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diff --git a/23691-8.txt b/23691-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..278095a --- /dev/null +++ b/23691-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,12874 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895, by +Jesse Walter Fewkes + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895 + Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American + Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, + 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, + pages 519-744 + +Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes + +Release Date: December 3, 2007 [EBook #23691] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + + + + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + + + + + + + + +ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895 + +BY + +JESSE WALTER FEWKES + + + + +CONTENTS + + + Page +Introductory note 527 +Plan of the expedition 529 +Ruins in Verde valley 536 + Classification of the ruins 536 + Cavate dwellings 537 + Montezuma Well 546 + Cliff houses of the Red-rocks 548 + Ruins near Schürmann's ranch 550 + Palatki 553 + Honanki 558 + Objects found at Palatki and Honanki 569 + Conclusions regarding the Verde valley ruins 573 +Ruins in Tusayan 577 + General features 577 + The Middle Mesa ruins 582 + Shuñopovi 582 + Mishoñinovi 582 + Chukubi 583 + Payüpki 583 + The East Mesa ruins 585 + Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi 585 + Küküchomo 586 + Kachinba 589 + Tukinobi 589 + Jeditoh valley ruins 589 + Awatobi 592 + Characteristics of the ruin 592 + Nomenclature of Awatobi 594 + Historical knowledge of Awatobi 595 + Legend of the destruction of Awatobi 603 + Evidences of fire in the destruction 606 + The ruins of the mission 606 + The kivas of Awatobi 611 + Old Awatobi 614 + Rooms of the western mound 614 + Smaller Awatobi 617 + Mortuary remains 617 + Shrines 619 + Pottery 621 + Stone implements 625 + Bone objects 627 + Miscellaneous objects 628 + Ornaments in the form of birds and shells 628 + Clay bell 628 + Textile fabrics 629 + Prayer-sticks--Pigments 630 + Objects showing Spanish influence 631 + The ruins of Sikyatki 631 + Traditional knowledge of the pueblo 631 + Nomenclature 636 + Former inhabitants of Sikyatki 636 + General features 637 + The acropolis 643 + Modern gardens 646 + The cemeteries 646 + Pottery 650 + Characteristics--Mortuary pottery 650 + Coiled and indented ware 651 + Smooth undecorated ware 652 + Polished decorated ware 652 + Paleography of the pottery 657 + General features 657 + Human figures 660 + The human hand 666 + Quadrupeds 668 + Reptiles 671 + Tadpoles 677 + Butterflies or moths 678 + Dragon-flies 680 + Birds 682 + Vegetal designs 698 + The sun 699 + Geometric figures 701 + Interpretation of the figures 701 + Crosses 702 + Terraced figures 703 + The crook 703 + The germinative symbol 704 + Broken lines 704 + Decorations on the exterior of food bowls 705 + Pigments 728 + Stone objects 729 + Obsidian 732 + Necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments 733 + Tobacco pipes 733 + Prayer-sticks 736 + Marine shells and other objects 739 + Perishable contents of mortuary food bowls 741 +FOOTNOTES +APPENDIX 743 +INDEX 745 + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS + + +PLATE Page +XCI_a_. Cavate dwellings--Rio Verde 537 +XCI_b_. Cavate dwellings--Oak creek 539 +XCII. Entrances to cavate ruins 541 +XCIII. Bowlder with pictographs near Wood's ranch 545 +XCIV. Montezuma Well 547 +XCV. Cliff house, Montezuma Well 549 +XCVI. Ruin on the brink of Montezuma Well 551 +XCVII. Pictographs near Cliff ranch, Verde valley 553 +XCVIII. The Red-rocks; Temple canyon 555 +XCIX. Palatki (Ruin I) 557 +C. Palatki (Ruin I) 559 +CI. Front wall of Palatki (Ruin II) 561 +CII Honanki (Ruin II) 563 +CIII. Walls of Honanki 565 +CIV. Approach to main part of Honanki 567 +CV. Map of the ruins of Tusayan 583 +CVI. The ruins of Küküchomo 587 +CVII. Ground plan of Awatobi 603 +CVIII. Ruins of San Bernardino de Awatobi 607 +CIX. Excavations in the western mound of Awatobi 615 +CX. Excavated room in the western mound of Awatobi 617 +CXI. Vase and mugs from the western mounds of Awatobi 618 +CXII. Paint pots, vase, and dipper from Awatobi 620 +CXIII. Pottery from intramural burial at Awatobi 622 +CXIV. Bone implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki 626 +CXV. Sikyatki mounds from the Kanelba trail 637 +CXVI. Ground plan of Sikyatki 639 +CXVII. Excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 643 +CXVIII. Plan of excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 644 +CXIX. Coiled and indented pottery from Sikyatki 650 +CXX. Saucers and slipper bowls from Sikyatki 652 +CXXI. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654 +CXXII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654 +CXXIII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 657 +CXXIV. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 660 +CXXV. Flat dippers and medicine box from Sikyatki 662 +CXXVI. Double-lobe vases from Sikyatki 664 +CXXVII. Unusual forms of vases from Sikyatki 666 +CXXVIII. Medicine box and pigment pots from Sikyatki 668 +CXXIX. Designs on food bowls from Sikyatki 670 +CXXX. Food bowls with figures of quadrupeds from Sikyatki 672 +CXXXI. Ornamented ladles from Sikyatki 674 +CXXXII. Food bowls with figures of reptiles from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXIII. Bowls and dippers with figures of tadpoles, birds, + etc., from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXIV. Food bowls with figures of sun, butterfly, and flower, + from Sikyatki 676 +CXXXV. Vases with figures of butterflies from Sikyatki 678 +CXXXVI. Vases with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 678 +CXXXVII. Vessels with figures of human hand, birds, turtle, + etc., from Sikyatki 680 +CXXXVIII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 682 +CXXXIX. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 684 +CXL. Figures of birds from Sikyatki 686 +CXLI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 688 +CXLII. Vases, bowls, and ladle with figures of feathers from + Sikyatki 688 +CXLIII. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLIV. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLV. Vases with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690 +CXLVI. Bowls and potsherd with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692 +CXLVII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692 +CXLVIII. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694 +CXLIX. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694 +CL. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696 +CLI. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696 +CLII. Food bowls with bird, feather, and flower symbols from + Sikyatki 698 +CLIII. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 698 +CLIV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLVI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from + Sikyatki 700 +CLVII. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 702 +CLVIII. Food bowls with figures of sun and related symbols + from Sikyatki 702 +CLIX. Cross and related designs from Sikyatki 704 +CLX. Cross and other symbols from Sikyatki 704 +CLXI. Star, sun, and related symbols from Sikyatki 704 +CLXII. Geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 706 +CLXIII. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 708 +CLXIV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 710 +CLXV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 714 +CLXVI. Linear figures on food bowls from Sikyatki 718 +CLXVII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 722 +CLXVIII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 726 +CLXIX. Arrowshaft smoothers, selenite, and symbolic corn from + Sikyatki 728 +CLXX. Corn grinder from Sikyatki 730 +CLXXI. Stone implements from Palatki, Awatobi, and Sikyatki 732 +CLXXII. Paint grinder, fetish, lignite, and kaolin disks from + Sikyatki 734 +CLXXIII. Pipes, bell, clay birds, and shells from Awatobi and + Sikyatki 736 +CLXXIV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738 +CLXXV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738 + +FIGURE +245. Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde 540 +246. Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek 552 +247. Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II) 554 +248. Ground plan of Honanki 559 +249. The main ruin of Honanki 562 +250. Structure of wall of Honanki 564 +251. Stone implement from Honanki 571 +252. Tinder tube from Honanki 572 +253. Küküchomo 587 +254. Defensive wall on the East Mesa 588 +255. Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi 608 +256. Structure of house wall of Awatobi 615 +257. Alosaka shrine at Awatobi 620 +258. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +259. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +260. Shrine at Awatobi 621 +261. Clay bell from Awatobi 629 +262. The acropolis of Sikyatki 644 +263. War god shooting an animal (fragment of food bowl) 665 +264. Mountain sheep 669 +265. Mountain lion 670 +266. Plumed serpent 672 +267. Unknown reptile 674 +268. Unknown reptile 675 +269. Unknown reptile 676 +270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_ 678 +271. Butterfly design on upper surface of plate CXXXV, _b_ 679 +272. Man-eagle 683 +273. Pendent feather ornaments on a vase 690 +274. Upper surface of vase with bird decoration 691 +275. Kwataka eating an animal 692 +276. Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_ 694 +277. Oblique parallel line decoration 706 +278. Parallel lines fused at one point 706 +279. Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement 706 +280. Parallel lines connected by middle bar 707 +281. Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin 707 +282. Parallel lines of different width; median serrate 707 +283. Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate 707 +284. Parallel lines and triangles 708 +285. Line with alternate triangles 708 +286. Single line with alternate spurs 708 +287. Single line with hourglass figures 708 +288. Single line with triangles 709 +289. Single line with alternate triangles and ovals 709 +290. Triangles and quadrilaterals 709 +291. Triangle with spurs 709 +292. Rectangle with single line 709 +293. Double triangle; multiple lines 710 +294. Double triangle; terraced edges 710 +295. Single line; closed fret 710 +296. Single line; open fret 711 +297. Single line; broken fret 711 +298. Single line; parts displaced 711 +299. Open fret; attachment displaced 711 +300. Simple rectangular design 711 +301. Rectangular S-form 712 +302. Rectangular S-form with crooks 712 +303. Rectangular S-form with triangles 712 +304. Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles 712 +305. S-form with interdigitating spurs 713 +306. Square with rectangles and parallel lines 713 +307. Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers 713 +308. Crook, feathers, and parallel lines 713 +309. Crooks and feathers 714 +310. Rectangle, triangles, and feathers 714 +311. Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers 714 +312. Double key 715 +313. Triangular terrace 715 +314. Crook, serrate end 715 +315. Key pattern; rectangle and triangles 716 +316. Rectangle and crook 716 +317. Crook and tail-feathers 716 +318. Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs 717 +319. W-pattern; terminal crooks 717 +320. W-pattern; terminal rectangles 717 +321. W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks 718 +322. W-pattern; terminal spurs 718 +323. W-pattern; bird form 719 +324. W-pattern; median triangle 719 +325. Double triangle; two breath feathers 720 +326. Double triangle; median trapezoid 720 +327. Double triangle; median rectangle 720 +328. Double compound triangle; median rectangle 720 +329. Double triangle; median triangle 721 +330. Double compound triangle 721 +331. Double rectangle; median rectangle 721 +332. Double rectangle; median triangle 721 +333. Double triangle with crooks 722 +334. W-shape figure; single line with feathers 722 +335. Compound rectangles, triangles, and feathers 722 +336. Double triangle 722 +337. Double triangle and feathers 723 +338. Twin triangles 723 +339. Triangle with terraced appendages 723 +340. Mosaic pattern 723 +341. Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines 724 +342. Continuous crooks 724 +343. Rectangular terrace pattern 724 +344. Terrace pattern with parallel lines 725 +345. Terrace pattern 725 +346. Triangular pattern with feathers 725 +347. S-pattern 726 +348. Triangular and terrace figures 726 +349. Crook, terrace, and parallel lines 726 +350. Triangles, squares, and terraces 726 +351. Bifurcated rectangular design 727 +352. Lines of life and triangles 727 +353. Infolded triangles 727 +354. Human hand 728 +355. Animal paw, limb, and triangle 728 +356. Kaolin disk 729 +357. Mortuary prayer-stick 736 + + + + +ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895 + +By JESSE WALTER FEWKES + + + + +INTRODUCTORY NOTE + + +About the close of May, 1895, I was invited to make a collection of +objects for the National Museum, illustrating the archeology of the +Southwest, especially that phase of pueblo life pertaining to the +so-called cliff houses. I was specially urged to make as large a +collection as possible, and the choice of locality was generously left +to my discretion. + +Leaving Washington on the 25th of May, I obtained a collection and +returned with it to that city on the 15th of September, having spent +three months in the field. The material brought back by the expedition +was catalogued under 966 entries, numbering somewhat over a thousand +specimens. The majority of these objects are fine examples of mortuary +pottery of excellent character, fully 500 of which are decorated. + +I was particularly fortunate in my scientific collaborators. Mr F. W. +Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, joined me at Sikyatki, and +remained with the expedition until it disbanded, at the close of +August. Much of my success in the work at that ruin was due to his +advice and aid. He was constantly at the excavations, and the majority +of the beautiful specimens were taken out of the graves by him. It is +with the greatest pleasure that I am permitted to express my +appreciation of his assistance in my archeological investigations at +Sikyatki. Mr G. P. Winship, now librarian of the John Carter Brown +Library at Providence, visited our camp at the ruin mentioned, and +remained with us a few weeks, rendering important aid and adding an +enthusiastic student to our number. Mr James S. Judd was a volunteer +assistant while we were at Sikyatki, aiding me in many ways, +especially in the management of our camp. I need only to refer to the +beautiful drawings which accompany this memoir to show how much I am +indebted to Mrs Hodge for faithful colored figures of the remarkable +pottery uncovered from the Tusayan sands. My party included Mr S. +Goddard, of Prescott, Arizona, who served as cook and driver, and Mr +Erwin Baer, of the same city, as photographer. The manual work at the +ruins was done by a number of young Indians from the East Mesa, who +very properly were employed on the Moki reservation. An all too +prevalent and often unjust criticism that Indians will not work if +paid for their labor, was not voiced by any of our party. They gave +many a weary hour's labor in the hot sun, in their enthusiasm to make +the collection as large as possible. + +On my return to Washington I was invited to prepare a preliminary +account of my work in the field, which the Secretary of the +Smithsonian Institution did me the honor to publish in his report for +1895. This report was of a very general character, and from necessity +limited in pages; consequently it presented only the more salient +features of my explorations. + +The following account was prepared as a more exhaustive discussion of +the results of my summer's work. The memoir is much more extended than +I had expected to make it when I accepted the invitation to collect +archeological objects for the Museum, and betrays, I fear, +imperfections due to the limited time spent in the field. The main +object of the expedition was a collection of specimens, the majority +of which, now on exhibition in the National Museum, tell their own +story regarding its success. + +I am under deep obligations to the officers of the Smithsonian +Institution, the National Museum, and the Bureau of American Ethnology +for many kindnesses, and wish especially to express my thanks to Mr S. +P. Langley, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, for the +opportunity to study the ancient ruins of Tusayan. Nothing had a +greater influence on my final decision to abandon other congenial work +and undertake this, than my profound respect for the late Dr G. Brown +Goode, who suggested the expedition to me and urged me to plan and +undertake it. + + JESSE WALTER FEWKES. + +_Washington, May, 1897._ + + + + +PLAN OF THE EXPEDITION + + +It seemed to me in making a plan for archeological field work in 1895, +that the prehistoric cliff houses, cave dwellings, and ruined pueblos +of Arizona afforded valuable opportunities for research, and past +experience induced me to turn my steps more especially to the northern +and northeastern parts of the territory.[1] The ruins of ancient +habitations in these regions had been partially, and, I believe, +unsatisfactorily explored, especially those in a limited area called +Tusayan, now inhabited by the Moki or Hopi Indians. These agricultural +people claim to be descendants of those who once lived in the now +deserted villages of that province. + +I had some knowledge of the ethnology of the Hopi, derived from +several summers' field work among them, and I believed this +information could be successfully utilized in an attempt to solve +certain archeological questions which presented themselves.[2] I +desired, among other things, to obtain new information on the former +extension, in one direction, of the ancestral abodes of certain clans +of the sedentary people of Tusayan which are now limited to six +pueblos in the northeastern part of the territory. In carrying out +this general plan I made an examination of cliff dwellings and other +ruins in Verde valley, and undertook an exploration of two old pueblos +near the Hopi villages. The reason which determined my choice of the +former as a field for investigation was a wish to obtain archeological +data bearing on certain Tusayan traditions. It is claimed by the +traditionists of Walpi, especially those of the Patki[3] or +Water-house phratry, that their ancestors came from a land far to the +south of Tusayan, to which they give the name Palatkwabi. The +situation of this mythic place is a matter of considerable conjecture, +but it was thought that an archeological examination of the country at +or near the headwaters of the Rio Verde and its tributaries might shed +light on this tradition. + +It is not claimed, however, that all the ancestors of the Tusayan +people migrated from the south, nor do I believe that those who came +from that direction necessarily passed through Verde valley. Some, no +doubt, came from Tonto Basin, but I believe it can be shown that a +continuous line of ruins, similar in details of architecture, extend +along this river from its junction with Salt river to well-established +prehistoric dwelling places of the Hopi people. Similar lines may +likewise be traced along other northern tributaries of the Salt or the +Gila, which may be found to indicate early migration stages. + +The ruins of Verde valley were discovered in 1854 by Antoine Leroux, a +celebrated guide and trapper of his time, and were thus described by +Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner in the following year: + + The river banks were covered with ruins of stone houses and + regular fortifications; which, he [Leroux] says, appeared to + have been the work of civilized men, but had not been + occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most + fertile tracts of the valley, where were signs of acequias + and of cultivation. The walls were of solid masonry, of + rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in length, and + yet remaining ten or fifteen feet in height. The buildings + were of two stories, with small apertures or loopholes for + defence when besieged.... In other respects, however, Leroux + says that they reminded him of the great pueblos of the + Moquinos.[4] + +A fragment of folklore, which is widely distributed among both the +aboriginal peoples of Gila valley and the modern Tusayan Indians, +recounts how the latter were at one time in communication with the +people of the south, and traditions of both distinctly connect the +sedentary people of Tusayan with those who formerly inhabited the +great pueblos, now in ruins, dotting the plain in the delta between +Gila and Salt rivers. That archeology might give valuable information +on this question had long been my conviction, and was the main +influence which led me to the studies recorded in the following pages. + +An examination of a map of Arizona will show that one of the pathways +or feasible routes of travel possible to have been used in any +connection between the pueblos of the Gila and those of northern +Arizona would naturally be along Rio Verde valley. Its tributaries +rise at the foot of San Francisco mountains, and the main river +empties into the Salt, traversing from north to south a comparatively +fertile valley, in the main advantageous for the subsistence of +semisedentary bands in their migrations. Here was a natural highway +leading from the Gila pueblos, now in ruins, to the former villages in +the north. + +The study of the archeology of Verde valley had gone far enough to +show that the banks of the river were formerly the sites of many and +populous pueblos, while the neighboring mesas from one end to another +are riddled with cavate dwellings or crowned with stone buildings. +Northward from that famous crater-like depression in the Verde region, +the so-called Montezuma Well on Beaver creek, one of the affluents of +the Rio Verde, little archeological exploration had been attempted. +There was, in other words, a break in the almost continuous series of +ruins from Tusayan as far south as the Gila. Ruined towns had been +reported as existing not far southward from San Francisco +mountains,[5] and from there by easy stages the abodes of a former +race had been detected at intervals all the way to the Tusayan +pueblos. At either end the chain of ruins between the Tusayan towns +and the Gila ruins was unbroken, but middle links were wanting. All +conditions imply former habitations in this untrodden hiatus, the +region between the Verde and the Tusayan series, ending near the +present town of Flagstaff, Arizona; but southward from that town the +country was broken and impassable, a land where the foot of the +archeologist had not trodden. Remains of human habitations had, +however, been reported by ranchmen, but these reports were vague and +unsatisfactory. So far as they went they confirmed my suspicions, and +there were other significant facts looking the same way. The color of +the red cliffs fulfilled the Tusayan tradition of Palatkwabi, or their +former home in the far south. Led by all these considerations, before +I took to the field I had long been convinced that this must have been +one of the homes of certain Hopi clans, and when the occasion +presented itself I determined to follow the northward extension of the +ancient people of the Verde into these rugged rocks. By my discoveries +in this region of ruins indicative of dwellings of great size in +ancient times I have supplied the missing links in the chain of +ancient dwellings extending from the great towns of the Gila to the +ruins west of the modern Tusayan towns. If this line of ruins, +continuous from Gila valley to Tusayan and beyond, be taken in +connection with legends ascribing Casa Grande to the Hopi and those of +certain Tusayan clans which tell of the homes of their ancestors in +the south, a plausible explanation is offered for the many +similarities between two apparently widely different peoples, and the +theory of a kinship between southern and northern sedentary tribes of +Arizona does not seem as unlikely as it might otherwise appear. + +The reader will notice that I accept without question the belief that +the so-called cliff dwellers were not a distinct people, but a +specially adaptive condition of life of a race whose place of +habitation was determined by its environment. We are considering a +people who sometimes built dwellings in caverns and sometimes in the +plains, but often in both places at the same epoch. Moreover, as long +ago pointed out by other students, the existing Pueblo Indians are +descendants of a people who at times lived in cliffs, and some of the +Tusayan clans have inhabited true cliff houses in the historic period. +By intermarriage with nomadic races and from other causes the +character of Pueblo consanguinity is no doubt somewhat different from +that of their ancient kin, but the character of the culture, as shown +by a comparison of cliff-house and modern objects, has not greatly +changed. + +While recognizing the kinship of the Pueblos and the Cliff villagers, +this resemblance is not restricted to any one pueblo or group of +modern pueblos to the exclusion of others. Of all modern +differentiations of this ancient substratum of culture of which cliff +villages are one adaptive expression, the Tusayan Indians are the +nearest of all existing people of the Southwest[6] to the ancient +people of Arizona. + +The more southerly ruins of Tusayan, which I have been able +satisfactorily to identify and to designate by a Hopi name, are those +called Homolobi, situated not far from Winslow, Arizona, near where +the railroad crosses the Little Colorado. These ruins are claimed by +the Hopi as the former residences of their ancestors, and were halting +places in the migration of certain clans from the south. They were +examined by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, +in 1893,[7] but no report on them has yet been published. + +While, however, the Homolobi group of ruins is the most southerly to +which I have been able to affix a Hopi name, others still more to the +southward are claimed by certain of their traditions.[8] The Hopi +likewise regard as homes of their ancestors certain habitations, now +in ruins, near San Francisco mountains. In a report on his exploration +of Zuñi and Little Colorado rivers in 1852, Captain L. Sitgreaves +called attention to several interesting ruins, one of which was not +far from the "cascades" of the latter river. After ascending the +plateau, which he found covered with volcanic detritus, he discovered +that "all the prominent points" were "occupied by the ruins of stone +houses, which were in some instances three stories in height. They are +evidently," he says, "the remains of a large town, as they occurred at +intervals for an extent of eight or nine miles, and the ground was +thickly strewn with fragments of pottery in all directions." + +In 1884 a portion of Colonel James Stevenson's expedition, under F. D. +Bickford, examined the cliff houses in Walnut canyon, and in 1886 +Major J. W. Powell and Colonel Stevenson found scattered ruins north +of San Francisco mountains having one, two, or three rooms, each +"built of basaltic cinders and blocks of lava." These explorers +likewise reported ruins of extensive dwellings in the same region +made of sandstone and limestone. At about 25 miles north of the +mountains mentioned they discovered a small volcanic cone of cinders +and basalt, which was formerly the site of a village or pueblo built +around a crater, and estimated that this little pueblo contained 60 or +70 rooms, with a plaza occupying one-third of an acre of surface.[9] + +Twelve miles eastward from San Francisco mountains they found another +cinder cone resembling a dome, and on its southern slope, in a +coherent cinder mass, were many chambers, of which one hundred and +fifty are said to have been excavated. They mention the existence on +the summit of this cone of a plaza inclosed by a rude wall of volcanic +cinders, with a carefully leveled floor. The former inhabitants of +these rooms apparently lived in underground chambers hewn from the +volcanic formation. Eighteen miles farther eastward was another ruined +village built about the crater of a volcanic cone. Several villages +were discovered in this locality and many natural caves which had been +utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls of +volcanic rocks and cinders. These cavate rooms were arranged tier +above tier in a very irregular way. + +At this place three distinct kinds of ruins were found--cliff +villages, cave dwellings, and pueblos. Eight miles southeastward from +Flagstaff, in Oak creek canyon, a cliff house of several hundred rooms +was discovered. It was concluded that all these ruins were abandoned +at a comparatively recent date, or not more than three or four +centuries ago, and the Havasupai Indians of Cataract canyon were +regarded as descendants of the former inhabitants of these villages. +The situation of some of these ruins and the published descriptions +would indicate that some of them were similar to those described and +figured by Sitgreaves,[10] to which reference has already been made. + +In 1896 two amateur explorers, George Campbell and Everett Howell, of +Flagstaff, reported that they had found, about eighteen miles from +that place, several well-preserved cliff towns and a remarkable tunnel +excavation. The whole region in the immediate neighborhood of San +Francisco mountains appears, therefore, to have been populated in +ancient times by an agricultural people, and legends ascribe some of +these ruins to ancestors of the Hopi Indians. + +There are several ruins due south of Tusayan which have not been +investigated, but which would furnish important contributions to a +study of Hopi migrations. Near Saint Johns, Arizona, likewise, there +are ruins of considerable size, possibly referable to the Cibolan +series; and south of Holbrook, which lies about due south of Walpi, +there are ruins, the pottery from which I have examined and found to +be of the black-and-white ware typical of the Cliff people. Perhaps, +however, no ruined pueblo presents more interesting problems than the +magnificent Pueblo Grande or Kintiel, about 20 miles north of Navaho +Springs. This large ruin, lying between the Cibolan and Tusayan +groups, has been referred to both of these provinces, and would, if +properly excavated, shed much light on the archeology of the two +provinces.[11] Kinnazinde lies not far from Kintiel. + +The ruins reported from Tonto Basin, of which little is known, may +later be found to be connected with early migrations of those Hopi +clans which claim southern origin. From what I can judge by the +present appearance of ruins just north of the Mogollon mountains, in a +direct line between Tonto Basin and the present Tusayan towns, there +is nothing to show the age of these ruined villages, and it is quite +likely that they may have been inhabited in the middle of the +sixteenth century. While it is commonly agreed that the province of +"Totonteac," which figures extensively in certain early Spanish +narratives, was the same as Tusayan, the linguistic similarity of the +word to "tonto" has been suggested by others. In the troublesome years +between 1860 and 1870 the Hopi, decimated by disease and harried by +nomads, sent delegates to Prescott asking to be removed to Tonto +Basin, and it is not improbable that in making this reasonable request +they simply wished to return to a place which they associated with +their ancestors, who had been driven out by the Apache. Totonteac[12] +is ordinarily thought to be the same as Tusayan, but it may have +included some of the southern pueblos now in ruins west of Zuñi. + +Having determined that the line of Verde ruins was continued into the +Red-rock country, it was desirable to see how the latter compared with +those nearer Tusayan. This necessitated reexamination of many ruins in +Verde valley, which was my aim during the most of June. I followed +this valley from the cavate dwellings near Squaw mountain past the +great ruin in the neighborhood of Old Camp Verde, the unique Montezuma +Well, to the base of the Red-rocks. Throughout this region I saw, as +had been expected, no change in the character of the ruins great +enough to indicate that they originally were inhabited by peoples +racially different. Stopped from further advance by a barrier of +rugged cliffs, I turned westward along their base until I found +similar ruins, which were named Palatki and Honanki. Having satisfied +myself that there was good evidence that the numbers of ancient +people were as great here as at any point in the Verde valley and that +their culture was similar, I continued the work with an examination of +the ruins north of the Red-rocks, where there is substantial evidence +that these were likewise of the same general character. + +The last two months of the summer, July and August, 1895, were devoted +to explorations of two Tusayan ruins, called Awatobi and Sikyatki. In +this work, apparently unconnected with that already outlined, I still +had in mind the light to be shed on the problem of Tusayan origin. The +question which presented itself was: How are these ruins related to +the modern pueblos? Awatobi was a historic ruin, destroyed in 1700, +and therefore somewhat influenced by the Spaniards. Many of the +survivors became amalgamated with pueblos still inhabited. Its kinship +with the surviving villagers was clear. Sikyatki, however, was +overthrown in prehistoric times, and at its destruction part of its +people went to Awatobi. Its culture was prehistoric. The discovery of +what these two ruins teach, by bringing prehistoric Tusayan culture +down to the present time and comparing them with the ruins of Verde +valley and southern Arizona, is of great archeological interest. + +While engaged in preparing this report, having in fact written most of +it, I received Mr Cosmos Mindeleff's valuable article on the Verde +ruins,[13] in which special attention is given to the cavate lodges +and villages of this interesting valley. This contribution anticipates +many of my observations on these two groups of aboriginal habitations, +and renders it unnecessary to describe them in the detailed manner I +had planned. I shall therefore touch but briefly on these ruins, +paying special attention to the cliff houses of Verde valley, situated +in the Red-rock country. This variety of dwelling was overlooked in +both Mearns' and Mindeleff's classifications, from the fact that it +seems to be confined to the region of the valley characterized by the +red-rock formation, which appears not to have been explored by them. +The close resemblance of these cliff houses to those of the region +north of Tusayan is instructive, in view of the ground, well taken, I +believe, by Mr Mindeleff, that there is a close likeness between the +Verde ruins and those farther north, especially in Tusayan. + + + + +RUINS IN VERDE VALLEY + +CLASSIFICATION OF THE RUINS + + +The ruined habitations in the valley of the Rio Verde may be +considered under three divisions or types, differing in form, but +essentially the same in character. In adopting this classification, +which is by no means restricted to this single valley, I do not claim +originality, but follow that used by the best writers on this subject. +My limitation of the types and general definitions may, however, be +found to differ somewhat from those of my predecessors. + +The three groups of ruins in our Southwest are the following: + + I--Pueblos, or Independent habitations. + II--Cliff Houses } +III--Cavate Dwellings } Dependent habitations. + +In the first group are placed those ancient or modern habitations +which are isolated, on all sides, from cliffs. They may be situated in +valleys or on elevations or mesas; they may be constructed of clay, +adobe, or stone of various kinds, but are always isolated from cliffs. +They are single or multiple chambered, circular or rectangular in +shape, and may have been built either as permanent habitations or as +temporary outlooks. Their main feature is freedom, on all sides except +the foundation, from cliffs or walls of rock in place. + +The second group includes those not isolated from natural cliffs, but +with some part of their lateral walls formed by natural rock in situ, +and are built ordinarily in caverns with overhanging roofs, which the +highest courses of their walls do not join. Generally erected in +caves, their front walls never close the entrances to those caverns. +This kind of aboriginal buildings may, like the former, vary in +structural material; but, so far as I know, they are not, for obvious +reasons, made of adobe alone. + +The third kind of pueblo dwellings are called cavate dwellings or +lodges, a group which includes that peculiar kind of aboriginal +dwelling where the rooms are excavated from the cliff wall, forming +caves, where natural rock is a support or more often serves as the +wall itself of the dwelling. The entrance may be partially closed by +masonry, the floor laid with flat stones, and the sides plastered with +clay; but never in this group is there a roof distinct from the top of +the cave. + +Naturally cavate dwellings grade into cliff houses, but neither of +these types can be confounded with the first group, which affords us +no difficulty in identification. All these kinds of dwellings were +made by people of the same culture, the character of the habitation +depending on geological environment. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_a_ + +CAVATE DWELLINGS--RIO VERDE] + +In Verde valley, villages, cliff houses, and cavate dwellings exist +together, and were, I believe, contemporaneously inhabited by a people +of the same culture. + +These types of ancient habitations are not believed to stand in the +relationship of sequence in development; nor is one simpler or less +difficult of construction than the others. Cliff houses display no +less skill and daring than do the villages in the plain, called +pueblos. The cavate dwellings are likewise a form of habitation which +shows considerable workmanship, and are far from caves like those +inhabited by "cave men." These dwellings were laboriously excavated +with rude implements; had floors, banquettes, windows, walled +recesses, and the like. It is hardly proper to regard them, as less +difficult to construct than pueblos or cliff houses. + +Cavate dwellings, like villages or cliff houses, may be single or +multiple, single or many chambered, and a cluster of these troglodytic +dwellings was, in fact, as truly a village as a pueblo or cliff house. +The same principle of seeking safety by crowding together held in all +three instances; and this very naturally, for the culture of the +inhabitants was identical. I shall consider only two of the three +types of dwellings in Verde valley, namely, the second and third +groups. + +It has, I think, been conclusively shown by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, so +far as types of the first group of ruins on the Verde are concerned, +that they practically do not differ from the modern Tusayan pueblos. +The remaining types, when rightly interpreted, furnish evidence of no +less important character. Notwithstanding Mindeleff's excellent +descriptions of the cavate dwellings of this region, already cited, I +have thought it well to bring into prominence certain features which +seem to me to indicate that this form of aboriginal dwelling was high +in its development, showing considerable skill in its construction, +and was fashioned on the same general plan as the others. For this +demonstration I have chosen one of the most striking clusters in Verde +valley. + + +CAVATE DWELLINGS + +The most accessible cavate dwellings in Verde valley (plate XCI _a_) +are situated on the left bank of the river, about eight miles +southward from Camp Verde and three miles from the mouth of Clear +creek. The general characteristics of this group have been well +described by Mr Mindeleff in the Thirteenth Annual Report of the +Bureau, so that I need but refer to a few additional observations made +on these interesting habitations.[14] + +These cavate lodges afford a fair idea of the best known of these +prehistoric dwellings in this part of Arizona. Although Verde valley +has many fine ranches, the land in immediate proximity to these ruins +is uncultivated. The nearest habitation, however, is not far away, and +it is not difficult to find guides to these caves, so well known are +they to the inhabitants of this part of the valley. It did not take +long to learn that any investigations which I might attempt there had +been anticipated by other archeologists and laymen, for many of the +rooms had been rifled of their contents and their walls thrown down, +while it was also evident that some careful excavations had been made. + +There is, however, abundant opportunity for more detailed scientific +work than has yet been attempted on these ruins, and what has thus far +been accomplished has been more in the nature of reconnoissance. The +cemeteries and burial places of the prehistoric people of the cavate +dwellings are yet to be discovered, and it is probable, judging from +experience gained at other ruins, that when they are found and +carefully investigated much light will be thrown on the character of +ancient cave life. + +The entrances to the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw mountain are +visible from the road for quite a distance, appearing as rows of holes +in the steep walls of the cliff on the opposite or left bank of the +Rio Verde. Owing to their proximity to the river, from which the +precipice in which they are situated rises almost vertically, we were +unable to camp under them, but remained on the right bank of the +river, where a level plain extends for some distance, bordering the +river and stretching back to the distant cliffs. We pitched our camp +on a bluff, about 30 feet above the river, in full sight of the cave +entrances, near a small stone inclosure which bears quite a close +resemblance to a Tusayan shrine. + +Aboriginal people had evidently cultivated the plain where we camped, +for there are many evidences of irrigating ditches and even walls of +former houses. At present, however, this once highly cultivated field +lies unused, and is destitute of any valuable plants save the scanty +grass which served to eke out the fodder of our horses. + +At the time of my visit the water of Rio Verde at this point was +confined to a very narrow channel under the bluff near its right bank, +but the appearance of its bed showed that in heavy freshets during the +rainy season the water filled the interval between the base of the +cliffs in which the cavate dwellings are situated and the bluffs which +form the right bank. + +In visits to the caves it was necessary, on account of the site of the +camp, to ford the stream each time and to climb to their level over +fallen stones, a task of no slight difficulty. The water in places was +shallow and the current only moderately rapid. Considering the fact +that it furnished potable liquid for ourselves and horses, and that +the line of trees which skirted the bluff was available for firewood, +our camp compared well with many which we subsequently made in our +summer's explorations. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_b_ + +CAVATE DWELLINGS--OAK CREEK] + +The section of the cliff which was examined embraced the northern +series of these caves, extending from a promontory forming one side of +a blind or box canyon to nearly opposite our camp. Adjacent to this +series of rooms, but farther down the river, on the same side, there +are two narrow side canyons, in both of which are also numerous caves, +in all respects similar to the series we chose for examination. At +several points on the summit of the cliffs, above the caves, large +rectangular ruins, with fallen walls, were discovered; these ruins +are, however, in no respect peculiar, but closely resemble those +ordinarily found in a similar position throughout this region and +elsewhere in Arizona and New Mexico. From their proximity to the caves +it would seem that the cavate dwellings, and the pueblos on the +summits of the mesas in which they are found, had been inhabited by +one people; but better evidence that such is true is drawn from the +character of the architecture and the nature of the art remains common +to both. + +Let us first consider the series of caves from a point opposite our +camp to the promontory which forms a pinnacle at the mouth of the +first of the two side caverns--a row of caves the entrances to which +are shown in the accompanying illustration (plate XCII). I have +lettered these rooms, as indicated by their entrances, _a_ to _l_, +beginning with the opening on the left. + +The rock in which these caves have been hewn is very soft, and almost +white in color, save for a slightly reddish brown stratum just below +the line of entrances to the cavate chambers. Although, as a general +thing, the wall of the cliff is almost perpendicular, and the caves at +points inaccessible, entrance to the majority of them can be effected +by mounting the heaps of small stones forming the débris, which has +fallen even to the bed of the river at various places, and by +following a ledge which connects the line of entrances. The easiest +approach mounts a steep decline, not far from the promontory at the +lower level of the line, which conducts to a ledge running along in +front of the caves about 150 feet above the bed of the stream. Roughly +speaking, this ledge is about 100 feet below the summit of the cliff. +It was impossible to reach several of the rooms, and it is probable +that when the caves were inhabited access to any one of them was even +more difficult than at present. + +Judging from the number of rooms, the cliffs on the left bank of the +Verde must have had a considerable population when inhabited. These +caverns, no doubt, swarmed with human beings, and their inaccessible +position furnished the inhabitants with a safe refuge from enemies, or +an advantageous outlook or observation shelter for their fields on the +opposite side of the stream. The soft rock of which the mesa is formed +is easily worked, and there are abundant evidences, from the marks of +tools employed, that the greater part of each cave was pecked out by +hand. Fragments of wood were very rarely seen in these cliff dugouts; +and although there is much adobe plastering, only in a few instances +were the mouths of the caves walled or a doorway of usual shape +present. The last room at the southern end, near the promontory at the +right of the entrance to a side canyon, has walls in front resembling +those of true cliff houses and pueblos in the Red-rock country farther +northward, as will be shown in subsequent pages. + +This group of cavate dwellings, while a good example of the cavern +type of ruins, is so closely associated, both in geographical position +and in archeological remains, with other types in Verde valley, that +we are justified in referring them to one and the same people. The +number of these troglodytic dwelling places on the Verde is very +large; indeed the mesas may be said to be fairly honeycombed with +subterranean habitations. Confined as a general thing to the softer +strata of rock, which from its character was readily excavated, they +lie side by side at the same general level, and are entered from a +projecting ledge, formed by the top of the talus which follows the +level of their entrances. + +[Illustration: FIG. 245--Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde] + +This ledge is easily accessible in certain places from the river bed, +where stones have fallen to the base of the cliff; but at most points +no approach is possible, and in their impregnable position the +inhabitants could easily defend themselves from hostile peoples. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCII + +ENTRANCES TO CAVATE RUINS] + +Whether the rock had recesses in it before the caves were enlarged +would seem to be answered in the affirmative, for similar caves +without evidences of habitations were observed. These, however, are as +a rule small, and wherever available the larger caverns have been +appropriated and enlarged by stone implements, as shown by the pecking +on the walls. The enlargement of these caverns, however, would not be +a difficult task, for the rock is very soft and easily worked. + +Entering one of these cavate rooms the visitor finds himself in a dark +chamber, as a rule with side openings or passageways into adjoining +rooms. Broad lateral banquettes are prominent features in the most +complicated caves, and there are many recesses and small closets or +cists. + +The ramifications formed by lateral rooms are often extensive, and the +chambers communicate with others so dark that we can hardly regard +them as once inhabited. In these dimly lighted rooms the walls were +blackened with smoke, as if from former fires, and in many of the +largest the position of fireplaces could plainly be discovered. As a +type of one of the more complicated I have chosen that figured to +illustrate the arrangement of these cavate dwellings (figure 245). +Many are smaller, others have more lateral chambers, but one type is +characteristic of all. + +A main room (_A_, figure 245), or that first entered from outside, is +roughly rectangular in shape, 12 feet long by 6 feet wide, and about 6 +feet high. The floor, however, was covered with very dry débris which +had blown in from the exterior or, in some instances, fallen from the +roof. That part of the floor which was exposed shows that it was +roughly plastered, sometimes paved or formed of solid rock. + +On three sides of this room there is a step 2 feet high, to platforms, +three in number, one in the rear and one on each side. These platforms +are 5, 6, and 6 feet 6 inches wide, respectively, and of the same +length as the corresponding sides of the central room. It would appear +that these platforms are characteristic architectural features of +these habitations, and we find them reproduced in some of the rooms of +the cliff houses of the Red-rocks, while Nordenskiöld has described a +kindred feature in the kivas of the Mesa Verde ruins. A somewhat +similar elevation of the floor in modern Tusayan kivas forms what may +be called the spectator's part, in front of the ladder as one +descends, and the same feature is common to many older Hopi +dwellings.[15] + +Beginning with the lateral platforms (_B_, figure 245) we first note, +as we step upon it at _c_, about midway of its length, a small +circular depression in the floor of the central room extending +slightly beneath the platform, as indicated by the dotted line. It is +possible that this niche was a receptacle for important household +objects, although it may have been a fireplace. + +In a corner of the right platform a round cist, partially hewn out of +the rock, was found, but its walls (_a_, figure 245) were badly broken +down by some former explorer. The floor of this recess lies below that +of the platform, while the cist itself (_D_) reminds one of the closed +or walled structures, so commonly found in the Verde, attached to the +side of the cliff. On the lateral wall of this chamber, at about the +height of the head, a row of small holes had been drilled into the +solid wall. These holes (_d_, _d_, _d_) are almost too small for the +insertion of roof beams, and were probably made for pegs on which to +rest a beam for hanging blankets and other textile fabrics when not in +use. The roof of the cave was the natural rock, and showed over its +whole surface marks of a pecking implement. + +The left chamber is 6 feet 6 inches broad, and from one corner, +opposite the doorway, a low passageway leads into a circular chamber, +6 feet in diameter, with its floor below the platform of the lateral +room. Between the chamber, on the left of the entrance, and the open +air, the wall of solid rock is broken by a slit-like crevice, which +allows the light to enter, and no doubt served as a window. A recess, +the floor of which is elevated, on a platform opposite the doorway, is +5 feet broad, and has a small circular depression in one corner. The +floor and upraise of this recess is plastered with adobe, which in +several places is smooth and well made. + +In comparing the remaining cavate dwellings of this series with that +described, we find every degree of complication in the arrangement of +rooms, from a simple cave, or irregular hole in the side of the cliff, +to squared chambers with lateral rooms. The room _I_,[16] for +instance, is rectangular, 6 feet long by 3 feet wide, with an entrance +the same width as that of the room itself. + +In room _III_, however, the external opening is very small, and there +is a low, narrow ledge, or platform, opposite the doorway. There is +likewise in this room a small shelf in the left-hand wall. In _IV_ +there is a raised platform on two adjacent sides of the square room, +and the doorway is an irregular orifice broken through the wall to the +open air. + +Room _IV_ is a subterranean chamber, most of the floor of which is +littered with large fragments of rock which have fallen from the roof. +It has numerous small recesses in the wall resembling cubby-holes +where household utensils of various kinds were undoubtedly formerly +kept. This room is instructive, in that the entrance is partially +closed by two walls of masonry, which do not join. The stones are +laid in adobe in which fragments of pottery were detected. These +unjoined walls leave a doorway which is thus flanked on each side by +stone masonry, recalling in every particular the well-known walls of +cliff houses. Here, in fact, we have so close a resemblance to the +masonry of true cliff houses that we can hardly doubt that the +excavators of the cavate dwellings were, in reality, people similar to +those who built the cliff houses of Verde valley. + +Room _VIII_ is a simple cave hewn out of the rock, with a chamber +behind it, entered by a passageway made of masonry, which partially +fills a larger opening. The doorway through this masonry is small +below, but broadens above in much the same manner as some of the +doorways in Tusayan of today. + +Continuing along the left bank of the river, from the row of cavate +rooms, just described, on the first mesa, we round a promontory and +enter a small canyon,[17] which is perforated on each side with +numerous other cavate dwellings, large and small, all of the same +general character as the type described. Here, likewise, are small +external openings which evidently communicated with subterranean +chambers, but many of them are so elevated that access to them from +the floor of the canyon or from the cliff above is not possible. A +marked feature of the whole series is the existence here and there of +small, often inaccessible, stone cists of masonry plastered to the +side of the rocky cliff like swallows' nests. + +All of these cists which are accessible had been opened and plundered +before my visit, but there yet remain a few which are still intact and +would repay examination and study. Similar walled-up cists are +likewise found, as we shall see later, in the cliff-houses of the +Red-rock country, hence are not confined to the Verde system of ruins. + +Cavate dwellings similar to those here described are reported to exist +in the canyons of upper Salado, Gala, and Zuñi rivers, and we may with +reason suspect that the distribution[18] of cavate dwellings is as +wide as that of the pueblos themselves, the sole requisite being a +soft tufaceous rock, capable of being easily worked by people with +stone implements. In none of the different regions in which they exist +is there any probability that these caves were made by people +different in culture from pueblo or cliff dwellers. They are much more +likely to have been permanent than temporary habitations of the same +culture stock of Indians who availed themselves of rock shelters +wherever the nature of the cliff permitted excavation in its walls. + +That the cavate lodges are simple "horticultural outlooks" is an +important suggestion, but one might question whether they were +conveniently placed for that purpose. So far as overlooking the +opposite plain (which had undoubtedly been cultivated in ancient +times) is concerned, the position of some of them may be regarded good +for that purpose, but certainly not so commanding as that of the hill +or mesa above, where well-marked ruins still exist. + +The position of the cavate dwellings is a disadvantageous one to reach +any cultivated fields if defenders were necessary. When the Tusayan +Indian today moves to his _kisi_ or summer brush house shelter he +practically camps in his corn or near it, in easy reach to drive away +crows, or build wind-breaks to shelter the tender sprouts; but to go +to their cornfields the inhabitants of the cavate dwellings I have +described were forced to cross a river before the farm was reached. +That these cavate dwellings were lookouts none can deny, but I incline +to a belief that this does not tell the whole story if we limit them +to such use. It is not wholly clear to me that they were not likewise +an asylum for refuge, possibly not inhabited continuously, but a very +welcome retreat when the agriculturist was sorely pressed by enemies. +Following the analogy of a Hopi custom of building temporary booths +near their fields, may we not suppose that the former inhabitants of +Verde valley may have erected similar shelters in their cornfields +during summer months, retiring to the cavate dwellings and the mesa +tops in winter? All available evidence would indicate that the cavate +dwellings were permanent habitations.[19] + +There are several square ruins on top of the mesa above the cavate +dwellings. The walls of these were massive, but they are now very much +broken down, and the adobe plastering is so eroded from the masonry +that I regard them of considerable antiquity. They do not differ from +other similar ruins, so common elsewhere in New Mexico and Arizona, +and are identical with others in the Verde region. I visited several +of these ruins, but made no excavations in them, nor added any new +data to our knowledge of this type of aboriginal buildings. The +pottery picked up on the surface resembles that of the ruins of the +Little Colorado and Gila. + +The dwellings which I have mentioned above are said[20] to be +duplicated at many other points in the watershed of the Verde, and +many undescribed ruins of this nature were reported to me by ranchmen. +I do not regard them as older than the adjacent ruins on the mesa +above or the plains below them, much less as productions of people of +different stages of culture, for everything about them suggests +contemporaneous occupancy. + +From what little I saw of the village sites on the Verde I believe +that Mindeleff is correct in considering that these ruins represent +a comparatively late period of pueblo architecture. The character +of the cliff houses of the Red-rocks shows no very great antiquity of +occupancy. While it is not possible to give any approximate date when +they were inhabited, their general appearance indicates that they are +not more than two centuries old. There is, however, no reference to +them in the early Spanish history of the Southwest. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIII + +BOWLDER WITH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR WOOD'S RANCH] + +Few pictographs were found in the immediate neighborhood of the cavate +dwellings; indeed the rock in their vicinity is too soft to preserve +for any considerable time any great number of these rock etchings. +Examples of ancient paleography were, however, discovered a short +distance higher up the river on malpais rock, which is harder and less +rapidly eroded. A half-buried bowlder (plate XCIII) near Wood's ranch +was found to be covered with the well-known spirals with zigzag +attachments, horned animals resembling antelopes, growing corn, rain +clouds, and similar figures. These pictographs occur on a black, +superficial layer of lava rock, or upon lighter stone with a malpais +layer, which had been pecked through, showing a lighter color beneath. +There is little doubt that many examples of aboriginal pictography +exist in this neighborhood, which would reward exploration with +interesting data. The Verde pictographs can not be distinguished, so +far as designs are concerned, from many found elsewhere in Colorado, +Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona. + +An instructive pictograph, different from any which I have elsewhere +seen, was discovered on the upturned side of a bowlder not far from +Hance's ranch, near the road from Camp Verde to the cavate dwellings. +The bowlder upon which they occur lies on top of a low hill, to the +left of the road, near the river. It consists of a rectangular network +of lines, with attached key extensions, crooks, and triangles, all +pecked in the surface. This dædalus of lines arises from grooves, +which originate in two small, rounded depressions in the rock, near +which is depicted the figure of a mountain lion. The whole pictograph +is 3-1/2 feet square, and legible in all its parts. + +The intent of the ancient scribe is not wholly clear, but it has been +suggested that he sought to represent the nexus of irrigating ditches +in the plain below. It might have been intended as a chart of the +neighboring fields of corn, and it is highly suggestive, if we adopt +either of these explanations or interpretations, that a figure of the +mountain lion is found near the depressions, which may provisionally +be regarded as representing ancient reservoirs. Among the Tusayan +Indians the mountain lion is looked on as a guardian of cultivated +fields, which he is said to protect, and his stone image is sometimes +placed there for the same purpose. + +In the vicinity of the pictograph last described other bowlders, of +which there are many, were found to be covered with smaller rock +etchings in no respect characteristic, and there is a remnant of an +ancient shrine a few yards away from the bowlder upon which they +occur. + + +MONTEZUMA WELL + +One of the most interesting sites of ancient habitation in Verde +valley is known as Montezuma Well, and it is remarkable how little +attention has been paid to it by archeologists.[21] Dr Mearns, in his +article on the ancient dwellings of Verde valley, does not mention the +well, and Mindeleff simply refers to the brief description by Dr +Hoffman in 1877. These ruins are worthy of more study than I was able +to give them, for like many other travelers I remained but a short +time in the neighborhood. It is possible, however, that some of my +hurried observations at this point may be worthy of record. + +Montezuma Well (plate XCIV) is an irregular, circular depression, +closely resembling a volcanic crater, but evidently, as Dr Hoffman +well points out, due to erosion rather than to volcanic agencies. As +one approaches it from a neighboring ranch the road ascends a low +elevation, and when on top the visitor finds that the crater occupies +the whole interior of the hill. The exact dimensions I did not +accurately determine, but the longest diameter of the excavation is +estimated at about 400 feet; its depth possibly 70 feet. On the +eastern side this depression is separated from Beaver creek by a +precipitous wall which can not be scaled from that side. At the time +of my visit there was considerable water in the "well," which was +reported to be very deep, but did not cover the whole bottom. It is +possible to descend to the water at one point on the eastern side, +where a trail leads to the water's edge. + +There appears to be a subterranean waterway under the eastern rim of +the well, and the water from the spring rushes through this passage +into Beaver creek. At the time of my visit this outflow was very +considerable, and in the rainy season it must be much greater. The +well is never dry, and is supplied by perennial subterranean springs +rather than by surface drainage. + +The geological agency which has been potent in giving the remarkable +crater-like form to Montezuma Well was correctly recognized by Dr +Hoffman[22] and others as the solvent or erosive power of the spring. +There is no evidence of volcanic formation in the neighborhood, and +the surrounding rocks are limestones and sandstones. Not far from +Navaho springs there is a similar circular depression, called Jacob's +Well, but which was dry when visited by me. This may later be found to +have been formed in a similar way. At several places in Arizona there +are formations of like geological character. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIV + +MONTEZUMA WELL] + +The walls of Montezuma Well are so nearly perpendicular that descent +to the edge of the water is difficult save by a single trail which +follows the detritus to a cave on one side. In this cave, the roof of +which is not much higher than the water level, there are fragments +of masonry, as if structures of some kind had formerly been erected in +it. I have regarded this cave rather as a place of religious rites +than of former habitation, possibly a place of retreat for ancient +priests when praying for rain or moisture, or a shrine for the deposit +of prayer offerings to rain or water gods. + +Several isolated cliff dwellings are built at different levels in the +sides of the cliffs. One of the best of these is diametrically +opposite the cave mentioned above, a few feet below the rim of the +depression. While this house was entered with little difficulty, there +were others which I did not venture to visit. + +The accompanying illustration (plate XCV) gives an idea of the general +appearance of one of these cliff houses of Montezuma Well. It is built +under an overhanging archway of rock in a deep recess, with masonry on +three sides. The openings are shown, one of which overlooks the +spring; the other is an entrance at one side. The face of masonry on +the front is not plastered, and if it was formerly rough cast the mud +has been worn away, leaving the stones exposed. The side wall, which +has been less exposed to the elements, still retains the plastering, +which is likewise found on the inner walls where it is quite smooth in +places. + +The number of cliff rooms in the walls of the well is small and their +capacity, if used as dwellings, very limited. There are, however, +ruins of pueblos of some size on the edge of the well. + +One of the largest of these, shown in the accompanying illustration +(plate XCVI), is situated on the neck of land separating the well from +the valley of Beaver creek. This pueblo was rectangular in form, of +considerable size, built of stones, and although at present almost +demolished, shows perfectly the walls of former rooms. Fragments of +ancient pottery would seem to indicate that the people who once +inhabited this pueblo were in no respect different from other +sedentary occupants of Verde valley. From their housetops they had a +wide view over the creek on one side and the spring on the other, +defending, by the site of their village, the one trail by which +descent to the well was possible. + +The remarkable geological character of Montezuma Well, and the spring +within it, would have profoundly impressed itself on the folklore of +any people of agricultural bent who lived in its neighborhood after +emigrating to more arid lands. About a month after my visit to this +remarkable spring I described the place to some of the old priests at +Walpi and showed them sketches of the ruins. These priests seemed to +have legendary knowledge of a place somewhat like it where they said +the Great Plumed Snake had one of his numerous houses. They reminded +me of a legend they had formerly related to me of how the Snake arose +from a great cavity or depression in the ground, and how, they had +heard, water boiled out of that hole into a neighboring river. The +Hopi have personal knowledge of Montezuma Well, for many of their +number have visited Verde valley, and they claim the ruins there as +the homes of their ancestors. It would not be strange, therefore, if +this marvelous crater was regarded by them as a house of Palülükoñ, +their mythic Plumed Serpent. + +Practically little is known of the pictography of this part of the +Verde valley people, although it has an important bearing on the +distribution of the cliff dwellers of the Southwest. There is evidence +of at least two kinds of petroglyphs, indicative of two distinct +peoples. One of these was of the Apache Mohave; the other, the +agriculturists who built the cliff homes and villages of the plain. +Those of the latter are almost identical with the work of the Pueblo +peoples in the cliff dweller stage, from southern Utah and Colorado to +the Mexican boundary. It is not a difficult task to distinguish the +pictography of these two peoples, wherever found. The pictographs of +the latter are generally pecked into the rock with a sharpened +implement, probably of stone, while those of the former are usually +scratched or painted on the surface of the rocks. Their main +differences, however, are found in the character of the designs and +the objects represented. This difference can be described only by +considering individual rock drawings, but the practiced eye may +readily distinguish the two kinds at a glance. The pictographs which +are pecked in the cliff are, as a rule, older than those which are +drawn or scratched, and resemble more closely those widely spread in +the Pueblo area, for if the cliff-house people ever made painted +pictographs, as there is every reason to believe they did, time has +long ago obliterated them. + +The pictured rocks (plate XCVII) near Cliff's ranch, on Beaver creek, +four miles from Montezuma Well, have a great variety of objects +depicted upon them. These rocks, which rise from the left bank of the +creek opposite Cliff's ranch, bear over a hundred different rock +pictures, figures of which are seen in the accompanying illustration. +The rock surface is a layer of black malpais, through which the totem +signatures have been pecked, showing the light stone beneath, and thus +rendering them very conspicuous. Among these pictographs many familiar +forms are recognizable, among them being the crane or blue heron, +bears' and badgers' paws, turtles, snakes, antelopes, earth symbols, +spirals, and meanders. + +Among these many totems there was an unusual pictograph in the form of +the figure 8, above which was a bear's paw accompanied by a human +figure so common in southwestern rock etchings. A square figure with +interior parallel squares extending to the center is also found, as +elsewhere, in cliff-dweller pictography. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCV + +CLIFF HOUSE, MONTEZUMA WELL] + + +CLIFF HOUSES OF THE RED-ROCKS + +After the road from old Camp Verde to Flagstaff passes a deserted +cabin at Beaver Head, it winds up a steep hill of lava or malpais to +the top of the Mogollones. If, instead of ascending this hill, one +turns to the left, taking an obscure road across the river bed, +which is full of rough lava blocks, and in June, when I traveled its +course, was without water, he soon finds himself penetrating a rugged +country with bright-red cliffs on his right (plate XCVIII). Continuing +through great parks and plains he finally descends to the well-wooded +valley of Oak creek, an affluent of Rio Verde. Here he finds evidences +of aboriginal occupancy on all sides--ruins of buildings, fortified +hilltops, pictographs, and irrigating ditches--testifying that there +was at one time a considerable population in this valley. The fields +of the ancient inhabitants have now given place to many excellent +ranches, one of the most flourishing of which is not far from a lofty +butte of red rock called the Court-house, which from its great size is +a conspicuous object for miles around. In many of these canyons there +are evidences of a former population, but the country is as yet almost +unexplored; there are many difficult places to pass, yet once near the +base of the rocks a way can be picked from the mouth of one canyon to +another. It does not take long to discover that this now uninhabited +region contains, like that along the Verde and its tributaries, many +ancient dwellings, for there is scarcely a single canyon leading into +these red cliffs in which evidences of former human habitations are +not found in the form of ruins. There is little doubt that these +unfrequented canyons have many and extensive cliff houses, the +existence of which has thus far escaped the explorer. The sandstone of +which they are composed is much eroded into caves with overhanging +roofs, forming admirable sites for cliff houses as distinguished from +cavate dwellings like those we have described. They are the only +described ruins of a type hitherto thought to be unrepresented in the +valley of the Verde.[23] + +In our excursion into the Red-rock country we were obliged to make our +own wagon road, as no vehicle had ever penetrated the rugged canyons +visited by us. It was necessary to carry our drinking water with us +from Oak creek, which fact impeded our progress and limited the time +available in our reconnoissance. There was, however, in the pool near +the ruins of Honanki enough water for our horses, and at the time we +were there a limited amount of grass for fodder was found. I was told +that later in the season both forage and water are abundant, so that +these prime necessities being met, there is no reason why successful +archeological investigations may not be successfully conducted in this +part of the Verde region. + +The limited population of this portion of the country rendered it +difficult to get laborers at the time I made my reconnoissance, so +that it would be advisable for one who expects to excavate the ruins +in this region to take with him workmen from the settled portions of +the valley. + + +RUINS NEAR SCHÜRMANN'S RANCH + +The valley of Oak creek, near Court-house butte, especially in the +vicinity of Schürmann's ranch, is dotted with fortifications, mounds +indicative of ruins, and like evidences of aboriginal occupancy. There +is undoubted proof that the former occupants of this plain constructed +elaborate irrigating ditches, and that the waters of Oak creek were +diverted from the stream and conducted over the adjoining valleys. +There are several fortified hills in this locality. One of the best of +these defensive works crowned a symmetrical mountain near Schürmann's +house. The top of this mesa is practically inaccessible from any but +the southern side, and was found to have a flat surface covered with +scattered cacti and scrub cedar, among which were walls of houses +nowhere rising more than two feet. The summit is perhaps 200 feet +above the valley, and the ground plan of the former habitations +extends over an area 100 feet in length, practically occupying the +whole of the summit. Although fragments of pottery are scarce, and +other evidences of long habitation difficult to find, the house walls +give every evidence of being extremely ancient, and most of the rooms +are filled with red soil out of which grow trees of considerable age. + +Descending from this ruin-capped mesa, I noticed on the first terrace +the remains of a roundhouse, or lookout, in the middle of which a +cedar tree had taken root and was growing vigorously. Although the +walls of this structure do not rise above the level of the ground, +there is no doubt that they are the remains of either a lookout or +circular tower formerly situated at this point. + +Many similar ruins are found throughout this vicinity, yet but little +more is known of them than that they antedate the advent of white men. +The majority of them were defensive works, built by the house +dwellers, and their frequency would indicate either considerable +population or long occupancy. Although many of those on the hilltops +differ somewhat from the habitations in the valleys, I think there is +little doubt that both were built by the same people.[24] There are +likewise many caves in this region, which seem to have been camping +places, for their walls are covered with soot and their floors strewn +with charred mescal, evidences, probably, of Apache occupancy. This +whole section of country was a stronghold of this ferocious tribe +within the last few decades, which may account for the modern +appearance of many of the evidences of aboriginal habitation. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVI + +RUIN ON THE BRINK OF MONTEZUMA WELL] + +There are some good pictographs on the foundation rocks of that great +pinnacle of red rock, called the Court-house, not far from Schürmann's +ranch.[25] Some of these are Apache productions, and the neighboring +caves evidently formed shelters for these nomads, as ash pit and +half-burnt logs would seem to show. This whole land was a stronghold +of the Apache up to a recent date, and from it they were dislodged, +many of the Indians being killed or removed by authority of the +Government. + +From the geological character of the Red-rocks I was led to suspect +that cavate dwellings were not to be expected. The stone is hard and +not readily excavated by the rude implements with which the aborigines +of the region were supplied. But the remarkable erosion shown in this +rock elsewhere had formed many deep caverns or caves, with +overreaching roofs, very favorable for the sites of cliff houses. My +hurried examination confirmed my surmises, for we here found dwellings +of this kind, so similar to the type best illustrated in Mancos canyon +of southern Colorado. There were several smoke-blackened caves without +walls of masonry, but with floors strewn with charred wood, showing +Apache occupancy. No cavate dwellings were found in the section of the +Red-rocks visited by our party. + +The two largest of the Red-rock cliff houses to which I shall refer +were named Honanki or Bear-house and Palatki or Red-house. The former +of these, as I learned from the names scribbled on its walls, had +previously been visited by white men, but so far as I know it has +never been mentioned in archeological literature. My attention was +called to it by Mr Schürmann, at whose hospitable ranch I outfitted +for my reconnoissance into the Red-rock country. The smaller ruin, +Palatki, we discovered by chance during our visit, and while it is +possible that some vaquero in search of a wild steer may have visited +the neighborhood before us, there is every reason to believe that the +ruin had escaped even the notice of these persons, and, like Honanki, +was unknown to the archeologist. + +The two ruins, Honanki and Palatki, are not the only ones in the lone +canyon where we encamped. Following the canyon a short distance from +its entrance, there was found to open into it from the left a +tributary, or so-called box canyon, the walls of which are very +precipitous. Perched on ledges of the cliffs there are several rows of +fortifications or walls of masonry extending for many yards. It was +impossible for us to enter these works, even after we had clambered up +the side of the precipice to their level, so inaccessible were they to +our approach. These "forts" were probably for refuge, but they are ill +adapted as points of observation on account of the configuration of +the canyon. Their masonry, as examined at a distance with a field +glass, resembles that of Palatki and Honanki. + +I was impressed by the close resemblance between the large cliff +houses of the Red-rocks, with their overhanging roof of rock, and +those of the San Juan and its tributaries in northern New Mexico. +While it is recognized that cliff houses have been reported from Verde +valley, I find them nowhere described, and our lack of information +about them, so far as they are concerned, may have justified +Nordenskiöld's belief that "the basin of the Colorado actually +contains almost all the cliff dwellings of the United States." As the +Gila flows into the Colorado near its mouth, the Red-rock ruins may in +a sense be included in the Colorado basin, but there are many and +beautiful cliff houses higher up near the sources of the Gila and its +tributary, the Salt. In calling attention to the characteristic cliff +dwellings of the Red-rocks I am making known a new region of ruins +closely related to those of Canyon de Tségi, or Chelly, the San Juan +and its tributaries. + +Although the cliff houses of Verde valley had been known for many +years, and the ruins here described are of the same general character, +anyone who examines Casa Montezuma, on Beaver creek, and compares it +with Honanki, will note differences of an adaptive nature. The one +feature common to Honanki and the "Cliff Palace" of Mancos canyon is +the great overhanging roof of the cavern, which, in that form, we miss +in Casa Montezuma (figure 246).[26] + +[Illustration: FIG. 246--Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek] + +We made two camps in the Red-rock country, one at the mouth of a wild +canyon near an older camp where a well had been dug and the cellar of +an American house was visible. This camp was fully six miles from +Schürmann's ranch and was surrounded by some of the wildest scenery +that I had ever witnessed. The accompanying view (plate XCVIII) was +taken from a small elevation near by, and gives a faint idea of the +magnificent mountains by which we were surrounded. The colors of the +rocks are variegated, so that the gorgeous cliffs appear to be banded, +rising from 800 to 1,000 feet sheer on all sides. These rocks had +weathered into fantastic shapes suggestive of cathedrals, Greek +temples, and sharp steeples of churches extending like giant needles +into the sky. The scenery compares very favorably with that of the +Garden of the Gods, and is much more extended. This place, I have no +doubt, will sooner or later become popular with the sightseer, and I +regard the discovery of these cliffs one of the most interesting of my +summer's field work. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVII + +PICTOGRAPHS NEAR CLIFF RANCH, VERDE VALLEY] + +On the sides of these inaccessible cliffs we noticed several cliff +houses, but so high were they perched above us that they were almost +invisible. To reach them at their dizzy altitude was impossible, but +we were able to enter some caves a few hundred feet above our camp, +finding in them nothing but charred mescal and other evidences of +Apache camps. Their walls and entrances are blackened with smoke, but +no sign of masonry was detected. + +We moved our camp westward from this canyon (which, from a great cliff +resembling the Parthenon, I called Temple canyon), following the base +of the precipitous mountains to a second canyon, equally beautiful but +not so grand, and built our fire in a small grove of scrub oak and +cottonwood. In this lonely place Lloyd had lived over a winter, +watching his stock, and had dug a well and erected a corral. We +adopted his name for this camp and called it Lloyd canyon. There was +no water in the well, but a few rods beyond it there was a pool, from +which we watered our horses. On the first evening at this camp we +sighted a bear, which gave the name Honanki, "Bear-house," to the +adjacent ruined dwellings. + +The enormous precipice of red rock west of our camp at Lloyd's corral +hid Honanki from view at first, but we soon found a trail leading +directly to it, and during our short stay in this neighborhood we +remained camped near the cottonwoods at the entrance to the canyon, +not far from the abandoned corral. Our studies of Honanki led to the +discovery of Palatki (figure 247), which we investigated on our return +to Temple canyon. I will, therefore, begin my description of the +Red-rock cliff houses with those last discovered, which, up to the +visit which I made, had never been studied by archeologists. + + +PALATKI + +There are two neighboring ruins which I shall include in my +consideration of Palatki, and these for convenience may be known as +Ruin I and Ruin II, the former situated a little eastward from the +latter. They are but a short distance apart, and are in the same box +canyon. Ruin I (plate XCIX) is the better preserved, and is a fine +type of the compact form of cliff dwellings in the Red-rock country. + +This ruin is perched on the top of a talus which has fallen from the +cliff above, and is visible for some distance above the trees, as one +penetrates the canyon. It is built to the side of a perpendicular +wall of rock which, high above its tallest walls, arches over it, +sheltering the walls from rain or eroding influences. From the dry +character of the earth on the floors I suspect that for years not a +drop of water has penetrated the inclosures, although they are now +roofless. + +A highly characteristic feature of Ruin I is the repetition of rounded +or bow-shape front walls, occurring several times in their length, and +arranged in such a way as to correspond roughly to the inclosures +behind them. By this arrangement the size of the rooms was increased +and possibly additional solidity given to the wall itself. This +departure from a straight wall implies a degree of architectural +skill, which, while not peculiar to the cliff dwellings of the +Red-rocks, is rarely found in southern cliff houses. The total length +of the front wall of the ruin, including the part which has fallen, is +approximately 120 feet, and the altitude of the highest wall is not +far from 30 feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 247--Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II)] + +From the arrangement of openings in the front wall at the highest part +there is good evidence of the former existence of two stories. At +several points the foundation of the wall is laid on massive bowlders, +which contribute to the height of the wall itself. The masonry is made +up of irregular or roughly squared blocks of red stone laid in red +clay, both evidently gathered in the immediate neighborhood of the +ruin. The building stones vary in size, but are as a rule flat, and +show well directed fractures as if dressed by hammering. In several +places there still remains a superficial plastering, which almost +conceals the masonry. The blocks of stone in the lower courses are +generally more massive than those higher up; this feature, however, +whether considered as occurring here or in the cliff houses of Mesa +Verde, as pointed out by Nordenskiöld, seems to me not to indicate +different builders, but is due simply to convenience. There appears to +be no regularity in the courses of component blocks of stone, and when +necessity compelled, as in the courses laid on bowlders, which serve +as a foundation, thin wedges of stone, or spalls, were inserted in the +crevices. The walls are vertical, but the corners are sometimes far +from perpendicular. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVIII + +THE RED ROCKS; TEMPLE CANYON] + +The interior of the ruin is divided into a number of inclosures by +partitions at right angles to the front wall, fastening it to the face +of the cliff. This I have lettered, beginning at the extreme right +inclosure with _A_. The inclosure has bounding walls, built on a +bowlder somewhat more than six feet high. It has no external +passageway, and probably the entrance was from the roof. This +inclosure communicates by a doorway directly with the adjoining +chamber, _B_. The corner of this room, or the angle made by the +lateral with the front walls, is rounded, a constant feature in +well-built cliff houses. No windows exist, and the upper edge of both +front and lateral walls is but slightly broken. + +The front wall of inclosure _B_ bulges into bow-shape form, and was +evidently at least two stories high. This wall is a finely laid +section of masonry, composed of large, rough stones in the lower +courses, upon which smaller, roughly hewn stones are built. It is +probable, from the large amount of débris in the neighborhood, that +formerly there were rows of single-story rooms in front of what are +now the standing walls, but the character of their architecture is +difficult to determine with certainty. Their foundations, although +partially covered, are not wholly concealed. + +The front wall of inclosure _B_ is pierced by three openings, the +largest of which is a square passageway into the adjoining room, and +is situated in the middle of the curved wall. A wooden lintel, which +had been well hewn with stone implements, still remains in place above +this passageway, and under it the visitor passes through a low opening +which has the appearance of having been once a doorway. Above this +entrance, on each side, in the wall, is a square hole, which +originally may have been the points of support of floor beams. +Formerly, likewise, there was a large square opening above the middle +passageway, but this has been closed with masonry, leaving in place +the wooden beam which once supported the wall above. The upper edge of +the front wall of inclosure _B_ is level, and is but little broken +except in two places, where there are notches, one above each of the +square holes already mentioned. It is probable that these depressions +were intended for the ends of the beams which once supported a +combined roof and floor. + +On the perpendicular wall which forms the rear of inclosure _B_, many +feet above the top of the standing front walls, there are several +pictographs of Apache origin. The height of these above the level of +the former roof would appear to indicate the existence of a third +story, for the hands which drew them must have been at least 15 feet +above the present top of the standing wall. + +The front of _C_ is curved like that of inclosure _B_, and is much +broken near the foundations, where there is a passageway. There is a +small hole on each side of a middle line, as in _B_, situated at about +the same level as the floor, indicating the former position of a beam. +Within the ruin there is a well-made partition separating inclosures +_B_ and _C_. + +The size of room _D_ is much less than that of _B_ or _C_, but, with +the exception of a section at the left, the front wall has fallen. The +part which remains upright, however, stands like a pinnacle, +unconnected with the face of the cliff or with the second-story wall +of inclosure _C_. It is about 20 feet in height, and possibly its +altitude appears greater than it really is from the fact that its +foundations rest upon a bowlder nearly six feet high (plate CX). + +The foundations of rooms _E_ and _F_ (plate C) are built on a lower +level than those of _B_ and _C_ or _D_, and their front walls, which +are really low, are helped out by similar bowlders, which serve as +foundations. The indications are that both these inclosures were +originally one story in height, forming a wing to the central section +of the ruin, which had an additional tier of rooms. There is an +entrance to _F_ at the extreme left, and the whole room was lower than +the floor of the lower stories of _B_, _C_, and _D_. + +The most conspicuous pictograph on the cliff above Ruin I of Palatki, +is a circular white figure, seen in the accompanying illustration. +This pictograph is situated directly above the first room on the +right, _A_, and was apparently made with chalk, so elevated that at +present it is far above the reach of a person standing on any of the +walls. From its general character I am led to believe that it was made +by the Apache and not by the builders of the pueblo. + +There were no names of white visitors anywhere on the walls of +Palatki, which, so far as it goes, affords substantial support of my +belief that we were the first white men to visit this ruin. While it +can not be positively asserted that we were the original discoverers +of this interesting building, there is no doubt that I was the first +to describe it and to call attention to its highly characteristic +architectural plan. + +The walls of Palatki are not so massive as those of the neighboring +Honanki, and the number of rooms in both ruins which form Palatki is +much smaller. Each of these components probably housed not more than a +few families, while several phratries could readily be accommodated in +Honanki. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIX + +PALATKI (RUIN I)] + +The second Palatki ruin is well preserved, and as a rule the rooms, +especially those in front, have suffered more from vandalism and from +the elements than have those of Ruin I. The arrangement of the rooms +is somewhat different from that of the more exposed eastern ruin, to +which it undoubtedly formerly belonged. + +Ruin II lies in a deep recess or cave, the roof of which forms a +perfect arch above the walls. It is situated a few hundred feet to the +west, and is easily approached by following the fallen débris at the +foot of a perpendicular cliff. The front walls have all fallen, +exposing the rear wall of what was formerly a row of rooms, as shown +in the accompanying illustration (plate CI). There are evidences that +this row of rooms was but a single story in height, while those behind +it have indications of three stories. Ruin II is more hidden by the +trees and by its obscure position in a cavern than the former, but the +masonry in both is of the same general character. + +On approaching Ruin II from Ruin I there is first observed a well-made +though rough wall, as a rule intact, along which the line of roof and +flooring can readily be traced (plate CI). In front of this upright +wall are fragments of other walls, some standing in unconnected +sections, others fallen, their fragments extending down the sides of +the talus among the bushes. It was observed that this wall is broken +by an entrance which passes into a chamber, which may be called _A_, +and two square holes are visible, one on each side, above it. These +holes were formerly filled by two logs, which once supported the floor +of a second chamber, the line of which still remains on the upright +wall. The small square orifice directly above the entrance is a +peephole. + +In examining the character of the wall it will be noticed that its +masonry is in places rough cast, and that there was little attempt at +regularity in the courses of the component stones, which are neither +dressed nor aligned, although the wall is practically vertical. + +At one point, in full view of the observer, a log is apparently +inserted in the wall, and if the surrounding masonry be examined it +will be found that an opening below it had been filled in after the +wall was erected. It is evident, from its position relatively to the +line indicating the roof, that this opening was originally a +passageway from one room to another. Passing back of the standing wall +an inclosure (room _A_) is entered, one side of which is the rock of +the cliff, while the other three bounding walls are built of masonry, +20 feet high. This inclosure was formerly divided into an upper and a +lower room by a partition, which served as the roof of the lower and +the floor of the upper chambers. Two beams stretched across this +inclosure about six feet above the débris of the present floor, and +the openings in the walls, where these beams formerly rested, are +readily observed. In the same way the beam-holes of the upper story +may also be easily seen on the top of the wall. Between the rear wall +of this inclosure and the perpendicular cliff there was a recess which +appears to have been a dark chamber, probably designed for use as a +storage room or granary. The configuration of the cliff, which forms +the major part of the inclosing wall of this chamber, imparts to it an +irregular or roughly triangular form. + +The entire central portion of the ruin is very much broken down, and +the floor is strewn to a considerable depth with the débris of fallen +walls. On both sides there are nicely aligned, smoothly finished +walls, with traces of beams on the level of former floors. Some of +these bounding walls are curved; others are straight, and in places +they rise 20 feet. Marks of fire are visible everywhere; most of the +beams have been wrenched from their places, as a result of which the +walls have been much mutilated, badly cracked, or thrown down. + +There are no pictographs near this ruin, and no signs of former visits +by white men. + +Midway between Honanki and the second Palatki ruin a small ancient +house of the same character as the latter was discovered. This ruin is +very much exposed, and therefore the walls are considerably worn, but +six well-marked inclosures, indicative of former rooms, were readily +made out. No overarching rock shielded this ruin from the elements, +and rubble from fallen walls covers the talus upon which it stands. +The adobe mortar between the stones is much worn, and no fragment of +plastering is traceable within or without. This evidence of the great +weathering of the walls of the ruin is not considered indicative of +greater age than the better preserved ruins in the neighborhood, but +rather of exposure to the action of the elements. Not only are the +walls in a very poor condition, but also the floors show, from the +absence of dry soil upon them, that the whole ruin has suffered +greatly from the same denudation. There are no fragments of pottery +about it, and small objects indicating former habitation are also +wanting. A cedar had taken root where the floor once was, and its +present great size shows considerable age. If any pictographs formerly +existed in the adjacent cliff they have disappeared. There is likewise +no evidence that the Apache had ever sought it for shelter, or if they +had, their occupancy occurred so long ago that time has effaced all +evidence of their presence. + + +HONANKI + +The largest ruin visited in the Red-rock country was called, following +Hopi etymology, Honanki; but the nomenclature was adopted not because +it was so called by the Hopi, but following the rule elsewhere +suggested. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. C + +PALATKI (RUIN I)] + +This ruin lies under a lofty buttress of rock westward from Lloyd's +canyon, which presented the only available camping place in its +neighborhood. At the time of my visit there was but scanty water in +the canyon and that not potable except for stock. We carried with us +all the water we used, and when this was exhausted were obliged to +retrace our steps to Oak creek. There are groves of trees in the +canyon and evidences that at some seasons there is an abundant water +supply. A corral had been made and a well dug near its mouth, but with +these exceptions there were no evidences of previous occupancy by +white men. We had hardly pitched our camp before tracks of large game +were noticed, and before we left we sighted a bear which had come down +to the water to drink, but which beat a hasty retreat at our approach. +As previously stated, the knowledge of this ruin was communicated to +me by Mr Schürmann. + +[Illustration: FIG. 248--Ground plan of Honanki] + +The Honanki ruin (figure 248) extends along the base of the cliff for +a considerable distance, and may for convenience of description be +divided into two sections, which, although generally similar, differ +somewhat in structural features. The former is lineal in its +arrangement, and consists of a fringe of houses extending along the +base of the cliff at a somewhat lower level than the other. The walls +of this section were for the greater part broken, and at no place +could anything more than the foundation of the front wall be detected, +although fragments of masonry strewed the sides of the declivity near +its base. The house walls which remain are well-built parallel spurs +constructed at right angles to the cliff, which served as the rear of +all the chambers. At the extreme right end of this row of rooms, +situated deep in a large cavern with overhanging roof, portions of a +rear wall of masonry are well preserved, and the lateral walls of one +or two chambers in this portion of the ruin are still intact. +Straggling along from that point, following the contour of the base of +the cliff under which it lies, there extends a long row of rooms, all +destitute of a front wall. + +The first division (plate CII), beginning with the most easterly of +the series, is quite hidden at one end in a deep cavern. At this point +the builders, in order to obtain a good rear wall to their rooms, +constructed a line of masonry parallel with the face of the cliff. At +right angles to this construction, at the eastern extremity, there are +remnants of a lateral wall, but the remainder had tumbled to the +ground. The standing wall of _z_ is not continuous with that of the +next room, _y_, and apparently was simply the rear of a large room +with the remains of a lateral wall at right angles to it. The other +walls of this chamber had tumbled into a deep gorge, overgrown with +bushes which conceal the fragments. This building is set back deeply +in the cave, and is isolated from the remaining parts of the ruin, +although at the level which may have been its roof there runs a kind +of gallery formed by a ledge of rock, plastered with adobe, which +formerly connected the roof with the rest of the pueblo. This ledge +was a means of intercommunication, and a continuation of the same +ledge, in rooms _s_, _t_, and _u_, supported the rafters of these +chambers. At _u_ there are evidences of two stories or two tiers of +rooms, but those in front have fallen to the ground. + +The standing wall at _u_ is about five feet high, connected with the +face of the cliff by masonry. The space between it and the cliff was +not large enough for a habitable chamber, and was used probably as a +storage place. In front of the standing wall of room _u_ there was +another chamber, the walls of which now strew the talus of the cliff. + +The highest and best preserved room of the second series of chambers +at Honanki is that designated _p_, at a point where the ruin reached +an elevation of 20 feet. Here we have good evidence of rooms of two +stories, as indicated by the points of insertion of the beams of a +floor, at the usual levels above the ground. In fact, it is probable +that the whole section of the ruin was two stories high throughout, +the front walls having fallen along the entire length. From the last +room on the left to the eastern extremity of the line of houses which +leads to the main ruin of Honanki, no ground plans were detected at +the base of the cliffs, but fallen rocks and scattered débris are +strewn over the whole interval. + +The eastern part of the main ruin of Honanki, however, lies but a +short distance west of that described, and consists of many similar +chambers, arranged side by side. These are lettered in the diagram _h_ +to _u_, beginning with _h_, which is irregularly circular in form, and +ends with a high wall, the first to be seen as one approaches the ruin +from Lloyd canyon. This range of houses is situated on a lower +foundation and at a lower level than that of the main quarter of +Honanki, and a trail runs along so close to the rooms that the whole +series is easily visited without much climbing. No woodwork remains in +any of these rooms, and the masonry is badly broken in places either +by natural agencies or through vandalism. + +Beginning with _h_, the round room, which adjoins the main quarter of +Honanki, we find much in its shape to remind us of a kiva. The walls +are in part built on foundations of large bowlders, one of which +formed the greater part of the front wall. This circular room was +found to be full of fallen débris, and could not be examined without +considerable excavation. If it were a kiva, which I very much doubt, +it is an exception among the Verde valley ruins, where no true kiva +has yet been detected.[27] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CI + +FRONT WALL OF PALATKI (RUIN II)] + +Following _h_ there is an inclosure which originally may have been a +habitable room, as indicated by the well-constructed front wall, but +it is so filled with large stones that it is difficult to examine its +interior. On one side the wall, which is at right angles to the face +of the cliff, is 10 feet high, and the front wall follows the surface +of a huge bowlder which serves as its foundation. + +Room _i_ is clearly defined, and is in part inclosed by a large rock, +on top of which there still remains a fragment of a portion of the +front wall. A spur of masonry connects this bowlder with the face of +the cliff, indicating all that remains of the former division between +rooms _i_ and _j_. An offshoot from this bowlder, in the form of a +wall 10 feet high, formerly inclosed one side of a room. In the rear +of chamber _j_ there are found two receptacles or spaces left between +the rear wall and the face of the cliff, while the remaining wall, +which is 10 feet high, is a good specimen of pueblo masonry. + +The two side walls of room _k_ are well preserved, but the chamber +resembles the others of the series in the absence of a front wall. In +this room, however, there remains what may have been the fragment of a +rear wall parallel with the face of the cliff. This room has also a +small cist of masonry in one corner, which calls to mind certain +sealed cavities in the cavate dwellings. + +The two side walls of _m_ and _n_ are respectively eight and ten feet +high. There is nothing exceptional in the standing walls of room _o_, +one of which, five feet in altitude, still remains erect. Room _p_ has +a remnant of a rear wall plastered to the face of the cliff. + +Room _r_ (plate CIII) is a finely preserved chamber, with lateral +walls 20 feet high, of well-constructed masonry, that in the rear, +through which there is an opening leading into a dark chamber, +occupying the space between it and the cliff. It is braced by +connecting walls at right angles to the face of the solid rock. + +At _s_, the face of the cliff forms a rear wall of the room, and one +of the side walls is fully 20 feet high. The points of insertion of +the flooring are well shown, about 10 feet from the ground, proving +that the ruin at this point was at least two stories high. + +Two walled inclosures, one within the other, characterize room _u_. On +the cliff above it there is a series of simple pictographs, consisting +of short parallel lines pecked into the rock, and are probably of +Apache origin. This room closes the second series, along the whole +length of which, in front of the lateral walls which mark different +chambers, there are, at intervals, piles of débris, which enabled an +approximate determination of the situation of the former front wall, +fragments of the foundations of which are traceable in situ in several +places. + +The hand of man and the erosion of the elements have dealt harshly +with this portion of Honanki, for not a fragment of timber now remains +in its walls. This destruction, so far as human agency is concerned, +could not have been due to white men, but probably to the Apache, or +possibly to the cliff villagers themselves at the time of or shortly +after the abandonment of the settlement. + +From the second section of Honanki we pass to the third and +best-preserved portion of the ruins (figure 249), indicated in the +diagram from _a_ to _g_. To this section I have referred as the "main +ruin," for it was evidently the most populous quarter of the ancient +cliff dwelling. It is better preserved than the remainder of Honanki, +and is the only part in which all four walls of the chambers still +remain erect. Built at a higher level than the series of rooms already +considered, it must have towered above them, and possibly served as a +place of retreat when danger beset the more exposed quarters of the +village. + +[Illustration: FIG. 249--The main ruin of Honanki] + +Approaching the main ruin of Honanki (plate CIV) from the east, or +the parts already described, one passes between the buttress on which +the front wall of the rounded room _h_ is built and a fragment of +masonry on the left, by a natural gateway through which the trail is +very steep. On the right there towers above the visitor a +well-preserved wall of masonry, the front of room _a_, and he soon +passes abreast of the main portion of the ruin of Honanki. This +section is built in a huge cavern, the overhanging roof of which, is +formed by natural rock, arching far above the tops of the highest +walls of the pueblo and suggesting the surroundings of the "Cliff +Palace" of Mesa Verde, so well described by the late Baron G. +Nordenskiöld in his valuable monograph on the ruins of that section of +southern Colorado. The main ruin of Honanki is one of the largest and +best preserved architectural monuments of the former people of Verde +valley that has yet been described. Although somewhat resembling its +rival, the well-known "Casa Montezuma" of Beaver creek, its +architecture is dissimilar on account of the difference in the form of +the cavern in which it is built and the geological character of the +surrounding cliffs. Other Verde ruins may have accommodated more +people, when inhabited, but none of its type south of Canyon de Chelly +have yet been described which excel it in size and condition of +preservation. I soon found that our party were not the first whites +who had seen this lonely village, as the names scribbled on its walls +attested; but so far as I know it had not previously been visited by +archeologists. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CII + +HONANKI (RUIN II)] + +In the main portion of Honanki we found that the two ends of the +crescentic row of united rooms which compose it are built on rocky +elevations, with foundations considerably higher than those of the +rooms in the middle portion of the ruins. The line of the front wall +is, therefore, not exactly crescentic, but irregularly curved (figure +249), conforming to the rear of the cavern in which the houses are +situated. About midway in the curve of the front walls two walls +indicative of former rooms extend at an angle of about 25° to the main +front wall. All the component rooms of the main part of Honanki can be +entered, some by external passageways, others by doorways +communicating with adjacent chambers. None of the inclosures have +roofs or upper floors, although indications of the former existence of +both these structural features may readily be seen in several places. +Although wooden beams are invariably wanting, fragments of these still +project from the walls, almost always showing on their free ends, +inside the rooms, the effect of fire. I succeeded in adding to the +collection a portion of one of these beams, the extremity of which had +been battered off, evidently with a stone implement. In the alkaline +dust which covered the floor several similar specimens were seen. + +The stones which form the masonry of the wall (figure 250) were not, +as a rule, dressed or squared before they were laid with adobe mortar, +but were generally set in place in the rough condition in which they +may still be obtained anywhere under the cliff. + +All the mortar used was of adobe or the tenacious clay which serves so +many purposes among the Pueblos. The walls of the rooms were plastered +with a thick layer of the same material. The rear wall of each room is +the natural rock of the cliff, which rises vertically and has a very +smooth surface. The great natural archway which covers the whole +pueblo protects it from wind and rain, and as a consequence, save on +the front face, there are few signs of natural erosion. The hand of +man, however, has dealt rudely with this venerable building, and many +of the walls, especially of rooms which formerly stood before the +central portion, lie prone upon the earth; but so securely were the +component stones held together by the adobe that even after their fall +sections of masonry still remain intact. + +[Illustration: FIG. 250--Structure of wall of Honanki] + +There are seven walled inclosures in the main part of Honanki, and as +each of these was formerly at least two stories high there is +substantial evidence of the former existence of fourteen rooms in this +part of the ruin. There can be little doubt that there were other +rooms along the front of the central portion, and the fallen walls +show them to have been of large size. It would likewise appear that +the middle part was higher than the two wings, which would increase +the number of chambers, so that with these additions it may safely be +said that this part of Honanki alone contained not far from twenty +rooms. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIII + +WALLS OF HONANKI] + +The recess in the cliff in which the ruin is situated is lower in the +middle than at either side, where there are projecting ledges of rock +which were utilized by the builders in the construction of the +foundations, the line of the front wall following the inequalities of +the ground. It thus results that rooms _g_, _a_, _b_, and a part of +_c_, rise from a foundation about breast high, or a little higher than +the base of rooms _d_, _e_, and _f_. + +The front wall of _a_ has for its foundation a spur or ledge of rock, +which is continued under _b_ and a part of _c_. The corner or angle of +this wall, facing the round chamber, is curved in the form of a tower, +a considerable section of its masonry being intact. Near the +foundation and following the inequalities of the rock surface the +beginning of a wall at right angles to the face of the ruin at this +point is seen. A small embrasure, high above the base of the front +wall, on the side by which one approaches the ruin from the east, and +two smaller openings on the same level, looking out over the valley, +suggest a floor and lookouts. The large square orifice in the middle +of the face of the wall has a wooden lintel, still in place; the +opening is large enough for use as a door or passageway. The upper +edge of the front wall is somewhat irregular, but a notch in it above +the square opening is conspicuous. + +The rear wall of room _a_ was the face of the cliff, formed of solid +rock without masonry and very much blackened by smoke from former +fires. As, however, there is evidence that since its destruction or +abandonment by its builders this ruin has been occupied as a camping +place by the Apache, it is doubtful to which race we should ascribe +this discoloration of the walls by soot. + +On the ground floor there is a passageway into chamber _b_, which is +considerably enlarged, although the position of the lintel is clearly +indicated by notches in the wall. The beam which was formed there had +been torn from its place and undoubtedly long ago used for firewood by +nomadic visitors. The open passageway, measured externally, is about +15 feet above the foundation of the wall, through which it is broken, +and about 8 feet below the upper edge of the wall. + +Room _b_ is an irregular, square chamber, two stories high, +communicating with _a_ and _c_ by passages which are enlarged by +breakage in the walls. A small hole in the front wall, about 6 feet +from the floor, opens externally to the air. The walls are, in +general, about 2 feet thick, and are composed of flat red stones laid +in clay of the same color. The cliff forms the rear wall of the +chamber. The clay at certain places in the walls, especially near the +insertions of the beams and about the window openings, appears to have +been mixed with a black pitch, which serves to harden the mixture. + +Room _c_ is the first of a series of chambers, with external +passageways, but its walls are very much broken down, and the openings +thereby enlarged. The front wall is almost straight and in one place +stands 30 feet, the maximum height of the standing wall of the ruins. +In one corner a considerable quantity of ashes and many evidences of +fire, some of which may be ascribed to Apache occupants, was detected. +A wooden beam, marking the line of the floor of a second story, was +seen projecting from the front wall, and there are other evidences of +a floor at this level. Large beams apparently extended from the front +wall to the rear of the chamber, where they rested on a ledge in the +cliff, and over these smaller sticks were laid side by side and at +right angles to the beams. These in turn supported either flat stones +or a layer of mud or clay. The method of construction of one of these +roofs is typical of a Tusayan kiva, where ancient architectural forms +are adhered to and best preserved. + +The entrance to room _d_ is very much enlarged by the disintegration +of the wall, and apparently there was at this point a difference in +level of the front wall, for there is evidence of rooms in advance of +those connected with the chambers described, as shown by a line of +masonry, still standing, parallel to the front face of inclosures _c_ +and _d_. + +Room _e_ communicates by a doorway with the chamber marked _f_, and +there is a small window in the same partition. This room had a raised +banquette on the side toward the cliff, recalling an arrangement of +the floor similar to that in the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw +mountain which I have described. This platform is raised about three +feet above the remainder of the floor of _f_, and, like it, is strewn +with large slabs of stone, which have fallen from the overhanging +roof. In the main floor, at one corner, near the platform, there is a +rectangular box-like structure made of thin slabs of stone set on +edge, suggesting the grinding bins of the Pueblos. Room _f_ +communicates with _g_ by a passageway which has a stone lintel. The +holes in the walls, in which beams were once inserted, are seen in +several places at different levels above the floor. The ends of +several beams, one extremity of which is invariably charred, were +found set in the masonry, and others were dug from the débris in the +floor. + +As a result of the curve in the front wall of the ruin at that point, +the shape of room _f_ is roughly quadrate, with banquettes on two +sides. There are six large beam holes in the walls, and the position +of the first floor is well shown on the face of the partition, +separating _f_ from _g_. The passageway from one of these rooms to the +other is slightly arched. + +Room _g_ is elongated, without an external entrance, and communicates +with _f_ by a small opening, through which it is very difficult to +crawl. Its longest dimension is almost at right angles to the front +face of the remaining rooms, and it is raised above them by its +foundation on an elevated rock like that of _a_, _b_, and _c_. There +is a small, square, external opening which may have served as the +position of a former beam or log. The upper level of the front wall is +more or less broken down in places, and formerly may have been much +higher. Beyond _g_ a spur of masonry is built at right angles to the +cliff, inclosing a rectangular chamber at the end of the ruin which +could not be entered. Possibly in former times it was accessible by +means of a ladder from the roof, whence communication with other +portions of the structure was also had. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIV + +APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI] + +A short distance beyond the westernmost rooms of Honanki, almost +covered with bushes and adjoining the base of the cliff, there is a +large ash heap in which are many fragments of pottery and the bones of +various animals. It is probable that excavation in this quarter would +reveal many interesting objects. In the cliffs above this ash heap, +far beyond reach, there is a walled niche which has never been +disturbed. This structure is similar to those near the cavate +dwellings, and when opened will probably be found to contain buried +mortuary objects of interesting character. I did not disturb this +inclosure, inasmuch as I had no ladders or ropes with which to +approach it. + +It is very difficult to properly estimate, from the number of rooms in +a cliff house, the former population, and as a general thing the +tendency is rather to overstate than to fall short of the true total. +In a pueblo like Hano, on the first or east mesa of Tusayan, for +instance, there are many uninhabited rooms, and others serve as +storage chambers, while in places the pueblo has so far fallen into +ruin as to be uninhabitable. If a pueblo is very much concentrated the +population varies at different seasons of the year. In summer it is +sparsely inhabited; in winter it is rather densely populated. While +Palatki and Honanki together had rooms sufficient to house 500 people, +I doubt whether their aggregate population, ever exceeded 200. This +estimate, of course, is based on the supposition that these villages +were contemporaneously inhabited. + +The evidences all point to a belief, however, that they were both +permanent dwelling places and not temporary resorts at certain seasons +of the year. + +The pictographs on the face of the cliff above Honanki are for the +greater part due to the former Apache occupants of the rooms, and are +situated high above the tops of the walls of the ruin. They are, as a +rule, drawn with white chalk, which shows very clearly on the red +rock, and are particularly numerous above room _g_. The figure of a +circle, with lines crossing one another diametrically and continued as +rays beyond the periphery, possibly represent the sun. Many spiral +figures, almost constant pictographs in cliff ruins, are found in +several places. Another strange design, resembling some kind of +insect, is very conspicuous. + +A circle painted green and inclosed in a border of yellow is +undoubtedly of Apache origin. There is at one point a row of small +pits, arranged in line, suggesting a score or enumeration of some +kind, and a series of short parallel lines of similar import was found +not far away. This latter method of recording accounts is commonly +used at the present time in Tusayan, both in houses and on cliffs; and +one of the best of these, said to enumerate the number of Apache +killed by the Hopi in a raid many years ago, may be seen above the +trail by which the visitor enters the pueblo of Hano on the East Mesa. +The names of several persons scratched on the face of the cliff +indicate that Americans had visited Honanki before me. + +The majority of the paleoglyphs at both Palatki and Honanki are of +Apache origin, and are of comparatively modern date, as would +naturally be expected. In some instances their colors are as fresh as +if made a few years ago, and there is no doubt that they were drawn +after the building was deserted by its original occupants. The +positions of the pictographs on the cliffs imply that they were drawn +before the roofs and flooring had been destroyed, thus showing how +lately the ruin preserved its ancient form. In their sheltered +position there seems to be no reason why the ancient pictographs +should not have been preserved, and the fact that so few of the +figures pecked in the cliff now remain is therefore instructive. + +One of the first tendencies of man in visiting a ruin is to inscribe +his name on its walls or on neighboring cliffs. This is shared by both +Indians and whites, and the former generally makes his totem on the +rock surface, or adds that of his gods, the sun, rain-cloud, or +katcinas. Inscriptions recording events are less common, as they are +more difficult to indicate with exactitude in this system of +pictography. The majority of ancient pictographs in the Red-rock +country, like those I have considered in other parts of Verde valley, +are identical with picture writings now made in Tusayan, and are +recognized and interpreted without hesitation by the Hopi Indians. In +their legends, in which the migrations of their ancestors are +recounted, the traditionists often mention the fact that their +ancestors left their totem signatures at certain points in their +wanderings. The Patki people say that you will find on the rocks of +Palatkwabi, the "Red Land of the South" from which they came, totems +of the rain-cloud, sun, crane, parrot, etc. If we find these markings +in the direction which they are thus definitely declared to exist, and +the Hopi say similar pictures were made by their ancestors, there +seems no reason to question such circumstantial evidence that some of +the Hopi clans once came from this region.[28] + +One of the most interesting of the pictographs pecked in the rock is a +figure which, variously modified, is a common decoration on +cliff-dweller pottery from the Verde valley region to the ruins of the +San Juan and its tributaries. This figure has the form of two +concentric spirals, the ends of which do not join. As this design +assumes many modifications, it may be well to consider a few forms +which it assumes on the pottery of the cliff people and on that of +their descendants, the Pueblos. + +The so-called black-and-white ware, or white pottery decorated with +black lines, which is so characteristic of the ceramics of the +cliff-dwellers, is sometimes, as we shall see, found in ruins like +Awatobi and Sikyatki; but it is so rare, as compared with other +varieties, that it may be regarded as intrusive. + +One of the simplest forms of the broken-line motive is a Greek fret, +in which there is a break in the component square figures or where the +line is noncontinuous. In the simplest form, which appears prominently +on modern pottery, but which is rare or wanting on true +black-and-white ware, we have two crescentic figures, the concavities +of which face in different directions, but the horns overlap. This is +a symbol which the participants in the dance called the Húmiskatcina +still paint with pigments on their breasts, and which is used on +shields and various religious paraphernalia. + +A study of any large collection of decorated Pueblo ware, ancient or +modern, will show many modifications of this broken line, a number of +which I shall discuss more in detail when pottery ornamentation is +considered. A design so distinctive and so widespread as this must +certainly have a symbolic interpretation. The concentric spirals with +a broken line, the Hopi say, are symbols of the whirlpool, and it is +interesting to find in the beautiful plates of Chavero's _Antigüedades +Mexicanas_ that the water in the lagoon surrounding the ancient Aztec +capital was indicated by the Nahuatl Indians with similar symbols. + + +OBJECTS FOUND AT PALATKI AND HONANKI + +The isolation of these ruins and the impossibility of obtaining +workmen, combined with the brief visit which I was able to make to +them, rendered it impossible to collect very many specimens of ancient +handiwork. The few excavations which were made were limited almost +wholly to Honanki, and from their success I can readily predict a rich +harvest for anyone who may attempt systematic work in this virgin +field. We naturally chose the interior of the rooms for excavation, +and I will say limited our work to these places. Every chamber was +more or less filled with débris--fragments of overturned walls, +detached rock from the cliff above, dry alkaline soil, drifted sand, +dust, and animal excreta. In those places where digging was possible +we found the dust and guano so dry and alkaline that it was next to +impossible to work for any length of time in the rooms, for the air +became so impure that the workmen could hardly breathe, especially +where the inclosing walls prevented ventilation. Notwithstanding this +obstacle, however, we removed the accumulated débris down to the floor +in one or two chambers, and examined with care the various objects of +aboriginal origin which were revealed. + +In studying the specimens found in cliff-houses due attention has not +always been given to the fact that occupants have oftentimes camped in +them subsequently to their abandonment by the original builders. As a +consequence of this temporary habitation objects owned by unrelated +Indians have frequently been confused with those of the cliff-dwellers +proper. We found evidences that both Honanki and Palatki had been +occupied by Apache Mohave people for longer or shorter periods of +time, and some of the specimens were probably left there by these +inhabitants. + +The ancient pottery found in the rooms, although fragmentary, is +sufficiently complete to render a comparison with known ceramics from +the Verde ruins. Had we discovered the cemeteries, for which we +zealously searched in vain, no doubt entire vessels, deposited as +mortuary offerings, would have been found; but the kind of ware of +which they were made would undoubtedly have been the same as that of +the fragments. + +No pottery distinctively different from that which has already been +reported from the Verde valley ruins was found, and the majority +resembled so closely in texture and symbolism that of the cliff houses +of the San Juan, in northern New Mexico and southern Utah, that they +may be regarded as practically identical. + +The following varieties of pottery were found at Honanki: + + I. Coiled ware. + II. Indented ware. +III. Smooth ware. + IV. Smooth ware painted white, with black geometric figures. + V. Smooth red ware, with black decoration. + +By far the largest number of fragments belong to the first division, +and these, as a rule, are blackened by soot, as if used in cooking. +The majority are parts of large open-mouth jars with flaring rims, +corrugated or often indented with the thumb-nail or some hard +substance, the coil becoming obscure on the lower surface. The inside +of these jars is smooth, but never polished, and in one instance the +potter used the corrugations of the coil as an ornamental motive. The +paste of which this coiled ware was composed is coarse, with +argillaceous grains scattered through it; but it was well fired and is +still hard and durable. When taken in connection with its tenuity, +these features show a highly developed potter's technique. A single +fragment is ornamented with an S-shape coil of clay fastened to the +corrugations in much the same way as in similar ware from the ruins +near the Colorado Chiquito. + +The fragments of smooth ware show that they, too, had been made +originally in the same way as coiled ware, and that their outer as +well as their inner surface had been rubbed smooth before firing. As a +rule, however, they are coarse in texture and have little symmetry of +form. Fragments identified as parts of bowls, vases, jars, and dippers +are classed under this variety. As a rule they are badly or unevenly +fired, although evidently submitted to great heat. There was seldom an +effort made to smooth the outer surface to a polish, and no attempt at +pictorial ornamentation was made. + +The fragments represented in classes IV and V were made of a much +finer clay, and the surface bears a gloss, almost a glaze. The +ornamentation on the few fragments which were found is composed of +geometric patterns, and is identical with the sherds from other ruins +of Verde valley. A fragment each of a dipper and a ladle, portions of +a red bowl, and a rim of a large vase of the same color were picked up +near the ruin. Most of the fragments, however, belong to the first +classes--the coiled and indented wares. + +There was no evidence that the former inhabitants of these buildings +were acquainted with metals. The ends of the beams had been hacked off +evidently with blunt stone axes, aided by fire, and the lintels of the +houses were of split logs which showed no evidence that any metal +implement was used in fashioning them. We found, however, several +stone tools, which exhibit considerable skill in the art of stone +working. These include a single ax, blunt at one end, sharpened at the +other, and girt by a single groove. The variety of stone from which +the ax was made does not occur in the immediate vicinity of the ruin. +There were one or two stone hammers, grooved for hafting, like the ax. +A third stone maul, being grooveless, was evidently a hand tool for +breaking other stones or for grinding pigments. + +[Illustration: FIG. 251--Stone implement from Honanki] + +Perhaps the most interesting stone implement which was found was +uncovered in the excavation of one of the middle rooms of the western +part of the ruin, about three feet below the surface. It consists of a +wooden handle rounded at each end and slightly curved, with a +sharpened stone inserted midway of its length and cemented to the wood +with pitch or asphaltum. The stone of this implement would hardly bear +rough usage, or sustain, without fracture, a heavy blow. The edge is +tolerably sharp, and it therefore may have been used in skinning +animals. Judging from the form of the handle, the implement is better +suited for use as a scraper than for any other purpose which has +occurred to me (figure 251). + +The inhabitants of the two ruins of the Red-rocks used obsidian +arrowpoints with shafts of reeds, and evidently highly regarded +fragments of the former material for knives, spearheads, and one or +two other purposes. + +The stone metates from these ruins are in no respect characteristic, +and several fine specimens were found in place on the floors of the +rooms. One of these was a well-worn specimen of lava, which must have +been brought from a considerable distance, since none of that +material occurs in the neighborhood. The existence of these grinding +stones implies the use of maize as food, and this evidence was much +strengthened by the finding of corncobs, kernels of corn, and charred +fragments at several points below the surface of the débris in the +chambers of Honanki. One of these grinding stones was found set in the +floor of one of the rooms in the same way that similar metates may be +seen in Walpi today. + +Of bone implements, our limited excavations revealed only a few +fragments. Leg bones of the turkey were used for awls, bodkins, +needles, and similar objects. In general character the implements of +this kind which were found are almost identical in form with the bone +implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki, which are later figured and +described. Although the bone implements unearthed were not numerous, +we were well repaid for our excavations by finding an ancient +fireboard, identical with those now used at Tusayan in the ceremony of +kindling "new fire," and probably universally used for that purpose in +former times. The only shell was a fragment of a bracelet made from a +_Pectunculus_, a Pacific coast mollusk highly esteemed in ancient +times among prehistoric Pueblos. The majority of the wooden objects +found showed marks of fire, which were especially evident on the ends +of the roof and floor beams projecting from the walls. + +[Illustration: FIG. 252--Tinder tube from Honanki] + +A considerable collection of objects made of wickerwork and woven +vegetal fiber was found in the alkaline dust and ashes of the Red-rock +cliff houses, and while there is some difficulty here as elsewhere, in +deciding whether certain specimens belonged to the original builders +or to later temporary occupants, there is little doubt that most of +them were the property of the latter. + +There were many specimens of basketry found on the surface of the +rubbish of the floors which, from the position of their occurrence and +from their resemblance to the wickerwork still used by the Apache, +seem without doubt to have been left there by temporary occupants of +the rooms. There were likewise many wisps of yucca fiber tied in knots +which must probably be regarded as of identical origin. The _Yucca +baccata_ affords the favorite fiber used by the natives at the present +time, and it appears to have been popular for that purpose among the +ancients. + +Several specimens of sandals, some of which are very much worn on the +soles, were found buried at the floor level. These are all of the same +kind, and are made of yucca leaves plaited in narrow strips. The mode +of attachment to the foot was evidently by a loop passing over the +toes. Hide and cloth sandals have as yet not been reported from the +Red-rock ruins of Verde valley. These sandals belonged to the original +occupants of the cliff houses. + +Fabrics made of cotton are common in the ruins of the Red-rocks, and +at times this fiber was combined with yucca. Some of the specimens of +cotton cloth were finely woven and are still quite strong, although +stained dark or almost black. Specimens of netting are also common, +and an open-mesh legging, similar to the kind manufactured in ancient +times by the Hopi and still worn by certain personators in their +sacred dances, were taken from the western room of Honanki. There were +also many fragments of rope, string, cord, and loosely twisted bands, +resembling head bands for carrying burdens. + +A reed (figure 252) in which was inserted a fragment of cotton fiber +was unlike anything yet reported from cliff houses, and as the end of +the cotton which projected beyond the cavity of the reed was charred, +it possibly was used as a slow-match or tinder-box. + +Several shell and turquois beads were found, but my limited studies of +the cliff-houses revealed only a few other ornaments, among them being +beads of turkey-bone and a single wristlet fashioned from a +_Pectunculus_. One or two fragments of prayer-sticks were discovered +in a rock inclosure in a cleft to the west of the ruin. + + +CONCLUSIONS REGARDING THE VERDE VALLEY RUINS + +The ruins of the Verde region closely resemble those of Tusayan, and +seem to support the claim of the Hopi that some of their ancestors +formerly lived in that region. This is true more especially of the +villages of the plains and mesa tops, for neither cave-houses nor +cavate dwellings are found in the immediate vicinity of the inhabited +Tusayan pueblos. The objects taken from the ruins are similar to those +found universally over the pueblo area, and from them alone we can not +say more than that they probably indicate the same substratum of +culture as that from which modern pueblo life with its many +modifications has sprung. + +The symbolism of the decorations on the fragments of pottery found in +the Verde ruins is the same as that of the ancient pueblos of the +Colorado Chiquito, and it remains to be shown whether the ancestors of +these were Hopi or Zuñi. I believe it will be found that they were +both, or that when the villages along the Colorado Chiquito[29] were +abandoned part of the inhabitants went to the mesas of Tusayan and +others migrated farther up the river to the Zuñi villages. + +Two centers of distribution of cliff houses occur in our Southwest: +those of the upper tributaries of the Colorado in the north and the +cliff houses of the affluents of the Salt and the Gila in the south. +The watershed of the Rio Grande is, so far as is known, destitute of +this kind of aboriginal dwellings. Between the two centers of +distribution lie the pueblos of the Little Colorado and its +tributaries, the home of the ancestors of the Hopi and the Zuñi. The +many resemblances between the cliff houses of the north and those of +the south indicate that the stage of culture of both was uniform, and +probably the same conditions of environment led both peoples to build +similar dwellings. All those likenesses which can be found between the +modern Zuñi and the Hopi to the former cliff peoples of the San Juan +region in the north, apply equally to those of the upper Salado and +the Gila and their tributaries to the south; and so far as arguments +of a northern origin of either, built on architectural or +technological resemblances, are concerned, they are not conclusive, +since they are also applicable to the cliff peoples of the south. The +one important difference between the northern and the southern tier of +cliff houses is the occurrence of the circular kiva, which has never +been reported south of the divide between the Little Colorado and the +Gila-Salado drainage. If a kiva was a feature in southern cliff +houses, which I doubt, it appears to have been a rectangular chamber +similar to a dwelling room. The circular kiva exists in neither the +modern Hopi nor the Zuñi pueblos, and it has not been found in +adjacent Tusayan ruins; therefore, if these habitations were +profoundly influenced by settlers from the north, it is strange that +such a radical change in the form of this room resulted. The arguments +advanced that one of the two component stocks of the Zuñi, and that +the aboriginal, came from the cliff peoples of the San Juan, are not +conclusive, although I have no doubt that the Zuñi may have received +increment from that direction. + +Cushing has, I believe, furnished good evidence that some of the +ancestors of the Zuñi population came from the south and southwest; +and that some of these came from pueblos now in ruins on the Little +Colorado is indicated by the great similarity in the antiquities of +ancient Zuñi and the Colorado Chiquito ruins. Part of the Patki people +of the Hopi went to Zuñi and part to Tusayan, from the same abandoned +pueblo, and the descendants of this family in Walpi still recognize +this ancient kinship; but I do not know, and so far as can be seen +there is no way of determining, the relative antiquity of the pueblos +in Zuñi valley and those on the lower Colorado. + +The approximate date of the immigration of the Patki people to Tusayan +is as yet a matter of conjecture. It may have been in prehistoric +times, or more likely at a comparatively late period in the history of +the people. It seems well substantiated, however, that when this +Water-house people joined the other Hopi, the latter inhabited pueblos +and were to all intents a pueblo people. If this hypothesis be a +correct one, the Snake, Horn, and Bear peoples, whom the southern +colonists found in Tusayan, had a culture of their own similar to that +of the people from the south. Whence that culture came must be +determined by studies of the component clans of the Hopi before the +arrival of the Patki people.[30] + +The origin of the round shape of the estufa, according to Nordenskiöld +(p. 168), is most easily explained on the hypothesis that it is a +reminiscence of the cliff-dwellers' nomadic period. "There must be +some very cogent reason for the employment of this shape," he says, +"for the construction of a cylindrical chamber within a block of +rectangular rooms involves no small amount of labor. We know how +obstinately primitive nations cling to everything connected with their +religious ideas. Then what is more natural than the retention, for the +room where religious ceremonies were performed, of the round shape +characteristic of the original dwelling place, the nomadic hut? This +assumption is further corroborated by the situation of the hearth and +the structure of the roof of the estufa, when we find points of +analogy to the method employed by certain nomadic Indians in the +erection of their huts." This theory of the origin of the round form +of dwelling and its retention in the architecture of the kiva, +advanced by Nordenskiöld in 1893, has much in its favor, but the +rectangular form, which, so far as known, is the only shape of these +sacred rooms in the Tusayan region, is still unexplained. From +Castañeda's narrative of the Coronado expedition it appears that in +the middle of the sixteenth century the eastern pueblos had both +square and round estufas or kivas, and that these kivas belonged to +the men while the rooms of the pueblo were in the possession of the +women. The apparent reason why we find no round rooms or kivas in the +southern cliff houses and in Tusayan may be due to several causes. +Local conditions, including the character of the building sites on the +Hopi mesa, made square rooms more practical, or the nomadic stage was +so far removed that the form of the inclosure in which the ancients +held their rites had not been preserved. Moreover, some of the most +ancient and secret observances at Walpi, as the Flute ceremony, are +not performed in special kivas, but take place in ordinary living +rooms. + +As in all the other ruins of Verde valley, circular kivas are absent +in the Red-rock country, and this fact, which has attracted the +attention of several observers, is, I believe, very significant. +Although as yet our knowledge of the cliff houses of the upper Gila +and Salado and their numerous tributaries is very fragmentary, and +generalization on that account unsafe, it may be stated provisionally +that no circular kivas have yet been found in any ruins of the +Gila-Salado watershed. This form of kiva, however, is an essential +feature of the cliff dwellings of Rio Colorado, especially of those +along its affluents in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. +Roughly speaking, then, the circular kiva is characteristic of the +ruins of this region and of certain others in the valley of the Rio +Grande, where they still survive in inhabited pueblos. + +Circular ruins likewise are limited in their distribution in the +Southwest, and it is an interesting fact that the geographic +distribution of ancient pueblos of this form is in a general way the +same as that of circular kivas. There are, of course, many exceptions, +but so far as I know these can readily be explained. No ruins of +circular dwellings occur in the Gila-Salado drainage area, where +likewise no circular kivas have been observed. Moreover, the circular +form of dwelling and kiva is distinctively characteristic of +prehistoric peoples east of Tusayan, and the few instances of their +occurrence on its eastern border can readily be explained as +extra-Hopi. + +The explanation of these circular kivas advanced by Nordenskiöld and +the Mindeleffs, that they are survivals of round habitations of +nomads, has much to commend it; but whether sufficient or not, the +geographic limitation of these structures tells in favor of the +absence of any considerable migration of the prehistoric peoples of +the upper Colorado and Rio Grande watersheds southward into the +drainage area of the Gila-Salado. Had the migration been in that +direction it may readily be believed that the round kiva and the +circular form of dwelling would have been brought with it. + +The round kiva has been regarded as a survival of the form of the +original homes of the nomad, when he became a sedentary agriculturist +by conquest and marriage. + +The presence of rectangular kivas in the same areas in which round +kivas occur does not necessarily militate against this theory, nor +does it oblige us to offer an explanation of a necessarily radical +change in architecture if we would derive it from a circular form. It +would indeed be very unusual to find such a change in a structure +devoted to religious purposes where conservatism is so strong. The +rectangular kiva is the ancient form, or rather the original form; the +round kiva is not a development from it, but an introduction from an +alien people. It never penetrated southward of the Colorado and upper +Rio Grande drainage areas because the element which introduced it in +the north was never strong enough to influence the house builders of +the Gila-Salado and tributary valleys. + + + + + +RUINS IN TUSAYAN + +GENERAL FEATURES + + +No region of our Southwest presents more instructive antiquities than +the ancient province of Tusayan, more widely known as the Moki +reservation. In the more limited use of the term, Tusayan is applied +to the immediate surroundings of the Hopi pueblos, to which "province" +it was given in the middle of the sixteenth century. In a broader +sense the name would include an as yet unbounded country claimed by +the component clans of this people as the homes of their ancestors. + +The general character and distribution of Tusayan ruins (plate XVI) +has been ably presented by Mr Victor Mindeleff in a previous +report.[31] While this memoir is not regarded as exhaustive, it +considers most of the large ruins in immediate proximity to the three +mesas on which the pueblos inhabited by the Hopi are situated. It is +not my purpose here to consider all Tusayan ruins, even if I were able +to do so, but to supplement with additional data the observations +already published on two of the most noteworthy pueblo settlements. +Broadly speaking, I have attempted archeological excavations in order +to obtain more light on the nature of prehistoric life in Tusayan. It +may be advantageous, however, to refer briefly to some of the ruins +thus far discovered in the Tusayan region as preliminary to more +systematic descriptions of the two which I have chosen for special +description. + +The legends of the surviving Hopi contain constant references to +former habitations of different clans in the country round about their +present villages. These clans, which by consolidation make up the +present population of the Hopi pueblos, are said to have originally +entered Tusayan from regions as far eastward as the Rio Grande, and +from the southern country included within the drainage of the Gila, +the Salt, and their affluents. Other increments are reputed to have +come from the northward and the westward, so that the people we now +find in Tusayan are descendants from an aggregation of stocks from +several directions, some of them having migrated from considerable +distances. Natives of other regions have settled among the ancient +Hopi, built pueblos, and later returned to their former homes; and the +Hopi in turn have sent colonists into the eastern pueblo country. + +These legends of former movements of the tribal clans of Tusayan are +supplemented and supported by historical documents, and we know from +this evidence that there has been a continual interchange between the +people of Tusayan and almost every large pueblo of New Mexico and +Arizona. Some of the ruins of this region were abandoned in historic +times; others are prehistoric; many were simply temporary halting +places in Hopi migrations, and were abandoned as the clans drifted +together in friendship or destroyed as a result of internecine +conflicts. + +There is documentary evidence that in the years following the great +rebellion of the Pueblo tribes in 1680, which were characterized by +catastrophes of all kinds among the Rio Grande villagers, many Tanoan +people fled to Tusayan to escape from their troubles. According to +Niel, 4,000 Tanoan refugees, under Frasquillo, loaded with booty which +they had looted from the churches, went to Oraibi by way of Zuñi, and +there established a "kingdom," with their chief as ruler. How much +reliance may be placed on this account is not clear to me, but there +is no doubt that many Tanoan people joined the Hopi about this time, +and among them were the Asa people, the ancestors of the present +inhabitants of Hano pueblo, and probably the accolents of Payüpki. The +ease with which two Franciscan fathers, in 1742, persuaded 441 of +these to return to the Rio Grande, implies that they were not very +hostile to Christianity, and it is possible that one reason they +sought Tusayan in the years after the Spaniards were expelled may have +been their friendship for the church party. + +With the exception of Oraibi, not one of the present inhabited pueblos +of Tusayan occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenth +century, and the majority of them do not antedate the beginning of the +eighteenth century. The villages have shifted their positions but +retained their names. + +At the time of the advent of Tobar, in 1540, there was but one of the +present three villages of East Mesa. This was Walpi, and at the period +referred to it was situated on the terrace below the site of the +present town, near the northwestern base of the mesa proper. Two +well-defined ruins, called Kisakobi and Küchaptüvela, are now pointed +out as the sites of Old Walpi. Of these Küchaptüvela is regarded as +the older. + +Judging by their ruins these towns were of considerable size. From +their exposed situation they were open to the inroads of predatory +tribes, and from these hostile raids their abandonment became +necessary. From Küchaptüvela the ancient Walpians moved to a point +higher on the mesa, nearer its western limit, and built Kisakobi, +where the pueblo stood in the seventeenth century. There is evidence +that a Spanish mission was erected at this point, and the place is +sometimes called Nüshaki, a corruption of "Missa-ki," Mass-house. From +this place the original nucleus of Walpians moved to the present site +about the close of the seventeenth century. Later the original +population was joined by other phratries, some of which, as the Asa, +had lived in the cliff-houses of Tségi, or Canyon de Chelly, as late +as the beginning of the eighteenth century. This, however, is not the +place to trace the composition of the different modern villages. + +Sichomovi was a colony from Walpi, founded about 1750, and Hano was +built not earlier than 1700. The former was settled by the Badger +people, later joined by a group of Tanoan clans called the Asa, from +the Rio Grande, who were invited to Tusayan to aid the Hopi in +resisting the invasions of northern nomads. + +By the middle of the eighteenth century the population of the province +of Tusayan was for the first time distributed in the seven pueblos now +inhabited. No village has been deserted since that time, nor has any +new site been occupied. + +In order that the reader may have an idea of the Tusayan pueblos at +the time mentioned, an account of them from a little-known description +by Morfi in 1782 is introduced:[32] + + _Morfi's account of the Tusayan pueblos_ + + Quarenta y seis leguas al Poniente de Zuñi, con alguna + inclinacion al N. O. están los tres primeros pueblos de la + provincia de Moqui, que en el dia en el corto distrito de + 4-1/2 leguas (112 recto) tiene siete pueblos en tres mesas ó + peñoles que corren linea recta de Oriente á Poniente. + + _Tanos_[33] + + En la punta occidental de la primera, y en la mas estrecho + de su eminencia están situados tres de los quales el primero + es el de Tanos (alli dicen Tegüas), cuyas moradores tienen + idioma particular y distinto del Moquino. Es pueblo regular + con un plaza en el centro, y un formacion de calles. Tendrá + 110 familias. + + El segundo[34] pueblo dista del precedente como un tiro de + piedra, es de fundacion moderna, y se compondrá de mas 15 + familias que se retiraron aqui de: + + _Gualpi_ + + Gualpi que dista del anterior un tiro de fusil, es mas + grande y populoso que los dos anteriores, puede tener hasta + 200 familias. Estas tres pueblos tienen poco caballada, y + algunas vacas; pero mucho ganado lanar. + + _Mosasnabi_[35] + + Al poniente de esta mesa, y á legua y media de distancia + está la segunda, cuyo intermedio es un (112 v.) arenal, que + ertrando un poco en ella la divide en dos brazas. En el + septentrional, que es el mas inmediata á Gualpi hay dos + anillos distantes entre si un tiro de piedra. En la cima del + primero está situado el pueblo de Mosasnabi compuesto de 50 + familias poco mas ó menos. + + _Xipaolabi_[36] + + En la cumbre del secundo cerrito se fundó el quinto pueblo + llamado Xipaolabi, que tendrá solo 14 familias: está casi + arruinado, porque sus vecinos se han trasladado al brazo + austral de la mesa y formaron el sexto pueblo llamado: + + _Xongopabi_[37] + + Xongopabi goza mejor situacion que todos los demas, tienen + tres quarteles mui bien dispuestos y en ellas unas 60 + familias. Estos tres pueblos tienen mas caballada que los + primeros y mucho ganado menor. + + + _Oraybe_ + + Dos y media leguas al Poniente de esta mesa, está la + tercera, y en sucima el septimo pueblo que llaman Oraybe. Es + como la capital de la provincia, el mayor y mas bien formado + de toda ella, y acaso de todas las provincias internas. + Tiene once quarteles ó manzanas bien largas y dispuestos con + calles á cordel yá (113 r.) todos vientos, y puede llegar su + poblacion á 800 familias. Tienen buena caballada, mucho + ganado menor y algun vacuno. Aunque no gozan sino una + pequeña fuente de buena agua, distante del pueblo mas de una + milla al Norte, han construido para suplir esta escasez, en + la misma mesa, y mui inmediato à las casas seis cisternas + grandes donde recoger la agua de las lluvias y nieves. + +The distribution of the population of Tusayan in the seven pueblos +mentioned above remained practically the same during the century +between 1782 and 1882. Summer settlements for farming purposes were +inhabited by the Oraibi for brief periods. Between the years 1880 and +1890 a beginning of a new distribution of Hopi families began, when +one or two of the less timid erected houses near Coyote spring, at the +East Mesa. The Tewa, represented by Polaka and Jakwaina, took the lead +in this movement. From 1890 to the present time a large number of +Walpi, Sichomovi, and Hano families have built houses in the foothills +of the East Mesa and in the plain beyond the "wash." A large +schoolhouse has been erected at Sun spring and a considerable number +of East Mesa villagers have abandoned their mesa dwellings. In this +shifting of the population the isolated house is always adopted and +the aboriginal method of roof building is abandoned. The indications +are that in a few years the population of the East Mesa will be +settled in unconnected farmhouses with little resemblance to the +ancient communal pueblo. + +This movement is shared to a less extent by the Middle Mesa and Oraibi +people. On my first visit to the pueblos of these mesas, in 1890, +there was not a single permanent dwelling save in the ancient pueblos; +but now numerous small farmhouses have been erected at or near the +springs in the foothills. I mention these facts as a matter of record +of progress in the life of these people in adapting themselves to the +new conditions or influences by which they are surrounded. I believe +that if this exodus of Hopi families from the old pueblo to the plain +continues during the next two decades as it has in the last ten years, +there are children now living in Walpi who will some day see it +uninhabited. + +This disintegration of the Hopi phratries, by which families are +separated from one another, is, I believe, a return to the prehistoric +distribution of the clans, and as Walpi grew into a pueblo by a union +of kindred people, so now it is again being divided and distributed, +still preserving family ties in new clusters or groupings. It is thus +not impossible that the sites of certain old ruins, as Sikyatki, +deserted for many years, will again be built upon if better suited for +new modes of life. The settlement near Coyote spring, for instance, is +not far from the old site of a former home of the Tanoan families, who +went to Tusayan in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the +people who inhabit these new houses are all Tanoan descendants of the +original contingent. + +In order to become familiar with the general character of Tusayan +ruins, I made a brief reconnoissance of those mentioned in the +following list, from which I selected Awatobi and Sikyatki as places +for a more exhaustive exploration. This list is followed by a brief +mention of those which I believe would offer fair opportunities for a +continuation of the work inaugurated. The ruins near Oraibi were not +examined and are therefore omitted, not that they are regarded as less +important, but because I was unable to undertake a study of them in +the limited time at my disposal. There are also many ruins in Tusayan, +north of the inhabited pueblos, which have never been described, and +would well repay extended investigation. Some of these, as the ruins +at the sacred spring called Kishuba, are of the utmost traditional +importance. + + I. _Middle Mesa ruins_--(1) Old Shuñopovi; (2) Old + Mishoñinovi; (3) Shitaumû; (4) Chukubi; (5) Payüpki. + + II. _East Mesa ruins_--(1) Kisakobi; (2) Küchaptüvela; (3) + Küküchomo; (4) Tukinobi; (5) Kachinba; (6) Sikyatki. + + III. _Ruins in Keam's canyon_. + + IV. _Jeditoh valley ruins_--(1) Bat-house; (2) Jeditoh, + Kawaika; (3) Horn-house; (4) Awatobi; Smaller Awatobi. + +This method of classification is purely geographical, and is adopted +simply for convenience; but there are one or two facts worthy of +mention in regard to the distribution of ruins in these four sections. +The inhabited pueblos, like the ruins, are, as a rule, situated on the +eastern side of their respective mesas, or on the cliffs or hills +which border the adjacent plains on the west. This uniformity is +thought to have resulted from a desire to occupy a sunny site for +warmth and for other reasons. + +The pueblos at or nearest the southern ends of the mesas were found to +be best suited for habitation, consequently the present towns occupy +those sites, or, as in the case of the Jeditoh series, the pueblo at +that point was the last abandoned. The reason for this is thought to +be an attempt to concentrate on the most inaccessible sites available, +which implies inroads of hostile peoples. For the same reason, +likewise, the tendency was to move from the foothills to the mesa tops +when these invasions began. + +Early settlers near East Mesa appeared to have chosen exposed sites +for their pueblos. This would imply that they feared no invasion, and +legendary history indicates that the first pueblos were erected before +the hostile Ute, Apache, and Navaho appeared. The early settlements on +Middle Mesa were also apparently not made with an absorbing idea of +inaccessibility. All the Jeditoh villages, however, were on the mesa +tops, these sites having been selected evidently with a view to +protection, since they were not convenient to the farms. + +For many reasons it would seem that the people who occupied the now +ruined Jeditoh villages were later arrivals in Tusayan than those of +East and Middle Mesas, and that, as a rule, they came from the +eastward, while those of Middle Mesa arrived from the south. The first +colonists of all, however, appear to have been the East Mesa clans, +the Bear and Snake families. If this conjecture be true, we may +believe that the oldest pueblos in Tusayan were probably the house +groups of the Snake clan of East Mesa, for whom their traditionists +claim a northern origin. + + +THE MIDDLE MESA RUINS + +SHUÑOPOVI + +The site of Old Shuñopovi (plate CV) at the advent of the first +Spaniards, and for a century or more afterward, was at the foot of the +mesa on which the present village stands. The site of the old pueblo +is easily detected by the foundations of the ancient houses and their +overturned walls, surrounded by mounds of soil filled with fragments +of the finest pottery. + +The old village was situated on a ridge of foothills east of the +present town and near the spring, which is still used. On the highest +point of the ridge there rise to a considerable height the massive +walls of the old Spanish mission church, forming an inclosure, now +used as a sheep corral. The cemeteries are near by, close to the outer +walls, and among a clump of peach trees about half a mile east of the +old houses. The pottery,[38] as shown by the fragments, is of the +finest old Tusayan ware, cream and red being the predominating colors, +while fragments of coiled and black-and-white ware are likewise +common. + + +MISHOÑINOVI + +The ruins of Old Mishoñinovi lie west of the present pueblo in the +foothills, not far from the two rocky pinnacles at that point and +adjacent to a spring. In strolling over the site of the old town I +have noted its ground plan, and have picked up many sherds which +indicate that the pottery made at that place was the fine cream-color +ware for which Tusayan has always been famous. The site offers unusual +opportunities for archeological studies, but excavation there is not +practicable on account of the opposition of the chiefs. + +Old Mishoñinovi was a pueblo of considerable size, and was probably +inhabited up to the close of the seventeenth century. It was probably +on this site that the early Spanish explorers found the largest pueblo +of the Middle Mesa. The ruin of Shitaimovi, in the foothills near +Mishoñinovi, mentioned by Mindeleff, was not visited by our party. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV. + +SKETCH MAP OF THE MESA COUNTRY +OCCUPIED BY THE +HOPI INDIANS] + + +CHUKUBI + +The ruin of Chukubi bears every evidence of antiquity. It is situated +on one of the eastward projecting spurs of Middle Mesa, midway between +Payüpki and Shipaulovi, near an excellent spring at the base of the +mesa. + +Chukubi was built in rectangular form, with a central plaza surrounded +by rooms, two deep. There are many indications of outlying chambers, +some of which are arranged in rows. The house walls are almost wholly +demolished, and in far poorer state of preservation than those of the +neighboring ruin of Payüpki. The evidence now obtainable indicates +that it was an ancient habitation of a limited period of occupancy. It +is said to have been settled by the Patuñ or Squash people, whose +original home was far to the south, on Little Colorado river. A fair +ground plan is given by Mindeleff in his memoir on Pueblo +Architecture; but so far as known no studies of the pottery of this +pueblo have ever been made. + + +PAYÜPKI + +One of the best-preserved ruins on Middle Mesa is called Payüpki by +the Hopi, and is interesting in connection with the traditions of the +migration of peoples from the Rio Grande, which followed the +troublesome years at the close of the seventeenth century. In the +reconquest of New Mexico by the Spaniards we can hardly say that +Tusayan was conquered; the province was visited and nominally +subjugated after the great rebellion, but with the exception of +repeated expeditions, which were often repulsed, the Hopi were +practically independent and were so regarded. No adequate punishment +was inflicted on the inhabitants of Walpi for the destruction of the +town of Awatobi, and although there were a few military expeditious to +Tusayan no effort at subjugation was seriously made. + +Tusayan was regarded as an asylum for the discontented or apostate, +and about the close of the seventeenth century many people from the +Rio Grande fled there for refuge. Some of these refugees appear to +have founded pueblos of their own; others were amalgamated with +existing villages. Payüpki seems to have been founded about this +period, for we find no account of it before this time, and it is not +mentioned in connection with ancient migrations. In 1706 Holguin is +said to have attacked the "Tanos" village between Walpi and Oraibi and +forced the inhabitants to give hostages, but he was later set upon by +the Tano and driven back to Zuñi. It would hardly seem possible that +the pueblo mentioned could have been Hano, for this village does not +lie between Oraibi and Walpi and could not have been surrounded in the +way indicated in the account. Payüpki, however, not only lay on the +trail between Walpi and Oraibi--about midway, as the chronicler +states--but was so situated on a projecting promontory that it could +easily have been surrounded and isolated from the other pueblos. + +The Hopi legends definitely assert that the Payüpki people came from +the "great river," the Rio Grande, and spoke a language allied to that +of the people of Hano. They were probably apostates, who came from the +east about 1680, but did not seem to agree well with the people of the +Middle Mesa, and about 1750 returned to the river and were domiciled +in Sandia, where their descendants still live. The name Payüpki is +applied by the Hopi to the pueblo of Sandia as well as to the ruin on +the Middle Mesa. The general appearance of the ruin of Payüpki +indicates that it was not long inhabited, and that it was abandoned at +a comparatively recent date. The general plan is not that common to +ancient Tusayan ruins, but more like that of Hano and Sichomovi, which +were erected about the time Payüpki was built. Many fragments of a +kind of pottery which in general appearance is foreign to Tusayan, but +which resembles the Rio Grande ware, were found on the mounds, and the +walls are better preserved than those of the ancient Tusayan ruins. + +A notable absence of fragments of obsidian, the presence of which in +abundance is characteristic of ancient ruins, was observed on the site +of Payüpki. All these evidences substantiate the Hopi legend that the +Tanoan inhabitants of the village of Middle Mesa, above the trail from +Walpi to Oraibi, made but a short stay in Tusayan.[39] + +There is good documentary evidence that Sandia was settled by Tanoan +people from Tusayan. Morfi in 1782 so states,[40] and in a copy of the +acts of possession of the pueblo grants of 1748 we find still further +proof of the settlement of "Moquinos" in Sandia.[41] + +When Otermin returned to New Mexico in his attempted reconquest, in +1681, he reached Isleta on December 6, and on the 8th Dominguez +encamped in sight of Sandia, but found the inhabitants had fled. The +discord following this event drove the few surviving families of the +Tiwa on their old range to Tusayan, for they were set upon by Keres +and Jemez warriors on the plea that they received back the Spaniards. +Possibly these families formed the nucleus of Payüpki. It was about +this time, also, if we can believe Niel's story, that 4,000 Tanos went +to Tusayan. It would thus appear that the Hopi Payüpki was settled in +the decade 1680-1690. + + +THE EAST MESA RUINS + +KÜCHAPTÜVELA AND KISAKOBI + +The two ruins of Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi mark the sites of Walpi +during the period of Spanish exploration and occupancy between 1540 +and 1700. The former was the older. In all probability the latter had +a mission church and was inhabited at the time of the great rebellion +in 1680, having been founded about fifty years previously. + +The former or more ancient[42] pueblo was situated on the first or +lowest terrace of East Mesa, below the present pueblo, on the northern +and western sides. The name Küchaptüvela signifies "Ash-hill terrace," +and probably the old settlement, like the modern, was known as Walpi, +"Place-of-the-gap," referring to the gap or notch (_wala_) in the mesa +east of Hano. + +Old Walpi is said to have been abandoned because it was in the shade +of the mesa, but doubtless the true cause of its removal was that the +site was too much exposed, commanded as it was by the towering mesa +above it, and easily approached on three sides. The Walpi which was +contemporary with Sikyatki was built in an exposed location, for at +that time the Hopi were comparatively secure from invaders. Later, +however, Apache, Ute, and Navaho began to raid their fields, and the +Spaniards came in their midst again and again, forcing them to work +like slaves. A more protected site was necessary, and late in the +seventeenth century the Walpians began to erect houses on the mesa, +which formed the nucleus of the present town. The standing walls of +Old Walpi are buried in the débris, but the plans of the rooms may +readily be traced. Comparatively speaking, it was a large, compact, +well-built pueblo, and, from the great piles of débris in the +neighborhood, would seem to have been occupied during several +generations. + +The pottery found in the neighborhood is the fine, ancient Tusayan +ware, like that of Sikyatki and Shuñopovi. Extended excavations would +reveal, I am sure, many beautiful objects and shed considerable light +on the obscure history of Walpi and its early population. + +After moving from Old Walpi it seems that the people first built +houses on the terrace above, or on the platform extending westward +from the western limits of the summit of East Mesa. The whole top of +that part of the mesa is covered with house walls, showing the former +existence of a large pueblo. Here, no doubt, if we can trust +tradition, the mission of Walpi was built, and I have found in the +débris fragments of pottery similar to that used in Mexico, and very +different from ancient or modern Pueblo ware. But even Kisakobi[43] +was not a safe site for the Walpians to choose for their village, so +after they destroyed the mission and killed the priest they moved up +to their present site and abandoned both of their former villages. + +It is said that with this removal of the villagers there were found to +be no easy means of climbing the precipitous walls, and that the +stairway trails were made as late as the beginning of the present +century. In those early days there was a ladder near where the +stairway trail is now situated, and some of the older men of Walpi +have pointed out to me where this ladder formerly stood. + +The present plan of Walpi shows marked differences from that made +twenty years ago, and several houses between the stairway trail and +the Wikwaliobi kiva, on the edge of the mesa, which have now fallen +into ruin, were inhabited when I first visited Walpi in 1890. The +buildings between the Snake kiva and the Nacab kiva are rapidly +becoming unsafe for habitation, and most of these rooms will soon be +deserted. As many Walpi families are building new houses on the plain, +it needs no prophet to predict that the desertion of the present site +of Walpi will progress rapidly in the next few years, and possibly by +the end of our generation the pueblo may be wholly deserted--one more +ruin added to the multitudes in the Southwest. + +The site of Old Walpi, at Küchaptüvela, is the scene of an interesting +rite in the New-fire ceremony at Walpi, for not far from it is a +shrine dedicated to a supernatural being called Tüwapoñtumsi, +"Earth-altar-woman." This shrine, or house, as it is called, is about +230 feet from the ruin, among the neighboring bowlders, and consists +of four flat slabs set upright, forming an inclosure in which stands a +log of fossil wood. + +The ceremonials at Old Walpi in the New-fire rites are described in my +account[44] of this observance, and from their nature I suspect that +the essential part of this episode is the deposit of offerings at this +shrine. The circuits about the old ruin are regarded as survivals of +the rites which took place in former times at Old Walpi. The ruin was +spoken of in the ceremony as the _Sipapüni_, the abode of the dead who +had become _katcinas_, to whom the prayers said in the circuits were +addressed. + + +KÜKÜCHOMO + +The two conical mounds on the mesa above Sikyatki are often referred +to that ancient pueblo, but from their style of architecture and from +other considerations I am led to connect them with other phratries of +Tusayan. From limited excavations made in these mounds in 1891, I was +led to believe that they were round pueblos, similar to those east of +Tusayan, and that they were temporary habitations, possibly vantage +points, occupied for defense. Plate CVI illustrates their general +appearance, while the rooms of which they are composed are shown in +figure 253. At the place where the mesa narrows between these mounds +and the pueblos to the west, a wall was built from one edge of the +mesa to the other to defend the trail on this side. This wall appears +to have had watch towers or houses at intervals, which are now in +ruins, as shown in figure 254. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI + +THE RUINS OF KÜKÜCHOMO] + +[Illustration: FIG. 253--Küküchomo] + +The legends concerning the ancient inhabitants of Küküchomo are +conflicting. The late A. M. Stephen stated that tradition ascribes +them to the Coyote and Pikya (Corn) peoples, with whom the denizens of +Sikyatki made friendship, and whom the latter induced to settle there +to protect them from the Walpians. He regarded them as the last +arrivals of the Water-house phratry, while the Coyote people came from +the north at nearly the same time. From his account it would appear +that the twin mounds, Küküchomo, were abandoned before the destruction +of Sikyatki. The Coyote people were, I believe, akin to the Kokop or +Firewood phratry, and as the pueblo of Sikyatki was settled by the +latter, it is highly probable that the inhabitants of the two villages +were friendly and naturally combined against the Snake pueblo of +Walpi. I believe, however, there is some doubt that any branch of the +Patki people settled in Küküchomo, and the size of the town as +indicated by the ruin was hardly large enough to accommodate more than +one clan. Still, as there are two Küküchomo ruins, there may have been +a different family in each of the two house clusters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 254--Defensive wall on the East Mesa] + +It has been said that in ancient times, before the twin mounds of +Küküchomo were erected, the people of Sikyatki were greatly harassed +by the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across to +the edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity. Anyone, +however, who contemplates the great distance from Sikyatki to the edge +of the mesa may well doubt whether it was possible for the Walpi +bowmen to inflict much harm in that way. + +Moreover, if the word "slingers" is advisedly chosen, it introduces a +kind of warfare which is not mentioned in other Tusayan legends, +although apparently throwing stones at their enemies was practiced +among Pueblos of other stocks in early historic times.[45] + +We may suppose, however, that the survivors of both Küküchomo and +Sikyatki sought refuge in Awatobi after the prehistoric destruction of +their pueblos, for both were peopled by clans which came from the +east, and naturally went to that village, the founders of which +migrated from the same direction. + + +KACHINBA + +The small ruin at Kachinba, the halting place of the Kachina people, +seems to have escaped the attention of students of Tusayan archeology. +It lies about six miles from Sikyatki, about east of Walpi, and is +approached by following the trail at the foot of the same mesa upon +which Küküchomo is situated. The ruin is located on a small foothill +and has a few standing walls. It was evidently diminutive in size and +only temporarily inhabited. The best wall found at this ruin lies at +the base of the hill, where the spring formerly was. This spring is +now filled in, but a circular wall of masonry indicates its great size +in former times. + + +TUKINOBI + +There are evidences that the large hill on top of East Mesa, not far +from the twin mounds, was once the site of a pueblo of considerable +size, but I have not been able to gather any definite legend about it. +Near this ruin is the "Eagle shrine" in which round wooden imitations +of eagle eggs are ceremonially deposited, and in the immediate +vicinity of which is another shrine near which tracks are cut in the +rock, and which were evidently considered by the Indian who pointed +them out to me as having been made by some bird.[46] It is probably +from these footprints, which are elsewhere numerous, that the two +ruins called Küküchomo ("footprints mound") takes its name. + + +JEDITOH VALLEY RUINS + +As one enters Antelope valley, following the Holbrook road, he finds +himself in what was formerly a densely populated region of Tusayan. +This valley in former times was regarded as a garden spot, and the +plain was covered with patches of corn, beans, squashes, and chile. +The former inhabitants lived in pueblos on the northern side, high up +on the mesa which separates Jeditoh valley from Keam's canyon. All of +these pueblos are now in ruins, and only a few Navaho and Hopi +families cultivate small tracts in the once productive fields. + +The majority of the series of ruins along the northern rim of Antelope +valley resemble Awatobi, which is later described in detail. It is +interesting to note that in the abandonment of villages the same law +appears to have prevailed here as in the other Tusayan mesas, for in +the shrinkage of the Hopi people they concentrated more and more to +the points of the mesas. Thus, at East Mesa, Sikyatki, Kachinba, and +Küküchomo were destroyed, while Walpi remained. At Middle Mesa, +Chukubi and Payüpki became ruins, and in Antelope valley Awatobi was +the last of the Jeditoh series to fall. There has thus been a gradual +tendency to drift from readily accessible locations to the most +impregnable sites, which indicates how severely the Hopi must have +been harassed by their foes. It is significant that some of the oldest +pueblos were originally built in the most exposed positions, and it +may rightly be conjectured that the pressure on the villagers came +long after these sites were chosen. The ancient or original Hopi had a +sense of security when they built their first houses, and they, +therefore, did not find it necessary to seek the protection of cliffs. +Many of them lived in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, others at +Kishuba. As time went on, however, they were forced, as were their +kindred in other pueblos, to move to inaccessible mesas guarded by +vertical cliffs. + +Of the several ruins of Antelope valley, that on the mesa above +Jeditoh or Antelope spring is one of the largest and most interesting. +Stephen calls this ruin Mishiptonga, and a plan of the old house is +given by Mindeleff. + +The spring called Kawaika, situated near the former village of the +same name, was evidently much used by the ancient accolents of +Antelope valley. From this neighborhood there was excavated a few +years ago a beautiful collection of ancient mortuary pottery objects, +which was purchased by Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, and is now in the +Peabody Museum at Cambridge. These objects have never been adequately +described, although a good illustration of some of the specimens, with +a brief reference thereto, was published by James Mooney[47] a few +years ago. + +Among the most striking objects in this collection are clay models of +houses, dishes, and small vases with rims pierced with holes, and +rectangular vessels ornamented with pictures of birds. There are +specimens of cream, yellow, red, and white pottery in the collection +which, judging by the small size of most of the specimens, was +apparently votive in character. + +The ruins called by Stephen "Horn-house" and "Bat-house," as well as +the smaller ruin between them, have been described by Mindeleff, who +has likewise published plans of the first two. From their general +appearance I should judge they were not occupied for so long a time as +Awatobi, and by a population considerably smaller. If all these +Jeditoh pueblos were built by peoples from the Rio Grande, it is +possible that those around Jeditoh spring were the first founded and +that Awatobi was of later construction; but from the data at hand the +relative age of the ruins of this part of Tusayan can not be +determined. + +There are many ruins situated on the periphery of Tusayan which are +connected traditionally with the Hopi, but are not here mentioned. Of +these, the so-called "Fire-house" is said to have been the home of +the ancestors of Sikyatki, and Kintiel of certain Zuñi people akin to +the Hopi. Both of the ruins mentioned differ in their architectural +features from characteristic prehistoric Tusayan ruins, for they are +circular in form, as are many of the ruins in the middle zone of the +pueblo area. With these exceptions there are no circular ruins within +the area over which the Hopi lay claim, and it is probable that the +accolents of Kintiel were more Zuñi than Hopi in kinship. + +Many ruins north of Oraibi and in the neighborhood of the farming +village of Moenkopi are attributed to the Hopi by their traditionists. +The ruins about Kishyuba, connected with the Kachina people, also +belong to Tusayan. These and many others doubtless offer most +important contributions to an exact knowledge of the prehistoric +migrations of this most interesting people. + +Among the many Tusayan ruins which offer good facilities for +archeological work, the two which I chose for that purpose are Awatobi +and Sikyatki. My reasons for this choice may briefly be stated. + +Awatobi is a historic pueblo of the Hopi, which was more or less under +Spanish influence between the years 1540 and 1700. When properly +investigated, in the light of archeology, it ought to present a good +picture of Tusayan life before the beginning of the modifications +which appear in the modern villages of that isolated province. While I +expected to find evidences of Spanish occupancy, I also sought facts +bearing on the character of Tusayan life in the seventeenth century. + +Sikyatki, however, showed us the character of Tusayan life in the +fifteenth century, or the unmodified aboriginal pueblo culture of this +section of the Southwest. Here we expected to find Hopi culture +unmodified by Spanish influence. + +The three pueblos of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Walpi, when properly +studied, will show the condition of pueblo culture in three +centuries--in Sikyatki, pure, unmodified pueblo culture; in Awatobi, +pueblo life as slightly modified by the Spaniards, and in Walpi, those +changes resulting from the advent of Americans superadded. While +special attention has thus far been given by ethnologists mainly to +the last-mentioned pueblo, a study of the ruins of the other two +villages is of great value in showing how the modern life developed +and what part of it is due to foreign influence. + +A knowledge of the inner life of the inhabitants of Tusayan as it +exists today is a necessary prerequisite to the interpretation of the +ancient culture of that province; but we must always bear in mind the +evolution of society and the influences of foreign origin which have +been exerted on it. Many, possibly the majority, of modern customs at +Walpi are inherited, but others are incorporated and still others, of +ancient date, have become extinct. + +As much stress is laid in this memoir on the claim that objects from +Sikyatki indicate a culture uninfluenced by the Spaniards, it is well +to present the evidence on which this assertion is based. + +(1) Hopi legends all declare that Sikyatki was destroyed before the +Spaniards, called the "long-gowned" and "iron-shirted" men, came to +Tusayan. (2) Sikyatki is not mentioned by name in any documentary +account of Tusayan, although the other villages are named and are +readily identifiable with existing pueblos. (3) No fragment of glass, +metal, or other object indicative of the contact of European +civilization was found anywhere in the ruin. If we add to the above +the general appearance of age in the mounds and the depth of the +débris which has accumulated in the rooms and over the graves, we have +the main facts on which I have relied to support my belief that +Sikyatki is a prehistoric ruin. + + +AWATOBI + +CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RUIN + +No Tusayan ruin offers to the archeologist a better picture of the +character of Hopi village life in the seventeenth century than that +known as Awatobi (plate CVII).[48] It is peculiarly interesting as +connecting the prehistoric culture of Sikyatki and modern Tusayan +life, with which we have become well acquainted through recent +research. Awatobi was one of the largest Tusayan pueblos in the middle +of the sixteenth century, and continued to exist to the close of the +seventeenth. It was therefore a historic pueblo. It had a mission, +notices of which occur in historical documents of the period. From its +preponderance in size, no less than from its position, we may suspect +that it held relatively the same leadership among the other Antelope +valley ruins that Walpi does today to Sichomovi and Hano. + +The present condition of the ruins of Awatobi is in no respect +peculiar or different from that of the remains of prehistoric +structures, except that its mounds occupy a position on a mesa top +commanding a wide outlook over a valley. On its east it is hemmed in +by extensive sand dunes, which also stretch to the north and west, +receding from the village all the way from a few hundred yards to a +quarter of a mile. On the south the ruins overlook the plain, and the +sands on the west separate it from a canyon in which there are several +springs, some cornfields, and one or two modern Hopi houses. There is +no water in the valley which stretches away from the mesa on which +Awatobi is situated, and the foothills are only sparingly clothed with +desert vegetation. The mounds of the ruin have numerous clumps of +_sibibi_ (_Rhus trilobata_), and are a favorite resort of Hopi women +for the berries of this highly prized shrub. There is a solitary tree +midway between the sand dunes west of the village and the western +mounds, near which we found it convenient to camp. The only +inhabitants of the Awatobi mesa are a Navaho family, who have +appropriated, for the shade it affords, a dwarf cedar east of the old +mission walls. No land is cultivated, save that in the canyons above +mentioned, west of the sand hills; some fair harvests are, however, +still gathered from Antelope valley by the Navaho, especially in the +section higher up, near Jeditoh spring. + +The ruin may be approached from the road between Holbrook and Keam's +Canyon, turning to the left after climbing the mesa. This road, +however, is not usually traveled, since it trends through the +difficult sand hills. As Keam's Canyon is the only place in this +region at which to provision an expedition, it is usual to approach +Awatobi from that side, the road turning to the right shortly after +one ascends the steep hill out of the canyon near Keam's trading post. + +My archeological work at Awatobi began on July 6, 1895, and was +continued for two weeks, being abandoned on account of the defection +of my Hopi workmen, who left their work to attend the celebration of +the _Niman_ or "Farewell" _katcina_,[49] a July festival in which many +of them participated. The ruin is conveniently situated for the best +archeological results; it has a good spring near by, and is not far +from Keam's Canyon, the base of supplies. The soil covering the rooms, +however, is almost as hard as cement, and fragile objects, such as +pottery, were often broken before their removal from the matrix. A +considerable quantity of débris had to be removed before the floors +were reached, and as this was firmly impacted great difficulty was +encountered in successful excavations. + +With a corps of trained workmen much better results than those we +obtained might have been expected, and the experience which the +Indians subsequently had at Sikyatki would have made my excavations at +Awatobi, had they been carried on later in the season, more +remunerative. While my archeological work at certain points in these +interesting mounds of Awatobi was more or less superficial, it was in +other places thorough, and revealed many new facts in regard to the +culture of the inhabitants of this most important pueblo. + +I found it inexpedient to dig in the burial places among the sand +dunes, on account of the religious prejudices of my workmen. This fear +they afterward overcame to a certain extent, but never completely +outgrew, although the cemeteries at Sikyatki were quite thoroughly +excavated, yielding some of the most striking results of the summer's +exploration. The sand hills west of Sikyatki are often swept by +violent gales, by which the surface is continually changing, and +mortuary pottery is frequently exposed. This has always been a +favorite place for the collector, and many a beautiful food bowl has +been carried by the Indians from this cemetery to the trading store, +for the natives do not seem to object to selling a vase or other +object which they find on the surface, but rarely dig in the ground +for the purpose of obtaining specimens. + + +NOMENCLATURE OF AWATOBI + +The name Awatobi is evidently derived from _awata_, a bow (referring +to the Bow clan, one of the strongest in the ancient pueblo), and +_obi_, "high place of." A derivation from _owa_, rock, has also been +suggested, but it seems hardly distinctive enough to be applicable, +and is not accepted by the Hopi themselves. + +While the different pueblos of Tusayan were not specially mentioned +until forty years after they were first visited, the name Awatobi is +readily recognized in the account of Espejo in 1583, where it is +called Aguato,[50] which appears as Zaguato and Ahuato in Hakluyt.[51] +In the time of Oñate (1598) the same name is written Aguatuybá.[52] +Vetancurt,[53] about 1680, mentions the pueblo under the names +Aguatobi and Ahuatobi, and in 1692, or twelve years after the great +rebellion, Vargas visited "San Bernardo de Aguatuvi," ten leagues from +Zuñi. The name appears on maps up to the middle of the eighteenth +century, several years after its destruction. In more modern times +various older spellings have been adopted or new ones introduced. +Among these may be mentioned: + +AGUATUVÍ. Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 231, 1858. +AGUATUYA. Bandelier in Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, III, 85, 1892 (misquoting Oñate). +AGUITOBI. Bandelier in Archæological Institute Papers, Am. series, III, pt. 1, 115, 1890. +AHUATU. Bandelier, ibid., 115, 135. +AHUATUYBA. Bandelier, ibid., 109. +AH-WAT-TENNA. Bourke, Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, 195, 1884 (so called by a Tusayan Indian). +AQUATASI. Walch, Charte America, 1805. +AQUATUBI. Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 368, 1869. +ATABI-HOGANDI. Bourke, op. cit., 84, 1884 (Navaho name). +AUA-TU-UI. Bandelier in Archæological Institute Papers, op. cit., IV, pt. 2, 368, 1892. +A-WA-TE-U. Cushing in Atlantic Monthly, 367, September, 1882. +AWATÚBI. Bourke, op. cit., 91, 1884. +Á WAT U I. Cushing in Fourth Report Bureau of Ethnology, 493, 1886 (or Aguatóbi). +ZAGNATO. Brackenridge, Early Spanish Discoveries, 19, 1857 (misprint of Hakluyt's Zaguato). +ZAGUATE. Prince, New Mexico, 34, 1883 (misquoting Hakluyt). +ZUGUATO. Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, 388, 1878 (misquoting Hakluyt). + +The Navaho name of the ruin, as is well known, is Talla-hogan, +ordinarily translated "Singing-house," and generally interpreted to +refer to the mass said by the padres in the ancient church. It is +probable, however, that kivas were used as chambers where songs were +sung in ceremonials prior to the introduction of Christianity. +Therefore why Awatobi should preeminently be designated as the +"Singing-house" is not quite apparent. + +The name of the mission, San Bernardino,[54] or San Bernardo, refers +to its patron saint, and was first applied by Porras in honor of the +natal day of this saint, on which day, in 1629, he and his companions +arrived in Tusayan. + + +HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE OF AWATOBI + +The identification of Tusayan with the present country of the Hopi +depends in great measure on the correct determination of the situation +of Cibola. I have regarded as conclusive Bandelier's argument that +Cibola comprised the group of pueblos inhabited by the Zuñi in the +sixteenth century.[55] Regarding this as proven, Tusayan corresponds +with the Hopi villages, of which Awatobi was one of the largest. It +lies in the same direction and about the same distance from Zuñi as +stated in Castañeda's narrative. The fact that Cardenas passed through +Tusayan when he went from Cibola to the Grand Canyon in 1540 is in +perfect harmony with the identification of the Hopi villages with +Tusayan, and Zuñi with Cibola. Tobar, in Tusayan, heard of the great +river to the west, and when he returned to the headquarters of +Coronado at Cibola the general dispatched Cardenas to investigate the +truth of the report. Cardenas naturally went to Tusayan where Tobar +had heard the news, and from there took guides who conducted him to +the Grand Canyon. Had the general been in any Hopi town at the time he +sent Tobar, and later Cardenas, it is quite impossible to find any +cluster of ruins which we can identify as Tusayan in the direction +indicated. There can be no doubt that Tusayan was the modern Hopi +country, and with this in mind the question as to which Hopi pueblo +was the one first visited by Tobar is worthy of investigation. + +In order to shed what light is possible on this question, I have +examined the account by Castañeda, the letter of Coronado to Mendoza, +and the description in the "Relacion del Suceso," but find it +difficult to determine that point definitely. + +In Hakluyt's translation of Coronado's letter, it is stated that the +houses of the "cities" which Tobar was sent to examine were "of +earth," and the "chiefe" of these towns is called "Tucano." As this +letter was written before Coronado had received word from Tobar +concerning his discoveries, naturally we should not expect definite +information concerning the new province. Capt. Juan Jaramillo's +account speaks of "Tucayan" as a province composed of seven towns, and +states that the houses are terraced. + +In the "Relacion del Suceso" we likewise find the province called +"Tuzan" (Tusayan), and the author notes the resemblance of the +villages to Cibola, but he distinctly states that the inhabitants +cultivated cotton. + +Castañeda's account, which is the most detailed, is that on which I +have relied in my identification of Awatobi as the first Hopi pueblo +seen by the Spaniards. + +It seems that Don Pedro de Tobar was dispatched by Coronado to explore +a province called Tusayan which was reported to be twenty-five leagues +from Cibola. He had in his command seventeen horsemen and one or two +foot-soldiers, and was accompanied by Friar Juan de Padilla. They +arrived in the new province after dark and concealed themselves under +the edge of the mesa, so near that they heard the voices of the +Indians in their houses. The natives, however, discovered them at +daylight drawn up in order, and came out to meet them armed with +wooden clubs, bow and arrows, and carrying shields. The chief drew a +line of sacred meal across the trail, and in that way symbolized that +the entrance to their pueblo was closed to the intruders. During a +parley, however, one of the men made a move to cross the line of meal, +and an Indian struck his horse on the bridle. This opened hostilities, +in which the Hopi were worsted, but apparently without loss of life. +The vanquished brought presents of various kinds--cotton cloth, +cornmeal, birds, skins, piñon nuts, and a few turquoises--and finding +a good camping place near their pueblo, Tobar established headquarters +and received homage from all the province. They allowed the Spaniards +to enter their villages and traded with them.[56] + +Espejo's reference to Awatobi in 1583 leaves no doubt that the pueblo +was in existence in that year, and while, of course, we can not +definitely say that it was not built between 1540 and 1583, the +indications are that it was not. Hopi traditions assert that it was in +existence when the Spaniards came, and the statement of the legendists +whom I have consulted are definite that the survivors of Sikyatki went +to Awatobi after the overthrow of the former pueblo. It would not +appear, however, that Awatobi was founded prior to Sikyatki, nor is it +stated that the refugees from Sikyatki built Awatobi, which is within +the bounds of possibility, but it seems to be quite generally conceded +that the Sikyatki tragedy antedated the arrival of the first +Spaniards. + +There can, I think, be no doubt that the Hopi pueblo first entered by +Pedro de Tobar, in 1540, was Awatobi, and that the first conflict of +Spanish soldiers and Hopi warriors, which occurred at that time, took +place on the well-known Zuñi trail in Antelope valley, not far from +Jeditoh or Antelope spring. This pueblo is the nearest village to +Cibola (Zuñi), from which Tobar came, and as he took the Zuñi trail he +would naturally first approach this village, even if the other pueblos +on the rim of this valley were inhabited. It is interesting to +consider a few lines from Castañeda, describing the event of that +episode, to see how closely the site of Awatobi conforms to the +narrative. In Castañeda's account of Tobar's visit we find that the +latter with his command entered Tusayan so secretly that their +presence was unknown to the inhabitants, and they traversed a +cultivated plain without being seen, so that, we are told, they +approached the village near enough to hear the voices of the Indians +without being discovered. Moreover, the Indians, the narrative says, +had a habit of descending to their cultivated fields, which implies +that they lived on a mesa top. Awatobi was situated on a mesa, and the +cultivated fields were in exactly the position indicated. The habit of +retiring to their pueblo at night is still observed, or was to within +a few years. Tobar arrived at the edge of Antelope valley after dark +(otherwise he would have been discovered), crossed the cultivated +fields under cover of night, and camped under the town at the base of +the mesa. The soldiers from that point could readily hear the voices +of the villagers above them. Even at the base of the lofty East Mesa I +have often heard the Walpi people talking, while the words of the town +crier are intelligible far out on the plain. From the configuration of +the valley it would not, however, have been easier for Awatobians to +have seen the approaching Spaniards than for the Walpians; still it +was possible for the invaders to conceal their approach to Walpi in +the same way. If, however, the first pueblo approached was Walpi, and +Tobar followed the Zuñi trail, I think he would have been discovered +by the Awatobi people before nightfall if he entered the cultivated +fields early in the evening. It would be incredible to believe that he +wandered from the trail; much more likely he went directly to Awatobi, +the first village en route, and then encamped until the approach of +day before entering the pueblo. At sunrise the inhabitants, early +stirring, detected the presence of the intruders, and the warriors +went down the mesa to meet them. They had already heard from Cibola of +the strange beings, men mounted on animals which were said to devour +enemies. + +It may seem strange that the departure of an expedition against +Tusayan was unknown to the Hopi, but the narrative leads us to believe +that such was the fact. The warriors descended to the plain, and their +chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail to symbolize that +the way to their pueblo was closed; whoever crossed it was an enemy, +and punishment should be meted out to him. This custom is still +preserved in several ceremonials at the present day, as, for instance, +in the New-fire rites[57] in November and in the Flute observance in +July.[58] The priests say that in former times whoever crossed a line +of meal drawn on the trail at that festival was killed, and even now +they insist that no one is allowed to pass a closed trail. The Awatobi +warriors probably warned Tobar and his comrades not to advance, but +the symbolic barrier was not understood by them. The Spaniards were +not there to parley long, and it is probable that their purpose was to +engage in a quarrel with the Indians. Urged on by the priest, Juan de +Padilla, "who had been a soldier in his youth," they charged the +Indians and overthrew a number, driving the others before them. The +immediate provocation for this, according to the historian, was that +an Indian struck one of the horses on the bridle, at which the holy +father, losing patience, exclaimed to his captain, "Why are we here?" +which was interpreted as a sign for the assault. + +It must, however, be confessed that if the pueblo of Walpi was the +first discovered an approach by stealth without being seen would have +been easier for Tobar if the village referred to was Walpi then +situated on the Ash-hill terrace, with the East Mesa between it and +the Zuñi trail. To offset this probability, however, is the fact that +the Zuñi trail now runs through Awatobi, or in full view of it and +there is hardly a possibility that Tobar left that trail to avoid +Awatobi. He would naturally visit the first village, and not go out of +his way seven miles beyond it, seeking a more distant pueblo. + +The effect of this onslaught on men armed with spears, clubs, and +leather shields can be imagined, and the encounter seems to have +discouraged the Awatobi warriors from renewed resistance. They fled, +but shortly afterward brought presents as a sign of submission, when +Tobar called off his men. Thus was the entry of the Spaniards into +Tusayan marked with bloodshed for a trifling offense. Shortly +afterward Tobar entered the village and received the complete +submission of the people. + +The names of the Tusayan pueblos visited by Tobar in this first +entrance are nowhere mentioned in the several accounts which have come +down to us. Forty years later, however, the Spaniards returned and +found the friendly feeling of Awatobi to the visitors had not lapsed. +When Espejo approached the town in 1583, over the same Zuñi trail, the +multitudes with their caciques met him with great joy and poured maize +(sacred meal?) on the ground for the horses to walk upon. This was +symbolic of welcome; they "made" the trail, a ceremony which is still +kept up when entrance to the pueblo is formally offered.[59] + +The people, considering their poverty, were generous, and gave Espejo +"hand towels with tassels" at the corners. These were probably dance +kilts and ceremonial blankets, which then, as now, the Hopi made of +cotton. + +The pueblo, called "Aguato" in the account of that visit, was without +doubt Awatobi. The name Aguatuybá, mentioned by Oñate, is also +doubtless the same, although, as pointed out to me by Mr Hodge, +"through an error probably of the copyist or printer, the name +Aguatuybá is inadvertently given by Oñate among his list of Hopi +chiefs, while Esperiez is mentioned among the pueblos." In Oñate's +list we recognize Oraibi in "Naybi," and Shuñopovi in "Xumupamí" and +"Comupaví," the most westerly town of the Middle Mesa. "Cuanrabi" and +"Esperiez" are not recognizable as pueblos. + +Espejo, therefore, appears to have been the first to mention Awatobi +as "Aguato," which is metamorphosed in Hakluyt into "Zaguato or +"Ahuzto,"[60] although evidently Oñate's "Aguatuybá" was intended as a +name of a pueblo. + +I have not been able to determine satisfactorily the date of the +erection of the mission building of San Bernardino at Awatobi, but the +name is mentioned as early as 1629. In that year three friars went to +Tusayan and began active efforts to convert the Hopi.[61] + +It is recorded[62] that Padre Porras, with Andres Gutierrez, Cristoval +de la Concepcion, and ten soldiers, arrived in Tusayan, "dia del +glorioso San Bernardo (que és el apellido que aora tiene aquel +pueblo)," which leaves no doubt why the mission at Awatobi was so +named. Although an apostate Indian had spread the report, previously +to the advent of these priests in Tusayan, that the Spaniards were +coming among them to burn their pueblos, rob their homes, and +devour[63] their children, the zealous missionaries in 1629 converted +many of the chiefs and baptized their children. The cacique, Don +Augustin, who appears to have been baptized at Awatobi, apparently +lived in Walpi or at the Middle Mesa, and returning to his pueblo, +prepared the way for a continuation of the apostolic work in the +villages of the other mesas. + +But the missionary labors of Porras came to an untimely end. It is +written that by 1633 he had made great progress in converting the +Hopi, but in that year, probably at Awatobi, he was poisoned. Of the +fate of his two companions and the success of their work little is +known, but it is recorded that the succession of padres was not +broken up to the great rebellion in 1680. Figueroa, who was massacred +at Awatobi in that year, went to Tusayan in 1674 with Aug. Sta. Marie. +Between the death of Porras and the arrival of Figueroa there was an +interval of eleven years, during which time the two comrades of Porras +or Espeleta, who went to Tusayan in 1650, took charge of the spiritual +welfare of the Hopi. Espeleta and Aug. Sta. Marie were killed in 1680 +at San Francisco de Oraibi and Walpi, respectively, and José Trujillo +probably lost his life at Old Shuñopovi at the same time. As there is +no good reason to suppose that Awatobi, one of the most populous +Tusayan pueblos, was neglected by the Spanish missionaries after the +death of Porras in 1633, and as it was the first pueblo encountered on +the trail from Zuñi, doubtless San Bernardino was one of the earliest +missions erected in Tusayan. From 1680 until 1692, the period of +independence resulting from the great Pueblo revolt, there was no +priest in Tusayan, nor, indeed, in all New Mexico. Possibly the +mission was repaired between 1692 and 1700, but it is probable that it +was built as early as the time Porras lived in Awatobi. It is +explicitly stated that in the destruction of Awatobi in 1700 no +missionaries were killed, although it is recorded that early in that +year Padre Garaycoechea made it a visit. + +The disputes between the Jesuits and Franciscans to obtain the Hopi +field for missionary work during the eighteenth century naturally +falls in another chapter of Spanish-Tusayan history. Aside from +sporadic visits to the pueblos, nothing tangible appears to have +resulted from the attempts at conversion in this epoch. True, many +apostates were induced to return to their old homes on the Rio Grande +and some of the Hopi frequently asked for resident priests, making +plausible offers to protect them; but the people as a whole were +hostile, and the mission churches were never rebuilt, nor did the +fathers again live in this isolated province. + +In 1692 Awatobi was visited by Don Diego de Vargas, the reconquerer of +New Mexico, who appears to have had no difficulty bringing to terms +the pueblos of Awatobi, Walpi, Mishoñinovi, and Shuñopovi.[64] He +found, however, that Awatobi was "fortified," and the entrance so +narrow that but one man could enter at a time. The description leads +us to conclude that the fortification was the wall at the eastern end, +and the entrance the gateway, the sides of which are still to be seen. +The plaza in which the cross was erected was probably just north of +the walls of the mission. + +There would seem to be no doubt that a mission building was standing +at Awatobi before 1680, for Vetancurt, writing about the year named, +states that in the uprising it was burned.[65] At the time of the +visit of Garaycoechea, in the spring of 1700, he found that the +mission had been rebuilt. In this connection it is instructive, as +bearing on the probable cause of the destruction of Awatobi, to find +that while the inhabitants of this pueblo desired to have the mission +rehabilitated, the other Tusayan pueblos were so hostile that the +friends of the priest in Awatobi persuaded him not to attempt to visit +the other villages. This warning was no doubt well advised, and the +tragic fate which befell Awatobi before the close of the year shows +that the trouble was brewing when the padre was there, and possibly +Garaycoechea's visit hastened the catastrophe or intensified the +hatred of the other pueblos. + +At the time of Garaycoechea's visit he baptized, it is said, 73 +persons. This rite was particularly obnoxious[66] to the Hopi, as +indeed to the other Pueblo Indians, notwithstanding they performed +practically the same ceremony in initiations into their own secret +societies. The Awatobians, however, or at least some of them, allowed +this rite of the Christians, thus intensifying the hatred of the more +conservative of their own village and of the neighboring pueblos. +These and other facts seem to indicate that the real cause of the +destruction of Awatobi was the reception of Christianity by its +inhabitants, which the other villagers regarded as sorcery. The +conservative party, led by Tapolo, opened the gate of the town to the +warriors of Walpi and Mishoñinovi, who slaughtered the liberals, thus +effectually rooting out the new faith from Tusayan, for after that +time it never again obtained a foothold. + +The visit of Padre Juan Garaycoechea to Tusayan was at the invitation +of Espeleta, chief of Oraibi, but he went no farther than Awatobi, +where he baptized the 73 Hopi. He then returned to the "governor," and +arrived at Zuñi in June. According to Bancroft (p. 222), "In the +'Moqui Noticias' MS., 669, it is stated that the other Moquis, angry +that Aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo, +killed all the men, and carried off all the women and children, +leaving the place for many years deserted." Although I have not been +able to consult the document quoted, this conclusion corresponds so +closely with Hopi tradition that I believe it is practically true, +although Bancroft unfortunately closes the quotation I have made from +his account with the words, "I think this must be an error." Espeleta, +the Oraibi chief, and 20 companions were in Santa Fé in October, 1700, +and proposed a peace in which the Hopi asked for religious toleration, +which Governor Cubero refused. As a final appeal he desired that the +fathers should not permanently reside with them, but should visit one +pueblo each year for six years; but this request was also rejected. +Espeleta returned to Oraibi, and immediately on his appearance an +unsuccessful attempt was made to destroy Awatobi, followed, as +recounted in the legend, by a union with Walpi and Mishoñinovi, by +which the liberal-minded villagers of the Antelope mesa were +overthrown. Documentary and legendary accounts are thus in strict +accord regarding the cause of the destruction. + +The meager fragmentary historical evidence that can be adduced shows +that the destruction of Awatobi occurred in the autumn or early winter +of 1700. In May of that year we have the account of the visiting +padre, and in the summer when Espeleta was at Santa Fé, the pueblo was +flourishing. The month of November would have been a favorable one for +the destruction of the town for the reason that during this time the +warriors would all be engaged in secret kiva rites. The legend relates +that the overthrow of the pueblo was at the _Naacnaiya_,[67] which now +takes place in November. + +For many years after its destruction the name of Awatobi was still +retained on maps including the Tusayan province, and there exist +several published references to the place as if still inhabited; but +these appear to be compilations, as no traveler visited the site +subsequently to 1700. It is never referred to in writings of the +eighteenth or first half of the nineteenth centuries, and its site +attracted no attention. The ruins remained unidentified until about +1884, when the late Captain J. G. Bourke published his book on the +"Snake Dance of the Moquis," in which he showed that the ruin called +by the Navaho Tally-hogan was the old Awatobi which played such a +prominent part in early Tusayan history. + +The ruin was described and figured a few years later by Mr Victor +Mindeleff in his valuable memoir on Cibola and Tusayan architecture. +Bourke's reference is very brief and Mindeleff's plan deficient, as it +includes only a portion of the ruin, namely, the conspicuous mission +walls and adjacent buildings, overlooking entirely the older or +western mounds, which are the most characteristic. In 1892 I published +the first complete ground-plan of the ruins of Awatobi, including both +eastern and western sections. As Mindeleff's plan is defective, his +characterization of the architectural features of the pueblo is +consequently faulty. He says: "The plan suggests that the original +pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth +or southeast side, later occupied by the mission buildings, being left +open or protected by a low wall." While the eastern portion +undoubtedly supports this conclusion, had he examined the western or +main section he would doubtless have qualified his conclusion (plate +CVII). This portion was compact, without a rectangular court, and was +of pyramidal form. The eastern section was probably of later +construction, and the mission was originally built outside the main +pueblo, although probably a row of rooms of very ancient date extended +along the northern side opposite the church. As it was customary in +Tusayan to isolate the kivas, these rooms in Awatobi were probably +extramural and may have been situated in this eastern court, but the +majority of the people lived in the western section. The architecture +of the mission and adjacent rooms shows well-marked Spanish influence, +which is wholly absent in the buildings forming the western mounds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVII + +GROUND PLAN OF AWATOBI] + + +LEGEND OF THE DESTRUCTION OF AWATOBI + +The legend of the overthrow of Awatobi is preserved in detail among +the living villagers of Tusayan, and like all stories which have been +transmitted for several generations exist in several variants, +differing in episodes, but coinciding in general outlines. In the +absence of contemporary documentary history, which some time may +possibly be brought to light, the legends are the only available data +regarding an event of great importance in the modern history of +Tusayan. + +I have obtained the legends from Supela, Shimo,[68] Masiumptiwa, and +Saliko, and the most complete appears to be that of the last +mentioned. The others dilated more on the atrocities which were +committed on the bodies of the unfortunate captives, and the tortures +endured before they were killed. All show traces of modification, +incorporation, and modern invention. + + +_Destruction of Awatobi as related by Saliko_[69] + + "The chiefs Wiki and Shimo, and others, have told you their + stories, and surely their ancestors were living here at Walpi + when Awatobi was occupied. It was a large village, and many + people lived there, and the village chief was called Tapolo, + but he was not at peace with his people, and there were + quarreling and trouble. Owing to this conflict only a little + rain fell, but the land was fertile and fair harvests were + still gathered. The Awatobi men were bad (_powako_, + sorcerers). Sometimes they went in small bands among the + fields of the other villagers and cudgeled any solitary + worker they found. If they overtook any woman they ravished + her, and they waylaid hunting parties, taking the game, after + beating and sometimes killing the hunters. There was + considerable trouble in Awatobi, and Tapolo sent to the + Oraibi chief asking him to bring his people and kill the evil + Awatobians. The Oraibi came and fought with them, and many + were killed on both sides, but the Oraibi were not strong + enough to enter the village, and were compelled to withdraw. + On his way back the Oraibi chief stopped at Walpi and talked + with the chiefs there. Said he, 'I can not tell why Tapolo + wants the Oraibi to kill his folks, but we have tried and + have not succeeded very well. Even if we did succeed, what + benefit would come to us who live too far away to occupy the + land? You Walpi people live close to them and have suffered + most at their hands; it is for you to try.' While they were + talking Tapolo had also come, and it was then decided that + other chiefs of all the villages should convene at Walpi to + consult. Couriers were sent out, and when all the chiefs had + arrived Tapolo declared that his people had become sorcerers + (Christians), and hence should all be destroyed. + + "It was then arranged that in four days large bands from all + the other villages should prepare themselves, and assemble at + a spring not far from Awatobi. A long while before this, when + the Spaniards lived there, they had built a wall on the side + of the village that needed protection, and in this wall was a + great, strong door. Tapolo proposed that the assailants + should come before dawn, and he would be at this door ready + to admit them, and under this compact he returned to his + village. During the fourth night after this, as agreed upon, + the various bands assembled at the deep gulch spring, and + every man carried, besides his weapons, a cedar-bark torch + and a bundle of greasewood. Just before dawn they moved + silently up to the mesa summit, and, going directly to the + east side of the village, they entered the gate, which opened + as they approached. In one of the courts was a large kiva, + and in it were a number of men engaged in sorcerer's rites. + The assailants at once made for the kiva, and plucking up the + ladder, they stood around the hatchway, shooting arrows down + among the entrapped occupants. In the numerous cooking pits + fire had been maintained through the night for the + preparation of food for a feast on the appointed morning, and + from these they lighted their torches. Great numbers of these + and the bundles of greasewood being set on fire, they were + cast down the hatchway, and firewood from stacks upon the + house terraces were also thrown into the kiva. The red + peppers for which Awatobi was famous were hanging in thick + clusters along the fronts of the houses, and these they + crushed in their hands and flung upon the blazing fire in the + kiva to further torment their burning occupants. After this, + all who were capable of moving were compelled to travel or + drag themselves until they came to the sand-hills of + Mishoñinovi, and there the final disposition of the prisoners + was made. + + "My maternal ancestor had recognized a woman chief (_Mamzrau + moñwi_), and saved her at the place of massacre called Maski, + and now he asked her whether she would be willing to initiate + the woman of Walpi in the rites of the _Mamzrau_. She + complied, and thus the observance of the ceremonial called + the Mamzráuti came to Walpi. I can not tell how it came to + the other villages. This Mamzrau-moñwi had no children, and + hence my maternal ancestor's sister became chief, and her + _tiponi_ (badge of office) came to me. Some of the other + Awatobi women knew how to bring rain, and such of them as + were willing to teach their songs were spared and went to + different villages. The Oraibi chief saved a man who knew how + to cause peaches to grow, and that is why Oraibi has such an + abundance of peaches now. The Mishoñinovi chief saved a + prisoner who knew how to make the sweet, small-ear corn grow, + and that is why it is more abundant there than elsewhere. All + the women who knew song prayers and were willing to teach + them were spared, and no children were designedly killed, but + were divided among the villages, most of them going to + Mishoñinovi. The remainder of the prisoners, men and women, + were again tortured and dismembered and left to die on the + sand hills, and there their bones are, and that is the reason + the place is called _Maschomo_ (Death-mound). This is the + story of Awatobi told by my old people." + +All variants of the legend are in harmony in this particular, that +Awatobi was destroyed by the other Tusayan pueblos, and that +Mishoñinovi, Walpi, and probably Oraibi and Shuñopovi participated in +the deed. A grievance that would unite the other villagers against +Awatobi must have been a great one, indeed, and not a mere dispute +about water or lands. The more I study the real cause, hidden in the +term _powako_, "wizard" or "sorcerer," the more I am convinced that +the progress Christianity was making in Awatobi, after the reconquest +of the Pueblos in 1692, explains the hostility of the other villagers. +The party favoring the Catholic fathers in Awatobi was increasing, and +the other Tusayan pueblos watched its growth with alarm. They foresaw +that it heralded the return of the hated domination of the priests, +associated in their minds with practical slavery, and they decided on +the tragedy, which was carried out with all the savagery of which +their natures were capable. + +They greatly feared the return of the Spanish soldiers, as the epoch +of Spanish rule, mild though it may have been, was held in universal +detestation. Moreover, after the reconquest of the Rio Grande pueblos, +many apostates fled to Tusayan and fanned the fires of hatred against +the priests. Walpi received these malcontents, who came in numbers a +few years later. Among these arrivals were Tanoan warriors and their +families, part of whom were ancestors of the present inhabitants of +Hano. + +It was no doubt hoped that the destruction of Awatobi would +effectually root out the growing Christian influence, which it in fact +did; and for fifty years afterward Tusayan successfully resisted all +efforts to convert it. Franciscans from the east and Jesuits from the +Gila in the south strove to get a new hold, but they never succeeded +in rebuilding the missions in this isolated province, which was +generally regarded as independent. + +From the scanty data I have been able to collect from historical and +legendary sources, it seems probable that Awatobi was always more +affected by the padres than were the other Tusayan pueblos. This was +the village which was said to have been "converted" by Padre Porras, +whose work, after his death by poison in 1633, was no doubt continued +by his associates and successors. About 1680, as we learn from +documentary accounts, the population of Awatobi was 800,[70] and it +was probably not much smaller in 1700, the time of its destruction. + + +EVIDENCES OF FIRE IN THE DESTRUCTION + +Wherever excavations were conducted in the eastern section of Awatobi, +we could not penetrate far below the surface without encountering +unmistakable evidences of a great conflagration. The effect of the +fire was particularly disastrous in the rooms of the eastern section, +or that part of the pueblo contiguous to the mission. Hardly a single +object was removed from this part of Awatobi that had not been +charred. Many of the beams were completely burned; others were charred +only on their surfaces. The rooms were filled with ashes and scoriæ, +while the walls had been cracked as if by intense heat. + +Perhaps the most significant fact in regard to the burning of Awatobi +was seen in some of the houses where the fire seems to have been less +intense. In many chambers of the eastern section, which evidently were +used as granaries, the corn was stacked in piles just as it is today +under many of the living rooms at Walpi, a fact which tends to show +that there was no attempt to pillage the pueblo before its +destruction. The ears of corn in these store-rooms were simply +charred, but so well preserved that entire ears of maize were +collected in great numbers. It may here be mentioned that upon one of +the stacks of corn I found during my excavations for the Hemenway +Expedition in 1892, a rusty iron knife-blade, showing that the owner +of the room was acquainted with objects of Spanish manufacture. This +blade is now deposited with the Hemenway collection in the Peabody +Museum at Cambridge. + + +THE RUINS OF THE MISSION + +The mission church of San Bernardino de Awatobi was erected very early +in the history of the Spanish occupancy, and its ruined walls are the +only ones now standing above the surface. This building was +constructed by the padres on a mesa top, while the churches at Walpi +and Shuñopovi were built in the foothills near those pueblos. The +mission at Oraibi likewise stood on a mesa top, so that we must +qualify Mindeleff's statement[71] that "at Tusayan there is no +evidence that a church or mission house ever formed part of the +villages on the mesa summits.... These summits have been extensively +occupied only in comparatively recent time, although one or more +churches may have been built here at an early date as outlooks over +the fields in the valley below." + +At the time of the Spanish invasion three of the Hopi villages stood +on the foothills or lower terraces of the mesas on which they now +stand, and the other two, Awatobi and Oraibi, occupied the same sites +as today, on the summits of the mesas. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII + +RUINS OF SAN BERNARDINO DE AWATOBI] + +I believe that at the time of the Spanish discovery of Tusayan by +Pedro de Tobar in 1540, there were only five Tusayan towns--Walpi, +Awatobi, Shuñopovi, Mishoñinovi, and Oraibi. Later, Awatobi was +destroyed, and shortly after 1680 Walpi, the only East Mesa town, +together with Mishoñinovi and Shuñopovi, on the Middle Mesa, were +moved to the elevated sites they now occupy. Oraibi, therefore, is +probably the only Tusayan pueblo, at present inhabited, which occupies +practically the same site that it did in 1540. + +In their excavations for the foundations of new houses the present +inhabitants of Oraibi often find, as I am informed by Mr H. R. Voth, +the missionary at that place, vessels or potsherds of ancient Tusayan +ware closely resembling that which is found in the ruins of Sikyatki +and Awatobi. + +The mission building at Awatobi, known in the church history of New +Mexico and Arizona as San Bernardo or San Bernardino, was reputed to +be the largest in Tusayan, and its walls are still the best preserved +of any mission structure in that province. This, however, does not +imply that the church structures of Tusayan are well preserved, for +the mission buildings at Walpi have wholly disappeared, while at +Oraibi little more than a pile of stones remains. Of the Shuñopovi +mission of San Bernabe there are no standing walls save at one end, +which are now used as a sheep corral. + +The mission of San Bernardino de Awatobi was built on the southern +side of the eastern part of the pueblo on the edge of the cliff, and +its walls are the only ones of Awatobi now standing above ground. From +the situation of these walls, as compared with the oldest part of +Awatobi--the western mounds--I believe that San Bernardino mission +was, when erected, beyond the limits of the pueblo proper--a custom +almost universally followed in erecting pueblo mission +churches--necessary in this instance, since from the compactness of +the village there was no other available site. The same was true of +the missions of Oraibi and Shuñopovi, and probably of Old Walpi. As +time passed additional buildings were erected near it, this eastward +extension altering the original plan of the town, but in no way +affecting the configuration of the older portion. + +From its commanding position on the edge of the mesa the mission walls +must have presented an imposing appearance from the plain below, +rising as they did almost continuously with the side of the cliff, +making a conspicuous structure for miles across Antelope valley, from +which its crumbling walls are still visible (plate CVIII). + +When compared with the masonry of unmodified pueblo ruins the walls of +the mission may be designated massive, and excavation at their +foundations was very difficult on account of the great amount of +débris which had fallen about them. With the limited force of laborers +at my command the excavations could not be conducted with a great +degree of thoroughness. + +In the middle of what I supposed to have been the main church there +was much sand, evidently drift, and in it I sank a trench 10 feet +below the surface without reaching anything which I considered a +floor. We found in excavations at the foundation of the church walls +fragments of glass, several copper nails, a much-corroded iron hook, a +copper bell pivot, and fragments of Spanish pottery. From the +character of these objects alone there is no doubt in my mind of the +former existence of Spanish influence, and the method of construction +of the mission walls and the addition constructed of adobe containing +chopped straw, substantiate this conclusion. Supposing, from the +architecture and orientation of other New Mexican missions, that the +altar was at the western end, opposite the entrance to the church, I +sank a trench along the foundation of the wall on that side, but +encountered such a mass of fallen stone at that point that I found it +impossible to make much progress, and the fact that the floor was more +than 10 feet below the surface of the central depression led me to +abandon, as impossible with my little band of native excavators, the +laying bare of the floor of the church. + +[Illustration: FIG. 255--Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi] + +The ground plan (figure 255) of the mission resembles that of the Zuñi +church, and is not unlike the plans of the churches in the Rio Grande +pueblos. The tall buttresses, which rise 15 or 20 feet above the trail +up the mesa on the southern corner, are, I believe, remnants of +towers which formerly supported a balcony. During a previous visit to +Tusayan I obtained fragments[72] of the ancient bell, which are now on +exhibition in the Hemenway section of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. + +The stone walls of the mission were rarely dressed or carefully +fitted, the interstices being filled in with loose rubble laid in +adobe. There was apparently a gallery over the entrance to the +building overlooking many smaller buildings, which evidently were the +quarters of the resident priest. The construction of the walls was +apparently a laborious task, as many of the stones are large and must +have been brought a considerable distance. These stones were laid in +adobe, and apparently were plastered without and within, although +little evidence of the former plastering may now be seen. At the +northwestern corner, however, there still remain well-made adobe +walls, the clay having been intermixed with straw. From the general +appearance of these walls I regard them as of late construction, +probably long after the destruction of the mission. + +An examination of the plan of the mission building shows that it was +oriented about north and south, with the entrance toward the latter +direction. Compared with many other pueblo missions, this would seem +to be an exceptional position. In my excavations I naturally sought +the probable position of the entrance and, opposite it, the recess for +the altar. It is evident, from the form of the standing walls, that an +entrance from the east would be blocked by standing walls, and the +axis of the building is north and south. The theory that the door was +at the south has much in its favor, but there are several almost fatal +objections to this conclusion. + +If, however, we suppose that the entrance was in the south wall, the +high walls still standing above the trail up the mesa would then +recall the façades of other missions. The rooms east of the largest +inclosure, by this interpretation, would be outbuildings--residence +rooms for the padres--one side of which forms the eastern walls of the +church edifice. The form of the Awatobi church, as indicated by the +walls still standing, is very similar to that of Zuñi, notwithstanding +the orientation appears to be somewhat different. + +Excavations failed to reveal any sign of the altar recess at either +the northern or the western end, which is not surprising, since the +walls are so poorly preserved in both these directions. It was, +moreover, very difficult to make a satisfactory examination of the +foundations of the walls at any point on account of the fallen +stories, which encumbered the floor at their bases. + +From the appearance of antiquity it seems probable that long before +the mission buildings were erected a ridge of many-storied houses +extended eastward from the pueblo on the northern side of a level +space or court, in which there were, either then or later, ceremonial +chambers or kivas. The southern side of this open space was the site +of the mission, but was then unoccupied. This open space recalls the +large court at Walpi, where the Snake dance occurs, but it was +considerably broader, one side being formed by the structures which +rose from the edge of the mesa. In course of time, however, the +mission buildings were erected on this site, and a wall connecting the +ridge of houses on the north and the outhouses of the mission was +made, thus inclosing the court on all four sides. It was into this +inclosure, through a gateway, the buttresses of which still remain, +that the assailants passed on that eventful night when Awatobi was +destroyed. + +There is good evidence that a massacre of Awatobians occurred in the +southeastern angle of the eastern part of the pueblo, just east of the +mission. If so, it is probable that many of the unfortunates sought +refuge in the outbuildings of the church. Suspecting that such was the +case, I excavated a considerable space of ground at these places and +found many human skulls and other bones thrown together in confusion. +The earth was literally filled with bones, evidently hastily placed +there or left where the dead fell. These bodies were not buried with +pious care, for there were no fragments of mortuary pottery or other +indication of burial objects. Many of the skulls were broken, some +pierced with sharp implements. While it is true that possibly this may +have been a potter's field, or, from its position east of the mission, +a Christian burial place, as at Zuñi, the evidence from the appearance +of the bodies points to a different conclusion. According to the +legends, the hostiles entered the pueblo through the adjacent gateway; +their anger led them especially against those of the inhabitants who +were regarded as _powako_ or sorcerers, and their first acts of +violence would naturally have been toward those who sought refuge in +the buildings adjacent the church. Near this hated "Singing-house" the +slaughter began, soon extending to the kivas and the whole of the +eastern section of the village. There was no evidence of murderous +deeds in the rooms of the western section of the old pueblo, and the +legends agree in relating that most of the men were in kivas, not far +from the mission, when the village was overthrown. There is no +legendary evidence that there were any Spanish priests in the mission +at the time of its destruction, and there is no record extant of any +Spaniards losing their lives at Awatobi at the time of its +destruction, although the fact of the occurrence, according to +Bandelier,[73] was recorded. + +The traditional clans which inhabited Awatobi were the Awata (Bow), +Honani (Badger), Piba (Tobacco), and Buli (Butterfly). The Bow people +appear to have been the most important of these, since their name was +applied to the village. Their totemic signatures, in pictographic +form, may still be seen on the sides of the cliff under Awatobi, and +in the ruins was found a fine arrowshaft polisher on which was an +incised drawing of a bow and an arrow, suggesting that the owner was a +member of the Bow phratry. Saliko, the chief of the woman's society +known as the Mamzrautû, insists that this priesthood was strong in the +fated pueblo, and that a knowledge of its mysteries was brought to +Walpi by one of the women who was saved. + +It is claimed by the folklorists of the Tataukyamû, a priesthood +which, controls the New-fire ceremonies at Walpi, and is prominent in +the Soyaluña, or the rites of the winter solstice, that the Piba or +Tobacco phratry brought the fetishes of that society to Walpi, and +there are many obscurely known resemblances between the Mamzrauti and +the Wüwütcimti celebrations in Walpi which appear to support that +claim. The Piba phratry is likewise said to have come to Walpi +comparatively late in the history of the village, which fact points +the same way. + +Undoubtedly Awatobi received additions to its population from the +south when the pueblos on the Little Colorado were abandoned, and +there are obscure legends which support that belief; but the largest +numbers were recruited from the pueblos in the eastern section of the +country.[74] + + +THE KIVAS OF AWATOBI + +A pueblo of the size of Awatobi, with so many evidences of long +occupancy, would no doubt have several ceremonial chambers or kivas, +but as yet no one has definitely indicated their positions. I have +already called attention to evidences that if they existed they were +probably to be looked for in the open court east of the western mounds +and in the space north of the mission. In all the inhabited Tusayan +pueblos the kivas are separated from the house clusters and are +surrounded by courts or dance plazas. No open spaces existed in the +main or western mounds of Awatobi, and there was no place there for +kivas unless the pueblo was exceptional in having such structures +built among the dwellings, as at Zuñi. A tradition has survived that +Awatobi had regular kivas, partially subterranean, of rectangular +shape, and that they were situated in open courts. This would indicate +that the space east of the oldest part of the ruin may have been the +sites of these chambers. The old priests whom I have consulted in +regard to the probable positions of Awatobi kivas have invariably +pointed out the mounds north of the mission walls in the eastern +section of the ruin as the location of the kivas, and in 1892 I proved +to my satisfaction that these directions were correct. + +There is no reason to suppose that the kiva was a necessity in the +ancient performance of the Tusayan ritual, and there are still +performed many ceremonials as secret and as sacred as any others which +occur in rooms used as dwellings or for the storage of corn. Thus, the +Flute ceremony, one of the most complicated in Tusayan, is not, and +according to legends never was, performed in a kiva. On the contrary, +the secret rites of the Flute society are performed in the ancestral +Flute chamber or home of the oldest woman of the Flute clan. +Originally, I believe, the same was true in the case of other +ceremonials, and that the kiva was of comparatively recent +introduction into Tusayan.[75] + +Speaking of the sacred rooms of Awatobi, Mindeleff says: "No traces of +kivas were visible at the time the ruin was surveyed," but Stephen is +quoted in a legend that "the people of Walpi had partly cleaned out +one of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonial +plume-sticks, but the Navaho carried off their sacred deposits, +tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens." It is +true that while from a superficial examination of the Awatobi mounds +the position of the kivas is difficult to locate, a little excavation +brings their walls to light. It is likewise quite probable that the +legend reported by Stephen has a basis in fact, and that the people at +Walpi may have used old shrines in Awatobi, after its destruction, as +the priests of Mishoñinovi do at the present time; but I very much +doubt if the Navaho sold any of the sacred prayer emblems from these +fanes. It is hardly characteristic of these people to barter such +objects among one another, and no specimens from the shrines appear to +have made their way into the numerous collections of traders known to +me. There is, however, archeological evidence revealed by excavations +that the room centrally placed in the court north of the mission +contained a shrine in its floor on the night Awatobi fell. + +In 1892, while removing the soil from a depression about the middle of +the eastern court of Awatobi, about 100 feet north of the northern +wall of the mission, I laid bare a room 28 by 14 feet, in which were +found a skull and many other human bones which, from their +disposition, had not been buried with care. The discovery of these +skeletons accorded with the Hopi traditions that this was one of the +rooms in which the men of Awatobi were gathered on the fatal night, +and the inclosure where many died. I was deterred from further +excavation at that place by the horror of my workmen at the +desecration of the chamber. In 1895, however, I determined to continue +my earlier excavations and to trace the course of the walls of +adjacent rooms. The results obtained in this work led to a new phase +of the question, which sheds more light on the character of the rooms +in the middle of the eastern court of Awatobi. Instead of a single +room at this point, there are three rectangular chambers side by side, +all of about the same size (plate CVIII). In the center of the floor +of the middle room, 6 feet below the surface, I came upon a cist or +stone shrine. As the workmen approached the floor they encountered a +stone slab, horizontally placed in the pavement of the room. This slab +was removed, and below it was another flat stone which was perforated +by a rectangular hole just large enough to admit the hand and forearm. +This second slab was found to cover a stone box, the sides of which +were formed of stone slabs about 2-1/2 feet square. On the inner faces +of the upright slabs rain-cloud symbols were painted. These symbols +were of terrace form, in different colors outlined with black lines. +One of the stones bore a yellow figure, another a red, and a third +white. The color of the fourth was not determinable, but evidently, +from its position relatively to the others, was once green. This +arrangement corresponds with the present ceremonial assignment of +colors to the cardinal points, or at least the north and south, as at +the present time, were yellow and red, respectively, and presumably +the white and green were on the east and west sides of the cist. The +colors are still fairly bright and may be seen in the restoration of +this shrine now in the National Museum. + +There was no stone floor to this shrine, but within it were found +fragments of prayer-plumes or pahos painted green, but so decayed +that, when exposed to sunlight, some of them fell into dust. There +were likewise fragments of green carbonate of copper and kaolin, a +yellow ocher, and considerable vegetal matter mixed with the sand. All +these facts tend to the belief that this crypt was an ancient shrine +in the floor of a chamber which may have been a kiva. + +The position of this room with a shrine in the middle of the court is +interesting in comparison with that of similar shrines in some of the +modern Hopi pueblos. Shrines occupy the same relative position in +Sichomovi, Hano, Shipaulovi, and elsewhere, and within them sacred +prayer-offerings are still deposited on ceremonial occasions. At +Walpi, in the middle of the plaza, there is a subterranean crypt in +which offerings are often placed, as I have elsewhere described in +treating of certain ceremonies. This shrine is not visible, for a slab +of stone which is placed over it lies on a level with the plaza, and +is securely luted in place with adobe. There are similar subterranean +prayer crypts in other Tusayan villages. They represent the +traditional opening, or _sipapu_, through which, in Pueblo cosmogony, +races crawled to the surface of the earth from an underworld. In +Awatobi also there is a similar shrine, for the deposit of +prayer-offerings, almost in the middle of a plaza bounded on three +sides by the mission, the spur of many-storied houses, and the wall +with a gateway, while the remaining side was formed by the great +communal houses of the western part of the pueblo. + +While we were taking from their ancient resting places the slabs of +stone which formed this Awatobi shrine, the workmen reminded me how +closely it resembled the _pahoki_ used by the _katcinas_, and when, a +month later, I witnessed the _Nimán-katcina_ ceremony at Walpi, and +accompanied the chief, Intiwa, when he deposited the prayer-sticks in +that shrine,[76] I was again impressed by the similarity of the two, +one in a ruin deserted two centuries ago, the other still used in the +performance of ancient rites, no doubt much older than the overthrow +of the great pueblo of Antelope mesa. + + +OLD AWATOBI + +The western mounds of Awatobi afford satisfactory evidence that they +cover the older rooms of the pueblo, and show by their compact form +that the ancient village in architectural plan was similar to modern +Walpi. They indicate that Awatobi was of pyramidal form, was +symmetrical, three or four stories high,[77] without a central plaza, +but probably penetrated by narrow courts or passages. No great +ceremonial dance could have taken place in the heart of the pueblo, +since there was not sufficient space for its celebration, but it must +have occurred outside the village, probably in the open space to the +east, near where the ruined walls of the mission now stand. + +From the nature of the western mounds I found it advantageous to begin +the work of excavation in the steep decline on the southern side, and +to penetrate the mound on the level of its base or the rock formation +which forms its foundation. In this way all the débris could +advantageously be moved and thrown over the side of the mesa. We began +to open the mounds, therefore, on the southern side, making converging +trenches at intervals, working toward their center. We found that +these trenches followed continuous walls connected by cross +partitions, forming rooms, and that these were continued as far as we +penetrated. The evidence is good that these rooms are followed by +others which extend into the deepest part of the mound. We likewise +excavated at intervals over the whole surface of the western area of +Awatobi, and wherever we dug, walls of former rooms, which diminished +in altitude on the northern side, were found. From these excavations I +concluded that if any part of the western mound was higher than the +remainder, it was on the southern side just above the edge of the +mesa, and from that highest point the pueblo diminished in altitude to +the north, in which direction it was continued for some distance in +low, single-story rooms. + + +ROOMS OF THE WESTERN MOUND + +The older or western portion of Awatobi is thus believed to be made up +of a number of high mounds which rise steeply, and for a considerable +height from the southern edge of the cliff, from which it slopes more +gradually to the north and west. On account of this steep declivity we +were able to examine, in vertical section, the arrangement of the +rooms, one above the other (figure 256). By beginning excavations on +the rocky foundation and working into the mound, parallel walls were +encountered at intervals as far as we penetrated. From the edge of the +cliff there seemed to extend a series of these parallel walls, +which were united by cross partitions, forming a series of rooms, +one back of another. The deeper we penetrated the mound the higher the +walls were found to be, and this was true of the excavations along the +whole southern side of the elevation (plate CIX). If, as I suspect, +these parallel walls extend to the heart of the mounds, the greatest +elevation of the former buildings must have been four stories. It +would likewise seem probable that the town was more or less pyramidal, +with the highest point somewhat back from the one- or two-story walls +at the edge of the cliff, a style of architecture still preserved in +Walpi. The loftiest wall, which was followed down to the floor, was 15 +feet high, but as that was measured over 20 feet below the apex of the +mound, it would seem that, from a distance, there would be a wall 30 +feet high in the center of the mound. Even counting 7 feet as the +height of each story we would have four stories above the foundation, +and this, I believe, was the height of the old pueblo. But probably +the wall did not rise to this height at the edge of the mesa, where it +could not have been more than one or two stories high. There is no +evidence of the former existence of an inclosed court of any +considerable size between the buildings and the cliff, although a +passage probably skirted the brink of the precipice, and house ladders +may have been placed on that side for ready access to upper rooms. By +a series of platforms or terraces, which were in fact the roofs of the +houses, one mounted to the upper stories which formed the apex of the +pueblo. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIX + +EXCAVATIONS IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 256--Structure of house wall of Awatobi] + +On the western, northern, and eastern sides the slope is more gradual, +and while there are many obscurely marked house plans visible over the +surface, even quite near the top of the elevation, they are doubtless +the remains of single-story structures. This leads me to suspect that +when Awatobi was built it was reared on a mound of soil or sand, and +not on the solid rock surface of the mesa. The configuration, then, +shows that the pueblo sloped by easy decline to the plain to the +north, but rose more abruptly from the south and west. There are low +extramural mounds to the north, showing that on this side the +dwellings were composed of straggling chambers. The general character +of the rooms on the level slope at the western side of old Awatobi is +shown in the accompanying illustration (plate CX). The peculiarity of +these rooms appears by a comparison with the many-story chambers of +the southern declivity of the ruin. Extending the excavations four +feet below the surface we encountered a floor which rested on solid +earth, and there were no signs of walls beneath it. This was without +doubt a single-story house, the roof of which had disappeared. The +surrounding surface of the ground is level, but the tops of adjoining +walls of rooms may readily be traced near by. + +The room was rectangular, twice as long as wide, and without +passageways into adjoining chambers. The northern, eastern, and +western walls were unbroken, and there was nothing peculiar in the +floor of these sections; but we found a well-preserved, elevated +settle at the southern side, extending two-thirds of the length of the +main wall to a small side wall, inclosing a square recess, the object +of which is unknown to me. + +All walls were smoothly plastered, and the floor was paved with flat +stones set in adobe. The singular inclosure at the southern corner +could not be regarded as a fireplace, for there was no trace of soot +upon its walls. I incline to the belief that it may have served as a +closet, or possibly as a granary. Its arrangement is not unlike that +in certain modern rooms at Walpi. + +An examination of the masonry of the rooms of the western mounds of +Awatobi shows that the component stones were in a measure dressed into +shape, which was, as a rule, cubical. In this respect they differ from +the larger stones of which the mission walls were built, for in this +masonry the natural cleavage is utilized for the face of the wall. + +The differences between the masonry of the mission and that of the +room in which we found a chief buried were very marked. In the former, +elongated slabs of stone, without pecking or dressing, were universal, +while in the latter the squared stones were laid in courses and neatly +fitted together. The partitions likewise are narrower, being not more +than 6 inches thick. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX + +EXCAVATED ROOM IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI] + + +SMALLER AWATOBI + +About an eighth of a mile west of the great mounds of Awatobi there is +a small rectangular ruin, the ground plan of which is well marked, and +in which individual houses are easy to trace. Like its larger +neighbor, it stands on the very edge of the mesa. None of its walls +rise above the surface of the mounds, which, however, are considerably +elevated and readily distinguished for some distance. The pueblo was +built in the form of a rectangle of single-story houses surrounding a +plaza. There was an opening or entrance on the southern side, near +which is a mound, possibly the remains of a kiva. A trail now passes +directly through the ruin and down the mesa side to Jeditoh valley, +probably the pathway by which the ancient inhabitants ascended the +cliff. The Hopi Indians employed by me in excavating Awatobi had no +name for this ruin and were not familiar with its existence before I +pointed it out to them. For want of a better interpretation I have +regarded it as a colony of old Awatobi, possibly of later +construction. + +Excavations in its mounds revealed no objects of interest, although +fragments of beautiful pottery, related to that found at Awatobi and +Sikyatki, show that it must have been made by people of the older or +best epoch[78] of Tusayan ceramics. + + +MORTUARY REMAINS + +Although it is well known that the ancient inhabitants of the great +houses of the Gila-Salado drainage buried some of their dead within +their dwellings, or in other rooms, and that the same mortuary +practice was observed in ancient Zuñi-Cibola, up to the time of my +excavations this form of burial had never been found in Tusayan. I am +now able to record that the same custom was practiced at Awatobi. + +Excavation made in the southeastern declivity of the western mounds +led to a burial chamber in which we found the well-preserved skeleton +of an old man, apparently a priest. The body was laid on the floor, at +full length, and at his head, which pointed southward, had been +placed, not mortuary offerings of food in bowls, but insignia of his +priestly office. Eight small objects of pottery were found on his left +side (plate CXII, _a_, _b_, _d_, _e_). Among these was a symmetrical +vase of beautiful red ware (plate CXI, _a_) richly decorated with +geometric patterns, and four globular paint pots, each full of pigment +of characteristic color. These paint pots were of black-and-white +ware, and contained, respectively, yellow ocher, sesquioxide of iron, +green copper carbonate, and micaceous hematite (plate CXIII, _a_, +_d_, _e_) such as is now called _yayala_ and used by the Snake priests +in the decoration of their faces. There were also many arrowpoints in +an earthen colander, and a ladle was luted over the mouth of the red +vase. My native excavators pronounced this the grave of a warrior +priest. The passageways into this chamber of death had all been +closed, and there were no other mortuary objects in the room. This was +the only instance of intramural interment which I discovered in the +excavations at Awatobi, but a human bone was found on the floor of +another chamber. So far as known the Awatobi people buried most of +their dead outside the town, either in the foothills at the base of +the mesa, or in the adjacent sand-dunes. + +The work of excavating the graves at the foot of the mesa was +desultory, as I found no single place where many interments had been +made. Several food vessels were dug up at a grave opened by Kópeli, +the Snake chief. I was not with him when he found the grave, but he +called me to see it soon after its discovery. We took from this +excavation a sandstone fetish of a mountain-lion, a fragment of the +bottom of a basin perforated with holes as if used as a colander. +Deposited in this fragment were many stone arrowheads, several +fragments of green paint, a flat green paho ornamented with figures of +dragon-flies in black. In addition to a single complete prayer-stick +there were fragments of many others too much broken to be identified. +One of these was declared by Kópeli to be a chief's paho. The grave in +which these objects were found was situated about halfway down the +side of the mesa to the southward of the highest mounds of the western +division of the pueblo. + +Here and there along the base of all the foothills south of Awatobi +are evidences of former burials, and complete bowls, dippers, and +vases were unearthed (plate CXIII, _b_, _c_). The soil is covered with +fragments of pottery, and in places, where the water has washed +through them, exposing a vertical section of the ground, it was found +that the fragments of pottery extended through the soil sometimes to a +depth of fifty feet below the surface. There was evidence, however, +that this soil had been transported more or less by rain water, which +often courses down the sides of the mesa in impetuous torrents. + +Human bones and mortuary vessels were found south of the mission near +the trail, at the foot of the mesa. In a single grave, a foot below +the surface, there were two piles of food bowls, each pile containing +six vessels, all broken. + +The cemetery northwest of Awatobi, where the soil is sandy and easy to +excavate, had been searched by others, and many beautiful objects of +pottery taken from it. This burial place yielded many bowls (plates +CLXVII, CLXVIII) and jars, as well as several interesting pahos +similar to those from Sikyatki, which I shall later describe but which +have never before been reported from Awatobi. It was found that one of +these prayer-sticks was laid over the heart of the deceased, and as +the skeleton was in a sitting posture, with the hand on the breast, +the prayer-stick may thus have been held at the time of burial. Our +success in finding places of interment on all sides of Sikyatki, +irrespective of direction, leads me to suspect that further +investigation of the sand-dunes north of Awatobi will reveal graves at +that point. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI + +VASE AND MUGS FROM THE WESTERN MOUNDS OF AWATOBI] + +I have already called attention to the great abundance of charred corn +found in the rooms north of the mission. Renewed work in this quarter +revealed still greater quantities of this corn stacked in piles, +sometimes filling the entire side of a room. Evidently, as I have +elsewhere shown, the row of rooms at this part of the ruin were burned +with all their contents. The corn was not removed from the granaries, +as it would have been if the place had been gradually abandoned. When +an Indian burns stored corn in such quantities as were found at +Awatobi we can not believe he was bent on pillage, and it is an +instructive fact that thus far no stacked corn has been found in the +western or most ancient section of Awatobi. + + +SHRINES + +Although Awatobi was destroyed almost two centuries ago, the shrines +of the old pueblo were used for many years afterward, and are even now +frequented by some of the Mishoñinovi priests. In one of these ancient +depositories two wooden figurines sat in state up to within a few +years ago. + +This shrine lies below the ruins of the mission, among the bowlders on +the side of the cliff, about fifty feet from the edge of the mesa, and +is formed in an eroded cavity in the side of a bowlder of unusual +size. A rude wall had been built before this recess, which opened to +the east, and apparently the orifice was closed with logs, which have +now fallen in. The present appearance of this shrine is shown in the +accompanying illustration (figure 257). + +In former times two wooden idols, called the _Alosaka_, were kept in +this crypt, in much the same manner as the Dawn Maid is now sealed up +by the Walpians, when not used in the New-fire ceremony, as I have +described in my account of _Naacnaiya_.[79] Mr Thomas V. Keam, not +knowing that the Awatobi idols were still used in the Mishoñinovi +ritual, had removed them to his residence, but when this was known a +large number of priests begged him to return them, saying that they +were still used in religious exercises. With that consideration which +he has always shown to the Indians, Mr Keam allowed the priests to +take the images of _Alosaka_. The figurines were this time carried to +Mishoñinovi, the priests sprinkling a line of meal along the trail +over which they carried them. The two idols[80] have not been seen by +white people since that time, and are now, no doubt, in some hidden +crypt near the Mishoñinovi village. + +There is a shrine of simple character, near the ruins of smaller +Awatobi, which bears evidence of antiquity (figure 258). It consisted, +in 1892, of a circle of small stones in which were two large +water-worn stones and a fragment of petrified wood. There was no +evidence that it had lately been used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 257--Alosaka shrine at Awatobi] + +On the extreme western point of the mesa, at the very edge of the +cliff, there was also a simple shrine (figure 259). Judging from its +general appearance, this, likewise, had not been used in modern times, +but there were several old prayer-sticks not far away. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXII + +PAINT POTS, BOWL, AND DIPPER FROM AWATOBI] + +At the foot of the mesa, below the point last mentioned, however, +there is a shrine (figure 260), the earth of which contained hundreds +of prayer-sticks, in all stages of decay, while some of them had been +placed there only a few days before my visit. This shrine, I was +told, is still used by the Mishoñinovi priests in their sacred +observances. Among other forms of prayer offerings there were many +small wooden cylinders with radiating sticks connected with yarn, the +symbolic prayer offering for squashes.[81] In former times Antelope +valley was the garden spot of Tusayan, and from what we know of the +antiquity of the cultivation of squashes in the Southwest, there is +little doubt that they were cultivated by the Awatobians, and that +similar offerings were made by the ancient farmers for a good crop of +these vegetables. + +[Illustration: FIG. 258--Shrine at Awatobi] + +[Illustration: FIG. 259--Shrine at Awatobi] + + +POTTERY + +The mounds of Awatobi are entirely covered with fragments of pottery +of all the various kinds and colors known to ancient Tusayan. There +were found coiled and indented ware, coarse undecorated vessels, fine +yellow and smooth ware with black-and-white and red decorations. There +is no special kind of pottery peculiar to Awatobi, but it shares with +the other Tusayan ruins all types, save a few fragments of black +glazed ware, which occur elsewhere. + +[Illustration: FIG. 260--Shrine at Awatobi] + +It is highly probable that the few specimens of black-and-white ware +found in this ruin were not manufactured in the village, and the red +ware probably came from settlements to the south, on the Little +Colorado. These colors are in part due to the character of the paste +which was used, and the clay most often selected by Awatobi potters +made a fine yellow vessel. The material from which most of the vessels +were manufactured came, no doubt, from a bank near the ruin, where +there is good evidence that it was formerly quarried. + +Three coarse clay objects, such as might have been used for roof +drains, were found. The use of these objects, possibly indicated by +their resemblance, is not, however, perfectly clear. Their capacity +would not be equal to the torrents of rain which, no doubt, often fell +on the housetops of Awatobi, and they can hardly be identified as +spouts of large bowls, since they are attached to a circular disk with +smooth edges. In want of a satisfactory explanation I have +provisionally regarded them as water spouts, but whether they are from +ancient vessels or from the roofs of houses I am in much doubt.[82] + +One of the most instructive fragments of pottery taken from the ruins +is that of a coarse clay vessel, evidently a part of a flat basin or +saucer. The rim of this vessel is punctured with numerous holes, the +intervals between which are not greater than the diameter of the +perforations. + +Several platter-like vessels with similar holes about their rims have +been taken from other ruins of Jeditoh valley and mesa, the holes +being regarded as having been made as a means of suspension. Near a +sacred spring called Kawaika,[83] not far from Jeditoh, near Awatobi, +a large number of beautiful vessels with similar holes in their rims +were excavated by Mr T. V. Keam, and later passed into the collections +of the Hemenway Expedition, now installed at Cambridge. They are of +all kinds of ware, widely different in shape, the number of marginal +perforations varying greatly. As they were found in large numbers near +a spring they are regarded as sacrificial vessels, in which food or +sacred meal was deposited as an offering to some water deity. The +handle of a mug (plate CXI, _f_) from Awatobi, so closely resembles +the handles of certain drinking cups taken from the cliff-houses of +San Juan valley that it should be specially mentioned. There is in the +handle of this mug a T-shape opening quite similar in form to the +peculiar doorways of certain cliff-dwellings. The mug is made of the +finest white ware, decorated with black lines arranged in geometric +patterns. So close is its likeness in form and texture to cliff-house +pottery that the two may be regarded as identical. Moreover, it is not +impossible that the object may have been brought to Tusayan from Tségi +canyon, in the cliff-houses of which Hopi clans[84] lived while +Awatobi was in its prime, and, indeed, possibly after the tragedy of +1700. The few fragments of Tségi canyon pottery known to me have +strong resemblances to ancient Hopi ware, although the black-and-white +variety predominates. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIII + +POTTERY FROM INTRAMURAL BURIAL AT AWATOBI] + +The collection of pottery from Awatobi is, comparatively speaking, +small, but it shows many interesting forms. Awatobi pottery may be +classed under the same groups as other old Tusayan ceramics, but most +of the specimens collected belong to the yellow, black-and-white, and +red varieties. It resembles that of Sikyatki, but bears little +likeness to modern ware in texture or symbolism. One is impressed by +the close resemblance between the Awatobi pottery and that from the +ruins of the Little Colorado and Zuñi,[85] which no doubt is +explained, in part, by the identity in the constituents of the +potter's clay near Awatobi with that in more southerly regions. + +Evidences of Spanish influence may be traced on certain objects of +pottery from Awatobi, especially on those obtained from the eastern +mounds of the ruin. In most essentials, however, the Awatobi ware +resembles that of the neighboring ruins, and is characteristically +Tusayan. + +The differentiation in modern Cibolan and Tusayan symbolism is much +greater than that of the ancient pottery from the same provinces, a +fact which is believed to point to a similarity, possibly identity, of +culture in ancient times. With this thought in mind, it would be +highly instructive to study the ancient ruins of the Rio Grande +region, as unfortunately no large collections of archeological objects +from that part of the Southwest have been made.[86] + +The majority of the bowls from Awatobi are decorated in geometric +patterns and a few have animal or human figures. The symbols, as well +as the pottery itself, can not be distinguished from those of +Sikyatki. Fragments of glazed ware are not unknown at Awatobi, but so +far as recorded, entire specimens have never been obtained from the +latter ruin. + +In order that the character of the geometric designs on Awatobi +pottery may be better understood, two plates are introduced to +illustrate their modifications in connection with my discussion of the +geometric forms figured on Sikyatki ware. The figures on these bowls +(plates CLXVI, CLXVII), with one or two exceptions, need no special +description in addition to what is said of Sikyatki geometric designs, +which they closely resemble. + +The cross-shape figure (plate CLXVI, _b_) may profitably be studied in +connection with the account of the modification of Sikyatki sun +symbols. Evidences of the use of a white pigment as a slip were found +on one or two fragments of fine pottery from Awatobi, but no +decoration of this kind was observed on the Sikyatki vessels. The red +ware is the same as that found in ancient Cibola, while one or two +fragments of glossy black recall the type common to modern Santa +Clara. + +Two bird-shape vessels, one made of black-and-white ware, the other +red with black-and-white decoration, were found at Awatobi. Large +masses of clay suited to the potter's art were not uncommonly found in +the corners of the rooms or in the niches in their walls. Some of +these masses are of fine paste, the others coarse with grains of sand. +The former variety was used in making the finest Tusayan ceramics; the +latter was employed in modeling cooking pots and other vessels of +ruder finish. + +Several flute-shape objects of clay, with flaring extremities, were +found on the surface of the mounds of Awatobi, and one was taken from +a Sikyatki grave. The use of these objects is unknown to me. + +Among the fragments of dippers from Awatobi are several with +perforations in the bottom, irregularly arranged or in geometric form, +as that of a cross. These colanders were rare at Sikyatki, but I find +nothing in them to betray Spanish influence.[87] Handled dippers or +mugs have been found so often by me in the prehistoric ruins of our +Southwest that I can not accept the dictum that the mug form was not +prehistoric, and the conclusion is legitimate that the Tusayan Indians +were familiar with mugs when the Spaniards came among them. The +handles of the dippers or ladles are single or double, solid or +hollow, simply turned up at one end or terminating with the head of an +animal. The upper side of the ladle handle may be grooved or convex. +No ladle handle decorated with an image of a "mud-head" or clown +priest, so common on modern ladles, was found either at Awatobi or +Sikyatki. + +Rudely made imitations in miniature of all kinds of pottery, +especially of ladles, were common. These are regarded as votive +offerings, from the fact that they were found usually in the graves of +children, and were apparently used as playthings before they were +buried. + +A common decoration on the handles of ladles is a series of short +parallel lines arranged in alternating longitudinal and transverse +zones. This form of decoration of ladle handles I have observed on +similar vessels from the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, and it reappears +on pottery in all the ruins I have studied between Mexico and Tusayan. +In the exhibit of the Mexican Government at Madrid in 1892-93 a fine +collection of ancient pottery from Oaxaca was shown, and I have +drawings of one of these ladles with the same parallel marks on the +handle that are found on Pueblo ware from the Gila-Salado, the Cibola, +and the Tusayan regions. + +The only fragment of pottery from Awatobi or Sikyatki with designs +which could be identified with any modern picture of a _katcina_ was +found, as might be expected, in the former ruin. This small fragment +is instructive, in that it indicates the existence of the _katcina_ +cult in Tusayan before 1700; but the rarity of the figures of these +supernatural beings is very suggestive. The fragment in question is of +ancient ware, resembling the so-called orange type of pottery, and is +apparently a part of the neck of a vase. The figure represents Wupamo, +the Great-cloud _katcina_, and is marked like the doll of the same as +it appears in the _Powamû_ or February celebration at Walpi.[88] + +The associates of the _katcinas_ are the so-called "mud-heads" or +clowns, an order of priests as widely distributed as the Pueblo area. +In Tusayan villages they are called the Tcukuwympkia, and are +variously personated. As they belong especially to the _katcina_ cult, +which is naturally supposed to have been in vogue at Awatobi, I was +greatly interested in the finding of a fragment representing a +grotesque head which reminded me of a glutton of the division of the +Tcukuwympkia called Tcuckutû. While there may be some doubt of the +validity of my identification, yet, taken in connection with the +fragment of a vase with the face of Wupamo, I think there is no doubt +that the _katcina_ cult was practiced at Awatobi. + + +STONE IMPLEMENTS + +Comparatively few stone implements, such as mauls, hammers, axes, and +spearpoints, were found; but some of those unearthed from the mounds +are finely finished, being regular in form and highly polished. There +were many spherical stones, resembling those still sometimes used in +Tusayan on important occasions as badges of authority. These stones +were tied in a buckskin bag, which was attached to a stick and used as +a warclub. Many of the axes were grooved for hafting; one of the +specimens was doubly grooved and had two cutting edges. By far the +largest number were blunt at one pole and sharpened at the opposite +end. A single highly polished specimen (plate CLXXI, _f_) resembles a +type very common in the Gila Salado ruins. + +Arrowheads, some of finely chipped obsidian, were common, being +frequently found in numbers in certain mortuary bowls. Three or four +specimens of other kinds of implements fashioned from this volcanic +glass were picked up on the surface of the mounds. + +Metates, or flat stones for grinding corn, were dug up in several +houses; they were in some instances much worn, and were eagerly sought +by the Indian women who visited our camp. These specimens differ in no +respect from similar mealing stones still used at Walpi and other +modern Tusayan pueblos. Many were made of very coarse stone[89] for +use in hulling corn preparatory to grinding; others were of finer +texture, and both kinds were accompanied by the corresponding mano or +muller held in the hand in grinding meal. + +The modern Hopi often use as seats in their kivas cubical blocks of +stone with depressions in two opposite sides which serve as handholds +by which they are carried from place to place. Two of these stones, +about a cubic foot in size, were taken out of the chamber which I have +supposed to be the Awatobi kiva. In modern Tusayan these seats are +commonly made of soft sandstone, and are so few in number that we can +hardly regard them as common. They are often used to support the +uprights of altars when they are erected, and I have seen priests +grind pigments in the depressions. Incidentally, it may be said that I +have never seen priests use chairs in any kiva celebration; nor do +they have boxes to sit upon. During the droning of the tedious songs +they have nothing under them except a folded blanket or sheepskin. + +Excavations in the Awatobi rooms revealed several interesting shallow +mortars used for grinding pigments, but no one of these is comparable +in finish with that shown in the accompanying illustration (plate +CLXXII, _a_). This object is made of a hard stone in the form of a +perfect parallelopipedon with slightly rounded faces. The depression +is shallow, and when found there was a discoloration of pigment upon +its surface. + +In almost every house that bore evidence of former occupancy, +beautifully made mullers and metates were exhumed. These were +ordinarily in place in the corner of the chamber, and were much worn, +as if by constant use. In one grave there was found a metate reversed +over a skeleton, probably that of a woman--although the bones were so +disintegrated that the determination of the sex of the individual was +impossible. Several of these metates were taken by Indian women, who +prized them so highly that they loaded the stones on burros and +carried them ten miles to Walpi, where they are now applied to the +same purpose for which they were used over two centuries ago. + +On the surface of the mesa, beyond the extension of the ground plan of +the ruin, there are many depressions worn in the rocks where the +Awatobi women formerly whetted their grinding stones, doubtless in the +manner practiced by the modern villagers of Tusayan. These depressions +are especially numerous near the edge of the cliff, between the +eastern and western sections of the ruin.[90] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIV + +BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI] + + +BONE OBJECTS + +A large and varied collection of bone implements was gathered at +Awatobi, and a few additional specimens were exhumed from Sikyatki. It +is worthy of note that, as a rule, bone implements are more common in +houses than in graves; and since the Awatobi excavations were +conducted mostly in living rooms, while those at Sikyatki were largely +in the cemeteries, the bone implements from the former pueblo far +outnumber those from the latter. + +The collection consists of awls, bodkins, needles, whistles, and tubes +made of the bones of birds and quadrupeds. The two animals which +contributed more than others to these objects were the turkey and the +rabbit, although there were fragments of the horns and shin-bones of +the antelope or deer. Several of these specimens were blackened by +fire, and one was stained with green pigment. There was also evidence +of an attempt at ornamenting the implements by incised lines, while +one was bound with string. Bones of animals which had served for food +were very common in all the excavations at Awatobi, especially near +the floors of the houses. With the exception of a number of large +bones of a bear, found in one of the houses in the northern range of +the eastern section, these bones were not carefully collected. + +Plate CXIV gives a general idea of some of the forms of worked bone +which were obtained. Figure _a_ shows an awl, for the handle of which +one of the trochanters was used, the point at the opposite end being +very sharp; _b_ and _c_ are similar objects, but slighter, and more +carefully worked; _d_ is a flattened bone implement perforated with +two holes, and may have been used as a needle. There are similar +implements in the collection, but with a single terminal perforation. +Other forms of bone awls are shown in _e_, _f_, _g_, and _j_. + +There are a number of bone objects the use of which is problematical. +One of the best of these is a section of the tibia of a bird, cut +longitudinally, convex on the side represented in plate CXIV, _h_, and +concave on the opposite side. When found this bone fragment was tied +to a second similar section by a string (remnants of which can be seen +in the figure), thus forming a short tube. The use of this object is +not known to me, nor were any satisfactory suggestions made by the +Indians whom I consulted in relation to it. This does not apply, +however, to the object illustrated in plate CXIV, _i_, which was +declared by several Hopi to be a bird whistle, similar to that used in +ceremonials connected with medicine making. + +The manner in which a bone whistle is used in imitation of a bird's +call has been noticed by me in the accounts of several ceremonials, +and I will therefore quote the description of its use in the +_Nimankatcina_ at Walpi.[91] + + Then followed an interval of song and accompanying rattle, at + the termination of which Intiwa's associate took the bird + whistle (_tatükpi_) and blew three times into the liquid, + making a noise not unlike that produced by a toy bird + whistle. This was repeated four times, accompanied by song + and rattle. He first inserted the bone whistle on the north + side, then on the other cardinal points in turn. The + monotonous song and rattle then ceased, and Intiwa sprinkled + corn pollen on the ears of corn in the water, and upon the + line of pahos. + +The object of the whistle is to call the summer birds which are +associated with planting and harvesting. The whistle figures in many +rites, especially in those connected with the making of medicine or +charm liquid. + + +MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS + +ORNAMENTS IN THE FORM OF BIRDS AND SHELLS + +In the excavations, as well as on the surface of the mounds at +Awatobi, were found many imitations of marine shells made of clay, +often painted red and ranging from the size of half a dollar to that +of the thumb nail (plate CLXXIII, _j-m_). On the convex surface of +these objects parallel lines are etched, and they are pierced at the +valves for suspension. I have never found them suspended from the neck +of a skeleton, although their general appearance indicates that they +were used as ornaments. Similarly made clay images of birds (plate +CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_) with extended wings were also found, and of +these there are several different forms in the collection. A small +perforated knob at the breast served for attachment. In the absence of +any better explanation of these objects, I have regarded them as +gorgets, or pendants, for personal decoration. + +In the Awatobi collections there are several small disks made +apparently of pipe clay, which also were probably used as ornaments. +These are very smooth and wonderfully regular in shape--in one case +with a perforation near the rim. Turquois and shell beads were found +in considerable numbers in the excavations at Awatobi, but, as they +are similar to those from Sikyatki, I have reserved a discussion of +them for following pages. A few fragments of shell armlets and +wristlets were also exhumed. These were made generally of the Pacific +coast _Pectunculus_, so common in the ruins of the Little +Colorado.[92] + + +CLAY BELL + +Copper bells are said to be used in the secret ceremonials of the +modern Tusayan villages, and in certain of the ceremonial foot races +metal bells of great age and antique pattern are sometimes tied about +the waists of the runners. Small copper hawk bells,[93] found in +southern Arizonian ruins, are identical in form and make with those +used by the ancient Nahuatl people. So far as the study of the +antiquities of the ruins of Tusayan immediately about the inhabited +towns has gone, we have no record of the finding of copper bells of +any great age. It was, therefore, with considerable interest that I +exhumed from one of the rooms of the westernmost or oldest section of +Awatobi a clay bell (figure 261) made in exact imitation of one of the +copper bells that have been reported from several southern ruins +(plate CLXXIII, _a_). While it may be said that it would be more +decisive evidence of the prehistoric character of this object if +Awatobi had not been under Spanish influence for over a century, +still, from the position where it was dug up and its resemblance to +metal bells which are undoubtedly prehistoric, there seems to be +little reason to question its age. As with the imitation of marine +shells in clay, it is probable that in this bell we have a facsimile +of a metal bell with which the ancient Tusayan people were undoubtedly +familiar.[94] + +[Illustration: FIG. 261--Clay Bell from Awatobi (natural size)] + + +TEXTILE FABRICS + +In the very earliest accounts which we have of Tusayan the Hopi are +said to raise cotton and to weave it into mantles. These mantles, or +"towels" as they were styled by Espejo, were, according to Castañeda, +ornamented with embroidery, and had tassels at the corners. In early +times garments were made of the fiber of the maguey, and of feathers +and rabbit skins. Fabrics made of animal fiber are mentioned by Friar +Marcos de Niza, and he was told that the inhabitants of Totonteac +obtained the material from which they were made from animals as large +as the greyhounds which the father had with him. The historical +references which can be mentioned to prove that the Tusayan people, +when they were first visited, knew how to spin and weave are numerous, +and need not be quoted here. That the people of Awatobi made cotton +fabrics there is no doubt, for it is distinctly stated by early +visitors that they were acquainted with the art of weaving, and some +of the presents made to the first Spanish explorers were of native +cotton. + +The archeological evidence supports the historical in this particular, +and several fragments of cloth were found in our excavations in the +western mounds of the village. These fragments were of cotton and +agave fiber, of cotton alone, and in one instance of the hair of some +unknown animal. No signs of the famous rabbit-skin blankets were seen, +and from the perishable nature of the material of which they were made +it would be strange if any traces had been discovered. At Sikyatki a +small textile fragment made of feathers was found in one of the +burial vases, but no feather garments or even fragments of the same +were unearthed at Awatobi. + +A woven rope of agave fiber and many charred strings of the same +material were found in a niche in the wall of a house in the eastern +section, and from the same room there was taken a string, over a yard +long, made of human hair. It was suggested to me by one of the Hopi +that this string was part of the coiffure of an Awatobi maid, and that +it was probably used to tie up her hair in whorls above the ears, as +is still the Hopi custom. + +The whole number of specimens of textile fabrics found at Awatobi was +small, and their character disappointing for study, for the conditions +of burial in the soil are not so good for their preservation as in the +dry caves or cliff houses, from which beautifully preserved cloth, +made at a contemporary period, has been taken. + + +PRAYER-STICKS--PIGMENTS + +Among the most significant mortuary objects used by the ancient +Tusayan people may be mentioned the so-called prayer-sticks or pahos. +These were found in several graves, placed on the breast, in the hand, +or at the side of the person interred, and have a variety of form, as +shown in the accompanying illustrations (plates CLXXIV, CLXXV). As I +shall discuss the forms and meaning of prayer-sticks in my account of +Sikyatki, where a much larger number were found, I will simply mention +a few of the more striking varieties from Awatobi. + +One of the most instructive of these objects is flat in shape, painted +green, and decorated with figures of a dragon-fly. As this insect is a +symbol of rain, its occurrence on mortuary objects is in harmony with +the Hopi conception of the dead which will later be explained. + +Pahos, in the form of flat slats with a notched extension at one end +were common, but generally were poorly preserved. The prayer-sticks +from the shrine in the middle of the rooms in the plaza of the eastern +section crumbled into fragments when exposed to the air, but they were +apparently small, painted green, and decorated with black spots. On +several of the prayer-sticks the impressions of the string and +feathers that were formerly attached are still readily seen. It is +probable that the solution of a carbonate of copper, with which the +green pahos were so colored, contributed to the preservation of the +wood of which they had been manufactured. + +The only pigments detected on the prayer-sticks are black, red, and +green, and traces of red are found also on the inner surface of a +stone implement from a grave at the base of the mesa. All the pigments +used by the modern Tusayan Indians were found in the intramural burial +already described. My Hopi workmen urged me to give them small +fragments of these paints, regarding them efficacious in their +ceremonials. + + +OBJECTS SHOWING SPANISH INFLUENCE + +We would naturally expect to find many objects of Caucasian origin in +the ruins of a pueblo which had been under Spanish influence for a +century. I have already spoken of certain architectural features in +the eastern part of Awatobi which may be traced to the influence of +the Spanish missionaries, and of small objects there were several +different kinds which show the same thing. The old iron knife-blade +already mentioned as having been found among the corn in a storage +chamber in the northern row of houses was not the only metallic object +found. Not far from the mission there were unearthed many corroded +iron nails, a small hook of the same metal, a piece of cast copper, +and a fragment of what appeared to be a portion of a bell. There were +several pieces of glass, the surfaces of which had become ground by +the sand which had beaten upon them during the years in which they had +been exposed. There was found also a fragment of a green glazed cup, +which was undoubtedly of Spanish or Mexican make, and sherds of white +china similar to that sold today by the traders. These latter +specimens were, as a rule, found on the surface of the ground. + +It will therefore appear that the archeology of Awatobi supports the +documentary evidence that the pueblo was under Spanish influence for +some time, and the fact that all the above-mentioned objects were +taken on or in the eastern mounds emphasizes the conclusion that this +section of the town was the part directly under Spanish influences. +Nothing of Spanish manufacture was found in the rooms of the western +mounds, but from this negative evidence there is no reason to suspect +that this section of Awatobi was not inhabited contemporaneously with +that in the vicinity of the mission. + + +THE RUINS OF SIKYATKI + +TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PUEBLO + +Very vague ideas are current regarding the character of Hopi culture +prior to Tobar's visit to Tusayan in 1540, and with the exception of +the most meager information nothing concerning it has come down to us +from early historical references in the sixteenth century. It is +therefore interesting to record all possible information in regard to +these people prior to the period mentioned, and this must be done +mainly through archeology. + +Although there are many Tusayan ruins which we have every reason to +believe are older than the time of Coronado, no archeologist has +gathered from them the evidences bearing on prehistoric Tusayan +culture which they will undoubtedly yield. Large and beautiful +collections of pottery ascribed to Tusayan ruins have shown the +excellent artistic taste of the ancient potters of this region, +indicating that in the ceramic art they were far in advance of their +descendants. But these collections have failed to teach, the lesson +they might have taught, from the fact that data concerning the objects +composing them are so indefinite. Very little care had been taken to +label these collections accurately or to collect any specimens but +those which were strikingly beautiful or commercially valuable. It was +therefore with the hope of giving a more precise and comprehensive +character to our knowledge of Tusayan antiquities that I wished to +excavate one of the ruins of this province which was undoubtedly +prehistoric. Conditions were favorable for success at the mounds +called by the Indians Sikyatki.[95] These ruins are situated near the +modern Tusayan pueblos of East Mesa, from which I could hire workmen, +and not far from Keam's Canyon, which could be made a base of +supplies. The existing legends bearing on these ruins, although +obscure, are sufficiently definite for all practical purposes. + +I find no mention of Sikyatki in early historical documents, nor can +the name be even remotely identified with any which has been given to +a Tusayan pueblo. My knowledge of the mounds which mark the site of +this ancient village dates back to 1892, when I visited them with one +of the old men of Walpi, who then and there narrated the legend of its +destruction by the Walpians previously to the advent of the Spaniards. +I was at that time impressed by the extent of the mounds, and prepared +a rough sketch of the ground plan of the former houses, but from lack +of means was unable to conduct any systematic excavation of the ruin. + +Comparatively nothing concerning the ruin of Sikyatki has been +published, although its existence had been known for several years +previously to my visit. In his brief account Mr Victor Mindeleff[96] +speaks of it as two prominent knolls, "about 400 yards apart," the +summits of which are covered with house walls. He also found portions +of walls on intervening hummocks, but gives no plan of the ruin. The +name, Sikyatki, is referred to the color of the sandstone of which the +walls were built. He found some of the rooms were constructed of small +stones, dressed by rubbing, and laid in mud. The largest chamber was +stated to be 9-1/2 by 4-1/2 feet, and it was considered that many of +the houses were "built in excavated places around the rocky summits of +the knolls."[97] Mr Mindeleff identified the former inhabitants with +the ancestors of the Kokop people, and mentioned the more important +details of their legend concerning the destruction of the village. + +We can rely on the statement that Sikyatki was inhabited by the Kokop +or Firewood people of Tusayan, who were so named because they obtained +fire from wood by the use of drills. These people are represented +today at Walpi by Katci, whose totem is a picture of Masauwû, the God +of Fire. It is said that the home of the Firewood people before they +built Sikyatki was at Tebuñki, or Fire-house, a round ruin +northeastward from Keam's canyon. They were late arrivals in Tusayan, +coming at least after the Flute people, and probably before the Honani +or Badger people, who brought, I believe, the _katcina_ cult. Although +we can not definitely assert that this cultus was unknown at Sikyatki, +it is significant that in the ruins no ornamental vessel was found +with a figure of a _katcina_ mask, although these figures occur on +modern bowls. The original home of the Kokop people is not known, but +indefinite legends ascribe their origin to Rio Grande valley. They are +reputed to have had kindred in Antelope valley and at the Fire-house, +above alluded to, near Eighteen-mile spring. + +The ruin of Fire-house, one of the pueblos where the Kokop people are +reputed to have lived before they built Sikyatki, is situated on the +periphery of Tusayan. It is built of massive stones and differs from +all other ruins in that province in that it is circular in form. The +round type of ruin is, however, to be seen in the two conical mounds +on the mesa above Sikyatki, which was connected in some way with the +inhabitants who formerly lived at its base. + +The reason the Kokop people left Fire-house is not certain, but it is +said that they came in conflict with Bear clans who were entering the +province from the east. Certain it is that if the Kokop people once +inhabited Fire-house they must have been joined by other clans when +they lived at Sikyatki, for the mounds of this pueblo indicate a +village much larger than the round ruin on the brink of the mesa +northeast of Keam's canyon. The general ground plan of the ruin +indicates an inclosed court with surrounding tiers of houses, +suggesting the eastern type of pueblo architecture. + +The traditional knowledge of the destruction of Sikyatki is very +limited among the present Hopi, but the best folklorists all claim +that it was destroyed by warriors from Walpi and possibly from Middle +Mesa. Awatobi seems not to have taken part in the tragedy, while Hano +and Sichomovi did not exist when the catastrophe took place. + +The cause of the destruction of Sikyatki is not clearly known, and +probably was hardly commensurate with the result. Its proximity to +Walpi may have led to disputes over the boundaries of fields or the +ownership of the scanty water supply. The people who lived there were +intruders and belonged to clans not represented in Walpi, which in all +probability kept hostility alive. The early Tusayan peoples did not +readily assimilate, but quarreled with one another even when sorely +oppressed by common enemies. + +There is current in Walpi a romantic story connected with the +overthrow of Sikyatki. It is said that a son of a prominent chief, +disguised as a _katcina_, offered a prayer-stick to a maiden, and as +she received it he cut her throat with a stone knife. He is said to +have escaped to the mesa top and to have made his way along its edge +to his own town, taunting his pursuers. It is also related that the +Walpians fell upon the village of Sikyatki to avenge this bloody deed, +but it is much more likely that there was ill feeling between the two +villages for other reasons, probably disputes about farm limits or the +control of the water supply, inflamed by other difficulties. The +inhabitants of the two pueblos came into Tusayan from different +directions, and as they may have spoken different languages and thus +have failed to understand each other, they may have been mutually +regarded as interlopers. Petty quarrels no doubt ripened into +altercations, which probably led to bloodshed. The forays of the +Apache from the south and the Ute from the north, which began at a +later period, should naturally have led to a defensive alliance; but +in those early days confederation was not dreamed of and the feeling +between the two pueblos culminated in the destruction of Sikyatki. +This was apparently the result of a quarrel between two pueblos of +East Mesa, or at least there is no intimation that the other pueblos +took prominent part in it. It is said that after the destruction some +of those who escaped fled to Oraibi, which would imply that the Walpi +and Oraibi peoples, even at that early date, were not on very friendly +terms. If, however, the statement that Oraibi was then a distinct +pueblo be true, it in a way affords a suggestion of the approximate +age[98] of this village. + +There was apparently a more or less intimate connection between the +inhabitants of old Sikyatki and those of Awatobi, but whether or not +it indicates that the latter was founded by the refugees from the +former I have not been able definitely to make out. All my informants +agree that on the destruction of Sikyatki some of its people fled to +Awatobi, but no one has yet stated that the Kokop people were +represented in the latter pueblo. The distinctive clans of the pueblo +of Antelope mesa are not mentioned as living in Sikyatki, and yet the +two pueblos are said to have been kindred. The indications are that +the inhabitants of both came from the east--possibly were intruders, +which may have been the cause of the hostility entertained by both +toward the Walpians. The problem is too complex to be solved with our +present limited knowledge in this direction, and archeology seems not +to afford very satisfactory evidence one way or the other. We may +never know whether the Sikyatki refugees founded Awatobi or simply +fled to that pueblo for protection. + +There appears to be no good evidence that Sikyatki was destroyed by +fire, nor would it seem that it was gradually abandoned. The larger +beams of the houses have disappeared from many rooms, evidently having +been appropriated in building or enlarging other pueblos. + +There is nothing to show that any considerable massacre of the people +took place when the village was destroyed, in which respect it differs +considerably from Awatobi. There is little doubt that many Sikyatki +women were appropriated by the Walpians, and in support of this it is +stated that the Kokop people of the present Walpi are the descendants +of the people of that clan who dwelt at Sikyatki. This conclusion is +further substantiated by the statements of one of the oldest members +of the Kokop phratry who frequently visited me while the excavations +were in progress. + +The destruction of Sikyatki and its consequent abandonment doubtless +occurred before the Spaniards obtained a foothold in the country. The +aged Hopi folklorists insist that such is the case, and the +excavations did not reveal any evidence to the contrary. If we add to +the negative testimony that Sikyatki is not mentioned in any of the +early writings, and that no fragment of metal, glass, or Spanish +glazed pottery has been taken from it, we appear to have substantial +proof of its prehistoric character. + +In the early times when Sikyatki was a flourishing pueblo, Walpi was +still a small settlement on the terrace of the mesa just below the +present town that bears its name. Two ruins are pointed out as the +sites of Old Walpi, one to the northward of the modern town, and a +second more to the westward. The former is called at present the +Ash-heap house or pueblo, the latter Kisakobi. It is said that the +people whose ancestors formed the nucleus of the more northerly town +moved from there to Kisakobi on account of the cold weather, for it +was too much in the shadow of the mesa. Its general appearance would +indicate it to be older than the more westerly ruin, higher up on the +mesa. It was a pueblo of some size, and was situated on the edge of +the terrace. The refuse from the settlement was thrown over the edge +of the decline, where it accumulated in great quantities. This débris +contains many fragments of characteristic pottery, similar to that +from Sikyatki, and would well repay systematic investigation. No walls +of the old town rise more than a few feet above the surface, for most +of the stones have long ago been used in rebuilding the pueblo on +other sites. Kisakobi was situated higher up on the mesa, and bears +every appearance of being more modern than the ruin below. Its site +may readily be seen from the road to Keam's canyon, on the +terrace-like prolongation of the mesa. Some of the walls are still +erect, and the house visible for a great distance is part of the old +pueblo. This, I believe, was the site of Walpi at the time the +Spaniards visited Tusayan, and I have found here a fragment of pottery +which I believe is of Spanish origin. The ancient pueblo crowned the +ridge of the terrace which narrows here to 30 or 40 feet, so that +ancient Walpi was an elongated pueblo, with narrow passageways and no +rectangular court. I should judge, however, that the pueblo was not +inhabited for a great period, but was moved to its present site after +a few generations of occupancy. The Ash-hill village was inhabited +contemporaneously with Sikyatki, but Kisakobi was of later +construction. Neither Sichomovi nor Hano was in existence when +Sikyatki was in its prime, nor, indeed, at the time of its +abandonment. In 1782 Morfi spoke of Sichomovi as a pueblo recently +founded, with but fifteen families. Hano, although older, was +certainly not established before 1700.[99] + +The assertions of all Hopi traditionists that Sikyatki is a +prehistoric ruin, as well as the scientific evidence looking the same +way, are most important facts in considering the weight of deductions +in regard to the character of prehistoric Tusayan culture. + +Although we have no means of knowing how long a period has elapsed +since the occupancy and abandonment of Sikyatki, we are reasonably +sure that objects taken from it are purely aboriginal in character and +antedate the inception of European influence. It is certain, however, +that the Sikyatki people lived long enough in that pueblo to develop a +ceramic art essentially peculiar to Tusayan. + + +NOMENCLATURE + +The commonly accepted definition of Sikyatki is "yellow house" +(_sikya_, yellow; _ki_, house). One of the most reliable chiefs of +Walpi, however, called my attention to the fact that the hills in the +locality were more or less parallel, and that there might be a +relationship between the parallel valleys and the name. The +application of the term "yellow" would not seem to be very appropriate +so far as it is distinctive of the general color of the pueblo. The +neighboring spring, however, contains water which after standing some +time has a yellowish tinge, and it was not unusual to name pueblos +from the color of the adjacent water or from some peculiarity of the +spring, which was one of the most potent factors in the determination +of the site of a village. Although the name may also refer to a +cardinal point, a method of nomenclature followed in some regions of +the Southwest, if such were the case in regard to Sikyatki it would be +exceptional in Tusayan. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV + +SIKYATKI MOUNDS FROM THE KANELBA TRAIL] + + +FORMER INHABITANTS OF SIKYATKI + +The origin of the pueblo settlement at Sikyatki is doubtful, but as I +have shown in my enumeration of the clans of Walpi, the Kokop +(Firewood) and the Isauûh (Coyote) phratries which lived there are +supposed to have come into Tusayan from the far east or the valley +of the Rio Grande. The former phratry is not regarded as one of the +earliest arrivals in Tusayan, for when its members arrived at Walpi +they found living there the Flute, Snake, and Water-house phratries. +It is highly probable that the Firewood, or as they are sometimes +called the Fire, people, once lived in the round pueblo known as +Fire-house, and as the form of this ruin is exceptional in Tusayan, +and highly characteristic of the region east of this province, there +is archeological evidence of the eastern origin of the Fire people. +Perhaps the most intelligent folklorist of the Kokop people was +Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago--unfortunately before I had been +able to record all the traditions which he knew concerning his +ancestors. At the present day Katci, his successor[100] in these +sacerdotal duties in the Antelope-Snake mysteries, claims that his +people formerly occupied Sikyatki, and indeed the contiguous fields +are still cultivated by members of that phratry. + +It is hardly possible to do more than estimate the population of +Sikyatki when in its prime, but I do not believe that it was more than +500;[101] probably 300 inhabitants would be a closer estimate if we +judge from the relative population to the size of the pueblo of Walpi +at the present time. On the basis of population given, the evidences +from the size of the Sikyatki cemeteries would not point to an +occupancy of the village for several centuries, although, of course, +the strict confines of these burial places may not have been +determined by our excavations. The comparatively great depth at which +some of the human remains were found does not necessarily mean great +antiquity, for the drifting sands of the region may cover or uncover +the soil or rocks in a very short time, and the depth at which an +object is found below the surface is a very uncertain medium for +estimating the antiquity of buried remains. + + +GENERAL FEATURES + +The ruin of Sikyatki (plates CXV, CXVI) lies about three miles east of +the recent settlement of Tanoan families at Isba or Coyote spring, +near the beginning of the trail to Hano. Its site is in full view from +the road extending from the last-mentioned settlement to Keam's +canyon, and lies among the hills just below the two pyramidal +elevations called Küküchomo, which are visible for a much greater +distance. When seen from this road the mounds of Sikyatki are observed +to be elevated at least 300 feet above the adjacent cultivated plain, +but at the ruin itself this elevation is scarcely appreciable, so +gradual is the southerly decline to the arroyo which drains the plain. +The ruin is situated among foothills a few hundred yards from the base +of the mesa, and in the depression between it and the mesa there is a +stretch of sand in which grow peach trees and a few stunted cedars. At +this point, likewise, there is a spring, now feeble in its flow from +the gradually drifting sand, yet sufficient to afford a trickling +stream by means of which an enterprising native, named Tcino, +irrigates a small garden of melons and onions. On all sides of the +ruin there are barren stretches of sand relieved in some places by +stunted trees and scanty vegetation similar to that of the adjacent +plains. The soil in the plaza of the ruin is cultivated, yielding a +fair crop of squashes, but is useless for corn or beans. + +Here and there about the ruins stand great jagged bowlders, relieving +what would otherwise be a monotonous waste of sand. One of these stony +outcrops forms what I have called the "acropolis" of Sikyatki, which +will presently be described. On the eastern side the drifting sand has +so filled in around the elevation on which the ruin stands that the +ascent is gradual, and the same drift extends to the rim of the mesa, +affording access to the summit that otherwise would necessitate +difficult climbing. Along the ridge of this great drift there runs a +trail which passes over the mesa top to a beautiful spring, on the +other side, called Kanelba.[102] + +The highest point of the ruin as seen from the plain is the rocky +eminence rising at the western edge, familiarly known among the +members of my party as the "acropolis." As one approaches the ruin +from a deep gulch on the west, the acropolis appears quite lofty, and +a visitor would hardly suspect that it marks the culminating point of +a ruin, so similar does it appear to surrounding hills of like +geologic character where no vestiges of former house-walls appear. + +The spring from which the inhabitants of the old pueblo obtained their +water supply lies between the ruin and the foot of the mesa, nearer +the latter. The water is yellow in color, especially after it has +remained undisturbed for some time, and the quantity is very limited. +It trickles out of a bed of clay in several places and forms a pool +from which it is drawn to irrigate a small garden and a grove of peach +trees. It is said that when Sikyatki was in its prime this spring was +larger than at present, and I am sure that a little labor spent in +digging out the accumulation of sand would make the water more +wholesome and probably sufficiently abundant for the needs of a +considerable population. + +The nearest spring of potable water available for our excavation camp +at Sikyatki was Kanelba, or Sheep spring, one of the best sources of +water supply in Tusayan. The word Kanelba, containing a Spanish +element, must have replaced a Hopi name, for it is hardly to be +supposed that this spring was not known before sheep were brought into +the country. There is a legend that formerly the site of this spring +was dry, when an ancient priest, who had deposited his _tiponi_, or +chieftain's badge, at the place, caused the water to flow from the +ground; at present however the water rushes from a hole as large as +the arm in the face of the rock, as well as from several minor +openings. It is situated on the opposite side of the mesa from +Sikyatki, a couple of miles northeastward from the ruin. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVI + +GROUND PLAN OF SIKYATKI] + +Half-way up the side of the mesa, about opposite Sikyatki, there is a +large reservoir, used as a watering place for sheep. The splash of the +water, as it falls into this reservoir, is an unusual sound in this +arid region, and is worth a tramp of many miles. There are many +evidences that this spring was a popular one in former times. As it is +approached from the top of the mesa, a brief inspection of the +surroundings shows that for about a quarter of a mile, on either side, +there are signs of ancient terraced gardens, walled in with rows of +stones. These gardens have today greatly diminished in size, as +compared with the ancient outlines, and only that portion which is +occupied by a grove of peach trees is now under cultivation, although +there is plenty of water for the successful irrigation of a much +larger tract of land than the gardens now cover.[103] Judging from +their size, many of the peach trees are very old, although they still +bear their annual crop of fruit. Everything indicates, as the legends +relate, that these Kanelba gardens, the walls of which now form sheep +corrals, were long ago abandoned. + +The terraces south of the Kanelba peach grove resemble the lower +terraces of Wipo. About 100 rods farther south, along the foot of the +mesa, on the same level, are a number of unused fields, and a cluster +of house remains. The whole of this terrace is of a type which shows +greater action of the weather than the others, but the boundaries of +the fields are still marked with rows of stones. The adjacent +foothills contain piles of ashes in several places, as if the sites of +ancient pottery kilns, and very old stone inclosures occur on the top +of the mesa above Kanelba. All indications seem to point to the +ancient occupancy of the region about Kanelba by many more farmers +than today. Possibly the inhabitants of Sikyatki, which is only two or +three miles away, frequented this place and cultivated these ancient +gardens. Kanelba is regarded as a sacred spring by several Hopi +religious societies of East Mesa. The Snake priests of Walpi always +celebrate a feast there on the day of the snake hunt to the east in +odd years,[104] while in the alternate years it is visited by the +Flute men. + +The present appearance of Sikyatki (plate CXV) is very desolate, and +when visited by our party previously to the initiation of the work, +seemed to promise little in the way of archeological results. No walls +were standing above ground, and the outlines of the rooms were very +indistinct. All we saw at that time was a series of mounds, +irregularly rectangular in shape, of varying altitude, with here and +there faint traces of walls. Prominent above all these mounds, +however, was the pinnacle of rock on the northwestern corner, rising +abruptly from the remainder of the ruin, easily approached from the +west and sloping more gradually to the south. This rocky elevation, +which we styled the acropolis, was doubtless once covered with houses. + +On the western edge of the ruin a solitary farmhouse, used during the +summer season, had been constructed of materials from the old walls, +and was inhabited by an Indian named Lelo and his family during our +excavations. He is the recognized owner of the farm land about +Sikyatki and the cultivator of the soil in the old plaza of the ruins. +Jakwaina, an enterprising Tewan who lives not far from Isba, the +spring near the trail to Hano, has also erected a modern house near +the Sikyatki spring, but it had not been completed at the time of our +stay. Probably never since its destruction in prehistoric times have +so many people as there were in our party lived for so long a time at +this desolate place. + +The disposition of the mounds show that the ground plan of Sikyatki +(plate CXVI) was rectangular in shape, the houses inclosing a court in +which are several mounds that may be the remains of kivas. The highest +range of rooms, and we may suppose the most populous part of the +ancient pueblo, was on the same side as the acropolis, where a large +number of walled chambers in several series were traced. + +The surface of what was formerly the plaza is crossed by rows of +stones regularly arranged to form gardens, in which several kinds of +gourds are cultivated. In the sands north of the ruin there are many +peach trees, small and stunted, but yearly furnishing a fair crop. +These are owned by Tcino,[105] and of course were planted long after +the destruction of the pueblo. + +In order to obtain legends of the former occupancy and destruction of +Sikyatki, I consulted Nasyuñweve, the former head of the Kokop people, +and while the results were not very satisfactory, I learned that the +land about Sikyatki is still claimed by that phratry. Nasyuñweve,[106] +Katci, and other prominent Kokop people occupy and cultivate the land +about Sikyatki on the ground of inheritance from their ancestors who +once inhabited the place. + +Two routes were taken to approach Sikyatki--one directly across the +sandy plain from the entrance to Keam's canyon, following for some +distance the road to East Mesa; the other along the edge of the mesa, +on the first terrace, to the cluster of houses at Coyote spring. The +trail to the pueblos of East Mesa ascends the cliff just above +Sikyatki spring, and joins that to Kanelba or Sheep spring, not far +from Küküchomo, the twin mounds. By keeping along the first terrace a +well-traveled trail, with interesting views of the plain and the ruin, +joins the old wagon road to _Wala_, the "gap" of East Mesa, at a +higher level than the cluster of Tewan houses at Isba. In going and +returning from their homes our Hopi workmen preferred the trail along +the mesa, which we also often used; but the climb to the mesa top from +the ruin is very steep and somewhat tiresome. + +We prosecuted our excavations at Sikyatki for a few days over three +weeks, choosing as a site for our camp a small depression to the east +of the ruin near a dwarf cedar at the point where the trail to Kanelba +passes the ruin. The place was advantageously near the cemeteries, and +not too far from water. For purposes other than cooking and drinking +the Sikyatki spring was used, the remainder of the supply being +brought from Kanelba by means of a burro. + +I employed Indian workmen at the ruin, and found them, as a rule, +efficient helpers. The zeal which they manifested at the beginning of +the work did not flag, but it must be confessed that toward the close +of the excavations it became necessary to incite their enthusiasm by +prizes, and, to them, extraordinary offers of overalls and calico. +They at first objected to working in the cemeteries, regarding it as a +desecration of the dead, but several of their number overcame their +scruples, even handling skulls and other parts of skeletons. The Snake +chief, Kopeli, however, never worked with the others, desiring not to +dig in the graves. Respecting his feelings, I allotted him the special +task of excavating the rooms of the acropolis, which he performed with +much care, showing great interest in the results. At the close of our +daily work prayer-offerings were placed in the trenches by the Indian +workmen, as conciliatory sacrifices to Masauwûh, the dread God of +Death, to offset any malign influence which might result from our +desecration of his domain. A superstitious feeling that this god was +not congenial to the work which was going on, seemed always to haunt +the minds of the laborers, and once or twice I was admonished by old +men, visitors from Walpi, not to persist in my excavations. The +excavators, at times, paused in their work and called my attention to +strange voices echoing from the cliffs, which they ascribed, half in +earnest, to Masauwûh. + +The Indians faithfully delivered to me all objects which they found in +their digging, with the exception of turquoises, many of which, I +have good reason to suspect, they concealed while our backs were +turned and, in a few instances, even before our eyes. + +The accompanying plan of Sikyatki (plate CXVI) shows that it was a +rectangular ruin with an inclosed plaza. It is evident that the +ancient pueblo was built on a number of low hills and that the eastern +portion was the highest. In this respect it resembled Awatobi, but +apparently differed from the latter pueblo in having the inclosed +plaza. In the same way it was unlike Walpi or the ancient and modern +pueblos of Middle Mesa and Oraibi. In fact, there is no Tusayan ruin +which resembles it in ground plan, except Payüpki, a Tanoan town of +much later construction. The typical Tusayan form of architecture is +the pyramidal, especially in the most ancient pueblos. The ground plan +of Sikyatki is of a type more common in the eastern pueblo region and +in those towns of Tusayan which were built by emigrants from the Rio +Grande region. Sikyatki and some of the villages overlooking Antelope +valley are of this type. + +In studying the ground plans of the three modern villages on East +Mesa, the fact is noted that both Sichomovi and Hano differ +architecturally from Walpi. The forms of the former smaller pueblos +are primarily rectangular with an inclosed plaza in which is situated +the kiva; Walpi, on the other hand, although furnished with a small +plaza at the western end, has kivas located peripherally rather than +in an open space between the highest house clusters. Sichomovi is +considered by the Hopi as like Zuñi, and is sometimes called by the +Hano people, Sionimone, "Zuñi court," because to the Tewan mind it +resembles Zuñi; but the term is never applied to Walpi.[107] The +distinction thus recognized is, I believe, architecturally valid. The +inclosed court or plaza in Tusayan is an intrusion from the east, and +as eastern colonists built both Hano and Sichomovi, they preserved the +form to which they were accustomed. The Sikyatki builders drew their +architectural inspiration likewise from the east, hence the inclosed +court in the ruins of that village. + +The two most considerable house clusters of Sikyatki are at each end +of a longer axis, connected by a narrow row of houses on the other +sides. The western rows of houses face the plain, and were of one +story, with a gateway at one point. The opposite row was more +elevated, no doubt overlooking cultivated fields beyond the confines +of the ruin. No kivas were discovered, but if such exist they ought to +be found in the mass of houses at the southern end. I thought we had +found circular rooms in that region, but cursory excavations did not +demonstrate their existence. As there is no reason to suspect the +existence of circular kivas in ancient Tusayan, it would be difficult +to decide whether or not any one of the large rectangular rooms was +used for ceremonial purposes, for it is an interesting fact that some +of the oldest secret rites in the Hopi villages occur, not in kivas, +but in ordinary dwelling rooms in the village. It has yet to be shown +that there were special kivas in prehistoric Tusayan. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVII + +EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI] + +The longer axis of the ruin is about north and south; the greatest +elevation is approximately 50 feet. Rocks outcrop only at one place, +the remainder of the ruin being covered with rubble, sand, stones, and +fragments of pottery. The mounds are not devoid of vegetation, for +sagebrush, cacti, and other desert genera grow quite profusely over +their surface; but they are wholly barren of trees or large bushes, +and except in the plaza the ruin area is uncultivated. As previously +stated, Sikyatki is situated about 250 or 300 feet above the plain, +and when approached from Keam's canyon appears to be about halfway up +the mesa height. On several adjacent elevations evidences of former +fires, or places where pottery was burned, were found, and one has not +to go far to discover narrow seams of an impure lignite. Here and +there are considerable deposits of selenite, which, as pointed out by +Sitgreaves in his report on the exploration of the Little Colorado, +looks like frost exuding from the ground in early spring. + + +THE ACROPOLIS + +During the limited time devoted to the excavation of Sikyatki it was +impossible, in a ruin so large, to remove the soil covering any +considerable number of rooms. The excavations at different points over +such a considerable area as that covered by the mounds would have been +more or less desultory and unsatisfactory, but a limited section +carefully opened would be much more instructive and typical. While, +therefore, the majority of the Indian workmen were kept employed at +the cemeteries, Kopeli, the Snake chief, a man in whom I have great +confidence, was assigned to the excavation of a series of rooms at the +highest point of the ruin, previously referred to as the acropolis +(figure 262). Although his work in these chambers did not yield such +rich results as the others, so far as the number of objects was +concerned, he succeeded in uncovering a number of rooms to their +floors, and unearthed many interesting objects of clay and stone. A +brief description of these excavations will show the nature of the +work at that point. + +The acropolis, or highest point of Sikyatki, is a prominent rocky +elevation at the western angle, and overlooks the entire ruin. On the +side toward the western cemetery it rises quite abruptly, but the +ascent is more gradual from the other sides. The surface of this +elevation, on which the houses stood, is of rock, and originally was +as destitute of soil as the plaza of Walpi. This surface supported a +double series of rooms, and the highest point is a bare, rocky +projection. + +From the rooms of the acropolis there was a series of chambers, +probably terraced, sloping to the modern gardens now occupying the old +plaza, and the broken walls of these rooms still protrude from the +surface in many places (plate CXVIII). When the excavations on the +acropolis were begun, no traces of the biserial rows of rooms were +detected, although the remains of the walls were traceable. The +surface was strewn with fragments of pottery and other evidences of +former occupancy. + +On leveling the ground and throwing off the surface stones, it was +found that the narrow ridge which formed the top of the acropolis was +occupied by a double line of well-built chambers which show every +evidence of having been living rooms. The walls were constructed of +squared stones set in adobe, with the inner surface neatly plastered. +Many of the rooms communicated by means of passageways with adjacent +chambers, some of them being provided with niches and shelves. The +average height of the standing walls revealed by excavation, as +indicated by the distance of the floor below the surface of the soil, +was about 5 feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 262--The acropolis of Sikyatki] + +The accompanying illustration (plate CXVIII) shows a ground plan of +nine of these rooms, which, for purposes of reference, are lettered +_a_ to _l_. A description of each, it is hoped, will give an idea of a +typical room of Sikyatki. Room _a_ is rectangular in shape, 5 feet 3 +inches by 6 feet 8 inches, and is 5 feet 8 inches deep. It has two +depressions in the floor at the southeastern corner, and there is a +small niche in the side wall above them. Some good specimens of mural +plastering, much blackened by soot, are found on the eastern wall. +Room _a_ has no passageway into room _b_, but it opens into the +adjoining room _c_ by an opening in the wall 3 feet 4 inches wide, +with a threshold 9 inches high. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVIII + +PLAN OF EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI + +(Dimensions in feet and inches)] + +The shape of room _b_ is more irregular. It is 8 feet 1 inch long by 4 +feet 5 inches wide, and the floor is 5 feet 2 inches below the +surface. In one corner there is a raised triangular platform 2 feet 7 +inches above the floor. A large cooking pot, blackened with soot, was +found in one corner of this room, and near it was a circular +depression in the floor 17 inches in diameter, evidently a fireplace. + +Room _c_ is smaller than either of the preceding, and is the only one +with two passageways into adjoining chambers. Remains of wooden beams +in a fair state of preservation were found on the floors of rooms _c_ +and _b_, but they were not charred, as is so often the case, nor were +there any ashes except in the supposed fireplace. + +Room _d_ is larger than those already mentioned, being 7 feet 8 inches +by 5 feet, and connects with room _c_ by means of a passageway. Rooms +_e_ and _f_ communicate with each other by an opening 16 inches wide. +We found the floors of these rooms 4 feet below the surface. The +length of room _e_ is 8 feet. + +Room _f_ is 6 feet 8 inches long and of the same width as _e_. The +three chambers _g_, _h_, and _i_ are each 6 feet 9 inches wide, but of +varying width. Room _g_ is 5 feet 2 inches, _h_ is 8 feet 6 inches, +and _i_, the smallest of all, only a foot wide. These three rooms have +no intercommunication. + +The evidence of former fires in some of these rooms, afforded by soot +on the walls and ashes in the depressions identified as old +fireplaces, is most important. In one or two places I broke off a +fragment of the plastering and found it to be composed of many strata +of alternating black and adobe color, indicating successive +plasterings of the room. Apparently when the surface wall became +blackened by smoke it was renewed by a fresh layer or wash of adobe in +the manner followed in renovating the kiva walls today.[108] + +An examination of the dimensions of the rooms of the acropolis will +show that, while small, they are about the average size of the +chambers in most other southwestern ruins. They are, however, much +smaller than the rooms of the modern pueblo of Walpi or those of the +cliff ruins in the Red-rock region, elsewhere described. Evidently the +roof was 2 or 3 feet higher than the top of the present walls, and the +absence of external passageways would seem to indicate that entrance +was through the roof. The narrow chamber, _i_, is no smaller than some +of those which were excavated at Awatobi, but unless it was a storage +bin or dark closet for ceremonial paraphernalia its function is not +known to me. The mural plastering was especially well done in rooms +_g_ and _h_, a section thereof showing many successive thin strata of +soot and clay, implying long occupancy. No chimneys were found, the +smoke, as is the case with that from kiva fires today, doubtless +finding an exit through the hatchway in the roof. + + +MODERN GARDENS + +The whole surface of the ancient plaza of Sikyatki is occupied by +rectangular gardens outlined by rows of stones. These are of modern +construction and are cultivated by an enterprising Hopi who, as +previously mentioned, has erected a habitable dwelling on one of the +western mounds from the stones of the old ruin. These gardens are +planted yearly with melons and squashes, and stones forming the +outlines serve as wind-breaks to protect the growing plants from +drifting sand. The plotting of the plan of these gardens was made in +1891, when a somewhat larger part of the plaza was under cultivation +than in 1895.[109] + +There is a grove of dwarf peach trees in the sands between the +northern side of the ruin and the mesa along the run through which +sometimes trickles a little stream from the spring. These trees belong +to an inhabitant of Sichomovi named Tcino, who, it is claimed, is a +descendant of the ancient Sikyatkians. The trees were of course +planted there since the fall of the village, on land claimed by the +Kokop phratry by virtue of their descent from the same phratral +organization of the ancient pueblo.[110] The spring shows no evidence +of having been walled up, but apparently has been filled in by +drifting sand since the time that it formed the sole water supply of +the neighboring pueblo. It still preserves the yellow color mentioned +in traditions of the place. + + +THE CEMETERIES + +By far the largest number of objects found at Sikyatki were gathered +from the cemeteries outside the ruin, and were therefore mortuary in +character. It would seem that the people buried their dead a short +distance beyond the walls, at the three cardinal points. The first of +these cemeteries was found in the dune between the ruin and the peach +trees below the spring, and from its relative position from the pueblo +has been designated the northern cemetery. The cemetery proper lies on +the edge of the sandy tract, and was first detected by the finding of +the long-bones of a human skeleton projecting from the soil. The +position of individual graves was indicated usually by small, oblong +piles of stones; but, as this was not an invariable sign, it was +deemed advisable to extend long trenches across the lower part of the +dune. As a rule, the deeper the excavations the more numerous and +elaborate were the objects revealed. Most of the skeletons were in a +poor state of preservation, but several could have been saved had we +the proper means at our disposal to care for them. + +No evidence of cremation of the dead was found, either at Awatobi or +Sikyatki, nor have I yet detected any reference to this custom among +the modern Hopi Indians. They have, however, a strange concept of the +purification of the breath-body, or shade of the dead, by fire, which, +although I have always regarded it as due to the teaching of Christian +missionaries, may be aboriginal in character. This account of the +judgment of the dead is as follows: + +There are two roads from the grave to the Below. One of these is a +straight way connected with the path of the sun into the Underworld. +There is a branch trail which divides from this straight way, passing +from fires to a lake or ocean (_patübha_). At the fork of the road +sits Tokonaka, and when the breath-body comes to this place this chief +looks it over and, if satisfied, he says "_Üm-pac lo-la-mai, ta ai_," +"You are very good; go on." Then the breath-body passes along the +straight way to the far west, to the early _Sipapû_, the Underworld +from which it came, the home of Müiyinwû. Another breath-body comes to +the fork in the road, and the chief says, "You are bad," and he +conducts it along the crooked path to the place of the first fire pit, +where sits a second chief, Tokonaka, who throws the bad breath-body +into the fire, and after a time it emerges purified, for it was not +wholly bad. The chief says, "You are good now," and carries it back to +the first chief, who accepts the breath-body and sends it along the +straight road to the west. + +If, on emerging from the first fire, the soul is still unpurified, or +not sufficiently so to be accepted, it is taken to the second fire pit +and cast into it. If it emerges from this thoroughly purified, in the +opinion of the judge, it is immediately transformed into a +_ho-ho-ya-üh_, or prayer-beetle. All the beetles we now see in the +valleys or among the mesas were once evil Hopi. If, on coming out of +the second fire pit, the breath-body is still considered bad by the +chief, he takes it to the third fire, and, if there be no evil in it +when it emerges from this pit, it is metamorphosed into an ant, but if +unpurified by these three fires--that is, if the chief still finds +evil left in the breath-body--he takes it to a fourth fire and again +casts it into the flames, where it is utterly consumed, the only +residue being soot on the side of the pit. + +I have not recorded this as a universal or an aboriginal belief among +the Hopi, but rather to show certain current ideas which may have been +brought to Tusayan by missionaries or others. The details of the +purification of the evil soul are characteristic. + +The western cemetery of Sikyatki is situated among the hillocks +covered with surface rubble below a house occupied in summer by a +Hopi and his family. From the nature of the soil the excavation of +this cemetery was very difficult, although the mortuary objects were +more numerous. Repeated attempts to make the Indians work in a +systematic manner failed, partly on account of the hard soil and +partly from other reasons. Although the lower we went the more +numerous and beautiful were the objects exhumed, the Indians soon +tired of deep digging, preferring to confine their work to within two +or three feet of the surface. At many places we found graves under and +between the huge bowlders, which are numerous in this cemetery. + +The southern cemetery lies between the outer edge of the ruin on that +side and the decline to the plain, a few hundred feet from the +southern row of houses. Two conspicuous bowlders mark the site of most +of the excavations in that direction. The mortuary objects from this +cemetery are not inferior in character or number to those from the +other burial places. All attempts to discover a cemetery on the +eastern side of the pueblo failed, although a single food basin was +brought to the camp by an Indian who claimed he had dug it out of the +deep sand on the eastern side of the ruins. Another bowl was found in +the sand drift near the trail over the mesa to Kanelba, but careful +investigation failed to reveal any systematic deposit of mortuary +vessels east of the ruin.[111] + +The method of excavation pursued in the cemeteries was not so +scientific as I had wished, but it was the only practicable one to be +followed with native workmen. Having found the location of the graves +by means of small prospecting holes sunk at random, the workmen were +aligned and directed to excavate a single long, deep trench, removing +all the earth as they advanced. It was with great difficulty that the +Indians were taught the importance of excavating to a sufficient +depth, and even to the end of the work they refused to be taught not +to burrow. In their enthusiasm to get the buried treasures they worked +very well so long as objects were found, but became at once +discouraged when relics were not so readily forthcoming and went off +prospecting in other places when our backs were turned. A shout that +anyone had discovered a new grave in the trench was a signal for the +others to stop work, gather around the place, light cigarettes, and +watch me or my collaborators dig out the specimens with knives. This +we always insisted on doing, for the reason that in their haste the +Indians at first often broke fragile pottery after they had discovered +it, and in spite of all precautions several fine jars and bowls were +thus badly damaged by them. It is therefore not too much to say that +most of the vessels which are now entire were dug out of the impacted +sand by Mr Hodge or myself. + +No rule could be formulated in regard to the place where the pottery +would occur, and often the first indication of its presence was the +stroke of a shovel on the fragile edge of a vase or bowl. Having once +found a skeleton, or discolored sand which indicated the former +presence of human remains, the probability that burial objects were +near by was almost a certainty, although in several instances even +these signs failed. + +A considerable number of the pottery objects had been broken when the +soil and stones were thrown on the corpse at interment. So many were +entire, however, that I do not believe any considerable number were +purposely broken at that time, and none were found with holes made in +them to "kill" or otherwise destroy their utility. + +No evidences of cremation--no charred bones of man or animal in or +near the mortuary vessels--were found. From the character of the +objects obtained from neighboring graves, rich and poor were +apparently buried side by side in the same soil. Absolutely no +evidence of Spanish influence was encountered in all the excavations +at Sikyatki--no trace of metal, glass, or other object of Caucasian +manufacture such as I have mentioned as having been taken from the +ruins of Awatobi--thus confirming the native tradition that the +catastrophe of Sikyatki antedated the middle of the sixteenth century, +when the first Spaniards entered the country. + +It is remarkable that in Sikyatki we found no fragments of basketry or +cloth, the fame of which among the Pueblo Indians was known to +Coronado before he left Mexico. That the people of Sikyatki wore +cotton kilts no one can doubt, but these fabrics, if they were buried +with the dead, had long since decayed. Specimens of strings and ropes +of yucca, which were comparatively abundant at Awatobi, were not found +at Sikyatki; yet their absence by no means proves that they were not +used, for the marks of the strings used to bind feathers to the +mortuary pahos, on the green paint with which the wood was covered, +may still be readily seen. + +The insight into ancient beliefs and practices afforded by the +numerous objects found at Sikyatki is very instructive, and while it +shows the antiquity of some of the modern symbols, it betrays a still +more important group of conventionalized figures, the meaning of which +may always remain in doubt. This is particularly true of the +decoration on many specimens of the large collection of highly +ornamented pottery found in the Sikyatki cemeteries. + +If we consider the typical designs on modern Hopi pottery and compare +them with the ancient, as illustrated by the collections from Awatobi +and Sikyatki, it is noted, in the first place, how different they are, +and secondly, how much better executed the ancient objects are than +the modern. Nor is it always clear how the modern symbols are derived +from the ancient, so widely do they depart from them in all their +essential characters. + + +POTTERY + +CHARACTERISTICS--MORTUARY POTTERY + +The pottery exhumed from the burial places of Sikyatki falls in the +divisions known as-- + + I--Coiled and indented ware. + II--Smooth undecorated ware. + III--Polished decorated ware. + _a_. Yellow. + _b_. Red. + _c_. Black-and-white. + +By far the largest number of ancient pottery objects from this +locality belong to the yellow-ware group in the above classification. +This is the characteristic pottery of Tusayan, although coiled and +indented ware is well represented in the collection. The few pieces of +red ware are different from that found in the ruins of the Little +Colorado, while the black-and-white pottery closely resembles the +archaic ware of northern cliff houses. Although the Sikyatki pottery +bears resemblance to that of Awatobi, it can be distinguished from it +without difficulty. The paste of both is of the finest character and +was most carefully prepared. Some of the ancient specimens are much +superior to those at present made, and are acknowledged by the finest +potters of East Mesa to be beyond their power of ceramic production. +The coloration is generally in red, brown, yellow, and black. +Decorative treatment by spattering is common in the food basins, and +this was no doubt performed, Chinese fashion, by means of the mouth. +The same method is still employed by the Hopi priests in painting +their masks. + +The Sikyatki collection of pottery shows little or no duplication in +decorative design, and every ornamented food basin bears practically +different symbols. The decoration of the food basins is mainly on the +interior, but there is almost invariably a geometrical design of some +kind on the outside, near the rim. The ladles, likewise, are +ornamented on their interior, and their handles also are generally +decorated. When the specimens were removed from the graves their +colors, as a rule, were apparently as well preserved as at the time of +their burial; nor, indeed, do they appear to have faded since their +deposit in the National Museum. + +The best examples of ceramic art from the graves of Sikyatki, in +texture, finish, and decoration, are, in my judgment, superior to any +pottery made by ancient or modern Indians north of Mexico. Indeed, in +these respects the old Tusayan pottery will bear favorable comparison +even with Central American ware. It is far superior to the rude +pottery of the eastern pueblos, and is also considerably better than +that of the great villages of the Gila and Salado. Among the Hopi +themselves the ceramic art has degenerated, as the few remaining +potters confess. These objects can hardly be looked upon as products +of a savage people destitute of artistic feeling, but of a race which +has developed in this line of work, through the plane of savagery, to +a high stage of barbarism. While, as a whole, we can hardly regard the +modern Hopi as a degenerate people with a more cultured ancestry, +certainly the entire Pueblo culture in the Southwest, judged by the +character of their pottery manufacture, has greatly deteriorated since +the middle of the sixteenth century. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIX + +COILED AND INDENTED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + + +COILED AND INDENTED WARE + +The rudest type of pottery from Sikyatki has been classed as coiled +and indented ware. It is coarse in texture, not polished, and usually +not decorated. Although the outer surface of the pottery of this class +is rough, the general form of the ware is not less symmetrical than +that of the finer vessels. The objects belonging to this group are +mostly jars and moccasin-shape vessels, there being no bowls of this +type. As a rule, the vessels are blackened with soot, although some of +the specimens are light-brown in color. The former variety were +undoubtedly once used in cooking; the latter apparently for containing +water or food. In the accompanying illustration (plate CXIX, _a_) is +shown one of the best specimens of indented ware, the pits forming an +equatorial zone about the vessel. All traces of the coil of clay with +which the jar was built up have been obliterated save on the bottom. +The vessel is symmetrical and the indentations regular, as if made +with a pointed stone, bone, or stick. + +In another form of coarse pottery (plate CXIX, _b_) the rim merges +into two ears or rudimentary handles on opposite sides. Traces of the +original coiling are readily observable on the sides of this vessel. + +Another illustration (plate CXIX, _c_) shows an amphora or jar with +diametrically opposite handles extending from the rim to the side of +the bowl. The surface of this rude jar is rough and without +decoration, but the form is regular and symmetrical. In another +amphora (plate CXIX, _d_) the opposite handles appear below the neck +of the vessel; they are broader and apparently more serviceable. + +The jar shown in plate CXIX, _e_, has two ear-like extensions or +projections from the neck of the jar, which are perforated for +suspension. This vessel is decorated with an incised zigzag line, +which surrounds it just above its equator. This is a fair example of +ornamented rough ware. + +Several of the vessels made of coarse clay mixed with sand, the grains +of which make the surface very rough, are of slipper or moccasin +shape. These are covered with soot or blackened by fire, indicating +their former use as cooking pots. By adopting this form the ancients +were practically enabled to use the principle of the dutch-oven, the +coals being piled about the vessels containing the food to be cooked +much more advantageously than in the vase-like forms. + +The variations in slipper-shape cooking pots are few and simple. The +blind end is sometimes of globular form, as in the example illustrated +in plate CXX, _a_, and sometimes pointed as in figures _b_ and _c_ of +the same plate. One of the specimens of this type has a handle on the +rim and another has a flaring lip. Slipper-form vessels are always of +coarse ware for the obvious reason that, being somewhat more porous, +they are more readily heated than polished utensils. They are not +decorated for equally obvious reasons. + + +SMOOTH UNDECORATED WARE + +There are many specimens of undecorated ware of all shapes and sizes, +a type of which is shown in plate CXX, _d_. These include food bowls, +saucers, ladles, and jars, and were taken from many graves. These +utensils differ from the coarse-ware vessels not only in the character +of the clay from which they are made, but also in their superficial +polish, which, in some instances, is as fine as that of vessels with +painted designs. Several very good spoons of half-gourd shape were +found, and there are many undecorated food bowls and vases. The first +attempts at ornamentation appear to have been a simple spattering of +the surface with liquid pigment or a drawing of simple encircling +bands. In one instance (plate CXX, _d_) a blackening of the surface by +exposure to smoke was detected, but no superficial gloss, as in the +Santa Clara ware, was noted. + + +POLISHED DECORATED WARE + +By far the greater number of specimens of mortuary pottery from +Sikyatki are highly polished and decorated with more or less +complicated designs. Of these there are at least three different +groups, based on the color of the ware. Most of the vessels are light +yellow or of cream color; the next group in point of color is the red +ware, the few remaining specimens being white with black decorations +in geometric patterns. These types naturally fall into divisions +consisting of vases, jars, bowls, square boxes, cups, ladles, and +spoons. + +In the group called vases (plates CXXI, CXXII) many varieties are +found; some of these are double, with an equatorial constriction; +others are rounded below, flat above, with an elevated neck and a +recurved lip. It is noteworthy that these jars or vases are destitute +of handles, and that their decoration is always confined to the +equatorial and upper sections about the opening. In the specimens of +this group which were found at Sikyatki there is no basal rim and no +depression on the pole opposite the opening. No decoration is found on +the interior of the vases, although in several instances the inside of +the lip bears lines or markings of various kinds. The opening is +always circular, sometimes small, often large; the neck of a vessel is +occasionally missing, although the specimens bear evidence of use +after having been thus broken. In one or two instances the equatorial +constriction is so deep that the jar is practically double; in other +cases the constriction is so shallow that it is hardly perceptible +(plate CXXVI, _a, b_). The size varies from a simple globular vessel +not larger than a walnut to a jar of considerable size. Many show +marks of previous use; others are as fresh as if made but yesterday. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX + +SAUCERS AND SLIPPER BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +One of the most fragile of all the globular vessels is a specimen of +very thin black-and-white ware, perforated near the rim for suspension +(plate CXXXII). This form, although rare at Sikyatki, is represented +by several specimens, and in mode of decoration is very similar to the +cliff-house pottery. From its scarcity in Tusayan I am inclined to +believe that this and related specimens were not made of clay found in +the immediate vicinity of Sikyatki, but that the vessels were brought +to the ancient pueblo from distant places. As at least some of the +cliff houses were doubtless inhabited contemporaneously with and long +after the destruction of Sikyatki, I do not hesitate to say that the +potters of that pueblo were familiar with the cliff-dweller type of +pottery and acquainted with the technic which gave the black-and-white +ware its distinctive colors. + +By far the largest number of specimens of smooth decorated pottery +from Sikyatki graves are food bowls or basins, evidently the dishes in +which food was placed on the floor before the members of a family at +their meals. As the mortuary offerings were intended as food for the +deceased it is quite natural that this form of pottery should far +outnumber any and all the others. In no instance do the food bowls +exhibit marks of smoke blackening, an indication that they had not +been used in the cooking of food, but merely as receptacles of the +same. + +The beautiful decoration of these vessels speaks highly for the +artistic taste of the Sikyatki women, and a feast in which they were +used must have been a delight to the native eye so far as dishes were +concerned. When filled with food, however, much of the decoration of +the bowls must have been concealed, a condition avoided in the mode of +ornamentation adopted by modern Tusayan potters; but there is no doubt +that when not in use the decoration of the vessels was effectually +exhibited in their arrangement on the floor or convenient shelves. + +The forms of these food bowls are hemispherical, gracefully rounded +below, and always without an attached ring of clay on which to stand +to prevent rocking. Their rims are seldom flaring, but sometimes have +a slight constriction, and while the rims of the majority are +perfectly circular, oblong variations are not wanting. Many of the +bowls are of saucer shape, with almost vertical sides and flat bases; +several are double, with rounded or flat base. + +The surface, inside and out, is polished to a fine gloss, and when +exteriorly decorated, the design is generally limited to one side just +below the rim, which is often ornamented with double or triple +parallel lines, drawn in equidistant, quaternary, and other forms. +Most of the bowls show signs of former use, either wear on the inner +surface or on the base where they rested on the floor in former +feasts. + +These mortuary vessels were discovered generally at one side of the +chest or neck of the person whose remains they were intended to +accompany, and a single specimen was found inverted over the head of +the deceased. The number of vessels in each grave was not constant, +and as many as ten were found with one skeleton, while in other graves +only one or two were found. In one instance a nest of six of these +basins, one inside another, was exhumed. While many of these mortuary +offerings were broken and others chipped, there were still a large +number as perfect as when made. Some of the bowls had been mended +before burial, as holes drilled on each side of a crack clearly +indicate. Fragments of various vessels, which evidently had been +broken before they were thrown into the graves, were common. + +There is a general similarity in the artistic decoration of bowls +found in the same grave, as if they were made by the same potter; and +persons of distinction, as shown by other mortuary objects, were, as a +rule, more honored than some of their kindred in the character and +number of pottery objects deposited with their remains. There were +also a number of skeletons without ceramic offerings of any kind. + +In one or two interments two or more small jars were found placed +inside of a food bowl, and in many instances votive offerings, like +turquois, beads, stones, and arrowpoints, had been deposited with the +dead. The bowls likewise contained, in some instances, prayer-sticks +and other objects, which will later be described. + +One of the most interesting modifications in the form of the rim of +one of these food bowls is shown in plate CXX, _e_, which illustrates +a variation from the circular shape, forming a kind of handle or +support for the thumb in lifting the vessel. The utility of this +projection in handling a bowl of hot food is apparent. This form of +vessel is very rare, it being the only one of its kind in the +collection. + +A considerable number of cups were found at Sikyatki; these vary in +size and shape from a flat-bottom saucer like specimen to a mug-shape +variety, always with a single handle (plate CXXV). Many of these +resemble small bowls with rounded sides, but there are others in which +the sides are vertical, and still others the sides of which incline at +an angle to the flattened base. + +The handles of these cups are generally smooth, and in one instance +adorned with a figure in relief. The rims of these dippers are never +flaring, either inward or outward. As a rule they are decorated on the +exterior; indeed there is only one instance of interior decoration. +The handles of the dippers are generally attached at both ends, but +sometimes the handle is free at the end near the body of the utensil +and attached at the tip. These handles are usually flat, but sometimes +they are round, and often are decorated. Traces of imitations of the +braiding of two coils of clay are seen in a single specimen.[112] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXI + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXII + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +Small and large ladles, with long handles, occurred in large numbers +in Sikyatki graves, but there was little variation among them except +in the forms of their handles. Many of these utensils were much worn +by use, especially on the rim opposite the attachment of the handle, +and in some specimens the handle itself had evidently been broken and +the end rounded off by rubbing long before it was placed in the grave. +From the comparatively solid character of the bowls of these dippers +they were rarely fractured, and were commonly found to contain smaller +mortuary objects, such as paint, arrowheads, or polishing stones. + +The ladles, unlike most of the cups, are generally decorated on the +interior as well as on the exterior. Their handles vary in size and +shape, are usually hollow, and sometimes are perforated at the end. In +certain specimens the extremity is prolonged into a pointed, recurved +tip, and sometimes is coiled in a spiral. A groove in the upper +surface of one example is an unusual variation, and a right-angle bend +of the tip is a unique feature of another specimen. The Sikyatki +potters, like their modern descendants,[113] sometimes ornamented the +tip of a single handle with the head of an animal and painted the +upper surface of the shaft with alternate parallel bars, zigzags, +terraces, and frets. + +Several spoons or scoops of earthenware, which evidently had been used +in much the same way as similar objects in the modern pueblos, were +found. Some of these have the shape of a half gourd--a natural object +which no doubt furnished the pattern. These spoons, as a rule, were +not decorated, but on a single specimen bars and parallel lines may be +detected. In the innovations of modern times pewter spoons serve the +same purpose, and their form is sometimes imitated in earthenware. +More often, in modern and probably also in ancient usage, a roll of +paper-bread or _piki_ served the same purpose, being dipped into the +stew and then eaten with the fingers. Possibly the Sikyatkian drank +from the hollow handle of a gourd ladle, as is frequently done in +Walpi today, but he generally slaked his thirst by means of a clay +substitute.[114] + +Several box-like articles of pottery of both cream and red ware were +found in the Sikyatki graves, some of them having handles, others +being without them (plate CXXV). They are ornamented on the exterior +and on the rim, and the handle, when not lacking, is attached to the +longer side of the rectangular vessel. Not a single bowl was found +with a terraced rim, a feature so common in the medicine bowls of +Tusayan at the present time.[115] + +In addition to the various forms of pottery which have been mentioned, +there are also pieces made in the form of birds, one of the most +typical of which is figured in plate CXII, _c_. In these objects the +wings are represented by elevations in the form of ridges on the +sides, and the tail and head by prolongations, which unfortunately +were broken off. + +Toys or miniature reproductions of all the above-mentioned ceramic +specimens occurred in several graves. These are often very roughly +made, and in some cases contained pigments of different colors. The +finding of a few fragments of clay in the form of animal heads, and +one or two rude images of quadrupeds, would seem to indicate that +sometimes such objects were likewise deposited with the dead. A clay +object resembling the flaring end of a flageolet and ornamented with a +zigzag decoration is unique in the collections from Sikyatki, although +in the western cemetery there was found a fragment of an earthenware +tube, possibly a part of a flute. + +In order to show more clearly the association of mortuary objects in +single graves a few examples of the grouping of these deposits will be +given. + +In a grave in the western cemetery the following specimens were found: +1, ladle; 2, paint grinder; 3, paint slab; 4, arrowpoints; 5, +fragments of a marine shell (_Pectunculus_); 6, pipe, with fragments +of a second pipe, and 7, red paint (sesquioxide of iron). + +In the grave which contained the square medicine bowl shown in plate +CXXVIII, _a_, a ladle containing food was also unearthed. + +The bowl decorated with a picture of a girl's head was associated with +fragments of another bowl and four ladles. + +Another single grave contained four large and small cooking pots and a +broken metate. + +In a grave 8 feet below the surface in the western cemetery we found: +1, decorated food vessel; 2, black shoe-shape cooking pot resting in a +food bowl and containing a small rude ladle; 3, coarse undecorated +basin. + +A typical assemblage of mortuary objects comprised: 1, small decorated +bowl containing polishing stones; 2, miniature cooking pot blackened +by soot; 3, two small food bowls. + +In modern Hopi burials the food bowls with the food for the dead are +not buried with the deceased, but are placed on the mound of soil and +stones which covers the remains. From the position of the mortuary +pottery as regards the skeletons in the Sikyatki interments, it is +probable that this custom is of modern origin. Whether in former times +food bowls were placed on the burial mounds as well as in the grave I +am not able to say. The number of food bowls in ancient graves exceeds +those placed on modern burials. + +The Sikyatki dead were apparently wrapped in coarse fabrics, possibly +matting. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIII + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + + +PALEOGRAPHY OF THE POTTERY + +GENERAL FEATURES + +The pottery from Sikyatki is especially rich in picture writing, and +imperfect as these designs are as a means of transmitting a knowledge +of manners, customs, and religious conceptions, they can be +interpreted with good results. + +One of the most important lessons drawn from the pottery is to be had +from a study of the symbols used in its decoration, as indicative of +current beliefs and practices when it was made. The ancient +inhabitants of Sikyatki have left no written records, for, unlike the +more cultured people of Central America, they had no codices; but they +have left on their old mortuary pottery a large body of picture +writings or paleography which reveals many instructive phases of their +former culture. The decipherment of these symbols is in part made +possible by the aid of a knowledge of modern survivals, and when +interpreted rightly they open a view of ancient Tusayan myths, and in +some cases of prehistoric practices.[116] + +Students of Pueblo mythology and ritual are accumulating a +considerable body of literature bearing on modern beliefs and +practices. This is believed to be the right method of determining +their aboriginal status, and is therefore necessary as a basis of our +knowledge of their customs and beliefs. It is reasonable to suppose +that what is now practiced in Pueblo ritual contains more or less of +what has survived from prehistoric times, but from Taos to Tusayan +there is no pueblo which does not show modifications in mythology and +ritual due to European contact. Modern Pueblo life resembles the +ancient, but is not a facsimile of it, and until we have rightly +measured the effects of incorporated elements, we are more or less +inexact in our estimation of the character of prehistoric culture. The +vein of similarity in the old and the new can be used in an +interpretation of ancient paleography, but we overstep natural +limitations if by so doing we ascribe to prehistoric culture every +concept which we find current among the modern survivors. To show how +much the paleography of Tusayan has changed since Sikyatki was +destroyed, I need only say that most of the characteristic figures of +deities which are used today in the decoration of pottery are not +found on the Sikyatki ware. Perhaps the most common figures on modern +food bowls is the head of a mythologic being, the Corn-maid, +_Calako-mana_, but this picture, or any which resembles it, is not +found on the bowls from Sikyatki. A knowledge of the cult of the +Corn-maid possibly came into Tusayan, through foreign influences, +after the fall of Sikyatki, and there is no doubt that the picture +decoration of modern Tusayan pottery, made within a league of +Sikyatki, is so different from the ancient that it indicates a +modification of the culture of the Hopi in historic times, and implies +how deceptive it may be to present modern beliefs and practices as +facsimiles of ancient culture. + +The main subjects chosen by the native women for the decoration of +their pottery are symbolic, and the most abundant objects which bear +these decorations are food bowls and water vases. Many mythic concepts +are depicted, among which may be mentioned the Plumed Snake, various +birds, reptiles, frogs, tadpoles, and insects. Plants or leaves are +seldom employed as decorative motives, but the flower is sometimes +used. The feather was perhaps the most common object utilized, and it +may likewise be said the most highly conventionalized. + +An examination of the decorations of modern food basins used in the +villages of East Mesa shows that the mythologic personages most +commonly chosen for the ornamentation of their interiors are the Corn +or Germ goddesses.[117] These assume a number of forms, yet all are +reducible to one type, although known by very different names, as +Hewüqti, "Old Woman," Kokle, and the like. + +Figures of reptiles, birds, the antelope, and like animals do not +occur on any of the food bowls from the large collection of modern +Tusayan pottery which I have studied, and as these figures are well +represented in the decorations on Sikyatki food bowls, we may suppose +their use has been abandoned or replaced by figures of the +Corn-maids.[118] This fact, like so many others drawn from a study of +the Tusayan ritual, indicates that the cult of the Corn-maids is more +vigorous today than it was when Sikyatki was in its prime. + +Many pictures of masks on modern Tusayan bowls are identified as +_Tacab_ or Navaho _katcinas_.[119] Their symbolism is well +characterized by chevrons on the cheeks or curved markings for eyes. +None of these figures, however, have yet been found on ancient Tusayan +ceramics. Taken in connection with facts adduced by Hodge indicative +of a recent advent of this vigorous Athapascan tribe into Tusayan, it +would seem that the use of the _Tacab katcina_ pictures was of recent +date, and is therefore not to be expected on the prehistoric pottery +of the age of that found in Sikyatki. + +In the decoration of ancient pottery I find no trace of figures of the +clown-priests, or _tcukuwympkiya_, who are so prominent in modern +Tusayan _katcina_ celebrations. These personages, especially the +Tatcukti, often called by a corruption of the Zuñi name Kóyimse +(Kóyomäshi), are very common on modern bowls, especially at the +extremities of ladles or smaller objects of pottery. + +Many handles of ladles made at Hano in late times are modeled in the +form of the Paiakyamu,[120] a glutton priesthood peculiar to that +Tanoan pueblo. From the data at hand we may legitimately conclude that +the conception of the clown-priest is modern in Tusayan, so far as the +ornamentation of pottery is concerned. + +The large collections of so-called modern Hopi pottery in our museums +is modified Tanoan ware, made in Tusayan. Most of the component +specimens were made by Hano potters, who painted upon them figures of +_katcinas_, a cult which they and their kindred introduced. + +Several of the food bowls had evidently cracked during their firing or +while in use, and had been mended before they were buried in the +graves. This repairing was accomplished either by filling the crack +with gum or by boring a hole on each side of the fracture for tying. +In one specimen of black-and-white ware a perfectly round hole was +made in the bottom, as if purposely to destroy the usefulness of the +bowl before burial. This hole had been covered inside with a rounded +disk of old pottery, neatly ground on the edge. It was not observed +that any considerable number of mortuary pottery objects were "killed" +before burial, although a large number were chipped on the edges. It +is a great wonder that any of these fragile objects were found entire, +the stones and soil covering the corpse evidently having been thrown +into the grave without regard to care. + +The majority of the ancient symbols are incomprehensible to the +present Hopi priests whom I have been able to consult, although they +are ready to suggest many interpretations, sometimes widely divergent. +The only reasonable method that can be pursued in determining the +meaning of the conventional signs with which the modern Tusayan +Indians are unfamiliar seems, therefore, to be a comparative one. This +method I have attempted to follow so far as possible. + +There is a closer similarity between the symbolism of the Sikyatki +pottery and that of the Awatobi ware than there is between the +ceramics of either of these two pueblos and that of Walpi, and the +same likewise may be said of the other Tusayan ruins so far as known. +It is desirable, however, that excavations be made at the site of Old +Walpi in order to determine, if possible, how widely different the +ceramics of that village are from the towns whose ruins were studied +in 1895. There are certain practical difficulties in regard to work at +Old Walpi, one of the greatest of which is its proximity to modern +burial places and shrines still used. Moreover, it is +probable--indeed, quite certain--that most of the portable objects +were carried from the abandoned pueblo to the present village when the +latter was founded; but the old cemeteries of Walpi contain many +ancient mortuary bowls which, when exhumed, will doubtless contribute +a most interesting chapter to the history of modern Tusayan decorative +art. + +One of the largest, and, so far as form goes, one of the most unique +vessels, is shown in plate CXXVI, _b_. This was not exhumed from +Sikyatki, but was said to have been found in the vicinity of that +ruin. While the ware is very old, I do not believe it is ancient, and +it is introduced in order to show how cleverly ancient patterns maybe +simulated by more modern potters. The sole way in which modern +imitations of ancient vessels may be distinguished is by the peculiar +crackled or crazed surface which the former always has. This is due, I +believe, to the method of firing and the unequal contraction or +expansion of the slip employed. All modern imitations are covered with +a white slip which, after firing, becomes crackled, a characteristic +unknown to ancient ware. The most expert modern potter at East Mesa is +Nampéo, a Tanoan woman who is a thorough artist in her line of work. +Finding a better market for ancient than for modern ware, she cleverly +copies old decorations, and imitates the Sikyatki ware almost +perfectly. She knows where the Sikyatki potters obtained their clay, +and uses it in her work. Almost any Hopi who has a bowl to sell will +say that it is ancient, and care must always be exercised in accepting +such claims. + +An examination of the ornamentation of the jar above referred to shows +a series of birds drawn in the fashion common to early pottery +decoration. This has led me to place this large vessel among the old +ware, although the character of the pottery is different from that of +the best examples found at Sikyatki. I believe this vessel was exhumed +from a ruin of more modern date than Sikyatki. The woman who sold it +to me has farming interests near Awatobi, which leads me to conjecture +that she or possibly one of her ancestors found it at or near that +ruin. She admitted that it had been in the possession of her family +for some time, but that the story she had heard concerning it +attributed its origin to Sikyatki. + + +HUMAN FIGURES + +Very few figures of men or women are found on the pottery, and these +are confined to the interior of food basins (plate CXXIX).[121] They +are ordinarily very roughly drawn, apparently with less care and with +much less detail than are the figures of animals. From their character +I am led to the belief that the drawing of human figures on pottery +was a late development in Tusayan art, and postdates the use of animal +figures on their earthenware. There are, however, a few decorations in +which human figures appear, and these afford an interesting although +meager contribution to our knowledge of ancient Tusayan art and +custom. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIV + +DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI] + +As is well known, the Hopi maidens wear their hair in two whorls, one +over each ear, and that on their marriage it is tied in two coils +falling on the breast. The whorl is arranged on a U-shape stick called +a _gñela_; it is commonly done up by a sister, the mother, or some +friend of the maiden, and is stiffened with an oil pressed from squash +seeds. The curved stick is then withdrawn and the two puffs held in +place by a string tightly wound between them and the head. The habit +of dressing the hair in whorls is adopted after certain puberty +ceremonials, which have elsewhere been described. When on betrothal a +Hopi maid takes her gifts of finely ground cornmeal to the house of +her future mother-in-law, her hair is dressed in this fashion for the +last time, because on her return she is attacked by the women of the +pueblo, drawn hither and thither, her hair torn down, and her body +smeared with dirt. If her gifts are accepted she immediately becomes +the wife of her lover, and her hair is thenceforth dressed in the +fashion common to matrons. + +The symbolic meaning of the whorls of hair worn by the maidens is said +to be the squash-flower, or, perhaps more accurately speaking, the +potential power of fructification. There is legendary and other +evidence that this custom is very ancient among the Tusayan Indians, +and the data obtainable from their ritual point the same way. In the +personification of ancestral "breath-bodies," or spirits by men, +called _katcinas_, the female performers are termed _katcina-manas_ +(katcina-virgins), and it is their custom to wear the hair in the +characteristic coiffure of maidens. In the personification of the +Corn-maid by symbolic figures, such as graven images,[122] pictures, +and the like, in secret rites, the style of coiffure worn by the +maidens is common, as I have elsewhere shown in the descriptions of +the ceremonials known as the Flute, _Lalakonti_, _Mamzrauti_, +_Palülükoñti_, and others. The same symbol is found in images used as +dolls of Calako-mana, the equivalent, as the others, of the same +Corn-maid. From the nature of these images there can hardly be a doubt +of the great antiquity of this practice, and that it has been brought +down, through their ritual, to the present day. This style of hair +dressing was mentioned by the early Spanish explorers, and is +represented in pictographs of ancient date; but if all these evidences +of its antiquity are insufficient the testimony afforded by the +pictures on certain food-basins from Sikyatki leaves no doubt on this +point.[123] + +Plate CXXIX, _b_, represents a food-basin, on the inside of which is +drawn, in brown, the head and shoulders of a woman. On either side the +hair is done up in coils which bear some likeness to the whorls worn +by the present Hopi maidens. It must be borne in mind, however, that +similar coils are sometimes made after ceremonial head-washing, and +certain other rites, when the hair is tied with corn husks. The face +is painted reddish, and the ears have square pendants similar to the +turquois mosaics worn by Hopi women at the present day. Although there +is other evidence than this of the use of square ear-pendants, set +with mosaic, among the ancient people--and traditions point the same +way--this figure of the head of a woman from Sikyatki leaves no doubt +of the existence of this form of ornament in that ancient pueblo. + +However indecisive the last-mentioned picture may be in regard to the +coiffure of the ancient Sikyatki women, plate CXXIX, _a_, affords +still more conclusive evidence. This picture represents a woman of +remarkable form which, from likenesses to figures at present made in +sand on an altar in the _Lalakonti_ ceremony,[124] I have no +hesitation in ascribing to the Corn-maid. The head has the two whorls +of hair very similar to those made in that rite on the picture of the +Goddess of Germs, and the square body is likewise paralleled in the +same figure. The peculiar form is employed to represent the +outstretched blanket, a style of art which is common in Mayan +codices.[125] On each lower corner representations of feathered +strings, called in the modern ritual _nakwákwoci_,[126] are appended. +The figure is represented as kneeling, and the four parallel lines are +possibly comparable with the prayer-sticks placed in the belt of the +Germ goddess on the _Lalakonti_ altar. In her left hand (which, among +the Hopi, is the ceremonial hand or that in which sacred objects are +always carried) she holds an ear of corn, symbolic of germs, of which +she is the deity. The many coincidences between this figure and that +used in the ceremonials of the September moon, called Lalakonti, would +seem to show that in both instances it was intended to represent the +same mythic being. + +There is, however, another aspect of this question which is of +interest. In modern times there is a survival among the Hopi of the +custom of decorating the inside of a food basin with a figure of the +Corn-maid, and this is, therefore, a direct inheritance of ancient +methods represented by the specimen under consideration. A large +majority of modern food bowls are ornamented with an elaborate figure +of Calako-mana, the Corn-maid, very elaborately worked out, but still +retaining the essential symbolism figured in the Sikyatki bowl.[127] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV + +FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI] + +While one of the two figures shown in plate CXXIX, _e_, is valuable as +affording additional and corroborative evidence of the character of +the ancient coiffure of the women, its main interest is of a somewhat +different kind. Two figures are rudely drawn on the inside of the +basin, one of which represents a woman, the other, judging from the +character of the posterior extremity of the body, a reptilian +conception in which a single foreleg is depicted, and the tail is +articulated at the end, recalling a rattlesnake. Upon the head is a +single feather;[128] the two eyes are represented on one side of the +head, and the line of the alimentary tract is roughly drawn. The +figure is represented as standing before that of the woman. + +With these few lines the potter no doubt intended to depict one of +those many legends, still current, of the cultus hero and heroine of +her particular family or priesthood. Supposing the reptilian figure to +be a totemic one, our minds naturally recall the legend of the +Snake-hero and the Corn-mist-maid[129] whom he brought from a mythic +land to dwell with his people. + +The peculiar hairdress is likewise represented in the figures on the +food basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, _c_, which represent a man and +a woman. Although the figures are partly obliterated, it can easily be +deciphered that the latter figure wears a garment similar to the +_kwaca_ or dark-blue blanket for which Tusayan is still famous, and +that this blanket was bound by a girdle, the ends of which hang from +the woman's left hip. While the figure of the man is likewise +indistinct (the vessel evidently having been long in use), the nature +of the act in which he is engaged is not left in doubt.[130] + +Among the numerous deities of the modern Hopi Olympus there is one +called Kokopeli,[131] often represented in wooden dolls and clay +images. From the obscurity of the symbolism, these dolls are never +figured in works on Tusayan images. The figure in plate CXXIX, _d_, +bears a resemblance to Kokopeli. It represents a man with arms raised +in the act of dancing, and the head is destitute of hair as if covered +by one of the peculiar helmets, used by the clowns in modern +ceremonials. As many of the acts of these priests may be regarded as +obscene from our point of view, it is not improbable that this figure +may represent an ancient member of this archaic priesthood. + +The three human figures on the food basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, +_f_, are highly instructive as showing the antiquity of a curious and +revolting practice almost extinct in Tusayan. + +As an accompaniment of certain religious ceremonials among the Pueblo +and the Navaho Indians, it was customary for certain priests to insert +sticks into the esophagus. These sticks are still used to some extent +and may be obtained by the collector. The ceremony of stick-swallowing +has led to serious results, so that now in the decline of this cult a +deceptive method is often adopted. + +In Tusayan the stick-swallowing ceremony has been practically +abandoned at the East Mesa, but I have been informed by reliable +persons that it has not wholly been given up at Oraibi. The +illustration above referred to indicates its former existence in +Sikyatki. The middle figure represents the stick-swallower forcing the +stick down his esophagus, while a second figure holds before him an +unknown object. The principal performer is held by a third figure, an +attendant, who stands behind him. This instructive pictograph thus +illustrates the antiquity of this custom in Tusayan, and would seem to +indicate that it was once a part of the Pueblo ritual.[132] It is +possible that the Navaho, who have a similar practice, derived it from +the Pueblos, but there are not enough data at hand to demonstrate this +beyond question. + +Regarding the pose of the three figures in this picture, I have been +reminded by Dr Walter Hough of the performers who carry the wad of +cornstalks in the Antelope dance. In this interpretation we have the +"carrier," "hugger," and possibly an Antelope priest with the unknown +object in his hand. This interpretation appears more likely to be a +correct one than that which I have suggested; and yet Kopeli, the +Snake chief, declares that the Snake family was not represented at +Sikyatki. Possibly a dance similar to the Antelope performance on the +eighth day of the Snake dance may have been celebrated at that pueblo, +and the discovery of a rattlesnake's rattle in a Sikyatki grave is yet +to be explained. + +One of the most prominent of all the deities in the modern Tusayan +Olympus is the cultus-hero called Püükoñhoya, the Little War God. Hopi +mythology teems with legends of this god and his deeds in killing +monsters and aiding the people in many ways. He is reputed to have +been one of twins, children of the Sun and a maid by parthenogenetic +conception. His adventures are told with many variants and he +reappears with many aliases. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVI + +DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI] + +The symbolism of Püükoñhoya at the present day consists of parallel +marks on the face or body, and when personated by a man the figure +is always represented as carrying weapons of war, such as a bow and +arrows. Images of the same hero are used in ceremonies, and are +sometimes found as household gods or penates, which are fed as if +human beings. A fragment of pottery represented in the accompanying +illustration (figure 263), shows enough of the head of a personage to +indicate that Püükoñhoya was intended, for it bears on the cheek the +two parallel marks symbolic of that deity, while in his hands he holds +a bow and a jointed arrow as if shooting an unknown animal. All of +these features are in harmony with the identification of the figure +with that of the cultus-hero mentioned, and seem to indicate the truth +of the current legend that as a mythologic conception he is of great +antiquity in Tusayan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 263--War god shooting an animal. (Fragment of food +bowl.)] + +In this connection it may be instructive to call attention to two +figures on a food bowl collected by Mr H. R. Voth from a ruin near +Oraibi. It represents a man and a woman, the former with two horns, a +crescent on the forehead, and holding in his outstretched hand a +staff. The woman has a curious gorget, similar to some which I have +found in ruins near Tusayan, and a belt like those still worn by +Pueblo Indians. This smaller figure likewise has a crescent on its +face and three strange appendages on each side of the head. + +Another food basin in Mr Voth's collection is also instructive, and is +different in its decoration from any which I have found. The character +of the ware is ancient, but the figure is decidedly modern. If, +however, it should prove to be an ancient vessel it would carry back +to the time of its manufacture the existence of the _katcina_ cult in +Tusayan, no actual proof of the existence of which, at a time when +Sikyatki was in its prime, has yet been discovered. + +The three figures represent Hahaiwüqti, Hewüqti, and Natacka exactly +as these supernatural beings are now personated at Walpi in the +_Powamû_, as described and figured in a former memoir.[133] + +It is unfortunate that the antiquity of this specimen, suggestive as +it is, must be regarded as doubtful, for it was not exhumed from the +ruin by an archeologist, and the exact locality in which it was found +is not known. + + +THE HUMAN HAND + +Excepting the figure of the maid's head above described, the human +hand, for some unknown reason, is the only part of the body chosen by +the ancient Hopi for representation in the decoration of their +pottery. Among the present Tusayan Indians the human hand is rarely +used, but oftentimes the beams of the kivas are marked by the girls +who have plastered them with impressions of their muddy hands, and +there is a _katcina_ mask which has a hand painted in white on the +face. As in the case of the decoration of all similar sacred +paraphernalia, there is a legend which accounts for the origin of the +_katcina_ with the imprint of the hand on its mask. The following +tale, collected by the late A. M. Stephen, from whose manuscript I +quote, is interesting in this connection: + +"The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in the +vicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seen +daubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. These are +vestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who aspired for +admission to the fraternity of the Calako. The Calako is a trinity of +two women and a man from whom the Hopi obtained the first corn, and of +whom the following legend is told: + + "In the early days, before houses were built, the earth was + devastated by a whirlwind. There was then neither springs nor + streams, although water was so near the surface that it could + be found by pulling up a tuft of grass. The people had but + little food, however, and they besought Masauwûh to help + them, but he could not. + + "There came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had + two sisters who were the wives of Calako, and it might be + well to petition them. So they prepared an altar, every man + making a _paho_, and these were set in the ground so as to + encircle a sand hillock, for this occurred before houses were + known. + + "Masauwûh's brother came and told them that when Calako came + to the earth's surface wherever he placed his foot a deep + chasm was made; then they brought to the altar a huge rock, + on which Calako might stand, and they set it between the two + pahos placed for his wives. + + "Then the people got their rattles and stood around the + altar, each man in front of his own paho; but they stood in + silence, for they knew no song with which to invoke this + strange god. They stood there for a long while, for they were + afraid to begin the ceremonies until a young lad, selecting + the largest rattle, began to shake it and sing. Presently a + sound like rushing water was heard, but no water was seen; a + sound also like great winds, but the air was perfectly still, + and it was seen that the rock was pierced with a great hole + through the center. The people were frightened and ran away, + all save the young lad who had sung the invocation. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVII + +UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI] + + "The lad soon afterward rejoined them, and they saw that his + back was cut and bleeding and covered with splinters of yucca + and willow. The flagellation, he told them, had been + administered by Calako, who told him that he must endure this + laceration before he could look upon the beings he had + invoked; that only to those who passed through his ordeals + could Calako become visible; and, as the lad had braved the + test so well, he should thenceforth be chief of the Calako + altar. The lad could not describe Calako, but said that his + two wives were exceedingly beautiful and arrayed with all + manner of fine garments. They wore great headdresses of + clouds and every kind of corn which they were to give to the + Hopi to plant for food. There were white, red, yellow, blue, + black, blue-and-white speckled, and red-and-yellow speckled + corn, and a seeded grass (_kwapi_). + + "The lad returned to the altar and shook his rattle over the + hole in the rock, and from its interior Calako conversed with + him and gave him instructions. In accordance with these he + gathered all the Hopi youths and brought them to the rock, + that Calako might select certain of them to be his priests. + The first test was that of putting their hands in the mud and + impressing them upon the rock. Only those were chosen as + novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant. + + "The selected youths then moved within the altar and + underwent the test of flagellation. Calako lashed them with + yucca and willow. Those who made no outcry were told to + remain in the altar, to abstain from salt and flesh for ten + days, when Calako would return and instruct them concerning + the rites to be performed when they sought his aid. + + "Calako and his two wives appeared at the appointed time, and + after many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five + grains of each of the different kinds of corn. The Hopi women + had been instructed to place baskets woven of grass at the + foot of the rock, and in these Calako's wives placed the + seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all the other + vegetables which the Hopi have since possessed. + + "Calako and his wives, after announcing that they would again + return, took off their masks and garments, and laying them on + the rock disappeared within it. + + "Some time after this, when the initiated were assembled in + the altar, the Great Plumed Snake appeared to them and said + that Calako could not return unless one of them was brave + enough to take the mask and garments down into the hole and + give them to him. They were all afraid, but the oldest man of + the Hopi took them down and was deputed to return and + represent Calako. + + "Shortly afterward Masauwûh stole the paraphernalia, and with + his two brothers masqueraded as Calako and his wives. This + led the Hopi into great trouble, and they incurred the wrath + of Muiyinwûh, who withered all their grain and corn. + + "One of the Hopi finally discovered that the supposed Calako + carried a cedar bough in his hand, when it should have been + willow; then they knew that it was Masauwûh who had been + misleading them. + + "The boy hero one day found Masauwûh asleep, and so regained + possession of the mask. Muiyinwûh then withdrew his + punishments and sent Palülükoñ (the Plumed Snake) to tell + the Hopi that Calako would never return to them, but that the + boy hero should wear his mask and represent him, and his + festival should be celebrated when they had a proper number + of novices to be initiated."[134] + +Several food basins from Sikyatki have a human hand depicted upon +them, and in one of these both hands are represented. On the most +perfect of these hand figures (plate CXXXVII, _c_) a wristlet is well +represented, with two triangular figures, which impart to it an +unusual form. From between the index and second finger there arises a +triangular appendage, which joins a graceful curve, extending on one +side to the base of the thumb and continued on the other side to the +arm. The whole inside of the basin, except the figure of the hand and +its appendage, is decorated with spattering,[135] and on the outside +there is a second figure, evidently a hand or the paw of some animal. +This external decoration also has a triangular figure in which are two +terraces, recalling rain-cloud symbols. + +One of the most interesting representations of the human hand (figure +354) is found on the exterior of a beautiful bowl. The four fingers +and the thumb are shown with representations of nails, a unique +feature in such decorations. From between the index finger and the +next, or rather from the tip of the former, arises an appendage +comparable with that before mentioned, but of much simpler form. The +palm of the hand is crossed by a number of parallel lines, which +recall a custom of using the palm lines in measuring ceremonial prayer +sticks, as I have described in a memoir on the Snake dance. In place +of the arm this hand has many parallel lines, the three medial ones +being continued far beyond the others, as shown in the figure. + + +QUADRUPEDS + +Figures of quadrupeds are sparingly used in the decoration of food +bowls or basins, but the collection shows several fine specimens on +which appear some of the mammalia with which the Hopi are familiar. +Most of these are so well drawn that there appears to be no question +as to their identification. + +One of the most instructive of these figures is shown in plate CXXX, +_a_, which is much worn, and indistinct in detail, although from what +can be traced it was probably intended to represent a mythic creature +known as the Giant Elk. The head bears two branched horns, drawn +without perspective, and the neck has a number of short parallel marks +similar to those occurring on the figure of an antelope on the walls +of one of the kivas at Walpi. The hoofs are bifid, and from a short +stunted tail there arises a curved line which encircles the whole +figure, connecting a series of round spots and terminating in a +triangular figure with three parallel lines representing feathers. +Perhaps the strangest of all appendages to this animal is at the tail, +which is forked, recalling the tail of certain birds. Its meaning is +unknown to me. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVIII + +MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI] + +There can be no doubt that the delineator sought to represent in this +figure one of the numerous horned _Cervidæ_ with which the ancient +Hopi were familiar, but the drawing is so incomplete that to choose +between the antelope, deer, and elk seems impossible. It may be +mentioned, however, that the Horn people are reputed to have been +early arrivals in Tusayan, and it is not improbable that +representatives of the Horn clans lived in Sikyatki previous to its +overthrow. + +Two faintly drawn animals, evidently intended for quadrupeds, appear +on the interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _b_. These are +interesting from the method in which they were drawn. They are not +outlined with defined lines, but are of the original color of the +bowl, and appear as two ghost-like figures surrounded by a dense +spattering of red spots, similar in technic to the figure of the human +hand. I am unable to identify these animals, but provisionally refer +them to the rabbit. They have no distinctive symbolism, however, and +are destitute of the characteristic spots which members of the Rabbit +clan now invariably place on their totemic signatures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 264--Mountain sheep] + +The animal design on the bowl illustrated in plate CXXX, _c_, probably +represents a rabbit or hare, quite well drawn in profile, with a +feathered appendage from the head. Behind it is the ordinary symbol of +the dragon-fly. Several crosses are found in an opposite hemisphere, +separated from that occupied by the two animal pictures by a series of +geometric figures ornamented with crooks and other designs. + +The interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _d_, as well as the +inner sides of the two ladles represented in plate CXXXI, _b_, _d_, +are decorated with peculiar figures which suggest the porcupine. The +body is crescentic and covered with spines, and only a single leg, +with claws, is represented. It is worthy of mention that so many of +these animal forms have only one leg, representative, no doubt, of a +single pair, and that many of these have plantigrade paws like those +of the bear and badger. The appendages to the head in this figure +remind one of those of certain forms regarded as reptiles, with which +this may be identical. + +[Illustration: FIG. 265--Mountain lion] + +In another decoration we have what is apparently the same animal +furnished with both fore and hind legs, the tail curving upward like +that of a cottontail rabbit, which it resembles in other particulars +as well. This figure also hangs by a band from a geometric design +formed of two crescents and bearing four parallel marks representing +feathers. The single crescent depicted on the inside of the ladle +shown in plate CXXXI, _b_, is believed to represent the same +conception, or the moon; and in this connection the very close +phonetic resemblance between the Hopi name for moon[136] and that for +the mammal may be mentioned. In the decoration last described the same +crescentic figure is elaborated into its zoömorphic equivalent. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIX + +DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +An enumeration of the pictographic representations of mammalia +includes the beautiful food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _e_, which is +made of fine clay spattered with brown pigment. This design +(reproduced in figure 264) represents probably some ruminant, as the +mountain sheep or possibly the antelope, both of which gave names to +clans said to have resided at Sikyatki. The hoofs are characteristic, +and the markings on the back suggest a fawn or spotted deer. There is +a close similarity between the design below this animal and that of +the exterior decorations of certain vases and square medicine bowls. + +Among the pictures of quadrupedal animals depicted on ancient food +bowls there is none more striking than that illustrated in plate CXXX, +_f_, which has been identified as the mountain lion. While this +identification is more or less problematical, it is highly possible. +The claws of the forelegs (figure 265) are evidently those of one of +the carnivora of the cat family, of which the mountain lion is the +most prominent in Tusayan. The anterior part of the body is spotted; +the posterior and the hind legs are black. The snout bears little +resemblance to that of the puma. + +The entire inner surface of the bowl, save a central circle in which +the head, fore-limbs, and anterior part of the body are represented, +is decorated by spattering. Within this spattered area there are +highly interesting figures, prominent among which is a squatting +figure of a man, with the hand raised to the mouth and holding a +ceremonial cigarette, as if engaged in smoking. The seven patches in +black might well be regarded as either footprints or leaves, four of +which appear to be attached to the band inclosing the central area. In +the intervals between three of these there are branched bodies +representing plants or bushes. + + +REPTILES + +Snakes and other reptilian forms were represented by the ancient +potters in the decoration of food bowls, and it is remarkable how +closely some of these correspond in symbolism with conceptions still +current in Tusayan. Of all reptilian monsters the worship of which +forms a prominent element in Hopi ritual, that of the Great Plumed +Snake is perhaps the most important. Effigies of this monster exist in +all the larger Hopi villages, and they are used in at least two great +rites--the _Soyaluña_ in December and the _Palülükonti_ in March, as I +have already described. The symbolic markings and appendages of the +Plumed Snake effigy are distinctive, and are found in all modern +representations of this mystic being. While several pictographs of +snakes are found on Sikyatki pottery, there is not a single instance +in which these modern markings appear; consequently there is +considerable doubt in regard to the identification of many of the +Sikyatki serpents with modern mythologic representatives. + +[Illustration: FIG. 266--Plumed serpent] + +In questioning the priests in regard to the derivation of the Plumed +Serpent cult in Tusayan, I have found that they declare that this +cultus was brought into Tusayan from a mythic land in the south, +called Palatkwabi, and that the effigies and fetiches pertaining to it +were introduced by the Patki or Water-house people. From good +evidence, I suspect that the arrival of this phratry was comparatively +late in Tusayan history, and it is possible that Sikyatki was +destroyed before their advent, for in all the legends which I have +been able to gather no one ascribes to Sikyatki any clan belonging to +the phratries which are said to have migrated from the far south. I +believe we must look toward the east, whence the ancestors of the +Kokop or Firewood people are reputed to have come, for the origin of +the symbolic markings of the snakes represented on Sikyatki ceramics. +Figures of apodal reptiles, with feathers represented on their heads, +occur in Sikyatki pictography, although there is no resemblance in the +markings of their bodies to those of modern pictures. One of the most +striking of these occurs on the inside of the food basin shown in +plate CXXXII, _a_. It represents a serpent with curved body, the tail +being connected with the head, like an ancient symbol of eternity. The +body (figure 266) is destitute of any distinctive markings, but is +covered with a crosshatching of black lines. The head bears two +triangular markings, which are regarded as feather symbols. The +position of the eyes would seem to indicate that the top of the head +is represented, but this conclusion is not borne out by comparative +studies, for it was often the custom of ancient Tusayan potters, like +other primitive artists, to represent both eyes on one side of the +head. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The zigzag line occupying the position of the tongue and terminating +in a triangle is a lightning symbol, with which the serpent is still +associated. While striving not to strain the symbolism of this figure, +it is suggested that the three curved marks on the lower and upper +jaws represent fangs. It is highly probable that conceptions not +greatly unlike those which cluster about the Great Plumed Serpent were +associated with this mythic snake, the figure of which is devoid of +some of the most essential elements of modern symbolism. + +While from the worn character of the middle of the food bowl +illustrated in plate CXXXII, _b_, it is not possible to discover +whether the animal was apodal or not from the crosshatching of the +body and the resemblance of the appendages of the head to those of the +figure last considered, it appears probable that this pictograph +likewise was intended to represent a snake of mystic character. Like +the previous figure, this also is coiled, with the tail near the head, +its body crosshatched, and with two triangular appendages to the head. +There is, however, but one eye, and the two jaws are elongated and +provided with teeth,[137] as in the case of certain reptiles. + +The similarity of the head and its appendages to the snake figure last +described would lead me to regard the figure shown in plate CXXXII, +_c_, as representing a like animal, but the latter picture is more +elaborately worked out in details, and one of the legs is well +represented. I have shown in the discussion of a former figure how the +decorator, recognizing the existence of two eyes, represented them +both on one side of the head of a profile figure, although only one is +visible, and we see in this picture (figure 267) a somewhat similar +tendency, which is very common in modern Tusayan figures of animals. +The breath line is drawn from the extremity of the snout halfway down +the length of the body. In modern pictography a representation of the +heart is often depicted at the blind extremity of this line, as if, in +fact, there was a connection with this organ and the tubes through +which the breath passes. In the Sikyatki pottery, however, I find only +this one specimen of drawing in which an attempt to represent internal +organs is made. + +The tail of this singular picture of a reptile is highly +conventionalized, bearing appendages of unknown import, but recalling +feathers, while on the back are other appendages which might be +compared with wings. Both of these we might expect, considering the +association of bird and serpent in the Hopi conception of the Plumed +Snake. + +Exact identifications of these pictures with the animals by which the +Hopi are or were surrounded, is, of course, impossible, for they are +not realistic representations, but symbolic figures of mythic beings +unknown save to the imagination of the primitive mythologist. + +[Illustration: FIG. 267--Unknown reptile] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI + +ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 268--Unknown reptile] + +A similar reptile is pictured on the food bowl shown in plate CXXXII, +_d_, in which design, however, there are important modifications, the +most striking of which are: (1) The animal (figure 268) has both fore +and hind legs represented; (2) the head is round; (3) the mouth is +provided with teeth; and (4) there are four instead of two feather +appendages on the head, two of which are much longer than the others. +Were it not that ears are not represented in reptiles, one would be +tempted to regard the smaller appendages as representations of these +organs. Their similarity to the row of spines on the back and the +existence of spines on the head of the "horned toad" suggests this +reptile, with which both ancient and modern Hopi are very familiar. On +a fragment of a vessel found at Awatobi there is depicted the head of +a reptile evidently identical with this, since the drawing is an +almost perfect reproduction. There is a like figure, also from +Sikyatki, in the collection of pottery made at that ruin by Dr +Miller, of Prescott, the year following my work there. The most +elaborate of all the pictures of reptiles found on ancient Tusayan +pottery is shown in plate CXXXII, _e_, in which the symbolism is +complicated and the details carefully worked out. A few of these +symbols I am able to decipher; others elude present analysis. There is +no doubt as to the meaning of the appendage to the head (figure 269), +for it well portrays an elaborate feathered headdress on which the +markings that distinguish tail-feathers, three in number, are +prominent. The extension of the snout is without homologue elsewhere +in Hopi pictography, and, while decorative in part, is likewise highly +conventionalized. On the body semicircular rain cloud symbols and +markings similar to those of the bodies of certain birds are +distinguishable. The feet likewise are more avian than reptilian, but +of a form quite unusual in structure. It is interesting to note the +similarity in the carved line with six sets of parallel bars to the +band surrounding the figure of the human hand shown in plate CXXXVII, +_c_. In attempting to identify the pictograph on the bowl reproduced +in plate CXXXIV, _a_, there is little to guide me, and the nearest I +can come to its significance is to ascribe it to a reptile of some +kind. Highly symbolic, greatly conventionalized as this figure is, +there is practically nothing on which to base the absolute +identification of the figure save the serrated appendage to the body +and the leg, which resembles that of the lizard as it is sometimes +drawn. The two eyes indicate that the enlargement in which these were +placed is the head, and the extended curved snout a beak. All else is +incomprehensible to me, and my identification is therefore provisional +and largely speculative. + +[Illustration: FIG. 269--Unknown reptile] + +I wish, however, in leaving the description of this beautiful bowl, to +invite attention to the brilliancy and the characteristics of the +coloring, which differ from the majority of the decorated ware from +Sikyatki. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIII + +BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROM +SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI] + +Among the fragments of pottery found in the Sikyatki graves there was +one which, had it been entire, would doubtless have thrown +considerable light on ancient pictography. This fragment has depicted +upon it portions of the body and the whole head and neck of a +reptilian animal. We find on that part of the body which is +represented, three parallel marks which recall those on the modern +pictures of the Great Plumed Serpent. On the back there were +apparently the representations of wings, a feather of which is shown +above the head. The head likewise bears a crest of three feathers, and +there are three reptilian like toes. Whether this represents a reptile +or a bird it is impossible for me to say, but enough has already been +recorded to indicate how close the symbolism of these two groups +sometimes is in ancient pictography. It would almost appear as if the +profound anatomical discovery of the close kinship of birds and +reptiles was unconsciously recognized by a people destitute of the +rudiments of the knowledge of morphology. + + +TADPOLES + +Among the inhabitants of an arid region, where rain-making forms a +dominant element in their ritual, water animals are eagerly adopted as +symbols. Among these the tadpole occupies a foremost position. The +figures of this batrachian are very simple, and are among the most +common of those used on ceremonial paraphernalia in Tusayan at the +present time. In none of these is anything more than a globular head +and a zigzag tail represented, and, as in nature, these are colored +black. The tadpole appears on several pieces of painted pottery from +Sikyatki, one of the best of which is the food bowl illustrated in +plate CXXXIII, _a_. The design represents a number of these aquatic +animals drawn in line across the diameter of the inner surface of the +bowl, while on each side there is a row of rectangular blocks +representing rain clouds. These blocks are separated from the tadpole +figures by crescentic lines, and above them are short parallel lines +recalling the symbol of falling rain. + +One of the most beautiful forms of ladles from Sikyatki is figured in +plate CXXXIII, _b_, a specimen in which the art of decoration by +spattering is effectively displayed. The interior of the bowl of this +dipper is divided by parallel lines into two zones, in each of which +two tadpoles are represented. The handle is pointed at the end and is +decorated. This specimen is considered one of the best from Sikyatki. + +The rudely drawn picture on the bowl figured in plate CXXXII, _f_, +would be identified as a frog, save for the presence of a tail which +would seem to refer it to the lizard kind. But in the evolution of the +tadpole into the frog a tailed stage persists in the metamorphosis +after the legs develop. In modern pictures[138] of the frog with which +I am familiar, this batrachian is always represented dorsally or +ventrally with the legs outstretched, while in the lizards, as we have +seen, a lateral view is always adopted. As the sole picture found on +ancient pottery where the former method is employed, this fact may be +of value in the identification of this rude outline as a frog rather +than as a true reptile. + + +BUTTERFLIES OR MOTHS + +One of the most characteristic modern decorations employed by the +Hopi, especially as a symbol of fecundity, is the butterfly or moth. +It is a constant device on the beautiful white or cotton blankets +woven by the men as wedding gifts, where it is embroidered on the +margin in the forms of triangles or even in more realistic patterns. +This symbol is a simple triangle, which becomes quite realistic when a +line is drawn bisecting one of the angles. This double triangle is not +only a constant symbol on wedding blankets, but also is found on the +dadoes of houses, resembling in design the arrangement of tiles in the +Alhambra and other Moorish buildings. This custom of decorating the +walls of a building with triangles placed at intervals on the upper +edge of a dado is a feature of cliff-house kivas, as shown in +Nordenskiöld's beautiful memoir on the cliff villages of Mesa Verde. +While an isosceles triangle represents the simplest form of the +butterfly symbol, and is common on ancient pottery, a few vessels from +Sikyatki show a much more realistic figure. In plate CXXXIV, _f_, is +shown a moth with extended proboscis and articulated antennæ, and in +_d_ of the same plate another form, with the proboscis inserted in a +flower, is given. As an associate with summer, the butterfly is +regarded as a beneficent being aside from its fecundity, and one of +the ancient Hopi clans regarded it as their totem. Perhaps the most +striking, and I may say the most inexplicable, use of the symbol of +the butterfly is the so-called _Hokona_ or Butterfly virgin slab used +in the Antelope ceremonies of the Snake dance at Walpi, where it is +associated with the tadpole water symbol. + +[Illustration: FIG. 270--Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_] + +The most beautiful of all the butterfly designs are the six figures on +the vase reproduced in plate CXXXV, _b_. From the number of these +pictures it would seem that they bore some relationship to the six +world-quarters--north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. The vase +has a flattened shoulder, and the six butterfly figures are +represented as flying toward the orifice. These insect figures closely +resemble one another, and are divided into two groups readily +distinguished by the symbolism of the heads. Three have each a cross +with a single dot in each quadrant, and each of the other three has a +dotted head without the cross. These two kinds alternate with each +other, and the former probably indicate females, since the same +symbols on the heads of the snakes in the sand picture of the Antelope +altar in the Snake dance are used to designate the female.[139] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVI + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +Two antennæ and a double curved proboscis are indicated in all the +figures of butterflies on the vase under consideration. The zones +above and below are both cut by a "line of life," the opening through +which is situated on opposite equatorial poles in the upper and under +rim. + +[Illustration: FIG. 271--Butterfly design on upper surface of plate +CXXXV, _b_] + +The rectangular figures associated with the butterflies on this +elaborately decorated vase are of two patterns alternating with each +other. The rectangles forming one of these patterns incloses three +vertical feathers, with a triangle on the right side and a crook on +the left. The remaining three rectangles also have three feathers, but +they are arranged longitudinally on the surface of the vase. + +The elaborate decoration of the zone outside the six butterflies is +made up of feathers arranged in three clusters of three each, +alternating with key patterns, crosshatched crooks, triangles, and +frets. The wealth of ornament on this part of the vase is noteworthy, +and its interpretation very baffling. This vase may well be considered +the most elaborately decorated in the whole collection from Sikyatki. + +There are several figures of butterflies, like those shown in plate +CXXXI, _a_, in which the modifications of wings and body have +proceeded still further, and the only features which refer them to +insects are the jointed antennæ. The passage from this highly +conventionalized design into a triangular figure is not very great. +There are still others where the head, with attached appendages, +arises not from an angle of a triangle, but from the middle of one +side. This gives us a very common form of butterfly symbol, which is +found, variously modified, on many ancient vessels. In such designs +there is commonly a row of dots on each side, which may be represented +by a sinuous line, a series of triangles, bars, or parallel bars. + +The design reproduced in plate CXXXIV, _d_, represents a moth or +butterfly associated with a flower, and several star symbols. It is +evidently similar to that figured in _a_ of the same plate, and has +representations of antennæ and extended proboscis, the latter organ +placed as if extracting honey from the flower. The conventional flower +is likewise shown in _e_ of this plate. The two crescentic designs in +plate CXXXV, _a_, are regarded as butterflies. + +The jar illustrated in plate CXLV, _b_, is ornamented with highly +conventionalized figures on four sides, and is the only one taken from +the Sikyatki cemeteries in which the designs are limited to the +equatorial surface. The most striking figure, which is likewise found +on the base of the paint saucer shown in plate CXLVI, _f_, is a +diamond-shape design with a triangle at each corner (figure 276). The +pictures drawn on alternating quadrants have very different forms, +which are difficult to classify, and I have therefore provisionally +associated this beautiful vessel with those bearing the butterfly and +the triangle. The form of this vessel closely approaches that of the +graceful cooking pots made of coiled and coarse indented ware, but the +vessel was evidently not used for cooking purposes, as it bears no +marks of soot.[140] + + +DRAGON-FLIES + +Among the most constant designs used in the decoration of Sikyatki +pottery are figures of the dragon-fly. These decorations consist of a +line, sometimes enlarged into a bulb at one end, with two parallel +bars drawn at right angles across the end, below the enlargement. Like +the tadpole, the dragon-fly is a symbol of water, and with it are +associated many legends connected with the miraculous sprouting of +corn in early times. It is a constant symbol on modern ceremonial +paraphernalia, as masks, tablets, and pahos, and it occurs also on +several ancient vessels (plates CXL, _b_; CLXIII, _a_), where it +always has the same simple linear form, with few essential +modifications. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVII + +VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROM +SIKYATKI] + +The symbols of four dragon-flies are well shown on the rim of the +square box represented in plate CXXVIII, _a_. This box, which was +probably for charm liquid, or possibly for feathers used in +ceremonials, is unique in form and is one of the most beautiful +specimens from the Sikyatki cemeteries. It is elaborately decorated on +the four sides with rain-cloud and other symbols, and is painted in +colors which retain their original brilliancy. The interior is not +decorated. + +The four dragon-flies on the rim of this object are placed in such a +way as to represent insects flying about the box in a dextral circuit, +or with the heads turned to the right. This position indicates a +ceremonial circuit, which is exceptional among the Tusayan people, +although common in Navaho ceremonies. In the sand picture of the Snake +society, for instance, where four snakes are represented in a border +surrounding a mountain lion, these reptiles are represented as +crawling about the picture from right to left. This sequence is +prescribed in Tusayan ceremonials, and has elsewhere been designated +by me as the sinistral circuit, or a circuit with the center on the +left hand. The circuit used by the decorator of this box is dextral or +sunwise. + +Several rectangular receptacles of earthenware, some with handles and +others without them, were obtained in the excavations at Sikyatki. The +variations in their forms may be seen in plates CXXVIII, _a, c,_ and +CXXV, _f_. These are regarded as medicine bowls, and are supposed to +have been used in ancient ceremonials where asperging was performed. +In many Tusayan ceremonials square medicine bowls, some of them +without handles, are still used,[141] but a more common and evidently +more modern variety are round and have handles. The rim of these +modern sacred vessels commonly bears, in its four quadrants, terraced +elevations representing rain-clouds of the cardinal points, and the +outer surface of the bowl is decorated with the same symbols, +accompanied with tadpole or dragon-fly designs. + +One of the best figures of the dragon-fly is seen on the saucer shown +in plate CXX, _f_. The exterior of this vessel is decorated with four +rectangular terraced rain-cloud symbols, one in each quadrant, and +within each there are three well-drawn figures of the dragon-fly. The +curved line below represents a rainbow. The terrace form of rain-cloud +symbol is very ancient in Tusayan and antedates the well-known +semicircular symbol which was introduced into the country by the Patki +people. It is still preserved in the form of tablets[142] worn on the +head and in sand paintings and various other decorations on altars and +religious paraphernalia. + + +BIRDS + +The bird and the feather far exceed all other motives in the +decoration of ancient Tusayan pottery, and the former design was +probably the first animal figure employed for that purpose when the +art passed out of the stage where simple geometric designs were used +exclusively. A somewhat similar predominance is found in the part +which the bird and the feather play in the modern Hopi ceremonial +system. As one of the oldest elements in the decoration of Tusayan +ceramics, figures of birds have in many instances become highly +conventionalized; so much so, in fact, that their avian form has been +lost, and it is one of the most instructive problems in the study of +Hopi decoration to trace the modifications of these designs from the +realistic to the more conventionalized. The large series of food bowls +from Sikyatki afford abundant material for that purpose, and it may +incidentally be said that by this study I have been able to interpret +the meaning of certain decorations on Sikyatki bowls of which the best +Hopi traditionalists are ignorant.[143] In order to show the method of +reasoning in this case I have taken a series illustrating the general +form of an unknown bird. + +There can be no reasonable doubt that the decoration of the food basin +shown in plate CXXXVII, _a_, represents a bird, and analogy would +indicate that it is the picture of some mythologic personage. It has a +round head (figure 272), to which is attached a headdress, which we +shall later show is a highly modified feather ornament. On each side +of the body from the region of the neck there arise organs which are +undoubtedly wings, with feathers continued into arrowpoints. The +details of these wings are very carefully and, I may add, +prescriptively worked out, so that almost every line, curve, or zigzag +is important. The tail is composed of three large feathers, which +project beyond two triangular extensions, marking the end of the body. + +The technic of this figure is exceedingly complicated and the colors +very beautiful. Although this bowl was quite badly broken when +exhumed, it has been so cleverly mended by Mr Henry Walther that no +part of the symbolism is lost. + +While it is quite apparent that this figure represents a bird, and +while this identification is confirmed by Hopi testimony, it is far +from a realistic picture of any known bird with which the ancients +could have been familiar. It is highly conventionalized and idealized +with significant symbolism, which is highly suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +Bearing in mind the picture of this bird, we pass to a second form +(plate CXXXVIII, _a_), in which we can trace the same parts without +difficulty. On a round head is placed a feathered headdress. The +different parts of the outstretched wings are readily homologized even +in details in the two figures. There are, for instance, two terminal +wing feathers in each wing; the appendages to the shoulder exist in +both, and the lateral spurs, exteriorly and interiorly, are +represented with slight modifications. + +[Illustration: FIG. 272--Man-eagle] + +The body is ornamented in the same way in both figures. It is +continued posteriorly on each side into triangular extensions, and the +same is true of its anterior, which in one figure has three curved +lines, and in the other a simple crook. There are three tail-feathers +in each figure. I believe there can be no doubt that both these +designs represent the same idea, and that a mythologic bird was +intended in each instance. + +The step in conventionalism from the last-mentioned figure of a bird +to the next (plate CXLVII, _a_) is even greater than in the former. +The head in this picture is square or rectangular, and the wings +likewise simple, ending in three incurved triangles without +appendages. The tail has five feathers instead of three, in which, +however, the same symbolic markings which distinguish tail-feathers +are indicated. + +The conventionalized wings of this figure are repeated again and again +in ancient Tusayan pottery decorations, as one may see by an +examination of the various birds shown in the plates. In many +instances, however, all the other parts of the bird are lost and +nothing but the triangular feathers remain; but as these have the same +form, whatever organs are missing, the presumption is that their +meaning has not changed. + +In passing to the figure of the bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _b_, we +find features homologous with those already considered, but also +detect considerable modification. The head is elongated, tipped with +three parallel lines, but decorated with markings similar to those of +the preceding figure. The outstretched wings have a crescentic form, +on the anterior horn of which are round spots with parallel lines +arising from them. This is a favorite figure in pottery decoration, +and is found very abundantly on the exterior of food bowls; it +represents highly conventionalized feathers, and should be so +interpreted wherever found. The figure of the body of the bird +depicted is simple, and the tail is continued into three +tail-feathers, as is ordinarily the case in highly conventionalized +bird figures. + +The most instructive of all the appendages to the body are the +club-shape bodies, one on each side, rising from the point of union of +the wings and the breast. These are spatulate in form, with a terraced +terminal marking. They, like other appendages, represent feathers, but +that peculiar kind which is found under the wing is called the breath +feather.[144] This feather is still used in certain ceremonials, and +is tied to certain prayer offerings. Its ancient symbolism is very +clearly indicated in this picture, and is markedly different from that +of either the wing or tail feathers, which have a totally different +ceremonial use at the present time. + +For convenience of comparison, a number of pictures which undoubtedly +refer to different birds in ancient interpretations will be grouped in +a single series. + +Plate CXXXVIII, _d_, represents a figure of a bird showing great +relative modification of organs when compared with those previously +discussed. The head is very much broadened, but the semicircular +markings, which occur also on the heads of previously described bird +figures, are well drawn. The wings are mere curved appendages, +destitute of feather symbols, but are provided with lateral spurs and +have knobs at their bases. The body is rectangular; the tail-feathers +are numerous, with well-marked symbolism. Perhaps the most striking +appendages to the body are the two well-defined extensions of parts of +the body itself, which, although represented in other pictures of +birds, nowhere reach such relatively large size. + + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The figure of a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _c_, is similar in many +respects to that last described. The semicircular markings on the head +of the former are here replaced by triangles, but both are symbolic of +rain-clouds. The wings are curved projections, without any suggestion +of feathers or basal spurs and knobs. The tail-feathers show nothing +exceptional, and the body is bounded posteriorly by triangular +extensions, as in figures of birds already described. + +The representation of the bird in plate CXXXVIII, _e_, has a +triangular body continued into two points on the posterior end, +between which the tail-feathers are situated. The body is covered with +terraced and triangular designs, and the head is rectangular in form. +On each side of the bird figure there is a symbol of a flower, +possibly the sunflower or an aster. + +In the figures of birds already considered the relative sizes of the +heads and bodies are not overdrawn, but in the picture of a bird on +the food bowl shown in plate CXXXVIII, _f_, the head is very much +enlarged. It bears a well-marked terraced rain-cloud symbol above +triangles of the same meaning. The wings are represented as diminutive +appendages, each consisting of two feathers. The body has a triangular +extension on each side, and the tail is composed of two comparatively +short rectangular feathers. The figure itself could hardly be +identified as a representation of a bird were it not for the +correspondence, part for part, with figures which are undoubtedly +those of birds or flying animals. + +A more highly conventionalized figure of a bird than any thus far +described is painted on the food bowl reproduced in plate CXL, _b_. +The head is represented by a terraced figure similar to those which +appear as decorations on some of the other vessels; the wings are +simply extended crescents, the tips of which are connected by a band +which encircles the body and tail; the body is continued at the +posterior end into two triangular appendages, between which is a tail, +the feathers of which are not differentiated. On each side of the +body, in the space inclosed by the band connecting the tips of the +wings, a figure of a dragon-fly appears. + +The figure on the food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIX, _c_, may also +be reduced to a conventionalized bird symbol. The two pointed objects +on the lower rim represent tail-feathers, and the triangular +appendages, one on each side above them, the body, as in the designs +which have already been described. Above the triangles is a +rectangular figure with terraced rain-cloud emblems, a constant +feature on the body and head of the bird, and on each side, near the +rim of the bowl, occur the primary feathers of the wings. The cross, +so frequently associated with designs representing birds, is replaced +by the triple intersecting lines in the remaining area. The +resemblance of this figure to those already considered is clearly +evident after a little study. + +The decoration on the food basin presented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, is +interesting in the study of the evolution of bird designs into +conventional forms. In this figure those parts which are identified as +homologues of the wings extend wholly across the interior of the food +bowl, and have the forms of triangles with smaller triangular spurs at +their bases. The wings are extended at right angles to the axis of the +body, and taper uniformly to the rim of the bowl. The smaller spurs +near the union of the wings and body represent the posterior part of +the latter, and between them are the tail-feathers, their number being +indicated by three triangles. + +There is no representation of a head, although the terraced rain-cloud +figure is drawn on the anterior of the body between the wings. + +The reduction of the triangular wings of the last figure to a simple +band drawn diametrically across the inner surface of the bowl is +accomplished in the design shown in plate CXXXIX, _b_. At intervals +along this line there are arranged groups of blocks, three in each +group, representing stars, as will later be shown. The semicircular +head has lost all appendages and is reduced to a rain-cloud symbol. +The posterior angles of the body are much prolonged, and the tail +still bears the markings representing three tail-feathers. + +The association of a cross with the bird figure is both appropriate +and common; its modified form in this decoration is not exceptional, +but why it is appended to the wings is not wholly clear. We shall see +its reappearance on other bowls decorated with more highly +conventionalized bird figures. + +In the peculiar decoration used in the treatment of the food bowl +shown in plate CXXXIX, _c_, we have almost a return to geometric +figures in a conventional representation of a bird. In this case the +semblance to wings is wholly lost in the line drawn diametrically +across the interior of the bowl. On one side of it there are many +crosses representing stars, and on the other the body and tail of a +bird. The posterior triangular extensions of the former are continued +to a bounding line of the bowl, and no attempt is made to represent +feathers in the tail. The rectangular figure, with serrated lower edge +and inclosed terraced figures, finds, however, a homologue in the +heads and bodies of most of the representations of birds which have +been described. + +This gradual reduction in semblance to a bird has gone still further +in the figure represented in plate CXXXIX, _d_, where the posterior +end of the body is represented by two spurs, and the tail by three +feathers, the triangular rain-clouds still persisting in the +rectangular body. In fact, it can hardly be seen how a more +conventionalized figure of a bird were possible did we not find in _e_ +of the same plate this reduction still greater. Here the tail is +represented by three parallel lines, the posterior of the body by two +dentate appendages, and the body itself by a square. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL + +FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In plate CXL, _c_, we have a similar conventional bird symbol where +two birds, instead of one, are represented. In both these instances it +would appear that the diametric band, originally homologous to wings, +had lost its former significance. + +It must also be pointed out that there is a close likeness between +some of these so-called conventionalized figures of birds and those of +moths or butterflies. If, for instance, they are compared with the +figures of the six designs of the upper surface of the vase shown in +plate CXXXV, _b_, we note especially this resemblance. While, +therefore, it can hardly be said there is absolute proof that these +highly conventionalized figures always represent birds, we may, I +think, be sure that either the bird or the moth or butterfly is +generally intended. + +There are several modifications of these highly conventionalized +figures of birds which may be mentioned, one of the most interesting +of which is figured in plate CXXXIX, _f_. In this representation the +two posterior triangular extensions of the body are modified into +graceful curves, and the tail-feathers are simply parallel lines. The +figure in this instance is little more than a trifid appendage to a +broad band across the inner surface of the food bowl. In addition to +this highly conventionalized bird figure, however, there are two +crosses which represent stars. In this decoration all resemblance to a +bird is lost, and it is only by following the reduction of parts that +one is able to identify this geometric design with the more elaborate +pictures of mythic birds. When questioned in regard to the meaning of +this symbol, the best informed Hopi priests had no suggestion to +offer. + +In all the figures of birds thus far considered, the head, with one or +two exceptions, is represented or indicated by symbolic markings. In +that which decorates the vessel shown in plate CXL, _a_, we find a new +modification; the wings, instead of being attenuated into a diametric +line or band, are in this case curved to form a loose spiral. Between +them is the figure of a body and the three tail-feathers, while the +triangular extensions which generally indicate the posterior of the +body are simply two rounded knobs at the point of union of the wings +and tail. There is no indication of a head. + +The modifications in the figure of the bird shown in the last +mentioned pictograph, and the highly conventionalized forms which the +wings and other parts assume, give me confidence to venture an +interpretation of a strange figure shown in plate CXLI, _a_. This +picture I regard as a representation of a bird, and I do so for the +following resemblances to figures already studied. The head of the +bird, as has been shown, is often replaced by a terraced rain-cloud +symbol. Such a figure occurs in the pictograph under consideration, +where it occupies the position of the head. On either side of what +might be regarded as a body we find, at the anterior end, two curved +appendages which so closely resemble similarly placed bodies in the +pictograph last discussed that they are regarded as representations of +wings. These extensions at the posterior end of the body are readily +comparable with prolongations in that part on which we have already +commented. The tail, although different from that in figures of birds +thus far discussed, has many points of resemblance to them. The two +circles, one on each side of the bird figure, are important additions +which are treated in following pages.[145] + +From the study of the conventionalized forms of birds which I have +outlined above it is possible to venture the suggestion that the +star-shape figure shown in plate CLXVII, _b_, may be referred to the +same group, but in this specimen we appear to have duplication, or a +representation of the bird symbol repeated in both semicircles of the +interior of the bowl. Examining one of these we readily detect the two +tail-feathers in the middle, with the triangular end of the body on +each side. The lateral appendages duplicated on each side correspond +with the band across the middle of the bowl in other specimens, and +represent highly conventionalized wings. The middle of this compound +figure is decorated with a cross, and in each quadrant there is a row +of the same emblems, equidistant from one another. + +It would be but a short step from this figure to the ancient sun +symbol with which the eagle and other raptorial birds are intimately +associated. The figure represented in plate CXXXIII, _c_, is a +symbolic bird in which the different parts are directly comparable +with the other bird pictographs already described. One may easily +detect in it the two wings, the semicircular rain-cloud figures, and +the three tail-feathers. As in the picture last considered, we see the +two circles, each with a concentric smaller circle, one on each side +of the mythic bird represented. Similar circular figures are likewise +found in the zone surrounding the centrally placed bird picture. + +In the food bowl illustrated in plate CXLI, _b_, we find the two +circles shown, and between them a rectangular pictograph the meaning +of which is not clear. The only suggestion which I have in regard to +the significance of this object is that it is an example of +substitution--the substitution of a prayer offering to the mythic bird +represented in the other bowls for a figure of the bird itself. This +interpretation, however, is highly speculative, and should be accepted +only with limitations. I have sometimes thought that the prayer-stick +or paho may originally have represented a bird, and the use of it is +an instance of the substitution[146] of a symbolic effigy of a bird, a +direct survival of the time when a bird was sacrificed to the deity +addressed. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLI + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLII + +VASES, BOWLS, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI] + +The studies of the conventional bird figures which are developed in +the preceding pages make it possible to interpret one of the two +pictures on the food bowl represented in plate CLII, while the +realistic character of the smaller figure leaves no question that we +can rightly identify this also as a bird. In the larger figure the +wings are of unequal size and are tipped with appendages of a more or +less decorative nature. The posterior part of the body is formed of +two triangular extensions, to which feathers are suspended, and the +tail is composed of three large pointed feathers. The head bears the +terraced rain-cloud designs almost universal in pictographs of birds. + +It is hardly necessary for me to indicate the head, body, wings, and +legs of the smaller figure, for they are evidently avian, while the +character of the beak would indicate that a parrot or raptorial genus +was intended. The same beak is found in the decoration of a vase with +a bird design, which will later be considered. + +From an examination of the various figures of birds on the Sikyatki +pottery, and an analysis of the appendages to the wings, body, and +legs, it is possible to determine the symbolic markings characteristic +of two different kinds of feathers, the large wing or tail feathers +and the so-called breath or body feathers. There is therefore no +hesitation, when we find an object of pottery ornamented with these +symbols, in interpreting them as feathers. Such a bowl is that shown +in plate CXLI, _c_, in which we find a curved line to which are +appended three breast feathers. This curved band from which they hang +may take the form of a circle with two pendent feathers as in plate +CXLI, _d_. + +In the design on the bowl figured in plate CXLI, _e_, tail-feathers +hang from a curved band, at each extremity of which is a square design +in which the cross is represented. It has been suggested that this +represents the feathered rainbow, a peculiar conception of both the +Pueblo and the Navaho Indians. The design appearing on the small food +bowl represented in plate CXLI, _f_, is no doubt connected in some way +with that last mentioned, although the likeness between the appendages +to the ring and feathers is remote. It is one of those +conventionalized pictures, the interpretation of which, with the +scanty data at hand, must be largely theoretical. + +Figures of feathers are most important features in the decoration of +ancient Sikyatki pottery, and their many modifications may readily be +seen by an examination of the plates. In modern Tusayan ceremonials +the feather is appended to almost all the different objects used in +worship; it is essential in the structure of the _tiponi_ or badge of +the chief, without which no elaborate ceremony can be performed or +altar erected; it adorns the images on the altars, decorates the heads +of participants, is prescribed for the prayer-sticks, and is always +appended to aspergills, rattles, and whistles. + +In the performance of certain ceremonials water from sacred springs is +used, and this water, sometimes brought from great distances, is kept +in small gourd or clay vases, around the necks of which a string with +attached feathers is tied. Such a vase is the so-called _patne_ which +has been described in a memoir on the Snake ceremonies at Walpi.[147] +The artistic tendency of the ancient people of Sikyatki apparently +exhibited itself in painting these feathers on the outside of similar +small vases. Plate CXLII, _a_, shows one of these vessels, decorated +with an elaborate design with four breath-feathers suspended from the +equator. (See also figure 273.) On the vases shown in plate CXLII, +_b_, _c_, are found figures of tail-feathers arranged in two groups on +opposite sides of the rim or orifice. One of these groups has eight, +the other seven, figures of these feathers, and on the two remaining +quadrants are the star emblems so constantly seen in pottery decorated +with bird figures. The upper surface of the vase (figure 274) shows a +similar arrangement, although the feathers here are conventionalized +into triangular dentations, seven on one side and three on the other, +individual dentations alternating with rectangular designs which +suggest rain-clouds. This vase (plate CXLIII, _a_, _b_) is also +striking in having a well-drawn figure of a bird in profile, the head, +wings, tail, and legs suggesting a parrot. The zone of decoration of +this vessel, which surrounds the rows of feathers, is strikingly +complicated, and comprises rain-cloud, feather, and other designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 273--Pendent feather ornaments on a vase.] + +In a discussion of the significance of the design on the food bowl +represented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, _b_, I have shown ample reason for +regarding it a figure of a highly conventionalized bird. On the upper +surface of the vase (plate CXLIV, _a_, _b_) are four similar designs, +representing birds of the four cardinal points, one on each quadrant. +The wings are represented by triangular extensions, destitute of +appendages but with a rounded body at their point of juncture with the +trunk. Each bird has four tail-feathers and rain-cloud symbols on the +anterior end of the body. As is the case with the figures on the food +basins, there are crosses representing stars near the extended wings. +A broad band connects all these birds, and terraced rain-cloud +symbols, six in number and arranged in pairs, fill the peripheral +sections between them. This vase, although broken, is one of the most +beautiful and instructive in the rich collection of Sikyatki +ceramics. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIII + +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIV + +VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLV + +VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 274--Upper surface of vase with bird decoration] + +I have not ventured, in the consideration of the manifold pictures of +birds on ancient pottery, to offer an interpretation of their probable +generic identification. There is no doubt, however, that they +represent mythic conceptions, and are emblematic of birds which +figured conspicuously in the ancient Hopi Olympus. The modern legends +of Tusayan are replete with references to such bird-like beings which +play important rôles and which bear evidence of archaic origins. There +is, however, one fragment of a food bowl which is adorned with a +pictograph so realistic and so true to modern legends of a harpy that +I have not hesitated to affix to it the name current in modern Tusayan +folklore. This fragment is shown in figure 275. + +[Illustration: FIG. 275--Kwataka eating an animal] + +According to modern folklore there once lived in the sky a winged +being called Kwataka, or Man-eagle, who sorely troubled the ancients. +He was ultimately slain by their War god, the legends of which have +elsewhere been published. There is a pictograph of this monster near +Walpi,[148] and pictures of him, as he exists in modern conceptions, +have been drawn for me by the priests. These agree so closely with the +pictograph and with the representation on the potsherd from Sikyatki, +that I regard it well-nigh proven that they represent the same +personage. The head is round and bears two feathers, while the star +emblem appears in the eye. The wing and the stump of a tail are well +represented, while the leg has three talons, which can only be those +of this monster. He holds in his grasp some animal form which he is +represented as eating. Across the body is a kilt, or ancient blanket, +with four diagonal figures which are said to represent flint +arrowheads. It is a remarkable fact that these latter symbols are +practically the same as those used by Nahuatl people for obsidian +arrow- or spearpoints. In Hopi lore Kwataka wore a garment of +arrowpoints, or, according to some legends, a flint garment, and his +wings are said to have been composed of feathers of the same +material. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVI + +BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI] + +From the pose of the figure and the various details of its symbolism +there can be little doubt that the ancient Sikyatki artists intended +to represent this monster, of which the modern Hopi rarely speak, and +then only in awe. Probably several other bird figures likewise +represent Kwataka, but in none of these do the symbols conform so +closely to legends of this monster which are still repeated in the +Tusayan villages. The home of Kwataka is reputed to be in the sky, and +consequently figures of him are commonly associated with star and +cloud emblems; he is a god of luck or chance, hence it is not +exceptional to find figures of gaming implements[149] in certain +elaborate figures of this monster. + +By far the most beautiful of the many food bowls from Sikyatki, and, I +believe, the finest piece of prehistoric aboriginal pottery from the +United States, is that figured in plate CXLVI, _d_. This remarkable +object, found with others in the sands of the necropolis of this +pueblo, several feet below the surface, is decorated with a highly +conventional figure of a bird in profile, but so modified that it is +difficult to determine the different parts. The four appendages to the +left represent the tail; the two knobs at the right the head, but the +remaining parts are not comprehensible. The delicacy of the detailed +crosshatching on the body is astonishing, considering that it was +drawn freehand and without pattern. The coloring is bright and the +surface glossy. + +The curved band from which this strange figure hangs is divided into +sections by perpendicular incised lines, which are connected by zigzag +diagonals. The signification of the figure in the upper part of the +bowl is unknown. While this vessel is unique in the character of its +decoration, there are others of equal fineness but less perfect in +design. Competent students of ceramics have greatly admired this +specimen, and so fresh are the colors that some have found it +difficult to believe it of ancient aboriginal manufacture. The +specimen itself, now on exhibition in the National Museum, gives a +better idea of its excellence than any figure which could be made. +This specimen, like all the others, is in exactly the same condition +as when exhumed, save that it has been wiped with a moist cloth to +clean the traces of food from its inner surface. All the pottery found +in the same grave is of the finest character, and although no two +specimens are alike in decoration, their general resemblances point to +the same maker. This fact has been noticed in several instances, +although there were many exceptional cases where the coarsest and most +rudely painted vessels were associated with the finest and most +elaborately decorated ware. + +The ladle illustrated in plate CXLII, _e_, is one of the most +beautiful in the collection. It is decorated with a picture of an +unknown animal with a single feather on the head. The eyes are double +and the snout continued into a long stick or tube, on which the animal +stands. While the appendage to the head is undoubtedly a feather and +the animal recalls a bird, I am in doubt as to its true +identification. The star emblems on the handle of the ladle are in +harmony with known pictures of birds. + +The feather decoration on the broken ladle shown in plate CXXXI, _f_, +is of more than usual interest, although it is not wholly +comprehensible. The representations include rain-cloud symbols, birds, +feathers, and falling rain. The medially placed design, with four +parallel lines arising from a round spot, is interpreted as a feather +design, and the two triangular figures, one on each side, are believed +to represent birds. + +The design on the food bowl depicted in plate CXXXI, _e_, is obscure, +but in it feather and star symbols predominate. On the inside of the +ladle shown in plate CXXXI, _c_, there is a rectangular design with a +conventionalized bird at each angle. The reduction of the figure of a +bird to head, body, and two or more tail-feathers occurs very +constantly in decorations, and in many instances nothing remains save +a crook with appended parallel lines representing feathers. Examples +of this kind occur on several vessels, of which that shown in plate +CXLV, _a_, is an example. + +[Illustration: FIG. 276--Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_] + +There are many pictures of birds and feathers where the design has +become so conventionalized that it is very difficult to recognize the +intention of the decorator. Plate CXLVII, _f_, shows one of these in +which the feather motive is prominent and an approximation to a bird +form evident. The wings are shown with a symmetric arrangement on the +sides of the tail, while the latter member has the three feathers +which form so constant a feature in many bird symbols. In _b_ of the +same plate there is shown a more elaborated bird figure, also highly +modified, yet preserving many of the parts which have been identified +in the design last described. + +The beautiful design shown in plate CXLVI, _e_, represents a large +breath feather with triangular appendages on the sides, recalling the +posterior end of the body of the bird figures above discussed. + +The interior of the saucer illustrated in plate CLXVI, _f_, is +decorated with feather symbols and four triangles. The remaining +figures of this plate have already been considered. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX + +FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +The figures on the vessel shown in plate CLXVII are so arranged that +there can be little question of their homologies, and from comparisons +it is clear that they should all be regarded as representations of +birds. There appears no necessity of discussing figures _a_ and +_b_ of the plate in this interpretation. In figure _c_ the center of +the design becomes circular, recalling certain sun symbols, and the +tail-feathers are readily recognized on one side. I am by no means +sure, however, that the lateral terraced appendages at the opposite +pole are representations of wings, but such an interpretation can not +be regarded as a forced one. Figure _d_ shows the three tail-feathers, +lateral appendages suggestive of wings, and a square body with the +usual decorations of the body and head of a bird. The design shown in +figure _f_ suggests in many ways a sun-bird, and is comparable with +those previously studied and illustrated. There is no question of the +homologues of tail, head, and wings. The meridional band across the +bowl is similar to those already discussed, and its relationship to +the head and tail of the bird identical. This design is interpreted as +that of one of the numerous birds associated with the sun. The +crescentic extension above what is apparently the head occurs in many +bird figures and may represent a beak. + +Many food bowls from Sikyatki are ornamented on their interior with +highly conventionalized figures, generally of curved form, in which +the feather is predominant. Many of these are shown in plates CXLVIII +to CLVII, inclusive, and in studying them I have found it very +difficult to interpret the symbolism, although the figures of feathers +are easy to find in many of them. While my attempt at decipherment is +not regarded as final, it is hoped that it may at least reveal the +important place which the feather plays in Tusayan ceramic decoration. + +Plate CXLVIII, _a_, shows the spiral ornament worn down to its lowest +terms, with no hint of the feather appendage, but its likeness in +outline to those designs where the feather occurs leads me to +introduce it in connection with those in which the feather is more +prominent. Figure _b_ of the same plate represents a spiral figure +with a bird form at the inner end, and a bundle of tail-feathers at +the outer extremity. On this design there is likewise a figure of the +dragon-fly and several unknown emblems. Figure _c_ has at one +extremity a trifid appendage, recalling a feather ornament on the head +of a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a_. Figure _d_ has no +conventionalized feather decoration, but the curved line terminates +with a triangle. Its signification is unknown to me. For several +reasons the design in _e_ reminds me of a bird; it is accompanied by +three crosses, which are almost invariably found in connection with +bird figures, and at the inner end there is attached a breath feather. +This end of the figure is supposed to be the head, as will appear by +later comparative studies. The bird form is masked in _f_, but the +feather designs are prominent. This bowl is exceptional in having an +encircling band broken at two points, one of the components of which +is red, the other black. + +Feather designs are conspicuous in plate CXLIX, _a_, _b_, in the +former of which curved incised lines are successfully used. In _c_, +however, is found the best example of the use of incised work as an +aid in pottery decoration, for in this specimen there are semicircles, +and rings with four triangles, straight lines, and circles. The +symbolism of the whole figure has eluded analysis. Figure _d_ has no +feather symbols, but _e_ may later be reduced to a circle with +feathers. The only symbols in the design shown in _f_ which are at all +recognizable are the two zigzag figures which may have been intended +to represent snakes, lightning, or tadpoles. + +When the design in plate CL, _a_, is compared with the beautiful bowl +shown in plate CXLVI, _d_, a treatment of somewhat similar nature is +found. It is believed that both represent birds drawn in profile; the +four bands (_a_) are tail-feathers, while the rectangle represents the +body and the curved appendage a part of the head. From a similarity to +modern figures of a turkey feather, it is possible that the triangle +at the end of the curved appendage is the feather of this bird. An +examination of _b_ leads to the conclusion that the inner end of the +spiral represents a bird's head. Two eyes are represented therein, and +from it feathers are appended. The parallel marks on the body are +suggestive of similar decorations on the figure of the Plumed Snake +painted on the kilts of the Snake priests of Walpi. The star emblems +are constant accompaniments of bird designs. Figure _c_ has, in +addition to the spiral, the star symbols and what appears to be a +flower. The design shown in _d_ is so exceptional that it is here +represented with the circular forms. It will be seen that there are +well-marked feathers in its composition. Figure _f_ is made up of +several bird forms, feathers, rectangles, and triangles, combined in a +complicated design, the parts of which may readily be interpreted in +the light of what has already been recorded. + +The significance of the spiral in the design on plate CLI, _a_, is +unknown. It is found in several pictures, in some of which it appears +to have avian relationship. Figure _b_ of the same plate is a square +terraced design appended to the median line, on which symbolic stars +are depicted. As in many bird figures, a star is found on the opposite +semicircle. There is a remote likeness between this figure and that of +the head of the bird shown in plate CXLV, _d_. Plate CLI, _c_, is a +compound figure, with four feathers arranged in two pairs at right +angles to a median band. The triangular figure associated with them is +sometimes found in symbols of the sun. Figure _d_ is undoubtedly a +bird symbol, as may be seen by a comparison of it with the bird +figures shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a-f_. There are two tail-feathers, +two outstretched wings, and a head which is rectangular, with terraced +designs. The cross is triple, and occupies the opposite segment, which +is finely spattered with pigment. This trifid cross represents a game +played by the Hopi with reeds and is depicted on many objects of +pottery. As representations of it sometimes accompany those of birds I +am led to interpret the figure (plate CLVII, _c_) as that of a bird, +which it somewhat resembles. The two designs shown in plate CLI, _e_, +_f_, are believed to be decorative, or, if symbolic, they have been so +worn by the constant use of the vessel that it is impossible to +determine their meaning by comparative methods. Both of these figures +show the "line of life" in a somewhat better way than any yet +considered. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLI + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In plate CLII, _a_, is shown a compound figure of doubtful +significance, made up of a series of crescents, triangles, and +spirals, which, in _c_, are more compactly joined together, and +accompanied by three parallel lines crossing three other lines. The +curved figure shown in _b_ represents three feathers; a large one on +each side, inclosing a medially smaller member. In _d_ is shown the +spiral bird form with appended feathers, triangles, and terraced +figures. Figure _f_ of this plate is decorated with a design which +bears many resemblances to a flower, the peripheral appendages +resembling bracts of a sunflower. A somewhat similar design is painted +on the side of the helmets of some _katcina_ dancers, where the bracts +or petals are colored in sequence, with the pigments corresponding to +the six directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. In the +decoration on the ancient Sikyatki bowl we find seven peripheral +bracts, one of which is speckled. The six groups of stamens(?) are +represented between the triangular bracts. + +The designs shown in plates CLIII to CLV, inclusive, still preserve +the spiral form with attached feathers, some of them being greatly +conventionalized or differentiated. In the first of these plates +(figure _b_) is represented a bird form with triangular head with four +feathers arranged in fan shape. These feathers are different from any +which I have been able to find attached to the bodies of birds, and +are thus identified from morphological rather than from other reasons. + +The body of the conventionalized bird is decorated with terraced +figures, spirals, flowers, and other designs arranged in a highly +complicated manner. From a bar connecting the spiral with the +encircling line there arises a tuft of feathers. Figure _a_ of the +same plate is characterized by a medially placed triangle and a +graceful pendant from which hangs seven feathers. In this instance +these structures take the form of triangles and pairs of lines. The +relation of these structures to feathers would appear highly +speculative, but they have been so interpreted for the following +reason: If we compare them with the appendages represented in the +design on the vase shown in CXLIII, _b_, we find them the same in +number, form, and arrangement; the triangles in the design on this +vase are directly comparable with the figures in plate CXLIII, _b_, in +the same position, which are undoubtedly feathers, as has been shown +in the discussion of this figure. Consequently, although the triangles +on the pendant in plate CLIII, _a_, appear at first glance to have no +relation to the prescribed feather symbol, morphology shows their true +interpretation. The reduction of the wing feather to a simple +triangular figure is likewise shown in several other pictures on food +vessels, notably in the figure, undoubtedly of a bird, represented in +plate CXLVI, _a_. + +In the two figures forming plate CLIV are found simple bird symbols +and feather designs very much conventionalized. The same is true of +the two figures given in plate CLV. + +The vessels illustrated in plate CLVI, _a_, _b_, are decorated with +designs of unknown meaning, save that the latter recalls the +modification of the feather into long triangular forms. On the outer +surface this bowl has a row of tadpoles encircling it in a sinistral +direction, or with the center of the bowl on the left. The design of +figure _c_ shows a bird's head in profile, with a crest of feathers +and with the two eyes on one side of the head and a necklace. The +triangular figure bears the symbolism of the turkey feather, as at +present designated in Tusayan altar paraphernalia. As with other bird +figures, there is a representation in red of the triple star. + +Figure _d_ is the only specimen of a vessel in the conventional form +of a bird which was found at Sikyatki; it evidently formerly had a +handle. The vessel itself is globular, and the form of the bird is +intensified by the designs on its surface. The bird's head is turned +to the observer, and the row of triangles represent wing feathers. The +signification of the designs on _e_ and _f_ is unknown to me. + +Figures _e_ and _f_ of plate CLVI are avian decorations, reduced in +the case of the former to geometric forms. The triangular figure is a +marked feature in the latter design. + +The designs represented in plate CLVII are aberrant bird forms. Of +these _a_ and _b_ are the simplest and _c_ one of the most +complicated. Figure _d_ is interpreted as a double bird, or twins with +a common head and tails pointing in opposite directions. Figure _e_ +shows a bird in profile with one wing, furnished with triangular +feathers, extended. There is some doubt about the identification of +_f_ as a bird, but there is no question that the wing, tail, and +breath feathers are represented in it. Of the last mentioned there are +three, shown by the notch, colored black at their extremities. + + +VEGETAL DESIGNS + +Inasmuch as they so readily lend themselves as a motive of decoration, +it is remarkable that the ancient Hopi seem to have used plants and +their various organs so sparingly in their pottery painting. +Elsewhere, especially among modern Pueblos, this is not the case, and +while plants, flowers, and leaves are not among the common designs on +modern Tusayan ware, they are often employed. It would appear that the +corn plant or fruit would be found among other designs, especially as +corn plays a highly symbolic part in mythic conceptions, but we fail +to find it used as a decoration on any ancient vessel. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In a figure previously described, a flower, evidently an aster or +sunflower, appears with a butterfly, and in the bowl shown in +plate CXXXIV, _e_, we have a similar design. This figure +evidently represents the sunflower, the seeds of which were ground and +eaten in ancient times. The plant apparently is represented as growing +from the earth and is surrounded by a broad band of red in rudely +circular form. The totem of the earth today among the Hopi is a +circle; possibly it was the same among the ancients, in which case the +horizon may have been represented by the red encircling band, which is +accompanied by the crook and the emblem of rain. The petals are +represented by a row of dots and no leaves are shown. From the kinship +of the ancient accolents of Sikyatki with the Flute people, it is to +be expected that in their designs figures of asters or sunflowers +would appear, for these plants play a not inconspicuous rôle in the +ritual of this society which has survived to modern times. + + +THE SUN + +Sun worship plays a most important part in modern Tusayan ritual, and +the symbol of the sun in modern pictography can not be mistaken for +any other. It is a circle with radiating feathers on the periphery and +ordinarily with four lines arranged in quaternary groups. The face of +the sun is indicated by triangles on the forehead, two slits for eyes, +and a double triangle for the mouth. This symbol, however, is not +always used as that of the sun, for in the Oraibi _Powalawû_ there is +an altar in which a sand picture of the sun has the form of a +four-pointed star. The former of these sun symbols is not found on +Sikyatki pottery, but there is one picture which closely resembles the +latter. This occurs on the bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_. The +main design is a four-pointed star, alternating with crosses and +surrounded by a zone in which are rectangular blocks. While the +identification may be fanciful, its resemblances are highly +suggestive. The existence of a double triangle adjacent to this figure +on the same bowl, and its likeness to the modern mouth-design of sun +pictures, appears to be more than a coincidence, and is so regarded in +this identification. + +In the design shown in plate CLVIII, _a_, one of the elaborate ancient +sun figures is represented. As in modern symbols, the tail-feathers of +the periphery of the disk are arranged in the four quadrants, and in +addition there are appended to the same points curved figures which +recall the objects, identified as stringed feathers, attached to the +blanket of the maid (plate CXXIX, _a_). The design on the disk is +different from that of any sun emblem known to me, and escapes my +interpretation. I have used the distribution of the feathers on the +four quadrants as an indication that this figure is a sun symbol, +although it must be confessed this evidence is not so strong as might +be wished. The triangles at the sides of two feathers indicate that a +tail-feather is intended, and for the correlated facts supporting this +conclusion the reader is referred to the description of the vessels +shown in plate CXXXVIII. + +It would appear that there is even more probability that the picture +on the bowl illustrated in plate CLVIII, _b_, is a sun symbol. It +represents a disk with tail and wing feathers arranged on the +periphery in four groups. This recalls the sun emblems used in Tusayan +at the present time, although the face of the sun is not represented +on this specimen. There is a still closer approximation to the modern +symbol of the sun on a bowl in a private collection from Sikyatki. + +In plate CLVIII, _c_, the sun's disk is represented with the four +clusters of feathers replaced by the extremities of the bodies of four +birds, the tail-feathers, for some unknown reason, being omitted. The +design on the disk is highly symbolic, and the only modern sun symbol +found in it are the triangles, which form the mouth of the face of the +sun in modern Hopi symbolism. + +One of the most aberrant pictures of the sun, which I think can be +identified with probability, is shown in the design on the specimen +illustrated in plate CXXXIV, _b_. The reasons which have led me to +this identification may briefly be stated as follows: + +Among the many supernaturals with which modern Hopi mythology is +replete is one called Calako-taka, or the male Calako. In legends he +is the husband of the two Corn-maids of like name. The ceremonials +connected with this being occur in Sichomovi in July, when four giant +personifications enter the village as have been described in a former +memoir. The heads of these giants are provided with two curved horns, +between which is a crest of eagle tail-feathers. + +Two of these giants, under another name, but with the same symbolism, +are depicted on the altars of the _katcinas_ at Walpi and Mishoñinovi, +where they represent the sun. A chief personifying the same +supernatural flogs children when they are initiated into the knowledge +of the _katcinas_. + +The figure on the bowl under discussion has many points of resemblance +to the symbolism of this personage as depicted on the altars +mentioned. The head has two horns, one on each side, with a crest, +apparently of feathers, between them. The eyes and mouth are +represented, and on the body there is a four-pointed cross. The +meaning of the remaining appendages is unknown, but the likenesses to +Calako-taka[150] symbolism are noteworthy and important. The figure on +the food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIV, _c_, is likewise regarded +as a sun emblem. The disk is represented by a ring in the center, to +which feathers are appended. The triangle, which is still a sun +symbol, is shown below a band across the bowl. This band is decorated +with highly conventionalized feathers. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVI + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +It may be added that in this figure we have probably the most aberrant +sun-symbol yet recognized, and on that account there is a possibility +that the validity of my identification is more or less doubtful. + +The three designs shown in plate CLVIII, _c_, _d_, _e_, evidently +belong in association with sun or star symbols, but it is hardly +legitimate to definitely declare that such an interpretation can be +demonstrated. The modern Tusayan Indians declare that the equal-arm +cross is a symbol of the "Heart of the Sky" god, which, from my +studies of the effigies of this personage on various altars, I have +good reason to identify with the lightning. + + +GEOMETRIC FIGURES + +INTERPRETATION OF THE FIGURES + +Most of the pottery from Sikyatki is ornamented with geometric designs +and linear figures, the import of many of which are unknown. + +Two extreme views are current in regard to the significance of these +designs. To one school everything is symbolic of something or some +religious conception; to the other the majority are meaningless save +as decorations. I find the middle path the more conservative, and +while regarding many of the designs as highly conventionalized +symbols, believe that there are also many where the decorator had no +thought of symbolism. I have ventured an explanation of a few of the +former. + +Terraced figures are among the most common rectangular elements in +Pueblo ceramic decorations. These designs bear so close a likeness to +the modern rain-cloud symbol that they probably may all be referred to +this category. Their arrangement on a bowl or jar is often of such a +nature as to impart very different patterns. Thus terraced figures +placed in opposition to each other may leave zigzag spaces suggesting +lightning, but such forms can hardly be regarded as designed for +symbols. + +Rectangular patterns (plates CLXII-CLXV) are more ancient in the +evolution of designs on Tusayan pottery than curved geometric figures, +and far outnumber them in the most ancient specimens; but there has +been no epoch in the development reaching to modern times when they +have been superseded. While there are many specimens of Sikyatki +pottery of the type decorated with geometric figures, which bear +ornamentations of simple and complex terraced forms, the majority +placed in this type are not reducible to stepped or terraced designs, +but are modified straight lines, bars, crosshatching, and the like. In +older Pueblo pottery the relative proportion of terraced figures is +even less, which would appear to indicate that basket-ware patterns +were secondary rather than primary decorative forms. + +By far the largest element in ancient Tusayan pottery decoration must +be regarded as simple geometric lines, triangles, spirals, curves, +crosshatching, and the like, some of which are no doubt symbolic, +others purely decorative (plate CLXVI). In the evolution of design I +am inclined to believe that this was the simplest form, and I find it +the most constant in the oldest ware. Rectangular figures are regarded +as older than circular figures, and they possibly preceded the latter +in evolution, but in many instances both are forms of reversion, +highly conventionalized representations of more elaborate figures. +Circles and crosses are sometimes combined, the former modified into a +wavy line surrounding the latter, as in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_, where +there is a suggestion (_d_) of a sun emblem. + + +CROSSES + +A large number of food bowls are decorated with simple or elaborate +crosses, stars, and like patterns. Simple crosses with arms of equal +length appear on the vessels shown in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_. There are +many similar crosses, subordinate to the main design, in various +bowls, especially those decorated with figures of birds and sky +deities. + +Plate CLX, _a_, exhibits a cruciform design, to the extremities of +three arms of which bird figures are attached. In this design there +are likewise two sunflower symbols. The modified cross figure in _b_ +of the same plate, like that just mentioned, suggests a swastica, but +fails to be one, and unless the complicated design in figure _c_ may +be so interpreted, no swastica was found at Sikyatki or Awatobi. Plate +CLX, _d_, shows another form of cross, two arms of which are modified +into triangles. + +On the opening of the great ceremony called _Powamû_ or +"Bean-planting," which occurs in February in the modern Tusayan +villages, there occurs a ceremony about a sand picture of the sun +which is called _Powalawû_. The object of this rite is the +fructification of all seeds known to the Hopi. The sand picture of the +sun which is made at that time is in its essentials identical with the +design on the food bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_; consequently +it is possible that this star emblem represents the sun, and the +occurrence of the eight triangles in the rim, replaced in the modern +altar by four concentric bands of differently colored sands, adds +weight to this conclusion. The twin triangles outside the main figure +are identical with those in the mouth of modern sun emblems. These +same twin triangles are arranged in lines which cross at right angles +in plate CLXI, _d_, but from their resemblance to figure _b_ they +possibly have a different meaning. + +The most complicated of all the star-shape figures, like the simplest, +takes us to sun emblems, and it seems probable that there is a +relationship between the two. Plate CLXI, _f_, represents four bundles +of feathers arranged in quadrants about a rectangular center. These +feathers vary in form and arrangement, and the angles between them are +occupied by horn-shape bodies, two of which have highly complicated +extremities recalling conventionalized birds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU Of AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVII + +FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +A large number of crosses are represented in plate CLXII, _d_, in +which the remaining semicircle is filled with a tessellated pattern. A +spiral line with round spots at intervals adorns the specimen +shown in plate CLXI, _a_. Parallel lines with similar spots appear on +the vessel illustrated in plate CLXII, _e_, and a network of the same +is shown in _f_ of the same plate. Plate CLXVII, _b_, represents a +compound star. + +While simple swasticas are not found on any of the Sikyatki pottery, +modified and compound forms are well represented. There are several +specimens of figures of the Maltese cross, and one closely +approximating the Saint Andrew's cross. It is scarcely necessary to +say that the presence of the various kinds of crosses do not +necessarily indicate the influence of Semitic or Aryan races, for I +have already shown[151] that even cross-shape prayer-sticks were in +use among the Pueblos when Coronado first visited them. + + +TERRACED FIGURES + +Among the most common of all geometric designs on ancient Tusayan +pottery none excel in variety or number those which I place in the +above group. They form the major part of all decoration, and there is +hardly a score of ornamented vessels in which they can not be +detected. In a typical form they appear as stepped designs, +rectangular figures with diagonals continuous, or as triangular +designs with steps represented along their sides. + +While it is probable that in some instances these figures are simply +decorative, with no attempt at symbolism, in other cases without doubt +they symbolize rain-clouds, and the same figures are still used with +similar intent in modern ceremonial paraphernalia--altars, +mask-tablets, and the like. Decorative modifications of this figure +were no doubt adopted by artistic potters, thus giving varieties where +the essential meaning has been much obscured or lost. + + +THE CROOK + +Among the forms of geometric designs on ancient Tusayan pottery there +are many jars, bowls, and other objects on which a crook, variously +modified, is the essential type. This figure is so constant that it +must have had a symbolic as well as a decorative meaning. The crook +plays an important part in the modern ritual, and is prominent on many +Tusayan altars. Around the sand picture of the rain-cloud, for +example, we find a row of wooden rods with curved ends, and in the +public Snake dance these are carried by participants called the +Antelopes. A crook in the form of a staff to which an ear of corn and +several feathers are attached is borne by _katcinas_ or masked +participants in certain rain dances. It is held in the hand by a +personage who flogs the children when they are initiated into certain +religious societies. Many other instances might be mentioned in which +this crozier-like object is carried by important personages. While it +is not entirely clear to me that in all instances this crook is a +badge of authority, in some cases it undoubtedly represents the +standing of the bearer. There are, likewise, prayer offerings in the +form of crooks, and even common forms of prayer-sticks have miniature +curved sticks attached to them. + +Some of the warrior societies are said to make offerings in the form +of a crook, and a stick of similar form is associated with the gods of +war. There is little doubt that some of the crook-form decorations on +ancient vessels may have been used as symbols with the same intent as +the sticks referred to above. The majority of the figures of this +shape elude interpretation. Many of them have probably no definite +meaning, but are simply an effective motive of decoration. + +In some instances the figure of the crook on old pottery is a symbol +of a prayer offering of a warrior society, made in the form of an +ancient weapon, allied to a bow. + + +THE GERMINATIVE SYMBOL + +The ordinary symbol of germination, a median projection with lateral +extensions at the base (plate CXLIX, _e_), occurs among the figures on +this ancient pottery. In its simplest form, a median line with a +triangle on each side attached to one end, it is a phallic emblem. +When this median line becomes oval, and the triangles elongated and +curved at the ends, it represents the ordinary squash symbol,[152] +also used as an emblem of fertility. + +The triangle is also an emblem of germination and of fecundity--the +female, as the previously mentioned principle represents the male. The +geometric designs on the ancient Sikyatki ware abundantly illustrate +both these forms. + + +BROKEN LINES + +In examining the simple encircling bands of many of the food bowls, +jars, and other ceramic objects, it will be noticed that they are not +continuous, but that there is a break at one point, and this break is +usually limited to one point in all the specimens. Various +explanations of the meaning of this failure to complete the band have +been suggested, and it is a remarkable fact that it is one of the most +widely extended characteristics of ancient pottery decoration in the +whole Pueblo area, including the Salado and Gila basins. While in the +specimens from Sikyatki the break is simple and confined to one point, +in those from other regions we find two or three similar failures in +the continuity of encircling lines, and in some instances the lines at +the point of separation are modified into spirals, terraces, and other +forms of geometric figures. In the more complex figures we find the +most intricate variations, which depart so widely from the simple +forms that their resemblances are somewhat difficult to follow. A +brief consideration of these modifications may aid toward an +understanding of the character of certain geometric ornamental +motives. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIX + +CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLX + +CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXI + +STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +If any of the interlocking spirals on bowls or vases are traced, it is +found that they do not join at the center of the figure. The same is +true when these spirals become frets. There is always a break in the +network which they form. This break is comparable with the hiatus on +encircling bands and probably admits of the same interpretation. In a +simple form this motive appears as two crescents or two key patterns +with the ends overlapping. This simple ornament, called the friendship +sign, is commonly used in the decoration of the bodies of _katcinas_, +and has been likened to the interlocking of fingers or hands of the +participants in certain dances, the fingers half retracted with inner +surfaces approximated, the palms of the hands facing in opposite +directions and the wrists at opposite points. If the points be +extended into an elaborate key pattern or curved into extended +spirals, a complicated figure is produced in which the separation is +less conspicuous although always present. + +The same points may be modified into terraced figures, the separation +then appearing as a zigzag line drawn across the figure, or they may +have interlocking dentate or serrate prolongations imparting a variety +of forms to the interval between them.[153] In order to trace out +these modifications it would be necessary to specify each individual +case, but I think that is unnecessary. In other words, the broken line +appears to be a characteristic not only of simple encircling bands, +but also of all geometric figures in which highly complicated designs +extend about the periphery of a utensil. + + +DECORATIONS ON THE EXTERIOR OF FOOD BOWLS + +The decorations on the exterior of the ancient food bowls are in most +instances very characteristic and sometimes artistic. Generally they +reproduce patterns which are found on the outside of vases and jars +and sometimes have a distant relationship to the designs in the +interior of the bowl upon which they occur. Usually these external +decorations are found only on one side, and in that respect they +differ from the modern food bowls, in which nothing similar to them +appears. + +The characteristics of the external decorations of food bowls are +symbolic, mostly geometric, square or rectangular, triangular or +stepped figures; curved lines and spirals rarely if ever occur, and +human or animal figures are unknown in this position in Sikyatki +pottery; the geometric figures can be reduced to a few patterns of +marked simplicity. + +It is apparent that I can best discuss the variety of geometric +designs by considering these external decorations of food vessels at +length. From the fact that they are limited to one side, the design is +less complicated by repetition and seems practically the same as the +more typical forms. It is rarely that two of these designs are found +to be exactly the same, and as there appears to be no duplication a +classification of them is difficult. Each potter seems to have +decorated her ware without regard to the work of her contemporaries, +using simple designs but combining them in original ways. Hence the +great variety found even in the grave of the same woman, whose +handiwork was buried with her. As, however, the art of the potter +degenerated, as it has in later times, the patterns became more alike, +so that modern Tusayan decorated earthenware has little variety in +ornamentation and no originality in design. Every potter uses the same +figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 277--Oblique parallel line decoration] + +[Illustration: FIG. 278--Parallel lines fused at one point] + +[Illustration: FIG. 279--Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement] + +The simplest form of decoration on the exterior of a food bowl is a +band encircling it. This line may be complete or it may be broken at +one point. The next more complicated geometric decoration is a double +or multiple band, which, however, does not occur in any of the +specimens from Sikyatki. The breaking up of this multiple band into +parallel bars is shown in figure 277. These bars generally have a +quadruple arrangement, and are horizontal, vertical, or, as in the +illustration, inclined at an angle. They are often found on the lips +of the bowls and in a similar position on jars, dippers, and vases. +The parallel lines shown in figure 278 are seven in number, and do not +encircle the bowl. They are joined by a broad connecting band near one +extremity. The number of parallel bands in this decoration is highly +suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +Four parallel bands encircle the bowl shown in figure 279, but they +are so modified in their course as to form a number of trapezoidal +figures placed with alternating sides parallel. This interesting +pattern is found only on one vessel. + +The use of simple parallel bars, arranged at equal intervals on the +outside of food bowls, is not confined to these vessels, for they +occur on the margin of vases, cups, and dippers. They likewise occur +on ladle handles, where they are arranged in alternate transverse and +longitudinal clusters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 280--Parallel lines connected by middle bar.] + +The combination of two vertical bands connected by a horizontal band, +forming the letter H, is an ornamental design frequently occurring on +the finest Hopi ware. Figure 280 shows such an H form, which is +ordinarily repeated four times about the bowl. + +[Illustration: FIG. 281--Parallel lines of different width; serrate +margin] + +The interval between the parallel bands around the vessel may be very +much reduced in size, and some of the bands may be of different width, +or otherwise modified. Such a deviation is seen in figure 281, which +has three bands, one of which is broad with straight edges, the other +with serrate margin and hook-like appendages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 282--Parallel lines of different width; median +serrate] + +[Illustration: FIG. 283--Parallel lines of different width; marginal +serrate] + +In figure 282 eight bands are shown, the marginal broad with edges +entire, and the median pair serrated, the long teeth fitting each +other in such a way as to impart a zigzag effect to the space which +separates them. The remaining four lines, two on each side, appear as +black bands on a white ground. It will be noticed that an attempt was +made to relieve the monotony of the middle band of figure 282 by the +introduction of a white line in zigzag form. A similar result was +accomplished in the design shown in figure 283 by rectangles and +dots. + +[Illustration: FIG. 284--Parallel lines and triangles] + +The modification of the multiple bands in figure 283 has produced a +very different decorative form. This design is composed of five bands, +the marginal on each side serrate, and the middle band relatively very +broad, with diagonals, each containing four round dots regularly +arranged. In figure 284 there are many parallel, noncontinuous bands +of different breadth, arranged in groups separated by triangles with +sides parallel, and the whole united by bounding lines. This is the +most complicated form of design where straight lines only are used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 285--Line with alternate triangles] + +We have thus far considered modifications brought about by fusion and +other changes in simple parallel lines. They may be confined to one +side of the food bowl, may repeat each other at intervals, or surround +the whole vessel. Ordinarily, however, they are confined to one side +of the bowls from Sikyatki. + +[Illustration: FIG. 286--Single line with alternate spurs] + +[Illustration: FIG. 287--Single line with hourglass figures] + +Returning to the single encircling band, it is found, in figure 285, +broken up into alternating equilateral triangles, each pair united at +their right angles. This modification is carried still further in +figure 286, where the triangles on each side of the single line are +prolonged into oblique spurs, the pairs separated a short distance +from each other. In figure 287 there is shown still another +arrangement of these triangular decorations, the pairs forming +hourglass-shape figures connected by an encircling line passing +through their points of junction. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIII + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 288--Single line with triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 289--Single line with alternate triangles and +ovals] + +[Illustration: FIG. 290--Triangles and quadrilaterals] + +[Illustration: FIG. 291--Triangle with spurs] + +In figure 288 the double triangles, one on each side of the encircling +band, are so placed that their line of separation is lost, and a +single triangle replaces the pair. These are connected by the line +surrounding the bowl and there is a dot at the smallest angle. In +figure 289 there is a similar design, except that alternating with +each triangle, which bears more decoration than that shown in figure +288, there are hourglass figures composed of ovals and triangles. The +dots at the apex of that design are replaced by short parallel lines +of varying width. The triangles and ovals last considered are arranged +symmetrically in relation to a simple band. By a reduction in the +intervening spaces these triangles may be brought together and the +line disappears. I have found no specimen of design illustrating the +simplest form of the resultant motive, but that shown in figure 290 is +a new combination comparable with it. + +The simple triangular decorative design reaches a high degree of +complication in figure 290, where a connecting line is absent, and two +triangles having their smallest angles facing each other are +separated by a lozenge shape figure made up of many parallel lines +placed obliquely to the axis of the design. The central part is +composed of seven parallel lines, the marginal of which, on two +opposite sides, is minutely dentate. The median band is very broad and +is relieved by two wavy white lines. The axis of the design on each +side is continued into two triangular spurs, rising from a rectangle +in the middle of each triangle. This complicated design is the highest +development reached by the use of simple triangles. In figure 291, +however, we have a simpler form of triangular decoration, in which no +element other than the rectangle is employed. In the chaste decoration +seen in figure 292 the use of the rectangle is shown combined with the +triangle on a simple encircling band. This design is reducible to that +shown in figure 290, but is simpler, yet not less effective. In figure +293 there is an aberrant form of design in which the triangle is used +in combination with parallel and oblique bands. This form, while one +of the simplest in its elements, is effective and characteristic. The +triangle predominates in figure 294, but the details are worked out in +rectangular patterns, producing the terraced designs so common in all +Pueblo decorations. Rectangular figures are more commonly used than +the triangular in the decoration of the exterior of the bowls, and +their many combinations are often very perplexing to analyze. + +[Illustration: FIG. 292--Rectangle with single line] + +[Illustration: FIG. 293--Double triangle; multiple lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 294--Double triangle; terraced edges] + +[Illustration: FIG. 295--Single line; closed fret] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 296--Single line; open fret] + +[Illustration: FIG. 297--Single line; broken fret] + +[Illustration: FIG. 298--Single line; parts displaced] + +In figure 295, starting with the simple encircling band, it is found +divided into alternating rectangles. The line is continuous, and hence +one side of each rectangle is not complete. Both this design and its +modification in figure 296 consist of an unbroken line of equal +breadth throughout. In the latter figure, however, the openings in the +sides are larger or the approach to a straight line closer. The forms +are strictly rectangular, with no additional elements. Figure 297 +introduces an important modification of the rectangular motive, +consisting of a succession of lines broken at intervals, but when +joined are always arranged at right angles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 299--Open fret; attachment displaced] + +[Illustration: FIG. 300--Simple rectangular design] + +Possibly the least complex form of rectangular ornamentation, next to +a simple bar or square, is the combination shown in figure 298, a type +in which many changes are made in interior as well as in exterior +decorations of Pueblo ware. One of these is shown in figure 299, where +the figure about the vessel is continuous. An analysis of the elements +in figure 300 shows squares united at their angles, like the last, but +that in addition to parallel bands connecting adjacent figures there +are two marginal lines uniting the series. Each of the inner parallel +lines is bound to a marginal on the opposite side by a band at right +angles to it. The marginal lines are unbroken through the length of +the figure. Like the last, this motive also may be regarded as +developed from a single line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 301--Rectangular reversed S-form] + +[Illustration: FIG. 302--Rectangular S-form with crooks] + +Figures 301 and 302 are even simpler than the design shown in figure +300, with appended square key patterns, all preserving rectangular +forms and destitute of all others. They are of S-form, and differ more +especially in the character of their appendages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 303--Rectangular S-form with triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 304--Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles] + +While the same rectangular idea predominates in figure 303, it is +worked out with the introduction of triangles and quadrilateral +designs. This fairly compound pattern, however, is still classified +among rectangular forms. A combination of rectangular and triangular +geometric designs, in which, however, the former predominate, is shown +in figure 304, which can readily be reduced to certain of those forms +already mentioned. The triangles appear to be subordinated to the +rectangles, and even they are fringed on their longer sides with +terraced forms. It may be said that there are but two elements +involved, the rectangle and the triangle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 305--S-form with interdigitating spurs] + +The decoration in figure 305 consists of rectangular and triangular +figures, the latter so closely approximated as to leave zigzag lines +in white. These lines are simply highly modified breaks in bands which +join in other designs, and lead by comparison to the so-called "line +of life" which many of these figures illustrate. + +[Illustration: FIG. 306--Square with rectangles and parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 307--Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers] + +The distinctive feature of figure 306 is the square, with rectangular +designs appended to diagonally opposite angles and small triangles at +intermediate corners. These designs have a distant resemblance to +figures later referred to as highly conventionalized birds, although +they may be merely simple geometrical patterns which have lost their +symbolic meaning. + +[Illustration: FIG. 308--Crook, feathers, and parallel lines] + +Figure 307 shows a complicated design, introducing at least two +elements in addition to rectangles and triangles. One of these is a +curved crook etched on a black ground. In no other exterior decoration +have curved lines been found except in the form of circles, and it is +worthy of note how large a proportion of the figures are drawn in +straight lines. The circular figures with three parallel lines +extending from them are found so constantly in exterior decorations, +and are so strikingly like some of the figures elsewhere discussed, +that I have ventured a suggestion in regard to their meaning. I +believe they represent feathers, because the tail-feathers of certain +birds are symbolized in that manner, and their number corresponds with +those generally depicted in the highly conventionalized tails of +birds. With this thought in mind, it may be interesting to compare the +two projections, one on each side of the three tail-feathers of this +figure, with the extremity of the body of a bird shown in plate CXLI, +_e_. On the supposition that a bird figure was intended in this +design, it is interesting also to note the rectangular decorations of +the body and the association with stars made of three blocks in +several bird figures, as already described. It is instructive also to +note the fact that the figure of a maid represented in plate CXXIX, +_a_, has two of the round designs with appended parallel lines hanging +to her garment, and four parallel marks drawn from her blanket. It is +still customary in Hopi ceremonials to tie feathers to the garments of +those who personate certain mythic beings, and it is possible that +such was also the custom at Sikyatki. If so, it affords additional +evidence that the parallel lines are representations of feathers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 309--Crooks and feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 310--Rectangle, triangles, and feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 311--Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXV + +FOOD BOWLS WITH GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM SIKYATKI] + +In figure 308 a number of these parallel lines are represented, and +the general character of the design is rectangular. In figure 309 is +shown a combination of rectangular and triangular figures with three +tapering points and circles with lines at their tips radiating instead +of parallel. Another modification is shown in figure 310 in which the +triangle predominates, and figure 311 evidently represents one-half of +a similar device with modifications. + +[Illustration: FIG. 312--Double key] + +[Illustration: FIG. 313--Triangular terrace] + +One of the most common designs on ancient pottery is the stepped +figure, a rectangular ornamentation, modifications of which are shown +in figures 312-314. This is a very common design on the interior of +food vessels, where it is commonly interpreted as a rain-cloud symbol. + +[Illustration: FIG. 314--Crook, serrate end] + +Of all patterns on ancient Tusayan ware, that of the terrace figures +most closely resemble the geometrical ornamentation of cliff-house +pottery, and there seems every reason to suppose that this form of +design admits of a like interpretation. The evolution of this pattern +from plaited basketry has been ably discussed by Holmes and +Nordenskiöld, whose works have already been quoted in this memoir. +The terraced forms from the exterior of food bowls here considered are +highly aberrent; they may be forms of survivals, motives of decoration +which have persisted from very early times. Whatever the origin of the +stepped figure in Pueblo art was, it is well to remember, as shown by +Holmes, that it is "impossible to show that any particular design of +the highly constituted kind was desired through a certain identifiable +series of progressive steps." + +[Illustration: FIG. 315--Key pattern; rectangle and triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 316--Rectangle and crook] + +For some unknown reason the majority of the simple designs on the +exterior of food bowls from Tusayan are rectangular, triangular, or +linear in their character. Many can be reduced to simple or multiple +lines. Others were suggested by plaited ware. + +[Illustration: FIG. 317--Crook and tail feathers] + +In figure 312 is found one of the simplest of rectangular designs, a +simple band, key pattern in form, at one end, with a reentrant square +depression at the opposite extremity. In figure 313 is an equally +simple terrace pattern with stepped figures at the ends and in the +middle. These forms are common decorative elements on the exterior of +jars and vases, where they occur in many combinations, all of which +are reducible to these types. The simplest form of the key pattern is +shown in figure 314, and in figure 315 there is a second modification +of the same design a little more complicated. This becomes somewhat +changed in figure 316, not only by the modifications of the two +extremities, but also by the addition of a median geometric figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 318--Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs] + +[Illustration: FIG. 319--W-pattern; terminal crooks] + +[Illustration: FIG. 320--W-pattern; terminal rectangles] + +The design in figure 317 is rectangular, showing a key pattern at one +end, with two long feathers at the opposite extremity. The five bodies +on the same end of the figure are unique and comparable with +conventionalized star emblems. The series of designs in the upper +left-hand end of this figure are unlike any which have yet been found +on the exterior of food bowls, but are similar to designs which have +elsewhere been interpreted as feathers. On the hypothesis that these +two parts of the figure are tail-feathers, we find in the crook the +analogue of the head of a bird. Thus the designs on the equator of the +vase (plate CXLV, _a_), which are birds, have the same crook for the +head, and two simple tail-feathers, rudely drawn but comparable with +the two in figure 317. The five dentate bodies on the lower left-hand +end of the figure also tell in favor of the avian character of the +design, for the following reason: These bodies are often found +accompanying figures of conventionalized birds (plates CXLIV, CLIV, +and others). They are regarded as modified crosses of equal arms, +which are all but universally present in combinations with birds and +feathers (plates CXLIV, _a_, _b_; CLIV, _a_), from the fact that in a +line of crosses depicted on a bowl one of the crosses is replaced by a +design of similar character. The arms of the cross are represented; +their intersection is left in white. The interpretation of figure 317 +as a highly conventionalized bird design is also in accord with the +same interpretation of a number of similar, although less complicated, +figures which appear with crosses. Thus the three arms of plate CLX, +_a_, have highly conventionalized bird symbols attached to their +extremities. In the cross figure shown in plate CLVIII, _d_, we find +four bird figures with short, stumpy tail-feathers. These highly +conventionalized birds, with the head in the form of a crook and the +tail-feathers as parallel lines, are illustrated on many pottery +objects, nowhere better, however, than in those shown in plates CXXVI, +_a_, and CLX, _e_. Figure 318 may be compared with figure 317. + +[Illustration: FIG. 321--W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 322--W-pattern; terminal spurs] + +Numerous modifications of a key pattern, often assuming a double +triangular form, but with rectangular elements, are found on the +exterior of many food bowls. These are variations of a pattern the +simplest form of which is shown in figure 319. Resolving this figure +into two parts by drawing a median line, we find the arrangement is +bilaterally symmetrical, the two sides exactly corresponding. Each +side consists of a simple key pattern with the shank inclined to the +rim of the bowl and a bird emblem at its junction with the other +member. + +In figure 320 there is a greater development of this pattern by an +elaboration of the key, which is continued in a line resembling a +square spiral. There are also dentations on a section of the edge of +the lines. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVI + +LINEAR FIGURES ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In figure 321 there is a still further development of the same design +and a lack of symmetry on the two sides. The square spirals are +replaced on the left by three stepped figures, and white spaces with +parallel lines are introduced in the arms of a W-shape figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 323--W-pattern; bird form] + +In figure 322 the same design is again somewhat changed by +modification of the spirals into three triangles rimmed on one side +with a row of dots, which are also found on the outer lines +surrounding the lower part of the design. + +[Illustration: FIG. 324--W-pattern; median triangle] + +In figure 323 the same W shape design is preserved, but the space in +the lower reentrant angle is occupied by a symmetrical figure +resembling two tail-feathers and the extremity of the body of a bird. +When this figure is compared with the design on plate CXLVI, _a_, +resemblances are found in the two lateral appendages or wings. The +star emblem is also present in the design. The median figure in that +design which I have compared to the tail of a bird is replaced in +figure 324 by a triangular ornament. The two wings are not +symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. It, however, +will be noticed that there is a want of symmetry on the two sides of a +vertical line in the figure last mentioned. The right-hand upper side +is continued into five pointed projections, which fail on the +left-hand side. There is likewise a difference in the arrangement of +the terraced figures in the two parts. The sides of the median +triangles are formed of alternating black and white blocks, and the +quadrate figure which it incloses is etched with a diagonal and cross. + +[Illustration: FIG. 325--Double triangle; two breath feathers] + +[Illustration: FIG. 326--Double triangle; median trapezoid] + +The decoration in figure 325 consists of two triangles side by side, +each having marginal serrations, and a median square key pattern. One +side of these triangles is continued into a line from which hang two +breath feathers, while the other end of the same line ends in a round +dot with four radiating, straight lines. The triangles recall the +butterfly symbol, the key pattern representing the head. + +[Illustration: FIG. 327--Double triangle; median rectangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 328--Double compound triangle; median rectangle] + +In figure 326 there is a still more aberrant form of the W-shape +design. The wings are folded, ending in triangles, and prolonged at +their angles into projections to which are appended round dots with +three parallel lines. The median portion, or that in the reentrant +angle of the W, is a four-sided figure in which the triangle +predominates with notched edges. Figure 327 shows the same design with +the median portion replaced by a rectangle, and in which the key +pattern has wholly disappeared from the wings. In figure 328 there are +still greater modifications, but the symmetry about a median axis +remains. The ends of the wings instead of being folded are expanded, +and the three triangles formerly inclosed are now free and extended. +The simple median rectangle is ornamented with a terrace pattern on +its lower angles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 329--Double triangle; median triangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 330--Double compound triangle] + +Figure 329 shows a design in which the extended triangles are even +more regular and simple, with triangular terraced figures on their +inner edge. The median figure is a triangle instead of a rectangle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 331--Double rectangle; median rectangle] + +Figure 330 shows the same design with modification in the position of +the median figure, and a slight curvature in two of its sides. + +[Illustration: FIG. 332--Double rectangle; median triangle] + +[Illustration: FIG. 333--Double triangle with crooks] + +Somewhat similar designs, readily reduced to the same type as the last +three or four which have been mentioned, are shown in figures 331 and +332. The resemblances are so close that I need not refer to them in +detail. The W form is wholly lost, and there is no resemblance to a +bird, even in its most highly conventionalized forms. The median +design in figure 331 consists of a rectangle and two triangles so +arranged as to leave a rectangular white space between them. In figure +332 the median triangle is crossed by parallel and vertical zigzag +lines. + +[Illustration: FIG. 334--W-shape figure; single line with feathers] + +In the design represented in figure 333 there are two triangular +figures, one on each side of a median line, in relation to which they +are symmetrical. Each triangle has a simple key pattern in the middle, +and the line from which they appear to hang is blocked off with +alternating black and white rectangles. At either extremity of this +line there is a circular dot from which extend four parallel lines. + +[Illustration: FIG. 335--Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers] + +A somewhat simpler form of the same design is found in figure 334, +showing a straight line above terminating with dots, from which extend +parallel lines, and two triangular figures below, symmetrically placed +in reference to an hypothetical upright line between them. + +[Illustration: FIG. 336--Double triangle] + +Figure 335 bears a similarity to the last mentioned only so far as the +lower half of the design is concerned. The upper part is not +symmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. Triangles, +frets, and terraced figures are inserted between two parallel lines +which terminate in round dots with parallel lines. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 337--Double triangle and feathers] + +The design in figure 336 is likewise unsymmetrical, but it has two +lateral triangles with incurved terrace and dentate patterns. The same +general form is exhibited in figure 337, with the introduction of two +pointed appendages facing the hypothetical middle line. From the +general form of these pointed designs, each of which is double, they +have been interpreted as feathers. They closely resemble the +tail-feathers of bird figures on several bowls in the collection, as +will be seen in several of the illustrations. + +[Illustration: FIG. 338--Twin triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 339--Triangle with terraced appendages] + +[Illustration: FIG. 340--Mosaic pattern] + +Figure 338 is composed of two triangular designs fused at the greatest +angles. The regularity of these triangles is broken by a square space +at the fusion. At each of the acute angles of the two triangles there +are circular designs with radiating lines, a common motive on the +exterior of food bowls. Although no new elements appear in figure 338, +with the exception of bracket marks, one on each side of a circle, the +arrangement of the two parts symmetrically about a line parallel with +the rim of the bowl imparts to the design a unique form. The motive in +figure 339 is reducible to triangular and rectangular forms, and while +exceptional as to their arrangement, no new decorative feature is +introduced. + +The specimen represented in figure 340 has as its decorative elements, +rectangles, triangles, parallel lines, and birds' tails, to which may +be added star and crosshatch motives. It is therefore the most +complicated of all the exterior decorations which have thus far been +considered. There is no symmetry in the arrangement of figures about a +central axis, but rather a repetition of similar designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 341--Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel +lines] + +The use of crosshatching is very common on the most ancient Pueblo +ware, and is very common in designs on cliff-house pottery. This style +of decoration is only sparingly used on Sikyatki ware. The +crosshatching is provisionally interpreted as a mosaic pattern, and +reminds one of those beautiful forms of turquois mosaic on shell, +bone, or wood found in ancient pueblos, and best known in modern times +in the square ear pendants of Hopi women. Figure 340 is one of the few +designs having terraced figures with short parallel lines depending +from them. These figures vividly recall the rain-cloud symbol with +falling rain represented by the parallel lines. Figure 341 is a +perfectly symmetrical design with figures of stars, rectangles, and +parallel lines. It may be compared with that shown in figure 340 in +order to demonstrate how wide the difference in design may become by +the absence of symmetrical relationship. It has been shown in some of +the previous motives that the crook sometimes represents a bird's +head, and parallel lines appended to it the tail-feathers. Possibly +the same interpretation may be given to these designs in the following +figures, and the presence of stars adjacent to them lends weight to +this hypothesis. + +[Illustration: FIG. 342--Continuous crooks] + +[Illustration: FIG. 343--Rectangular terrace pattern] + +An indefinite repetition of the same pattern of rectangular design is +shown in figure 342. This highly decorative motive may be varied +indefinitely by extension or concentration, and while it is modified +in that manner in many of the decorations of vases, it is not so +changed on the exterior of food bowls. + +There are a number of forms which I am unable to classify with the +foregoing, none of which show any new decorative design. All possible +changes have been made in them without abandoning the elemental +ornamental motives already considered. The tendency to step or terrace +patterns predominates, as exemplified in simple form in figure 343. In +figure 344 there is a different arrangement of the same terrace +pattern, and the design is helped out with parallel bands of different +length at the ends of a rectangular figure. A variation in the depth +of color of these lines adds to the effectiveness of the design. This +style of ornamentation is successfully used in the designs represented +in figures 345 and 346, in the body of which a crescentic figure in +the black serves to add variety to a design otherwise monotonous. The +two appendages to the right of figure 346 are interpreted as feathers, +although their depart forms widely from that usually assumed by these +designs. The terraced patterns are replaced by dentate margins in this +figure, and there is a successful use of most of the rectangular and +triangular designs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 344--Terrace pattern with parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 345--Terrace pattern] + +[Illustration: FIG. 346--Triangular pattern with feathers] + +In the specimens represented in figures 347 and 348 marginal +dentations are used. I have called the design referred to an S-form, +which, however, owing to its elongation is somewhat masked. The +oblique bar in the middle of the figure represents the body of the +letter, the two extremities taking the forms of triangles. + +[Illustration: FIG. 347--S-pattern] + +[Illustration: FIG. 348--Triangular and terrace figures] + +So far as decorative elements are concerned the design in figure 349 +can be compared with some of those preceding, but it differs from them +in combination. The motive in figure 350 is not unlike the +ornamentation of certain oriental vases, except from the presence of +the terraced figures. In figure 351 there are two designs separated by +an inclined break the edge of which is dentate. This figure is +introduced to show the method of treatment of alternating triangles of +varying depth of color and the breaks in the marginal bands or "lines +of life." One of the simplest combinations of triangular and +rectangular figures is shown in figure 353, proving how effectually +the original design may be obscured by concentration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 349--Crook, terrace, and parallel lines] + +[Illustration: FIG. 350--Triangles, squares, and terraces] + +In the foregoing descriptions I have endeavored to demonstrate that, +notwithstanding the great variety of designs considered, the types +used are very limited in number. The geometrical forms are rarely +curved lines, and it may be said that spirals, which appear so +constantly on pottery from other (and possibly equally ancient or +older) pueblos than Sikyatki, are absent in the external decorations +of specimens found in the ruins of the latter village. + +Every student of ancient and modern Pueblo pottery has been impressed +by the predominance of terraced figures in its ornamentation, and the +meaning of these terraces has elsewhere been spoken of at some length. +It would, I believe, be going too far to say that these step designs +always represent clouds, as in some instances they are produced by +such an arrangement of rectangular figures that no other forms could +result. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXVIII + +GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION FROM AWATOBI] + +[Illustration: FIG. 351--Bifurcated rectangular design] + +[Illustration: FIG. 352--Lines of life and triangles] + +[Illustration: FIG. 353--Infolded triangles] + +The material at hand adds nothing new to the theory of the evolution +of the terraced ornament from basketry or textile productions, so ably +discussed by Holmes, Nordenskiöld, and others. When the Sikyatki +potters decorated their ware the ornamentation of pottery had reached +a high development, and figures both simple and complicated were used +contemporaneously. While, therefore, we can so arrange them as to make +a series, tracing modifications from simple to complex designs, thus +forming a supposed line of evolution, it is evident that there is no +proof that the simplest figures are the oldest. The great number of +terraced figures and their use in the representation of animals seem +to me to indicate that they antedate all others, and I see no reason +why they should not have been derived from basketry patterns. We must, +however, look to pottery with decorations less highly developed for +evidence bearing on this point. The Sikyatki artists had advanced +beyond simple geometric figures, and had so highly modified these that +it is impossible to determine the primitive form. + +As I have shown elsewhere, the human hand is used as a decorative +element in the ornamentation of the interior of several food bowls. It +is likewise in one instance chosen to adorn the exterior. It is the +only part of the human limbs thus used. Figure 354 shows the hand with +marks on the palm probably intended to represent the lines which are +used in the measurement of the length of pahos or prayer-sticks. From +between the index and the middle finger rises a line which recalls +that spoken of in the account of the hand on the interior of the food +bowl shown in plate CXXXVII. + +[Illustration: FIG. 354--Human hand] + +The limb of an animal with a paw, or possibly a human arm and hand, +appears as a decoration on the outside of another food bowl, where it +is combined with the ever-constant stepped figure, as shown in figure +355. + +[Illustration: FIG. 355--Animal paw, limb, and triangle] + + +PIGMENTS + +The ancient Sikyatki people were accustomed to deposit in their +mortuary vessels fragments of minerals or ground oxides and +carbonates, of different colors, used as paints. It thus appears +evident that these substances were highly prized in ancient as in +modern times, and it may be mentioned that the present native priests +regard the pigments found in the graves as so particularly efficacious +in coloring their ceremonial paraphernalia that they begged me to give +them fragments for that purpose. The green color, which was the most +common, is an impure carbonate of copper, the same as that with which +pahos are painted for ceremonial use today. Several shallow, +saucer-like vessels contained yellow ocher, and others sesquioxide of +iron, which afforded both the ancients and the moderns the red pigment +called _cuta_, an especial favorite of the warrior societies. The +inner surface of some of the bowls is stained with the pigments which +they had formerly contained, and it was not uncommon to find several +small paint pots deposited in a single grave. The white used was an +impure kaolin, which was found both in masses and in powdered form, +and there were unearthed several disks of this material which had been +cut into definite shape as if for a special purpose. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXIX + +ARROWSHAFT SMOOTHERS, SELENITE, AND SYMBOLIC CORN FROM SIKYATKI] + +One of these disks or circular plates (figure 356) was found on the +head of a skeleton. The rim is rounded, and the opposite faces are +concave, with a perforation in the middle. Other forms of this worked +kaolin are spherical, oblong, or lamellar, sometimes more or less +decorated on the outer surface, as shown in plate CLXXII, _e_. +Another, shown in _f_, of the same plate, is cylindrical, and other +fragments of irregular shapes were found. A pigment made of micaceous +hematite was found in one of the Sikyatki paint jars. This material is +still used as coloring matter by the Tusayan Indians, by whom it is +called _yayala_, and is highly prized by the members of the warrior +societies. + +[Illustration: FIG. 356--Kaolin disk (natural size)] + + +STONE OBJECTS + +Almost every grave at Sikyatki contained stone objects which were +found either in the bowls or in the soil in the immediate neighborhood +of the skeletons. Some of these implements are pecked or chipped, +others are smooth--pebbles apparently chosen for their botryoidal +shape, polished surface, or fancied resemblance to some animal or +other form. + +Many of the smooth stones were probably simply polishing stones, used +by the women in rubbing pottery to a gloss before it was fired. Others +were charm stones such as are still employed in making medicine, as +elsewhere described. There were still other stones which, from their +resemblance to animals, may have been personal fetishes. Among the +unusual forms of stones found in this association is a quartz crystal. +As I have shown in describing several ceremonies still observed, a +quartz crystal is used to deflect a ray of sunlight into the medicine +bowl, and is placed in the center of a sand picture of the sun in +certain rites called _Powalawû_; the crystal is also used in divining, +and for other purposes, and is highly prized by modern Tusayan +priests. + +A botryoidal fragment of hematite found in a grave reminds me that in +the so-called Antelope rock[154] at Walpi, around which the Snake +dancers biennially carry reptiles in their mouths, there is in one +side a niche in which is placed a much larger mass of that material, +to which prayers are addressed on certain ceremonial occasions, and +upon which sacred meal and prayer emblems are placed. + +One or two mortuary bowls contained fragments of stalactites +apparently from the Grand canyon of the Colorado or from some other +locality where water is or has been abundant. + +The loose shaly deposit which underlies the Tusayan mesas contains +many cephalopod fossils, a collection of which was made in former +years and deposited in the National Museum. Among these the most +beautiful are small cephalopods called by the Hopi, _koaitcoko_. Among +the many sacred objects in the _tiponi_ baskets of the Lalakonti +society, as described in my account[155] of the unwrapping of that +fetish, there was a specimen of this ammonite; that the shell was +preserved in this sacred bundle is sufficient proof that it is highly +venerated. As a natural object with a definite form it is regarded as +a fetish which is looked upon with reverence by the knowing ones and +pronounced bad by the uninitiated. The occurrence of this fossil in +one of the mortuary bowls is in harmony with the same idea and shows +that it was regarded in a similar light by the ancient occupants of +Sikyatki. + +But the resemblance of these and other stones to animal fossils[156] +is not always so remote as in the instances above mentioned. There was +in one grave a single large fetish of a mountain lion, made of +sandstone (plate CLXXII, _b_, _c_), in which legs, ears, tail, and +eyes are represented, and the mouth still retains the red pigment with +which it was colored, although there was no sign of paint on other +parts of the body. This fetish is very similar to the one found at +Awatobi, and is identical in form with those made by the Hopi at the +present time. + +It was customary to bury in Sikyatki graves plates or fragments of +selenite or mica, some of which are perforated as if for suspension, +while others are in plain sheets (plate CLXIX, _c_). + +Among the stone implements used as mortuary offerings which were found +in the cemeteries, was one made of the same fine lithographic +limestone as the so-called _tcamahia_ (plate CLXXI, _g_) which occur +on the Antelope altar in the Snake ceremonies. The exceptional +character of this fragment is instructive, and its resemblance to the +finely polished stone hoes found in other ruins is very suggestive. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXX + +CORN GRINDER FROM SIKYATKI] + +There were found many disk-shape stones, pecked on the periphery as if +used in grinding pigment or in bruising seeds, and spheroidal stones +with a facet worn at one pole as if used for the same or a similar +purpose (plate CLXXI, _b_, _c_). A few stone axes and hatchets were +also taken from the graves; most of these are rude specimens of stone +working, although one of them can hardly be excelled in any other +collection. Many arrowpoints were found, but these are in no respect +peculiar. They are made of many different kinds of stone, but those of +obsidian are the most numerous. They were generally found in numbers, +sometimes in bowls. Evidently they had not been attached to shafts +when buried, for no sign of the reeds remained. Arrowheads sewed into +a bandoleer are still worn as insignia of rank by warriors, and it is +probable that such was also true in the past, so that on interment +these arrowpoints might have been placed in the mortuary basin +deposited by the side of the warrior, as indicative of his standing or +rank, and the bandoleer or leather strap to which they were attached +decayed during its long burial in the earth. Spearpoints of much +coarser make and larger in size than the arrowheads were also found in +the graves, and a rare knife, made of chalcedony, showed that the +ancient, like the modern Hopi, prized a sharp cutting instrument. + +Among the many large stones picked up on the mounds of Sikyatki there +was one the use of which has long puzzled me. This is a rough stone, +not worked save in an equatorial groove. The object is too heavy to +have been carried about, except with the utmost difficulty, and the +probability of the former existence of a handle is out of the +question. It has been suggested that this and similar but larger +grooved stones might have been used as tethers for some domesticated +animal, as the eagle or the turkey, which is about the only +explanation I can suggest. Both of these creatures, and (if we may +trust early accounts) a quadruped about the size of a dog, were +domesticated by the ancient Pueblo people, but I have found no +survival of tethering in use today. Eagles, however, are tied by the +legs and not confined in corrals as at Zuñi, while sheep are kept in +stone inclosures. It is probable that this latter custom came with the +introduction of sheep, and that these stones were weights to which the +Sikyatki people tied by the legs the eagles and turkeys, the feathers +of which play an important part in their sacred observances. + +Certain small rectangular slabs of stone have been found, with a +groove extending across one surface diagonally from one angle to +another (plate CLXIX, _a_, _b_.) These are generally called arrowshaft +polishers, and were used to rub down the surface of arrowshafts or +prayer-sticks. Several of these polishers were taken from Sikyatki +graves, and one or two were of such regular form that considerable +care must have been used in their manufacture. A specimen from Awatobi +is decorated with a bow and an arrow scratched on one side, and one of +dark basaltic rock evidently came from a distance. A number of metates +and mullers were found in the graves at Sikyatki. One of the best of +the latter is shown in plate CLXX. These stones are of different +degrees of fineness, and vary from simple triangular slabs of fine +sandstone to very coarse lava. The specimen figured has depressions on +the sides to facilitate handling.[157] + +Perhaps the most significant of all the worked stones found in the +Sikyatki cemeteries were the flat slabs the edges of which near the +surface of the soil marked the presence of the graves. These slabs may +be termed headstones, but they have a far different meaning from those +that bear the name of the deceased with which we are most familiar, +for when they have any marking on their faces, it is not a totem of +the dead, but a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is connected with +ancestor worship. + +One of the best of these mortuary slabs has its edge cut in such a way +as to give it a terraced outline, and on one face a similar terrace is +drawn in black pigment. These figures are symbols of rain-clouds, and +the interpretation of the use of this design in graves is as follows: + +The dead, according to current Tusayan thought, become rain-cloud +gods, or powerful intercessors with those deities which cause or send +the rains. Hence, the religious society to which the deceased +belonged, and the members of the clan who survive, place in the +mortuary bowls, or in the left hand of their friend, the paho or +prayer emblem for rain; hence, also, in prayers at interment they +address the breath body of the dead as a _katcina_, or rain god. These +_katcinas_, as divinized ancestors, are supposed to return to the +villages and receive prayers for rain. In strict accord with this +conception the rain-cloud symbol is placed, in some instances, on the +slab of rock in the graves of the dead at Sikyatki. It proves to me +that the cult of ancestor worship, and the conception that the dead +have power to bring needed rain, were recognized in Sikyatki when the +pueblo was in its prime. One of these slabs is perforated by a small +hole, an important fact, but one for which I have only a fanciful +explanation, namely, to allow the escape of the breath body. Elsewhere +I have found many instances of perforated mortuary stone slabs, which +will be considered in a report of my excavations in 1896. + + +OBSIDIAN + +Many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over the +surface of the majority of ancient ruins in Tusayan, and the quantity +of this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those early +habitations. This material must have been highly prized for knives, +arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the graves +contained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, others in +natural forms. The fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit in the +graves of the Sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly esteemed. +I know of no natural deposit of obsidian near Sikyatki or in the +province of Tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragments +had been brought a considerable distance before they were buried in +the earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI + +STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI] + + +NECKLACES, GORGETS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS + +The Sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and other +ornaments as when living. The materials most highly prized for +necklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, +some of which were finely made. These necklaces did not differ from +those now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varieties +of the genus _Pectunculus_. The turquois beads are often as finely cut +as any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the only +serious trouble which I had with my native workmen, as they +undoubtedly appropriated many which were found. Some of these turquois +beads are simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others are +well formed. Many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoid +process of the skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. +On the neck of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, +composed of segments of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. +There were other specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, which +were smoothly finished and apparently had not been stained. + +Necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some of +them still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, a +small saucer like vessel (plate CXX, _d_) was filled with beads of +this kind, as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave as +a votive offering. + +For gorgets the Sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite +(plate CLXXII, _d_) and plates of selenite. It was likewise customary +to make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and for +other ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were not +found in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in the +débris within the rooms. + +The three forms imitating birds shown in plate CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_, +are rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line from +which depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of these +specimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, as +shown in the figure between them. + +The forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples are +shown in plate CLXXIII, _j_, _k_, _l_, are rude in character; they are +often painted with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have a +single or double perforation for suspension. The shell imitated is +probably the young _Pectunculus_, a Pacific-coast mollusk, with which +the ancient Hopi were familiar. + + +TOBACCO PIPES + +I have elsewhere mentioned that every modern Tusayan ceremony opens +and closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes were +highly prized by the ancient Sikyatkians. + +The form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with its +axis at right angles to the stem, but so far as I have studied ancient +Pueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation.[158] To +determine the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by the +ritual, I will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions of +the ceremonies about the altar of the Antelope priesthood, at the time +of the Snake dance at Walpi:[159] + +"The songs then ceased, and Wí-ki sent Ká-tci to bring him a light. +Ká-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while all +sat silently awaiting Wí-ki's preparation for the great _Ó-mow-ûh_ +smoke, which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the Antelope +priests in these ceremonials. + +"The _wu-kó-tco-ño_ is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a large +opening in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. It is five +inches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and its +greatest circumference is seven and a half inches. The pipe is made of +some black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen was +not ornamented. The bowl had previously been filled with leaves +carefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. In +the subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle," were saved, being placed in +a small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the pipe. + +"Wí-ki took the live ember from Ká-tci and placed it in the large +opening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. He then +knelt down and placed the pipe between the two _tí-po-nis_, so that +the pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between the +ears. Every one remained silent, and Wí-ki blew several dense clouds +of smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picture +was concealed. The smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, the +fire being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger end +of the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation. + +"At the San Juan pueblo, near Santa Fé, where I stopped on my way to +Tusayan, I purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several spruce +twigs were tied. Wí-ki received some fragments of these with +gratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were smoked in +the great _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe. The scent of the mixture was very fragrant, +and filled the room, like incense. The production of this great +smoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later bring the +rain, ended the first series of eight songs. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXII + +PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI] + +"Immediately after this event, Há-ha-we filled one of the +small-stemmed pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, and +after lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. He passed the pipe to +Wí-ki, holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, and +exchanging the customary terms of relationship. Wí-ki then blew dense +clouds of smoke over the two _tí-po-nis_ and on the sand picture. +Há-ha-we, meanwhile, lit a second pipe, and passed it to Kó-pe-li, the +Snake chief, who enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smoke +on the altar, to the cardinal points, and in other directions. +Kó-pe-li later gave his pipe to Ká-kap-ti, who sat at his right, and +Wí-ki passed his to Na-syuñ-'we-ve, who, after smoking, handed the +pipe to Kwá-a, who in turn passed it to Ká-tci, by whom it was given +to Há-ha-we. Ká-tci, the last priest to receive it before it was +returned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a long time, and repeatedly +puffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. Meanwhile Ká-kap-ti had +handed his pipe to Há-ha-we, both exchanging terms of relationship and +carefully observing the accompanying ceremonial etiquette. Há-ha-we, +as was his unvarying custom, carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laid +them on the floor by the side of the fireplace." + +The form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancient +Pueblo pipes, several of which were found at Sikyatki. One of these, +much smaller than the _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe, was made of lava, and bore +evidence of use before burial. It is evident, however, that these +straight pipes were not always smoked as above described. The most +interesting pipes found at Sikyatki were more elongated than that +above mentioned and were made of clay. Their forms are shown in plate +CLXXIII, _b_, _c_, _d_, _f_. One of these (_b_) is very smooth, almost +glazed, and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, which +is perforated with a small hole. The cavity at the opposite end is +large enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidence +of former use. The whole median region of the exterior is formed by a +collar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. In some +of the modern ceremonials, as that of the Bear-Puma dramatization in +the Snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which have +been found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that this +pipe is simply a clay form of those reeds. The markings on the collar +would by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a small +fabric wrapped about it. The two pipes shown, in plate CLXXIII, _b_, +_f_, are tubular in shape,[160] highly polished, and on one of them +(_f_) we see scratches representing the same feature as the collar of +_b_, and probably made with the same intent. + +The fragment of a pipe shown in plate CLXXIII, _d_, is interesting in +the same connection. The end of this pipe is broken, but the stem is +intact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered with +crosshatching. The pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface. + +It is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the +_wu-kó-tco-ño_ of the Snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placed +to the mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. It is +customary in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca about +the stem of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold in +the hand. This may be a possible explanation[161] of the scratches on +the sides of the ancient tube pipes from Sikyatki. + + +PRAYER-STICKS + +One of the most important objects made in the secret ceremonials of +the modern Pueblos is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho or +"water wood," which is used as an offering to the gods (figure 357). +These pahos are made of a prescribed wood, of length determined by +tradition, and to them are tied appendages of symbolic meaning. They +are consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon which they are laid, +and afterward deposited in certain shrines by a special courier. + +[Illustration: FIG. 357--Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)] + +In modern times the forms of these pahos differ very greatly, the +shape depending on the society which makes them, the god addressed, +and the purpose for which they are used, as understood by the +initiated. Among many other uses they are sometimes mortuary in +character, and are deposited in the graves of chiefs, as offerings +either to the God of Death, or to other deities, to whom they may be +presented by the shade or breath body of the deceased. This use of +pahos is of ancient origin in Tusayan, as shown by the excavations at +Sikyatki, where they were found in mortuary bowls or vases deposited +by the relatives or surviving members of the sacerdotal societies to +which the deceased had belonged. + +This pre-Spanish custom in Tusayan was discovered in my excavations at +Awatobi, but the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary as +compared with the almost perfect pahos from Sikyatki. These pahos are +of many forms;[162] some of them are of considerable size, and the +majority are of distinctive forms (plates CLXXIV-CLXXV). There are +also many fragments, the former shapes of which could not be +determined. When it is considered that these wooden objects with their +neat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high character +of the work is very remarkable. They show, in several instances, the +imprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of which still +remain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. They are +painted with green and black mineral pigments, the former of which had +undoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of which they were +manufactured. As at the present day, cottonwood and willow were the +favorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of the best were made of +pine. The forms of these ancient prayer offerings, as mentioned +hereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern make, although in +certain instances there is a significant resemblance between the two +kinds. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIII + +PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI] + +One of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old and +the new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those now +made by the Flute society, and if this resemblance is more than a +coincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survival +of the ancient form may be accepted. As adding weight to this theory +it may be mentioned that traditionally the Flute people claim to be +the ancient people of Tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in that +province, with the ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki. There is likewise +a most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similar +sticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which I can not yet +demonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotal +societies represented in cliff houses and in Sikyatki, manufactured +ceremonial prayer offerings which are identical in design. Plate +CLXXIV, _a_, represents a double stick paho, which closely resembles +the prayer offering of the modern Flute society. The two rods were +found together and originally had been attached, as indicated by the +arrangement of the impression of the string midway of their length. +The stick of the left has a facet cut on one side, upon which +originally three dots were depicted to represent the eyes and the +mouth. This member of the paho was the female; the remaining stick was +the male. There are two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of their +length, a distinctive characteristic of the modern flute paho. Both +components are painted green, as is still customary in prayer-sticks +of this fraternity. The pahos shown in _b_, _c_, and _d_, are likewise +ascribed to the same society, and differ from the first only in +length. They represent female sticks of double flute pahos. The length +of these prayer-sticks varies on different ceremonial days, and is +determined by the distance of the shrines for which they are intended. +The unit of measurement is the length of certain joints of the finger, +and the space between the tip of longest digit to certain creases in +the palm of the hand. The length of the ancient Sikyatki pahos, +ascribed to the Flute society, follows the same rule. + +Plate CLXXIV, _e_, _f_, have the same ferules referred to in the +description above, but are of greater diameter. They are unlike any +modern paho except in this particular. In _g_ is depicted a still +larger prayer-stick, with two serrate incisions on each side of the +continuation of the flattened facet. + +Specimens _h_ to _m_ are forms of pahos which I can not identify. They +are painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and of +small size. Figure _n_ is a part of a paho which closely resembles +prayer-sticks found in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde and San Juan +valley of northern New Mexico. + +Numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two of +which are shown in plate CLXXV, _o_, _s_. The paho shown in figure _d_ +is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, +where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured at +the opposite extremity, as if for suspension. It is barely possible +that this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used at +the present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by the +performer in a public dance who personifies the warrior. Figure _t_ +differs from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions in +the upper part, and in being continued into a very long shank. + +The best preserved of all the pahos from the Sikyatki graves are +represented in _u_ and _v_, both of which were found in the same +mortuary bowl. They are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, +and have shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directions +in the two figures. Their general form may be seen at a glance. The +lower surface of the object shown in _u_ is perfectly flat, and the +part represented at the upper end is evidently broken off. This is +likewise true of both extremities of the object shown in _v_; it is +also probable that it had originally a serrated end, comparable with +that shown in _c_. A similar terraced extremity survives in the corn +paho carried by the so-called Flute girls in the biennial celebrations +of the Flute ceremonies in the modern Tusayan pueblos. + +I refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned by +Tylor,[163] that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice is +rather in the worshiper giving something precious to himself than in +the deity receiving benefit. This may be called the abnegation theory, +and its origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derived +from the original gift theory." + +While it is probably true that the Hopi barters his paho with the idea +of receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probably +homage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element of +sacrifice, abnegation. It is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for the +whole. + +On this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent? +While it is difficult to answer this question, I think a plausible +suggestion can be made. It is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of that +which the Hopi most prize, corn or its meal. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV + +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY + +SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV + +PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI] + +In a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on the +fetish or toward it. This is an individual method of prayer, and the +pinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice. + +When a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of corn, +is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the other +female, with prescribed herbs and feathers. Here we have the ordinary +prayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrifice +to the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories. + +Frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an ear +of corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the Flute +maidens,[164] or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. +In the _Mamzrau_ ceremony the women carry these painted slats in their +hands, as I have elsewhere described.[165] It appears as if, in all +these instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolic +offering of corn or meal. + +The constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested an +interpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds on +the theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the Nahua +sacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. The idea of +animal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, +was not an unknown conception among the Pueblos. While it is possible +that the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit of +that interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and the +female components in double pahos lend some evidence,[166] I believe +the main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, which +constituted the special wealth of an agricultural people. + + +MARINE SHELLS AND OTHER OBJECTS + +The excavations at Sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marine +shells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancient +pueblos were found. + +There were several fragments of _Pectunculus_ cut into the form of +wristlets, like those from the ruins on the Little Colorado which I +have described. Two beautiful specimens of _Oliva angulata_, truncated +at each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a few +conical rattles, made of the spires of _Conus_, were taken from the +graves; there were also a few fragments of an unknown _Haliotis_. All +of the above genera are common to the Pacific, and no doubt were +obtained by barter or brought by migratory clans to Tusayan from the +far south. One of the most interesting objects in Sikyatki food basins +from the necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of a +rattlesnake. The Walpi Snake chief, who was employed by me when this +was found and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, +declared that, according to the legends, there were no Snake people +living at Sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of the +snake rattle shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, +even if not in the house of his friends, and some other explanation +may be suggested to account for this discovery. There are evidences +that the ancient Hopi, like certain Yuman tribes, wore a snake's +rattle as an ornament for the neck, in which case the rattle found in +the Sikyatki food basin may have been simply a votive offering, and in +no way connected with ceremonial symbolism. + +Among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularly +suggestive. This specimen represented in plate CLXIX, _e_, is made of +unbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted with +foreign objects. The Hopi who were at work for me declared that this +incrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits over the +surface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. They +identified this object as a "corn mound," and reminded me that a +similar object is now used in the _Powamu_, _Lalakonti_, and certain +other ceremonies. I have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn mound +incrusted with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar of +the last-mentioned ceremony. These corn mountains (_ká-ü-tü'-kwi_) are +made in the November ceremony called the _N[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, as +described in my account of those rites from which I quote[167]-- + + "The _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ were very busy in their kib-va. Every + member was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a + wager. Each man made a figure of moist clay, about four or + five inches across the base. Some of these were in the form + of two mammæ, and there were also many wedge and cone forms, + in all of which were embedded corn kernels, forming the + cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures in + different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full + as possible with the kernels. Each man brought down his own + _pó-o-tas_ (tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and + set his _ká-ü-tü'-kwi_ (corn mountain) upon it. He also + placed ears of corn on the tray." + +These corn mountains were carried by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ priesthood +during an interesting ceremony which I have thus described:[168] + + "The whole line then passed slowly along the front of the + village sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the + women came out and helped themselves to the clay molds and + the ears of corn borne by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_, bestowing + many thanks upon the priests." + +The fragment of polished stone shown in plate CLXIX, _d_, is +perforated near the edge for suspension, and was found near the aural +orifice of a skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as a +pendant. With this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions of +stone, and the kaolin disk mentioned above were also found. Small +round disks of pottery, with a median perforation, were not common, +although sometimes present. They are identified as parts of primitive +drills. + +No object made of metal was found at Sikyatki, nor is there any +evidence that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the Spaniards +or used any implement of their manufacture. While negative evidence +can hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledge +of copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancient +Tusayan pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern Arizona, may +have met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. I +can hardly believe, however, that the Tusayan Indians were familiar +with the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing this +treatment shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province it +will have to be proved that they were made in that region, and not +brought from the far south. + +No glazed pottery showing Spanish influence was found at Sikyatki, but +there can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery was +practiced by the ancestors of the Tusayan people. The modern potters +of the East Mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazed +ware was obtained from the necropolis of Sikyatki. + + +PERISHABLE CONTENTS OF MORTUARY FOOD BOWLS + +It is the habit of the modern Tusayan Indians to deposit food of +various kinds on the graves of their dead. The basins used for that +purpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicacies +for the breath-body of the deceased. Naturally from its exposed +position much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears in +other ways. There appears excellent evidence, however, that the +mortuary food offerings of the ancient Sikyatkians were deposited with +the body and covered with soil and sometimes stones. + +The lapse of time since these burials took place has of course caused +the destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found to +be simple where any sign of their former presence remains. Thin films +of interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the whole +inner surface of the bowl. Certain of the contents of these basins in +the shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, +possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they have +been submitted. A considerable quantity of these contents of mortuary +bowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of whose +examination is set forth in the accompanying letter: + +U. S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, DIVISION OF BOTONY, +_Washington, D. C., March 25, 1896._ + + DEAR DR FEWKES: Having made a cursory examination of the + samples of supposed vegetable material sent by you day + before yesterday, collected at Sikyatki, Arizona, in + supposed prehistoric burial places, I have the following + preliminary report to make: + + No. 156247. A green resinous substance. I am unable to say + whether or not this is of vegetable origin. + + No. 156248. A mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand, + the fibers consisting in part of slender roots, in part of + the hair of some animal. + + No. 156249. This consists of a mixture of seed with a small + amount of sand present. The seeds are, in about the relative + order of their abundance, (_a_) a leguminous shiny seed of a + dirty olive color, possibly of the genus _Parosela_ (usually + known as _Dalea_); (_b_) the black seed shells, flat on one + side and almost invariably broken, of a plant apparently + belonging to the family _Malvaceae_; (_c_) large, flat, + nearly black achenia, possibly of a _Coreopsis_, bordered + with a narrow-toothed wing; (_d_) the thin lenticular + utricles of a _Carex_; (_e_) the minute black, bluntly + trihedral seeds of some plant of the family _Polygonaceae_, + probably an _Eriogonum_. The majority of these seeds have a + coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally + been viscous; (_f_) a dried chrysalis bearing a slight + resemblance to a seed. + + No. 156250. This bottle contains the same material as No. + 156249, except that no larvæ are found, but a large, plump, + brownish, lenticular seed 4 mm. in diameter, doubtless the + seed of a _Croton_. + + No. 156251. A thin fragment of matter consisting of minute + roots of plants partially intermixed on one surface with + sand. + + No. 156252. This consists almost wholly of plant rootlets + and contains a very slight amount of sand. + + No. 156254. This consists of pieces of rotten wood through + which had grown the rootlets of plants. The wood, upon a + microscopical examination, is shown to be that of some + dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. The + plant rootlets in most cases followed the large ducts that + run lengthwise through the pieces of wood and take up the + greater part of the space. + + No. 156255. The mass contained in this bottle is made up of + (_a_) grains, contained in their glumes or husks, of some + grass, probably _Oryzopsis membranacea_; (_b_) what appears + to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical + fungus. The spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown + covering, or apparently with this covering worn off and + exhibiting an interior white shell. Within this is a very + large number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform + size; (_c_) a few plant rootlets. + + No. 156256. The material in this bottle is similar to that + in 156255 except that the amount of rootlets is greater, the + grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat more + disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that + the spore cases seem to be entirely wanting. + + No. 156257. The material in this bottle is similar to that + in No. 156249, containing the seeds numbered _a_, _b_, _c_, + and _d_ mentioned under that number, besides a greater + amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob. + + No. 156258. This consists almost entirely of plant rootlets + and sand. + + No. 156259. This consists chiefly of the leaves of some + coniferous tree, either an _Abies_ or a _Pseudotsuga_. + + All the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous + plant are dead and their seed-coats rotten. The leguminous + seeds are still hard and will be subjected to a germination + test.[169] + + For a specific and positive identification of these seeds it + will be necessary either for a botanist to visit the region + from which they came or to have at his disposal a complete + collection of the plants of the vicinity. Under such + conditions he could by process of exclusion identify the + seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely less than + would be required in their identification by other means. + +Very sincerely yours, + +FREDERICK V. COVILLE, _Botanist._ + + + + +FOOTNOTES: + + +[Footnote 1: See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan," _American +Anthropologist_, May, 1896. "Two Ruins Recently Discovered in the Red +Rock Country, Arizona," ibid., August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages of +the Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi, +Arizona," Smithsonian Report for 1895.] + +[Footnote 2: The reader's attention is called to the fact that this +report is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section of +Arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a +description of those which were examined, with a brief mention of such +others as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. The +ruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will be +considered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be a +report on the field work in 1896. If a series of monographs somewhat +of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during +many years in several different sections, were available, we would +have sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwestern +archeology.] + +[Footnote 3: It may be borne in mind that several other clans besides +the Patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward from +modern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patuñ (Squash) and +the Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the early +colonization of Middle Mesa.] + +[Footnote 4: Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey, +vol. III, pt. iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. The cavate dwellings of +the Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it has +sometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verde +valley, and then over the Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito, +Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.] + +[Footnote 5: See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the Fifth +Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 6: The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long ago +recognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, the +character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each +class of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that the +argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owing +to an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. See +Bessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the +Territories, vol. II, 1876; Hoffman, Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid., +1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the San +Juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribes +of New Mexico and Arizona." See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskiöld, and +later writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers and Pueblos.] + +[Footnote 7: Report of the Director of the Bureau of American +Ethnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; Smithsonian Report, +1894.] + +[Footnote 8: The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, will +be considered in the report of the expedition of 1896, when extensive +excavations were made at this point. About midway between the Chaves +Pass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are other +ruins, as at Rattlesnake Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by +these former habitations and connects the Verde series with those of +Chaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed +this course. There is also a trail from Homolobi and the Colorado +Chiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin.] + +[Footnote 9: Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell, +Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et seq. Explorations in the +Southwest, ibid., 1886, p. 52 et seq.] + +[Footnote 10: Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and Colorado +rivers; Washington, 1853.] + +[Footnote 11: Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of the +Bureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, Mr +Cushing returned across the country to Zuñi for the purpose of +observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun +ceremonials. En route he discovered two ruins, apparently before +unvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'él, +called by the Navajos Zïnni-jin'ne and by the Zuñis He'-sho'ta +pathl-tâ[)i]e, both, according to Zuñi tradition, belonging to the +Thlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern +migration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and other +gentes of the ancestral pueblos."] + +[Footnote 12: The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods of +forming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the word +Totonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto from +Spanish _tonto_, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called Tonto +Apache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the +"basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is the +same as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. The +map makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places, +and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in the +middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the +seventeenth century. It is always on or near a river flowing into the +Gulf of California.] + +[Footnote 13: Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 14: Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster +of cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to the +more southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him, +the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies of +the rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article, +but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoir +I have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my +account to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers not +described in his report.] + +[Footnote 15: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II, +No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which I am familiar have this raised +spectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at the +opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor +called the _sipapû_, symbolic of the traditional opening through which +races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. Banquettes +exist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. The +raised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above +which blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. A +small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark +granary below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more than +one such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of another +room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by a +partition.] + +[Footnote 16: Counting from the point of the cliff shown in plate +XCI_a_. The positions of the rooms are indicated by the row of +entrances.] + +[Footnote 17: It was from this region that the individual chambers, +described by Mindeleff, were chosen.] + +[Footnote 18: Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely +described the cavate dwellings of the Rio Grande and San Juan regions +that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.] + +[Footnote 19: See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, +_American Anthropologist_, April, 1895. The suggestion that cliff +outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, +but I should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for +security. In times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a high +or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he +must camp among them.] + +[Footnote 20: Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. +Mearns; _Popular Science Monthly_, vol. XXVII. Mindeleff, Aboriginal +Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology.] + +[Footnote 21: Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who +has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology +of the Pueblo area, has published in _Land of Sunshine_ (Los Angeles, +1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important +description of this unique place.] + +[Footnote 22: Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians +inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the +Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.] + +[Footnote 23: The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, +but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma +Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The +latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs +considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the +character of the cavern in which it is built (see figure 246).] + +[Footnote 24: Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and +are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, +where they are known as _trincheras_. They are regarded as places of +refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with +ancient pueblos and cliff houses.] + +[Footnote 25: This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many +prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is +so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are +possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in +detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.] + +[Footnote 26: In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these +caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is +capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the +entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape +doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link +between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.] + +[Footnote 27: The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been +commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be +characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other +tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be +confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are +very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.] + +[Footnote 28: See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures," _American +Anthropologist_, Washington, January, 1897.] + +[Footnote 29: An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the +Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These +ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from +them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The +report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of +migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for +barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.] + +[Footnote 30: Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are +due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, +where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of +the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been +close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to +the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite +people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in +them.] + +[Footnote 31: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; +Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.] + +[Footnote 32: This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent +scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, +now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.] + +[Footnote 33: Hano or "Tewa."] + +[Footnote 34: Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, +who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, +Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and +Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of +the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian +Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.] + +[Footnote 35: Mishoñinovi.] + +[Footnote 36: Shipaulovi.] + +[Footnote 37: Shuñopovi.] + +[Footnote 38: In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens +from this cemetery.] + +[Footnote 39: There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who +related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a +little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the +valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is +quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge +the interval between that event and our own time.] + +[Footnote 40: "La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de +Indios Teguas á Moqui."] + +[Footnote 41: See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. +Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, +but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two +friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate +Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. +Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after +this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good +evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is +probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere +between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was +not far from fifty years.] + +[Footnote 42: Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi--a mound +near _Wala_, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but +neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the +early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa +below Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but +have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings +before they settled there.] + +[Footnote 43: Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," +Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki or +Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of +rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks +indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas +which were also probably from the church building, although no one has +stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has +been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came +from the mission.] + +[Footnote 44: Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, +January 2, 1895, p. 441.] + +[Footnote 45: Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off +[near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards +a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing +one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and +to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is +needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in +Tusayan!] + +[Footnote 46: The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose +plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and +nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.] + +[Footnote 47: Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, _American +Anthropologist_, Washington, July, 1893.] + +[Footnote 48: For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, +Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological +Verification of a Tusayan Legend," _American Anthropologist_, +Washington, October, 1893.] + +[Footnote 49: This important ceremony celebrates the departure from +the pueblos of ancestral gods called _katcinas_, and is one of the +most popular in the ritual.] + +[Footnote 50: Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, XV, +122, 182.] + +[Footnote 51: Voyages, III, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.] + +[Footnote 52: Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit., XVI, +139.] + +[Footnote 53: Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, III, 321.] + +[Footnote 54: San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San +Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi +was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The +church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The +mission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San +Bernabe.] + +[Footnote 55: This article was in type too early for a review of +Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly +locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no +means decisive.] + +[Footnote 56: An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda +in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of +the Bureau.] + +[Footnote 57: "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for +them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and +these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the +principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal +trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by +sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. +Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person +had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû +inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." +("Naacnaiya," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. v, p. 201.) This +appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail +to Tobar.] + +[Footnote 58: When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially +dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the +entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal +drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a +boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the +trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his _moñkohu_ along the +line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with +his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, +vol. VII, p. 19.] + +[Footnote 59: This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is +one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and +leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians +regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on +the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now +sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which +personators of the gods approach the villages.] + +[Footnote 60: According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 +it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in +giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the +copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to +understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times +out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of +natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his +comrades came.] + +[Footnote 61: This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio +(Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is +good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several +chiefs in 1629.] + +[Footnote 62: _Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha +avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estev[=a] de Perea_, +etc., 1633.] + +[Footnote 63: An earlier rumor was that the horses were +anthropophagous.] + +[Footnote 64: As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this +time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet +arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story +of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the +assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a +"kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most +interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in +several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by +Frasquillo is not known to me.] + +[Footnote 65: "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was +said to have 800 inhabitants.] + +[Footnote 66: At the present time one of the most bitter complaints +which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly +baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by +the conquerors.] + +[Footnote 67: _Naacnaiya_ and _Wüwütcimti_ are the elaborate and +abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior +societies, known as the _Tataukyamû_, _Wüwütcimtû_, _Aaltû_ and +_Kwakwantû_. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have +elsewhere been described.] + +[Footnote 68: Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and +"Governor" of Walpi.] + +[Footnote 69: Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the +Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.] + +[Footnote 70: Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had +800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In +1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It +would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not +one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes +1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of +Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, +and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 +would be more nearly correct.] + +[Footnote 71: Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.] + +[Footnote 72: There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to +show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in +Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder +by a Walpi Indian priest.] + +[Footnote 73: See his Final Report, p. 372.] + +[Footnote 74: The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, +which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).] + +[Footnote 75: This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a +rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the +ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto +Basin, and other more southerly regions.] + +[Footnote 76: See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. +II.] + +[Footnote 77: "Las casas son de tres altos"--_Segunda Relacion_, p. +580.] + +[Footnote 78: So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of +Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far +removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The +settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in +very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period +when the people were limited to one family--the Snake. The fragments +of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation +are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or +Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays +long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.] + +[Footnote 79: Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.] + +[Footnote 80: There is a rude sketch of these two idols of _Alosaka_ +in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines +about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the +Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of +the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at +present inexplicable.] + +[Footnote 81: See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate CVIII, +of the Fifteenth Annual Report.] + +[Footnote 82: Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and +a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.] + +[Footnote 83: The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, +which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern +pueblo of Laguna.] + +[Footnote 84: The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande +claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly) +canyon.] + +[Footnote 85: The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical +with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near +Winslow, Arizona.] + +[Footnote 86: The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too +vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is +suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the +exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their +association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in +relation to the skeletons.] + +[Footnote 87: I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments +were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins +of the Salado.] + +[Footnote 88: The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is +divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with +zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand +the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is +decorated with rectangles.] + +[Footnote 89: A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at +Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached +the village, since none of the material from which it was made is +found within many miles of the ruin.] + +[Footnote 90: There are many fine pictographs, some of which are +evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no +respect characteristic, and among them I have seen the _awata_ (bow), +_honani_ (badger's paw), _tcüa_ (snake), and _omowûh_ (rain-cloud). On +the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western +mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with +a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this +point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the _asha_ +symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.] + +[Footnote 91: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II, +No. 1, p. 77.] + +[Footnote 92: In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large +number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming +report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account +in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins," _American +Anthropologist_, December, 1896.] + +[Footnote 93: One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass +during the field work of 1896.] + +[Footnote 94: Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan +villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi +specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the +antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.] + +[Footnote 95: Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, +now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are +undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the +beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for +the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting +white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These +fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.] + +[Footnote 96: Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20, +21.] + +[Footnote 97: These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls +may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot +identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side +toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with +that of Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 98: The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly +known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people +from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our +knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more +extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants +indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins +should be studied with this thought in mind.] + +[Footnote 99: It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose +descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To +be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the +province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to +East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern +nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged +to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the +Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after +the great rebellion of 1680.] + +[Footnote 100: The succession of priests is through the clan of the +mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes +the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have +come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has +been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. +The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we +include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be +descendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on +the mesa above Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 101: In this census I have used also the apparently +conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in +Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.] + +[Footnote 102: _Kanel_ = Spanish _carnero_, sheep; _ba_ = water, +spring.] + +[Footnote 103: Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end +of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is +sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of +potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the +neighborhood.] + +[Footnote 104: The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba +could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt +to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the +society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This +is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in +which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in +capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."] + +[Footnote 105: Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at +Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, +"_Awahaia_," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about +the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on +account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they +are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that +the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.] + +[Footnote 106: Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the +prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of +the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as +the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his +death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was +Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi _katcinas_, and wore the mask of +Eototo in the ceremonials of the _Niman_. All this is significant, and +coincides with the theory that _katcinas_ are incorporated in the +Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he is +a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.] + +[Footnote 107: The Hano people call the Hopi _Koco_ or _Koso_; the +Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call them _Khoso_, according to Hodge.] + +[Footnote 108: The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during +the _Powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. I have noticed that +in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left +unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this +apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, +perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner +was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.] + +[Footnote 109: I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. +Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway +Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not +claimed to be accurate in all particulars.] + +[Footnote 110: The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki +suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in +historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs +of antiquity.] + +[Footnote 111: The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins +is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, +and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom +carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen +and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were +placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently +to protect the remains from prowling beasts.] + +[Footnote 112: The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two +beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are +twisted.] + +[Footnote 113: The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle +handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. +The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, +although even the Corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are also +sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are +likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less +so.] + +[Footnote 114: The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the +modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in +Tusayan.] + +[Footnote 115: The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have +handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important +exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the +Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for +sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the +priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go +is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form +handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.] + +[Footnote 116: Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling +element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like +flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most +absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details +of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.] + +[Footnote 117: Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen +for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the +Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a +lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the +specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether +they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as +the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the +vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the +decease of a relative or at an earlier period.] + +[Footnote 118: The figure shown in plate CXXIX, _a_, was probably +intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the +Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures +of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to +the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan +altars.] + +[Footnote 119: Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially +those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried with +the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot +their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous +so-called Navaho _katcinas_, and the reciprocal influence on the +Navaho cults was even greater.] + +[Footnote 120: These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two +long, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks are +tied. For an extended description see _Journal of American Ethnology +and Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1, page 11.] + +[Footnote 121: The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as +are found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate that +decorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen of +black-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present has +yet been figured. The sequence of evolution in designs is believed to +be (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human +beings.] + +[Footnote 122: In some of the figurines used in connection with modern +Hopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made of +sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.] + +[Footnote 123: The natives of Cibola, according to Castañeda, "gather +their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an +old-fashioned headdress." The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the only +Indians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is +still kept up by men in certain sacred dances at Zuñi. The country +women in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on +each side of the forehead, a custom which Castañeda may have had in +mind when he compared the Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned +headdress."] + +[Footnote 124: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.] + +[Footnote 125: Troano and Cortesiano codices.] + +[Footnote 126: A _nakwákwoci_ is an individual prayer-string, and +consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string. +These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayan +ceremony.] + +[Footnote 127: The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show +that the cult of the Corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritual +of Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so +prominent in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques, +bowls, and dolls, are not found in the Sikyatki picture.] + +[Footnote 128: The reason for my belief that this is a breath feather +will be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures.] + +[Footnote 129: For the outline of this legend see _Journal of American +Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. IV. The maid is there called the +Tcüa-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germ +goddess. The same personage is alluded to under many different names, +depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to the +same mythic concept.] + +[Footnote 130: The attitude of the male and female here depicted was +not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient Sikyatki mind +the picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is a +symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, +and representations of these two form essential elements of the +ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.] + +[Footnote 131: The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, +generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, and +an enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certain +ceremonials which need not here be described. During the excavations +at Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention to a large Dipteran +insect which he called "Kokopeli."] + +[Footnote 132: The practice still exists at Zuñi, I am told, and there +is no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said that old Naiutci, the +chief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during one +of these performances. (Since the above lines were written I have +excavated from one of the ruins on the Little Colorado a specimen of +one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made of +bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar +with the practices of Oraibi and other villagers. It is my intention +to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the +explorations of 1896.)] + +[Footnote 133: "Tusayan Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the +Bureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, 1897. Hewüqti is also called +Soyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The Keresan +(Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, an +admirable definition of the Hopi Natackas.] + +[Footnote 134: The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos in +the _Powamû_ where the representative of Calako flogs the children. +Calako's picture is found on the _Powamû_ altars of several of the +villages of the Hopi.] + +[Footnote 135: Figures of the human hand have been found on the walls +of cliff houses. These were apparently made in somewhat the same way +as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and +pigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly," +by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth Annual Report, 1894-95.] + +[Footnote 136: Mu^{r}yi, mole or gopher; mu^{r}iyawû, moon. There +maybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thus +far it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more than +call attention to what appears to be an interesting etymological +coincidence.] + +[Footnote 137: This form of mouth I have found in pictures of +quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to be +conventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of +the _Natacka_ monsters which appear in the Walpi _Powamû_ ceremony. +See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas," in the Fifteenth Annual Report.] + +[Footnote 138: Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on +modern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The snake, so common on Zuñi +ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of +earthenware in use in modern Hopi ritual.] + +[Footnote 139: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. +IV.] + +[Footnote 140: Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one +point marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the case +with larger vases and jars.] + +[Footnote 141: One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient +type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the Snake dance at +Oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the +Antelope priesthood of that pueblo.] + +[Footnote 142: One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina, +but good examples occur on the dolls of the Calakomanas. The Lakone +maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which +corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was +introduced by the southern clans or the Patki people.] + +[Footnote 143: In the evolution of ornament among the Hopi, as among +most primitive peoples where new designs have replaced the old, the +meaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. Consequently we are +forced to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. If, for +instance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we find the figure of a +bird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristic +symbol form, we are justified, when we find the same symbolic design +on another fragment where the rest of the bird is wanting, in +considering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. So when the +prescribed figure of the feather has been replaced by another form it +is not surprising to find it incomprehensible to modern shamans. The +comparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbols +to which the modern Hopi priest can furnish no clue.] + +[Footnote 144: In an examination of many figures of ancient vessels +where this peculiar design occurs it will be found that in all +instances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the bird +is not to be found. The same may also be said of the design which +represents the tail-feathers. This way of representing feathers is not +without modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls of +mystic personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments.] + +[Footnote 145: At the present time the circle is the totemic signature +of the Earth people, representing the horizon, but it has likewise +various other meanings. With certain appendages it is the disk of the +sun--and there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as amulets, placed on +sand pictures or tied to helmets, which may be represented by a simple +ring. The meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above is +not clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficiently +extensive to enable a discovery of its significance by comparative +methods. A ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva is +called a "house," and a little imagination would easily identify these +with the mythic houses of the sky-bird, but this interpretation is at +present only fanciful.] + +[Footnote 146: The _paho_ is probably a substitution of a sacrifice of +corn or meal given as homage to the god addressed.] + +[Footnote 147: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. +IV. These water gourds figure conspicuously in many ceremonies of the +Tusayan ritual. The two girls personating the Corn-maids carry them in +the Flute observance, and each of the Antelope priests at Oraibi bears +one of these in the Antelope or Corn dance.] + +[Footnote 148: "A few Tusayan Pictographs;" _American Anthropologist_, +Washington, January, 1892.] + +[Footnote 149: A beautiful example of this kind was found at Homolobi +in the summer of 1896.] + +[Footnote 150: In this connection the reader is referred to the story, +already told in former pages of this memoir, concerning the flogging +of the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the Hopi the +seeds of corn. It may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence that +Calako-taka represents a supernatural sun-bird, that the Tataukyamû +priests carry a shield with Tunwup (Calako-taka) upon it in the +Soyaluña. These priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, are +associated with the sun. In the Sun drama, or Calako ceremony, in +July, Calako-takas are personated, and at Zuñi the Shalako is a great +winter sun ceremony.] + +[Footnote 151: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895, p. 133. As +these cross-shape pahos which are now made in Tusayan are attributed +to the Kawaika or Keres group of Indians, and as they were seen at the +Keresan pueblo of Acoma in 1540, it is probable that they are +derivative among the Hopi; but simple cross decorations on ancient +pottery were probably autochthonous.] + +[Footnote 152: In dolls of the Corn-maids this germinative symbol is +often found made of wood and mounted on an elaborate tablet +representing rain-clouds.] + +[Footnote 153: Many similarities might be mentioned between the +terraced figures used in decoration in Old Mexico and in ancient +Tusayan pottery, but I will refer to but a single instance, that of +the stuccoed walls of Mitla, Oaxaca, and Teotitlan del Valle. Many +designs from these ruins are gathered together for comparative +purposes by that eminent Mexicanist, Dr E. Seler, in his beautiful +memoir on Mitla (_Wandmalereien von Mitla_, plate X). In this plate +exact counterparts of many geometric patterns on Sikyatki pottery +appear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. There +are key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments of +Central America identical with the figures on pottery from Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 154: This pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs of +Walpi, is commonly called the Snake rock.] + +[Footnote 155: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.] + +[Footnote 156: I failed to find out how the Hopi regard fossils.] + +[Footnote 157: These objects were eagerly sought by the Hopi women who +visited the camps at Awatobi and Sikyatki.] + +[Footnote 158: The tubular form of pipe was almost universal in the +pueblo area, and I have deposited in the National Museum pipes of this +kind from several ruins in the Rio Grande valley.] + +[Footnote 159: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. +IV, pp. 31, 32, 33.] + +[Footnote 160: This form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area.] + +[Footnote 161: Ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves, +have a small fragment of woven fabric tied about them.] + +[Footnote 162: The so-called "implements of wood" figured by +Nordenskiöld ("The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde," plate XLII) are +identical with some of the pahos from Sikyatki, and are undoubtedly +prayer-sticks.] + +[Footnote 163: Primitive Culture, vol. ii, p. 396.] + +[Footnote 164: Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, Vol. +_ii_, p. 131.] + +[Footnote 165: _American Anthropologist_, July, 1892.] + +[Footnote 166: As stated in former pages, there is some paleographic +evidence looking in that direction.] + +[Footnote 167: _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, vol. V, no. xviii, p. +213.] + +[Footnote 168: Op. cit., p. 214.] + +[Footnote 169: They failed to germinate.] + + + + +APPENDIX + + +The following list introduces the numbers by which the specimens +illustrated in this memoir are designated in the catalog of the United +States National Museum. Each specimen is also marked with a field +catalog number, the locality in which it was found, and the name of +the collector: + + PLATE + CXI. _a_, 155895; _b_, 155897; _c_, 155898; _d_, 155896; _e_, 155900; + _f_, 155916. + + CXII. _a_, 155875; _b_, 155996; _c_, 155902; _d_, 155996; _e_, 155997. + + CXIII. _a_, 155992; _b_, 155913; _c_, 155991; _d_, 155994; _e_, 155993. + + CXIV. _a_-_g_, 156018; _h_, 156131; _i_, 156091; _j_, 156018. + + CXIX. _a_, 155806; _b_, 155841; _c_, 155832; _d_, 155678; _e_, 155820; + _f_, 155838. + + CXX. _a_, 155867; _b_, 155866; _c_, 155871; _d_, 155856; _e_, 155861; + _f_, 155460. + + CXXI. _a_, 155694; _b_, 155698; _c_, 155719. + + CXXII. _a_, 155702; _b_, 155684; _c_, 155688. + + CXXIII. _a_, 155711; _b_, 155703; _c_, 155707; _d_, 155673. + + CXXIV. _a_, 155674; _b_, 155683. + + CXXV. _a_, 155750; _b_, 155753; _c_, 155751; _d_, 155752; _e_, 155749; + _f_, 155747. + + CXXVI. _a_, 155700; _b_, 155682. + + CXXVII. _a_, 155718; _b_, 155714; _c_, 155723; _d_, 155691. + + CXXVIII. _a_, 155745; _b_, 155744; _c_, 155746; _d_, 155735; _e_, 155734; + _f_, 155733; _g_, 155736. + + CXXIX. _a_, 155467; _b_, 155462; _c_, 155463; _d_, 155464; _e_, 155466; + _f_, 155465. + + CXXX. _a_, 155474; _b_, 155475; _c_, 155477; _d_, 155484; _e_, 155473; + _f_, 155476. + + CXXXI. _a_, 155758; _b_, 155773; _c_, 155768; _d_, 155771; _e_, 155546; + _f_ 155764. + + CXXXII. _a_, 155482; _b_, 155483; _c_, 155481; _d_, 155480; _e_, 155479; + _f_, 155485. + + CXXXIII. _a_, 155614; _b_, 155757; _c_, 155502; _d_, 155772; _e_, 155758; + _f_, 155781. + + CXXXIV. _a_, 155570; _b_, 155597; _c_, 155567; _d_, 155507; _e_, 155575; + _f_, 155505. + + CXXXV. _a_, 155692; _b_, 155681. + + CXXXVI. _a_, 155687; _b_, 155737; _c_, 155695. + + CXXXVII. _a_, 155488; _b_, 155450; _c_, 155468; _d_, 155732; _e_, 155776; + _f_, 155740. + +CXXXVIII. _a_, 155498; _b_, 155490; _c_, 155492; _d_, 155500; _e_, 155499; + _f_, 155494. + + CXXXIX. _a_, 155524; _b_, 155528; _c_, 155491; _d_, 155523; _e_, 155527; + _f_, 155522. + + CXL. _a_, 155529; _b_, 155489; _c_, 155540; _d_, 155541; _e_, 155606; + _f_, 155410. + + CXLI. _a_, 155501; _b_, 155503; _c_, 155509; _d_, 155511; _e_, 155510; + _f_, 155512. + + CXLII. _a_, 155712; _b_, 155693; _c_, 155756; _d_, 155636; _e_, 155697. + + CXLIII. _a_, _b_, 155690. + + CXLIV. _a_, _b_, 155689. + + CXLV. _a_, 155717; _b_, 155696. + + CXLVI. _a_, 155538; _b_, 155508; _c_, 155802; _d_, 155537; _e_, 155487; + _f_, 155653. + + CXLVII. _a_, 155493; _b_, 155497; _c_, 155602; _d_, 155504; _e_, 155608; + _f_, 155495. + + CXLVIII. _a_, 155556; _b_, 155408; _c_, 155545; _d_, 155548; _e_, 155544; + _f_, 155542. + + CXLIX. _a_, 155554; _b_, 155549; _c_, 155573; _d_, 155607; _e_, 155572; + _f_, 155581. + + CL. _a_, 155565; _b_, 155519; _c_, 155518; _d_, 155569; _e_, 155551; + _f_, 155574. + + CLI. _a_, 155535; _b_, 155532; _c_, 155539; _d_, 155526; _e_, 155613; + _f_, 155615. + + CLII. _a_, 155555; _b_, 155547; _c_, 155571; _d_, 155553; _e_, 155536; + _f_, 155521. + + CLIII. _a_, 155558; _b_, 155564. + + CLIV. _a_, 155560; _b_, 155568. + + CLV. _a_, 155543; _b_, 155557. + + CLVI. _a_, 155562; _b_, 155561; _c_, 155562; _d_, 155796; _e_, 155601; + _f_, 155588. + + CLVII. _a_, 155531; _b_, 155530; _c_, 155525; _d_, 155585; _e_, 155563; + _f_, 155552. + + CLVIII. _a_, 155628; _b_, 155742; _c_, 155632; _d_, 155633; _e_, 155587; + _f_, 155634. + + CLIX. _a_, 155583; _b_, 155598; _c_, 155516; _d_, 155629; _e_, 155590; + _f_, 155520. + + CLX. _a_, 155577; _b_, 155576; _c_, 155622; _d_, 155594; _e_, 155647; + _f_, 155654. + + CLXI. _a_, 155642; _b_, 155506; _c_, 155517; _d_, 155472; _e_, 155589; + _f_, 155600. + + CLXII. _a_, 155637; _b_, 155618; _c_, 155643; _d_, 155621; _e_, 155534; + _f_, 155533. + + CLXIII. _a_, 155611; _b_, 155612. + + CLXIV. _a_, 155610; _b_, 155609. + + CLXV. _a_, 155593; _b_, 155592. + + CLXVI. _a_, 155641; _b_, 155616; _c_, 155617; _d_, 155619; _e_, 155584; + _f_, 155640. + + CLXVII. _a_, 155877; _b_, 155878; _c_, 155892; _d_, 155882; _e_, 155890; + _f_, 155881. + + CLXVIII. _a_, 155876; _b_, 155891; _c_, 155884; _d_, 155914; _e_, 155940; + _f_, 155880. + + CLXIX. _a_, 156095; _b_, 156098; _c_, 156175; _d_, 156174; _e_, 156154; + _f_, 156065. + + CLXX. _a_, _b_, 156227. + + CLXXI. _a_, 156270; _b_, _c_, 156303; _e_, 156199; _f_, 156043. + + CLXXII. _a_, 156042; _b_, 156169; _c_, 156169; _d_, 156170; _e_, 156184; + _f_, 156164. + + CLXXIII. _a_, 155999; _b_, 155154; _c_, 156128; _d_, 156131; + _e_, _f_, 1561?0; _g_, 156010; _h-l_, 156130. + + CLXXIV. _a_, 156191; _b_, _c_, 156183; _d_, 156185; _e-g_, 156183; + _h-j_, 156194; _k_, 156180; _l_, _m_, 156191; _n_, 156182. + + CLXXV. _o_, 156188; _p_, 156185; _q_, 156191; _r_, 156186; _s_, 156180; + _t_, 156188; _u_, 156181; _v_, 156179; _w_, 156187. + + + + +INDEX + + +ACROPOLIS of Sikyatki 638, 640, 643-646 +ADOBE plastering in cavate houses 542 + [ADOBE], _see_ MASONRY, PLASTERING. +AGAVE fiber used in Tusayan 629, 630 +AGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUVÍ, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUYA, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUATUYBÁ, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AGUITOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATU, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AHUATUYBA, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AH-WAT-TENNA an Awatobi synonym 594 +ALOSAKA idols in Awatobi shrine 619 +ANAWITA, traditional information given by 595 +ANCESTOR worship at Sikyatki 732 +ANTELOPE VALLEY, _see_ JEDITOH VALLEY. +APACHE depredation in Tusayan 585 + [APACHE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581 + [APACHE] occupancy of Verde ruins 550, 565, 570 + [APACHE] pictographs in Verde valley 550, 556, 567, 568 +AQUATASI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AQUATUBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ARCHEOLOGICAL expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744 +ARIZONA, archeological expedition to, 1895 519-744 + [ARIZONA], _see_ NAVAHO. +ARROWHEAD KILT worn by man-eagle 692-693 +ARROWHEADS from Awatobi 618, 625 + [ARROWHEADS] in Sikyatki graves 731, 740 +ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS from Awatobi 611, 731 +[ ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS] in Sikyatki graves 731 +ART REMAINS in Palatki and Honanki 569 +ASA PEOPLE join the Hopi 578 + [ASA PEOPLE], migration of 622 + [ASA PEOPLE] settle at Sichomovi 578 +ASH-HEAP PUEBLO, former site of Walpi 635 +ATABI-HOGANDI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AUA-TU-UI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +A-WA-TE-U, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AWATOBI and Sikyatki pottery compared 659 + [AWATOBI], arrowshaft polishers from 611, 731 + [AWATOBI], etymology of 594 + [AWATOBI], legend of destruction of 602 + [AWATOBI], population of 637 + [AWATOBI], reasons for excavating 591 + [AWATOBI] ruin discussed 592-631 + [AWATOBI] ruin examined 535 + [AWATOBI], settlement of Sikyatki people at 634 + [AWATOBI] settled by Küküchomo and Sikyatki people 589 + [AWATOBI] visited in 1540 596 +AWATÛBI, an Awatobi synonym 594 +Á-WAT-U-I, an Awatobi synonym 594 +AWLS, bone, from Awatobi 627 +AXES, stone, in Sikyatki graves 730, 731 + [AXES] from Awatobi 625 + +BADGER PEOPLE settle Sichomovi 578 +BAER, ERWIN, with archeological expedition in 1895 527 +BANCROFT, H. H., on destruction of Awatobi 601 +BANDELIER, A. F., Cibola identified by 595 + [BANDELIER, A. F.], on record of Awatobi destruction 610 +BAPTISM opposed by the Hopi 601 +BASINS, _see_ POTTERY. +BASKETRY found in Honanki 572 + [BASKETRY] not found at Sikyatki 649 +BAT-HOUSE, ruin of the 590 +BEADS from Awatobi 628 + [BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733 +BEAMS of mission in Walpi houses 586 + [BEAMS] of Palatki ruin 557 +BEAN-PLANTING ceremony of the Hopi 702 +BEAR CLANS, early arrival of, at Tusayan 582 +BELL, clay, from Awatobi 628 + [BELL], copper fragments of, from Awatobi 609, 631 + [BELL] used in Hopi ceremony 628 +BERRIES in Sikyatki graves 733 +BESSELS, EMIL, on affinity of cliff-dwellers and pueblos 532 +BICKFORD, F. D., on cliff houses in Walnut canyon 532 +BIRD figures on Hopi pottery 660 + [BIRD] figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714 + [BIRD] ornaments from Awatobi 628 + [BIRD] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733 + [BIRD] vessels from Awatobi 624 +BLOODY BASIN, cliff houses of 549 +BODKINS, bone, from Awatobi 627 +BONE BEADS from Honanki 573 + [BONE BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733 +BONE OBJECTS from Awatobi 627, 628 + [BONE OBJECTS], from Honanki 572 +BONILLA, --, on Sandia population in 1749 584 +BOURKE, J. G., identifies Tally-hogan with Awatobi 602 +BOWLS, Sikyatki, decorations on 705 + [BOWLS], _see_ POTTERY. +BOXES, earthenware, from Sikyatki 655 +BRACELETS from Awatobi 628 +BUTTERFLY figures on Sikyatki pottery. 678-680, 698 + [BUTTERFLY] symbol on Hopi pottery 687 + +CALAKO in Hopi mythology 700 + [CALAKO] katcina, origin of 666 +CAMPBELL, GEO., cliff houses discovered by 533 +CAMP VERDE, ruins near 534 +CARDENAS, G. L., visits Tusayan in 1540 595 +CARDINAL POINTS in Hopi ceremony 613, 628, 678 +CASA GRANDE ascribed to the Hopi 531 +CASA MONTEZUMA, _see_ MONTEZUMA CASTLE. +CASAS GRANDES, pottery from 624 +CASTEÑEDA, P. DE, account of Tusayan 596 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on Cibola hair-dressing 661 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on early pueblo warfare 588 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on Hopi fabrics 629 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on pueblo kivas in 1540 575 + [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on visit to Tusayan in 1540 596, 597 +CAVATE DWELLINGS, function of 544 + [CAVATE DWELLINGS] in Verde valley discussed 536, 537-545 +CEMETERIES of Sikyatki 646-649 +CEMETERY of Awatobi 593, 618 +CEREMONIAL CIRCUIT of the Hopi 681 +CHAIRS tabooed in Hopi kivas 626 +CHARM STONES from Sikyatki 729 +CHAVERO, A., on Nahuatl water symbol 569 +CHAVES PASS, ruins at 532, 573 +CHELLY CANYON, cliff houses in 578 + [CHELLY CANYON], _see_ TSÉGI. +CHIMNEYS, absence of, at Sikyatki 646 +CHUKUBI, ruin of, discussed 583 +CIBOLA, identification of 595 + [CIBOLA], _see_ ZUÑI. +CIGARETTES of reeds in sacrificial caves 736 + [CIGARETTES] in Hopi ceremony 735 +CINDER CONES, ruins in 532 +CIRCULAR RUINS absent in southern pueblo area 576 +CIST in Awatobi kiva 612 + [CIST] in cavate lodges 542 + [CIST] near cavate houses 543 +CLANS formerly occupying Sikyatki 636 + [CLANS] of Awatobi 610 + [CLANS] of Küküchomo and Sikyatki 587, 588 +CLIFF DWELLERS defined 531 +CLIFF HOUSES, age of, in Red-rocks 545 + [CLIFF HOUSES] and pueblos similar 537 + [CLIFF HOUSES] formerly occupied by Hopi 578 + [CLIFF HOUSES], human hand figures on 668 + [CLIFF HOUSES] in Walnut canyon 532 + [CLIFF HOUSES] of the Red-rocks 548, 549 + [CLIFF HOUSES] of Verde valley classified 536 +CLIFF PALACE and Honanki compared 552 +CLIFF'S RANCH, pictographs near 548 +CLOUD, _see_ RAINCLOUD. +CLOWN-PRIEST figures on Hopi pottery 659 +COLANDER fragments from Tusayan ruins 624 +COMUPAVÍ identified with Shuñopovi 599 +CONCEPCION, CRISTOVAL DE LA, at founding of Awatobi mission 599 +COPPER found in Awatobi 608, 609, 631 + [COPPER] bells in Arizona ruins 628, 629 + [COPPER] unknown to ancient Tusayan 741 +CORN attached to prayer-sticks 739 + [CORN] found in Awatobi 606, 619 + [CORN] found in Honanki 572 + [CORN], Hopi symbolism of 662 + [CORN] in Hopi ceremony 628 + [CORN], sweet, introduced in Mishoñinovi 604 +CORN-MAID dolls of the Hopi 704 + [CORN-MAID] figures of the Hopi 661 + [CORN-MAID] figures on Hopi pottery 657, 658, 662 +CORN MOUND, symbolic 740 +CORN POLLEN in Hopi ceremony 628 +CORNADO, F. V. DE, route of 530 +COSMOGONY of the Hopi 647, 666, 732 +COTTON cultivated by the Hopi 596, 629 + [COTTON] fabrics in Verde ruins 573 + [COTTON] garments of the Hopi 599 +COVILLE, F. V., on identification of ancient food remains 741-742 +CREMATION not practiced at Sikyatki 649 +CROOKS in Tusayan ritual 703 + [CROOKS] on Sikyatki pottery 703-704, 714, 724 +CROSS figure allied to sun symbol 623 + [CROSS] on Sikyatki pottery 702 +CRYSTAL, _see_ QUARTZ CRYSTAL. +CUANRABI mentioned by Oñate 599 +CUPS from Sikyatki described 654 + [CUPS], _see_ POTTERY. +CUSHING, F. H., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 + [CUSHING, F. H.], on southern origin of Zuñi clans 574 + [CUSHING, F. H.], ruins visited by 534 + +DECORATION of Awatobi pottery 623, 624-625 + [DECORATION] of Honanki pottery 570, 571 + [DECORATION] of ladle handles 624 + [DECORATION] of pottery by spattering 650, 668, 671, 677 + [DECORATION] of Sikyatki pottery 650, 652, 655, 657-728 +DELLENBAUGH, F. S., on identification of Cibola 595 +DIPPERS from Awatobi described 624 + [DIPPERS], _see_ POTTERY. +DOLLS, Corn-maid, of the Hopi 704 +DOMESTIC ANIMALS of the Hopi 731 +DOORWAYS of cavate houses 543, 552 +DRAGONFLY symbolic of rain 630 + [DRAGONFLY] symbol on pottery 669, 680-682 +DRILL balances from Sikyatki graves 740 + +EAGLE PLUMES in Hopi rites 589 +EAGLE SHRINE at Tukinobi 589 +EAGLES kept by the Hopi 731 +EAST MESA, ruins at 581, 585 +ESPEJO, ANTONIO, Awatobi referred to by 596, 599 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], Awatobi visited by 594 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], on Hopi fabrics 629 + [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], visits Tusayan in 1583 598 +ESPELETA, an Oraibi chief 601 + [ESPELETA], visits Santa Fé 601, 602 +ESPELETA, JOSÉ, killed at Oraibi 600 +ESPERIEZ mentioned by Oñate 599 +ESTUFA, _see_ KIVA. + +FABRICS, _see_ TEXTILE. +FEATHER fabrics from Sikyatki 629 + [FEATHER] symbols on Hopi pottery 663 + [FEATHER] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714, 723, 724 +FEATHERED STRINGS represented on pottery 662 +FEATHERS on prayer-sticks 739 +FETISH, mountain lion, from Awatobi 618 + [FETISH], mountain lion, from Sikyatki 730 + [FETISH], personal, from Sikyatki 729 +FEWKES, J. W., on archeological expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744 +FIGUEROA, JOSÉ, killed at Awatobi 600 +FIRE, Hopi purification by 647 + [FIRE], _see_ NEW-FIRE CEREMONY. +FIRE-HOUSE, ancient occupancy of 633 + [FIRE-HOUSE] ruin of Tusayan 590, 633 +FIREPLACES in cavate dwellings 641 +FIREWOOD PEOPLE at Sikyatki 632, 633, 640, 646 + [FIREWOOD PEOPLE] of Tusayan 672 +FLAGSTAFF, cliff houses near 533 +FLOWER FIGURE on Hopi pottery 697 + [FLOWER FIGURE] on Sikyatki pottery 658, 680 +FLOWERS, _see_ VEGETAL DESIGNS. +FLUTE CEREMONY not performed in kiva 575, 612 + [FLUTE CEREMONY], trails closed during 597 +FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS from Awatobi 624 + [FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS] from Sikyatki 656 +FLUTE SOCIETY, prayer-sticks of the 737 +FOOD REMAINS in mortuary vessels 741 +FOSSILS used in Hopi ceremony 730 +FRASQUILLO, flight of Tanoan refugees under 578, 600 +FROG figures on Sikyatki pottery 658 + [FROG] figures on Tusayan bowls 677 + +GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN, Awatobi visited by 600 + [GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN], missionary labors of 601 +GARDENS, modern, at Sikyatki 646 +GENESIS, _see_ COSMOGONY. +GEOMETRIC figures on Sikyatki pottery 701-705 +GERMINATIVE symbol on Sikyatki pottery 704 +GODDARD, S., with archeological expedition in 1895 527 +GOD OF DEATH of the Hopi 641 +GOODE, G. BROWN, acknowledgments to 528 +GORGETS in Sikyatki graves 733 +GUTIERREZ, ANDRES, at founding of Awatobi mission 599 + +HAIR, human, woven by the Hopi 630 +HAIRDRESSING of the Hopi 661, 663 +HANCE'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545 +HAND figures on Sikyatki pottery 666-668, 728 +HANO compared with Walpi 642 + [HANO] in 1782 579 + [HANO], when established 636 +HAVASUPAI, cliff dwellings occupied by 533 +HEART represented in animal figures 673 +HEMATITE fetish from Sikyatki 730 +HEMENWAY, MARY, Kawaika pottery purchased by 590 +HÉ-SHÓTA-PATHL-TÂ[)I]E, Zuñi name of Kintiel 534 +HODGE, F. W., acknowledgments to 527 + [HODGE, F. W.] on colander fragments from Salado ruins 624 + [HODGE, F. W.] on recent advent of the Navaho 658 + [HODGE, F. W.], Sikyatki excavation aided by 648 +HODGE, _Mrs_ M. W., acknowledgments to 527 +HOFFMAN, W. J., on ruins at Montezuma Well 546 +HOLBROOK, ruins near 533 +HOLGUIN, _Capt_., Payüpki attacked by 583 +HOLMES, W. H., on evolution of pottery designs 715, 716, 727 +HOMOLOBI, location of 532 +HONANKI, art remains found at 569 + [HONANKI], origin of name 553, 559 + [HONANKI], discovery of ruin of 534, 551 + [HONANKI] ruin discussed 558-569 +HOPI, abandonment of villages by 580 + [HOPI] and Verde ruins compared 573 + [HOPI], early migrations of clans of 574 + [HOPI] knowledge of Montezuma Well 547 + [HOPI] pictographic score 568 + [HOPI] pueblos in 1782 579 + [HOPI] request removal to Tonto basin 534 + [HOPI] ruins, distribution of 581 + [HOPI], southern origin of part of 568 +HORN CLANS at Sikyatki 669 +HORN-HOUSE, ruin of 590 +HORSES, how regarded by ancient Hopi 598, 599 +HOUGH, W., pottery figure interpreted by 664 +HOWELL, E., cliff houses discovered by 533 +HUMAN FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 660 +HUMAN REMAINS in Awatobi ruins 610, 612, 618 + [HUMAN REMAINS], _see_ CEMETERIES. + +IDOL, _see_ ALOSAKA, DOLL, FETISH. +INSECT figures on Sikyatki pottery 658 +IRRIGATION represented in pictography 545 + [IRRIGATION] ditches in Verde valley 538 + +JACOB'S WELL described 546 +JAKWAINA, farm of, at Sikyatki 640 +JARAMILLO, JUAN, on "Tucayan" 595 +JARS, _see_ POTTERY. +JEDITOH VALLEY, ruins in 581, 589, 592 +JUDD, JAMES S., acknowledgments to 527 + +KACHINBA ruin described 589 +KATCI, a Hopi folklorist 637 + [KATCI], farm of, at Sikyatki 641 +KATCINA cult in Tusayan 625, 633 + [KATCINA] defined 661, 732 + [KATCINA] figures on Hopi pottery 624, 658, 665 +KAWAIKA, application of name 622 + [KAWAIKA], pottery from 622 + [KAWAIKA], ruins at 590 +KEAM, T. V., excavations by, at Kawaika 622 + [KEAM, T. V.], idols removed and returned by 619 +KEAM'S CANYON, ruins in 581 +KINNAZINDE, ruin of 534 +KINTIEL ascribed to the Zuñi 534, 591 + [KINTIEL], location of 533 +KISAKOBI, former site of Walpi 578 + [KISAKOBI] ruins described 585 + [KISAKOBI], settlement of 635 +KISHYUBA, a Hopi ruin 591 +KISI and cavate house compared 544 +KIVA-LIKE remains at Honanki 560 +KIVAS, absence of, in Sikyatki 642 + [KIVAS], absence of, in southern cliff houses 574 + [KIVAS], ceremonial replastering of 645 + [KIVAS], distribution of 561, 574 + [KIVAS] of Awatobi 611 + [KIVAS], platforms characteristic of 541 + [KIVAS], round, evolution of 575 +K'N'-I-K'ÉL, _see_ KINTIEL. +KOKOPELI, a Hopi deity 663 +KOPELI, services of, at Sikyatki 641, 643 +KÓYIMSE of the Hopi 659 +KÜCHAPTÜVELA, former site of Walpi 578 + [KÜCHAPTÜVELA] ruin described 585 +KÜKÜCHOMO ruins described 586 +KWATAKA, a Hopi monster 691 + +LADLES from Awatobi described 624 + [LADLES] from Sikyatki described 655 + [LADLES], _see_ POTTERY. +LANGLEY, S. P., acknowledgments to 528 +LELO, farm of, at Sikyatki 640 +LEROUX, A., Verde ruins discovered by 530 +LIGHTNING symbol on Hopi pottery 673 +LIGNITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 + [LIGNITE] gorgets in Sikyatki graves 733 +LINES, broken, on Sikyatki pottery 704 +LUMMIS, C. F., on Montezuma Well ruins 546 + +MAMZRÁUTI ceremony introduced at Walpi 604 +MAN-EAGLE, a Hopi monster 691 + [MAN-EAGLE] on Sikyatki pottery 683 +MARIE, AUG. STA., an Awatobi missionary 600 +MASAUWÛH in Hopi mythology 666 + [MASAUWÛH], _see_ GOD OF DEATH. +MASIUMPTIWA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 +MASONRY of Awatobi 616 + [MASONRY] of Honanki 563 + [MASONRY] of Palatki 554-555 + [MASONRY] of Sikyatki 644 +MEAL, sacred, trail closed with 596, 597 + [MEAL] sacrifice by the Hopi 739 +MEARNS, E. A., on Verde valley ruins 535, 544, 546 +MEDICINE BOWLS of the Hopi 681 + [MEDICINE BOWLS] of the Zuñi and Hopi 655 +MELINE, J. F., on settlement of Sandia 584 +MESCAL in Verde valley caves 550 +METAL not found at Honanki 571 + [METAL] not found at Sikyatki 649, 741 +METATES found in Awatobi 625, 626 + [METATES] found in Honanki 571 + [METATES] found in Sikyatki graves 731 +MICA, _see_ SELENITE. +MIDDLE MESA, ruins at 581, 582 +MIGRATION of Hopi clans 577 +MILLER, _Dr_, pottery collected by 675 +MINDELEFF, COSMOS, Homolobi ruins examined by 532 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on absence of kivas in Verde ruins 561 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on cavate houses 543 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on function of cavate lodges 544 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on origin of circular kivas 576 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on similarity of cliff dwellings and pueblos 537 + [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on Verde valley ruins 535 +MINDELEFF, VICTOR, Awatobi described by 602 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Chukubi by 583 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Mishiptonga by 590 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Awatobi kivas 612 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on distribution of Tusayan ruins 577 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on former sites of Walpi 585 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on origin of circular kivas 576 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Shitaimovi mentioned by 582 + [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Sikyatki described by 632 +MISHIPTONGA, ruin of 590 +MISHOÑINOVI in 1782 579 +MISHOÑINOVI, OLD, discussed 582 +MISSION, ruins of, at Awatobi 606 + [MISSION], when established at Awatobi 599 +MISSIONS among the Hopi 595 +MOKI, _see_ HOPI. +MONTEZUMA CASTLE and Honanki compared 563 + [MONTEZUMA CASTLE] on Beaver creek 549 +MONTEZUMA WELL, ruins at 534, 546-548 +MOONEY, JAMES, cited on Kawaika pottery 590 +MORFI, JUAN A., on Hopi pueblos in 1782 579 + [MORFI, JUAN A.], on settlement of Sandia 584 +MORTARS found in Awatobi 626 +MORTUARY CUSTOMS of the Hopi 648, 656 +MORTUARY OBJECTS in Sikyatki graves 650, 656 +MORTUARY REMAINS in Awatobi 617 +MORTUARY SLABS from Sikyatki 732 +MORTUARY VESSELS, food remains in 741 +MOTH FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 678-680 +MOUNTAIN-LION fetish from Sikyatki 730 + [MOUNTAIN-LION] figure on pottery 671 + [MOUNTAIN-LION] in Hopi mythology 545 +MOUNTAIN-SHEEP figure on pottery 669, 671 +MÜYINWÛ, a Hopi deity 647, 667 +MYTH, _see_ COSMOGONY; GENESIS. +MYTHIC origin of Kanelba 638-639 + [MYTHIC] personages on pottery 665 + +NAHUATL and Hopi pictographs compared 569 +NAIUTCI injured by stick swallowing 664 +NAKWÁKWOCI defined 662 +NAMPÉO, a Hopi potter 660 +NASYUÑWEVE, a Hopi folklorist 637, 640 +NAVAHO and Hopi intermarriage 658 + [NAVAHO] ceremonial circuit 681 + [NAVAHO] depredations in Tusayan 585 + [NAVAHO] in Antelope valley 592, 593 + [NAVAHO] katcinas on Hopi pottery 658 + [NAVAHO], late appearance of, in Tusayan 581 + [NAVAHO] name of Awatobi 594 + [NAVAHO], recent advent of, in New Mexico 658 + [NAVAHO], shrine robbed by 612 +NAYBI identified with Oraibi 599 +NECKLACES in Sikyatki graves 733 +NEEDLES, bone, from Awatobi 627 +NEW-FIRE CEREMONIES of the Hopi 586, 602 +NEW MEXICO, _see_ NAVAHO. +NIEL, J. A., on Tanoan migration to Tusayan 578, 584 +NIMANKATCINA of the Hopi 593 +NIZA, MARCOS DE, on Totonteac fabrics 629 +NOMENCLATURE of Awatobi 594 + [NOMENCLATURE] of Sikyatki 636 +NORDENSKIÖLD, G., on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], on evolution of pottery design 716, 727 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], cited on Mesa Verde villages 555, 563, 678 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], on origin of round kivas 575 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], on platforms in Mesa Verde kivas 541 + [NORDENSKIÖLD, G.], prayer-sticks found by 736 +NÜSHAKI, etymology of 578, 586 + +OAK CREEK, ruins on 533, 550 +OBSIDIAN objects from Sikyatki 732 +OFFERINGS by Indian excavators 641 +OÑATE, JUAN DE, Awatobi visited by 594, 599 +OPENINGS in Honanki walls 565 + [OPENINGS], _see_ DOORWAY. +ORAIBI, age of 607 + [ORAIBI] in 1782 580 + [ORAIBI] legendary origin of 634 + [ORAIBI], site of 578 +ORIENTATION of Awatobi mission 609 +ORNAMENTS in Sikyatki graves 733 +OTERMIN, ANT., attempted reconquest by 584 +OWENS, J. G., acknowledgments to 646 + +PADILLA, JUAN, visits Tusayan in 1540 596 +PAHO, _see_ PRAYER-STICK. +PAIAKYAMU figures on Hopi pottery 659 +PAINT, _see_ PIGMENT. +PALATKI, art remains found at 569 + [PALATKI], population of 567 + [PALATKI] ruins discovered 534, 551 + [PALATKI] ruins described 553-558 +PALATKWABI, a traditional land of the Hopi 529, 531, 568, 672 +PALEOGRAPHY, _see_ DECORATION. +PASSAGEWAYS in cavate dwellings 542 + [PASSAGEWAYS] in Honanki 565 +PATKI PEOPLE, early migrations of the 574 + [PATKI PEOPLE], southern origin of the 529, 568 +PATUÑ PHRATRY, southern origin of 529 +PAYÜPKI, a ruin in Tusayan 578, 583 + [PAYÜPKI], possible origin of 584 +PEACHES cultivated near Sikyatki 646 + [PEACHES] introduced in Oraibi 604 + [PEACHES] of the Hopi 639 +PHALLIC representations among the Hopi 663 +PICTOGRAPHS at Honanki 567, 568 + [PICTOGRAPHS] at Palatki ruin 556 + [PICTOGRAPHS] in Verde valley 545 + [PICTOGRAPHS] near Montezuma Well 548 + [PICTOGRAPHS] near Schürmann's ranch 550 + [PICTOGRAPHS] of Awatobi totems 610 + [PICTOGRAPHS] on Awatobi cliffs 626 + [PICTOGRAPHS], _see_ DECORATION. +PIGMENT found at Awatobi 618 + [PIGMENT] found at Sikyatki 728, 729 + [PIGMENT] how applied by the Hopi 650 + [PIGMENT] used on prayer-sticks 630 +PIPES in Sikyatki graves 733 +PLASTERING on Awatobi walls 616 + [PLASTERING] of Honanki ruin 563 + [PLASTERING] of Palatki ruin 555 + [PLASTERING] of Sikyatki rooms 645, 646 +PLATFORMS in cavate dwellings 541 + [PLATFORMS] in Honanki 566 +PLUMED SNAKE cult in Tusayan 671, 672 + [PLUMED SNAKE] figures on Hopi kilts 696 + [PLUMED SNAKE] figure on pottery 658, 671 + [PLUMED SNAKE] in Hopi mythology 668 +POLISHING STONES from Sikyatki 729 +POPULATION of Awatobi 605 + [POPULATION] of Honanki 567 +PORCUPINE figure on pottery 669 +PORRAS, _Padre_, missionary labors of 595, 599, 600, 605 +POTTERY decoration of the Hopi 569 + [POTTERY] from ancient Walpi 585 + [POTTERY] from Awatobi 621-625 + [POTTERY] from Honanki classified 570 + [POTTERY] from Payüpki 584 + [POTTERY] from Shuñopovi and Mishoñinovi 582 + [POTTERY] from Sikyatki discussed 650-728 + [POTTERY] from Verde and Colorado Chiquito compared 573 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Awatobi 617 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Kawaika 590 + [POTTERY], mortuary, from Sikyatki 649 + [POTTERY] of ancient Tusayan 617 +POWAMÛ ceremony of the Hopi 702 +POWELL, J. W., ruins found by 532 +PRAYER-STICKS, cross-shape, of Keres origin 703 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Awatobi 613, 618, 630-631 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Honanki 573 + [PRAYER-STICKS] from Sikyatki 649, 736-739 + [PRAYER-STICKS] in Hopi ceremony 628 + [PRAYER-STICKS], prescribed length of 668 + [PRAYER-STICKS], significance of 688, 738 +PRAYER-STRINGS of the Hopi 662 +PRIESTS, Hopi, succession of 637 +PUEBLO GRANDE, _see_ KINTIEL. +PUEBLO INDIANS descended from cliff dwellers 531, 532 + [PUEBLO INDIANS] RUINS, of Verde valley classified 536 + [PUEBLO INDIANS] and cliff dwellings similar 537 + +QUADRUPED figures on Sikyatki pottery 668-671 +QUARTZ CRYSTAL from Sikyatki 729 + +RABBIT figure on Sikyatki pottery 669, 670 +RABBIT-SKIN robes of Tusayan 629 +RAIN symbol on bird ornaments 733 +RAINBOW symbols on Sikyatki pottery 681 +RAINCLOUD SYMBOL of the Hopi 681 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Awatobi cist 613 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on gravestones 732 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Hopi pottery 694 + [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 689, 690 +RATTLESNAKE TANKS, ruins at 532 +RED ROCKS, cliff houses of the 548-549 +REPTILE figures on pottery 658, 671-677 +RUINS of East Mesa discussed 585 + [RUINS] of Tusayan 577 + [RUINS], _see_ AWATOBI, HONANKI, PALATKI, SIKYATKI, _etc._ + +SACRIFICE among the Hopi 738 + [SACRIFICE], _see_ OFFERING. +SAINT JOHNS, ruins near 533 +SALIKO, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 + [SALIKO] on the Awatobi Mamzráutu 611 +SAN BERNABE, mission name of Shuñopovi 607 +SAN BERNARDO, mission name of Awatobi 594, 595, 599 +SANDALS found in Honanki 573 +SANDIA, Hopi name for 584 + [SANDIA] settled by Tanoan people from Tusayan 584 +SAN JUAN, headdress from 734 +SCHÜRMANN, --, acknowledgments to 559 + [SCHÜRMANN], ruins near ranch of 550-553 +SEATS, stone, in Awatobi ruins 626 +SEEDS in mortuary vessels 741 +SELENITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 + [SELENITE] in Sikyatki graves 730, 733 +SELER, E., Mexican designs gathered by 705 +SERPENT, plumed, of the Hopi 547, 548 +SHALAKO, _see_ CALAKO. +SHELL beads from Honanki 573 + [SHELL] bracelet from Honanki 572 + [SHELL] from Sikyatki graves 739 + [SHELL] ornaments from Awatobi 628 + [SHELL] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733 +SHIMO, Awatobi legend repeated by 602 +SHIPAULOVI in 1782 579 +SHITAIMOVI, ruin of 582 +SHRINES at Awatobi described 619-621 + [SHRINES] at Walpi 586 + [SHRINES] near Tukinobi 589 + [SHRINES] robbed by Navaho 612 + [SHRINES] unearthed at Awatobi 613 + [SHRINES] of the Hopi 613 +SHUÑOPOVI in 1782 579 + [SHUÑOPOVI], OLD, discussed 582 +SICHOMOVI compared with Walpi 642 + [SICHOMOVI], Tewa name for 642 + [SICHOMOVI], when established 578, 636 +SIKYATKI and Awatobi pottery compared 623, 659 + [SIKYATKI] and modern Hopi pottery compared 649 + [SIKYATKI], destruction of 633 + [SIKYATKI], etymology of 636 + [SIKYATKI] inhabitants settle at Awatobi 596 + [SIKYATKI] people harrassed by Walpians 588 + [SIKYATKI], prehistoric character of 592, 632 + [SIKYATKI] ruins described 631-742 + [SIKYATKI], reasons for excavating 591 + [SIKYATKI] ruins examined 535 +SITES of Tusayan pueblos 578 +SITGREAVES, L., on ruins near San Francisco mountains 532, 533 + [SITGREAVES, L.], cited on selenite deposits 643 +SLIPPER-FORM VESSELS from Sikyatki 652 +SMOKING in Hopi ceremony 734 +SNAKE represented on pottery 671, 677 + [SNAKE], _see_ PLUMED SNAKE. +SNAKE HUNT, taboo of work during 639 +SNAKE PEOPLE, absence of, at Sikyatki 740 + [SNAKE PEOPLE], early arrival of, at Tusayan 582 + [SNAKE PEOPLE], northern origin of 575 + [SNAKE PEOPLE] settle at Walpi 617 +SNAKE-RATTLE in Sikyatki grave 740 + [SNAKE-RATTLE] used for ornament 740 +SORCERY, Awatobi men accused of 603 +SPANISH OBJECTS found at Awatobi 606, 623, 631 + [SPANISH OBJECTS] unknown to early Tusayan 741 +SPATTERING, pottery decorated by 650, 668, 671, 677 +SPOONS from Sikyatki described 655 + [SPOONS], _see_ POTTERY. +SQUASH indigenous to the southwest 621 + [SQUASH] flower, symbolism of the 661 +SQUAW MOUNTAIN, cavate dwellings near 534 +STALACTITES in Sikyatki graves 730 +STAR figures on Sikyatki pottery 702, 724 + [STAR] symbol on Hopi pottery 696 + [STAR] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 680, 690 +STEPHEN, A. M., on Awatobi kivas 612 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on Mishiptonga ruin 590 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on occupancy of Küküchomo 587 + [STEPHEN, A. M.], on origin of certain katcina 666 +STEVENSON, JAMES, ruins discovered by 532 +STEVENSON, M. C., on Keresan cannibal giants 665 +STICK SWALLOWING by the Hopi 664 +STONE IMPLEMENTS from Awatobi 625-626 + [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Honanki 571 + [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Sikyatki 729 +SUN FIGURE in Powamû ceremony 702 +SUNFLOWER symbols on Sikyatki pottery 702 +SUN SYMBOL, cross allied to 623 + [SUN SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 699-701 +SUN WORSHIP of the Hopi 699 +SUPELA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 +SWASTIKA figures on Sikyatki pottery 703 + +TABOO of work during snake hunt 639 +TADPOLE figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 677 +TALLA-HOGAN, meaning of 594 + [TALLA-HOGAN], Navaho name of Awatobi 594 +TANOAN migration to Tusayan 578, 600, 636 +TAPOLO, an Awatobi chief 603, 611 +TATAUKYAMÛ, a Hopi priesthood 611 +TATCUKTI, a Hopi clown-priest 659 +TAWA (SUN) PHRATRY, southern origin of 529 +TCINO, garden of, at Sikyatki 638, 640, 646 +TERRACED FIGURES of Mexico and Tusayan 705 + [TERRACED FIGURES] on Sikyatki pottery 701, 703 +TEWA PEOPLE occupy Payüpki 584 + [TEWA PEOPLE], progressiveness of, in Tusayan 580 +TEXTILE FABRICS from Awatobi 629-630 + [TEXTILE FABRICS], absence of, at Sikyatki 649 + [TEXTILE FABRICS] found in Honanki 572, 573 + [TEXTILE FABRICS], Sikyatki dead wrapped with 656 +TINDER TUBE from Honanki 572, 573 +TOBACCO, _see_ SMOKING. +TOBACCO PHRATRY in Awatobi 611 +TOBAR, PEDRO, visits Tusayan in 1540 578, 595, 596, 631 +TONTO, origin of term 534 +TONTO BASIN, ruins in 534 +TOTONAKA, a Hopi deity 647 +TOTONTEAC identified with Tusayan 534 + [TOTONTEAC], suggested origin of 534 +TOYS of pottery from Sikyatki 656 +TRAILS ceremonially closed 596-597 +TRINCHERAS defined 550 + [TRINCHERAS] in Red-rock country 549, 550 +TRUJILLO, JOSÉ, probably killed at Shuñopovi 600 +TSÊGI CANYON and Tusayan pottery compared 623 + [TSÊGI CANYON] formerly occupied by Hopi clans 658 + [TSÊGI CANYON], _see_ CHELLY CANYON. +TUBES, bone, from Awatobi 627 +TUCANO, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TUCAYAN, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TUKINOBI, ruin of, described 589 +TURQUOIS beads found at Honanki 573 + [TURQUOIS] mosaics of the Hopi 662 + [TURQUOIS] objects in Sikyatki graves 641, 733 +TUSAYAN, application of term 577 + [TUSAYAN] identified with Hopi villages 595 + [TUSAYAN] ruins discussed 577-742 + [TUSAYAN] towns in 1540 606 + [TUSAYAN], _see_ HOPI. +TUZAN, name applied to Tusayan 595 +TYLOR, E. B., cited on primitive sacrifice 738 + +UTE depredations in Tusayan 585 + [UTE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581 + +VARGAS, DIEGO DE, Awatobi visited by 594 + [VARGAS, DIEGO DE], Tusayan conquered by 600 +VASES, _see_ POTTERY. +VEGETAL DESIGNS on Hopi pottery 698-699 +VERDE VALLEY and Tusayan ruins compared 573 + [VERDE VALLEY], archeology of 530 + [VERDE VALLEY] ruins discussed 536, 576 +VETANCURT, A. DE, Awatobi mentioned by 594 + [VETANCURT, A. DE], on destruction of Awatobi mission 600 +VOTH, H. R., decorated bowl collected by 665 + [VOTH, H. R.], on ancient pottery found at Oraibi 607 + +WALLS of Honanki described 559 + [WALLS] of Palatki ruin 557 + [WALLS], _see_ MASONRY. +WALNUT CANYON, cliff houses in 532 +WALPI, ancient, pottery of 660 + [WALPI] compared with other villages 642 + [WALPI], former sites of 585, 635 + [WALPI], gradual desertion of 586 + [WALPI] in 1540 578 + [WALPI] in 1782 579 + [WALPI], origin of name 585 + [WALPI], southern origin of clans of 529 +WALTHER, HENRY, pottery repaired by 682 +WAR GOD symbolism on Hopi pottery 664 +WATER used in Hopi ceremony 689 +WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE of Tusayan 672 + [WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE], _see_ PATKI. +WATER SUPPLY of Sikyatki 638, 646 +WEAPONS of ancient Tusayan 596, 598 +WHISTLES, bone, from Awatobi 627 + [WHISTLES] used in Hopi ceremonies 628 +WINSHIP, G. P., acknowledgments to 527 + [WINSHIP, G. P.], Castañeda's narrative translated by 596 +WIPO SPRING in Tusayan 639 +WOOD in Palatki ruin 555 + [WOOD], method of working, at Honanki 571 + [WOOD], remains of, at Honanki 562, 566 + [WOOD], objects of, from Honanki 572 +WOOD'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545 + +XUMUPAMÍ identified with Shuñopovi 599 + +YUCCA fiber anciently used 572 + +ZAGNATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZAGUATE, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZAGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594 +ZÏNNI-JINNE, _see_ KINNAZINDE. +ZUÑI and other pottery compared 623 + [ZUÑI] origin of Kintiel 534, 591 + [ZUÑI], Shalako ceremony of 700 + [ZUÑI], snake figures on pottery of 677 + [ZUÑI], southern origin of clans of 574 + [ZUÑI], stick-swallowing at 664 + + * * * * * + + + + +Transcriber's Notes: + + +Some illustrations have been repositioned to avoid breaking up the +text. Page numbers in the List of Illustrations refer to the original +printed report. The Index has been edited to list only the topics +contained in this report. + +The original book contains some diacriticals that are represented in +this e-text as follows: + + The [)i] represents a breve (u-shaped) above the i. + (He'-sho'ta pathl-tâ[)i]e,) + + The [=a] represents a macron (straight-line) above the a. + (_N[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, and Estev[=a]) + +Page 522, Table of Contents: Ornaments, necklaces, and gorgets (page +733) in original report changed to Necklaces, gorgets, and other +ornaments to match the actual section heading. + +Page 525, List of Illustrations: CXXXV, _a_ in original report changed +to CXXXV, _b_ to match the actual caption. + (Fig. 270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _a_) + +Page 526, List of Illustrations: triangles in original report changed +to triangle to match the actual captions. + (Fig. 336. Double triangles) and + (Fig. 337. Double triangles and feathers) + +Page 652: attemps in original report changed to attempts. + (The first attemps at ornamentation) + +Page 688, Footnote 1 in original report, now Footnote 145: +annulets in original report changed to amulets. + (ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures) + +Page 702: respresented in original report changed to represented. + (A large number of crosses are respresented in plate) + +Page 706: Sityatki in original report changed to Sikyatki. + (animal figures are unknown in this position in Sityatki pottery;) + +Page 709 in original report, now page 708: lines in original report changed to line. + (FIG. 288--Single lines with triangles) + +Page 731: to-day in original report changed to today for consistency. + (tethering in use today.) + +Page 737: offerigs in original report changed to offerings. + (ancient prayer offerigs) + +Page 741: accompaning in original report changed to accompanying. + (is set forth in the accompaning letter) + +Page 744: In Appendix, Plate CLXXIII, _f_, the 5th digit of number +is missing in original report; represented by a question mark. + (_f_, 1561 0;) + +Plate CXL: SITYATKI in original report changed to SIKYATKI. + (FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SITYATKI) + +All other spelling and accent variations and inconsistencies have not +been changed from the original document, except for minor punctuation +corrections. + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Archeological Expedition to Arizona in +1895, by Jesse Walter Fewkes + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA *** + +***** This file should be named 23691-8.txt or 23691-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/2/3/6/9/23691/ + +Produced by PM for Bureau of American Ethnology, Carlo +Traverso, Diane Monico, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by the +Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at +http://gallica.bnf.fr) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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