine contempt for all rules of grammar.
+Gerald was a stickler for correct Latin
+grammar; he is great on &ldquo;howlers.&rdquo; There
+is one of his stories, illustrating both the
+avarice of the Norman prelates and the
+ignorance of the Welsh clergy: A Welsh
+priest came to his bishop and said, &ldquo;I
+have brought your lordship a present of
+two hundred <i>oves</i>.&rdquo; He meant &ldquo;<i>ova</i>&rdquo;;
+but the bishop insisted on the sheep; and
+the priest probably rubbed up his Latin
+grammar. Gerald had also other patriotic
+reasons for his hostility to the archbishop,
+who as chief justiciary&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, chief minister
+of the king&mdash;had recently attacked
+and defeated the Welsh between the
+Wye and the Severn. &ldquo;Blessed be
+God,&rdquo; writes Gerald sarcastically to him,
+&ldquo;who has taught your hands to war and
+your fingers to fight, for since the days
+when Harold almost exterminated the
+nation, no prince has destroyed so many
+Welshmen in one battle as your Grace.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Gerald continued the struggle till 1203,
+though deserted by the Welsh clergy.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg&nbsp;62]</a></span>
+&ldquo;The laity of Wales,&rdquo; he said, &ldquo;stood by
+me; but of the clergy whose battle I was
+fighting, scarce one.&rdquo; He was proclaimed
+as a rebel, and had some narrow escapes
+of imprisonment or worse&mdash;escapes which
+he owed to his ready wit and which he
+delights to tell. At last he gave way,
+and during the remainder of his life we
+find him at Rome, Lincoln, St. David&rsquo;s,
+revising his works and writing new
+ones, modifying some of his judgments
+(especially that on Hubert Walter), and
+encouraging Stephen Langton in the
+great struggle against John. He was
+buried at St. David&rsquo;s, probably in 1223.</p>
+
+<p>We will now return to the &ldquo;Itinerary
+through Wales&rdquo; and the &ldquo;Description of
+Wales.&rdquo; Jerusalem was taken by Saladin
+in 1187, and the Third Crusade&mdash;the
+Crusade of Richard C&oelig;ur de Lion&mdash;was
+preached throughout Europe. In 1188
+Archbishop Baldwin made a preaching
+tour through Wales accompanied by Glanville,
+the great justiciary of Henry II.,
+and Gerald of Barry. While the primary
+object was the preaching of the Crusade,
+the king had an eye to business and saw
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg&nbsp;63]</a></span>
+that the Holy Cause could be utilised for
+other purposes; it gave an opportunity
+for the assertion of the metropolitan rights
+of Canterbury over the Welsh Church,
+and for a survey of the country by the
+royal officials, which was not possible
+under other circumstances. That is why
+the archbishop and the justiciar accompanied
+the expedition. It is remarkable
+that Gerald, the champion of the Welsh
+Church, should have given his support to
+it; but he had not fully adopted the
+patriotic attitude of his later years; and,
+with him as with most people of the time,
+the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre was, in
+theory at any rate, the greatest object in
+the world; while further, we must not
+forget that the journey had many attractions
+for him as an author; it gave him
+&ldquo;copy&rdquo; for a new book, and the chance
+of reading his Irish Topography to the
+archbishop. Every day during the
+journey the archbishop listened to a
+portion of this book, and at the end
+took it home to finish. As the journey
+lasted at least fifty days, one may calculate
+that it took at most an average of three
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg&nbsp;64]</a></span>
+pages a day to send the archbishop to
+sleep.</p>
+
+<p>The Itinerary (which was later dedicated
+to Stephen Langton) contains in the
+author&rsquo;s words an account of &ldquo;the difficult
+places through which we passed, the
+names of springs and torrents, the witty
+sayings, the toils and incidents of the
+journey, the memorable events of ancient
+and modern times, and the natural history
+and description of the country.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The route pursued was as follows:
+From Hereford to Radnor, Brecon, Abergavenny,
+Caerleon, Newport, Cardiff,
+Llandaff, Ewenny, Margam, Swansea,
+Kidweli, Carmarthen, Haverford, St.
+David&rsquo;s, Cardigan, Strata Florida, thence
+keeping close to the coast, through Bangor
+and Chester; and then south by Oswestry,
+Shrewsbury, Ludlow, to Hereford.</p>
+
+<p>The travellers were well received and
+entertained both by the Lords Marcher
+and the Welsh princes. It was especially
+to the Welsh that their attention was
+directed, and Welsh princes accompanied
+them through their territories. The chief
+was Rhys ap Gruffydd (Gerald&rsquo;s uncle),
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg&nbsp;65]</a></span>
+prince of South Wales, who was then at
+the height of his power, and had been made
+chief justice of South Wales by Henry II.,
+to whom he faithfully adhered. Gwynedd
+and Powys were then divided among
+several heirs. One of the princes of
+Powys, Owain Cyfeiliog, the poet, was
+distinguished as being the only prince
+who did not come to meet the archbishop
+with his people; for which he was excommunicated.
+Gerald notes that he was an
+adherent of Henry II., and was &ldquo;conspicuous
+for the good management of his
+territory.&rdquo; Perhaps that is why he would
+not have anything to do with the Crusade.</p>
+
+<p>How far was the expedition successful
+in its primary object in gaining crusaders?
+The archbishop and justiciar had already
+taken the cross; they remained true to
+their vows and went to the Holy Land,
+the archbishop dying at the siege of
+Acre, heartbroken at the wickedness of
+the army. Gerald himself was the first
+to take the cross in Wales, not acting
+under the influence of religious enthusiasm,
+but (as he says himself) &ldquo;impelled by the
+urgent requests and promises of the king
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg&nbsp;66]</a></span>
+and persuasions of the archbishop,&rdquo; who
+wanted him to act as historian; but
+Gerald, after setting the example, bought
+a dispensation and did not go. A number
+of the lesser Welsh princes soon took the
+cross. The Lord Rhys himself was eager
+to do so, but &ldquo;his wife by female artifices
+diverted him wholly from his noble purpose.&rdquo;
+The wives were all dead against
+the whole affair. At Hay the wives caught
+hold of their husbands, and the would-be
+Crusaders had literally to run away from
+them to the castle, leaving their cloaks
+behind them. A nobler spirit of self-sacrifice
+was shown by the old woman of
+Cardigan, who, when her only son took
+the cross, said: &ldquo;O most beloved Lord
+Jesus Christ, I give Thee hearty thanks
+for having conferred on me the blessing of
+bringing forth a son worthy of Thy service.&rdquo;
+This son was probably worth more than the
+twelve archers of the castle of St. Clears
+who were forcibly signed with the cross
+for committing a murder; and one may
+reasonably look with suspicion on the
+sudden conversion of &ldquo;many of the most
+notorious murderers and robbers of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg&nbsp;67]</a></span>
+neighbourhood&rdquo; at Usk. It was this
+kind of thing that turned the Holy Land
+into a sort of convict settlement.</p>
+
+<p>The preachers clearly worked hard and
+had some trying experiences, and kept up
+their spirits by little jokes, which Gerald
+retails. They nearly came to grief in
+quicksands at the mouth of the river
+Neath. &ldquo;Terrible hard country this,&rdquo; said
+one of the monks next day in the castle
+at Swansea. &ldquo;Some people are never
+satisfied,&rdquo; retorted his companion; &ldquo;you
+were complaining of its being too soft in
+the quicksand yesterday.&rdquo; The mountains
+were trying to men no longer in their
+youth; after toiling up one the archbishop
+sank exhausted on a fallen tree and said
+to his panting companions, &ldquo;Can any one
+enliven the company by whistling a
+tune?&rdquo; &ldquo;Which,&rdquo; adds Gerald, &ldquo;is not
+very easily done by people out of breath.&rdquo;
+From whistling the conversation passed
+to nightingales, which some one said were
+never found in Wales. &ldquo;Wise bird, the
+nightingale,&rdquo; remarked the archbishop.</p>
+
+<p>One serious difficulty they had was that
+none of them, not even Gerald, knew
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg&nbsp;68]</a></span>
+Welsh sufficiently well to preach in it,
+though they generally had interpreters.
+The archbishop, who would sometimes
+preach away for hours without result,
+felt this much more than Gerald. He
+declares he moved crowds to tears though
+they did not understand a word of what he
+was saying. But one may take the words
+of Prince Rhys&rsquo;s fool as evidence (if any
+were needed) that ignorance of Welsh
+weakened the effect. &ldquo;You owe a great
+debt, Rhys, to your kinsman the archdeacon,
+who has taken a hundred or so
+of your men to serve the Lord; if he had
+only spoken in Welsh, you wouldn&rsquo;t have
+had a soul left.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>In all about three thousand took the
+cross; but the Crusade was delayed, zeal
+cooled, and it is probable that comparatively
+few went. The <i>Itinerarium Regis
+Ricardi</i> mentions, I think, only one exploit
+by a Welshman in the Third Crusade;
+he was an archer, and so a South Walian.</p>
+
+<p>This brings me to one of the incidental
+notes of great value scattered about the
+Itinerary. Speaking of the siege of
+Abergavenny (1182), Gerald tells us that
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg&nbsp;69]</a></span>
+the men of Gwent and Glamorgan
+excelled all others in the use of the
+bow, and gives curious evidence of the
+strength of their shooting. Thus the
+arrows pierced an oak door four inches
+thick; they had been left there as a
+curiosity, and Gerald saw them with their
+iron points coming through on the inner
+side. He describes these bows as &ldquo;made
+of elm&mdash;ugly, unfinished-looking weapons,
+but astonishingly stiff, large, and strong,
+and equally useful for long and short
+shooting.&rdquo; Add to this that the longbow
+was not a characteristic English weapon
+till the latter part of the thirteenth century,
+that the first battle in which an English
+king made effective use of archery (at
+Falkirk, 1298), his infantry consisted
+mainly of Welshmen; and there can be
+little doubt that the famous longbow of
+England, which won the victories of Cre&ccedil;y
+and Poitiers and Agincourt, and indirectly
+did much to destroy feudalism and villenage,
+had its home in South Wales.</p>
+
+<p>Gerald was also a keen observer of
+nature, and his knowledge of the ways of
+animals is extensive and peculiar. Perhaps
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg&nbsp;70]</a></span>
+even more marked is his love of the
+supernatural; he could believe anything,
+if it was only wonderful enough&mdash;except
+Geoffrey of Monmouth&rsquo;s History. But
+I must confine myself to one story&mdash;the
+story of the boy in Gower who (as the root
+of learning is bitter) played truant and
+found two little men of pigmy stature, and
+went with them to their country under the
+earth, and played games with golden balls
+with the fairy prince. These little folk
+were very small&mdash;of fair complexion, and
+long luxuriant hair; and they had horses
+and dogs to suit their size. They hated
+nothing so much as lies; &ldquo;they had no
+form of public worship, being lovers and
+reverers, it seemed, of truth.&rdquo; The boy
+often went, till he tried to steal a golden
+ball, and then he could never find fairyland
+again. But he learnt some of the fairy
+language, which was like Greek. And
+then Gerald compares words in different
+languages, and notes how, for instance, the
+same word for <em>salt</em> runs through Greek and
+British and Irish and Latin and French
+and English and German, and the fairy
+language, which suggests a close relation
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg&nbsp;71]</a></span>
+between all these peoples in past ages. It
+is very modern; and it is not without
+reason that Gerald has been called &ldquo;the
+father of comparative philology.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>In his &ldquo;Description of Wales&rdquo; Gerald
+describes the manner of life and characteristics
+of the people. All are trained
+to arms, and when the trumpet sounds the
+alarm, the husbandman rushes as eagerly
+from his plough as the courtier from his
+court. Agricultural work takes up little
+of their time, as they are still mainly in a
+pastoral stage, living on the produce of
+their herds, and eating more meat than
+bread. They fight and undergo hardships
+and willingly sacrifice their lives for their
+country and for liberty. They wear little
+defensive armour, and depend mainly on
+their mobility; they are not much good at
+a close engagement, but generally victors
+in a running fight, relying more on their
+activity than on their strength.</p>
+
+<p>It was the fashion to keep open house
+for all comers. &ldquo;Those who arrive in the
+morning are entertained till evening with
+the conversation of young women and the
+music of the harp; for each house has its
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg&nbsp;72]</a></span>
+young women and harps allotted for the
+purpose. In each family the art of playing
+on the harp is held preferable to any other
+learning; and no nation is so free from
+jealousy as the Welsh.&rdquo; After a simple
+supper (for the people are not addicted to
+gluttony or drunkenness), &ldquo;a bed of rushes
+is placed along the side of the hall, and all
+in common lie down to sleep with their
+feet towards the fire. They sleep in the
+thin cloak and tunic they wear by day.
+They receive much comfort from the
+natural heat of the persons lying near
+them; but when the underside begins to
+be tired with the hardness of the bed, or
+the upper one to suffer from the cold, they
+get up and go to the fire; and then
+returning to the couch they expose their
+sides alternately to the cold and to the
+hardness of the bed.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Gifted with an acute and rich intellect
+they excel in whatever studies they pursue,
+notably in music. They are especially
+famous for their part-singing, &ldquo;so that in
+a company of singers, which one very
+often meets with in Wales, you will hear
+as many different parts and voices as there
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg&nbsp;73]</a></span>
+are performers,&rdquo;(!) and this gift has by long
+habit become natural to the nation.</p>
+
+<p>&ldquo;They show a greater respect than
+other nations to churches and ecclesiastics,
+to the relics of saints, bells, holy books,
+and the cross; and hence their churches
+enjoy more than common tranquillity.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>He then goes on to the other side of
+the picture: &ldquo;for history without truth
+becomes undeserving of its name.&rdquo; &ldquo;These
+people are no less light in mind than in
+body, and by no means to be relied on.
+They are easily urged to undertake any
+action, and as easily checked from prosecuting
+it.... They never scruple at
+taking a false oath for the sake of any
+temporary advantage.... Above all
+other peoples they are given to removing
+their neighbours&rsquo; landmarks. Hence arise
+quarrels, murders, conflagrations, and
+frequent fratricides. It is remarkable that
+brothers show more affection to each other
+when dead than when living; for they
+persecute the living even unto death, but
+avenge the dead with all their power.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Finally, as a scientific observer of politics,
+he discusses how Wales may be conquered
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg&nbsp;74]</a></span>
+and governed, and how the Welsh may
+resist.</p>
+
+<p>A prince who would subdue this people
+must give his whole energies to the task
+for at least a whole year. He must divide
+their strength, and by bribes and promises
+endeavour to stir up one against the other,
+knowing the spirit of hatred and envy
+which generally prevails among them.
+He must cut off supplies, build castles, and
+use light-armed troops and plenty of them;
+for though many English mercenaries perish
+in a battle, money will procure as many
+more; but to the Welsh the loss is for the
+time irreparable. He recommends that all
+the English inhabitants of the Marches
+should be trained to arms; for the Welsh
+fight for liberty and only a free people
+can subdue them. His advice to the
+Welsh is: Unite. &ldquo;If they would be
+inseparable, they would be insuperable,
+being assisted by these three circumstances&mdash;a
+country well defended by nature,
+a people contented to live upon little, a
+community whose nobles and commoners
+alike are trained in the use of arms; and
+especially as the English fight for power,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg&nbsp;75]</a></span>
+the Welsh for liberty; the English hirelings
+for money, the Welsh patriots for
+their country.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>I hope I may persuade some who do
+not yet know Gerald to make his acquaintance,
+and to read either his works on
+Ireland and Wales, translated in Bohn&rsquo;s
+library, or Mr. Henry Owen&rsquo;s brilliant
+and delightful volume, &ldquo;Gerald the
+Welshman,&rdquo; my indebtedness to which
+I wish to acknowledge. Gerald tells us
+many miracles; but he has himself performed
+a miracle as wonderful as any he
+relates; he has kept all the charm and
+freshness of youth for more than seven
+hundred years.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76"><!-- blank page --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77"><!-- duplicate title --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg&nbsp;78]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 399px;">
+<img src="images/mwspl02th.png" width="399" height="500" alt="" />
+<span class="link"><a href="images/mwspl02.png">See larger image</a></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="caption">CASTLES &amp; RELIGIOUS HOUSES. (12<sup>th</sup> &amp; 13<sup>th</sup> Centuries)</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg&nbsp;79]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>IV</h2>
+
+<h3>CASTLES</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">W</span>ALES is pre-eminently the land
+of castles. There are between
+thirty and forty in Glamorgan alone.
+The accompanying map, though it is by
+no means exhaustive, shows the general
+lie of the castles, which may be divided
+into three groups, having as their respective
+bases Chester, Shrewsbury, and Gloucester.
+But though there is some evidence of an
+organised plan for the conquest of Wales
+in the time of William Rufus, it is useless
+to look for any great and general system
+of offence or defence, because most of the
+castles were not built by a centralised
+government with any such object in view,
+but by individuals to guard their own
+territories and protect their independence
+against either their neighbours or the
+English king. The great age of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg&nbsp;80]</a></span>
+castle-building was between 1100 and 1300.
+Castles play a very small part in the
+fighting in Wales till the end of the eleventh
+century. Before that time indeed there
+were few stone castles anywhere; the
+usual type, even of the early Norman
+castles, was a moated mound surrounded
+by wooden palisades. One hears for
+instance of a castle being built by William
+the Conqueror in eight days. An example
+of this early type of fortress was Pembroke
+Castle at the end of the eleventh century,
+&ldquo;a slender fortress of stakes and turf,&rdquo;
+which had the good fortune to be in
+charge of Gerald of Windsor, grandfather
+of Giraldus Cambrensis. It stood several
+sieges, which shows that the siege engines
+of the Welsh were of a very poor and
+primitive type. One of these sieges was
+turned into a blockade, and the garrison
+was nearly reduced by starvation. The
+constable had recourse to a time-honoured
+ruse. &ldquo;With great prudence he caused
+four hogs which still remained to be cut
+into small pieces and thrown down among
+the enemy. The next day he had recourse
+to a more refined stratagem: he contrived
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg&nbsp;81]</a></span>
+that a letter from him should fall into the
+hands of the enemy stating that there was
+no need for assistance for the next four
+months.&rdquo; The besiegers were taken in
+and dispersed to their homes.</p>
+
+<p>The characteristic types of castles in the
+twelfth century were the rectangular keep
+and the shell keep; in the thirteenth the
+concentric castle. Of the two last we have
+splendid examples in Cardiff and Caerphilly.
+Of rectangular keeps there are very few in
+Wales&mdash;Chepstow is the only important
+one&mdash;though there are several on the
+borders, notably Ludlow. The square
+keep seems to us most characteristic of
+Norman military architecture; the Tower
+of London, Rochester, Newcastle, Castle
+Rising, are well-known examples, and there
+are many more in a good state of preservation;
+there are many more solid square
+keeps than shell keeps well preserved, but
+this is simply due to the greater solidity
+of the former; the shell keeps were far
+more numerous in the twelfth century;
+and the reasons for this are obvious&mdash;the
+rectangular keep was much more expensive
+to build, and it was too heavy to erect on
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg&nbsp;82]</a></span>
+the artificial mounds on which the Norman
+architects generally founded their castles.</p>
+
+<p>The keep of Cardiff Castle is one of the
+most perfect shell keeps in existence. It
+is built on a round artificial mound, surrounded
+by a wide and deep moat&mdash;the
+mound and moat being, of course, complements
+of each other. Such mounds and
+moats are common in all parts of England,
+and in Normandy. They are not Roman,
+nor British, nor are they, as Mr. G.&nbsp;T.
+Clark maintained, characteristic of Anglo-Saxon
+work. They are essentially Norman,
+and a good representation of the
+making of such a mound may be seen in
+the Bayeux Tapestry, under the heading&mdash;&lsquo;He
+orders them to dig a castle.&rsquo; When
+was the Cardiff mound made? Perhaps
+the short entry in the Brut gives the
+answer: &ldquo;1080, the building of Cardiff
+began.&rdquo; It would then be surrounded by
+wooden palisades, and surmounted by a
+timber structure, as a newly made mound
+would not stand the masonry. The shell
+keep was probably built by Robert of
+Gloucester, and it was probably in the
+gate-house of this keep, that Robert of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg&nbsp;83]</a></span>
+Normandy was imprisoned. A shell keep
+was a ring wall eight or ten feet thick,
+about thirty feet high, not covered in, and
+enclosing an open courtyard, round which
+were placed the buildings&mdash;light structures,
+often wooden sheds, abutting on the ring
+wall&mdash;such as one may see now in the
+courtyard of Castell Coch. The shell keep
+was the centre of Robert&rsquo;s castle, but not
+the whole. From this time dated the
+great outer walls on the south and west&mdash;walls
+forty feet high and ten feet thick
+and solid throughout. The north and
+east and part of the south sides of the castle
+precincts are enclosed by banks of earth,
+beneath which, the walls of a Roman camp
+have recently been discovered. These
+banks were capped by a slight embattled
+wall. Outside along the north, south and
+east fronts was a moat, formerly fed
+by the Taff through the Mill leat stream
+which ran along the west front. The
+present lodgings, or habitable part of the
+castle built on either side of the great west
+wall, date mostly from the fifteenth century.
+The earlier lodgings were, perhaps, on the
+same site&mdash;though only inside the wall; a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg&nbsp;84]</a></span>
+great lord did not as a rule live in the
+keep, except in times of danger.</p>
+
+<p>The area of the enclosure is about ten
+acres&mdash;more suited to a Roman garrison
+than to a lord marcher of the twelfth
+century. That the castle was difficult to
+guard is shown by the success of Ivor
+Bach&rsquo;s bold dash, <i>c.</i> 1153-1158. Ivor ap
+Meyric was Lord of Senghenydd, holding
+it of William of Gloucester, the Lord of
+Glamorgan, and, perhaps, had his headquarters
+in the fortress above the present
+Castell Coch. &ldquo;He was,&rdquo; says Giraldus
+Cambrensis, &ldquo;after the manner of the
+Welsh, owner of a tract of mountain land,
+of which the earl was trying to deprive
+him. At that time the Castle of Cardiff
+was surrounded with high walls, guarded
+by 120 men at arms, a numerous body
+of archers and a strong watch. Yet in
+defiance of all this, Ivor, in the dead of
+night secretly scaled the walls, seized the
+earl and countess and their only son, and
+carried them off to the woods; and did not
+release them till he had recovered all that
+had been unjustly taken from him,&rdquo; and a
+goodly ransom in addition. Perhaps the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg&nbsp;85]</a></span>
+most permanent result of this episode was
+the building of a wall 30 feet high between
+the keep and the Black Tower&mdash;dividing
+the castle enclosure into two parts and
+forming an inner or middle ward of less
+extent, and less liable to danger from such
+sudden raids.</p>
+
+<p>Cardiff Castle was much more than a
+place of defence; it was the seat of
+government. The bailiff of the Castle
+was <i>ex officio</i> mayor of the town in the
+Middle Ages. The Castle was also the
+head and centre of the Lordship of
+Glamorgan. This was divided into two
+parts&mdash;the shire fee or body, and the
+members. The shire fee was the
+southern part; under a sheriff appointed
+by the chief Lord: the chief landowners
+owed suit and service&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, they attended
+and were under the jurisdiction of the
+shire court held monthly in the castle
+enclosure, and each owed a fixed amount
+of military service&mdash;especially the duty of
+&ldquo;castle-guard&rdquo;&mdash;supplying the garrison
+and keeping the castle in repair. There
+are indications of the work of the shire
+court in some of the castle accounts
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg&nbsp;86]</a></span>
+published in the Cardiff Records, <i>e.g.</i>, in
+1316, an official accounts for 1d., the price
+of &ldquo;a cord bought for the hanging of
+thieves adjudged in the county court:
+stipend of one man hanging those thieves
+4d.&rdquo; The &ldquo;members&rdquo; consisted of ten
+lordships (several of which were in the
+hands of Welsh nobles): these were much
+more independent; each had its own court
+(with powers of life and death), from
+which an appeal lay to the Lord&rsquo;s court at
+Cardiff: generally they owed no definite
+service to the Lord (except homage, and
+sometimes a heriot at death), but on failure
+of heirs the estate lapsed to the chief Lord.
+At Cardiff Castle the Lord had his
+chancery, like the royal chancery on a
+small scale&mdash;issuing writs, recording services
+and grants of privileges, and legal
+decisions: practically the whole of these
+records have been lost&mdash;and our knowledge
+of the organisation of the Lordship
+is mainly derived from the royal records
+at times, when owing to minority or
+escheat, the Lordship was under royal
+administration. The Lord of Glamorgan
+owed homage, but no service to the king;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg&nbsp;87]</a></span>
+and (though this was sometimes disputed
+by his tenants and the royal lawyers), no
+appeal lay from his courts to the king&rsquo;s
+court. The machinery of government
+was probably more complete and elaborate
+in Glamorgan than in any other
+Marcher Lordship.</p>
+
+<p>Caerphilly Castle had not the political
+importance of Cardiff, but far surpasses
+it as a fortress. By the strength and
+position of Caerphilly, one may measure
+the power of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd after
+the Barons&rsquo; War and before the accession
+of Edward I. The Prince of Wales had
+extended his sway down as far as Brecon,
+and Welshmen everywhere were looking
+to him as the restorer of their country&rsquo;s
+independence. Among them was the
+Welsh Lord of Senghenydd, one of
+the chief &ldquo;members&rdquo; of Glamorgan, and
+his overlord probably saw reason to
+suspect his loyalty. An alliance between
+him and Llywelyn would open the lower
+Taff Valley to the Welsh prince and give
+him command of the hill country north of
+Cardiff. It was on the lands of the lord
+of Senghenydd that Gilbert de Clare, Earl
+of Gloucester, built Castell Coch and Caerphilly.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg&nbsp;88]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 361px;">
+<img src="images/mwspl03th.png" width="361" height="500" alt="" />
+<span class="link"><a href="images/mwspl03.png">See larger image</a></span>
+</div>
+
+<p class="caption">CARDIFF CASTLE. (12<sup>th</sup> Century)<br />
+<br />
+CAERPHILLY CASTLE. (13<sup>th</sup> Century)</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg&nbsp;89]</a></span>
+Caerphilly is described by the latest
+historian of the Art of War as the
+grandest specimen of its class; it represents
+the high-water mark of medi&aelig;val
+military architecture in this country, and
+was the model of Edward I.&rsquo;s great castles
+in the north. It illustrates the influence
+of the Crusades on Western Europe,
+being an instance of the &ldquo;concentric&rdquo;
+system of defences, of which the walls
+of Constantinople afford the most magnificent
+example, and which the Crusaders
+adopted in many of their great fortresses
+in the East.</p>
+
+<p>Caerphilly Castle consists of three lines
+of defences, and the way in which these
+supplement each other shows that the
+work in all essentials was designed as
+a great whole; it did not grow up bit by
+bit. There are of course many evidences
+of alterations and rebuilding at later times;
+the buildings in the middle ward, on the
+south side, seem to be later additions; the
+hall appears to have been enlarged, and
+the tracery of the windows suggests the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg&nbsp;90]</a></span>
+fourteenth century; the state-rooms to the
+west of the hall have been much altered;
+but such alterations as appear are confined
+to the habitable part of the castle, and do
+not affect it as a military work. It has
+been suggested that the castle may have
+been greatly enlarged in the latter years
+of Edward II., when it played an important
+part in connection with the
+division of the Gloucester inheritance
+and the younger Despenser&rsquo;s ambitions.
+There are a number of notices of the
+castle in the chronicles and public records
+of that time, but apparently no references
+to any building operations. And the
+unity of plan is evidence that the whole
+dated from the same time.</p>
+
+<p>The castle is built on a tongue of gravel
+nearly surrounded by low, marshy land,
+forming a sort of peninsula; a stream
+on the south running eastwards to the
+Rhymny; and two springs on the north.
+By damming these waters and cutting
+through the tongue of gravel an artificial
+island was secured for the site of the
+castle. The inner ward, or central part
+of the castle, consists of a quadrangle
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg&nbsp;91]</a></span>
+with a large round tower at each corner:
+in the centre of the east and west side
+are massive gate-houses defended by
+portcullises; from the projecting corner
+towers all the intervening wall was commanded.
+The gateways communicate
+with the second line of defence or middle
+ward. This completely encircles the
+inner ward, on a much lower level; it is
+a narrow space bounded by a wall, with
+low, semi-circular bastions at the corners;
+it is commanded at every point from the
+inner ward; the narrowness of the space
+would prevent the concentration of large
+bodies of assailants or the use of
+battering-rams, and communication is at
+several points stopped by walls or buildings
+jutting out from the inner ward. The
+middle ward had strong gate-houses at the
+east and west ends, and was completely
+surrounded by water&mdash;east and west by
+a moat, north and south the moat widens
+into lakes: note how on the north a
+narrow ridge of gravel has been used
+to ensure a water moat on that side, in
+case there was not enough water to flood
+the whole lake. These lakes form part
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg&nbsp;92]</a></span>
+of the third line of defence or outer ward,
+which includes also on the west the &ldquo;horn-work&rdquo;
+and on the east the grand front. The
+horn-work is about three acres in extent,
+surrounded by a wall 15 feet high, which
+is of the nature of an escarpment, the
+ground rising above it. It is entirely surrounded
+by a moat, and connected with
+the middle ward on one side and the
+mainland on the other by drawbridges.
+It would probably be used for grazing
+purposes, and thus would be of great
+value to the garrison; but so far as the
+actual defences of the castle are concerned,
+a lake would have been much
+more effective; the nature of the ground
+would however have prevented this. The
+horn-work was intended to cover the only
+side upon which the castle was open to
+an attack from level ground, and to occupy
+what would otherwise have been a dangerous
+platform.</p>
+
+<p>The eastern side of the outer ward&mdash;the
+grand front&mdash;is a most imposing structure.
+It is a wall about 250 yards long, and in
+some parts 60 feet high, furnished with
+buttresses and projecting towers from
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg&nbsp;93]</a></span>
+which the intervening spaces are easily
+commanded, culminating in the great gate-house
+near the centre, and terminating at
+both ends in clusters of towers which
+protect the sally-ports. On the outside
+is a moat spanned by a double drawbridge.
+The northern part of this front,
+which was probably occupied by stables,
+would in dry weather be the least defensible
+part of the castle; but it was
+cut off from the rest by an embattled wall
+running from the gate-house to the inner
+moat and pierced only by one small and
+portcullised gate. The southern half
+was more important and stronger. It
+crossed the stream at the dam, the walls
+being 15 feet thick where subjected to the
+pressure of the water, and the strong
+group of towers at the end&mdash;on the other
+side of the stream&mdash;guarded the dam on
+which the safety of the castle largely
+depended; the wall and towers here form
+a semicircle, curving back into the edge
+of the lake, so as to avoid the danger of
+being outflanked.</p>
+
+<p>On the inside of the grand front were
+various buildings, such as the mill. This
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg&nbsp;94]</a></span>
+eastern line was divided from the middle
+ward by a moat 45 feet wide&mdash;a space
+which is too wide to be spanned by
+a single drawbridge, and as there are no
+signs of the foundations of a central pier,
+it seems probable that the bridge rested
+on a wooden support, which could be
+removed when necessary, and the assailants
+plunged into the moat below.</p>
+
+<p>There are a large number of interesting
+details connected with both the military
+functions of the castle and its domestic
+economy. There were at least four exits
+(not counting the two water-gates); this
+would give the garrison opportunities of
+harassing assailants by sallies, and would
+make a much larger army necessary in
+order to blockade the castle; contrast the
+single narrow entrance to the Norman
+keep&mdash;high up in the wall and visible to
+all outside. The water-gates are worth
+studying, especially the methods of protecting
+the eastern water-gate&mdash;two grates
+with a shoot above and between them. One
+should notice, too, the &ldquo;splaying&rdquo; of the
+outer wall, by which missiles from the top
+would be projected outwards; and also the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg&nbsp;95]</a></span>
+use of the mill-stream to carry away the
+refuse of the garderobe tower. And there
+are many other points, to which one would
+like to call attention, if time allowed.</p>
+
+<p>The history of Caerphilly in the
+Middle Ages need not detain us long.
+It was besieged by Llywelyn in 1271,
+while it was being built. Llywelyn
+declared he could have taken it in three
+days if he had not been persuaded to
+submit the dispute to the arbitration of
+the king. It is clear that the castle was
+not finished; shortly after this Gilbert de
+Clare obtained license from the king to
+&ldquo;enditch&rdquo; the castle: such license was
+not, as a rule, required in the Marches
+(as it was in England) and was only
+necessary now because the king was acting
+as arbitrator. The Earl of Gloucester
+kept possession. We next hear of it in
+1315, when it resisted the attack of
+Llywelyn Bren. It was then in the
+hands of the king, pending the division
+of the Gloucester inheritance among the
+three co-heiresses. In 1318 Caerphilly,
+with the rest of Glamorgan, was granted
+to the younger Despenser, who perhaps
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg&nbsp;96]</a></span>
+enlarged the hall and made the other
+alterations referred to above. Edward II.
+was there for a few days when flying for
+his life; had he trusted to Caerphilly,
+instead of fleeing further through South
+Wales, he might have saved his head and
+his crown; at any rate, there would have
+been a great siege to add to the history
+of medi&aelig;val warfare. The king&rsquo;s adherents
+held out in Caerphilly for months,
+and only surrendered when, the king
+being dead, there was nothing more to
+fight for, and they were allowed to go
+free. Happy is the castle which has no
+history. The perfection of Caerphilly as a
+fortress saved it from serious attacks.</p>
+
+<p>In conclusion, I will give two illustrations
+of the relations between the garrison
+of a castle and those outside. The first
+refers to Swansea. There is a curious
+Charter of King John to the good men
+of Swansea, in which he releases them
+from the &ldquo;custom of eating&rdquo; forced on
+them by the men of the castle. This
+would be a solid variation of the liquid
+scot-ales or free drinks which officials
+and garrisons were in the habit of exacting
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg&nbsp;97]</a></span>
+from their neighbours, and which were
+among the most persistent grievances in
+the Middle Ages.</p>
+
+<p>The second concerns Builth, and is
+taken from the Patent Rolls of Edward II.
+in 1315. Builth was then in the hands
+of the king, to whom the townsfolk
+appeal for redress of grievances. The
+community complain that, though they are
+only bound to carry timber to the castle
+twice a week, they are often forced to
+carry it three times a week and more,
+and victuals too; and the men of the
+castle compel them to plough their lands
+and cut their corn, and hold them to
+ransom if they refuse; and they carry
+away from the houses of the said complainants
+divers kind of victuals&mdash;lambs,
+geese, hens, &amp;c.&mdash;and pay only one quarter
+of their value, or nothing at all; and
+though the complainants gave the keeper
+of the castle &pound;120 that they might be free
+from such oppressions, he took the money
+and oppresses them just the same. Further,
+the courts which the people have to
+attend are multiplied; and recently the
+court was held at a time when so great
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg&nbsp;98]</a></span>
+a flood had happened that neither horsemen
+nor footmen could approach the
+court, and so thirty-six men and women,
+fearing the cruelty of the bailiffs, entered
+a boat and were overwhelmed in the rush
+of the river. And one night men of the
+castle, maliciously seeking occasion against
+the commonalty of the town, went out of
+the castle and pretended to besiege it and
+shot arrows at it; and then secretly re-entered
+the castle and declared the townsfolk
+had been attacking the castle. And
+on this account many burgesses were
+imprisoned in the castle and ill-treated,
+and their swine maliciously killed. And
+things are so intolerable that many of the
+greater burgesses have left the country,
+and the residue, without speedy remedy,
+cannot remain.</p>
+
+<p>Life was evidently dull in a castle:
+one had to play practical jokes to relieve
+the monotony; and life was anything but
+pleasant outside a castle. The castles of
+Wales are much more attractive to us
+to-day than they were to those who lived
+in them or round them six or seven
+hundred years ago.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"><!-- duplicate title --></a></span></p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100"><!-- blank page --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg&nbsp;101]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>V</h2>
+
+<h3>RELIGIOUS HOUSES</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">I</span>N speaking of the Religious Houses
+in Wales I shall deal with those
+which flourished in the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries&mdash;the period we have
+hitherto been studying&mdash;though it is
+tempting to go back to the glories of
+the old Welsh monasteries of the sixth
+century, such as Llantwit Major and
+Bangor Iscoed, whose dim memories must
+always exercise a strong fascination. The
+monasteries of this early type had fallen
+on evil days in Wales, as in Ireland and
+elsewhere, before the twelfth century,
+many had been wiped out by the Danes;
+and those that remained seem to have lost
+the spirit of life (save in a few distant
+islands or inaccessible mountains), and
+made no struggle for existence against the
+vigorous invasion of the new monasticism.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg&nbsp;102]</a></span>
+We shall be concerned with two kinds
+of religious houses&mdash;namely, the houses of
+monks and the houses of friars. And,
+first, let us consider in briefest outline the
+main course of development of the religious
+orders in the Roman Church. The Rule
+of St. Benedict (&#8224;541) was adopted by all
+monks: the essential features of it were
+prayer, labour, silence, a common life and
+common property. But among the early
+Benedictines each monastery was independent
+and self-governing, though an
+abbey might have priories in some measure
+connected with it. The result was that in
+the course of time the discipline and life of
+monasteries varied infinitely; and there
+was no co-operation for self-defence among
+the various monasteries. Hence in the
+tenth century arose the Cluniac order&mdash;the
+first attempt at organisation&mdash;the
+Abbot of Clugny became head of a vast
+number of monasteries in different countries
+of Europe; the priors of these owed
+allegiance to the Abbot of Clugny, were
+appointed by him, and paid revenues to
+the head abbey and the general fund of the
+Order. This organisation was thus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg&nbsp;103]</a></span>
+monarchical&mdash;despotic; the Abbot of Clugny
+was a pope of monasticism. The movement
+acquired enormous influence on the
+Church as a whole, getting control of the
+papacy, insisting that the Church should
+be independent of the State, and that
+celibacy of the clergy should be practically
+enforced. But the Cluniacs instead of withdrawing
+from the world began to dominate
+it, losing many of the essential features
+of monasticism. Hence another reform
+movement arose about 1100, that of the
+Cistercian Order, which is associated with
+the name of St. Bernard. This aimed at
+reviving the Benedictine rule in all its
+strictness, insisting especially on manual
+labour. Cistercian houses were founded
+in desolate places, as far removed from
+populous centres as possible. But the
+Order differed from the early Benedictines
+in organisation. Each Cistercian house
+was independent and self-governing, electing
+its own abbot; but all the abbots were
+bound to come together at stated times for
+general assemblies or chapters, and these
+general assemblies were the supreme governing
+body in the Order. Thus unity was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg&nbsp;104]</a></span>
+established; the organisation was close,
+but not monarchical; the Order was a
+great federation. This is the highest
+point reached in monastic development.</p>
+
+<p>But about the time of the Crusades
+another ideal made itself felt. Hitherto
+the religious man withdrew from the
+world: but, as an old chronicler put it,
+&ldquo;God found out the Crusades as a way
+to reconcile religion and the world&rdquo;&mdash;was
+it not possible to serve God <em>in</em> the
+world? The knight did it; he went on
+fighting, but he fought for the Holy
+Sepulchre. The Military Orders (Templars
+and Hospitallers) combined the life
+of a monk with the life of a soldier. The
+Regular or Augustinian Canons combined
+the life of a monk with the life of a parish
+priest. And this ideal&mdash;new to the Middle
+Ages&mdash;received its highest realisation in the
+Dominican and Franciscan friars. The
+monk left the world in order to become
+religious; the friar aimed at making the
+world religious. The monk&rsquo;s main object
+was to save his own soul; the friar&rsquo;s, to
+save the souls of others.</p>
+
+<p>We will now turn to the monasteries in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg&nbsp;105]</a></span>
+Wales. Of the older Benedictine houses
+there were about fifteen, almost all in South
+Wales, and all except one were not abbeys
+but priories, or cells, <i>i.e.</i>, they were dependent
+on some abbey elsewhere. A number
+of them belonged to some foreign abbey,
+especially the earliest. This was the case
+with the Priory of Monmouth, founded by
+the Breton Wihenoc, which belonged to
+the Abbey of St. Florence of Saumur
+(Anjou); and this was the case too with
+the priories of Abergavenny and Pembroke.
+These &ldquo;alien priories&rdquo; were simply used
+by the abbeys abroad as sources of
+revenue; they were foreign, unpopular,
+and during the French war in the fourteenth
+and fifteenth centuries most of them
+were suppressed and their revenues
+appropriated by the Crown. The same
+applies to the three Cluniac cells established
+in Wales, such as St. Clears, which
+seems only to have contained the prior
+and one monk, who did not live with much
+strictness, though Gerald of Barry says
+the Cluniacs here were better than they
+were abroad, and not nearly so bad as
+the Cistercians. The life of monks in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg&nbsp;106]</a></span>
+these outlying cells, where they were not
+under any supervision, and where there
+was no &ldquo;public opinion&rdquo; of the monastery
+to keep them straight, was generally very
+lax; they lived liked laymen, looking after
+the estates (generally wasting them), and
+without much regard to their vows: &ldquo;they
+lived like beasts,&rdquo; says Gerald. Thus the
+Lord Rhys had to eject the monks from
+one cell, because of the charges brought
+against them by the fathers and husbands
+of the surrounding district, who declared
+that they would leave and go to England
+if the evil was not stopped.</p>
+
+<p>Another class of houses were those
+founded as priories or cells of English
+abbeys. Thus the Priory at Brecon was
+a cell of Battle Abbey, founded by Bernard
+of Newmarch, and largely endowed by the
+Braoses; Ewenny, founded by Maurice
+de Londres, was a cell to St. Peter&rsquo;s,
+Gloucester. All these of course, like the
+alien priories, were founded by the Norman
+conquerors, and for two purposes: Firstly,
+for the souls of the founder and his family,
+a very necessary provision; the Normans
+were in their way a devout people and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg&nbsp;107]</a></span>
+made sacrifices to win the favour of
+heaven. William de Braose used to give
+his clerks &ldquo;something extra&rdquo; for inserting
+pious expressions in his legal documents.
+Secondly, these houses also served as
+castles and stations for garrisons. Take,
+for instance, Ewenny; it is much more
+like a castle than a religious house, with
+its great embattled walls and towers, and
+magnificent gate-house furnished with a
+triple portcullis and &ldquo;shoots,&rdquo; or holes in
+the roof above for pouring molten lead on
+the assailants&rsquo; heads. The De Londres
+family were businesslike as well as pious;
+Ewenny&rsquo;s prime object was to help them
+to gain heaven, it also helped them to gain
+the earth. The close and constant connection
+which these houses maintained
+with their mother abbeys in England and
+abroad always kept them Anglo-Norman
+in sympathies&mdash;foreign garrisons. But
+while recognising this aspect of the monastic
+houses in Wales, one must avoid exaggerating
+it, as, <i>e.g.</i>, Mr. Willis Bund does.
+He regards all the monasteries as founded
+solely with this political object: &ldquo;to
+represent,&rdquo; he says, &ldquo;a Welsh prince as
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg&nbsp;108]</a></span>
+founder of a religious house in South
+Wales after 1066 is representing him as
+the worst of traitors. Bad as the Welsh
+chieftains were, even they would have
+hesitated to introduce into their country
+what were really Norman garrisons;&rdquo;
+and he rejects the idea of a Welsh prince
+founding Strata Florida. Now these
+remarks are only applicable to those
+religious houses which were dependencies
+on some English or foreign abbey; they
+do not apply to the Cistercian monasteries,
+all of which were practically equal and
+self-governing; each elected its own head
+and was not under foreign dictation.
+While the whole Cistercian Order formed
+an united body for purposes of monastic
+life and discipline, each abbey identified
+itself in a very remarkable way with the local
+or national aspirations of the people round,
+from whom its monks were drawn. Some
+of the Cistercian monasteries in Ireland
+refused to admit any Englishman. Some
+of the Cistercian abbeys in Wales were
+the warmest supporters of Welsh independence.</p>
+
+<p>The Welsh princes felt the need of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg&nbsp;109]</a></span>
+providing for the safety of their souls
+just as the Norman barons did, and the
+souls of both parties needed a great deal
+of saving. Further, the Welsh were not
+cut off from the great movements of the
+world; they felt like every other country
+in Europe the waves of religious enthusiasm,
+which resulted in the twelfth century
+in the spread of the Cistercians, in the
+thirteenth century in the spread of the
+friars. In the twelfth century the acts
+most pleasing to God were generally
+thought to be taking the Cross and
+endowing a Cistercian monastery. Again,
+though many of the Welsh chiefs were
+mere creatures of impulse, there were
+others who looked to the future. The
+Lord Rhys was an acute man of the world,
+who was not averse to improving his
+property. He possessed great tracts of
+mountain land, which was practically
+worthless; he saw Cistercian monks
+elsewhere, not exactly making such tracts
+blossom like the rose, but, at any rate,
+utilising them for pasture land, keeping
+flocks of sheep, becoming the great wool-growers
+for all Europe; why should he
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg&nbsp;110]</a></span>
+not hand over his worthless property to
+Cistercians, and by so doing lay up for
+himself treasure in heaven and on earth?
+Mr. Willis Bund says, &ldquo;How unnatural
+for any Welsh prince to found a Cistercian
+abbey!&rdquo; Surely it was the most natural
+thing in the world.</p>
+
+<p>The Cistercians had far greater influence
+in Wales than any other monastic order.
+The Cistercian abbeys were Aberconway,
+Basingwerk, Valle Crucis, Strata Marcella,
+Cymer, Strata Florida, Cwm Hir, Whitland,
+Neath, Margam, Llantarnam,
+Tintern, Grace Dieu, Dore. We have in
+Gerald a very unfavourable and prejudiced
+witness on the Cistercians. He tells with
+pious horror and human satisfaction the
+story of the abbot of Strata Marcella, who
+was a great founder of nunneries, and at
+length eloped with a nun (he soon repented
+and came back to his abbey, preferring the
+bread and water of affliction to the nun).
+Gerald had a personal grudge against the
+Cistercians; wanting to raise money he
+had pawned his library to the monks of
+Strata Florida, and when he tried to
+redeem the books they declared they had
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg&nbsp;111]</a></span>
+bought them, and would not give them
+up.</p>
+
+<p>The Cistercians certainly drove hard bargains,
+and insisted on their rights to the
+uttermost farthing. In reading the history of
+any of these Cistercian houses&mdash;the history,
+say, of Margam by Mr. Trice Martin&mdash;one&rsquo;s
+first feeling is one of disappointment:
+it is nearly all about property. When one
+looks through to find evidences of spiritual
+influence one finds instead prosecutions
+for poaching. Did they have schools and
+teach the youth of the country round? I
+have found no evidence of it. Why
+should they? Monks never professed to
+be learned men or to be teachers. Many
+were both, but it was a disputed question
+whether they were not in this contravening
+their rule. At any rate, it was going outside
+their duty. Their business was to
+serve God&mdash;to perform divine services&mdash;and
+in the intervals to keep out of mischief
+by manual labour, and to perform works of
+charity. Margam was specially famous for
+this last.</p>
+
+<p>Margam Abbey was founded by Robert
+of Gloucester, in 1147, and the brother of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg&nbsp;112]</a></span>
+St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, the most
+important man in Europe in his time, came
+over to arrange about the establishment of
+the house. It was endowed with lands by
+both English and Welsh, such as the Earl
+of Gloucester and the Lord of Senghenydd.
+William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke,
+granted the monks freedom from toll in all
+his boroughs in Wales and Ireland. The
+Braoses gave them the privilege of &ldquo;buying
+and selling freely all manner of merchandise
+without toll&rdquo; in Gower, and they
+had the right to all wrecks along the coast
+near Kenfig. We find the abbot asserting
+his fishing rights sometimes by excommunicating
+poachers, sometimes by the
+more effective method of haling them
+before the Shire Court at Cardiff and
+getting them fined 3d. a head. The
+monks of Margam obtained also a footing
+in Bristol through the Earls of Gloucester,
+a great commercial advantage to them for
+the sale of their wool both in England and
+abroad.</p>
+
+<p>Their lands and privileges were not
+always, of course, free gifts. Thus in the
+twelfth century Gilbert Burdin grants land
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg&nbsp;113]</a></span>
+to Margam, and in return the abbot gives
+20s. to the grantor, a gold coin to his wife,
+and red shoes to each of his children. In
+1325 John Nichol, of Kenfig, gave his property
+to the abbey in return for a life
+annuity. He was to receive daily one loaf,
+two cakes, and a gallon of beer; also
+6s. 8d. for wages, four pairs of shoes (price
+12d.), a quarter of oats, and pasture for
+two beasts.</p>
+
+<p>The annual revenue of Margam was
+returned as 500 marks in 1383, but before
+that time the abbey had suffered severely
+from inundations, sea and sand covering
+whole villages and much of the best property
+of the house; and the finances were
+in a bad way. These were improved by
+grants of the tithes of parish churches&mdash;a
+favourite form of gift to a monastery, but
+a great scandal. The rectorial tithes were
+paid to a monastery, while the monks at
+best put in some under-paid vicar to look
+after the parish. Generally, wherever there
+is a vicar instead of a rector in England or
+Wales the explanation is the appropriation
+of the tithes by a monastery.</p>
+
+<p>What did Margam do with its income?
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg&nbsp;114]</a></span>
+The first charge was the support of about
+forty monks and forty lay brethren. Next
+there were the construction and keeping in
+repair of the church and other monastic
+buildings; and, thirdly, the expense of
+charity and hospitality. The monasteries
+were the hotels of the Middle Ages, except
+that they made no charges, and Margam
+was celebrated for its hospitality for centuries.
+Gerald, the enemy of monks, says:
+&ldquo;This noble abbey was more celebrated for
+its charitable deeds than any other of that
+order in Wales. And as a reward for that
+abundant charity which the monastery had
+always, in times of need, exercised towards
+strangers and the poor, in a season of
+approaching famine their corn and provisions
+were divinely increased, like the
+widow&rsquo;s cruse of oil.&rdquo; Two centuries
+later we find the Pope bearing witness
+to the well-known and universal hospitality
+of the Abbey of Margam. It was
+placed on the main road between Bristol
+and Ireland, at a distance from other places
+of refuge, and so was continually overrun by
+rich and poor strangers, the poor evidently
+preponderating. In this connection I will
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg&nbsp;115]</a></span>
+give one instance of wise charity on the
+part of these monks from the end of the
+twelfth century. Hugh, son of Robert of
+Llancarven, gives the abbey some land in
+return for &ldquo;four marks of silver and a young
+ox, given to him in his great need by the
+Abbot.&rdquo; The monastery performed some
+of the services of the modern bank.</p>
+
+<p>Strata Florida presents some different
+characteristics. Like most Cistercian
+houses, it lay off the beaten track. It
+was founded in 1164 by the Lord Rhys,
+near the site of an older monastery. It
+was endowed with large expanse of lands,
+mostly mountain pastures, and the monks
+soon began building their church and refectory
+and cloister. The monastery was
+completed in 1201, when &ldquo;the monks came
+to the new church, which had been erected
+of splendid workmanship.&rdquo; The architectural
+details of this church are peculiar and
+almost unique. Mr. S.&nbsp;W. Williams notices
+especially the large amount of interlacing
+work in the carving, which one sees in the
+old Celtic crosses, and which is so characteristic
+of Celtic art. The convent seems to
+have become very soon essentially Welsh.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg&nbsp;116]</a></span>
+Nearly all the abbots have Welsh names.
+It was the burial-place of the princes of
+South Wales; but as they were, after the
+Lord Rhys, quite unimportant, its political
+interest is connected with the princes of
+Gwynedd. When in the thirteenth century
+the princes of North Wales were attracting
+the allegiance of the South Welsh also
+they found Strata Florida a convenient
+place for important political assemblies.
+It was here that Llywelyn ap Iorwerth
+summoned all the Welsh chiefs to do
+homage to his son David. The monastery
+suffered damage during the wars of
+Edward I., who in 1284 granted it &pound;78
+for repairs. But it suffered the worst
+injuries during the rebellion of Owen
+Glyndwr, when the English troops used
+it as a barracks, and stabled their horses in
+church and choir.</p>
+
+<p>The patriotic tone of Strata Florida is
+expressed in the Welsh chronicles written
+there. The later part of the <i>Annales
+Cambri&aelig;</i> was written there, and the Brut y
+Tywysogion. At Margam also a chronicle
+was composed which has been preserved.
+When an abbey decided to begin a chronicle,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg&nbsp;117]</a></span>
+the first step was to borrow a chronicle
+from some other house; thus Margam,
+founded by Robert of Gloucester, copied
+out the Chronicle of William of Malmesbury,
+which was dedicated to Robert of
+Gloucester. The monks of Strata Florida
+copied out the earlier portion of the <i>Annales
+Cambri&aelig;</i>. These chronicles of course only
+became of historical value when they
+become independent and contemporary.
+They do not confine themselves to the
+monastery or local history, but relate
+events of general interest&mdash;to the whole of
+Britain and to all Europe&mdash;intermixed
+with notices of the burning of a monastic
+barn or the death of the local abbot.
+Knowledge of the great world came to an
+abbey through the travellers who stayed
+there; through political or ecclesiastical
+assemblies held there; and through public
+documents sent to the monks for safekeeping
+or to be copied. We generally do
+not know who wrote these chronicles; they
+were rather the work of the community than
+of the individual monks. &ldquo;Every year (so
+runs a regulation on the subject) the volume
+is placed in the <i>scriptorium</i>, with loose sheets
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg&nbsp;118]</a></span>
+of paper or parchment attached to it, in
+which any monk may enter notes of events
+which seem to him important. At the end
+of the year, not any one who likes, but he to
+whom it is commanded, shall write in the
+volume as briefly as he can what he thinks
+of all these loose notes is truest and best to
+be handed down to posterity.&rdquo; &ldquo;Thus it
+was that a monastic chronicle grew, like a
+monastic house, by the labour of different
+hands and at different times; but of the
+heads that planned it, of the hands that
+executed it, no satisfactory record was
+preserved. The individual is lost in the
+community.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Coming now to the Friaries in Wales,
+we find ourselves in a different atmosphere.
+The friars were not troubled with
+questions of property: they had none;
+they depended for their livelihood on the
+alms of the faithful. Again, speaking
+generally, one may say that while the
+Benedictine priory is found under the
+shadow of a castle, and the Cistercian
+abbey in the heart of the country, the
+friaries were built in the slums of the
+towns. As there were few towns in Wales,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg&nbsp;119]</a></span>
+the houses of the Mendicant Orders were
+not numerous or important. The Dominicans
+(or Black Friars) had houses at
+Bangor, Rhuddlan, Brecon, Haverfordwest,
+and Cardiff; the Franciscans (or Grey
+Friars) at Cardiff, Carmarthen, and Llanfaes;
+the Carmelites (or White Friars) at
+Denbigh; and the Austin Friars at Newport
+in Monmouthshire. It is remarkable that
+the Dominicans had more houses in Wales
+than the Franciscans; though the Franciscans&mdash;the
+mystic apostles of love&mdash;were
+more in sympathy with the Celtic spirit
+than the Dominicans, the stern champions
+of orthodoxy. Francis of Assisi strove to
+reproduce again on earth the life of Christ&mdash;in
+the letter and in the spirit; and the
+religious poetry of Wales in the thirteenth
+century is saturated with Franciscan feeling&mdash;full
+of intense realisation of the childhood
+and suffering of Christ, the humanity
+of God. This may be illustrated by the
+following poem by a Welsh friar of the
+thirteenth century, Madawc ap Gwallter:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">&ldquo;A Son is given us,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">A kind Son is born ...<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">A Son to save us,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">The best of Sons.<br /></span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg&nbsp;120]</a></span>
+<span class="i0">A God, a man,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And the God a man<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">With the same faculties.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">A great little giant,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">A strong puny potentate<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Of pale cheeks.<br /></span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Richly poor<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Our father and brother,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Exalted, lowly,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Honey of minds;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">With the ox and ass,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The Lord of life<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Lies in a manger;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And a heap of straw<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">As a chair,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Clothed in tatters;<br /></span>
+</div>
+
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Velvet He wants not,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nor white ermine&mdash;<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">To cover Him;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Around His couch<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Rags were seen<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Instead of fine linen.&rdquo;<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>I do not know the dates of the foundations
+of the Welsh Franciscan houses; the
+dates given in Mr. Newell&rsquo;s scholarly
+&ldquo;History of the Church in Wales&rdquo; are
+impossible. Llanfaes is said to have been
+established by Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, and
+Franciscan influence would come to Wales
+through Thomas the Welshman, Bishop
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg&nbsp;121]</a></span>
+of St. David&rsquo;s (1247), who had been
+lecturer to the Franciscans at Oxford, and
+was famous for his piety and learning.
+Another Franciscan I wish to mention is
+Friar John the Welshman, who in his old
+age was employed to negotiate with the
+Welsh in 1282. He had studied and
+taught at Oxford and Paris, and made a
+creditable show beside such intellectual
+giants as Thomas Aquinas and Roger
+Bacon, his contemporaries. The widespread
+and lasting popularity of his works
+is shown by the large number of manuscripts
+and early printed editions which have come
+down to us. But his chief interest and life-work
+was the popularisation of knowledge
+in the service of morality. He devoted
+his energies to training up lecturers who
+should go to the Franciscan friaries in the
+chief towns in England and Wales and
+teach friars and clergy the art of popular
+preaching. Friar John of Wales was one
+of the chief inspirers of the &ldquo;University
+Extension&rdquo; movement of the Middle Ages.
+These popular preachers or lecturers did
+not do much for the advancement of sound
+learning, because they did not study any
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg&nbsp;122]</a></span>
+science for its own sake, but only for the
+moral lessons they could find in it. But,
+to rouse some intellectual interest in the
+people at large, and stimulate their moral
+sense, was a work not unworthy of the
+universities; and this aim was to some
+degree attained. One of the favourite
+ways of spending a holiday in the Middle
+Ages was to go and hear a friar preach.
+Here is a summary of a friar&rsquo;s sermon
+constructed after the method of Friar John
+of Wales, on the relative merits of the Ass
+and the Pig.</p>
+
+<p>&ldquo;The pig and the ass live not the same
+life: for the pig during his life does no
+good, but eats and swills and sleeps; but
+when he is dead, then do men make much
+of him. The ass is hard at work all his
+days and does good service to many; but
+when he dies, there is no profit. And that
+is the way of the world. Some do no good
+thing while they live, but eat and drink
+and wax fat, and then they are dragged off
+to the larder of hell, and others enrich
+themselves with their goods. Whereby I
+know that those, who for God&rsquo;s sake live
+the life of holy poverty, shall never lack
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg&nbsp;123]</a></span>
+substance, because their heavenly Father
+has pigs to kill. For as the good man
+before the season will kill a pig or two to
+give puddings to his children, so will our
+Lord kill those hardened sinners before
+their time, and give their goods to the
+children of God. So the psalmist says:
+&lsquo;The bloodthirsty and deceitful men shall
+not live out half their days,&rsquo; because they
+do no work to keep their bodies healthy.
+Nothing is so healthful for body and soul
+as honest work. Work is the life of man,
+the guardian of health; work drives away
+sin, and makes people sleep well at night.
+Work is the strength of feebleness, the
+health of sickness, the salvation of men,&mdash;quickener
+of the senses, foe of sloth,
+nurse of happiness, a duty in the young
+and in the old a merit. Therefore it is
+better to be an ass than a pig.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>One of the most able of these &ldquo;extension
+lecturers&rdquo; was another Welshman&mdash;probably
+a native of Cardiff&mdash;Friar John David,
+whose lectures at Hereford were so successful
+that after a year both the friars and the
+clergy of the city declared he was indispensable,
+and petitioned for his reappointment.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg&nbsp;124]</a></span>
+He became the head of the Franciscan
+province of England, and lies buried
+among the ruins of the church of the Grey
+Friars in Cardiff.</p>
+
+
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125"><!-- duplicate title --></a></span></p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126"><!-- blank page --></a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg&nbsp;127]</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>VI</h2>
+
+<h3>LLYWELYN AP GRUFFYDD AND THE BARONS&rsquo; WAR</h3>
+
+
+<p><span class="dropcap">T</span>HROUGHOUT the twelfth and
+thirteenth centuries the history of
+England and the history of Wales are so
+closely bound up together that it is impossible
+to study either apart from the
+other. In illustration of this general
+statement I will ask you to consider briefly
+the history of twelve years, from 1255 to
+1267&mdash;a period of special interest to us,
+because these are the years in which
+Llywelyn&rsquo;s power was founded and built
+up.</p>
+
+<p>In 1255 occurred three events of great
+importance to Wales: (1) Llywelyn overthrew
+his brothers in battle; (2) Edward
+Longshanks took possession of his Chester
+estates; (3) Edmund Crouchback was
+formally proclaimed king of Sicily.</p>
+
+<p>1. David, younger son of Llywelyn ap
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg&nbsp;128]</a></span>
+Iorwerth, died in 1246, leaving no descendants,
+and the Principality was seized
+by the three sons of his elder brother
+Gruffydd&mdash;Owain the Red, Llywelyn, and
+David. For some years they held
+together, because Henry III. opposed the
+accession of any of them, claiming the
+Principality as a lapsed fief under a treaty
+made with the last prince, David ap
+Llywelyn. But after a time the king
+accepted the homage and recognised the
+rights of the sons of Gruffydd. Being
+thus freed from direct hostility of the
+English king, the joint rulers soon
+quarrelled, and came to open war in 1255.
+&ldquo;By the instigation of the devil,&rdquo; says
+the Brut y Tywysogion, &ldquo;a great dissension
+arose between the sons of
+Gruffydd&mdash;namely, Owain the Red and
+David on the one side, and Llywelyn on
+the other. And thereupon Llywelyn and
+his men awaited without fear, trusting in
+God, at Bryn Derwin the cruel coming
+of his brother accompanied by a vast
+army, and before the end of one hour
+Owain was taken and David fled, after
+many of the army were killed and others
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg&nbsp;129]</a></span>
+captured, and the rest had taken to flight.
+And then Owain the Red was imprisoned;
+and Llywelyn took possession of the
+territory of Owain and David without
+any opposition.&rdquo; Thus Gwynedd was
+united under one ruler.</p>
+
+<p>2. It was the policy of Henry III. to
+collect the earldoms into the hands of his
+relations. Thus the great palatine earldom
+of Chester, having lapsed to the
+Crown through failure of heirs, was granted
+in 1254 to the king&rsquo;s eldest son, Edward.
+Besides Chester and its dependencies
+Edward received Montgomery and the
+royal lands in South Wales (Cardigan
+and Carmarthen), Ireland and Gascony&mdash;in
+fact all the territory outside England
+over which the king had rights. These
+possessions were calculated to give the
+heir to the throne a varied experience and
+splendid training in the art of government.
+Edward was in need of such training, as
+the story of his early years shows. He
+was only sixteen years of age in 1255, but
+in the Middle Ages men lived short lives
+and matured very early. Edward was
+married in 1254, and had much experience
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg&nbsp;130]</a></span>
+in war and statesmanship before he was
+twenty. It was a wild time, and young
+Edward was among the wildest spirits;
+as he rode through the country, accompanied
+by his two hundred followers&mdash;mostly
+rollicking and arrogant foreign
+adventurers&mdash;who robbed and devastated
+the land, and thrashed and even mutilated
+passers-by for fun, people looked forward
+with great fear to the accession of such a
+ruffian. A few years of responsibility,
+and failure, soon changed him into the
+noblest and most law-abiding of the
+Plantagenets. It was Wales which gave
+him his first lesson. He first tried his
+hand at the reorganisation of the &ldquo;Middle
+Country,&rdquo; making it &ldquo;shire-land,&rdquo; introducing
+the English law and administrative
+system; the same policy was put in force
+in Cardigan and Carmarthen, which formed
+one shire with a Shiremoot and the usual
+institutions of an English county. Some
+Welshmen had already petitioned the king
+for the introduction of English law into
+Wales, complaining that by Welsh law
+the crime of the guilty is visited on the
+innocent relations. At best it was a task
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg&nbsp;131]</a></span>
+which required very careful management,
+and Edward and his advisers were as
+yet quite unfitted for it, prone as they
+were to violent methods, having an
+insolent contempt for all customs and
+habits which differed from those to
+which they were used, and all classes
+except their own. The result is thus
+expressed by the Welsh chronicler: After
+Edward returned to England, &ldquo;the nobles
+of Wales came to Llywelyn, having been
+robbed of their liberties and made captives,
+and declared they would rather be killed
+in war for their liberty than suffer themselves
+to be trampled on by strangers.
+And Llywelyn was moved at their tears,
+and invaded the Middle Country and subdued
+it all before the end of the week.&rdquo;
+In this work Llywelyn was assisted by
+descendants of Rhys, the princes of South
+Wales, who in Cardigan suffered from
+Prince Edward&rsquo;s policy in the same way
+as the men of the Middle Country or Four
+Cantreds. This union of North and South
+Wales is one of the special characteristics
+of the struggle under Llywelyn ap
+Gruffydd. That the Welsh of the North
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg&nbsp;132]</a></span>
+should join those of the South was, notes
+Matthew Paris, &ldquo;a circumstance never
+known before.&rdquo; And Llywelyn was
+statesman enough to see the importance
+of this union and take steps to strengthen
+it. After recovering the Middle Country,
+he marched south, took possession of
+Cardigan and Builth&mdash;then a possession
+of the Crown, though in the custody of
+Mortimer&mdash;and gave these districts to
+Meredydd, grandson of the Lord Rhys,
+to hold as vassal&mdash;a wise measure,
+intended to bind the South to him by
+common interests. Matthew Paris, who
+holds up the Welsh resistance to tyranny
+as an example to the English, puts in
+Llywelyn&rsquo;s mouth a striking speech in
+favour of unity: &ldquo;Let us then stand firm
+together; for if we remain inseparable we
+shall be insuperable&rdquo;&mdash;the very words of
+Gerald of Barry, whose advice had borne
+some fruit. But Meredydd soon proved
+a traitor, and the failure of Henry III.&rsquo;s
+campaign in 1257 was less due to the
+union of the Welsh than to the disunion
+of the English.</p>
+
+<p>3. This brings us to the third event
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg&nbsp;133]</a></span>
+referred to above&mdash;the proclamation of
+Edmund as King of Sicily. The Pope
+was trying to conquer Sicily, but wanted
+some one else to pay the war budget.
+After trying various people he induced
+Henry III. to accept the crown of Sicily
+for Edmund and promise enormous sums
+for the payment of the papal armies, and
+pledge his whole kingdom as security for
+the payment. This, coming on the top of
+many years of misgovernment and a long
+series of extortions, led directly to the
+crisis of the reign&mdash;the revolution known
+as the Provisions of Oxford in 1258, by
+which the powers of government were
+taken away from the Crown and given to
+committees of barons.</p>
+
+<p>The disaffection against Henry III. at
+once made itself felt in the Welsh war.
+&ldquo;Those who had promised the king
+assistance did not come;&rdquo; and when the
+whole knighthood of England were called
+out to meet at Chester, only &ldquo;manifold
+complaints and murmurs were heard.&rdquo;
+We might have expected the Marcher
+Lords at any rate to rally round the king;
+but they were not disposed to assist in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg&nbsp;134]</a></span>
+building up a royal power in Wales which
+would endanger their independence, and
+were glad enough to stand by and see
+the scheme thwarted. Some of them
+even went so far as to send secret
+information to the Welsh prince. The
+king had to retreat ingloriously, pursued
+by Llywelyn, and followed by the
+derisive sneers of the enemy. It may
+interest some of us to note that in this war
+the English army fought, as often, under
+the Dragon standard; probably the
+Dragon made in 1244 by Edward Fitz
+Odo, the King&rsquo;s goldsmith, who was commanded
+to make it &ldquo;in the manner of a
+standard or ensign, of red samit, to be
+embroidered with gold, and his tongue to
+appear as though continually moving, and
+his eyes of sapphire or other stones
+agreeable to him.&rdquo; This was in 1257;
+the king was still less able to attack
+Llywelyn in 1258 and the following years,
+and had to agree to an ignominious truce.</p>
+
+<p>Almost the whole English baronage
+under the leadership of Simon de Montfort,
+Earl of Leicester, and Richard de
+Clare, Earl of Gloucester, combined
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg&nbsp;135]</a></span>
+against the king, who was only supported
+by the royal family and those of
+his foreign relations to whom he had
+given earldoms and baronies and
+bishoprics in England or Wales. If
+Llywelyn had contented himself with
+occupying the royal lands in Wales&mdash;the
+territories granted to Edward&mdash;and with
+seizing Powys, which held to the English
+king, he would have had nothing to fear
+at this time from the English baronage,
+and the Crown was powerless to resist.
+It is clear from the English chroniclers
+that there was a genuine admiration for
+the Welsh resistance on the part of the
+English people. &ldquo;Their cause,&rdquo; says
+Matthew Paris, &ldquo;seemed a just one even
+to their enemies.&rdquo; But Llywelyn attacked
+the great Marcher Lords; it was difficult
+for a champion of Welsh patriotism to
+avoid doing so&mdash;it may be also that
+Llywelyn failed to grasp thoroughly the
+political situation in England, as he certainly
+failed to grasp it after the accession
+of Edward I. The first to suffer severely
+from him was Roger Mortimer, lord of the
+Middle March; thus Llywelyn drove him
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg&nbsp;136]</a></span>
+out of Gwerthrynion and Maelienydd, and
+added these territories to his own. Successes
+like these roused great enthusiasm
+among the Welsh gentry, though they
+excited the alarm and jealousy of some of
+the princes (such as Meredydd, and
+Llywelyn&rsquo;s brother David, who &ldquo;by the
+instigation of the devil&rdquo; deserted the
+cause and went over to the English).
+But the good men of Brecon revolted from
+their lord, the Earl of Hereford, and
+adhered to Llywelyn, who came down and
+received their homage in 1262.</p>
+
+<p>The general situation was altered by
+these events. It became clear to the
+Lords Marchers that their power was
+endangered by Llywelyn&rsquo;s success, and
+that they must make common cause with
+Prince Edward. The Lords Marchers
+began to form the royalist party. Thus
+Mortimer, who in 1258 was among the
+leaders of the baronial opposition to the
+Crown, was in 1260 acting with the king
+against the barons. The Mortimers were
+the most directly affected of all the
+Marchers by the successes of Llywelyn,
+not only because their territories lay near
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg&nbsp;137]</a></span>
+Gwynedd, but because nearly all their lands
+lay in or close to the Marches; they had all
+their eggs in the same basket, while the
+other leading Lords Marchers had large
+possessions elsewhere, from which they
+drew the bulk of their revenues, using
+their March lands as a recruiting-ground
+for their troops. Thus to the De Clares
+their estates in Kent were probably worth
+more as a source of income than the
+whole of Glamorgan; and they also had
+estates in Hertford and Suffolk and
+Hampshire, and elsewhere; the Fitzalans
+were great landowners in Sussex; the
+Bohuns of Hereford had broad acres in
+Huntingdon, Essex, and Hertford. To
+these men the limitation of the royal
+powers&mdash;especially of the power of taxing,
+and the king&rsquo;s right to employ foreigners
+in places of trust&mdash;was more important
+than the checking of Llywelyn&rsquo;s advance,
+which certainly weakened the king and
+made it easier to enforce constitutional
+rights against him.</p>
+
+<p>Still we have here one of the causes
+which broke the unity of the baronage,
+which created a royalist party, and led to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg&nbsp;138]</a></span>
+open war. This has hardly been enough
+emphasised. It is generally said that the
+question on which the barons split was the
+question of the recognition of popular
+representation in the government of the
+country&mdash;the question, in a word, of a
+House of Commons&mdash;Simon de Montfort
+being the leader of the popular cause,
+Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester (till
+his death in July, 1262), the leader of the
+oligarchic party, which aimed merely at
+transferring the royal power to a committee
+of barons. This was undoubtedly the most
+important cause of the quarrel, because
+it was a question of principle big with
+results for the future, affecting the whole
+course of English history, while the
+attitude which the barons ought to take
+towards Llywelyn was merely for the
+barons a matter of political tactics. But
+it is probable that the latter loomed larger
+in the eyes of contemporaries&mdash;certainly
+in the eyes of most of the Lords
+Marchers.</p>
+
+<p>Hence it came about that, when war
+actually broke out in the spring of 1263, the
+elder of the Lords Marchers fought on the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg&nbsp;139]</a></span>
+side of the king&mdash;such as Roger Mortimer
+and Humphrey de Bohun&mdash;though the
+younger men&mdash;young Gilbert of Gloucester
+and Humphrey de Bohun, the son of
+Hereford&mdash;remained under the spell of
+Simon de Montfort&rsquo;s fascination and high-minded
+enthusiasm. The war began in
+the Welsh Marches, Simon attacking
+the forces of Edward of Chester and Roger
+Mortimer&mdash;the principal royalists. As
+these were also the most formidable
+enemies of the Welsh, Llywelyn at the
+same time attacked them from the other
+side, the baronial party and Welsh co-operating,
+though without any formal
+alliance or friendly feelings. Thus in
+1263 the baronial army besieged Shrewsbury,
+which defended itself till &ldquo;a countless
+host&rdquo; of Welshmen, came up and began
+to attack it from the other side; the town
+then surrendered to the barons lest it
+should fall into the hands of the Welsh.</p>
+
+<p>This campaign led to a very great
+defection from the baronial side: the Lord
+Marchers generally&mdash;such as Clifford and
+Fitzalan&mdash;deserted Simon, who appeared
+as a traitor to the country. How great
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg&nbsp;140]</a></span>
+the defection is shown by Simon&rsquo;s words:
+&ldquo;Though all should leave me, yet with
+my four sons I will stand true to the just
+cause, which I have sworn to uphold for
+the honour of the Church and the good of
+the kingdom; I have been in many lands,
+pagan and Christian, but in none have I
+found such faithlessness as in England.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>The royalists were now the strongest
+party in the Marches, and in 1264 Edward
+and Mortimer gained a number of successes
+over the troops of Simon and Llywelyn
+(who seem to have been acting together)
+and captured Brecon. But they were
+called off to the main seat of war in the
+Midlands, and Simon inflicted a crushing
+defeat on the royalists at Lewes, in Sussex,
+1264. It appears that Welsh archers
+fought in Simon&rsquo;s army, but these would
+be South Welsh, not North Welsh, the
+troops of Gilbert de Clare, not those of
+Llywelyn. The Marchers who escaped
+from Lewes were followed up by Simon,
+and being encircled by his forces and those
+of Llywelyn, submitted in December, 1264.</p>
+
+<p>But Simon in the hour of triumph was
+now near his fall, which was made inevitable
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg&nbsp;141]</a></span>
+by the defection of Gilbert de Clare
+and whole of the Gloucester interest. The
+causes of the quarrel as given in the
+chronicles are mainly personal. Simon,
+with all his greatness, was quick-tempered
+and overbearing, inclined to seize power
+for himself, and perhaps even avaricious;
+one may infer this from the statement of a
+friendly chronicler, William Rishanger:
+&ldquo;his habitual prayer to God was that he
+would save him from avarice and covetousness
+of worldly goods.&rdquo; But, apart from
+merely personal questions, it is to be
+noticed that the closer the relations
+between Simon and Llywelyn became,
+the less cordial became his relations to
+Gilbert de Clare. Thus when Simon
+co-operated with Llywelyn in bringing
+Mortimer and the Marchers to submission in
+December, 1264, Gilbert began to intrigue
+with them; and soon after the famous parliament
+of 1265 had transferred to Simon
+the earldom of Chester&mdash;thus relieving
+Llywelyn of his most dangerous neighbour,
+Prince Edward&mdash;Gilbert definitely joined
+Mortimer and Edward. The meeting
+between the three at Ludlow is very
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg&nbsp;142]</a></span>
+important; for Prince Edward now, at
+the instance of Gloucester, definitely
+pledged himself to the cause of reform
+and good government. It may be said
+for the Red Earl of Gloucester that in
+deserting Simon he did not desert his
+cause. To ensure the future of English
+liberties it was no longer necessary to
+support De Montfort: &ldquo;henceforth it
+was not Simon but Edward who best
+represents the cause of orderly national
+progress.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>A few days after the desertion of
+Gloucester Simon made his first formal
+treaty with Llywelyn, ceding to him
+Hawarden, Ellesmere, Montgomery, Maud&rsquo;s
+Castle, a line of fortresses along the eastern
+border, recognising his right to the title of
+Prince of Wales, and to the homage of all
+the Welsh barons, while Llywelyn engaged
+to supply Simon with five thousand spearmen
+and raid the estates of Mortimer and
+De Clare. The first part of the campaign
+of Evesham was carried out in Gwent.
+Prince Edward held the line of the
+Severn, separating Simon at Hereford
+from his English partisans. Simon, while
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg&nbsp;143]</a></span>
+waiting for his English supporters to concentrate,
+entered Monmouthshire, where
+Llywelyn&rsquo;s spearmen joined him and
+ravaged the Gloucester estates, trying to
+entice the royalists into Wales. Edward
+followed; but&mdash;his pupil in war as in
+politics&mdash;the young prince outgeneralled
+him at every point, and Simon only
+escaped at Newport by hurried flight
+across the river, burning the bridge behind
+him. He kept the Usk between him and
+his enemy, but this involved a long march
+north, through mountains and barren
+country, and he got back to Hereford
+with a half-starved army, only to find
+the line of the Severn held more strongly
+than ever. We cannot follow out the rest
+of the campaign, marked as it was by
+brilliant strategy on the part of the young
+Edward, which proved him a born master
+of the art of war. In the final battle all
+the advantages were on his side, and one
+cannot blame the spearmen of Gwynedd
+for trying to save themselves by flight at
+the &ldquo;murder of Evesham.&rdquo; The body of
+the great Earl of Leicester was shamefully
+mutilated by the conquerors, and his head
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg&nbsp;144]</a></span>
+sent as a fitting present to Matilda de
+Braose, wife of Roger Mortimer.</p>
+
+<p>The struggle continued for two years both
+in England and Wales. In England
+Simon&rsquo;s adherents held out owing to the
+severity of the terms which the victorious
+party insisted on. They are known as
+&ldquo;The Disinherited,&rdquo; and their cause was
+championed by the two enemies&mdash;Llywelyn
+and Gilbert de Clare. The &ldquo;Brut&rdquo;
+states that in 1267, &ldquo;Llywelyn confederated
+with Earl Clare; and then the
+earl marched with an immense army to
+London; and through the treachery of the
+citizens he got possession of the Tower.
+And when King Henry and his son
+Edward heard of this they collected an
+immense army and marched to London
+and attacked it, and upon conditions they
+compelled the earl and citizens to submit.&rdquo;
+&ldquo;The Annals of Winchester,&rdquo; a contemporary
+English chronicle, relate the same
+event, but omit any mention of Llywelyn:
+&ldquo;Earl Gilbert took London, and the Disinherited
+flocked to him as to their saviour;
+peace was settled in June, and many of the
+Disinherited were pacified at the instance of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg&nbsp;145]</a></span>
+the Earl of Gloucester.&rdquo; It is clear that
+each of these rivals posed as champion of
+the Disinherited, but for opposite reasons.
+Llywelyn&rsquo;s object was to encourage their
+resistance and keep England divided by
+civil war; Gilbert&rsquo;s to insist on better
+terms in order to induce them to yield.
+Gilbert was successful in bringing about
+peace and reform. The Disinherited were
+allowed to pay a fine instead of losing all
+their property, and many of the legal
+reforms demanded by the baronial party
+at the beginning of the struggle were
+embodied in the Statute of Marlborough.
+And now the Earl of Gloucester employed
+his resources in strengthening his Glamorgan
+lordship to resist the threatened
+invasion of Llywelyn by building Castell
+Coch and Caerphilly.</p>
+
+<p>Llywelyn continued his victorious career
+as long as war lasted. In 1266 he inflicted
+a crushing defeat on Mortimer at Brecon.
+In the autumn of next year, when peace
+had been established in England, he came
+to terms, through the mediation of the
+papal legate, in the Treaty of Montgomery.
+Llywelyn kept the four cantreds of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg&nbsp;146]</a></span>
+Middle Country; also Cydewain, Ceri,
+Gwerthrynion, Builth, and Brecon. But
+Maelienydd was restored to Roger Mortimer,
+though Llywelyn reserved his right
+to appeal to the law against this article.
+Further, the Prince of Gwynedd received
+the hereditary title of Prince of Wales, and
+was recognised as overlord of all the
+Welsh barons in Wales, except Meredydd
+ap Rhys, who remained immediate vassal
+of the King of England: his territories
+therefore in the Vale of Towy were withdrawn
+from the power of Llywelyn. The
+Prince of Wales in return did homage
+and agreed to pay him 25,000 marks
+by instalments. The treaty is less
+favourable to Llywelyn than that of 1265.
+His rights in Deheubarth were curtailed,
+and he gave up his claims to Ellesmere
+and Montgomery, and possession of
+Maelienydd.</p>
+
+<p>The papal legate who arranged the
+treaty is not to be congratulated on his
+draftsmanship. Many things were left
+undecided, and a series of disputes arose.
+Thus Llywelyn seems to have claimed
+suzerainty over the Lord of Senghenydd
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg&nbsp;147]</a></span>
+as one of the &ldquo;Welsh barons,&rdquo; though
+that term was surely only meant to include
+the Welsh barons who held directly of the
+king, not the vassals of the Lord of
+Glamorgan. But it is evident that
+Llywelyn did not try to abide by the
+treaty. He continued to intrigue with
+the English barons, posing as the successor
+of Simon de Montfort, and failing
+to see that Edward I. was the political
+heir of the great earl. He tried to throw
+off the suzerainty of England, with the
+result that he lost the independence of his
+country. He lived in an atmosphere of
+enthusiasm and flattery, and failed to
+realise the limits of his power. The bards
+by whom he was surrounded exercised a
+&ldquo;highly pernicious influence in practical
+concerns,&rdquo; and ill-repaid his generosity
+by urging him to attempt the impossible.</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">&ldquo;His bards are comely about his tables,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">I have seen him generously distributing his wealth,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And his meadhorns filled with generous liquors.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">I never returned empty-handed from the North.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The bards prophesy that he shall have the government and sovereign power;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Every prediction is at last to be fulfilled.&rdquo;<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg&nbsp;148]</a></span>
+But if Llywelyn lacked the hard head
+of the practical statesman, if he did not,
+like his grandfather, merit the title of &ldquo;the
+Great,&rdquo; he will always remain an attractive
+and striking figure in history; he possessed
+qualities which made him an ideal representative
+of the Cymric race in the
+Middle Ages:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">&ldquo;A bold and bounteous lion&mdash;the most reckless of givers,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Man whose anger was destructive; most courteous prince;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">A man sincere in grief, true in loving,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Perfect in knowledge.&rdquo;<br /></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+
+<p class="center" style="padding-top: 7em; padding-bottom: 3em; font-size: small;">UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON.</p>
+
+
+<table width="50%" cellspacing="0" style="margin-bottom: 3em;" summary="Titles of interest">
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdcb"><big>SOME WELSH BOOKS.</big></td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdlint"><b>WALES.</b> By <span class="smcap">Owen M. Edwards</span>. Crown
+8vo, cloth, 5s. (&ldquo;The Story of the
+Nations&rdquo; Series.)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdlin"><b>THE WELSH PEOPLE.</b> By <span class="smcap">John
+Rhys</span>, M.A., and <span class="smcap">David Brynmor-Jones</span>,
+Q.C., M.P. Third Edition,
+revised. Demy 8vo, cloth, 16s.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdcb">THE WELSH LIBRARY.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdlint">Edited by <span class="smcap">Owen M. Edwards</span>, Author of
+&ldquo;Wales.&rdquo; Each volume Foolscap 8vo.
+2s. Cloth, 1s. Paper.</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdlin"><b>Vols. 1-3. THE MABINOGION.</b><br />
+(<i>In Preparation.</i>)</td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td class="tdc">LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN.</td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<div class="bbox">
+<p><b>Transcriber's Note</b></p>
+
+<p>Minor typographic errors in punctuation and variations in hyphenation have been corrected without note.</p>
+
+<p>The following amendments have been made:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_vi">vi</a>&mdash;Cymry amended to Kymry&mdash;"... Thomas Stephens, &ldquo;Literature of the
+Kymry&rdquo;; ..."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_21">21</a>&mdash;harminously amended to harmoniously&mdash;"... and a prince of North
+Wales working harmoniously together."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_34">34</a>&mdash;FitzHamon amended to Fitzhamon&mdash;"... daughter and heiress of
+Fitzhamon, conqueror of Glamorgan."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_37">37</a>&mdash;Caradog amended to Caradoc&mdash;"... attributed to Caradoc of
+Llancarven, on which his biographers ..."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_80">80</a>&mdash;omitted word 'the' added&mdash;"... fighting in
+Wales till the end of ..."</p>
+
+<p>Page <a href="#Page_84">84</a>&mdash;Senghennydd amended to Senghenydd&mdash;"Ivor ap Meyric was Lord of
+Senghenydd, ..."</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>The illustration on page <a href="#Page_88">88</a> (Cardiff and Caerphilly Castles) has been moved
+so that it is not in the middle of a paragraph.</p>
+
+<p>Gaps in page numbering are due to duplicated titles, which have been removed, and
+blank pages.</p>
+
+<p>Advertising material has been moved to the end of the text.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Mediæval Wales, by A. G. Little
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Mediaeval Wales, by A. G. Little
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Mediaeval Wales
+       Chiefly in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries: Six Popular Lectures
+
+Author: A. G. Little
+
+Release Date: March 29, 2008 [EBook #24947]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MEDIAEVAL WALES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Sam W. and the Online Distributed Proofreading
+Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
+images generously made available by The Internet
+Archive/Canadian Libraries)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+               MEDIAEVAL WALES
+
+           CHIEFLY IN THE TWELFTH
+          AND THIRTEENTH CENTURIES
+
+
+           Six Popular Lectures
+
+                    BY
+
+      A. G. LITTLE, M.A., F.R.Hist.S.
+
+   PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY
+  COLLEGE OF SOUTH WALES AND MONMOUTHSHIRE
+ AUTHOR OF "THE GREY FRIARS IN OXFORD," ETC.
+
+
+            WITH MAPS AND PLANS
+
+
+                   LONDON
+              T. FISHER UNWIN
+             PATERNOSTER SQUARE
+                    1902
+
+
+
+
+[_All rights reserved._]
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This volume contains the substance of a course of popular Lectures
+delivered at Cardiff in 1901. The work does not claim in any way to
+be an original contribution to knowledge, and is published on the
+recommendation of some friends in whose literary judgment I have
+confidence. In a popular book of this kind I have not thought it
+necessary to give detailed references to authorities, but a list of
+a few of the books which I used in the preparation of the Lectures,
+and which are likely to be interesting to readers of Welsh history,
+may be useful. Among mediaeval works I may mention the two Welsh
+chronicles--the Annales Cambriae and the Brut y Tywysogion, both
+published in the Rolls Series; Geoffrey of Monmouth's "History of
+the Kings of Britain" (translated in Bohn's "Six Old English
+Chronicles"); Giraldus Cambrensis, "The Itinerary and Description of
+Wales" (translated in Bohn's library); the prefaces, especially those
+by Brewer, in the Rolls Series edition of Giraldus, will be found
+interesting. Of the English chroniclers, Ordericus Vitalis, Roger of
+Wendover, and Matthew Paris are perhaps the most valuable for the
+history of Wales and the Marches during the twelfth and thirteenth
+centuries. Among modern books, the reader may be referred to Rhys and
+Jones, "The Welsh People"; Freeman, "William Rufus"; Thomas Stephens,
+"Literature of the Kymry"; Henry Owen, "Gerald the Welshman"; Clark,
+"Mediaeval Military Architecture," and "The Land of Morgan"; Newell,
+"History of the Welsh Church"; Tout, "Edward I."; and the "Dictionary
+of National Biography." Since these Lectures were delivered at least
+three books on Welsh history have appeared which deserve mention: Mr.
+Bradley's "Owen Glyndwr," with a summary of earlier Welsh history;
+Mr. Owen Edwards's charmingly written volume in the Story of the
+Nations Series; and Mr. Morris's valuable work on "The Welsh Wars of
+Edward I."
+
+The maps are taken from large wall maps which I used when lecturing.
+In drawing up the map of Wales and the Marches at the beginning of the
+thirteenth century, I had the assistance of my friend and former
+pupil, Mr. Morgan Jones, M.A., of Ferndale, who generously placed at
+my disposal the results of his researches into the history of the
+Welsh Marches.
+
+    A. G. LITTLE.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                        PAGE
+
+      I. INTRODUCTORY                                      1
+
+     II. GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH                             27
+
+    III. GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS                              51
+
+     IV. CASTLES                                          77
+
+      V. RELIGIOUS HOUSES                                 99
+
+     VI. LLYWELYN AP GRUFFYDD AND THE BARONS' WAR        125
+
+
+
+
+MAPS AND PLANS
+
+
+                                                        PAGE
+
+    WALES AND THE MARCHES, c. A.D. 1200-1210               2
+
+    CASTLES AND RELIGIOUS HOUSES                          78
+
+    CARDIFF AND CAERPHILLY CASTLES                        88
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: WALES & THE MARCHES, c. A.D. 1200-1210.]
+
+
+
+
+I
+
+INTRODUCTORY
+
+
+In the following lectures no attempt will be made to give a systematic
+account of a political development, which is the ordinary theme of
+history. History is "past politics" in the wide sense of the word. It
+has to do with the growth and decay of states and institutions, and
+their relations to each other. The history of Wales in the Middle
+Ages, viewed from the political standpoint, is a failure; its interest
+is negative; and in this introductory lecture I intend to discuss "the
+failure of the nation" (to use the words of Professor Rhys and Mr.
+Brynmor Jones) "to effect any stable and lasting political
+combination." Wales failed to produce or develope political
+institutions of an enduring character--failed to become a state. Its
+history does not possess the unity nor the kind of interest which the
+history of England possesses, and which makes the study of English
+history so peculiarly instructive to the student of politics. In
+English history we study primarily the growth of the principle of
+Representative Government, which we can trace for centuries through a
+long series of authoritative records. That is the great gift of
+England to the world. Not only has Wales entered on this inheritance;
+it helped to create it. It was Llywelyn ap Iorwerth who began the
+revolt against John which led to the Great Charter, and the clauses of
+the Great Charter itself show that it was the joint work of English
+and Welsh. Wales again exerted a decisive influence on the Barons'
+War--the troubles in which the House of Commons first emerged. And
+Wales--half of it for more than six hundred years--half of it for
+nearly four hundred--has lived under the public law and administrative
+system which the Norman and Angevin kings of England built up on
+Anglo-Saxon foundations. This public law and this administrative
+system have become part and parcel of the life and history of Wales.
+The constitutional history of England is one of the elements which go
+to make up the complex history of Wales.
+
+The history of Wales, taken by itself, is constitutionally weak; and
+its interest is social or personal, archaeological, artistic,
+literary--anything but political. And the fact--which is
+indisputable--that Wales failed to establish any permanent or united
+political system needs explanation.
+
+The ultimate explanation will perhaps be found in the geography of the
+country. The mountains have done much to preserve the independence and
+the language of Wales, but they have kept her people disunited; and
+the Welsh needed a long drilling under institutions, which could only
+grow up in a land less divided by nature, before they could develope
+their political genius.
+
+Wales, owing largely to its geography, had the misfortune never to be
+conquered at one fell swoop by an alien race of conquerors. Such a
+conquest may not at first sight strike one as a blessing, but it is,
+if it takes place when a people is in an early, fluid, and
+impressionable stage, as may be seen from a comparison of countries
+which have undergone it with countries which have not--a comparison,
+for instance, of England with Ireland or Germany. Perhaps the nearest
+parallel in the history of Wales to the Norman Conquest of England is
+the conquest of Wales by Cunedda, the founder of the Cymric kingdom,
+in the dark and troublous times which followed the withdrawal of the
+Roman troops from Britain. But though an invader and a conqueror,
+Cunedda was not an alien; he spoke the same language as the people he
+conquered and belonged to the same race to which the most important
+part of them belonged. And this militated against his chances of
+becoming a founder of Welsh unity. A race of conquerors distinct from
+the conquered in blood and language and civilisation, must hold
+together for a time; they form an official governing class, enforcing
+the same principles of government, and establishing a uniform
+administration throughout the country. And the uniform pressure reacts
+on the conquered, turning them from a loose group of tribes into a
+nation. This is what the Norman Conquest did for England. But if the
+conquerors are of the same race and language as the conquered, they
+readily mix with them; instead of holding together they identify
+themselves with local jealousies and tribal aspirations. This happened
+again and again in Germany. A Saxon emperor sends a Saxon to govern
+Bavaria as its duke and hold it loyal to the central government; the
+Saxon duke almost instantaneously becomes a Bavarian--the champion of
+tribal independence against the central government; and so the Germans
+remained a loose group of tribes and states--a divided people. This
+illustration suggests one of the reasons why Cunedda's conquest failed
+to unite Wales.
+
+Again the custom of sharing landed property among all the sons tended
+to prevent the growth of Welsh unity. Socially it appears far more
+just and reasonable than the custom of primogeniture. It is with the
+growth of feudalism (already apparent in the Welsh laws of the tenth
+century) that its political dangers become evident. The essence of
+feudalism is the confusion of political power and landed property; the
+ruler is lord of the land, the landlord is the ruler. If landed
+property is divided, political power is divided. When the Lord Rhys
+died in 1197 leaving four sons, Deheubarth had four rulers and formed
+four states instead of one; and civil war ensued.
+
+The unity of Welsh history is not to be found in the growth of a state
+or a political system. But may we regard the history of Wales as a
+long and heroic struggle inspired by the idea of nationality? A
+caution is necessary here. It is one of the besetting sins of
+historians to read the ideas of the present into the past; and to the
+general public historical study is dull unless they can do so. It is
+very difficult to avoid doing so; it needs a severe training, a long
+immersion in the past, and a steady passion for truth above all
+things. In no case perhaps is this warning so necessary as in matters
+involving the idea of nationality. This is characteristic of the
+present age, but it has not been characteristic of any other to
+anything like the same extent. We live in an atmosphere of
+nationality; we have seen it create the German Empire and the kingdom
+of Italy, and the Welsh University; we see it now labouring to break
+up the Austrian Empire, and perhaps changing the unchanging East. But
+the whole history of Europe shows that it is an idea of slow and
+comparatively late growth. The first appearance of nationality as a
+conscious principle of political action is found in England--and
+possibly in France--at the beginning of the thirteenth century, and in
+Wales about the same time; in the other countries of Europe much
+later. And it was very rarely till the very end of the eighteenth
+century that it became a dominant factor in politics. Of course our
+ancestors always hated a foreigner--but they did not love their
+fellow-countrymen. The one thing a man hated more than being driven
+out of house and home by a foreign invader, was being driven out by
+his next-door neighbour; and, as his neighbour was more likely to do
+it, and when he did it, to stay, he hated his neighbour most. A
+certain degree of order and settled government was necessary before
+the national idea could become effective.
+
+In mediaeval Wales it never succeeded in uniting the people; the petty
+patriotism of the family stood in the way of the larger patriotism of
+the nation; local rivalries and jealousies were always stronger than
+the sense of national unity. The attempt of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth to
+create a National Council, like the Great Council of England, died
+with him. In the final struggle with Edward I., when for a few months
+the idea of Welsh unity was nearest realisation in action, the men of
+Glamorgan fought on the winning side. Read the "Brut y Tywysogion" and
+consider how far the actions there related can have been inspired by
+the feeling of nationality. Here is the account in the "Brut" of what
+was happening in Wales in 1200 and the following years, the period
+represented by our map.
+
+    "1200. One thousand and two hundred was the year of
+    Christ when Gruffudd, son of Cynan, son of Owain, died,
+    after taking upon him the religious habit, at
+    Aberconway,--the man who was known by all in the isle of
+    Britain for the extent of his gifts, and his kindness
+    and goodness; and no wonder, for as long as the men who
+    are now shall live, they will remember his renown, and
+    his praise and his deeds. In that year, Maelgwn, son of
+    Rhys, sold Aberteivi, the key of all Wales, for a
+    trifling value, to the English, for fear of and out of
+    hatred to his brother Gruffudd. The same year, Madog,
+    son of Gruffudd Maelor, founded the monastery of
+    Llanegwestl, near the old cross, in Yale.
+
+    "1201. The ensuing year, Llywelyn, son of Iorwerth,
+    subdued the cantrev of Lleyn, having expelled Maredudd,
+    son of Cynan, on account of his treachery. That year on
+    the eve of Whitsunday, the monks of Strata Florida came
+    to the new church; which had been erected of splendid
+    workmanship. A little while afterwards, about the feast
+    of St. Peter and St. Paul, Maredudd, son of Rhys, an
+    extremely courteous young man, the terror of his
+    enemies, the love of his friends, being like a lightning
+    of fire between armed hosts, the hope of the South Wales
+    men, the dread of England, the honour of the cities, and
+    the ornament of the world, was slain at Carnwyllon; and
+    Gruffudd, his brother, took possession of his castle at
+    Llanymddyvri. And the cantrev, in which it was situated,
+    was taken possession of by Gruffudd, his brother. And
+    immediately afterwards, on the feast of St. James the
+    Apostle, Gruffudd, son of Rhys, died at Strata Florida,
+    having taken upon him the religious habit; and there he
+    was buried. That year there was an earthquake at
+    Jerusalem.
+
+    "1202. The ensuing year, Maredudd, son of Cynan, was
+    expelled from Meirionydd, by Howel, son of Gruffudd, his
+    nephew, son of his brother, and was despoiled of
+    everything but his horse. That year the eighth day after
+    the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, the Welsh fought
+    against the castle of Gwerthrynion, which was the
+    property of Roger Mortimer, and compelled the garrison
+    to deliver up the castle, before the end of a fortnight,
+    and they burned it to the ground. That year about the
+    first feast of St. Mary in the autumn, Llywelyn, son of
+    Iorwerth, raised an army from Powys, to bring Gwenwynwyn
+    under his subjection, and to possess the country. For
+    though Gwenwynwyn was near to him as to kindred, he was
+    a foe to him as to deeds. And on his march he called to
+    him all the other princes, who were related to him, to
+    combine in making war together against Gwenwynwyn. And
+    when Elise, son of Madog, son of Maredudd, became
+    acquainted therewith, he refused to combine in the
+    presence of all; and with all his energy he endeavoured
+    to bring about a peace with Gwenwynwyn. And therefore,
+    after the clergy and the religious had concluded a peace
+    between Gwenwynwyn and Llywelyn, the territory of Elise,
+    son of Madog, his uncle, was taken from him. And
+    ultimately there was given him for maintenance, in
+    charity, the castle of Crogen, with seven small
+    townships. And thus, after conquering the castle of
+    Bala, Llywelyn returned back happily. That year about
+    the feast of St. Michael, the family of young Rhys, son
+    of Gruffudd, son of the lord Rhys, obtained possession
+    of the castle of Llanymddyvri."
+
+One may almost say that Wales is Wales to-day in spite of her
+political history. Wales owes far more to her poets and men of letters
+than to her princes and their politics.
+
+Giraldus Cambrensis laid his finger on the spot, when he said: "Happy
+would Wales be if it had one prince, and that a good one." A necessary
+preliminary to the union of Welshmen was the wiping out of all
+independent Welsh princes except one. Till that happened local feeling
+would always remain stronger than national feeling; the disintegrating
+forces of family feuds and personal ambitions and clannish loyalty
+would always outweigh the sense of national unity.
+
+The Lords of the Marches were slowly doing this for Wales; they were
+wiping out all the independent Welsh princes except one. We may see
+the process going on in the accompanying map, which gives the chief
+political divisions of Wales at the beginning of the thirteenth
+century, and we will turn for a few minutes to consider the fortunes
+of some of these petty states and the manner of the men who ruled
+them.
+
+The great Palatine Earldom of Chester, a kingdom within the kingdom,
+was ruled before 1100 by Hugh the Wolf, of Avranches, who conquered
+for a time the north coast of Wales. In Anglesey he built a castle,
+and kennelled the hounds he loved so well in a church, to find them
+all mad the next morning. The stories of his savage mutilation of his
+Welsh prisoners show that he merited the name of "the Wolf." Yet he
+was the friend of the holy Anselm, and died a monk. The struggle
+between Chester and Gwynedd for the possession of the Four Cantreds,
+the lands between the Conway and the Dee, was almost perpetual during
+the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the fortune of war
+continually changing. With the extinction of the old line of the Earls
+of Chester (1237) and the grant of the earldom to Prince Edward
+(1254), a new era opened for Wales.
+
+Further south, in the Middle March, along the upper valleys of the
+Severn and the Wye, the great power of the Mortimers was growing. They
+had already stretched out a long arm to grasp Gwerthrynion. But the
+greatest expansion of their power came later, under Roger Mortimer,
+grandson of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, friend of Edward I. in the wild days
+of his youth, persistent foe of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd; and soon the
+Mortimer lands embraced all Mid-Wales and reached the sea, and a
+Mortimer was strong enough to depose and murder a king and rule
+England as paramour of the queen. Savage as the Mortimers were, they
+were mild compared with one of their predecessors. Robert Count of
+Bellesme and Ponthieu, the great castle builder of his time, became
+Earl of Shrewsbury and Arundel in 1098. Men had heard tales of his
+ferocity on the Continent--how he starved his prisoners to death
+rather than hold them to ransom; how, when besieging a castle, he
+threw in the horses to fill up the moat, and when these were not
+enough he gave orders to seize the villeins and throw them in, that
+his battering rams might go forward on a writhing mass of living human
+bodies. These tales seemed incredible in England, but the men of the
+Middle March believed them when they were "flayed alive by the iron
+claws" of the devil of Bellesme. In his rebellion against Henry I. the
+princes of Gwynedd supported him, till their army was bought over by
+the lying promises of the king; but the day when the Earl of
+Shrewsbury surrendered to King Henry and the whole force of England
+was a day of deliverance alike to England and to Wales.
+
+We next come to the group of lordships held about this time by William
+de Braose, lord of Bramber in Sussex. They stretched from Radnor to
+Gower, from the Monnow to the Llwchwr, and included the castles of
+Builth, Brecon, Abergavenny. But he held these lands by different
+titles, and they were never welded together. William de Braose began
+his public career by calling the princes of Gwent to a conference at
+Abergavenny, and massacring them. He was on intimate terms with King
+John, who gave Prince Arthur into his keeping; but this was a piece of
+work which even De Braose recoiled from, and he refused to burden his
+soul with Arthur's murder. A few years later John suddenly turned
+against him, and demanded his sons as hostages. His wife, Maud de St.
+Valerie, who lived long in the popular memory as a witch, sent back
+the answer: she would not entrust her children to a man who had
+murdered his nephew. The king chased Braose from his lands, caught his
+wife and eldest son, and starved them to death in Windsor Castle. The
+Braose family continued to hold Gower, but the rest of their
+possessions passed to other houses--Brecon to the Bohuns of Hereford,
+Elvael to Mortimer, Abergavenny to Hastings, Builth first to Mortimer
+and then to the Crown.
+
+Glamorgan, during our period, was attached to the earldom of
+Gloucester. From Fitzhamon the Conqueror it passed, through his
+daughter, to Robert of Gloucester, and early in the thirteenth
+century to the great house of Clare, Earls of Gloucester and Hertford,
+who held the balance between parties in the Barons' War. With the
+organisation of Glamorgan and with its great rulers we shall deal
+later. At the time represented by our map, it was in the hands of King
+John, who obtained it by marriage. John divorced his wife in 1200, but
+managed to keep her inheritance till nearly the end of his reign; and
+Fawkes de Breaute, the most infamous of his mercenary captains, lorded
+it in Cardiff Castle.
+
+Further west, between the Llwchwr and the Towy, lay the lordship of
+Kidweli, held by the De Londres family, who had accompanied Fitzhamon
+in the conquest of Glamorgan, and were lords of Ogmore and founders of
+Ewenny. One episode in the history of this family may be
+mentioned--the battle in the Vale of Towy in 1136, when Gwenllian, the
+heroic wife of Rhys ap Gruffydd, led her husband's forces against
+Maurice and De Londres, and was defeated and slain by the Lord of
+Kidweli. Her death was soon avenged by the slaughter of the Normans
+at Cardigan. The present castle of Kidweli dates from the later
+thirteenth century, before the war of 1277, after the lordship had
+passed to the Chaworths.
+
+In the extreme west, in Dyfed, the land of fiords, Arnulf of
+Montgomery had early founded the Norman power, but he was involved in
+the fall of his brother, Robert of Bellesme, and Henry I. tried to
+form the land into an English shire, and planted a colony of Flemings
+in "Little England beyond Wales." But it was too far off for the royal
+power to be effectively exercised there, and the Earldom of Pembroke
+was granted to a branch of the De Clares, who had already conquered
+Ceredigion, and built castles at Cardigan and Aberystwyth. The De
+Clares also held Chepstow and lands in Lower Gwent. The Earldom itself
+was smaller than the present shire of Pembroke, and William Marshall,
+who succeeded the De Clares through his marriage with the daughter of
+Richard Strongbow (1189), owed his commanding position in English
+history of the thirteenth century far more to his personal qualities,
+his courage and wisdom and patriotism, than to his territorial
+possessions.
+
+It was by driving the De Clares out of Ceredigion in Stephen's reign
+that Rhys ap Gruffydd laid the foundation of his power, and raised
+Deheubarth to be the foremost of the native principalities. The Lord
+Rhys was clever and farseeing enough to win the confidence of Henry
+II., and received from him the title of Justiciar--or King's
+Deputy--in South Wales. As long as Owain Gwynedd lived the unusual
+spectacle was seen of a prince of South Wales and a prince of North
+Wales working harmoniously together. But after Owain's death (1170)
+Rhys fought with his successors over the possession of Merioneth,
+while Owain Cyfeiliog, the poet-prince of Powys, did all he could to
+thwart him. In 1197 the death of Rhys, "the head and the shield and
+the strength of the South and of all Wales," and the civil wars among
+his sons, opened his principality again to the encroachment of foes on
+all sides, and removed one danger from Powys. Powys, however, was
+being steadily squeezed by the pressure of Gwynedd on one side, and
+the growing power of Mortimer on the other, and its princes resorted
+to a shifty diplomacy and a general adherence--open or secret as
+circumstances dictated--to the English Crown, till they sank at length
+into the position of petty feudatories of the English king.
+
+The Prince of Gwynedd alone upheld the standard of Welsh nationality,
+the dragon of Welsh independence; only in Gwynedd and its dependencies
+did the Welsh public law prevail over feudal custom. And what was the
+result? Exactly what Giraldus Cambrensis had foreseen and longed for.
+The eyes of Welshmen everywhere began to turn to the Lord of Eryri,
+the one hope of Wales. It was an alluring--an inspiring prospect,
+which opened before the princes of Gwynedd--to head a national
+movement, drive out the foreigners, and unite all Wales under their
+sway. Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, at the end of his long reign, deliberately
+rejected the dream. That is the meaning of his emphatic declaration
+of fidelity and submission to Henry III. in 1237. "Llywelyn, Prince of
+Wales, by special messengers sent word to the king that, as his time
+of life required that he should thenceforth abandon all strife and
+tumult of war, and should for the future enjoy peace, he had
+determined to place himself and his possessions under the authority
+and protection of him, the English king, and would hold his lands from
+him in all fealty and friendship, and enter into an indissoluble
+treaty; and if the king should go on any expedition he would, to the
+best of his power, as his liege subject, promote it, by assisting him
+with troops, arms, horses, and money." Llywelyn the Great refused to
+dispute the suzerainty of England. This may appear pusillanimous to
+the enthusiastic patriot, but subsequent events proved the old
+statesman's wisdom and clearsightedness. His successors were less
+cautious, were carried away by the patriotism round them and the syren
+voices of the bards. And to Llywelyn ap Gruffydd the prospect was even
+more tempting than to Llywelyn ap Iorwerth. The Barons' War weakened
+the power of England, and the necessities of Simon de Montfort led
+him to enter into an alliance with Llywelyn. The expansion of Gwynedd
+was great and rapid. Llywelyn's rule extended as far south as Merthyr,
+and made itself felt on the shores of Carmarthen Bay. The Earl of
+Gloucester found it necessary to build Caerphilly Castle to uphold his
+influence in Glamorgan. But it was just the expansion of Llywelyn's
+power which forced Edward I. to overthrow him once for all. "We hold
+it better"--so ran Edward's proclamation in 1282--"that, for the
+common weal, we and the inhabitants of our land should be wearied by
+labours and expenses this once, although the burden seem heavy, in
+order to destroy their wickedness altogether, than that we should in
+future times, as so often in the past, be tormented by rebellions of
+this kind at their good pleasure."
+
+The "Principality" now became shire land--under English laws and
+English administration. The rest of Wales remained divided up into
+Marcher Lordships for another two hundred and fifty years, under
+feudal laws--a continual source of disturbance and scene of disorder.
+These were the lands in which the King's Writ did not run, where (to
+summarise the description in the Statute of 1536) "murders and
+house-burnings, robberies and riots are committed with impunity, and
+felons are received, and escape from justice by going from one
+lordship to another."
+
+Yet the Marcher Lords did something for Welsh civilisation in their
+earlier centuries. Guided by enlightened self-interest, they often
+founded towns, granting considerable privileges to them in order to
+attract burgesses--such as low rents, and freedom from arbitrary
+fines. Fairs, too, were established and protected by the Lords
+Marchers. The early lords of Glamorgan seem to have been specially
+successful in this respect; in the twelfth century immigrants from
+other parts of Wales are said to have come to reside in Glamorgan,
+owing to the privileges and comparative security which were to be
+found there. Nor perhaps has it been sufficiently recognised how soon
+the Lords of the Marches began drilling their Welsh subjects in
+Anglo-Norman methods of local self-government. Most of the greater
+Marcher Lords possessed estates in England; not a few of them, such as
+William de Braose, served as sheriffs in English shires; some, such as
+John de Hastings, were judges in the royal courts. They introduced
+into Wales methods of government which they learnt in England, and
+institutions with a great future before them, like the Franco-Roman
+"inquest by sworn recognitors," from which trial by jury was
+developed, were soon acclimatised in the Marches of Wales.
+
+
+
+
+II
+
+GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH
+
+
+When Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote, Norman influence in Wales was at its
+height. In the old days we used to begin English history with William
+the Conqueror; since Freeman wrote his five thick volumes and
+proved--not that the Norman Conquest was unimportant--but that it did
+not involve a breach of continuity, a new start in national life, the
+pendulum has swung too much the other way, and the tendency of late
+years has been to underestimate the importance of the Norman Conquest.
+
+The Norman wherever he went brought little that was new; he was but a
+Norseman--a Viking--with a French polish. He had no law of his own; he
+had forgotten his own language, he had no literature. But he had the
+old Norse energy; which not only drove him or his ancestors to settle
+and conquer in lands so distant and diverse as Russia and Sicily,
+Syria and North America, but enabled him to infuse new life into the
+countries he conquered. Further, he still retained that adaptability
+and power of assimilation which is characteristic of peoples in a
+primitive stage of civilisation. With a wonderful instinct he fastened
+on to the most characteristic and strongest features of the different
+nations he was brought in contact with, developed them, gave them
+permanent form, and often a world-wide importance.
+
+The Norman conquerors were not always fortunate in their selection.
+Ireland has little to thank them for. The most striking characteristic
+which they found in Ireland was anarchy, and they brought it to a high
+pitch of perfection. To quote Sir J. Davies's luminous discourse on
+Ireland, in 1612: "Finding the Irish exactions to be more profitable
+than the English rents and services, and loving the Irish tyranny
+which was tied to no rules of law and honour better than a just and
+lawful seigniory, they did reject the English law and government,
+received the Irish laws and customs, took Irish surnames, as
+MacWilliam, MacFeris, refused to come to Parliaments, and scorned to
+obey those English knights who were sent to command and govern this
+kingdom."
+
+One extortionate Irish custom, called "coigny," they specially
+affected, of which it was said "that though it were first invented in
+hell, yet if it had been used and practised there as it hath been in
+Ireland, it had long since destroyed the very kingdom of Beelzebub."
+
+England and Wales were more fortunate. In England--while the old
+English literature was crushed out by the heel of the oppressor, the
+Norman instinct seized on the latent possibilities of the old English
+political institutions, welded them into a great system, developed out
+of them representative government, and created a united nation.
+
+In Wales, the Normans paid little or no heed to Welsh laws and
+political institutions; the law of the Marches was the feudal law of
+France, the charters of liberties of the towns were imported from
+Normandy; the Welsh Marches and border shires were the most thoroughly
+Normanised part of the whole kingdom. But with a fine instinct for the
+really great things, in Wales the Normans seized on the literary
+side--the poetic traditions of the people--giving them permanent form,
+adding to them, making them for ever part of the intellectual heritage
+of the whole world.
+
+It may very likely be a mere accident that the earliest Welsh
+manuscripts date from the twelfth-century--Norman times; it may also
+imply an increased literary productiveness. It may be due to
+accidental causes that the first accounts of Eisteddfodau extant date
+from the twelfth century; it may also be that the institution excited
+new interest, received new attention and honour, under the influence
+of the open-minded and keen-sighted invaders. Take, for instance, the
+account of the great Eisteddfod in 1176, from the Brut y Tywysogion:
+"The lord Rhys held a grand festival at the castle of Aberteivi,
+wherein he appointed two sorts of competitions--one between the bards
+and poets, and the other between harpers, fiddlers, pipers, and
+various performers of instrumental music; and he assigned two chairs
+for the victors in the competitions; and these he enriched with vast
+gifts. A young man of his own court, son to Cibon the fiddler,
+obtained the victory in instrumental music, and the men of Gwynedd
+obtained the victory in vocal song; and all the other minstrels
+obtained from the lord Rhys as much as they asked for, so that there
+was no one excluded." An Eisteddfod where every one obtained prizes,
+and every one was satisfied, suggests the enthusiasm natural to a new
+revival. It was now--when Wales was brought in contact with the great
+world through the Normans--that modern Welsh poetry had its beginning.
+The new intellectual impetus is clearly illustrated by the change
+which takes place in the Welsh chronicles about 1100. Before that time
+they are generally thin and dreary: they suddenly become full, lively,
+and romantic. Wales was not exceptional in this renaissance; something
+of the same sort occurred in most parts of Europe; and the
+renaissance is no doubt to be connected with the Crusade, the reform
+of the Church, in a word, with the Hildebrandine movement, and so
+ultimately with the Burgundian monastery of Clugny. But it was the
+Normans who brought this new life to England and Wales; the Normans
+were the hands and feet of the great Hildebrandine movement of which
+the Clugniac popes were the head.
+
+Among the Norman magnates who encouraged the intellectual movement in
+Wales--one stands out pre-eminent--Robert Earl of Gloucester and Lord
+of Glamorgan, a splendid combination of statesman, soldier, patron of
+letters. Robert was a natural son of Henry I.--born before 1100--there
+is no evidence that his mother was the beautiful and famous Nest,
+daughter of Rhys ap Tudor. He acquired the Lordship of Glamorgan
+together with the Honour of Gloucester and other lands in England and
+Normandy, by marriage with Mabel, daughter and heiress of Fitzhamon,
+conqueror of Glamorgan. An account of the wooing is preserved in old
+rhymed chronicle: the king conducts negotiations; the lady remarks
+that it was not herself but her possessions he was after--and she
+would prefer to marry a man who had a surname. The account is not
+historical, as surnames had not come in: in the early twelfth century
+the lady would have expressed her meaning differently. However, there
+is evidence that she was a good wife: William of Malmesbury says, "She
+was a noble and excellent woman, devoted to her husband, and blest
+with a numerous and beautiful family." Robert was a great builder of
+castles; Bristol and Cardiff Castles were his work, and many others in
+Glamorgan; he organised Glamorgan, giving it the constitution of an
+English shire--with Cardiff Castle as centre and meeting-place. After
+Henry I.'s death, he was the most important man in England, and was
+the only prominent man who played an honourable part in the civil wars
+which are known as the reign of Stephen; he died in 1147. His
+relations with the Welsh appear to have been good; large bodies of
+Welsh troops fought under him at the battle of Lincoln, 1141--he was
+probably the first Norman lord of Glamorgan who could thus rely on
+their loyalty. And it is significant that in the earliest inquisitions
+extant for Glamorgan--or inquests by sworn recognitors--Welshmen were
+freely employed in the work of local government.
+
+Robert of Gloucester was a magnificent patron of letters; to his age
+Giraldus Cambrensis looked back with longing regret as to the good old
+times in which learning was recognised and received its due reward. To
+Robert of Gloucester, William of Malmesbury, the greatest historian of
+the time, dedicated his history, attributing to him the magnanimity of
+his grandfather the Conqueror, the generosity of his uncle, the wisdom
+of his father, Henry I. He was the founder of Margam Abbey, whose
+chronicle is one of the authorities for Welsh history; Tewkesbury,
+another abbey whose chronicle is preserved, counted him among its
+chief benefactors; Robert de Monte, Abbot of Mont St. Michel, the
+Breton and lover of Breton legends, was a native of his Norman estates
+at Torigny, and wrote a valuable history of his times. Among the
+brilliant circle of men of letters who frequented his court at
+Gloucester and Bristol and Cardiff were Caradoc of Llancarven, whose
+chronicle (if he ever wrote one) has been lost, and greatest of all
+Geoffrey of Monmouth.
+
+Geoffrey dedicated his History of the Kings of Britain to Robert: "To
+you, therefore, Robert Earl of Gloucester, this work humbly sues for
+the favour of being so corrected by your advice that it may be
+considered not the poor offspring of Geoffrey of Monmouth, but, when
+polished by your refined wit and judgment, the production of him who
+had Henry, the glorious King of England, for his father, and whom we
+see an accomplished scholar and philosopher, as well as a brave
+soldier and tried commander."
+
+Not very much is known about Geoffrey. The so-called "Gwentian Brut,"
+attributed to Caradoc of Llancarven, on which his biographers have
+relied for a few details of his life, is very untrustworthy, and,
+according to the late Mr. Thomas Stephens, was written about the
+middle of the sixteenth century, though containing earlier matter.
+The sixteenth century was a great age for historical forgeries. We
+find a Franciscan interpolating passages in a Greek manuscript of the
+New Testament in order to refute Erasmus; a learned Oxonian forging a
+passage in the manuscript of Asser's "Life of Alfred" to prove that
+Alfred founded the University of Oxford; and Welsh genealogies
+invented by the dozen and the yard--reaching back to "son of Adam, son
+of God." The "Gwentian Brut" or "Book of Aberpergwm" is in doubtful
+company. The following seem to be the facts known about Geoffrey. In
+1129 he was at Oxford, in company with Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford
+(not Walter Mapes). His father's name was Arthur; and he was connected
+with the Welsh lords of Caerleon. He calls himself "of Monmouth,"
+either as being born there, or as having a connection with the
+Benedictine monastery at Monmouth, which was founded by a Breton, and
+kept up connections with Brittany and Anjou. He may have been
+archdeacon--but not of Monmouth. The first version of his history was
+finished in or before April, 1139, and the final edition of the
+History was completed by 1147. In his later years he resided at
+Llandaff. He was ordained priest in February, 1152, and consecrated
+bishop of St. Asaph in the same month. In 1153 he was one of the
+witnesses to the compact between King Stephen and Henry of Anjou,
+which ended the civil wars. He died at Llandaff in 1153.
+
+We will now turn to consider the sources of his History of the Kings
+of Britain. Geoffrey says: "In the course of many and various studies
+I happened to light on the history of the Kings of Britain, and
+wondered that, in the account which Gildas and Bede, in their elegant
+treatises, had given of them, I found nothing said of those kings who
+lived here before Christ, nor of Arthur, and many others; though their
+actions were celebrated by many people in a pleasant manner, and by
+heart, as if they had been written. Whilst I was thinking of these
+things, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, a man learned in foreign
+histories, offered me a very ancient book in the Britannic tongue,
+which, in a continued regular story and elegant style, related the
+actions of them all, from Brutus down to Cadwallader. At his request,
+therefore, I undertook the translation of that book into Latin." At
+the end of his history he adds: "I leave the history of the later
+kings of Wales to Caradoc of Llancarven, my contemporary, as I do also
+the kings of the Saxons to William of Malmesbury and Henry of
+Huntingdon. But I advise them to be silent concerning the kings of the
+Britons, since they have not that book written in the Britannic
+tongue, which Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, brought out of Britannia."
+
+There has been a good deal of controversy as to whether this very
+ancient book was in Welsh or Breton, but the first question is, Did it
+ever exist? Was Geoffrey a translator, or an inventor, or a collector
+of oral traditions current in Wales or Brittany during his time?
+
+There can be little doubt that the conclusion of Thomas Stephens, in
+the "Literature of the Kymry," is correct--that "Geoffrey was less a
+translator than an original author." It is very doubtful whether the
+Britannic book ever existed, whether it was not a mere ruse, such as
+was often resorted to by mediaeval romancers, and is still a favourite
+method with modern historical novelists--to give their works an
+appearance of genuineness. It has been argued against this, that in
+that case, Archdeacon Walter must have been a party to the
+fraud--which is incredible. Such an argument implies a large ignorance
+of the archdeacons of the twelfth century--when it was a question
+solemnly discussed among the learned--whether an archdeacon could
+possibly be saved. It would be well if there were nothing worse to
+bring against them than such an innocent fraud on the public as this.
+But the strongest argument against the existence of the Britannic book
+is (not that it is not extant now, but) that the historians of the
+next generation never saw it. Geoffrey's History at once created a
+tremendous stir in the literary world--nor was it accepted on
+trust--but received with suspicion and incredulity. Thus William of
+Newburgh, in the latter part of the twelfth century, calls Geoffrey
+roundly, "a saucy and shameless liar." William, of course, did not
+know Welsh, and could not have made anything out of the Britannic
+book, even if he had seen it. This objection does not apply to
+Giraldus Cambrensis; his knowledge of Welsh was indeed slight--but he
+had plenty of Welsh-speaking relatives and friends, and he was himself
+a collector of manuscripts. Gerald refers to "the lying statements of
+Geoffrey's fabulous history," and implies in a much-quoted passage
+that he regarded Geoffrey's history as a pack of lies. Speaking of a
+Welshman at Caerleon who had dealings with evil spirits, and was
+enabled by their assistance to foretell future events, he goes on: "He
+knew when any one told a lie in his presence, for he saw the devil
+dancing on the tongue of the liar. If the evil spirits oppressed him
+too much, the Gospel of St. John was placed on his bosom, when like
+birds they immediately vanished; but when the Gospel was removed, and
+the History of the Britons by Geoffrey Arthur was substituted in its
+place, the devils instantly came back in greater numbers, and remained
+a longer time than usual on his body and on the book." Geoffrey may
+very probably have used some Britannic manuscript, but it could not
+have been very ancient; and he certainly did not translate it, but
+used it as he used Gildas and Bede and Nennius--sometimes quoting
+their statements, more generally amplifying them almost beyond
+recognition.
+
+Was Geoffrey merely an inventor? Sometimes--undoubtedly. The long
+strings of names of purely fictitious princes whom the Roman Consul
+summoned to fight against King Arthur, at a time when in sober history
+Justinian was Roman Emperor, are invented by Geoffrey. And consider
+too his parodies of the practice of historians of referring to
+contemporary events: an instance of the genuine article is given in
+Gerald's Itinerary. "In 1188, Urban III. being pope, Frederick,
+Emperor of the Romans, Isaac, Emperor of Constantinople, Philip, King
+of France," &c., &c. Now take Geoffrey's parodies: "At this time,
+Samuel the prophet governed in Judaea, AEneas was living, and Homer was
+esteemed a famous orator and poet." Or again: "At the building of
+Shaftesbury an eagle spoke while the wall of the town was being built:
+and indeed I should have transmitted the speech to posterity, had I
+thought it true, like the rest of the history. At this time Haggai,
+Amos, Joel, and Azariah were prophets of Israel." One may be quite
+sure that passages like these are not derived from the writings of the
+ancients, or from oral traditions. One can in some cases trace back
+his statements and see how much he added to his predecessors. A good
+instance is his account of the conversion of the Britons under King
+Lucius, in Bk. IV., cap. 19 and 20, and V., cap. 1 (A.D. 161).
+Geoffrey's account is circumstantial: King Lucius sent to the Pope
+asking for instruction in the Christian religion. The Pope sent two
+teachers (whose names are given), who almost extinguished paganism
+over the whole island, dedicated the heathen temples to the true God,
+and substituted three archbishops for the three heathen archflamens
+at London, York, and Caerleon-on-Usk, and twenty-eight bishops for the
+twenty-eight heathen flamens. Now all this is based on a short passage
+in Bede: "Lucius King of the Britains sent to the Pope asking that he
+might be made a Christian; he soon obtained his desire, and the
+Britons kept the faith pure till the Diocletian persecution," which
+itself is amplified from an entry in the _Liber Pontificalis_: "Lucius
+King of the Britains sent to the Pope asking that he might be made a
+Christian." This last does not occur in the early version of the
+_Liber Pontificalis_, and is irreconcilable with the history and
+position of the papacy in the second century; but is a forgery,
+inserted at the end of the seventh century by the Romanising party in
+the Welsh Church--the party desiring to bring the Welsh Church into
+communion with the Roman, and so interested in proving that British
+Christianity came direct from the Pope; and all the talk about the
+archflamens and archbishops, &c., is pure invention. Notice too what
+an important part the places with which Geoffrey is specially
+connected play in his history: Caerleon is the seat of an
+archbishopric and favourite residence of Arthur; Oxford is frequently
+mentioned though it did not exist until the end of the ninth century;
+the Consul of Gloucester (predecessor of Geoffrey's patron, Robert,
+Consul of Gloucester) makes the decisive move in Arthur's battle with
+the Romans.
+
+A parallel case is Geoffrey's account of Brutus and the descent of the
+Britons from the Trojans. The tradition is found in Nennius, and
+perhaps dates from the classical revival at the court of Charlemagne.
+It is clearly not a popular tradition, but an artificial tradition of
+the learned; but whilst Geoffrey did not invent the legend, he
+invented all the details--letters and speeches, and hairbreadth
+escapes and tales of love and war.
+
+Probably his detailed accounts of King Arthur's European
+conquests--extending over nearly all Western Europe, from Iceland and
+Norway to Gaul and Italy--are still more the work of Geoffrey's
+inventive genius, though it is possible they may rest on early Celtic
+myths about the voyage of Arthur to Hades, as Professor Rhys suggests,
+or on late Breton traditions which mixed up Arthur with Charles the
+Great.
+
+Now let us consider Geoffrey as a gatherer and transmitter of the
+genuine oral traditions of the Welsh and Breton people. Genuine
+traditions are true history in the sense that they preserve manners
+and customs and modes of thought prevalent at the time when they
+became current. Thus they are on quite a different level from
+Geoffrey's inventions, though they cannot be taken as containing the
+history of any of the individuals to whom they profess to relate. He
+tells us in his preface that the actions of Arthur and many others,
+though not mentioned by historians, "were celebrated by many people in
+a pleasant manner and by heart," were sung by poets and handed down
+from generation to generation, like the poetical traditions of every
+people in primitive times. There can be no doubt that Geoffrey
+collected a number of these old stories and wove them into his
+narrative. Thus, the story of King Lear and his daughters has the
+ring of a genuine popular tradition about it, though the dates and
+pseudo-historical setting were probably supplied by Geoffrey. Again,
+there were certainly prophecies attributed to Merlin current in
+Geoffrey's time. But one may suspect Geoffrey of doing a good deal
+more than translate the prophecies of Merlin; he adapted them; one may
+even suspect him of parodying them. "After him shall succeed the boar
+of Totness, and oppress the people with grievous tyranny. Gloucester
+shall send forth a lion and shall disturb him in his cruelty in
+several battles. The lion shall trample him under his feet ... and at
+last get upon the backs of the nobility. A bull shall come into the
+quarrel and strike the lion ... but shall break his horns against the
+walls of Oxford." "Then shall two successively sway the sceptre, whom
+a horned dragon shall serve. One shall come in armour and ride upon a
+flying serpent. He shall sit upon its back with his naked body, and
+cast his right hand upon its tail.... The second shall ally with the
+lion; but a quarrel happening they shall encounter one another ...
+but the courage of the beast shall prevail. Then shall one come with a
+drum, and appease the rage of the lion. Therefore shall the people of
+the kingdom be at peace, and provoke the lion to a dose of physic!"
+
+Then as to Arthur. In Geoffrey's history he appears mainly as a great
+continental conqueror--a kind of Welsh Charlemagne. "Many of the most
+picturesque and significant features of the full-grown legend (as
+Professor Lewis Jones points out)[1] are not even faintly suggested by
+Geoffrey. The Round Table, Lancelot, the Grail were unknown to him,
+and were grafted on the legend from other sources." But he made the
+Arthurian legends fashionable; he opened for all Europe the hitherto
+unknown and inexhaustible well of Celtic romance; and it may be said
+without exaggeration that "no mediaeval work has left behind it so
+prolific a literary offspring as the History of the Kings of Britain."
+
+The value of Geoffrey is not in his fictions about past history, but
+in his influence on the literature and ideas of the future. He stands
+at the beginning of a new age: he is the first spokesman of the Age of
+the new Chivalry. Read his glowing account of Arthur's court, where
+"the knights were famous for feats of chivalry, and the women esteemed
+none worthy of their love but such as had given proof of their valour
+in three several battles. Thus was the valour of the men an
+encouragement for the women's chastity, and the love of the women a
+spur to the knight's bravery." Or, as an old French version has it,
+"Love which made the women more chaste made the knights more valorous
+and famous." We have here a new conception of love which has
+profoundly influenced life and thought ever since--love no longer a
+weakness as in the ancient world, or a sin as it seemed to the ascetic
+spirit of the Church, but a conscious source of strength, an avowed
+motive of heroism. And it was round Arthur and his court that the
+French poets of the next generation wove their romances inspired by
+this conception--the offspring of the union of Norman strength and
+Celtic gentleness.
+
+
+FOOTNOTE:
+
+[1] See his paper on Geoffrey of Monmouth (Transactions of the
+Cymmrodorion Society, 1899), to which I am much indebted.
+
+
+
+
+III
+
+GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS
+
+
+Gerald the Welshman was certainly one of the most remarkable men of
+letters that the Middle Ages produced--remarkable not merely for the
+great range of his knowledge, or the voluminousness of his writings,
+but for the originality of his views and variety of his interests.
+
+In this lecture I intend to give first a general account of his life,
+and then deal in more detail with his Itinerary through Wales.
+
+We know a great deal about Gerald; he was interested in many things,
+and not least in himself; he was not troubled by that shrinking sense
+of his own worthlessness--with the feeling of being not an individual,
+but a part of a community--which is so characteristic of mediaeval
+writers, and led them often to omit to mention their own names.
+
+Gerald was born about 1146, at Manorbier, in Pembroke--"the most
+delightful spot in Wales." His ancestry is interesting. His father was
+a Norman noble, holding of Glamorgan, William de Barri by name; his
+mother was the daughter of another Norman noble, Gerald de Windsor of
+Pembroke, and the famous Nest, daughter of Rhys ap Tudor, the Helen of
+Wales. He was cousin of the Fitzgeralds who played so important a part
+in the conquest of Ireland, and connected with Richard Strongbow and
+the great house of Clare. He thus "moved in the highest circles," and
+lived in an atmosphere of great deeds and great traditions.
+
+He was from the first marked out by his own inclinations for an
+ecclesiastical career. He tells us that when he and his elder brothers
+used to play as children on the sands of Manorbier his brothers built
+castles but he always built churches. He received an elementary
+education from the chaplains of his uncle, the Bishop of St. David's;
+he seems to have been slow at learning when a child, and his tutors
+goaded him on not by the birch rod, but by sarcasm--by declining
+"_Stultus_, _stultior_, _stultissimus_." His higher education was not
+obtained in Wales, and it is singular that he does not notice any
+place of learning in Wales in all his writings. He studied at
+Gloucester, and then at Paris, the greatest mediaeval university. We
+have it on his own authority that he was a model student. "So entirely
+devoted was he to study, having in his acts and in his mind, no sort
+of levity or coarseness, that whenever the Masters of Arts wished to
+select a pattern from among the good scholars, they would name Gerald
+before all others." Later he lectured at Paris on canon law and
+theology; his lectures, he tells us, were very popular. He returned
+thence in 1172, two years after the martyrdom of Thomas Becket, whose
+example and struggle for the rights of the Church made a deep and
+lasting impression on him. Gerald soon obtained preferment: he held
+three livings in Pembroke, one in Oxfordshire, and canonries at
+Hereford and St. David's. His energy soon made itself felt. He
+excommunicated the Welshmen and Flemings who would not pay tithes; and
+then attacked the sins of the clergy. Most of the Welsh clergy were
+married, contrary to the laws of the Church. Gerald hated a married
+priest even more than he hated a monk. The Welsh priest, he says, was
+wont to keep in his house a female (_focaria_) "to light his fire but
+extinguish his virtue." "How can such a man practice frugality and
+self-denial with a house full of brawling brats, and a woman for ever
+extracting money to buy costly robes with long skirts trailing in the
+dust?" Gerald hated women--the origin of all evil since the world
+began: observing that in birds of prey the females are stronger than
+the males, he remarks that this signifies "the female sex is more
+resolute in all evil than the male." Among the married clergy he
+attacked was the Archdeacon of Brecon; and the old man, being forced
+to choose between his wife and his archdeaconry, preferred his wife.
+Gerald was made Archdeacon of Brecon. In later years he had qualms of
+conscience about the part he took in this business.
+
+Between 1180 and 1194 he was often at Court and employed in the
+king's affairs. Henry II. selected him as a suitable person to
+accompany the young prince John to Ireland in 1185, and the result was
+his two great works--"The Topography," and "The Conquest of Ireland,"
+which are the chief and almost the only authorities for Irish history
+in the Middle Ages. The former work he read publicly at Oxford on his
+return; it was a great occasion: we must tell it in his own words.
+"When the work was finished, not wishing to hide his candle under a
+bushel, but wishing to place it in a candlestick, so that it might
+give light, he resolved to read it before a vast audience at Oxford,
+where scholars in England chiefly flourished and excelled in
+scholarship. And as there were three divisions in the work, and each
+division occupied a day, the readings lasted three successive days. On
+the first day, he received and entertained at his lodgings all the
+poor people of the town; on the second, all the doctors of the
+different faculties and their best students; and on the third, the
+rest of the students and the chief men of the town. It was a costly
+and noble act; and neither present nor past time can furnish any
+record of such a solemnity having ever taken place in England."
+
+In 1188 he accompanied the Archbishop of Canterbury in his tour
+through Wales to preach the Third Crusade. With this we shall deal
+later.
+
+He was abroad with Henry II. at the time of the old king's death, and
+has left a valuable account of his later years in the book "On the
+Instruction of Princes." His connection with the Court gave him
+opportunities for studying the great characters of the time at close
+quarters, and we have from his pen graphic sketches of many of them.
+Take this description of Henry II.: "He had a reddish complexion,
+rather dark, and a large round head. His eyes were gray, bloodshot,
+and flashed in anger. He had a fiery face; his voice was shaky; he had
+a deep chest, and long muscular arms, his great round head hanging
+somewhat forward. He had an enormous belly--though not from gross
+feeding. Indeed he was temperate in all things, for a prince. To keep
+down his corpulency, he took immoderate exercise. Even in times of
+peace he took no rest--hunting furiously all day, and on his return
+home in the evening seldom sitting down either before or after supper;
+for in spite of his own fatigue, he would weary out the Court by being
+constantly on his legs."
+
+The whole is very interesting and full of life. It occurs in the
+"Conquest of Ireland," and is quoted in several of his other works.
+Gerald's favourite author was Gerald of Barry, Archdeacon of Brecon.
+
+The next important episode in his life was the struggle for St.
+David's (1198-1203). It was really a fight for the independence of the
+Welsh Church from England and its direct dependence on the Pope.
+Gerald was elected bishop by the canons of St. David's, in opposition
+to the will of King John (whose consent was necessary) and of Hubert
+Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury (whose rights as metropolitan were
+attacked). Gerald hastened off to Rome to get the Pope's support,
+taking with him the most precious offering that he could think of--six
+of his own books; for Rome had a bad name for bribery--and who could
+resist such a bribe? But he found it advisable to supplement his books
+by other promises, especially by the offer to the Pope of tithes from
+Wales.
+
+The Pope at this time was Innocent III.--the greatest of all the
+Popes--who brought kings and nations under his feet and held despotic
+sway over the Universal Church, and stamped out heresy in blood. In
+the references to him in Gerald's works he appears in much more human
+guise. We see him after supper unbending and laughing at Gerald's
+anecdotes and cracking jokes of a somewhat risky character with the
+archdeacon. It is clear that the Pope thoroughly enjoyed the
+Welshman's company, but also that he did not take him very seriously
+as an ecclesiastical statesman. "Let us have some more stories about
+your archbishop's bad Latin," he would say, when Gerald was getting
+too urgent on the independence of the Welsh Church or his own right to
+the see of St. David's.
+
+This archbishop was Hubert Walter, who was much more of a secular
+administrator than an ecclesiastic, and whose Latin though clear and
+ready might show a fine contempt for all rules of grammar. Gerald was
+a stickler for correct Latin grammar; he is great on "howlers." There
+is one of his stories, illustrating both the avarice of the Norman
+prelates and the ignorance of the Welsh clergy: A Welsh priest came to
+his bishop and said, "I have brought your lordship a present of two
+hundred _oves_." He meant "_ova_"; but the bishop insisted on the
+sheep; and the priest probably rubbed up his Latin grammar. Gerald had
+also other patriotic reasons for his hostility to the archbishop, who
+as chief justiciary--_i.e._, chief minister of the king--had recently
+attacked and defeated the Welsh between the Wye and the Severn.
+"Blessed be God," writes Gerald sarcastically to him, "who has taught
+your hands to war and your fingers to fight, for since the days when
+Harold almost exterminated the nation, no prince has destroyed so many
+Welshmen in one battle as your Grace."
+
+Gerald continued the struggle till 1203, though deserted by the Welsh
+clergy. "The laity of Wales," he said, "stood by me; but of the
+clergy whose battle I was fighting, scarce one." He was proclaimed as
+a rebel, and had some narrow escapes of imprisonment or worse--escapes
+which he owed to his ready wit and which he delights to tell. At last
+he gave way, and during the remainder of his life we find him at Rome,
+Lincoln, St. David's, revising his works and writing new ones,
+modifying some of his judgments (especially that on Hubert Walter),
+and encouraging Stephen Langton in the great struggle against John. He
+was buried at St. David's, probably in 1223.
+
+We will now return to the "Itinerary through Wales" and the
+"Description of Wales." Jerusalem was taken by Saladin in 1187, and
+the Third Crusade--the Crusade of Richard Coeur de Lion--was preached
+throughout Europe. In 1188 Archbishop Baldwin made a preaching tour
+through Wales accompanied by Glanville, the great justiciary of Henry
+II., and Gerald of Barry. While the primary object was the preaching
+of the Crusade, the king had an eye to business and saw that the Holy
+Cause could be utilised for other purposes; it gave an opportunity for
+the assertion of the metropolitan rights of Canterbury over the Welsh
+Church, and for a survey of the country by the royal officials, which
+was not possible under other circumstances. That is why the archbishop
+and the justiciar accompanied the expedition. It is remarkable that
+Gerald, the champion of the Welsh Church, should have given his
+support to it; but he had not fully adopted the patriotic attitude of
+his later years; and, with him as with most people of the time, the
+rescue of the Holy Sepulchre was, in theory at any rate, the greatest
+object in the world; while further, we must not forget that the
+journey had many attractions for him as an author; it gave him "copy"
+for a new book, and the chance of reading his Irish Topography to the
+archbishop. Every day during the journey the archbishop listened to a
+portion of this book, and at the end took it home to finish. As the
+journey lasted at least fifty days, one may calculate that it took at
+most an average of three pages a day to send the archbishop to sleep.
+
+The Itinerary (which was later dedicated to Stephen Langton) contains
+in the author's words an account of "the difficult places through
+which we passed, the names of springs and torrents, the witty sayings,
+the toils and incidents of the journey, the memorable events of
+ancient and modern times, and the natural history and description of
+the country."
+
+The route pursued was as follows: From Hereford to Radnor, Brecon,
+Abergavenny, Caerleon, Newport, Cardiff, Llandaff, Ewenny, Margam,
+Swansea, Kidweli, Carmarthen, Haverford, St. David's, Cardigan, Strata
+Florida, thence keeping close to the coast, through Bangor and
+Chester; and then south by Oswestry, Shrewsbury, Ludlow, to Hereford.
+
+The travellers were well received and entertained both by the Lords
+Marcher and the Welsh princes. It was especially to the Welsh that
+their attention was directed, and Welsh princes accompanied them
+through their territories. The chief was Rhys ap Gruffydd (Gerald's
+uncle), prince of South Wales, who was then at the height of his
+power, and had been made chief justice of South Wales by Henry II., to
+whom he faithfully adhered. Gwynedd and Powys were then divided among
+several heirs. One of the princes of Powys, Owain Cyfeiliog, the poet,
+was distinguished as being the only prince who did not come to meet
+the archbishop with his people; for which he was excommunicated.
+Gerald notes that he was an adherent of Henry II., and was
+"conspicuous for the good management of his territory." Perhaps that
+is why he would not have anything to do with the Crusade.
+
+How far was the expedition successful in its primary object in gaining
+crusaders? The archbishop and justiciar had already taken the cross;
+they remained true to their vows and went to the Holy Land, the
+archbishop dying at the siege of Acre, heartbroken at the wickedness
+of the army. Gerald himself was the first to take the cross in Wales,
+not acting under the influence of religious enthusiasm, but (as he
+says himself) "impelled by the urgent requests and promises of the
+king and persuasions of the archbishop," who wanted him to act as
+historian; but Gerald, after setting the example, bought a
+dispensation and did not go. A number of the lesser Welsh princes soon
+took the cross. The Lord Rhys himself was eager to do so, but "his
+wife by female artifices diverted him wholly from his noble purpose."
+The wives were all dead against the whole affair. At Hay the wives
+caught hold of their husbands, and the would-be Crusaders had
+literally to run away from them to the castle, leaving their cloaks
+behind them. A nobler spirit of self-sacrifice was shown by the old
+woman of Cardigan, who, when her only son took the cross, said: "O
+most beloved Lord Jesus Christ, I give Thee hearty thanks for having
+conferred on me the blessing of bringing forth a son worthy of Thy
+service." This son was probably worth more than the twelve archers of
+the castle of St. Clears who were forcibly signed with the cross for
+committing a murder; and one may reasonably look with suspicion on the
+sudden conversion of "many of the most notorious murderers and robbers
+of the neighbourhood" at Usk. It was this kind of thing that turned
+the Holy Land into a sort of convict settlement.
+
+The preachers clearly worked hard and had some trying experiences, and
+kept up their spirits by little jokes, which Gerald retails. They
+nearly came to grief in quicksands at the mouth of the river Neath.
+"Terrible hard country this," said one of the monks next day in the
+castle at Swansea. "Some people are never satisfied," retorted his
+companion; "you were complaining of its being too soft in the
+quicksand yesterday." The mountains were trying to men no longer in
+their youth; after toiling up one the archbishop sank exhausted on a
+fallen tree and said to his panting companions, "Can any one enliven
+the company by whistling a tune?" "Which," adds Gerald, "is not very
+easily done by people out of breath." From whistling the conversation
+passed to nightingales, which some one said were never found in Wales.
+"Wise bird, the nightingale," remarked the archbishop.
+
+One serious difficulty they had was that none of them, not even
+Gerald, knew Welsh sufficiently well to preach in it, though they
+generally had interpreters. The archbishop, who would sometimes preach
+away for hours without result, felt this much more than Gerald. He
+declares he moved crowds to tears though they did not understand a
+word of what he was saying. But one may take the words of Prince
+Rhys's fool as evidence (if any were needed) that ignorance of Welsh
+weakened the effect. "You owe a great debt, Rhys, to your kinsman the
+archdeacon, who has taken a hundred or so of your men to serve the
+Lord; if he had only spoken in Welsh, you wouldn't have had a soul
+left."
+
+In all about three thousand took the cross; but the Crusade was
+delayed, zeal cooled, and it is probable that comparatively few went.
+The _Itinerarium Regis Ricardi_ mentions, I think, only one exploit by
+a Welshman in the Third Crusade; he was an archer, and so a South
+Walian.
+
+This brings me to one of the incidental notes of great value scattered
+about the Itinerary. Speaking of the siege of Abergavenny (1182),
+Gerald tells us that the men of Gwent and Glamorgan excelled all
+others in the use of the bow, and gives curious evidence of the
+strength of their shooting. Thus the arrows pierced an oak door four
+inches thick; they had been left there as a curiosity, and Gerald saw
+them with their iron points coming through on the inner side. He
+describes these bows as "made of elm--ugly, unfinished-looking
+weapons, but astonishingly stiff, large, and strong, and equally
+useful for long and short shooting." Add to this that the longbow was
+not a characteristic English weapon till the latter part of the
+thirteenth century, that the first battle in which an English king
+made effective use of archery (at Falkirk, 1298), his infantry
+consisted mainly of Welshmen; and there can be little doubt that the
+famous longbow of England, which won the victories of Crecy and
+Poitiers and Agincourt, and indirectly did much to destroy feudalism
+and villenage, had its home in South Wales.
+
+Gerald was also a keen observer of nature, and his knowledge of the
+ways of animals is extensive and peculiar. Perhaps even more marked
+is his love of the supernatural; he could believe anything, if it was
+only wonderful enough--except Geoffrey of Monmouth's History. But I
+must confine myself to one story--the story of the boy in Gower who
+(as the root of learning is bitter) played truant and found two little
+men of pigmy stature, and went with them to their country under the
+earth, and played games with golden balls with the fairy prince. These
+little folk were very small--of fair complexion, and long luxuriant
+hair; and they had horses and dogs to suit their size. They hated
+nothing so much as lies; "they had no form of public worship, being
+lovers and reverers, it seemed, of truth." The boy often went, till he
+tried to steal a golden ball, and then he could never find fairyland
+again. But he learnt some of the fairy language, which was like Greek.
+And then Gerald compares words in different languages, and notes how,
+for instance, the same word for _salt_ runs through Greek and British
+and Irish and Latin and French and English and German, and the fairy
+language, which suggests a close relation between all these peoples
+in past ages. It is very modern; and it is not without reason that
+Gerald has been called "the father of comparative philology."
+
+In his "Description of Wales" Gerald describes the manner of life and
+characteristics of the people. All are trained to arms, and when the
+trumpet sounds the alarm, the husbandman rushes as eagerly from his
+plough as the courtier from his court. Agricultural work takes up
+little of their time, as they are still mainly in a pastoral stage,
+living on the produce of their herds, and eating more meat than bread.
+They fight and undergo hardships and willingly sacrifice their lives
+for their country and for liberty. They wear little defensive armour,
+and depend mainly on their mobility; they are not much good at a close
+engagement, but generally victors in a running fight, relying more on
+their activity than on their strength.
+
+It was the fashion to keep open house for all comers. "Those who
+arrive in the morning are entertained till evening with the
+conversation of young women and the music of the harp; for each house
+has its young women and harps allotted for the purpose. In each
+family the art of playing on the harp is held preferable to any other
+learning; and no nation is so free from jealousy as the Welsh." After
+a simple supper (for the people are not addicted to gluttony or
+drunkenness), "a bed of rushes is placed along the side of the hall,
+and all in common lie down to sleep with their feet towards the fire.
+They sleep in the thin cloak and tunic they wear by day. They receive
+much comfort from the natural heat of the persons lying near them; but
+when the underside begins to be tired with the hardness of the bed, or
+the upper one to suffer from the cold, they get up and go to the fire;
+and then returning to the couch they expose their sides alternately to
+the cold and to the hardness of the bed."
+
+Gifted with an acute and rich intellect they excel in whatever studies
+they pursue, notably in music. They are especially famous for their
+part-singing, "so that in a company of singers, which one very often
+meets with in Wales, you will hear as many different parts and voices
+as there are performers,"(!) and this gift has by long habit become
+natural to the nation.
+
+"They show a greater respect than other nations to churches and
+ecclesiastics, to the relics of saints, bells, holy books, and the
+cross; and hence their churches enjoy more than common tranquillity."
+
+He then goes on to the other side of the picture: "for history without
+truth becomes undeserving of its name." "These people are no less
+light in mind than in body, and by no means to be relied on. They are
+easily urged to undertake any action, and as easily checked from
+prosecuting it.... They never scruple at taking a false oath for the
+sake of any temporary advantage.... Above all other peoples they are
+given to removing their neighbours' landmarks. Hence arise quarrels,
+murders, conflagrations, and frequent fratricides. It is remarkable
+that brothers show more affection to each other when dead than when
+living; for they persecute the living even unto death, but avenge the
+dead with all their power."
+
+Finally, as a scientific observer of politics, he discusses how Wales
+may be conquered and governed, and how the Welsh may resist.
+
+A prince who would subdue this people must give his whole energies to
+the task for at least a whole year. He must divide their strength, and
+by bribes and promises endeavour to stir up one against the other,
+knowing the spirit of hatred and envy which generally prevails among
+them. He must cut off supplies, build castles, and use light-armed
+troops and plenty of them; for though many English mercenaries perish
+in a battle, money will procure as many more; but to the Welsh the
+loss is for the time irreparable. He recommends that all the English
+inhabitants of the Marches should be trained to arms; for the Welsh
+fight for liberty and only a free people can subdue them. His advice
+to the Welsh is: Unite. "If they would be inseparable, they would be
+insuperable, being assisted by these three circumstances--a country
+well defended by nature, a people contented to live upon little, a
+community whose nobles and commoners alike are trained in the use of
+arms; and especially as the English fight for power, the Welsh for
+liberty; the English hirelings for money, the Welsh patriots for their
+country."
+
+I hope I may persuade some who do not yet know Gerald to make his
+acquaintance, and to read either his works on Ireland and Wales,
+translated in Bohn's library, or Mr. Henry Owen's brilliant and
+delightful volume, "Gerald the Welshman," my indebtedness to which I
+wish to acknowledge. Gerald tells us many miracles; but he has himself
+performed a miracle as wonderful as any he relates; he has kept all
+the charm and freshness of youth for more than seven hundred years.
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: CASTLES & RELIGIOUS HOUSES. (12th & 13th Centuries)]
+
+
+
+
+IV
+
+CASTLES
+
+
+Wales is pre-eminently the land of castles. There are between thirty
+and forty in Glamorgan alone. The accompanying map, though it is by no
+means exhaustive, shows the general lie of the castles, which may be
+divided into three groups, having as their respective bases Chester,
+Shrewsbury, and Gloucester. But though there is some evidence of an
+organised plan for the conquest of Wales in the time of William Rufus,
+it is useless to look for any great and general system of offence or
+defence, because most of the castles were not built by a centralised
+government with any such object in view, but by individuals to guard
+their own territories and protect their independence against either
+their neighbours or the English king. The great age of castle-building
+was between 1100 and 1300. Castles play a very small part in the
+fighting in Wales till the end of the eleventh century. Before that
+time indeed there were few stone castles anywhere; the usual type, even
+of the early Norman castles, was a moated mound surrounded by wooden
+palisades. One hears for instance of a castle being built by William
+the Conqueror in eight days. An example of this early type of fortress
+was Pembroke Castle at the end of the eleventh century, "a slender
+fortress of stakes and turf," which had the good fortune to be in
+charge of Gerald of Windsor, grandfather of Giraldus Cambrensis. It
+stood several sieges, which shows that the siege engines of the Welsh
+were of a very poor and primitive type. One of these sieges was turned
+into a blockade, and the garrison was nearly reduced by starvation. The
+constable had recourse to a time-honoured ruse. "With great prudence he
+caused four hogs which still remained to be cut into small pieces and
+thrown down among the enemy. The next day he had recourse to a more
+refined stratagem: he contrived that a letter from him should fall
+into the hands of the enemy stating that there was no need for
+assistance for the next four months." The besiegers were taken in and
+dispersed to their homes.
+
+The characteristic types of castles in the twelfth century were the
+rectangular keep and the shell keep; in the thirteenth the concentric
+castle. Of the two last we have splendid examples in Cardiff and
+Caerphilly. Of rectangular keeps there are very few in Wales--Chepstow
+is the only important one--though there are several on the borders,
+notably Ludlow. The square keep seems to us most characteristic of
+Norman military architecture; the Tower of London, Rochester,
+Newcastle, Castle Rising, are well-known examples, and there are many
+more in a good state of preservation; there are many more solid square
+keeps than shell keeps well preserved, but this is simply due to the
+greater solidity of the former; the shell keeps were far more numerous
+in the twelfth century; and the reasons for this are obvious--the
+rectangular keep was much more expensive to build, and it was too
+heavy to erect on the artificial mounds on which the Norman
+architects generally founded their castles.
+
+The keep of Cardiff Castle is one of the most perfect shell keeps in
+existence. It is built on a round artificial mound, surrounded by a
+wide and deep moat--the mound and moat being, of course, complements
+of each other. Such mounds and moats are common in all parts of
+England, and in Normandy. They are not Roman, nor British, nor are
+they, as Mr. G. T. Clark maintained, characteristic of Anglo-Saxon
+work. They are essentially Norman, and a good representation of the
+making of such a mound may be seen in the Bayeux Tapestry, under the
+heading--'He orders them to dig a castle.' When was the Cardiff mound
+made? Perhaps the short entry in the Brut gives the answer: "1080, the
+building of Cardiff began." It would then be surrounded by wooden
+palisades, and surmounted by a timber structure, as a newly made mound
+would not stand the masonry. The shell keep was probably built by
+Robert of Gloucester, and it was probably in the gate-house of this
+keep, that Robert of Normandy was imprisoned. A shell keep was a ring
+wall eight or ten feet thick, about thirty feet high, not covered in,
+and enclosing an open courtyard, round which were placed the
+buildings--light structures, often wooden sheds, abutting on the ring
+wall--such as one may see now in the courtyard of Castell Coch. The
+shell keep was the centre of Robert's castle, but not the whole. From
+this time dated the great outer walls on the south and west--walls
+forty feet high and ten feet thick and solid throughout. The north and
+east and part of the south sides of the castle precincts are enclosed
+by banks of earth, beneath which, the walls of a Roman camp have
+recently been discovered. These banks were capped by a slight
+embattled wall. Outside along the north, south and east fronts was a
+moat, formerly fed by the Taff through the Mill leat stream which ran
+along the west front. The present lodgings, or habitable part of the
+castle built on either side of the great west wall, date mostly from
+the fifteenth century. The earlier lodgings were, perhaps, on the same
+site--though only inside the wall; a great lord did not as a rule
+live in the keep, except in times of danger.
+
+The area of the enclosure is about ten acres--more suited to a Roman
+garrison than to a lord marcher of the twelfth century. That the
+castle was difficult to guard is shown by the success of Ivor Bach's
+bold dash, _c._ 1153-1158. Ivor ap Meyric was Lord of Senghenydd,
+holding it of William of Gloucester, the Lord of Glamorgan, and,
+perhaps, had his headquarters in the fortress above the present
+Castell Coch. "He was," says Giraldus Cambrensis, "after the manner of
+the Welsh, owner of a tract of mountain land, of which the earl was
+trying to deprive him. At that time the Castle of Cardiff was
+surrounded with high walls, guarded by 120 men at arms, a numerous
+body of archers and a strong watch. Yet in defiance of all this, Ivor,
+in the dead of night secretly scaled the walls, seized the earl and
+countess and their only son, and carried them off to the woods; and
+did not release them till he had recovered all that had been unjustly
+taken from him," and a goodly ransom in addition. Perhaps the most
+permanent result of this episode was the building of a wall 30 feet
+high between the keep and the Black Tower--dividing the castle
+enclosure into two parts and forming an inner or middle ward of less
+extent, and less liable to danger from such sudden raids.
+
+Cardiff Castle was much more than a place of defence; it was the seat
+of government. The bailiff of the Castle was _ex officio_ mayor of the
+town in the Middle Ages. The Castle was also the head and centre of
+the Lordship of Glamorgan. This was divided into two parts--the shire
+fee or body, and the members. The shire fee was the southern part;
+under a sheriff appointed by the chief Lord: the chief landowners owed
+suit and service--_i.e._, they attended and were under the
+jurisdiction of the shire court held monthly in the castle enclosure,
+and each owed a fixed amount of military service--especially the duty
+of "castle-guard"--supplying the garrison and keeping the castle in
+repair. There are indications of the work of the shire court in some
+of the castle accounts published in the Cardiff Records, _e.g._, in
+1316, an official accounts for 1d., the price of "a cord bought for
+the hanging of thieves adjudged in the county court: stipend of one
+man hanging those thieves 4d." The "members" consisted of ten
+lordships (several of which were in the hands of Welsh nobles): these
+were much more independent; each had its own court (with powers of
+life and death), from which an appeal lay to the Lord's court at
+Cardiff: generally they owed no definite service to the Lord (except
+homage, and sometimes a heriot at death), but on failure of heirs the
+estate lapsed to the chief Lord. At Cardiff Castle the Lord had his
+chancery, like the royal chancery on a small scale--issuing writs,
+recording services and grants of privileges, and legal decisions:
+practically the whole of these records have been lost--and our
+knowledge of the organisation of the Lordship is mainly derived from
+the royal records at times, when owing to minority or escheat, the
+Lordship was under royal administration. The Lord of Glamorgan owed
+homage, but no service to the king; and (though this was sometimes
+disputed by his tenants and the royal lawyers), no appeal lay from his
+courts to the king's court. The machinery of government was probably
+more complete and elaborate in Glamorgan than in any other Marcher
+Lordship.
+
+Caerphilly Castle had not the political importance of Cardiff, but far
+surpasses it as a fortress. By the strength and position of
+Caerphilly, one may measure the power of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd after
+the Barons' War and before the accession of Edward I. The Prince of
+Wales had extended his sway down as far as Brecon, and Welshmen
+everywhere were looking to him as the restorer of their country's
+independence. Among them was the Welsh Lord of Senghenydd, one of the
+chief "members" of Glamorgan, and his overlord probably saw reason to
+suspect his loyalty. An alliance between him and Llywelyn would open
+the lower Taff Valley to the Welsh prince and give him command of the
+hill country north of Cardiff. It was on the lands of the lord of
+Senghenydd that Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, built Castell
+Coch and Caerphilly.
+
+[Illustration: CARDIFF CASTLE. (12th Century)]
+
+[Illustration: CAERPHILLY CASTLE. (13th Century)]
+
+Caerphilly is described by the latest historian of the Art of War as
+the grandest specimen of its class; it represents the high-water mark
+of mediaeval military architecture in this country, and was the model
+of Edward I.'s great castles in the north. It illustrates the
+influence of the Crusades on Western Europe, being an instance of the
+"concentric" system of defences, of which the walls of Constantinople
+afford the most magnificent example, and which the Crusaders adopted
+in many of their great fortresses in the East.
+
+Caerphilly Castle consists of three lines of defences, and the way in
+which these supplement each other shows that the work in all
+essentials was designed as a great whole; it did not grow up bit by
+bit. There are of course many evidences of alterations and rebuilding
+at later times; the buildings in the middle ward, on the south side,
+seem to be later additions; the hall appears to have been enlarged,
+and the tracery of the windows suggests the fourteenth century; the
+state-rooms to the west of the hall have been much altered; but such
+alterations as appear are confined to the habitable part of the
+castle, and do not affect it as a military work. It has been suggested
+that the castle may have been greatly enlarged in the latter years of
+Edward II., when it played an important part in connection with the
+division of the Gloucester inheritance and the younger Despenser's
+ambitions. There are a number of notices of the castle in the
+chronicles and public records of that time, but apparently no
+references to any building operations. And the unity of plan is
+evidence that the whole dated from the same time.
+
+The castle is built on a tongue of gravel nearly surrounded by low,
+marshy land, forming a sort of peninsula; a stream on the south
+running eastwards to the Rhymny; and two springs on the north. By
+damming these waters and cutting through the tongue of gravel an
+artificial island was secured for the site of the castle. The inner
+ward, or central part of the castle, consists of a quadrangle with a
+large round tower at each corner: in the centre of the east and west
+side are massive gate-houses defended by portcullises; from the
+projecting corner towers all the intervening wall was commanded. The
+gateways communicate with the second line of defence or middle ward.
+This completely encircles the inner ward, on a much lower level; it is
+a narrow space bounded by a wall, with low, semi-circular bastions at
+the corners; it is commanded at every point from the inner ward; the
+narrowness of the space would prevent the concentration of large
+bodies of assailants or the use of battering-rams, and communication
+is at several points stopped by walls or buildings jutting out from
+the inner ward. The middle ward had strong gate-houses at the east and
+west ends, and was completely surrounded by water--east and west by a
+moat, north and south the moat widens into lakes: note how on the
+north a narrow ridge of gravel has been used to ensure a water moat on
+that side, in case there was not enough water to flood the whole lake.
+These lakes form part of the third line of defence or outer ward,
+which includes also on the west the "horn-work" and on the east the
+grand front. The horn-work is about three acres in extent, surrounded
+by a wall 15 feet high, which is of the nature of an escarpment, the
+ground rising above it. It is entirely surrounded by a moat, and
+connected with the middle ward on one side and the mainland on the
+other by drawbridges. It would probably be used for grazing purposes,
+and thus would be of great value to the garrison; but so far as the
+actual defences of the castle are concerned, a lake would have been
+much more effective; the nature of the ground would however have
+prevented this. The horn-work was intended to cover the only side upon
+which the castle was open to an attack from level ground, and to
+occupy what would otherwise have been a dangerous platform.
+
+The eastern side of the outer ward--the grand front--is a most
+imposing structure. It is a wall about 250 yards long, and in some
+parts 60 feet high, furnished with buttresses and projecting towers
+from which the intervening spaces are easily commanded, culminating
+in the great gate-house near the centre, and terminating at both ends
+in clusters of towers which protect the sally-ports. On the outside is
+a moat spanned by a double drawbridge. The northern part of this
+front, which was probably occupied by stables, would in dry weather be
+the least defensible part of the castle; but it was cut off from the
+rest by an embattled wall running from the gate-house to the inner
+moat and pierced only by one small and portcullised gate. The southern
+half was more important and stronger. It crossed the stream at the
+dam, the walls being 15 feet thick where subjected to the pressure of
+the water, and the strong group of towers at the end--on the other
+side of the stream--guarded the dam on which the safety of the castle
+largely depended; the wall and towers here form a semicircle, curving
+back into the edge of the lake, so as to avoid the danger of being
+outflanked.
+
+On the inside of the grand front were various buildings, such as the
+mill. This eastern line was divided from the middle ward by a moat 45
+feet wide--a space which is too wide to be spanned by a single
+drawbridge, and as there are no signs of the foundations of a central
+pier, it seems probable that the bridge rested on a wooden support,
+which could be removed when necessary, and the assailants plunged into
+the moat below.
+
+There are a large number of interesting details connected with both
+the military functions of the castle and its domestic economy. There
+were at least four exits (not counting the two water-gates); this
+would give the garrison opportunities of harassing assailants by
+sallies, and would make a much larger army necessary in order to
+blockade the castle; contrast the single narrow entrance to the Norman
+keep--high up in the wall and visible to all outside. The water-gates
+are worth studying, especially the methods of protecting the eastern
+water-gate--two grates with a shoot above and between them. One should
+notice, too, the "splaying" of the outer wall, by which missiles from
+the top would be projected outwards; and also the use of the
+mill-stream to carry away the refuse of the garderobe tower. And there
+are many other points, to which one would like to call attention, if
+time allowed.
+
+The history of Caerphilly in the Middle Ages need not detain us long.
+It was besieged by Llywelyn in 1271, while it was being built.
+Llywelyn declared he could have taken it in three days if he had not
+been persuaded to submit the dispute to the arbitration of the king.
+It is clear that the castle was not finished; shortly after this
+Gilbert de Clare obtained license from the king to "enditch" the
+castle: such license was not, as a rule, required in the Marches (as
+it was in England) and was only necessary now because the king was
+acting as arbitrator. The Earl of Gloucester kept possession. We next
+hear of it in 1315, when it resisted the attack of Llywelyn Bren. It
+was then in the hands of the king, pending the division of the
+Gloucester inheritance among the three co-heiresses. In 1318
+Caerphilly, with the rest of Glamorgan, was granted to the younger
+Despenser, who perhaps enlarged the hall and made the other
+alterations referred to above. Edward II. was there for a few days
+when flying for his life; had he trusted to Caerphilly, instead of
+fleeing further through South Wales, he might have saved his head and
+his crown; at any rate, there would have been a great siege to add to
+the history of mediaeval warfare. The king's adherents held out in
+Caerphilly for months, and only surrendered when, the king being dead,
+there was nothing more to fight for, and they were allowed to go free.
+Happy is the castle which has no history. The perfection of Caerphilly
+as a fortress saved it from serious attacks.
+
+In conclusion, I will give two illustrations of the relations between
+the garrison of a castle and those outside. The first refers to
+Swansea. There is a curious Charter of King John to the good men of
+Swansea, in which he releases them from the "custom of eating" forced
+on them by the men of the castle. This would be a solid variation of
+the liquid scot-ales or free drinks which officials and garrisons were
+in the habit of exacting from their neighbours, and which were among
+the most persistent grievances in the Middle Ages.
+
+The second concerns Builth, and is taken from the Patent Rolls of
+Edward II. in 1315. Builth was then in the hands of the king, to whom
+the townsfolk appeal for redress of grievances. The community complain
+that, though they are only bound to carry timber to the castle twice a
+week, they are often forced to carry it three times a week and more,
+and victuals too; and the men of the castle compel them to plough
+their lands and cut their corn, and hold them to ransom if they
+refuse; and they carry away from the houses of the said complainants
+divers kind of victuals--lambs, geese, hens, &c.--and pay only one
+quarter of their value, or nothing at all; and though the complainants
+gave the keeper of the castle L120 that they might be free from such
+oppressions, he took the money and oppresses them just the same.
+Further, the courts which the people have to attend are multiplied;
+and recently the court was held at a time when so great a flood had
+happened that neither horsemen nor footmen could approach the court,
+and so thirty-six men and women, fearing the cruelty of the bailiffs,
+entered a boat and were overwhelmed in the rush of the river. And one
+night men of the castle, maliciously seeking occasion against the
+commonalty of the town, went out of the castle and pretended to
+besiege it and shot arrows at it; and then secretly re-entered the
+castle and declared the townsfolk had been attacking the castle. And
+on this account many burgesses were imprisoned in the castle and
+ill-treated, and their swine maliciously killed. And things are so
+intolerable that many of the greater burgesses have left the country,
+and the residue, without speedy remedy, cannot remain.
+
+Life was evidently dull in a castle: one had to play practical jokes
+to relieve the monotony; and life was anything but pleasant outside a
+castle. The castles of Wales are much more attractive to us to-day
+than they were to those who lived in them or round them six or seven
+hundred years ago.
+
+
+
+
+V
+
+RELIGIOUS HOUSES
+
+
+In speaking of the Religious Houses in Wales I shall deal with those
+which flourished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries--the period
+we have hitherto been studying--though it is tempting to go back to
+the glories of the old Welsh monasteries of the sixth century, such as
+Llantwit Major and Bangor Iscoed, whose dim memories must always
+exercise a strong fascination. The monasteries of this early type had
+fallen on evil days in Wales, as in Ireland and elsewhere, before the
+twelfth century, many had been wiped out by the Danes; and those that
+remained seem to have lost the spirit of life (save in a few distant
+islands or inaccessible mountains), and made no struggle for existence
+against the vigorous invasion of the new monasticism.
+
+We shall be concerned with two kinds of religious houses--namely, the
+houses of monks and the houses of friars. And, first, let us consider in
+briefest outline the main course of development of the religious orders
+in the Roman Church. The Rule of St. Benedict (+541) was adopted by all
+monks: the essential features of it were prayer, labour, silence, a
+common life and common property. But among the early Benedictines each
+monastery was independent and self-governing, though an abbey might have
+priories in some measure connected with it. The result was that in the
+course of time the discipline and life of monasteries varied infinitely;
+and there was no co-operation for self-defence among the various
+monasteries. Hence in the tenth century arose the Cluniac order--the
+first attempt at organisation--the Abbot of Clugny became head of a vast
+number of monasteries in different countries of Europe; the priors of
+these owed allegiance to the Abbot of Clugny, were appointed by him, and
+paid revenues to the head abbey and the general fund of the Order. This
+organisation was thus monarchical--despotic; the Abbot of Clugny was a
+pope of monasticism. The movement acquired enormous influence on the
+Church as a whole, getting control of the papacy, insisting that the
+Church should be independent of the State, and that celibacy of the
+clergy should be practically enforced. But the Cluniacs instead of
+withdrawing from the world began to dominate it, losing many of the
+essential features of monasticism. Hence another reform movement arose
+about 1100, that of the Cistercian Order, which is associated with the
+name of St. Bernard. This aimed at reviving the Benedictine rule in all
+its strictness, insisting especially on manual labour. Cistercian houses
+were founded in desolate places, as far removed from populous centres as
+possible. But the Order differed from the early Benedictines in
+organisation. Each Cistercian house was independent and self-governing,
+electing its own abbot; but all the abbots were bound to come together
+at stated times for general assemblies or chapters, and these general
+assemblies were the supreme governing body in the Order. Thus unity was
+established; the organisation was close, but not monarchical; the Order
+was a great federation. This is the highest point reached in monastic
+development.
+
+But about the time of the Crusades another ideal made itself felt.
+Hitherto the religious man withdrew from the world: but, as an old
+chronicler put it, "God found out the Crusades as a way to reconcile
+religion and the world"--was it not possible to serve God _in_ the
+world? The knight did it; he went on fighting, but he fought for the
+Holy Sepulchre. The Military Orders (Templars and Hospitallers)
+combined the life of a monk with the life of a soldier. The Regular or
+Augustinian Canons combined the life of a monk with the life of a
+parish priest. And this ideal--new to the Middle Ages--received its
+highest realisation in the Dominican and Franciscan friars. The monk
+left the world in order to become religious; the friar aimed at making
+the world religious. The monk's main object was to save his own soul;
+the friar's, to save the souls of others.
+
+We will now turn to the monasteries in Wales. Of the older
+Benedictine houses there were about fifteen, almost all in South
+Wales, and all except one were not abbeys but priories, or cells,
+_i.e._, they were dependent on some abbey elsewhere. A number of them
+belonged to some foreign abbey, especially the earliest. This was the
+case with the Priory of Monmouth, founded by the Breton Wihenoc, which
+belonged to the Abbey of St. Florence of Saumur (Anjou); and this was
+the case too with the priories of Abergavenny and Pembroke. These
+"alien priories" were simply used by the abbeys abroad as sources of
+revenue; they were foreign, unpopular, and during the French war in
+the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries most of them were suppressed
+and their revenues appropriated by the Crown. The same applies to the
+three Cluniac cells established in Wales, such as St. Clears, which
+seems only to have contained the prior and one monk, who did not live
+with much strictness, though Gerald of Barry says the Cluniacs here
+were better than they were abroad, and not nearly so bad as the
+Cistercians. The life of monks in these outlying cells, where they
+were not under any supervision, and where there was no "public
+opinion" of the monastery to keep them straight, was generally very
+lax; they lived liked laymen, looking after the estates (generally
+wasting them), and without much regard to their vows: "they lived like
+beasts," says Gerald. Thus the Lord Rhys had to eject the monks from
+one cell, because of the charges brought against them by the fathers
+and husbands of the surrounding district, who declared that they would
+leave and go to England if the evil was not stopped.
+
+Another class of houses were those founded as priories or cells of
+English abbeys. Thus the Priory at Brecon was a cell of Battle Abbey,
+founded by Bernard of Newmarch, and largely endowed by the Braoses;
+Ewenny, founded by Maurice de Londres, was a cell to St. Peter's,
+Gloucester. All these of course, like the alien priories, were founded
+by the Norman conquerors, and for two purposes: Firstly, for the souls
+of the founder and his family, a very necessary provision; the Normans
+were in their way a devout people and made sacrifices to win the
+favour of heaven. William de Braose used to give his clerks "something
+extra" for inserting pious expressions in his legal documents.
+Secondly, these houses also served as castles and stations for
+garrisons. Take, for instance, Ewenny; it is much more like a castle
+than a religious house, with its great embattled walls and towers, and
+magnificent gate-house furnished with a triple portcullis and
+"shoots," or holes in the roof above for pouring molten lead on the
+assailants' heads. The De Londres family were businesslike as well as
+pious; Ewenny's prime object was to help them to gain heaven, it also
+helped them to gain the earth. The close and constant connection which
+these houses maintained with their mother abbeys in England and abroad
+always kept them Anglo-Norman in sympathies--foreign garrisons. But
+while recognising this aspect of the monastic houses in Wales, one
+must avoid exaggerating it, as, _e.g._, Mr. Willis Bund does. He
+regards all the monasteries as founded solely with this political
+object: "to represent," he says, "a Welsh prince as founder of a
+religious house in South Wales after 1066 is representing him as the
+worst of traitors. Bad as the Welsh chieftains were, even they would
+have hesitated to introduce into their country what were really Norman
+garrisons;" and he rejects the idea of a Welsh prince founding Strata
+Florida. Now these remarks are only applicable to those religious
+houses which were dependencies on some English or foreign abbey; they
+do not apply to the Cistercian monasteries, all of which were
+practically equal and self-governing; each elected its own head and
+was not under foreign dictation. While the whole Cistercian Order
+formed an united body for purposes of monastic life and discipline,
+each abbey identified itself in a very remarkable way with the local
+or national aspirations of the people round, from whom its monks were
+drawn. Some of the Cistercian monasteries in Ireland refused to admit
+any Englishman. Some of the Cistercian abbeys in Wales were the
+warmest supporters of Welsh independence.
+
+The Welsh princes felt the need of providing for the safety of their
+souls just as the Norman barons did, and the souls of both parties
+needed a great deal of saving. Further, the Welsh were not cut off
+from the great movements of the world; they felt like every other
+country in Europe the waves of religious enthusiasm, which resulted in
+the twelfth century in the spread of the Cistercians, in the
+thirteenth century in the spread of the friars. In the twelfth century
+the acts most pleasing to God were generally thought to be taking the
+Cross and endowing a Cistercian monastery. Again, though many of the
+Welsh chiefs were mere creatures of impulse, there were others who
+looked to the future. The Lord Rhys was an acute man of the world, who
+was not averse to improving his property. He possessed great tracts of
+mountain land, which was practically worthless; he saw Cistercian
+monks elsewhere, not exactly making such tracts blossom like the rose,
+but, at any rate, utilising them for pasture land, keeping flocks of
+sheep, becoming the great wool-growers for all Europe; why should he
+not hand over his worthless property to Cistercians, and by so doing
+lay up for himself treasure in heaven and on earth? Mr. Willis Bund
+says, "How unnatural for any Welsh prince to found a Cistercian
+abbey!" Surely it was the most natural thing in the world.
+
+The Cistercians had far greater influence in Wales than any other
+monastic order. The Cistercian abbeys were Aberconway, Basingwerk,
+Valle Crucis, Strata Marcella, Cymer, Strata Florida, Cwm Hir,
+Whitland, Neath, Margam, Llantarnam, Tintern, Grace Dieu, Dore. We
+have in Gerald a very unfavourable and prejudiced witness on the
+Cistercians. He tells with pious horror and human satisfaction the
+story of the abbot of Strata Marcella, who was a great founder of
+nunneries, and at length eloped with a nun (he soon repented and came
+back to his abbey, preferring the bread and water of affliction to the
+nun). Gerald had a personal grudge against the Cistercians; wanting to
+raise money he had pawned his library to the monks of Strata Florida,
+and when he tried to redeem the books they declared they had bought
+them, and would not give them up.
+
+The Cistercians certainly drove hard bargains, and insisted on their
+rights to the uttermost farthing. In reading the history of any of
+these Cistercian houses--the history, say, of Margam by Mr. Trice
+Martin--one's first feeling is one of disappointment: it is nearly all
+about property. When one looks through to find evidences of spiritual
+influence one finds instead prosecutions for poaching. Did they have
+schools and teach the youth of the country round? I have found no
+evidence of it. Why should they? Monks never professed to be learned
+men or to be teachers. Many were both, but it was a disputed question
+whether they were not in this contravening their rule. At any rate, it
+was going outside their duty. Their business was to serve God--to
+perform divine services--and in the intervals to keep out of mischief
+by manual labour, and to perform works of charity. Margam was
+specially famous for this last.
+
+Margam Abbey was founded by Robert of Gloucester, in 1147, and the
+brother of St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, the most important man in
+Europe in his time, came over to arrange about the establishment of
+the house. It was endowed with lands by both English and Welsh, such
+as the Earl of Gloucester and the Lord of Senghenydd. William
+Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, granted the monks freedom from toll in all
+his boroughs in Wales and Ireland. The Braoses gave them the privilege
+of "buying and selling freely all manner of merchandise without toll"
+in Gower, and they had the right to all wrecks along the coast near
+Kenfig. We find the abbot asserting his fishing rights sometimes by
+excommunicating poachers, sometimes by the more effective method of
+haling them before the Shire Court at Cardiff and getting them fined
+3d. a head. The monks of Margam obtained also a footing in Bristol
+through the Earls of Gloucester, a great commercial advantage to them
+for the sale of their wool both in England and abroad.
+
+Their lands and privileges were not always, of course, free gifts.
+Thus in the twelfth century Gilbert Burdin grants land to Margam, and
+in return the abbot gives 20s. to the grantor, a gold coin to his
+wife, and red shoes to each of his children. In 1325 John Nichol, of
+Kenfig, gave his property to the abbey in return for a life annuity.
+He was to receive daily one loaf, two cakes, and a gallon of beer;
+also 6s. 8d. for wages, four pairs of shoes (price 12d.), a quarter of
+oats, and pasture for two beasts.
+
+The annual revenue of Margam was returned as 500 marks in 1383, but
+before that time the abbey had suffered severely from inundations, sea
+and sand covering whole villages and much of the best property of the
+house; and the finances were in a bad way. These were improved by
+grants of the tithes of parish churches--a favourite form of gift to a
+monastery, but a great scandal. The rectorial tithes were paid to a
+monastery, while the monks at best put in some under-paid vicar to
+look after the parish. Generally, wherever there is a vicar instead of
+a rector in England or Wales the explanation is the appropriation of
+the tithes by a monastery.
+
+What did Margam do with its income? The first charge was the support
+of about forty monks and forty lay brethren. Next there were the
+construction and keeping in repair of the church and other monastic
+buildings; and, thirdly, the expense of charity and hospitality. The
+monasteries were the hotels of the Middle Ages, except that they made
+no charges, and Margam was celebrated for its hospitality for
+centuries. Gerald, the enemy of monks, says: "This noble abbey was
+more celebrated for its charitable deeds than any other of that order
+in Wales. And as a reward for that abundant charity which the
+monastery had always, in times of need, exercised towards strangers
+and the poor, in a season of approaching famine their corn and
+provisions were divinely increased, like the widow's cruse of oil."
+Two centuries later we find the Pope bearing witness to the well-known
+and universal hospitality of the Abbey of Margam. It was placed on the
+main road between Bristol and Ireland, at a distance from other places
+of refuge, and so was continually overrun by rich and poor strangers,
+the poor evidently preponderating. In this connection I will give one
+instance of wise charity on the part of these monks from the end of
+the twelfth century. Hugh, son of Robert of Llancarven, gives the
+abbey some land in return for "four marks of silver and a young ox,
+given to him in his great need by the Abbot." The monastery performed
+some of the services of the modern bank.
+
+Strata Florida presents some different characteristics. Like most
+Cistercian houses, it lay off the beaten track. It was founded in 1164
+by the Lord Rhys, near the site of an older monastery. It was endowed
+with large expanse of lands, mostly mountain pastures, and the monks
+soon began building their church and refectory and cloister. The
+monastery was completed in 1201, when "the monks came to the new
+church, which had been erected of splendid workmanship." The
+architectural details of this church are peculiar and almost unique.
+Mr. S. W. Williams notices especially the large amount of interlacing
+work in the carving, which one sees in the old Celtic crosses, and
+which is so characteristic of Celtic art. The convent seems to have
+become very soon essentially Welsh. Nearly all the abbots have Welsh
+names. It was the burial-place of the princes of South Wales; but as
+they were, after the Lord Rhys, quite unimportant, its political
+interest is connected with the princes of Gwynedd. When in the
+thirteenth century the princes of North Wales were attracting the
+allegiance of the South Welsh also they found Strata Florida a
+convenient place for important political assemblies. It was here that
+Llywelyn ap Iorwerth summoned all the Welsh chiefs to do homage to his
+son David. The monastery suffered damage during the wars of Edward I.,
+who in 1284 granted it L78 for repairs. But it suffered the worst
+injuries during the rebellion of Owen Glyndwr, when the English troops
+used it as a barracks, and stabled their horses in church and choir.
+
+The patriotic tone of Strata Florida is expressed in the Welsh
+chronicles written there. The later part of the _Annales Cambriae_ was
+written there, and the Brut y Tywysogion. At Margam also a chronicle
+was composed which has been preserved. When an abbey decided to begin
+a chronicle, the first step was to borrow a chronicle from some other
+house; thus Margam, founded by Robert of Gloucester, copied out the
+Chronicle of William of Malmesbury, which was dedicated to Robert of
+Gloucester. The monks of Strata Florida copied out the earlier portion
+of the _Annales Cambriae_. These chronicles of course only became of
+historical value when they become independent and contemporary. They
+do not confine themselves to the monastery or local history, but
+relate events of general interest--to the whole of Britain and to all
+Europe--intermixed with notices of the burning of a monastic barn or
+the death of the local abbot. Knowledge of the great world came to an
+abbey through the travellers who stayed there; through political or
+ecclesiastical assemblies held there; and through public documents
+sent to the monks for safekeeping or to be copied. We generally do not
+know who wrote these chronicles; they were rather the work of the
+community than of the individual monks. "Every year (so runs a
+regulation on the subject) the volume is placed in the _scriptorium_,
+with loose sheets of paper or parchment attached to it, in which any
+monk may enter notes of events which seem to him important. At the end
+of the year, not any one who likes, but he to whom it is commanded,
+shall write in the volume as briefly as he can what he thinks of all
+these loose notes is truest and best to be handed down to posterity."
+"Thus it was that a monastic chronicle grew, like a monastic house, by
+the labour of different hands and at different times; but of the heads
+that planned it, of the hands that executed it, no satisfactory record
+was preserved. The individual is lost in the community."
+
+Coming now to the Friaries in Wales, we find ourselves in a different
+atmosphere. The friars were not troubled with questions of property:
+they had none; they depended for their livelihood on the alms of the
+faithful. Again, speaking generally, one may say that while the
+Benedictine priory is found under the shadow of a castle, and the
+Cistercian abbey in the heart of the country, the friaries were built
+in the slums of the towns. As there were few towns in Wales, the
+houses of the Mendicant Orders were not numerous or important. The
+Dominicans (or Black Friars) had houses at Bangor, Rhuddlan, Brecon,
+Haverfordwest, and Cardiff; the Franciscans (or Grey Friars) at
+Cardiff, Carmarthen, and Llanfaes; the Carmelites (or White Friars) at
+Denbigh; and the Austin Friars at Newport in Monmouthshire. It is
+remarkable that the Dominicans had more houses in Wales than the
+Franciscans; though the Franciscans--the mystic apostles of love--were
+more in sympathy with the Celtic spirit than the Dominicans, the stern
+champions of orthodoxy. Francis of Assisi strove to reproduce again on
+earth the life of Christ--in the letter and in the spirit; and the
+religious poetry of Wales in the thirteenth century is saturated with
+Franciscan feeling--full of intense realisation of the childhood and
+suffering of Christ, the humanity of God. This may be illustrated by
+the following poem by a Welsh friar of the thirteenth century, Madawc
+ap Gwallter:--
+
+    "A Son is given us,
+    A kind Son is born ...
+    A Son to save us,
+        The best of Sons.
+
+    A God, a man,
+    And the God a man
+        With the same faculties.
+    A great little giant,
+    A strong puny potentate
+        Of pale cheeks.
+
+    Richly poor
+    Our father and brother,
+    Exalted, lowly,
+        Honey of minds;
+    With the ox and ass,
+    The Lord of life
+    Lies in a manger;
+    And a heap of straw
+    As a chair,
+        Clothed in tatters;
+
+    Velvet He wants not,
+    Nor white ermine--
+        To cover Him;
+    Around His couch
+    Rags were seen
+        Instead of fine linen."
+
+I do not know the dates of the foundations of the Welsh Franciscan
+houses; the dates given in Mr. Newell's scholarly "History of the
+Church in Wales" are impossible. Llanfaes is said to have been
+established by Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, and Franciscan influence would
+come to Wales through Thomas the Welshman, Bishop of St. David's
+(1247), who had been lecturer to the Franciscans at Oxford, and was
+famous for his piety and learning. Another Franciscan I wish to
+mention is Friar John the Welshman, who in his old age was employed to
+negotiate with the Welsh in 1282. He had studied and taught at Oxford
+and Paris, and made a creditable show beside such intellectual giants
+as Thomas Aquinas and Roger Bacon, his contemporaries. The widespread
+and lasting popularity of his works is shown by the large number of
+manuscripts and early printed editions which have come down to us. But
+his chief interest and life-work was the popularisation of knowledge
+in the service of morality. He devoted his energies to training up
+lecturers who should go to the Franciscan friaries in the chief towns
+in England and Wales and teach friars and clergy the art of popular
+preaching. Friar John of Wales was one of the chief inspirers of the
+"University Extension" movement of the Middle Ages. These popular
+preachers or lecturers did not do much for the advancement of sound
+learning, because they did not study any science for its own sake,
+but only for the moral lessons they could find in it. But, to rouse
+some intellectual interest in the people at large, and stimulate their
+moral sense, was a work not unworthy of the universities; and this aim
+was to some degree attained. One of the favourite ways of spending a
+holiday in the Middle Ages was to go and hear a friar preach. Here is
+a summary of a friar's sermon constructed after the method of Friar
+John of Wales, on the relative merits of the Ass and the Pig.
+
+"The pig and the ass live not the same life: for the pig during his
+life does no good, but eats and swills and sleeps; but when he is
+dead, then do men make much of him. The ass is hard at work all his
+days and does good service to many; but when he dies, there is no
+profit. And that is the way of the world. Some do no good thing while
+they live, but eat and drink and wax fat, and then they are dragged
+off to the larder of hell, and others enrich themselves with their
+goods. Whereby I know that those, who for God's sake live the life of
+holy poverty, shall never lack substance, because their heavenly
+Father has pigs to kill. For as the good man before the season will
+kill a pig or two to give puddings to his children, so will our Lord
+kill those hardened sinners before their time, and give their goods to
+the children of God. So the psalmist says: 'The bloodthirsty and
+deceitful men shall not live out half their days,' because they do no
+work to keep their bodies healthy. Nothing is so healthful for body
+and soul as honest work. Work is the life of man, the guardian of
+health; work drives away sin, and makes people sleep well at night.
+Work is the strength of feebleness, the health of sickness, the
+salvation of men,--quickener of the senses, foe of sloth, nurse of
+happiness, a duty in the young and in the old a merit. Therefore it is
+better to be an ass than a pig."
+
+One of the most able of these "extension lecturers" was another
+Welshman--probably a native of Cardiff--Friar John David, whose
+lectures at Hereford were so successful that after a year both the
+friars and the clergy of the city declared he was indispensable, and
+petitioned for his reappointment. He became the head of the
+Franciscan province of England, and lies buried among the ruins of the
+church of the Grey Friars in Cardiff.
+
+
+
+
+VI
+
+LLYWELYN AP GRUFFYDD AND THE BARONS' WAR
+
+
+Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the history of England
+and the history of Wales are so closely bound up together that it is
+impossible to study either apart from the other. In illustration of
+this general statement I will ask you to consider briefly the history
+of twelve years, from 1255 to 1267--a period of special interest to
+us, because these are the years in which Llywelyn's power was founded
+and built up.
+
+In 1255 occurred three events of great importance to Wales: (1)
+Llywelyn overthrew his brothers in battle; (2) Edward Longshanks took
+possession of his Chester estates; (3) Edmund Crouchback was formally
+proclaimed king of Sicily.
+
+1. David, younger son of Llywelyn ap Iorwerth, died in 1246, leaving
+no descendants, and the Principality was seized by the three sons of
+his elder brother Gruffydd--Owain the Red, Llywelyn, and David. For
+some years they held together, because Henry III. opposed the
+accession of any of them, claiming the Principality as a lapsed fief
+under a treaty made with the last prince, David ap Llywelyn. But after
+a time the king accepted the homage and recognised the rights of the
+sons of Gruffydd. Being thus freed from direct hostility of the
+English king, the joint rulers soon quarrelled, and came to open war
+in 1255. "By the instigation of the devil," says the Brut y
+Tywysogion, "a great dissension arose between the sons of
+Gruffydd--namely, Owain the Red and David on the one side, and
+Llywelyn on the other. And thereupon Llywelyn and his men awaited
+without fear, trusting in God, at Bryn Derwin the cruel coming of his
+brother accompanied by a vast army, and before the end of one hour
+Owain was taken and David fled, after many of the army were killed and
+others captured, and the rest had taken to flight. And then Owain the
+Red was imprisoned; and Llywelyn took possession of the territory of
+Owain and David without any opposition." Thus Gwynedd was united under
+one ruler.
+
+2. It was the policy of Henry III. to collect the earldoms into the
+hands of his relations. Thus the great palatine earldom of Chester,
+having lapsed to the Crown through failure of heirs, was granted in
+1254 to the king's eldest son, Edward. Besides Chester and its
+dependencies Edward received Montgomery and the royal lands in South
+Wales (Cardigan and Carmarthen), Ireland and Gascony--in fact all the
+territory outside England over which the king had rights. These
+possessions were calculated to give the heir to the throne a varied
+experience and splendid training in the art of government. Edward was
+in need of such training, as the story of his early years shows. He
+was only sixteen years of age in 1255, but in the Middle Ages men
+lived short lives and matured very early. Edward was married in 1254,
+and had much experience in war and statesmanship before he was
+twenty. It was a wild time, and young Edward was among the wildest
+spirits; as he rode through the country, accompanied by his two
+hundred followers--mostly rollicking and arrogant foreign
+adventurers--who robbed and devastated the land, and thrashed and even
+mutilated passers-by for fun, people looked forward with great fear to
+the accession of such a ruffian. A few years of responsibility, and
+failure, soon changed him into the noblest and most law-abiding of the
+Plantagenets. It was Wales which gave him his first lesson. He first
+tried his hand at the reorganisation of the "Middle Country," making
+it "shire-land," introducing the English law and administrative
+system; the same policy was put in force in Cardigan and Carmarthen,
+which formed one shire with a Shiremoot and the usual institutions of
+an English county. Some Welshmen had already petitioned the king for
+the introduction of English law into Wales, complaining that by Welsh
+law the crime of the guilty is visited on the innocent relations. At
+best it was a task which required very careful management, and Edward
+and his advisers were as yet quite unfitted for it, prone as they were
+to violent methods, having an insolent contempt for all customs and
+habits which differed from those to which they were used, and all
+classes except their own. The result is thus expressed by the Welsh
+chronicler: After Edward returned to England, "the nobles of Wales
+came to Llywelyn, having been robbed of their liberties and made
+captives, and declared they would rather be killed in war for their
+liberty than suffer themselves to be trampled on by strangers. And
+Llywelyn was moved at their tears, and invaded the Middle Country and
+subdued it all before the end of the week." In this work Llywelyn was
+assisted by descendants of Rhys, the princes of South Wales, who in
+Cardigan suffered from Prince Edward's policy in the same way as the
+men of the Middle Country or Four Cantreds. This union of North and
+South Wales is one of the special characteristics of the struggle
+under Llywelyn ap Gruffydd. That the Welsh of the North should join
+those of the South was, notes Matthew Paris, "a circumstance never
+known before." And Llywelyn was statesman enough to see the importance
+of this union and take steps to strengthen it. After recovering the
+Middle Country, he marched south, took possession of Cardigan and
+Builth--then a possession of the Crown, though in the custody of
+Mortimer--and gave these districts to Meredydd, grandson of the Lord
+Rhys, to hold as vassal--a wise measure, intended to bind the South to
+him by common interests. Matthew Paris, who holds up the Welsh
+resistance to tyranny as an example to the English, puts in Llywelyn's
+mouth a striking speech in favour of unity: "Let us then stand firm
+together; for if we remain inseparable we shall be insuperable"--the
+very words of Gerald of Barry, whose advice had borne some fruit. But
+Meredydd soon proved a traitor, and the failure of Henry III.'s
+campaign in 1257 was less due to the union of the Welsh than to the
+disunion of the English.
+
+3. This brings us to the third event referred to above--the
+proclamation of Edmund as King of Sicily. The Pope was trying to
+conquer Sicily, but wanted some one else to pay the war budget. After
+trying various people he induced Henry III. to accept the crown of
+Sicily for Edmund and promise enormous sums for the payment of the
+papal armies, and pledge his whole kingdom as security for the
+payment. This, coming on the top of many years of misgovernment and a
+long series of extortions, led directly to the crisis of the
+reign--the revolution known as the Provisions of Oxford in 1258, by
+which the powers of government were taken away from the Crown and
+given to committees of barons.
+
+The disaffection against Henry III. at once made itself felt in the
+Welsh war. "Those who had promised the king assistance did not come;"
+and when the whole knighthood of England were called out to meet at
+Chester, only "manifold complaints and murmurs were heard." We might
+have expected the Marcher Lords at any rate to rally round the king;
+but they were not disposed to assist in building up a royal power in
+Wales which would endanger their independence, and were glad enough to
+stand by and see the scheme thwarted. Some of them even went so far as
+to send secret information to the Welsh prince. The king had to
+retreat ingloriously, pursued by Llywelyn, and followed by the
+derisive sneers of the enemy. It may interest some of us to note that
+in this war the English army fought, as often, under the Dragon
+standard; probably the Dragon made in 1244 by Edward Fitz Odo, the
+King's goldsmith, who was commanded to make it "in the manner of a
+standard or ensign, of red samit, to be embroidered with gold, and his
+tongue to appear as though continually moving, and his eyes of
+sapphire or other stones agreeable to him." This was in 1257; the king
+was still less able to attack Llywelyn in 1258 and the following
+years, and had to agree to an ignominious truce.
+
+Almost the whole English baronage under the leadership of Simon de
+Montfort, Earl of Leicester, and Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester,
+combined against the king, who was only supported by the royal family
+and those of his foreign relations to whom he had given earldoms and
+baronies and bishoprics in England or Wales. If Llywelyn had contented
+himself with occupying the royal lands in Wales--the territories
+granted to Edward--and with seizing Powys, which held to the English
+king, he would have had nothing to fear at this time from the English
+baronage, and the Crown was powerless to resist. It is clear from the
+English chroniclers that there was a genuine admiration for the Welsh
+resistance on the part of the English people. "Their cause," says
+Matthew Paris, "seemed a just one even to their enemies." But Llywelyn
+attacked the great Marcher Lords; it was difficult for a champion of
+Welsh patriotism to avoid doing so--it may be also that Llywelyn
+failed to grasp thoroughly the political situation in England, as he
+certainly failed to grasp it after the accession of Edward I. The
+first to suffer severely from him was Roger Mortimer, lord of the
+Middle March; thus Llywelyn drove him out of Gwerthrynion and
+Maelienydd, and added these territories to his own. Successes like
+these roused great enthusiasm among the Welsh gentry, though they
+excited the alarm and jealousy of some of the princes (such as
+Meredydd, and Llywelyn's brother David, who "by the instigation of the
+devil" deserted the cause and went over to the English). But the good
+men of Brecon revolted from their lord, the Earl of Hereford, and
+adhered to Llywelyn, who came down and received their homage in 1262.
+
+The general situation was altered by these events. It became clear to
+the Lords Marchers that their power was endangered by Llywelyn's
+success, and that they must make common cause with Prince Edward. The
+Lords Marchers began to form the royalist party. Thus Mortimer, who in
+1258 was among the leaders of the baronial opposition to the Crown,
+was in 1260 acting with the king against the barons. The Mortimers
+were the most directly affected of all the Marchers by the successes
+of Llywelyn, not only because their territories lay near Gwynedd, but
+because nearly all their lands lay in or close to the Marches; they
+had all their eggs in the same basket, while the other leading Lords
+Marchers had large possessions elsewhere, from which they drew the
+bulk of their revenues, using their March lands as a recruiting-ground
+for their troops. Thus to the De Clares their estates in Kent were
+probably worth more as a source of income than the whole of Glamorgan;
+and they also had estates in Hertford and Suffolk and Hampshire, and
+elsewhere; the Fitzalans were great landowners in Sussex; the Bohuns
+of Hereford had broad acres in Huntingdon, Essex, and Hertford. To
+these men the limitation of the royal powers--especially of the power
+of taxing, and the king's right to employ foreigners in places of
+trust--was more important than the checking of Llywelyn's advance,
+which certainly weakened the king and made it easier to enforce
+constitutional rights against him.
+
+Still we have here one of the causes which broke the unity of the
+baronage, which created a royalist party, and led to open war. This
+has hardly been enough emphasised. It is generally said that the
+question on which the barons split was the question of the recognition
+of popular representation in the government of the country--the
+question, in a word, of a House of Commons--Simon de Montfort being
+the leader of the popular cause, Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester
+(till his death in July, 1262), the leader of the oligarchic party,
+which aimed merely at transferring the royal power to a committee of
+barons. This was undoubtedly the most important cause of the quarrel,
+because it was a question of principle big with results for the
+future, affecting the whole course of English history, while the
+attitude which the barons ought to take towards Llywelyn was merely
+for the barons a matter of political tactics. But it is probable that
+the latter loomed larger in the eyes of contemporaries--certainly in
+the eyes of most of the Lords Marchers.
+
+Hence it came about that, when war actually broke out in the spring of
+1263, the elder of the Lords Marchers fought on the side of the
+king--such as Roger Mortimer and Humphrey de Bohun--though the younger
+men--young Gilbert of Gloucester and Humphrey de Bohun, the son of
+Hereford--remained under the spell of Simon de Montfort's fascination
+and high-minded enthusiasm. The war began in the Welsh Marches, Simon
+attacking the forces of Edward of Chester and Roger Mortimer--the
+principal royalists. As these were also the most formidable enemies of
+the Welsh, Llywelyn at the same time attacked them from the other
+side, the baronial party and Welsh co-operating, though without any
+formal alliance or friendly feelings. Thus in 1263 the baronial army
+besieged Shrewsbury, which defended itself till "a countless host" of
+Welshmen, came up and began to attack it from the other side; the town
+then surrendered to the barons lest it should fall into the hands of
+the Welsh.
+
+This campaign led to a very great defection from the baronial side:
+the Lord Marchers generally--such as Clifford and Fitzalan--deserted
+Simon, who appeared as a traitor to the country. How great the
+defection is shown by Simon's words: "Though all should leave me, yet
+with my four sons I will stand true to the just cause, which I have
+sworn to uphold for the honour of the Church and the good of the
+kingdom; I have been in many lands, pagan and Christian, but in none
+have I found such faithlessness as in England."
+
+The royalists were now the strongest party in the Marches, and in 1264
+Edward and Mortimer gained a number of successes over the troops of
+Simon and Llywelyn (who seem to have been acting together) and
+captured Brecon. But they were called off to the main seat of war in
+the Midlands, and Simon inflicted a crushing defeat on the royalists
+at Lewes, in Sussex, 1264. It appears that Welsh archers fought in
+Simon's army, but these would be South Welsh, not North Welsh, the
+troops of Gilbert de Clare, not those of Llywelyn. The Marchers who
+escaped from Lewes were followed up by Simon, and being encircled by
+his forces and those of Llywelyn, submitted in December, 1264.
+
+But Simon in the hour of triumph was now near his fall, which was made
+inevitable by the defection of Gilbert de Clare and whole of the
+Gloucester interest. The causes of the quarrel as given in the
+chronicles are mainly personal. Simon, with all his greatness, was
+quick-tempered and overbearing, inclined to seize power for himself,
+and perhaps even avaricious; one may infer this from the statement of
+a friendly chronicler, William Rishanger: "his habitual prayer to God
+was that he would save him from avarice and covetousness of worldly
+goods." But, apart from merely personal questions, it is to be noticed
+that the closer the relations between Simon and Llywelyn became, the
+less cordial became his relations to Gilbert de Clare. Thus when Simon
+co-operated with Llywelyn in bringing Mortimer and the Marchers to
+submission in December, 1264, Gilbert began to intrigue with them; and
+soon after the famous parliament of 1265 had transferred to Simon the
+earldom of Chester--thus relieving Llywelyn of his most dangerous
+neighbour, Prince Edward--Gilbert definitely joined Mortimer and
+Edward. The meeting between the three at Ludlow is very important;
+for Prince Edward now, at the instance of Gloucester, definitely
+pledged himself to the cause of reform and good government. It may be
+said for the Red Earl of Gloucester that in deserting Simon he did not
+desert his cause. To ensure the future of English liberties it was no
+longer necessary to support De Montfort: "henceforth it was not Simon
+but Edward who best represents the cause of orderly national
+progress."
+
+A few days after the desertion of Gloucester Simon made his first
+formal treaty with Llywelyn, ceding to him Hawarden, Ellesmere,
+Montgomery, Maud's Castle, a line of fortresses along the eastern
+border, recognising his right to the title of Prince of Wales, and to
+the homage of all the Welsh barons, while Llywelyn engaged to supply
+Simon with five thousand spearmen and raid the estates of Mortimer and
+De Clare. The first part of the campaign of Evesham was carried out in
+Gwent. Prince Edward held the line of the Severn, separating Simon at
+Hereford from his English partisans. Simon, while waiting for his
+English supporters to concentrate, entered Monmouthshire, where
+Llywelyn's spearmen joined him and ravaged the Gloucester estates,
+trying to entice the royalists into Wales. Edward followed; but--his
+pupil in war as in politics--the young prince outgeneralled him at
+every point, and Simon only escaped at Newport by hurried flight
+across the river, burning the bridge behind him. He kept the Usk
+between him and his enemy, but this involved a long march north,
+through mountains and barren country, and he got back to Hereford with
+a half-starved army, only to find the line of the Severn held more
+strongly than ever. We cannot follow out the rest of the campaign,
+marked as it was by brilliant strategy on the part of the young
+Edward, which proved him a born master of the art of war. In the final
+battle all the advantages were on his side, and one cannot blame the
+spearmen of Gwynedd for trying to save themselves by flight at the
+"murder of Evesham." The body of the great Earl of Leicester was
+shamefully mutilated by the conquerors, and his head sent as a
+fitting present to Matilda de Braose, wife of Roger Mortimer.
+
+The struggle continued for two years both in England and Wales. In
+England Simon's adherents held out owing to the severity of the terms
+which the victorious party insisted on. They are known as "The
+Disinherited," and their cause was championed by the two
+enemies--Llywelyn and Gilbert de Clare. The "Brut" states that in
+1267, "Llywelyn confederated with Earl Clare; and then the earl
+marched with an immense army to London; and through the treachery of
+the citizens he got possession of the Tower. And when King Henry and
+his son Edward heard of this they collected an immense army and
+marched to London and attacked it, and upon conditions they compelled
+the earl and citizens to submit." "The Annals of Winchester," a
+contemporary English chronicle, relate the same event, but omit any
+mention of Llywelyn: "Earl Gilbert took London, and the Disinherited
+flocked to him as to their saviour; peace was settled in June, and
+many of the Disinherited were pacified at the instance of the Earl of
+Gloucester." It is clear that each of these rivals posed as champion
+of the Disinherited, but for opposite reasons. Llywelyn's object was
+to encourage their resistance and keep England divided by civil war;
+Gilbert's to insist on better terms in order to induce them to yield.
+Gilbert was successful in bringing about peace and reform. The
+Disinherited were allowed to pay a fine instead of losing all their
+property, and many of the legal reforms demanded by the baronial party
+at the beginning of the struggle were embodied in the Statute of
+Marlborough. And now the Earl of Gloucester employed his resources in
+strengthening his Glamorgan lordship to resist the threatened invasion
+of Llywelyn by building Castell Coch and Caerphilly.
+
+Llywelyn continued his victorious career as long as war lasted. In
+1266 he inflicted a crushing defeat on Mortimer at Brecon. In the
+autumn of next year, when peace had been established in England, he
+came to terms, through the mediation of the papal legate, in the
+Treaty of Montgomery. Llywelyn kept the four cantreds of the Middle
+Country; also Cydewain, Ceri, Gwerthrynion, Builth, and Brecon. But
+Maelienydd was restored to Roger Mortimer, though Llywelyn reserved
+his right to appeal to the law against this article. Further, the
+Prince of Gwynedd received the hereditary title of Prince of Wales,
+and was recognised as overlord of all the Welsh barons in Wales,
+except Meredydd ap Rhys, who remained immediate vassal of the King of
+England: his territories therefore in the Vale of Towy were withdrawn
+from the power of Llywelyn. The Prince of Wales in return did homage
+and agreed to pay him 25,000 marks by instalments. The treaty is less
+favourable to Llywelyn than that of 1265. His rights in Deheubarth
+were curtailed, and he gave up his claims to Ellesmere and Montgomery,
+and possession of Maelienydd.
+
+The papal legate who arranged the treaty is not to be congratulated on
+his draftsmanship. Many things were left undecided, and a series of
+disputes arose. Thus Llywelyn seems to have claimed suzerainty over
+the Lord of Senghenydd as one of the "Welsh barons," though that term
+was surely only meant to include the Welsh barons who held directly of
+the king, not the vassals of the Lord of Glamorgan. But it is evident
+that Llywelyn did not try to abide by the treaty. He continued to
+intrigue with the English barons, posing as the successor of Simon de
+Montfort, and failing to see that Edward I. was the political heir of
+the great earl. He tried to throw off the suzerainty of England, with
+the result that he lost the independence of his country. He lived in
+an atmosphere of enthusiasm and flattery, and failed to realise the
+limits of his power. The bards by whom he was surrounded exercised a
+"highly pernicious influence in practical concerns," and ill-repaid
+his generosity by urging him to attempt the impossible.
+
+    "His bards are comely about his tables,
+    I have seen him generously distributing his wealth,
+    And his meadhorns filled with generous liquors.
+    I never returned empty-handed from the North.
+    The bards prophesy that he shall have the government and
+        sovereign power;
+    Every prediction is at last to be fulfilled."
+
+But if Llywelyn lacked the hard head of the practical statesman, if
+he did not, like his grandfather, merit the title of "the Great," he
+will always remain an attractive and striking figure in history; he
+possessed qualities which made him an ideal representative of the
+Cymric race in the Middle Ages:--
+
+    "A bold and bounteous lion--the most reckless of givers,
+    Man whose anger was destructive; most courteous prince;
+    A man sincere in grief, true in loving,
+    Perfect in knowledge."
+
+
+
+
+UNWIN BROTHERS, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON.
+
+
+
+
+    =SOME WELSH BOOKS.=
+
+
+    =WALES.= By OWEN M. EDWARDS. Crown 8vo, cloth, 5s. ("The
+    Story of the Nations" Series.)
+
+    =THE WELSH PEOPLE.= By JOHN RHYS, M.A., and DAVID
+    BRYNMOR-JONES, Q.C., M.P. Third Edition, revised. Demy
+    8vo, cloth, 16s.
+
+
+    =THE WELSH LIBRARY.=
+
+    Edited by OWEN M. EDWARDS, Author of "Wales." Each
+    volume Foolscap 8vo. 2s. Cloth, 1s. Paper.
+
+    =Vols. 1-3. THE MABINOGION.=
+        (_In Preparation._)
+
+
+    LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN.
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note
+
+Minor typographic errors in punctuation and variations in hyphenation
+have been corrected without note.
+
+The following amendments have been made:
+
+    Page vi--Cymry amended to Kymry--"... Thomas Stephens,
+    "Literature of the Kymry"; ..."
+
+    Page 21--harminously amended to harmoniously--"... and a
+    prince of North Wales working harmoniously together."
+
+    Page 34--FitzHamon amended to Fitzhamon--"... daughter
+    and heiress of Fitzhamon, conqueror of Glamorgan."
+
+    Page 37--Caradog amended to Caradoc--"... attributed to
+    Caradoc of Llancarven, on which his biographers ..."
+
+    Page 80--omitted word 'the' added--"... fighting in
+    Wales till the end of ..."
+
+    Page 84--Senghennydd amended to Senghenydd--"Ivor ap
+    Meyric was Lord of Senghenydd, ..."
+
+The single oe ligature (in Coeur), and superscripts within century
+numbers have not been retained in this version. The single dagger symbol
+is indicated using a + symbol.
+
+The illustration on page 88 (Cardiff and Caerphilly Castles) has been
+moved so that it is not in the middle of a paragraph.
+
+Repeated headings at the start of each essay have been deleted so
+there is only one instance left for each.
+
+Advertising material has been moved to the end of the text. Bold in
+that material is indicated =like this=.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Mediaeval Wales, by A. G. Little
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