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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman People, by 
+W. Warde Fowler
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Religious Experience of the Roman People
+       From the Earliest Times to the Age of Augustus
+
+Author: W. Warde Fowler
+
+Release Date: November 6, 2007 [EBook #23349]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE
+RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE
+OF THE
+ROMAN PEOPLE
+
+FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE
+AGE OF AUGUSTUS
+
+THE GIFFORD LECTURES FOR 1909-10
+DELIVERED IN EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY
+
+BY
+
+W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.
+
+FELLOW AND LATE SUB-RECTOR OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD
+HON. D.LITT. UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER
+AUTHOR OF 'THE ROMAN FESTIVALS OF THE PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC,' ETC.
+
+
+"Sanctos ausus recludere fontes"
+
+
+MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
+ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON
+1911
+
+TO
+PROFESSOR W.R. HARDIE
+AND
+MY MANY OTHER KIND FRIENDS AND FRIENDLY HEARERS
+IN EDINBURGH
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+Lord Gifford in founding his lectureship directed that the lectures
+should be public and popular, _i.e._ not restricted to members of a
+University. Accordingly in lecturing I endeavoured to make myself
+intelligible to a general audience by avoiding much technical discussion
+and controversial matter, and by keeping to the plan of describing in
+outline the development and decay of the religion of the Roman
+City-state. And on the whole I have thought it better to keep to this
+principle in publishing the lectures; they are printed for the most part
+much as they were delivered, and without footnotes, but at the end of
+each lecture students of the subject will find the notes referred to by
+the numbers in the text, containing such further information or
+discussion as has seemed desirable. My model in this method has been the
+admirable lectures of Prof. Cumont on "les Religions Orientales dans le
+Paganisme Romain."
+
+I wish to make two remarks about the subject-matter of the lectures.
+First, the idea running through them is that the primitive religious (or
+magico-religious) instinct, which was the germ of the religion of the
+historical Romans, was gradually atrophied by over-elaboration of
+ritual, but showed itself again in strange forms from the period of the
+Punic wars onwards. For this religious instinct I have used the Latin
+word _religio_, as I have explained in the _Transactions of the Third
+International Congress for the History of Religions_, vol. ii. p. 169
+foll. I am, however, well aware that some scholars take a different view
+of the original meaning of this famous word, which has been much
+discussed since I formed my plan of lecturing. But I do not think that
+those who differ from me on this point will find that my general
+argument is seriously affected one way or another by my use of the word.
+
+Secondly, while I have been at work on the lectures, the idea seems to
+have been slowly gaining ground that the patrician religion of the early
+City-state, which became so highly formalised, so clean and austere, and
+eventually so political, was really the religion of an invading race,
+like that of the Achaeans in Greece, engrafted on the religion of a
+primitive and less civilised population. I have not definitely adopted
+this idea; but I am inclined to think that a good deal of what I have
+said in the earlier lectures may be found to support it. Once only, in
+Lecture XVII., I have used it myself to support a hypothesis there
+advanced.
+
+I have retained the familiar English spelling of certain divine names,
+_e.g._ Jupiter (instead of Iuppiter), as less startling to British
+readers.
+
+I wish to express my very deep obligations to the works of Prof. Wissowa
+and Dr. J. G. Frazer, and also to Mr. R. R. Marett, who gave me useful
+personal help in my second and third lectures. From Prof. Wissowa and
+Dr. Frazer I have had the misfortune to differ on one or two points; but
+"difference of opinion is the salt of life," as a great scholar said to
+me not long ago. In reading the proofs I have had much kind and valuable
+help from my Oxford friends Mr. Cyril Bailey and Mr. A. S. L.
+Farquharson, who have read certain parts of the work, and to whose
+suggestions I am greatly indebted. The whole has been read through by my
+old pupil Mr. Hugh Parr, now of Clifton College, to whom my best thanks
+are due for his timely discovery of many misprints and awkward
+expressions. The loyalty and goodwill of my old Oxford pupils never seem
+to fail me.
+
+
+W. W. F.
+
+Kingham, Oxon,
+_3rd March 1911_.
+
+
+
+                        CONTENTS
+
+
+
+    LECTURE I
+
+
+    INTRODUCTORY
+                                                           PAGE
+
+    Accounts of the Roman religion in recent standard works;
+    a hard and highly formalised system. Its interest lies
+    partly in this fact. How did it come to be so? This the
+    main question of the first epoch of Roman religious
+    experience. Roman religion and Roman law compared. Roman
+    religion a technical subject. What we mean by religion.
+    A useful definition applied to the plan of Lectures
+    I.-X.; including (1) survivals of primitive or
+    quasi-magical religion; (2) the religion of the
+    agricultural family; (3) that of the City-state, in its
+    simplest form, and in its first period of expansion.
+    Difficulties of the subject; present position of
+    knowledge and criticism. Help obtainable from (1)
+    archaeology, (2) anthropology                                  1-23
+
+
+    LECTURE II
+
+    ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS
+
+    Survivals at Rome of previous eras of quasi-religious
+    experience. Totemism not discernible. Taboo, and the
+    means adopted of escaping from it; both survived at Rome
+    into an age of real religion. Examples: impurity (or
+    holiness) of new-born infants; of a corpse; of women in
+    certain worships; of strangers; of criminals. Almost
+    complete absence of blood-taboo. Iron. Strange taboos on
+    the priest of Jupiter and his wife. Holy or tabooed
+    places; holy or tabooed days; the word _religiosus_ as
+    applied to both of these                                      24-46
+
+
+
+    LECTURE III
+
+    ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC
+
+    Magic; distinction between magic and religion. Religious
+    authorities seek to exclude magic, and did so at Rome.
+    Few survivals of magic in the State religion. The
+    _aquaelicium_. Vestals and runaway slaves. The magical
+    whipping at the Lupercalia. The throwing of puppets from
+    the _pons sublicius_. Magical processes surviving in
+    religious ritual with their meaning lost. Private magic:
+    _excantatio_ in the XII. Tables; other spells or
+    _carmina_. Amulets: the _bulla_; _oscilla_                    47-67
+
+
+    LECTURE IV
+
+    THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY
+
+    Continuity of the religion of the Latin agricultural
+    family. What the family was; its relation to the _gens_.
+    The _familia_ as settled on the land, an economic unit,
+    embodied in a _pagus_. The house as the religious centre
+    of the _familia_; its holy places. Vesta, Penates,
+    Genius, and the spirit of the doorway. The _Lar
+    familiaris_ on the land. Festival of the Lar belongs to
+    the religion of the _pagus_: other festivals of the
+    _pagus_. _Religio terminorum._ Religion of the
+    household: marriage, childbirth, burial and cult of the
+    dead                                                          68-91
+
+
+    LECTURE V
+
+    THE CALENDAR OF NUMA
+
+    Beginnings of the City-state: the _oppidum_. The
+    earliest historical Rome, the city of the four regions;
+    to this belongs the surviving religious calendar. This
+    calendar described; the basis of our knowledge of early
+    Roman religion. It expresses a life agricultural,
+    political, and military. Days of gods distinguished from
+    days of man. Agricultural life the real basis of the
+    calendar; gradual effacement of it. Results of a fixed
+    routine in calendar; discipline, religious confidence.
+    Exclusion from it of the barbarous and grotesque.
+    Decency and order under an organising priestly authority
+                                                                 92-113
+
+    LECTURE VI
+
+    THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
+
+    Sources of knowledge about Roman deities. What did the
+    Romans themselves know about them? No personal deity in
+    the religion of the family. Those of the City-state are
+    _numina_, marking a transition from animism to
+    polytheism. Meaning of _numen_. Importance of names,
+    which are chiefly adjectival, marking functional
+    activity. Tellus an exception. Importance of priests in
+    development of _dei_. The four great Roman gods and
+    their priests: Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus.
+    Characteristics of each of these in earliest Rome. Juno
+    and the difficulties she presents. Vesta 114-144
+
+
+    LECTURE VII
+
+    THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION:
+    GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
+
+    No temples in the earliest Rome; meaning of _fanum, ara,
+    lucus, sacellum_. No images of gods in these places,
+    until end of regal period. Thus deities not conceived as
+    persons. Though masculine and feminine they were not
+    married pairs; Dr. Frazer's opinion on this point.
+    Examination of his evidence derived from the _libri
+    sacerdotum_; meaning of Nerio Martis. Such combinations
+    of names suggest forms or manifestations of a deity's
+    activity, not likely to grow into personal deities
+    without Greek help. Meaning of _pater_ and _mater_
+    applied to deities; procreation not indicated by them.
+    The deities of the _Indigitamenta_; priestly inventions
+    of a later age. Usener's theory of Sondergötter
+    criticised so far as it applies to Rome                     145-168
+
+
+    LECTURE VIII
+
+    RITUAL OF THE IUS DIVINUM
+
+    Main object of _ius divinum_ to keep up the _pax
+    deorum_; meaning of _pax_ in this phrase. Means towards
+    the maintenance of the _pax_: sacrifice and prayer,
+    fulfilment of vows, lustratio, divination. Meaning of
+    _sacrificium_. Little trace of sacramental sacrifice.
+    Typical sacrifice of _ius divinum_: both priest and
+    victim must be acceptable to the deity; means taken to
+    secure this. Ritual of slaughter: examination and
+    _porrectio_ of entrails. Prayer; the phrase _Macte esto_
+    and its importance in explaining Roman sacrifice.
+    Magical survivals in Roman and Italian prayers; yet they
+    are essentially religious                                   169-199
+
+
+    LECTURE IX
+
+    RITUAL (continued)
+
+    _Vota_ (vows) have suggested the idea that Roman worship
+    was bargaining. Examination of private vows, which do
+    not prove this; of public vows, which in some degree do
+    so. Moral elements in both these. Other forms of vow:
+    _evocatio_ and _devotio_.
+
+    _Lustratio_: meaning of _lustrare_ in successive stages
+    of Roman experience. _Lustratio_ of the farm and
+    _pagus_; of the city; of the people (at Rome and
+    Iguvium); of the army; of the arms and trumpets of the
+    army: meaning of _lustratio_ in these last cases, both
+    before and after a campaign                                 200-222
+
+
+    LECTURE X
+
+    THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME
+
+    Recapitulation of foregoing lectures. Weak point of the
+    organised State religion: it discouraged individual
+    development. Its moral influence mainly a disciplinary
+    one; and it hypnotised the religious instinct.
+
+    Growth of a new population at end of regal period, also
+    of trade and industry. New deities from abroad represent
+    these changes: Hercules of Ara Maxima; Castor and
+    Pollux; Minerva. Diana of the Aventine reflects a new
+    relation with Latium. Question as to the real religious
+    influence of these deities. The Capitoline temple of
+    Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, of Etruscan origin. Meaning
+    of cult-titles Optimus Maximus, and significance of this
+    great Jupiter in Roman religious experience                 223-247
+
+
+    LECTURE XI
+
+    CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION
+
+    Plan of this and following lectures. The formalised
+    Roman religion meets with perils, material and moral,
+    and ultimately proves inadequate. Subject of this
+    lecture, the introduction of Greek deities and rites;
+    but first a proof that the Romans were a really
+    religious people; evidence from literature, from
+    worship, from the practice of public life, and from
+    Latin religious vocabulary.
+
+    Temple of Ceres, Liber, Libera (Demeter, Dionysus,
+    Persephone); its importance for the date of Sibylline
+    influence at Rome. Nature of this influence; how and
+    when it reached Rome. The keepers of the "Sibylline
+    books"; new cults introduced by them. New rites:
+    lectisternia and supplicationes, their meaning and
+    historical importance                                       248-269
+
+
+    LECTURE XII
+
+    THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF RELIGION
+
+    Historical facts about the Pontifices in this period; a
+    powerful exclusive "collegium" taking charge of the _ius
+    divinum_. The legal side of their work; they
+    administered the oldest rules of law, which belonged to
+    that _ius_. New ideas of law after Etruscan period;
+    increasing social complexity and its effect on legal
+    matters; result, publication of rules of law, civil and
+    religious, in XII. Tables, and abolition of legal
+    monopoly of Pontifices. But they keep control of (1)
+    procedure, (2) interpretation, till end of fourth
+    century B.C. Publication of Fasti and _Legis actiones_;
+    the college opened to Plebeians. Work of Pontifices in
+    third century: (1) admission of new deities, (2)
+    compilation of annals, (3) collection of religious
+    formulae. General result; formalisation of religion; and
+    secularisation of pontifical influence                      270-291
+
+
+    LECTURE XIII
+
+    THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION
+
+    Divination a universal practice: its relation to magic.
+    Want of a comprehensive treatment of it. Its object at
+    Rome: to assure oneself of the _pax deorum_; but it was
+    the most futile method used. Private divination; limited
+    and discouraged by the State, except in the form of
+    family _auspicia_. Public divination; _auspicia_ needed
+    in all State operations; close connection with
+    _imperium_. The augurs were skilled advisers of the
+    magistrates, but could not themselves take the auspices.
+    Probable result of this: Rome escaped subjection to a
+    hierarchy. Augurs and _auspicia_ become politically
+    important, but cease to belong to religion. State
+    divination a clog on political progress. Sinister
+    influence on Rome of Etruscan divination; history of the
+    _haruspices_                                                292-313
+
+
+    LECTURE XIV
+
+    THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+    Tendency towards contempt of religious forms in third
+    century B.C.; disappears during this war. _Religio_ in
+    the old sense takes its place, _i.e._ fear and anxiety.
+    This takes the form of reporting _prodigia_; account of
+    these in 218 B.C., and of the prescriptions supplied by
+    Sibylline books. Fresh outbreak of _religio_ after
+    battle of Trasimene; _lectisternium_ of 216, without
+    distinction of Greek and Roman deities; importance of
+    this. Religious panic after battle of Cannae;
+    extraordinary religious measures, including human
+    sacrifice. Embassy to Delphi and its result; symptoms of
+    renewed confidence. But fresh and alarming outbreak in
+    213; met with remarkable skill. Institution of Apolline
+    games. Summary of religious history in last years of the
+    war; gratitude to the gods after battle of Metaurus.
+    Arrival of the Great Mother of Phrygia at Rome. Hannibal
+    leaves Italy 314-334
+
+
+    LECTURE XV
+
+    AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+    Religion used to support Senatorial policy in declaring
+    war (1) with Philip of Macedon, (2) with Antiochus of
+    Syria; but this is not the old religion. Use of
+    _prodigia_ and Sibylline oracles to secure political and
+    personal objects; mischief caused in this way. Growth of
+    individualism; rebellion of the individual against the
+    _ius divinum_. Examples of this from the history of the
+    priesthoods; strange story of a Flamen Dialis. The
+    story of the introduction of Bacchic rites in 186 B.C.;
+    interference of the Senate and Magistrates, and
+    significance of this. Strange attempt to propagate
+    Pythagoreanism; this also dealt with by the government.
+    Influence of Ennius and Plautus, and of translations
+    from Greek comedy, on the dying Roman religion              335-356
+
+
+    LECTURE XVI
+
+    GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION
+
+    Religious destitution of the Roman in second century
+    B.C. in regard to (1) his idea of God, (2) his sense of
+    Duty. No help from Epicurism, which provided no
+    religious sanction for conduct; Lucretius, and Epicurean
+    idea of the Divine. Arrival of Stoicism at Rome;
+    Panaetius and the Scipionic circle. Character of Scipio.
+    The religious side of Stoicism; it teaches a new
+    doctrine of the relation of man to God. Stoic idea of
+    God as Reason, and as pervading the universe; adjustment
+    of this to Roman idea of _numina_. Stoic idea of Man as
+    possessing Reason, and so partaking the Divine nature.
+    Influence of these two ideas on the best type of Roman;
+    they appeal to his idea of Duty, and ennoble his idea of
+    Law. Weak points in Roman Stoicism: (1) doctrine of
+    Will, (2) neglect of emotions and sympathy. It failed to
+    rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity"                           357-379
+
+
+
+    LECTURE XVII
+
+    MYSTICISM--IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE
+
+
+    Early Pythagoreanism in S. Italy; its reappearance in
+    last century B.C. under the influence of Posidonius, who
+    combined Stoicism with Platonic Pythagoreanism. Cicero
+    affected by this revival; his Somnium Scipionis and
+    other later works. His mysticism takes practical form on
+    the death of his daughter; letters to Atticus about a
+    _fanum_. Individualisation of the Manes; freedom of
+    belief on such questions. Further evidence of Cicero's
+    tendency to mysticism at this time (45 B.C.), and his
+    belief in a future life. But did the ordinary Roman so
+    believe? Question whether he really believed in the
+    torments of Hades. Probability of this: explanation to
+    be found in the influence of Etruscan art and Greek
+    plays on primitive Roman ideas of the dead. Mysticism in
+    the form of astrology; Nigidius Figulus                     380-402
+
+
+    LECTURE XVIII
+
+    RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL
+
+    Virgil sums up Roman religious experience, and combines
+    it with hope for the future. Sense of depression in his
+    day; want of sympathy and goodwill towards men. Virgil's
+    sympathetic outlook; shown in his treatment of animals,
+    Italian scenery, man's labour, and man's worship. His
+    idea of _pietas_. The theme of the Aeneid; Rome's
+    mission in the world, and the _pietas_ needed to carry
+    it out. Development of the character of Aeneas; his
+    _pietas_ imperfect in the first six books, perfected in
+    the last six, resulting in a balance between the ideas
+    of the Individual and the State. Illustration of this
+    from the poem. Importance of Book vi., which describes
+    the ordeal destined to perfect the _pietas_ of the hero.
+    The sense of Duty never afterwards deserts him; his
+    _pietas_ enlarged in a religious sense                      403-427
+
+
+    LECTURE XIX
+
+    THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL
+
+    Connection of Augustus and Virgil. Augustus aims at
+    re-establishing the national _pietas_, and securing the
+    _pax deorum_ by means of the _ius divinum_. How this
+    formed part of his political plans. Temple restoration
+    and its practical result. Revival of the ancient ritual;
+    illustrated from the records of the Arval Brethren. The
+    new element in it; Caesar-worship; but Augustus was
+    content with the honour of re-establishing the _pax
+    deorum_. Celebration of this in the Ludi saeculares, 17
+    B.C. Our detailed knowledge of this festival; meaning of
+    _saeculum_; description of the _ludi_, and illustration
+    of their meaning from the _Carmen saeculare_ of Horace.
+    Discussion of the performance of this hymn by the choirs
+    of boys and girls                                           428-451
+
+
+    LECTURE XX
+
+    CONCLUSION
+
+    Religious ingredients in Roman soil likely to be
+    utilised by Christianity. The Stoic ingredient;
+    revelation of the Universal, and ennobling of
+    Individual. The contribution of Mysticism; preparation
+    for Christian eschatology. The contribution of Virgil;
+    sympathy and sense of Duty. The contribution of Roman
+    religion proper: (1) sane and orderly character of
+    ritual, (2) practical character of Latin Christianity
+    visible in early Christian writings, (3) a religious
+    vocabulary, _e.g. religio, pietas, sanctus,
+    sacramentum_. But all this is but a slight contribution;
+    essential difference between Christianity and all that
+    preceded it in Italy; illustration from the language of
+    St. Paul 452-472
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+I. ON THE USE OF HUTS OR BOOTHS IN RELIGIOUS RITUAL                 473
+
+II. PROF. DEUBNER'S THEORY OF THE LUPERCALIA                        478
+
+III. THE PAIRS OF DEITIES IN GELLIUS xiii. 23                       481
+
+IV. THE EARLY USAGE OF THE WORDS IUS AND FAS                        486
+
+V. THE WORSHIP OF SACRED UTENSILS                                   489
+
+
+INDEX                                                               491
+
+
+LECTURE I
+
+INTRODUCTORY
+
+
+I was invited to prepare these lectures, on Lord Gifford's foundation,
+as one who has made a special study of the religious ideas and practice
+of the Roman people. So far as I know, the subject has not been touched
+upon as yet by any Gifford lecturer. We are in these days interested in
+every form of religion, from the most rudimentary to the most highly
+developed; from the ideas of the aborigines of Australia, which have now
+become the common property of anthropologists, to the ethical and
+spiritual religions of civilised man. Yet it is remarkable how few
+students of the history of religion, apart from one or two specialists,
+have been able to find anything instructive in the religion of the
+Romans--of the Romans, I mean, as distinguished from that vast
+collection of races and nationalities which eventually came to be called
+by the name of Rome. At the Congress for the History of Religions held
+at Oxford in 1908, out of scores of papers read and offered, not more
+than one or two even touched on the early religious ideas of the most
+practical and powerful people that the world has ever known.
+
+This is due, in part at least, to the fact that just when Roman history
+begins to be of absorbing interest, and fairly well substantiated by
+evidence, the Roman religion, as religion, has already begun to lose its
+vitality, its purity, its efficacy. It has become overlaid with foreign
+rites and ideas, and it has also become a religious monopoly of the
+State; of which the essential characteristic, as Mommsen has well put
+it, and as we shall see later on, was "the conscious retention of the
+principles of the popular belief, which were recognised as irrational,
+for reasons of outward convenience."[1] It was not unlike the religion
+of the Jews in the period immediately before the Captivity, and it was
+never to profit by the refining and chastening influence of such lengthy
+suffering. In this later condition it has not been attractive to
+students of religious history; and to penetrate farther back into the
+real religious ideas of the genuine Roman people is a task very far from
+easy, of which indeed the difficulties only seem to increase as we
+become more familiar with it.
+
+It must be remarked, too, that as a consequence of this
+unattractiveness, the accounts given in standard works of the general
+features of this religion are rather chilling and repellent. More than
+fifty years ago, in the first book of his _Roman History_, Mommsen so
+treated of it--not indeed without some reservation,--and in this matter,
+as in so many others, his view remained for many years the dominant one.
+He looked at this religion, as was natural to him, from the point of
+view of law; in religion as such he had no particular interest. If I am
+not mistaken, it was for him, except in so far as it is connected with
+Roman law, the least interesting part of all his far-reaching Roman
+studies. More recent writers of credit and ability have followed his
+lead, and stress has been laid on the legal side of religion at Rome; it
+has been described over and over again as merely a system of contracts
+between gods and worshippers, secured by hard and literal formalism, and
+without ethical value or any native principle of growth. Quite recently,
+for example, so great an authority as Professor Cumont has written of it
+thus:--
+
+"Il n'a peut être jamais existé aucune religion aussi froide, aussi
+prosaïque que celle des Romains. Subordonnée à la politique, elle
+cherche avant tout, par la stricte exécution de pratiques appropriées, à
+assurer à l'État la protection des dieux ou à détourner les effets de
+leur malveillance. Elle a conclu avec les puissances célestes un contrat
+synallagmatique d'où découlent des obligations réciproques: sacrifices
+d'une part, faveurs de l'autre.... Sa liturgie rappelle par la minutie
+de ses prescriptions l'ancien droit civil. Cette religion se défie des
+abandons de l'âme et des élans de la dévotion." And he finishes his
+description by quoting a few words of the late M. Jean Réville: "The
+legalism of the Pharisees, in spite of the dryness of their ritualistic
+minutiae, could make the heart vibrate more than the formalism of the
+Romans."[2]
+
+Now it is not for me to deny the truth of such statements as this,
+though I might be disposed to say that it is rather approximate than
+complete truth as here expressed, does not sum up the whole story, and
+only holds good for a single epoch of this religious history. But
+surely, for anyone interested in the history of religion, a religious
+system of such an unusual kind, with characteristics so well marked,
+must, one would suppose, be itself an attractive subject. A religion
+that becomes highly formalised claims attention by this very
+characteristic. At one time, however far back, it must have accurately
+expressed the needs and the aspirations of the Roman people in their
+struggle for existence. It is obviously, as described by the writers I
+have quoted, a very mature growth, a highly developed system; and the
+story, if we could recover it, of the way in which it came to be thus
+formalised, should be one of the deepest interest for students of the
+history of religion. Another story, too, that of the gradual discovery
+of the _inadequacy_ of this system, and of the engrafting upon it, or
+substitution for it, of foreign rites and beliefs, is assuredly not less
+instructive; and here, fortunately, our records make the task of telling
+it an easier one.
+
+Now these two stories, taken together, sum up what we may call the
+_religious experience of the Roman people_; and as it is upon these that
+I wish to concentrate your attention during this and the following
+course, I have called these lectures by that name. My plan is not to
+provide an exhaustive account of the details of the Roman worship or of
+the nature of the Roman gods: that can be found in the works of
+carefully trained specialists, of whom I shall have something to say
+presently. More in accordance with the intentions of the Founder of
+these lectures, I think, will be an attempt to follow out, with such
+detailed comment as may be necessary, the religious experience of the
+Romans, as an important part of their history. And this happens to
+coincide with my own inclination and training; for I have been all my
+academic life occupied in learning and teaching Roman history, and the
+fascination which the study of the Roman religion has long had for me is
+simply due to this fact. Whatever may be the case with other religions,
+it is impossible to think of that of the Romans as detached from their
+history as a whole; it is an integral part of the life and growth of the
+people. An adequate knowledge of Roman history, with all its
+difficulties and doubts, is the only scientific basis for the study of
+Roman religion, just as an adequate knowledge of Jewish history is the
+only scientific basis for a study of Jewish religion. The same rule must
+hold good in a greater or less degree with all other forms of religion
+of the higher type, and even when we are dealing with the religious
+ideas of savage peoples it is well to bear it steadfastly in mind. I may
+be excused for suggesting that in works on comparative religion and
+morals this principle is not always sufficiently realised, and that the
+panorama of religious or quasi-religious practice from all parts of the
+world, and found among peoples of very different stages of development,
+with which we are now so familiar, needs constant testing by increased
+knowledge of those peoples in all their relations of life. At any rate,
+in dealing with Roman evidence the investigator of religious history
+should also be a student of Roman history generally, for the facts of
+Roman life, public and private, are all closely concatenated together,
+and spring with an organic growth from the same root. The branches tend
+to separate, but the tree is of regular growth, compact in all its
+parts, and you cannot safely concentrate your attention on one of these
+parts to the comparative neglect of the rest. Conversely, too, the great
+story of the rise and decay of the Roman dominion cannot be properly
+understood without following out the religious history of this
+people--their religious experience, as I prefer to call it. To take an
+example of this, let me remind you of two leading facts in Roman
+history: first, the strength and tenacity of the family as a group under
+the absolute government of the paterfamilias; secondly, the strength and
+tenacity of the idea of the State as represented by the _imperium_ of
+its magistrates. How different in these respects are the Romans from the
+Celts, the Scandinavians, even from the Greeks! But these two facts are
+in great measure the result of the religious ideas of the people, and,
+on the other hand, they themselves react with astonishing force on the
+fortunes of that religion.
+
+I do not indeed wish to be understood as maintaining that the religion
+of the Roman was the most important element in his mental or civic
+development: far from it. I should be the first to concede that the
+religious element in the Roman mind was not that part of it which has
+left the deepest impress on history, or contributed much, except in
+externals, to our modern ideas of the Divine and of worship. It is not,
+as Roman law was, the one great contribution of the Roman genius to the
+evolution of humanity. But Roman law and Roman religion sprang from the
+same root; they were indeed in origin _one and the same thing_.
+Religious law was a part of the _ius civile_, and both were originally
+administered by the same authority, the Rex. Following the course of the
+two side by side for a few centuries, we come upon an astonishing
+phenomenon, which I will mention now (it will meet us again) as showing
+how far more interest can be aroused in our subject if we are fully
+equipped as Roman historians than if we were to study the religion
+alone, torn from the living body of the State, and placed on the
+dissecting-board by itself. As the State grew in population and
+importance, and came into contact, friendly or hostile, with other
+peoples, both the religion and the law of the State were called upon to
+expand, and they did so. But they did so in different ways; Roman law
+expanded _organically_ and intensively, absorbing into its own body the
+experience and practice of other peoples, while Roman religion expanded
+_mechanically_ and extensively, by taking on the deities and worship of
+others _without any organic change of its own being_. Just as the
+English language has been able to absorb words of Latin origin, through
+its early contact with French, into the very tissue and fibre of its
+being, while German has for certain reasons never been able to do this,
+but has adopted them as strangers only, without making them its very
+own: so Roman law contrived to take into its own being the rules and
+practices of strangers, while Roman religion, though it eventually
+admitted the ideas and cults of Greeks and others, did so without taking
+them by a digestive process into its own system. Had the law of Rome
+remained as inelastic as the religion, the Roman people would have
+advanced as little in civilisation as those races which embraced the
+faith of Islam, with its law and religion alike impermeable to any
+change.[3] Here is a phenomenon that at once attracts attention and
+suggests questions not easy to answer. Why is it that the Roman religion
+can never have the same interest and value for mankind as Roman law? I
+hope that we shall find an answer to this question in the course of our
+studies: at this moment I only propose it as an example of the advantage
+gained for the study of one department of Roman life and thought by a
+pretty complete equipment in the knowledge of others.
+
+At the same time we must remember that the religion of the Romans is a
+highly technical subject, like Roman law, the Roman constitution, and
+almost everything else Roman; it calls for special knowledge as well as
+a sufficient training in Roman institutions generally. Each of these
+Roman subjects is like a language with a delicate accidence, which is
+always presenting the unwary with pitfalls into which they are sure to
+blunder unless they have a thorough mastery of it. I could mention a
+book full of valuable thoughts about the relation to Paganism of the
+early Christian Church, by a scholar at once learned and sympathetic;[4]
+who when he happens to deal for a moment with the old Roman religion, is
+inaccurate and misleading at every point. He knew, for example, that
+this religion is built on the foundation of the worship of the family,
+but he yielded to the temptation to assume that the family in heaven was
+a counterpart of the family on earth, "as it might be seen in any palace
+of the Roman nobility." "Jupiter and Juno," he says, "were the lord and
+lady, and beneath them was an army of officers, attendants, ministers,
+of every rank and degree." Such a description of the pantheon of his
+religion would have utterly puzzled a Roman, even in the later days of
+theological syncretism. Again he says that this religion was strongly
+moral; that "the gods gave every man his duty, and expected him to
+perform it." Here again no Roman of historical times, or indeed of any
+age, could have allowed this to be his creed. Had it really been so, not
+only the history of the Roman religion, but that of the Roman state,
+would have been very different from what it actually was.
+
+The principles then on which I wish to proceed in these lectures
+are--(1) to keep the subject in continual touch with Roman history and
+the development of the Roman state; (2) to exercise all possible care
+and accuracy in dealing with the technical matters of the religion
+itself. I may now go on to explain more exactly the plan I propose to
+follow.
+
+It will greatly assist me in this explanation if I begin by making clear
+what I understand, for our present purposes, by the word _religion_.
+There have been many definitions propounded--more in recent years than
+ever before, owing to the recognition of the study of religion as a
+department of anthropology. Controversies are going on which call for
+new definitions, and it is only by slow degrees that we are arriving at
+any common understanding as to the real essential thing or fact for
+which we should reserve this famous word, and other words closely
+connected with it, _e.g._ the supernatural. We are still disputing, for
+example, as to the relation of religion to magic, and therefore as to
+the exact meaning to be attributed to each of these terms.
+
+Among the many definitions of religion which I have met with, there is
+one which seems to me to be particularly helpful for our present
+purposes; it is contributed by an American investigator. "_Religion is
+the effective desire to be in right relation to the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe._"[5] Dr. Frazer's definition is not different in
+essentials: "By religion I understand a propitiation or conciliation of
+powers superior to man which are believed to direct and control the
+course of nature and of human life;"[6] only that here the word is used
+of acts of worship rather than of the feeling or desire that prompts
+them. The definition of the late M. Jean Réville, in a chapter on
+"Religious Experience," written near the end of his valuable life, is in
+my view nearer the mark, and more comprehensive. "Religion," he says,
+"is essentially a principle of life, the feeling of a living relation
+between the human individual and the powers or power of which the
+universe is the manifestation. What characterises each religion is its
+way of looking upon this relation and its method of applying it."[7] And
+a little further on he writes: "It is generally admitted that this
+feeling of dependence upon the universe is the root of all religion."
+But this is not so succinct as the definition which I quoted first, and
+it introduces at least one term, _the individual_, which, for certain
+good reasons, I think it will be better for us to avoid in studying the
+early Roman religious ideas.
+
+"_Religion is the effective desire to be in right relations with the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe._" This has the advantage of
+treating religion as primarily and essentially a _feeling_, an
+instinctive desire, and the word "effective," skilfully introduced,
+suggests that this feeling manifests itself in certain actions
+undertaken in order to secure a desired end. Again, the phrase "right
+relations" seems to me well chosen, and better than the "living
+relation" of M. Réville, which if applied to the religions of antiquity
+can only be understood in a sacramental sense, and is not obviously so
+intended. "Right relation" will cover all religious feeling, from the
+most material to the most spiritual. Think for a moment of the 119th
+Psalm, the high-water mark of the religious feeling of the most
+religious people of antiquity; it is a magnificent declaration of
+conformity to the will of God, _i.e._ of the desire to be in right
+relation to Him, to His statutes, judgments, laws, commands,
+testimonies, righteousness. This is religion in a high state of
+development; but our definition is so skilfully worded as to adapt
+itself readily to much earlier and simpler forms. The "Power manifesting
+itself in the universe" may be taken as including all the workings of
+nature, which even now we most imperfectly understand, and which
+primitive man so little understood that he misinterpreted them in a
+hundred different ways. The effective desire to be in right relation
+with these mysterious powers, so that they might not interfere with his
+material well-being--with his flocks and herds, with his crops, too, if
+he were in the agricultural stage, with his dwelling and his land, or
+with his city if he had got so far in social development--this is what
+we may call the religious instinct, the origin of what the Romans called
+_religio_.[8] The effective desire to have your own will brought into
+conformity to the will of a heavenly Father is a later development of
+the same feeling; to this the genuine Roman never attained, and the
+Greek very imperfectly.
+
+If we keep this definition steadily in mind, I think we shall find it a
+valuable guide in following out what I call the religious experience of
+the Roman people; and at the present moment it will help me to explain
+my plan in drawing up these lectures. To begin with, in the prehistoric
+age of Rome, so far as we can discern from survivals of a later age, the
+feeling or desire must have taken shape, ineffectively indeed, in many
+quaint acts, some of them magical or quasi-magical, and possibly taken
+over from an earlier and ruder population among whom the Latins settled.
+Many of these continued, doubtless, to exist among the common folk,
+unauthorised by any constituted power, while some few were absorbed into
+the religious practice of the State, probably with the speedy loss of
+their original significance. Such survivals of ineffective religion are
+of course to be found in the lowest stratum of the religious ideas of
+every people, ancient and modern; even among the Israelites,[9] and in
+the rites of Islam or Christianity. They form, as it were, _a kind of
+protoplasm of religious vitality_, from which an organic growth was
+gradually developed. But though they are necessarily a matter of
+investigation as survivals which have a story to tell, they do not carry
+us very far when we are tracing the religious experience of a people,
+and in any case the process of investigating them is one of groping in
+the dark. I shall deal with these survivals in my next two lectures, and
+then leave them for good.
+
+I am more immediately concerned with the desire expressed in our
+definition _when it has become more effective_; and this we find in the
+Latins when they have attained to a complete settlement on the land, and
+are well on in the agricultural stage of social development. This stage
+we can dimly see reflected in the life of the home and farm of later
+times; we have, I need hardly say, no contemporary evidence of it,
+though archaeology may yet yield us something. But the conservatism of
+rural life is a familiar fact, and comes home to me when I reflect that
+in my own English village the main features of work and worship remained
+the same through many centuries, until we were revolutionised by the
+enclosure of the parish and the coming of the railroad in the middle of
+the nineteenth century. The intense conservatism of rural Italy, up to
+the present day, has always been an acknowledged fact, and admits of
+easy explanation. We may be sure that the Latin farmer, before the
+City-state was developed, was like his descendants of historical times,
+the religious head of a family, whose household deities were
+_effectively_ worshipped by a regular and orderly procedure, whose dead
+were cared for in like manner, and whose land and stock were protected
+from malignant spirits by a boundary made sacred by yearly rites of
+sacrifice and prayer. Doubtless these wild spirits beyond his boundaries
+were a constant source of anxiety to him; doubtless charms and spells
+and other survivals from the earlier stage were in use to keep them from
+mischief; but these tend to become exceptions in an orderly life of
+agricultural routine which we may call _religious_. Spirits may accept
+domicile within the limits of the farm, and tend, as always in this
+agricultural stage, to become fixed to the soil and to take more
+definite shape as in some sense deities. This stage--that of the
+agricultural family--is the foundation of Roman civilised life, in
+religious as in all other aspects, and it will form the subject of my
+fourth lecture.
+
+The growing effectiveness of the desire, as seen in the family and in
+the agricultural stage, prepares us for still greater effectiveness in
+the higher form of civilisation which we know as that of the City-state.
+That desire, let me say once more, is to be in right relations with the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe. It is only in the higher
+stages of civilisation that this desire can really become effective;
+social organisation, as I shall show, produces an increased knowledge of
+the nature of the Power, and with it a systematisation of the means
+deemed necessary to secure the right relations. The City-state, the
+peculiar form in which Greek and Italian social and political life
+eventually blossomed and fructified, was admirably fitted to secure this
+effectiveness. It was, of course, an intensely _local_ system; and the
+result was, first, that the Power is localised in certain spots and
+propitiated by certain forms of cult within the city wall, thus bringing
+the divine into closest touch with the human population and its
+interests; and secondly, that the concentration of intelligence and
+will-power within a small space might, and did at Rome, develop a very
+elaborate system for securing the right relations--in other words, it
+produced a religious system as highly ritualistic as that of the Jews.
+
+With the several aspects of this system my fifth and succeeding lectures
+will be occupied. I shall deal first with the religious calendar of the
+earliest historical form of the City-state, which most fortunately has
+come down to us entire. I shall devote two lectures to the early Roman
+ideas of divinity, and the character of their deities as reflected in
+the calendar, and as further explained by Roman and Greek writers of the
+literary age. Two other lectures will discuss the ritual of sacrifice
+and prayer, with the priests in charge of these ceremonies, and the
+ritual of vows and of "purification." In each of these I shall try to
+point out wherein the weakness of this religious system lay--viz. in
+attempts at effectiveness so elaborate that they overshot their mark, in
+a misconception of the means necessary to secure the right relations,
+and in a failure to grow in knowledge of the Power itself.
+
+Lastly, as the City-state advances socially and politically, in trade
+and commerce, in alliance and conquest, we shall find that the ideas of
+other peoples about the Power, and their methods of propitiation, begin
+to be adopted in addition to the native stock. The first stages of this
+revolution will bring us to the conclusion of my present course; but we
+shall be then well prepared for what follows. For later on we shall find
+the Romans feeling afresh the desire to be in right relation with the
+Power, discovering that their own highly formalised system is no longer
+equal to the work demanded of it, and pitiably mistaking their true
+course in seeking a remedy. Their knowledge of the Divine, always narrow
+and limited, becomes by degrees blurred and obscured, and their sight
+begins to fail them. I hope in due course to explain this, and to give
+you some idea of the sadness of their religious experience before the
+advent of an age of philosophy, of theological syncretism, and of the
+worship of the rulers of the state.
+
+Let us now turn for a few minutes to the special difficulties of our
+subject. These are serious enough; but they have been wonderfully and
+happily reduced since I began to be interested in the Roman religion
+some twenty-five years ago. There were then only two really valuable
+books which dealt with the whole subject. Though I could avail myself of
+many treatises, good and bad, on particular aspects of it, some few of
+which still survive, the only two comprehensive and illuminating books
+were Preller's _Römische Mythologie_, and Marquardt's volume on the cult
+in his _Staatsverwaltung_. Both of these were then already many years
+old, but they had just been re-edited by two eminent scholars
+thoroughly well equipped for the task--Preller's work by H. Jordan, and
+Marquardt's by Georg Wissowa. They were written from different points of
+view; Preller dealt with the deities and the ideas about them rather
+than with the cults and the priests concerned with them; while Marquardt
+treated the subject as a part of the administration of government,
+dealing with the worship and the _ius divinum_, and claiming that this
+was the only safe and true way of arriving at the ideas underlying that
+law and worship.[10] Both books are still indispensable for the student;
+but Marquardt's is the safer guide, as dealing with facts to the
+exclusion of fancies. The two taken together had collected and sifted
+the evidence so far as it was then available.
+
+The _Corpus Inscriptionum_ had not at that time got very far, but its
+first volume, edited by Mommsen, contained the ancient Fasti, which
+supply us with the religious calendar of early Rome, and with other
+matter throwing light upon it. This first volume was an invaluable help,
+and formed the basis (in a second edition) of the book I was eventually
+able to write on the _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_. At
+that time, too, in the 'eighties, Roscher's _Lexicon of Greek and Roman
+Mythology_ began to appear, which aimed at summing up all that was then
+known about the deities of both peoples; this is not even yet completed,
+and many of the earlier articles seem now almost antiquated, as
+propounding theories which have not met with general acceptance. All
+these earlier articles are now being superseded by those in the new
+edition of Pauly's _Real-Encyclopädie_, edited by Wissowa. Lastly,
+Wissowa himself in 1902 published a large volume entitled _Die Religion
+und Kultus der Römer_, which will probably be for many years the best
+and safest guide for all students of our subject. Thoroughly trained in
+the methods of dealing with evidence both literary and archaeological,
+Wissowa produced a work which, though it has certain limitations, has
+the great merit of not being likely to lead anyone astray. More
+skilfully and successfully than any of his predecessors, he avoided the
+chief danger and difficulty that beset all who meddle with Roman
+religious antiquities, and invariably lead the unwary to their
+destruction; he declined to accept as evidence what in nine cases out of
+ten is no true evidence at all--the statements of ancient authors
+influenced by Greek ideas and Greek fancy. He holds in the main to the
+principle laid down by Marquardt, that we may use, as evidence for their
+religious ideas, what we are told that the Romans _did_ in practising
+their worship, but must regard with suspicion, and subject to severe
+criticism, what either they themselves or the Greeks wrote about those
+religious ideas--that is, about divine beings and their doings.
+
+It is indeed true that the one great difficulty of our subject lies in
+the nature of the evidence; and it is one which we can never hope
+entirely to overcome. We have always to bear in mind that the Romans
+produced no literature till the third century B.C.; and the documentary
+evidence that survives from an earlier age in the form of inscriptions,
+or fragments of hymns or of ancient law (such as the calendar of which I
+spoke just now), is of the most meagre character, and usually most
+difficult to interpret. Thus the Roman religion stands alone among the
+religions of ancient civilisations in that we are almost entirely
+without surviving texts of its forms of prayer, of its hymns or its
+legends;[11] even in Greece the Homeric poems, with all the earliest
+Greek literature and art, make up to some extent for the want of that
+documentary evidence which throws a flood of light on the religions of
+Babylon, Egypt, the Hindus, and the Jewish people. We know in fact as
+little about the religion of the old Italian populations as we do about
+that of our own Teutonic ancestors, less perhaps than we do about that
+of the Celtic peoples. The Romans were a rude and warlike folk, and
+meddled neither with literature nor philosophy until they came into
+immediate contact with the Greeks; thus it was that, unfortunately for
+our purposes, the literary spirit, when at last it was born in Italy,
+was rather Greek than Roman. When that birth took place Rome had spread
+her influence over Italy,--perhaps the greatest work she ever
+accomplished; and thus the latest historian of Latin literature can
+venture to write that "the greatest time in Roman history was already
+past when real historical evidence becomes available."[12]
+
+We have thus to face two formidable facts: (1) that the period covered
+by my earlier lectures must in honesty be called prehistoric; and (2)
+that when the Romans themselves began to write about it they did so
+under the overwhelming influence of Greek culture. With few exceptions,
+all that we can learn of the early Roman religion from Roman or Greek
+writers comes to us, not in a pure Roman form, clearly conceived as all
+things truly Roman were, but seen dimly through the mist of the
+Hellenistic age. The Roman gods, for example, are made the sport of
+fancy and the subject of Hellenistic love-stories, by Greek poets and
+their Roman imitators,[13] or are more seriously treated by Graeco-Roman
+philosophy after a fashion which would have been absolutely
+incomprehensible to the primitive men in whose minds they first had
+their being. The process of disentangling the Roman element from the
+Greek in the literary evidence is one which can never be satisfactorily
+accomplished; and on the whole it is better, with Wissowa and Marquardt,
+to hold fast by the facts of the cult, where the distinction between the
+two is usually obvious, than to flounder about in a slough of what I can
+only call pseudo-evidence. If all that English people knew about their
+Anglo-Saxon forefathers were derived from Norman-French chroniclers, how
+much should we really know about government or religion in the centuries
+before the Conquest! And yet this comparison gives but a faint idea of
+the treacherous nature of the literary evidence I am speaking of. It is
+true indeed that in the last age of the Republic a few Romans began to
+take something like a scientific interest in their own religious
+antiquities; and to Varro, by far the most learned of these, and to
+Verrius Flaccus, who succeeded him in the Augustan age, we owe directly
+or indirectly almost all the solid facts on which our knowledge of the
+Roman worship rests. But their works have come down to us in a most
+imperfect and fragmentary state, and what we have of them we owe mainly
+to the erudition of later grammarians and commentators, and the learning
+of the early Christian fathers, who drew upon them freely for
+illustrations of the absurdities of paganism. And it must be added that
+when Varro himself deals with the Roman gods and the old ideas about
+them, he is by no means free from the inevitable influence of Greek
+thought.
+
+Apart from the literary material and the few surviving fragments of
+religious law and ritual, there are two other sources of light of which
+we can now avail ourselves, archaeology and anthropology; but it must be
+confessed that as yet their illuminating power is somewhat uncertain. It
+reminds the scrupulous investigator of those early days of the electric
+light, when its flickering tremulousness made it often painful to read
+by, and when, too, it might suddenly go out and leave the reader in
+darkness. It is well to remember that both sciences are young, and have
+much of the self-confidence of youth; and that Italian archaeology, now
+fast becoming well organised within Italy, has also to be co-ordinated
+with the archaeology of the whole Mediterranean basin, before we can
+expect from it clear and unmistakable answers to hard questions about
+race and religion. This work, which cannot possibly be done by an
+individual without _co-operation_--the secret of sound work which the
+Germans have long ago discovered--is in course of being carried out, so
+far as is at present possible, by a syndicate of competent
+investigators.[14]
+
+In order to indicate the uncertain nature of the light which for a long
+time to come is all we can expect from Italian archaeology, I have only
+to remind you that one of the chief questions we have to ask of it is
+the relation of the mysterious Etruscan people to the other Italian
+stocks, in respect of language, religion, and art. Whether the Etruscans
+were the same people whom the Greeks called Pelasgians, as many
+investigators now hold: whether the earliest Roman city was in any true
+sense an Etruscan one: these are questions on the answers to which it is
+not as yet safe to build further hypotheses. In regard to religion, too,
+we are still very much in the dark. For example, there are many Etruscan
+works of art in which Roman deities are portrayed, as is certain from
+the fact that their names accompany the figures; but it is as yet almost
+impossible to determine how far we can use these for the interpretation
+of Roman religious ideas or legends. Many years ago a most attractive
+hypothesis was raised on the evidence of certain of these works of art,
+where Hercules and Juno appear together in a manner which strongly
+suggests that they are meant to represent the male and female principles
+of human life; this hypothesis was taken up by early writers in the
+_Mythological Lexicon_, and relying upon them I adopted it in my _Roman
+Festivals_,[15] and further applied it to the interpretation of an
+unsolved problem in the fourth _Eclogue_ of Virgil.[16] But since then
+doubt has been thrown on it by Wissowa, who had formerly accepted it. As
+being of Etruscan origin, and found in places very distant from each
+other and from Rome, we have, he says, no good right to use these works
+of art as evidence for the Roman religion.[17] The question remains open
+as to these and many other works of art, but the fact that the man of
+coolest judgment and most absolute honesty is doubtful, suggests that we
+had best wait patiently for more certain light.
+
+In Rome itself, where archaeological study is concentrated and admirably
+staffed, great progress has been made, and much light thrown on the
+later periods of religious history. But for the religion of the ancient
+Roman state, with which we are at present concerned, it must be
+confessed that very little has been gleaned. The most famous discovery
+is that recently made in the Forum of an archaic inscription which
+almost certainly relates to some religious act; but as yet no scholar
+has been able to interpret it with anything approaching to
+certainty.[18] More recently excavations on the further bank of the
+Tiber threw a glint of light on the nature of an ancient deity, Furrina,
+about whom till then we practically knew nothing at all; but the
+evidence thus obtained was late and in Greek characters. We must in fact
+entertain no great hopes of illumination from excavations, but accept
+thankfully what little may be vouchsafed to us. On the other hand, from
+the gradual development of Italian archaeology as a whole, and, I must
+here add, from the study of the several old Italian languages, much may
+be expected in the future.
+
+The other chief contributory science is anthropology, _i.e._ the study
+of the working of the mind of primitive man, as it is seen in the ideas
+and practices of uncivilised peoples at the present day, and also as it
+can be traced in survivals among more civilised races. For the history
+of the religion of the Roman City-state its contribution must of
+necessity be a limited one; that is a part of Roman history in general,
+and its material is purely Roman, or perhaps I should say, Graeco-Roman;
+and Wissowa in all his work has consistently declined to admit the value
+of anthropological researches for the elucidation of Roman problems.
+Perhaps it is for this very reason that his book is the safest guide we
+possess for the study of what the Romans did and thought in the matter
+of religion; but if we wish to try and get to the original significance
+of those acts and thoughts, it is absolutely impossible in these days to
+dispense with the works of a long series of anthropologists, many of
+them fortunately British, who have gradually been collecting and
+classifying the material which in the long run will fructify in definite
+results. If we consider the writings of eminent scholars who wrote about
+Greek and Roman religion and mythology before the appearance of Dr.
+Tylor's _Primitive Culture_--Klausen, Preuner, Preller, Kuhn, and many
+others, who worked on the comparative method but with slender material
+for the use of it--we see at once what an immense advance has been
+effected by that monumental work, and by the stimulus that it gave to
+others to follow the same track. Now we have in this country the works
+of Lang, Robertson Smith, Farnell, Frazer, Hartland, Jevons, and others,
+while a host of students on the Continent are writing in all languages
+on anthropological subjects. Some of these I shall quote incidentally in
+the course of these lectures; at present I will content myself with
+making one or two suggestions as to the care needed in using the
+collections and theories of anthropologists, as an aid in Roman
+religious studies.
+
+First, let us bear in mind that anthropologists are apt to have their
+favourite theories--conclusions, that is, which are the legitimate
+result of reasoning inductively on the class of facts which they have
+more particularly studied. Thus Mannhardt had his theory of the
+Vegetation-spirit, Robertson Smith that of the sacramental meal, Usener
+that of the Sondergötter, Dr. Frazer that of divine Kingship; all of
+which are perfectly sound conclusions based on facts which no one
+disputes. They have been of the greatest value to anthropological
+research; but when they are applied to the explanation of Roman
+practices we should be instantly on our guard, ready indeed to welcome
+any glint of light that we may get from them, but most carefully
+critical and even suspicious of their application to other phenomena
+than those which originally suggested them. It is in the nature of man
+as a researcher, when he has found a key, to hasten to apply it to all
+the doors he can find, and sometimes, it must be said, to use violence
+in the application; and though the greatest masters of the science will
+rarely try to force the lock, they will use so much gentle persuasion as
+sometimes to make us fancy that they have unfastened it. All such
+attempts have their value, but it behoves us to be cautious in accepting
+them. The application by Mannhardt of the theory of the
+Vegetation-spirit to certain Roman problems, _e.g._ to that of the
+Lupercalia,[19] and the October horse,[20] must be allowed, fascinating
+as it was, to have failed in the main. The application by Dr. Frazer of
+the theory of divine Kingship to the early religious history of Rome, is
+still _sub judice_, and calls for most careful and discriminating
+criticism.[21]
+
+Secondly, as I have already said, Roman evidence is peculiarly difficult
+to handle, except in so far as it deals with the simple facts of
+worship; when we use it for traditions, myths, ideas about the nature of
+divine beings, we need a training not only in the use of evidence in
+general, but in the use of Roman evidence in particular.
+Anthropologists, as a rule, have not been through such a training, and
+they are apt to handle the evidence of Roman writers with a light heart
+and rather a rough hand. The result is that bits of evidence are put
+together, each needing conscientious criticism, to support hypotheses
+often of the flimsiest kind, which again are used to support further
+hypotheses, and so on, until the sober inquirer begins to feel his brain
+reeling and his footing giving way beneath him. I shall have occasion to
+notice one or two examples of this uncritical use of evidence later on,
+and will say no more of it now. No one can feel more grateful than I do
+to the many leading anthropologists who have touched in one way or
+another on Roman evidence; but for myself I try never to forget the
+words of Columella, with which a great German scholar began one of his
+most difficult investigations: "In universa vita pretiosissimum est
+intellegere quemque nescire se quod nesciat."[22]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE I
+
+    [1] Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_ (_E.T._), vol. ii. p. 433.
+
+    [2] Cumont, _Les Religions orientales dans le paganisme
+    romain_, p. 36. Cp. Dill, _Roman Society in the Last
+    Century of the Western Empire_, p. 63. Gwatkin, _The
+    Knowledge of God_, vol. ii. p. 133.
+
+    [3] See some valuable remarks in Lord Cromer's _Modern
+    Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 135.
+
+    [4] Since this lecture was written this scholar has
+    passed away, to the great grief of his many friends; and
+    I refrain from mentioning his name.
+
+    [5] Ira W. Howerth, in _International Journal of
+    Ethics_, 1903, p. 205. I owe the reference to R.
+    Karsten, _The Origin of Worship_, Wasa, 1905, p. 2,
+    note. Cp. E. Caird, _Gifford Lectures_ ("Evolution of
+    Theology in the Greek Philosophers"), vol. i. p. 32.
+    "That which underlies all forms of religion, from the
+    highest to the lowest, is the idea of God as an absolute
+    power or principle." To this need only be added the
+    desire to be in right relation to it. Mr. Marett's word
+    "supernaturalism" seems to mean the same thing; "There
+    arises in the region of human thought a powerful impulse
+    to objectify, and even to personify, the mysterious or
+    supernatural something felt; and in the region of will a
+    corresponding impulse to render it innocuous, or, better
+    still, propitious, by force of constraint (_i.e._
+    magic), communion, or conciliation." See his _Threshold
+    of Religion_, p. 11. Prof. Haddon, commenting on this
+    (_Magic and Fetishism_, p. 93), adds that "there are
+    thus produced the two fundamental factors of religion,
+    the belief in some mysterious power, and the desire to
+    enter into communication with the power by means of
+    worship." Our succinct definition seems thus to be
+    adequate.
+
+    [6] _The Golden Bough_, ed. 2, vol. i. p. 62.
+
+    [7] _Liberal Protestantism_, p. 64.
+
+    [8] For _religio_ as a feeling essentially, see Wissowa,
+    _Religion und Kultus der Römer_, p. 318 (henceforward to
+    be cited as _R.K._). For further development of the
+    meaning of the word in Latin literature, see the
+    author's paper in _Proceedings of the Congress for the
+    History of Religions_ (Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 169
+    foll. A different view of the original meaning of the
+    word is put forward by W. Otto in _Archiv für
+    Religionswissenschaft_, vol. xii., 1909, p. 533
+    (henceforward to be cited as _Archiv_ simply). See also
+    below, p. 459 foll.
+
+    [9] See, _e.g._, Frazer in _Anthropological Essays
+    presented to E. B. Tylor_, p. 101 foll.
+
+    [10] _Staatsverwaltung_, iii. p. 2. This will
+    henceforward be cited as _Marquardt_ simply. It forms
+    part of the great _Handbuch der römischen Alterthümer_
+    of Mommsen and Marquardt, and is translated into French,
+    but unfortunately not into English. I may add here that
+    I have only recently become acquainted with what was, at
+    the time it was written, a remarkably good account of
+    the Roman religion, full of insight as well as learning,
+    viz. Döllinger's _The Gentile and the Jew_, Book VII.
+    (vol. ii. of the English translation, 1906).
+
+    [11] Two fragments of ancient carmina, _i.e._ formulae
+    which are partly spells and partly hymns, survive--those
+    of the Fratres Arvales and the Salii or dancing priests
+    of Mars. For surviving formulae of prayer see below, p.
+    185 foll. Our chief authority on the ritual of prayer
+    and sacrifice comes from Iguvium in Umbria, and is in
+    the Umbrian dialect; it will be referred to in
+    Bücheler's _Umbrica_ (1883), where a Latin translation
+    will be found. The Umbrian text revised by Prof. Conway
+    forms an important part of that eminent scholar's work
+    on the Italian dialects.
+
+    [12] F. Leo, in _Die griechische und lateinische
+    Literatur und Sprache_, p. 328. Cp. Schanz, _Geschichte
+    der röm. Literatur_, vol. i. p. 54 foll.
+
+    [13] Among Roman poets Ovid is the worst offender,
+    Propertius and Tibullus mislead in a less degree; but
+    they all make up for it to some extent by preserving for
+    us features of the worship as it existed in their own
+    day. The confusion that has been caused in Roman
+    religious history by mixing up Greek and Roman evidence
+    is incalculable, and has recently been increased by Pais
+    (_Storia di Roma_, and _Ancient Legends of Roman
+    History_), and by Dr. Frazer in his lectures on the
+    early history of Kingship--writers to whom in some ways
+    we owe valuable hints for the elucidation of Roman
+    problems. See also Soltau, _Die Anfänge der römischen
+    Geschichtsschreibung_, 1909, p. 3.
+
+    [14] Most welcome to English readers has been Mr. T. E.
+    Peet's recently published volume on _The Stone and
+    Bronze Ages in Italy_, and still more valuable for our
+    purposes will be its sequel, when it appears, on the
+    Iron Age.
+
+    [15] _Roman Festivals_, p. 142 foll.; henceforward to be
+    cited as _R.F._
+
+    [16] See Virgil's _Messianic Eclogue_, by Mayor, Fowler,
+    and Conway, p. 75 foll.
+
+    [17] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 227.
+
+    [18] An account of this in English, with photographs,
+    will be found in Pais's _Ancient Legends of Roman
+    History_, p. 21 foll., and notes.
+
+    [19] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 72 foll.
+
+    [20] _Ibid._, p. 156 foll.
+
+    [21] _Lectures on the Early History of Kingship_,
+    lectures 7-9.
+
+    [22] Not long after these last sentences were written, a
+    large work appeared by Dr. Binder, a German professor of
+    law, entitled _Die Plebs_, which deals freely with the
+    oldest Roman religion, and well illustrates the
+    difficulties under which we have to work while
+    archaeologists, ethnologists, and philologists are still
+    constantly in disagreement as to almost every important
+    question in the history of early Italian culture. Dr.
+    Binder's main thesis is that the earliest Rome was
+    composed of two distinct communities, each with its own
+    religion, _i.e._ deities, priests, and sacra; the one
+    settled on the Palatine, a pastoral folk of primitive
+    culture, and of pure Latin race; the other settled on
+    the Quirinal, Sabine in origin and language, and of more
+    advanced development in social and religious matters. So
+    far this sounds more or less familiar to us, but when
+    Dr. Binder goes on to identify the Latin folk with the
+    Plebs and the Sabine settlement with the Patricians, and
+    calls in religion to help him with the proof of this, it
+    is necessary to look very carefully into the religious
+    evidence he adduces. So far as I can see, the limitation
+    of the word _patrician_ to the Quirinal settlement is
+    very far from being proved by this evidence (see _The
+    Year's Work in Classical Studies_, 1909, p. 69). Yet the
+    hypothesis is an extremely interesting one, and were it
+    generally accepted, would compel us to modify in some
+    important points our ideas of Roman religious history,
+    and also of Roman legal history, with which Dr. Binder
+    is mainly concerned.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE II
+
+ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS
+
+
+My subject proper is the religion of an organised State: the religious
+experience of a comparatively civilised people. But I wish, in the first
+place, to do what has never yet been done by those who have written on
+the Roman religion--I wish to take a survey of the relics, surviving in
+later Roman practice and belief, of earlier stages of rudimentary
+religious experience. In these days of anthropological and sociological
+research, it is possible to do this without great difficulty; and if I
+left it undone, our story of the development of religion at Rome would
+be mutilated at the beginning. Also we should be at a disadvantage in
+trying to realise the wonderful work done by the early authorities of
+the State in eliminating from their rule of worship (_ius divinum_)
+almost all that was magical, barbarous, or, as later Romans would have
+called it, superstitious. This is a point on which I wish to lay
+especial stress in the next few lectures, and it entails a somewhat
+tiresome account of the ideas and practices of which, as I believe, they
+sought to get rid. These, I may as well say at once, are to be found for
+the most part surviving, as we might expect, _outside_ of the religion
+of the State; where they survive within its limits, they will be found
+to have almost entirely lost their original force and meaning.
+
+Every student of religious history knows that a religious system is a
+complex growth, far more complex than would appear at first sight; that
+it is sure to contain relics of previous eras of human experience,
+embedded in the social strata as lifeless fossils. These only indeed
+survive because human nature is intensely conservative, especially in
+religious matters; and of this conservative instinct the Romans afford
+as striking an example as we can readily find. They clung with
+extraordinary tenacity, all through their history, to old forms; they
+seem to have had a kind of superstitious feeling that these dead forms
+had still a value as such, though all the life was gone out of them. It
+would be easy to illustrate this curious feature of the Roman mind from
+the history of its religion; it never disappeared; and to this day the
+Catholic church in Italy retains in a thinly-disguised form many of the
+religious practices of the Roman people.
+
+Stage after stage must have been passed by the Latins long before our
+story rightly begins; how many revolutions of thought they underwent,
+how much they learnt and took over from earlier inhabitants of the
+country in which they finally settled, we cannot even guess. As I said
+in the last lecture, we have no really ancient history of the Romans, as
+we have, for example, of the Egyptians or Babylonians; to us it is all
+darkness, save where a little light has been thrown on the buried strata
+by archaeology and anthropology. That little light, which may be
+expected to increase in power, shows survivals here and there of
+primitive modes of thought; and these I propose to deal with now in the
+following order. _Totemism_ I shall mention merely to clear it out of
+the way; but _taboo_ will take us some little time, and so will _magic_
+in its various forms.
+
+About totemism all I have to say is this. As I write, Dr. Frazer's great
+work on this subject has just appeared; it is entirely occupied with
+totemism among modern savages, true totemic peoples, with the object of
+getting at the real principles of that curious stratum of human thought,
+and he leaves to others the discussion of possible survivals of it among
+Aryans, Semites, and Egyptians. He himself is sceptical about all the
+evidence that has been adduced to prove its existence in classical
+antiquity (see vol. i. p. 86 and vol. iv. p. 13). Under these
+circumstances, and seeing that Dr. Frazer has always been the accepted
+exponent of totemism in this country since the epoch-making works
+appeared of Tylor and Robertson Smith, it is obviously unnecessary for
+me either to attempt to explain what it is, or to examine the attempts
+to find survivals of it in ancient Italy. When it first became matter of
+interest to anthropologists it was only natural that they should be apt
+to find it everywhere. Dr. Jevons, for example, following in the steps
+of Robertson Smith, found plenty of totemistic survivals both in Greece
+and Italy in writing his valuable _Introduction to the History of
+Religion_; but he is now aware that he went too far in this direction.
+Quite recently there has been a run after the same scent in France; not
+long ago a French scholar published a book on the ensigns of the Roman
+army,[23] which originally represented certain animals, and using Dr.
+Frazer's early work on totemism with a very imperfect knowledge of the
+subject, tried to prove that these were originally totem signs. Roman
+names of families and old Italian tribe-names are still often quoted as
+totemistic; but the Fabii and Caepiones, named after cultivated plants,
+and the Picentes and Hirpini, after woodpecker and wolf, though tempting
+to the totemist, have not persuaded Dr. Frazer to accept them as
+totemistic, and may be left out of account here; there may be many
+reasons for the adoption of such names besides the totemistic one. In
+the course of the last Congress of religious history, a sober French
+scholar, M. Toutain, made an emphatic protest against the prevailing
+tendency in France, of which the leading representative is M. Salomon
+Reinach.[24] Let us pass on at once to the second primitive mode of
+thought which I mentioned just now, and which is not nearly so
+remote--speaking anthropologically--from classical times as totemism.
+Totemism belongs to a form of society, that of tribe or clan, in which
+family life is unknown in our sense of the word, and it is therefore
+wholly remote from the life of the ancient Italian stocks, in whose
+social organisation the family was a leading fact; but _taboo_ seems
+rather to be a mode of thought common to primitive peoples up to a
+comparatively advanced stage of development, and has left its traces in
+all systems of religion, including those of the present day.
+
+By this famous word _taboo_, of Polynesian origin, is to be understood a
+very important part of what I have called the protoplasm of primitive
+religion, and one closely allied both to magic and fetishism. For our
+present purposes we may define it as a mysterious influence believed to
+exist in objects both animate and inanimate, which makes them
+_dangerous_, _infectious_, _unclean_, _or holy_, which two last
+qualities are often almost identical in primitive thought, as Robertson
+Smith originally taught us.[25] What exactly the savage or
+semi-civilised mind thought about this influence we hardly yet know; we
+have another Polynesian word, _mana_, which expresses conveniently its
+positive aspect, and may in time help us towards a better understanding
+of it.[26] It is in origin pre-animistic, _i.e._ it is not so much
+believed to emanate from a _spirit_ residing in the object, as from some
+occult miasmatic quality. All human beings in contact with other men or
+things possessing this quality are believed to suffer in some way, and
+to communicate the infection which they themselves receive. As Dr.
+Farnell says in his chapter on the ritual of purification,[27] "The
+sense-instinct that suggests all this was probably some primeval terror
+or aversion evoked by certain objects, as we see animals shrink with
+disgust at the sight or smell of blood. The nerves of savage man are
+strangely excited by certain stimuli of touch, smell, taste, sight; the
+specially exciting object is something that we should call mysterious,
+weird, or uncanny."
+
+Based on this notion of constant danger from infection, there arose a
+code of unwritten custom as rigid as that enforced by a careful
+physician in infectious cases at the present day; and thus, too, in
+course of time there was developed the idea of the possibility of
+_disinfection_, an idea as salutary as the discovery in medical science
+of effective methods for the disinfection of disease. The code of taboo
+had an obvious ethical value, as Dr. Jevons pointed out long ago;[28]
+like all discipline carried out with a social end in view, it helped men
+to realise that they were under obligations to the community of which
+they were a part, and that they would be visited by severe penalties if
+they neglected these duties. But it inevitably tended to forge a set of
+fetters binding and cramping the minds of its captives with a countless
+number of terrors; life was full of constant anxiety, of that feeling
+expressed by the later Romans in the word _religio_,[29] which, as we
+shall see, probably had its origin in this period of primitive
+superstition. The only remedy is the _discovery of the means of
+disinfection_, or, as we commonly call it, of _purification_: a
+discovery which must have been going on for ages, and only finds its
+completion at Rome in the era of the City-state. We shall return to this
+part of the subject when we deal with the ritual of purification; at
+present we must attend to certain survivals in that ritual which suggest
+that at one time the ancestors of the Roman people lived under this
+unwritten code of taboo.
+
+Let us see, in the first place, how human beings were supposed to be
+affected by this mysterious influence under certain circumstances and at
+particular periods of their existence. As universally in primitive life,
+the new-born infant must originally have been taboo; for every Roman
+child needed purification or disinfection, boys on the ninth, girls on
+the eighth day after birth. This day was called the _dies lustricus_,
+the day of a purificatory rite; "est lustricus dies," says Macrobius,
+"_quo infantes lustrantur_ et nomen accipiunt."[30] In historical times
+the naming of the child was doubtless the more practically important
+part of the ceremony; though we may note in passing that the mystic
+value attaching to names, of which there are traces in Roman usage, may
+have even originally given that part a greater significance than we
+should naturally attribute to it.[31] Again, when the child reaches the
+age of puberty, it is all the world over believed to be in a critical or
+dangerous condition, needing disinfection; of this idea, so far as I
+know, the later Romans show hardly a trace, but we may suppose that the
+ceremony of laying aside the _toga_ of childhood, which was accompanied
+by a sacrifice, was a faint survival of some process of
+purification.[32] Once more, after a death the whole family had to be
+purified with particular care from the contagion of the corpse,[33]
+which was here as everywhere taboo; a cypress bough was stuck over the
+door of the house of a noble family to give warning to any passing
+pontifex that he was not to enter it;[34] and those who followed the
+funeral cortège were purified by being sprinkled with water and by
+stepping over fire.[35] _Society had effectually protected itself
+against the miasma in all these cases by the discovery of the means of
+disinfection._
+
+One of the commonest forms of taboo is that on women, who, especially at
+certain periods, were apparently believed to be "infectious."[36] Of
+this belief we have very distinct survivals in Roman ritual, which I
+must here be content to mention only, leaving details to trained
+anthropologists to explain. We find them both in _sacra privata_ and
+_sacra publica_. Cato has preserved the formula for the propitiation of
+Mars Silvanus in the private rites of the farm; it is to take place _in
+silva_, and its object is the protection of the cattle, doubtless those
+which have been turned out to pasture in the forest, and are therefore
+in danger from evil beasts and evil spirits. Now this _res divina_ may
+be performed either by a free man or a slave, _but no woman may be
+present_, nor see what is going on.[37] In _sacra publica_ women were
+excluded from the cult of Hercules at the Ara Maxima, and were not
+allowed to swear by the name of that god; facts which are usually
+connected with the doubtful identification of Hercules with Genius, or
+the male principle of life.[38] More conclusive evidence of taboo in the
+case of women is the fact that at certain sacrifices they were ordered
+to withdraw, both _mulieres_ and _virgines_, together with other persons
+to be mentioned directly.[39] Unfortunately we are not told what those
+sacrifices were; but it seems clear enough that there had been at one
+time a scruple (_religio_) about admitting women of any age to certain
+sacred rites. If so, it is remarkable how the good sense of the Roman
+people overcame any serious disabilities which might have been produced
+by such ideas; the Roman woman gained for herself a position of dignity,
+and even of authority, in her household, which had very important
+results on the formation of the character of the people.[40] Traces of
+the old superstition doubtless continued to survive in folklore; an
+example, interesting because it seems to illustrate the positive aspect
+of taboo (_mana_), may be found by the curious in Pliny's _Natural
+History_, xxviii. 78.
+
+Another widely-spread example of the class of ideas we are discussing is
+the belief that _strangers_ are dangerous. Dr. Frazer tells us that "to
+guard against the baneful influence exerted voluntarily or involuntarily
+by strangers is an elementary dictate of savage prudence." You have to
+disarm them of their magical powers, to counteract "the baneful
+influence which is believed to emanate from them."[41] Of this feeling
+he has collected a great number of convincing illustrations. We find it
+also surviving in Roman ritual. A note, referred to above, which has
+come down to us from the learned Verrius Flaccus, informs us that at
+certain sacrifices the lictor proclaimed "_hostis vinctus mulier virgo
+exesto_," where _hostis_ has its old meaning of stranger.[42] This is,
+of course, merely the old feeling of taboo surviving in the religious
+ritual of the City-state, and is also no doubt connected with the belief
+that the recognised deities of a community could not be approached by
+any but the members of that community; but its taproot is probably to be
+found in the ideas described by Dr. Frazer. We can illustrate it well
+from the ritual of another Italian city, Iguvium in Umbria, which, as I
+mentioned in a note to my last lecture, has come down to us in a very
+elaborate form. In the ordinance for the _lustratio populi_ of that city
+the magistrate is directed to expel all members of certain neighbouring
+communities by a thrice-repeated proclamation.[43] Such fear of
+strangers is not even yet extinct in Italy. Professor von Duhn told me
+that once when approaching an Italian village in search of inscriptions
+he was taken for the devil, being unluckily mounted on a black horse and
+dressed in black, and was met by a priest with a crucifix, who was at
+last persuaded to "disinfect" him with holy water as a condition of his
+being admitted to the village. But the Romans of historical times, in
+this as in so many other ways, discovered easy methods of overcoming
+these fears and scruples: we find a good example of this in the
+organised college of Fetiales, who, on entering as envoys a foreign
+territory, were fully protected by their sacred herbs, carried by a
+_verbenarius_, against all hostile contamination.[44]
+
+A remark seems here necessary about the apparent inconsistency between
+this feeling of anxiety about strangers and the well-known ancient
+Italian practice of _hospitium_, by which two communities, or two
+individuals, or an individual and a community, entered into relations
+which bound them to mutual hospitality and kindness in case of need:[45]
+a practice so widely spread and so highly developed that it may be
+considered one of the most valuable civilising agents in the early
+history of Italy. There is, however, no real inconsistency here. In the
+first place, the stranger who was removed on the occasion of solemn
+public religious rites may be assumed not to have been in possession of
+the _ius hospitii_ with the Roman state, and in any case it must be
+doubtful whether that _ius_ would give him the right of being present at
+all sacrificial rites. Secondly, the researches of Dr. Westermarck have
+recently, for the first time, made it clear that both the taboo on
+strangers and the very widely-spread practice of hospitality can
+ultimately be traced down to the same root. The stranger is dangerous;
+but for that very reason it is desirable to secure his good-will at
+once. He may have the evil eye; but if so, it is as well to disarm him
+by offering him food and drink, and, when he has partaken of these, by
+entering into communion with him in the act of partaking also yourself.
+Expediency would obviously suggest some such remedy for the danger of
+his presence, and this would in course of time, in accordance with the
+instinct of Romans and Italians, grow into a set of rules sanctioned by
+law as well as custom--the _ius hospitii_.[46]
+
+_Hostis vinctus mulier virgo exesto._ We have noticed traces of taboo on
+women and strangers: what of the _vinctus_? This is, so far as I know,
+the only proof we have that a man in chains was thought to be
+religiously dangerous. I am not sure how his expulsion from religious
+rites is to be explained. It is, however, as well to note that criminals
+were in primitive societies thought to be uncanny, probably because the
+commonest of all crimes, if not the only one affecting society as a
+whole, was the breaking of taboo, which made the individual an
+outcast.[47] And we may put this together with the fact that in the
+early City-state such outcasts were probably not kept shut up in a
+prison, but allowed to wander about secured with chains; this seems a
+fair inference from the power which the priest of Jupiter (_Flamen
+Dialis_) possessed of releasing from his chains any prisoner who entered
+his house, _i.e._ who had taken refuge there as in an asylum.[48] Thus
+the fettered criminal, who was certainly not a citizen, might find his
+way to the place where a sacrifice was going on, and have to submit to
+expulsion together with the strangers. It is, however, also possible
+that the iron of the chains, if they were of iron, made him doubly
+dangerous; for, as we shall see directly, iron was taboo, and the chains
+of the prisoner who took refuge with the Flamen had to be thrown out of
+the house, no doubt for this reason, by the _impluvium_.[49]
+
+Turning to inanimate objects, which are supposed by primitive man to be
+dangerous or taboo, we are met by a fact which will astonish
+anthropologists, and which I cannot satisfactorily explain. Blood is
+everywhere in the savage world regarded with suspicion and anxiety;
+there is something mysterious about it as containing (so they thought)
+the life, and its colour and smell are also uncanny; horses cannot
+endure it, and there are still strong men who faint at the sight of it.
+Yet at Rome, so far as I can discover, there was in historical times
+hardly a trace left of this anxiety in its original form of taboo; the
+religious law had effectually eliminated the various chances that might
+arouse it. No student of Roman religious antiquities seems to have
+noticed this singular fact. No anthropologist, as far as I know, has
+observed that among the many taboos to which the Flamen Dialis was
+subject, blood does not appear. The reason no doubt is that
+anthropologists are not as a rule Roman historians; their curiosity is
+not excited by a fact which must have some explanation in Roman
+religious history. From a single passage of Festus (p. 117) we learn
+that soldiers following the triumphal car carried laurel "ut quasi
+purgati a caede humana intrarent urbem"; and this is the only distinct
+relic of the idea that I can find. Pliny's _Natural History_, that
+wonderful thesaurus of odds and ends, affords no help; the mystic
+qualities of blood are hardly alluded to there, and the same can be said
+of Servius' commentary on the _Aeneid_. The word blood is not to be
+found in the index to Wissowa's great work, of which the supreme value
+is its accurate record of the religious law and all the ceremonies of
+the State. I am constrained to believe that the priests or priest-kings
+who developed the _ius divinum_ of the Roman City-state deliberately
+suppressed the superstition, for reasons which it is impossible to
+conjecture with certainty. And this guess, which I put forward with
+hesitation, is indeed in keeping with certain other facts of Roman life.
+It is doubtful whether human sacrifice ever existed among this
+people;[50] it is certain that the execution of citizens in civil life
+by beheading was abandoned at a very early period.[51] The shedding of
+blood, except when a victim was sacrificed under the rules of sacred
+law, was carefully avoided; thus the horror of blood had a social and
+ethical result of value, instead of remaining a mere _religio_ (taboo).
+It is true that in one or two rites, such as that of the October horse,
+the blood of a sacrifice seems to have been thought to possess peculiar
+powers;[52] but it is at the same time noticeable that this rite is not
+included in the old calendar, a fact of which a wholly satisfactory
+explanation has not yet been offered. In the Lupercalia there is a trace
+of the mystic use of blood in sacrifice, but a very faint one: to this
+we shall return later on. The two Luperci had their foreheads smeared
+with the knife bloody from the slaughter of the victims, but the blood
+was at once wiped off with wool dipped in milk.[53] This rite is of
+course in the old calendar; it stands almost alone in its mystical
+character, and may have been taken over by the Romans from previous
+inhabitants of the site of Rome. Lastly, in the Terminalia, or
+boundary-festival of arable land in country districts, the
+boundary-stone was sprinkled with the blood of the victims, showing that
+a spirit, or _numen_, was believed to reside in it;[54] but I cannot
+find that this practice survived in the public sacrifices of the city.
+It is found only in the sacrifices (_Graeco ritu_) supervised by the _XV
+viri sacris faciundis_ in that part of the Ludi Saeculares of Augustus
+which was concerned with Greek chthonic deities in the Campus
+Martius.[55]
+
+Yet unquestionably there had been a time when many inanimate objects
+were supposed to have a mystic or dangerous influence; this is
+sufficiently proved by the long list of taboos to which the unfortunate
+Flamen Dialis was even in historical times subject. He was forbidden to
+touch a goat, a dog, raw meat, beans, ivy, wheat, leavened bread; he
+might not walk under a vine, and his hair and nails might not be cut
+with an iron knife; and he might not have any knot or unbroken ring
+about his person. Dr. Frazer has the merit of being the first to point
+out the real meaning of this strange list of disabilities, and to
+explain the mystic or miasmatic origin of some of them.[56] They need
+not detain us now, as they are survivals only, and survivals of ideas
+which must have been long extinct before Roman history can be said to
+begin. Almost the only one among them of which we have other traces is
+the taboo on iron, which must have been of comparatively late date, as
+the use of iron in Italy seems only to have begun about the eighth
+century B.C.[57] This is found also in the ritual of the Arval
+Brotherhood, the ancient agricultural priesthood revived by Augustus,
+and better known to us than any other owing to the discovery of its
+_Acta_ in the site of the sacred grove between Rome and Ostia. These
+Brethren had originally suffered from the taboo on iron; but in
+characteristic fashion they had discovered that a piacular or
+disinfecting sacrifice would sufficiently atone for its use whenever it
+was necessary to take a pruning-hook within the limits of the grove.[58]
+We may here also recall the fact that no iron might be used in the
+building or repairing of the ancient _pons sublicius_, the oldest of all
+the bridges of the Tiber.[59]
+
+Every one who wishes to get an idea of the nature of taboo in primitive
+Rome, and of the way in which it was got rid of, should study the
+disabilities of the Flamen Dialis, and satisfy himself of their absence,
+with the exception just mentioned, and possibly one or two more, in the
+ritual of historical Rome. Nothing is more likely to convince him of the
+way in which Roman civilisation contrived to leave these superstitions
+as mere fossils, incapable any longer of doing mischief by cramping the
+conscience and inducing constant anxiety. If he is disposed to ask why
+such a large number of these fossils should be found attached to the
+priesthood of Jupiter, I must ask him to let me postpone that question,
+which would at this moment lead us too far afield.
+
+I may, however, mention here that the Flaminica Dialis, who was not
+priestess of Juno as is commonly supposed, but assisted her husband in
+the cult of Jupiter, was also subject to certain taboos. On three
+occasions in the religious year she might not appear in public with her
+hair "done up," viz. the moving of the _ancilia_ in March, the festival
+of the Argei in March and May, and during the cleansing of the _penus
+Vestae_ in June. Also she might not wear shoes made from the skin of a
+beast that had died a natural death, but only from that of a sacrificial
+victim. There are traces of a _religio_ about shoe-leather, I may
+remark, both in the Roman and in other religious systems. Varro tells us
+that "in aliquot sacris et sacellis scriptum habemus, Ne quid scorteum
+adhibeatur: ideo _ne morticinum_ quid adsit." Leather was taboo in the
+worship of the almost unknown deity Carmenta. Petronius describes women
+in the cult of Jupiter Elicius walking barefoot; and we are reminded of
+the well-known rule which still survives in Mahommedan mosques.[60] The
+original idea may have been that the skin of an animal not made sacred
+by sacrifice might destroy the efficacy of the worship contemplated. On
+the other hand, the skin of a duly sacrificed animal had potency of a
+useful kind--a fact or belief so widespread as to need no illustration
+here; but we shall come upon an example of it in my next lecture.
+
+Certain _places_ were also affected by the idea of taboo. In the later
+religious law of the City-state the sites of all temples, _i.e._ all
+places in which deities had consented to take up their abode, were of
+course holy; but this is a much more mature development, though it
+unquestionably had its root in the same idea that we are now discussing.
+Such sites, as we shall see in a later lecture, were _loca sacra_, and
+_sacer_ is a word of legal ritual, meaning that the place has been made
+over to the deity by certain formulae, accompanied with favourable
+auspices, under the authority of the State.[61] But there were other
+holy places which were not _sacra_ but _religiosa_; and the word
+_religiosum_ here might almost be translated "affected by taboo."
+Wissowa provides us with a list of these places, and this and the
+quotations he supplies with it are of the utmost value for my present
+subject.[62] They comprised, of course, all holy places which the State
+had not duly consecrated, and therefore some which hardly concern us
+here, such as shrines belonging to families and gentes, and temple-sites
+in the provinces of a later age. More to our purpose at this moment are
+the spots where thunderbolts were supposed to have fallen. Such spots
+were encircled with a low wall and called _puteal_ from their
+resemblance to a well, or _bidental_ from the sacrifice there of a lamb
+as a _piaculum_; the bolt was supposed to be thus buried, and the place
+became _religiosum_.[63] So, too, all burial-grounds were not _loca
+sacra_ but _loca religiosa_, technically because they were not the
+property of the state or consecrated by it; in reality, I venture to
+say, because the place where a corpse was deposited was of necessity
+taboo. Such places were _extra commercium_, and their sanctity might not
+be violated: "religiosum est," wrote the learned Roman Masurius Sabinus,
+"quod propter sanctitatem aliquam _remotum et sepositum est_ a
+nobis."[64] So, too, the great lawyer of Cicero's time, Servius
+Sulpicius, defines _religio_ as "quae propter sanctitatem aliquam remota
+ac seposita a nobis sit," where he is using _religio_ in the sense of a
+thing or place to which a taboo attaches.[65] And again, another
+authority, Aelius Gallus, said that _religiosum_ was properly applied to
+an object in regard to which there were things which a man might not do:
+"quod si faciat," he goes on, "adversus deorum voluntatem videatur
+facere."[66] These last words are in the language of the City-state; if
+we would go behind it to that of an earlier age, we should substitute
+words which would express the feeling or scruple, the _religio_, without
+reference to any special deity. Virgil has pictured admirably this
+feeling as applied to places, in describing the visit of Aeneas to the
+site of the future Rome under the guidance of his host Evander (_Aen._
+viii. 347):--
+
+  hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia ducit,
+  aurea nunc, olim silvestribus horrida dumis.
+  _iam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestis_
+  _dira loci_: iam tum silvam saxumque tremebant.
+  "hoc nemus, hunc," inquit, "frondoso vertice collem,
+  (quis deus, incertum est) habitat deus."
+
+
+This is a passage on which I shall have to comment again: at present I
+will content myself with noting how accurately the poet, who of all
+others best understood the instincts of the less civilised Italians of
+his own day, has used his knowledge to express the antique feeling that
+there were places which man must shrink from entering--a feeling far
+older than the invention of legal _consecratio_ by the authorities of a
+City-state.
+
+Lastly, the principle of taboo, or _religio_, if we use the Latin word,
+affected certain times as well as places. Just as under the _ius
+divinum_ of the fully-developed State certain spots were made over to
+the deities for their habitation and rendered inviolable by
+_consecratio_, so certain days were also appointed as theirs which the
+human inhabitants might not violate by the transaction of profane
+business. But I have just pointed out that the consecration of holy
+places in this legal fashion was a late development of a primitive
+feeling or _religio_; exactly the same, if I am not mistaken, was the
+case with regard to the holy days. These were called _nefasti_, and
+belong to the life of the State; but there were others, called
+_religiosi_, which I believe to have been tabooed days long before the
+State arose.
+
+When we come to examine the ancient religious calendar, it will be found
+that I shall not then be called upon to deal with _dies religiosi_, for
+the very good reason that they are not indicated in that calendar--there
+is no mark for them as _religiosi_, and some of them are not even _dies
+nefasti_, as we might naturally have expected.[67] What, then, is the
+history of them? We may be able to make a fair guess at this by noting
+exactly what these days were; Dr. Wissowa has put them together for us
+in a very succinct passage.[68] He begins the list with the 18th of
+Quinctilis (July), on which two great disasters had happened to Roman
+armies, the defeats on the Cremera and the Allia; and also the 16th, the
+day after the Ides, because, according to the legend, the Roman
+commander had sacrificed on that day with a view to gaining the favour
+of the gods in the battle. We may regard the story about the 18th as
+historical; but then we are told that _all_ days following on Kalends,
+Nones, and Ides were likewise made _religiosi_ (or _atri_, _vitiosi_,
+which have the same meaning) as being henceforward deemed unlucky by
+pronouncement of senate and pontifices;[69] thus all _dies postriduani_,
+as they were called, were put out of use, or at any rate declared
+unlucky, for many purposes, both public and private, _e.g._ marriages,
+levies, battles, and sacred rites,[70] simply because on one occasion
+disaster had followed the offering of a sacrifice on the 16th of
+Quinctilis. It is difficult to believe that thirty-six days in the year
+were thus tabooed, by a Roman senate and Roman magistrates, in a period
+when the practical wisdom of the government was beginning to be a marked
+characteristic of the State. Some people, we are told, went so far as to
+treat the _fourth day before_ Kalends, Nones, and Ides in the same way;
+but Gellius declares that he could find no tradition about this except a
+single passage of Claudius Quadrigarius, in which he said that the
+fourth day before the Nones of Sextilis was that on which the battle of
+Cannae was fought.[71]
+
+I am strongly inclined to suggest that the traditional explanation of
+the tabooing of these thirty-six, or possibly seventy-two days was
+neither more nor less than an aetiological myth, like hundreds of others
+which were invented to account for Roman practices, religious and other;
+and this supposition seems to be confirmed as we go on with the list of
+_dies religiosi_ as given by Wissowa. The three days--Sextilis 24,
+October 5, November 8--on which the Manes were believed to come up from
+the underworld through the _mundus_ (to which I shall return later on)
+were _religiosi_;[72] so were those when the temple of Vesta remained
+open (June 7 to 15),[73] those on which the Salii performed their
+dances in March and October,[74] two days following the _feriae Latinae_
+(a movable festival),[75] and the days of the Parentalia in February and
+the Lemuria in May, which were concerned with the cult and the memory of
+the dead.[76] Now the _religio_ or taboo on these days obviously springs
+either from a feeling of anxiety suggested by very primitive notions of
+the dead and of departed spirits; or in the case of the temple of Vesta,
+by some mystical purification or disinfection preparatory to the
+ingathering of the crops, which I noticed in my _Roman Festivals_ (p.
+152 foll.); or again in the case of the Salii, by some danger to the
+crops from evil spirits, etc., which might be averted by their peculiar
+performances. In fact, all these _dies religiosi_ date as such, we may
+be pretty sure, from a very primitive period before the genesis of the
+City-state, and were not recognised--for what reason we will not at
+present attempt to guess--as _religiosi_ by the authorities who drew up
+the Calendar. Some of them appear in that calendar as _dies nefasti_,
+but not all; and I am entirely at one with Wissowa, whose knowledge of
+the Roman religious law is unparalleled for exactness, in believing that
+a _religio_ affecting a day had nothing whatever to do with its
+character as _fastus_ or _nefastus_.[77]
+
+If all these last-mentioned _dies religiosi_ are such because ancient
+popular feeling attached the _religio_ to them, we may infer, I think,
+that the same was really the case also with the _dies postriduani_. The
+fact that the authorities of the State had made one or two days
+_religiosi_ as anniversaries of disasters, supplied a handy explanation
+for a number of other _dies religiosi_ of which the true explanation had
+been entirely lost; but that there was such a true explanation, resting
+on very primitive beliefs, I have very little doubt. Lucky and unlucky
+days are found in the unwritten calendars of primitive peoples in many
+parts of the world. An old pupil, now a civil servant in the province
+of Madras, has sent me an elaborate account of the notions of this kind
+existing in the minds of the Tamil-speaking people of his district of
+southern India. The Celtic calendar recently discovered at Coligny in
+France contains a number of mysterious marks, some of which may have had
+a meaning of this kind.[78] Dr. Jevons has collected some other examples
+from various parts of the world, _e.g._ Mexico.[79] The old Roman
+superstition about the luckiness of odd days and the unluckiness of even
+ones, which appears, as we shall see, in the arrangement of the
+calendar, was probably at one time a popular Italian notion, not
+derived, as used to be thought, from Pythagoras and his school.
+
+I therefore conclude that we may add times and seasons to the list of
+those objects, animate and inanimate, which were affected by the
+practice of taboo in primitive Rome; and I hold that the word
+_religiosus_, as applied both to times and places, exactly expresses the
+feeling on which that practice is based. The word _religiosus_ came to
+have another meaning (though it retained the old one as well) in
+historical times, and the Romans could be called _religiosissimi
+mortalium_ in the sense of paying close attention to worship and all its
+details. But the original meaning of _religio_ and _religiosus_ may
+after all have been that nervous anxiety which is a special
+characteristic of an age of taboo.[80] To discover the best methods of
+soothing that anxiety, or, in other words, the methods of disinfection,
+was the work of the organised religious life of family and State which
+we are going to study. But I must first devote a lecture to another
+class of primitive survivals.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE II
+
+    [23] Renel, _Les Enseignes_, p. 43 foll. For the
+    contrary view, Deubner in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 490.
+
+    [24] On taboo in general, Jevons, _Introduction to the
+    History of Religion_, ch. vi.; Robertson Smith,
+    _Religion of the Semites_, p. 142 foll.; Frazer, _Golden
+    Bough_ (ed. 2), i. 343; Crawley, _The Mystic Rose_,
+    _passim_. On the relation of taboo to magic, Marett,
+    _Threshold of Religion_, p. 85 foll. Lately M. van
+    Gennep in his _Rites de passage_ has attempted to
+    classify and explain the various rites resulting from
+    taboo.
+
+    [25] See the _Transactions of the Congress_ (Oxford
+    University Press), vol. i. p. 121 foll. M. Reinach had
+    alleged that the gens Fabia was originally a totem clan,
+    _Mythes et cultes_, i. p. 47.
+
+    [26] Marett, _On the Threshold of Religion_, p. 137
+    foll. "In _taboo_ the mystic thing is not to be lightly
+    approached (negative aspect); _qua mana_, it is instinct
+    with mystic power (positive aspect)": so Mr. Marett
+    states the distinction in a private letter.
+
+    [27] _Evolution of Religion_, p. 94.
+
+    [28] _Introduction_, ch. viii.; Westermarck, _Origin and
+    Development of Ethical Ideas_, i. 233 foll.
+
+    [29] See a paper by the author in the _Transactions of
+    the Congress of the History of Religions_, 1908, ii. 169
+    foll.
+
+    [30] Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 16. 36; De Marchi, _La
+    Religione nella vita domestica_, i. p. 169 foll.;
+    Samter, _Familienfeste der Griechen und Römer,_ p. 62
+    foll., where the _dies lustricus_ is compared with the
+    Greek [Greek: amphidromia]. Unfortunately the details of
+    the Roman rite are unknown to us, which seems to
+    indicate that the primitive or magical character of it
+    had disappeared. Van Gennep, _op. cit._ ch. v., reviews
+    and classifies our present knowledge of this kind of
+    rite. See also Crawley, _Mystic Rose_, p. 435 foll.
+
+    [31] Crawley, _op. cit._ p. 436; Frazer, _G.B._ i. 403
+    foll. From this point of view Roman names need a closer
+    examination than they have yet received. See, however,
+    Marquardt, _Privatleben der Römer_, pp. 10 and 81, and
+    Mommsen, _Röm. Forschungen_, i. 1 foll. Marquardt must
+    be wrong in stating (p. 10) that only the _praenomen_
+    was given on the _dies lustricus_; children dying before
+    that day usually, as he says on p. 82 note, have no name
+    in inscriptions, and that ceremony must surely have
+    introduced the child to the gens of its parents.
+    Certainly that introduction had not to wait till the
+    _toga virilis_ was taken; though Tertull. _de Idol._ 16
+    looks at first a little like it. The same statement is
+    made in the _Dict. of Antiq., s.v._ "nomen." Macr.
+    _Sat._ i. 16. 36, and Fest. 120, simply speak of
+    _nomen_.
+
+    [32] Fowler, _R.F._ p. 56; De Marchi, _op. cit._ p. 176.
+    For the primitive ideas about puberty, Crawley, _Mystic
+    Rose_, ch. xiii. The idea of the Romans seems to have
+    been simply that the child, who had so far needed
+    special protection from evil influences (of what kind in
+    particular it is impossible to say) by purple-striped
+    toga and amulet (see below, p. 60), was now entering a
+    stage when these were no longer needed. All notions of
+    taboo seem to have vanished.
+
+    [33] Marquardt, _Privataltertümer_, p. 337 foll.
+
+    [34] Serv. _Aen._ ii. 714, and especially iii. 64. Other
+    references in Marq. _op. cit._ p. 338, note 5, and De
+    Marchi, _La Religione nella_ _vita domestica_, p. 190.
+    For similar usages of prohibition see van Gennep, _op.
+    cit._ ch. ii.
+
+    [35] Festus, p. 3, "itaque funus prosecuti redeuntes
+    ignem supragradiebantur aqua aspersi, quod purgationis
+    genus vocabant suffitionem." For the possibly magic
+    influence of these elements, see Jevons, _op. cit._ p.
+    70.
+
+    [36] Frazer, _G.B._ i. 325, iii. 222 foll.; Jevons, p.
+    59.
+
+    [37] Cato, _R.R._ 83, "mulier ad eam rem divinam ne
+    adsit neve videat quomodo fiat."
+
+    [38] Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 60. Dogs were also
+    excluded (_ib._ 90); Gellius xi. 6. 2; Wissowa, _R.K._
+    p. 227; Fowler, _R.F._ p. 194, where the private and
+    public taboos are compared.
+
+    [39] Festus, _s.v._ "exesto." For similar taboos in
+    Greece, Farnell in _Archiv_ for 1904, p. 76.
+
+    [40] Fowler, _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_,
+    p. 143 foll. Cp. Westermarck, _Origin, etc._, vol. i.
+    ch. xxvi., especially p. 652 foll.
+
+    [41] _G.B._ i. 298 foll.
+
+    [42] Festus, _s.v._ "exesto."
+
+    [43] Bücheler, _Umbrica_, p. 94 foll. Cp. Livy v. 50,
+    where it is said that, after the Gauls had left Rome,
+    all the temples, _quod ea hostis possedisset_, were to
+    be restored, to have their bounds laid down afresh
+    (_terminarentur_) and to be disinfected (_expiarentur_).
+    _Digest_, xi. 7. 36, "cum loca capta sunt ab hostibus,
+    omnia desinunt religiosa vel sacra esse, sicut homines
+    liberi in servitutem perveniunt; quod si ab hac
+    calamitate fuerint liberata, quasi quodam postliminio
+    reversa pristino statui restituerentur." Cp. Plutarch,
+    _Aristides_, 20. A friend reminds me that Bishop
+    Berkeley, when in Italy, had his bedroom sprinkled with
+    holy water by his landlady.
+
+    [44] See Marquardt, p. 420, notes 5 and 6. The
+    _verbenarius_ is mentioned in Serv. _Aen._ xii. 120, and
+    Pliny _N.H._ xxii. 5. For the disinfecting power of
+    verbena (_myrtea verbena_) see Pliny xv. 119, where it
+    is said to have been used by Romans and Sabines after
+    the rape of the Sabine virgins.
+
+    [45] See Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 192 foll., based
+    on the famous essay of Mommsen in his _Römische
+    Forschungen_, i. 319 foll. The passages quoted from Livy
+    for the practice in early times (i. 45, v. 50) are not,
+    of course, historical evidence; but we may fairly argue
+    back from the more explicit evidence of later times,
+    _e.g._ the Senatusconsultum de Asclepiade of 78 B.C.
+    (_C.I. Graec._ 5879).
+
+    There is a good example of the feeling in modern Italy
+    in a book called _In the Abruzzi_, by Anne Macdonell, p.
+    275. I have experienced it in remote parts of South
+    Wales long ago. Moritz, the German pastor who travelled
+    on foot in England towards the end of the eighteenth
+    century, noted that even the innkeepers were constantly
+    unwilling to take him in. His book was reprinted in
+    Cassell's National Library some years ago.
+
+    [46] See the very interesting chapter in _The Origin
+    and Development of Moral Ideas_, vol. i. p. 570 foll.,
+    especially p. 590 foll. Dr. Westermarck aptly points out
+    that hospitality is almost universal among "rude"
+    peoples, and loses its hold as they become more
+    civilised. M. van Gennep in his recently published work,
+    _Les Rites de Passage_, has attempted to classify the
+    various rites relating to taboo of strangers; see ch.
+    iii., especially p. 38 foll.
+
+    [47] Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 70.
+
+    [48] Gellius x. 15. 8, "vinctum, si aedes eius
+    introierit, solui necessum est." (In hot countries
+    chains still usually, or in some degree, take the place
+    of bolts and bars, _e.g._ in the Soudan, as I am told by
+    an old pupil now in the Soudan civil service.) The
+    regular Latin phrase for imprisonment is "in vincula
+    conicere": Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._ "carcer."
+
+    [49] Gellius, _l.c._; Serv. _Aen._ ii. 57, a curious
+    passage, in which the release of Sinon from his bonds by
+    King Priam is compared with that of the prisoner who
+    enters the flaminia (house of the Flamen Dialis). That
+    there was something in the iron which interfered with
+    the religious efficacy of the Flamen seems likely; cp.
+    the rule that he might wear no ring unless it were
+    broken, and have no knot about his dress. But the latter
+    restriction suggests that binding may have been
+    originally the object of the taboo (cp. Ovid, _Fasti_,
+    v. 432), and that the iron taboo came in with the iron
+    age. Appel, _de Romanorum precationibus_, p. 82, note 2,
+    seems so to understand it. Cp. Eurip. _Iph. Taur._ 468,
+    where Orestes and Pylades are unbound before entering
+    the temple.
+
+    [50] There has been much discussion of this question; I
+    entirely agree with Wissowa (_R.K._ p. 354, where
+    references are given for the opposite opinion) that
+    there is no evidence for human sacrifice in the old
+    Roman religion or law, except in the rule that a
+    condemned criminal was made over to a deity (_sacer_),
+    which may have been a legal survival of an original form
+    of actual sacrifice. The alleged sacrifice by Julius
+    Caesar of two mutinous soldiers in the Campus Martius
+    (Dio Cass. xliii. 24) is of the same nature as the
+    sacrifice of captives to Orcus in _Aen._ xi. 81, _i.e._
+    it is outside of the civil life and religious law; this
+    is shown in the latter case by the mention of blood in
+    the ritual (_caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas_), and in
+    the former by the beheading of the mutineers.
+
+    [51] Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, p. 917 foll.; Livy x. 9;
+    Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 31. 65. All other methods of
+    execution were bloodless. _Decollatio_ remained in use
+    in the army (as in the case just mentioned), but the axe
+    disappeared from the fasces in the city with the
+    abolition of kingship. As further illustration of the
+    dislike of all bloodshed, cp. the rule of XII. Tables,
+    "mulieres genas ne radunto," _i.e._ at funerals, Cic.
+    _de Legibus_, ii. 59, and Serv. _Aen._ iii. 67 from
+    Varro, and v. 78. The gladiatorial _ludi_ may have been
+    a revival of an old custom akin to human sacrifice of
+    captives in the field. See _Social Life at Rome in the
+    Age of Cicero_, p. 304, note 3.
+
+    We may also note in this connection that there is no
+    distinct trace of the blood-feud in old Roman law; see
+    _Zum ältesten Strafrecht der Kulturvölker_, p. 38
+    (questions of comparative law suggested by Mommsen and
+    answered by various specialists). Doubtless it once
+    existed, but vanished at an early date.
+
+    [52] Fowler, _R.F._ p. 242. The tail of the sacrificed
+    horse was carried to the Regia, where the blood was
+    allowed to drip on the sacred hearth (_participandae rei
+    divinae gratia_), Festus, p. 178.
+
+    [53] _R.F._ p. 311 foll., from Plutarch, _Rom._ 21.
+
+    [54] For this practice in many ancient religions, and
+    its substitute, the smearing of the stone with turmeric
+    or other red stain, see Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 139
+    foll.; Robertson Smith, _Semites_, p. 415.
+
+    [55] This is found in Zosimus ii. 1. 5; Diels,
+    _Sibyllinische Blätter_, 132, and 73 note. Cp. Virg.
+    _Aen._ viii. 106; also a Greek rite.
+
+    [56] _G.B._ ed. 2, i. 241 foll.
+
+    [57] The bronze and iron ages, of course, overlap; see
+    Helbig, _Italiker in der Poebene_, p. 78 foll.
+
+    [58] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ pp. 22 and 128 foll.
+    Other examples are collected by Helbig, _op. cit._ p.
+    80.
+
+    [59] Dion. Hal. iii. 45; Mommsen in _C.I.L._ i. p. 177.
+    It may be as well to point out that iron, like wheat in
+    the taboos of the Flamen, was considered dangerous, as
+    being a novelty. The old Italian grain was not true
+    wheat but _far_, which continued to be used in religious
+    rites; _R.F._ p. 304, and Marquardt, _Privatleben der
+    Römer_, p. 399 foll.
+
+    [60] Varro, _L.L._ vii. 84; Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 629;
+    Petronius, _Sat._ 44. There are many parallels in Greek
+    ritual.
+
+    [61] See below, p. 146. Mr. Marett suggests to me a
+    comparison with the _rongo_ (sacred) of the Melanesians,
+    and _tapu_ as used of a place by them, _i.e._ set apart
+    by a human authority; Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 77.
+
+    [62] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 408 foll.; cp. 323 and notes.
+
+    [63] The fullest account of this will be found in
+    Marquardt, p. 262 foll. For the case of a man killed by
+    lightning, see note 4 on p. 263; the body was not burnt
+    but buried, and the grave became a _bidental_, and
+    _religiosum_.
+
+    [64] For the intricate pontifical law of burial-places
+    see Wissowa, p. 409. The quotation from Masurius is in
+    Gellius iv. 9. 8, "M. Sabinus in commentariis quos de
+    indigenis composuit." The word _sanctitas_ is here used
+    merely by way of explanation and not in a technical
+    sense; for which see Marq. p. 145 and references; but it
+    seems to have had a special use in the cult of the dead.
+    (See below, p. 470.)
+
+    [65] Quoted by Macrobius, _Sat._ iii. 3. 8. For
+    Sulpicius see _Social Life at Rome in the Age of
+    Cicero_, p. 118 foll.
+
+    [66] Festus, p. 278. This Aelius lived at the end of the
+    Republican period, and belonged to the school of
+    Sulpicius; Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Lit._ i. pt. 2, p.
+    486.
+
+    [67] _e.g._ the three days on which the _mundus_ was
+    open were all _comitiales_, though at the same time
+    _religiosi_.
+
+    [68] _R.K._ pp. 376, 377.
+
+    [69] The authorities for the story are Verrius Flaccus,
+    _ap._ Gell. v. 17, and Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 16. 21.
+
+    [70] For the extent of the taboo see Gell. iv. 9. 5;
+    Macr. i. 16. 18.
+
+    [71] Gell. v. 17. 3 foll. (_annalium quinto_).
+
+    [72] Festus, p. 278.
+
+    [73] _R.F._ p. 151.
+
+    [74] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 377, note 6.
+
+    [75] Cic. _ad Qu. Fratr._ ii. 4. 2.
+
+    [76] Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 187, 189.
+
+    [77] _R.K._ p. 377. Gell. iv. 9. 5 says that the
+    _multitudo imperitorum_ confused the _dies religiosi_
+    and _dies nefasti_. The distinction is most clearly seen
+    in the fact that on _dies religiosi_ the temples were
+    (or ought to be) shut, and "res divinas facere" was
+    ill-omened (Gell., _ib._), while on _dies nefasti_ the
+    latter was regular, such days being made over to the
+    gods. No wonder that Gellius brands the popular
+    ignorance with such words as _prave_ and _perperam_.
+
+    [78] See Prof. Rhys's paper read before the British
+    Academy, "Notes on the Coligny Calendar," p. 33 and
+    elsewhere.
+
+    [79] _Introduction_, p. 65 foll.
+
+    [80] Since writing this sentence I have read the paper
+    by W. Otto on "Religio and Superstitio" in _Archiv für
+    Religionswissenschaft_, 1909, p. 533 foll.; in which at
+    p. 544 he hints at a connection of _religio_ with the
+    practice of taboo. With some of his conclusions,
+    however, I cannot agree. The same explanation of the
+    origin of _religio_, _i.e._ in an age of taboo, has also
+    been suggested since my lecture was written by
+    Maximilianus Kobbert, _De verborum "religio atque
+    religiosus" usu apud Romanos_, p. 31 (Königsberg,
+    1910).
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE III
+
+ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC
+
+
+Taboo, the traces of which at Rome we examined in the last lecture, is,
+as we saw, closely allied to magic, even if it be not, as Dr. Frazer
+thinks, magic in a negative form. We have now to see what traces are to
+be found of magic in the proper or usual sense of the word--active or
+positive magic, as we may call it. By this we are to understand the
+exercise of a mysterious mechanical power by an individual on man,
+spirit, or deity, to enforce a certain result. In magic there is no
+propitiation, no prayer. "He who performs a purely magical act," says
+Dr. Westermarck,[81] "utilises such mechanical power without making any
+appeal at all to the will of a supernatural being." Religion, on the
+other hand, is an attitude of regard and dependence; in a religious
+stage man feels himself in the hands of a supernatural power with whom
+he desires to be in right relation.
+
+If we accept this distinction, as I think we may (though one school of
+anthropologists is hardly disposed to do so), it is plain that magical
+practices are of a totally different kind from religious practices, as
+being the result of a different mental attitude towards the
+supernatural; they belong to a ruder and more rudimentary idea of the
+relation of Man to the Power manifesting itself in the universe. True,
+they have their origin in the same kind of human experience, in the
+difficulties man meets with in his struggle for existence, and his
+desire to overcome these; but unlike religion, magic is a wholly
+inadequate attempt to overcome them. This inadequacy was long ago well
+explained by Dr. Jevons.[82] He showed that man in that early stage of
+his experience did not understand the true relation of cause and effect;
+that, "turned loose as it were among innumerable possible causes (of a
+given effect), with nothing to guide his choice, the chances against his
+making the right choice were considerable." As a matter of fact he
+usually made the wrong one, and is still apt to do so. There is probably
+more magic going on behind the scenes even in civilised countries, and
+more especially both in Greece and Italy, than either men of science or
+men of religion have any idea of. In its various forms as they are now
+classified,[83] _e.g._ contagious magic, and homoeopathic magic, the
+exercise of the mysterious will-power, real or imaginary, is to be found
+all the world over, accompanied usually with a spell or incantation
+which is believed to enforce and increase that power--a kind of
+telepathy, which seems to be the psychological basis, so far as there is
+one, of the whole system. In these rites the virtue resides in some
+action, which, together with the spell or incantation, enforces the
+desired result by calling out the will-power, or _mana_, if we adopt the
+convenient Melanesian word lately brought into use. Whatever percentage
+of psychological truth may lie at the root of such performances, it is
+obvious that they must in the main be wholly inadequate, and must
+constantly tend to pass into mere quackery and become discredited; and
+it was the special function of the religious organisation of early
+society to eliminate and discredit them.
+
+But it was a long stage in the evolution of society before man arrived
+at a better knowledge of his relation to the Power manifesting itself in
+the universe; before he reached the idea of a god or spirit realisable
+and nameable, and thus capable of being addressed, placated, worshipped.
+When this stage is reached, there supervenes almost always a strong
+tendency to regulate and systematise the methods of address, placation,
+and worship; and among some peoples, _e.g._ the Romans, for reasons
+which it is by no means easy to explain, this tendency is much stronger
+than among others. Wherever it has been strong, wherever these methods
+of putting oneself in right relation with the Power have been
+systematised by a central authority or priesthood, and thus made into
+religious law, there, as we might naturally expect, the performances and
+performers of magic have been most vigorously discountenanced and
+outlawed. The interests of religion and its officials are wholly
+antagonistic to those of magic and magicians. In civilised communities
+and in historical times magic is in the main individualistic, not
+social; magical ceremonies for the good of the community seem to be
+confined to races in a very early stage of development. The examples on
+which Dr. Frazer relies for his theory of the development of the public
+magician into a king[84] are of this primitive kind, or are mere
+survivals of magic in a higher stage of civilisation--such survivals as
+there will always be among forms and ceremonies, of which it is man's
+nature to be tenacious. But religion, once firmly established,
+invariably seeks to exclude magic; and the priest does his best to
+discredit the magician, as claiming to exercise mysterious powers
+outside the pale of the legally recognised methods of propitiation and
+worship. As Dr. Tylor observed long ago, the more civilised the race,
+the more apt it is to associate magic with men of inferior
+civilisation.[85] In the Jewish law, though magic was well known to the
+Jews and privately practised, there is no recognition of it; the magical
+books attributed to Solomon were suppressed, according to tradition, by
+the pious king Hezekiah.[86] So too at Rome, where the outward forms of
+religion were also very highly systematised, magic, as it seems to me,
+was rigorously excluded from the State ritual, though it continued in
+use in private life under certain precautions taken by the State; in the
+few genuine examples of it in the rites belonging to the _ius divinum_
+(_i.e._ those used and sanctioned for the purposes of the community),
+it is nothing more than a survival of which the magical meaning was
+unknown to the writers from whom we hear of it.
+
+A good example of such survivals is the curious ceremony of
+the _aquaelicium_, without doubt a genuine case of magical
+"rain-making"--one of the many inadequate and blundering attempts on the
+part of primitive man to obtain what he needs. Probably it may be
+classed under the head of "sympathetic magic," but the evidence as to
+what was done in the ceremony is not quite explicit enough to allow us
+to do this confidently.[87] It was, of course, not included in the
+religious calendar, as it would be only occasionally called for, and
+could not be fixed to a day; but there is clear evidence that it was
+sanctioned by the State, for the pontifices took part in it, and the
+magistrates without the _toga praetexta_, and the lictors carrying the
+fasces reversed.[88] A stone, which lay outside the walls near the Porta
+Capena, was brought into the city by the pontifices, so far as we can
+make out the details, and it has been conjectured that it was taken to
+an altar of Jupiter Elicius on the Aventine hard by, this cult-title of
+the god of the sky having possibly some relation to the technical name
+of the ceremony. What was done with the stone we unluckily do not know;
+but it has been reasonably conjectured that it was a hollow one, and
+that it was filled with water which was allowed to run over the edge, as
+a means of inducing the rain-god to suffer the heavens to overflow.[89]
+It was called _lapis manalis_; and the epithet here can have nothing to
+do with the Manes, as in the case of another _lapis manalis_, of which I
+shall have a word to say later on, but must mean "pouring" or
+"overflowing." One or two other fragments of evidence point in the same
+direction, and I think we may fairly conclude that the rite was
+originally one of sympathetic magic--that as the stone overflowed, so
+the sky would pour down rain. In my _Roman Festivals_ I have pointed out
+a remarkable parallel to this in the collections of the _Golden Bough_;
+in a Samoan village a stone represented the god of rain, and in a
+drought his priests carried it in procession and dipped it in a stream.
+
+This parallel I owe to Dr. Frazer's wide knowledge of all such practices
+among savage peoples. But this ever helpful and friendly guide, in
+treating of the Jupiter Elicius concerned in this ceremony, has gone
+beyond the evidence, and attributed to the Romans another kind of magic
+of which I believe they were quite innocent. He has been led to this by
+his theory that kings were developed out of successful magicians. In his
+lectures on the early history of the Kingship[90] he maintains that the
+Roman kings practised the magical art of bringing down lightning from
+heaven. "The priestly king Numa passed for an adept in the art of
+drawing down lightning from the sky.... Tullus Hostilius is reported to
+have met with the same end (as Salmoneus, king of Elis) in an attempt to
+draw down Jupiter in the form of lightning from the clouds." To support
+these statements Dr. Frazer quotes Pliny, Livy, Ovid, Plutarch,
+Arnobius, Aurelius Victor, and Zonaras--truly a formidable list of
+authorities; but without any attempt to discover where any of these late
+writers found the stories. Yet he had but to read Aust's admirable
+article "Jupiter" in the _Mythological Lexicon_[91] to assure himself
+that legends which cannot be traced farther back than the middle of the
+second century B.C. cannot seriously be assumed to be genuinely Roman.
+Pliny happens to mention Calpurnius Piso as his authority; this was the
+man who is well known in Roman history as the author of the first _lex
+de repetundis_ of the year 149 B.C., a good statesman, but as an
+annalist much given to indulging a mythological fancy.[92] We happen to
+know that he wrote with happy confidence about the life and habits of
+Romulus, and a story about wine-drinking which he attributes to that
+king is obviously transferred to him from some more historical
+personage. Romulus would not drink wine one day because he was going to
+be very busy on the next. Then they said to him, "If we all did so,
+Romulus, wine would be cheap." "Nay, dear," he replied, "if every one
+drank as much as he wished; and that is exactly what I am doing."[93] I
+quote the story simply as a good example of the way in which Roman
+historians could deal with their kings, and of the absolute necessity of
+acquainting oneself with their methods before building hypotheses upon
+their statements. I hardly need to add that another of Dr. Frazer's
+authorities, Arnobius, informs us that he took the story from the second
+book of Valerius Antias, a later writer than Piso, whose name is a
+byword even with the uncritical Livy for shameless exaggeration and
+mis-statement.[94]
+
+But how did these writers come by such legends, which, as Dr. Frazer
+shows, are to be found also in Greece and in other parts of the world?
+Why should they have wished to make Roman kings into magicians?
+Rain-making we can understand at Rome,--it had a practical end in view,
+the procuring of rain for the crops,--but why lightning and thunder,
+which were so much dreaded that every bit of damage done by a
+thunderstorm had to be carefully expiated by a religious process? Rome
+is not in the tropics, where rain and thunder so often come together,
+and where an attempt to produce rain by magic might naturally include
+thunder, as in some of Dr. Frazer's examples from tropical lands. I
+entirely agree with the latest and most sober investigators of Roman
+ritual that this kind of magic is quite foreign to Roman ideas and
+practice;[95] there is no vestige of it in the Roman cult; these stories
+must have come from outside. And there is every probability that they
+came from Etruria, where the lore of lightning had become a
+pseudo-science, a waste of human ingenuity, for the origin of which we
+must look, as we are now beginning to understand, to Babylonia and the
+Eastern magic.[96] The Jupiter Elicius of the Aventine had nothing to do
+with lightning; he took his cult-title from the rite of _aquaelicium_;
+but as soon as the Romans began to interest themselves in the Etruscan
+lightning-lore, of which this electrical magic was only a part,[97] they
+perverted the meaning of the epithet to suit their new studies, and
+began to attribute to their legendary kings powers which properly
+belonged to Etruscan or Oriental magicians. The second century B.C.,
+when Piso wrote his _Annals_, is exactly the period when we should
+naturally expect such studies to come into fashion, and with such
+perversions of "history" as their consequence.[98]
+
+I go on to note one or two more examples of real magic in the State
+religion; but they are hard to find. Pliny tells that even in his day
+people believed that a runaway slave who had not escaped out of the city
+might be arrested by a spell uttered by the Vestal virgins.[99] I take
+this to mean that any one who had lost his slave might get the Vestals
+to use the spell as a means of keeping the runaway within the city. The
+word for spell is here _precatio_, _i.e._ a prayer, not _carmen_, which
+is the usual word for a spell; and Pliny evidently thinks of it as
+addressed to some god. But no doubt it was originally at least a genuine
+spell, of the same kind as others used in private life, which we shall
+notice directly; and it implies a belief in some magical power inherent
+in the Vestals, of whom we are told that if they accidentally met a
+criminal being led to punishment they might secure his release.[100] As
+the spell in this case seems to be telepathic, _i.e._ an exercise of
+will-power projected from a distance, it may perhaps be paralleled with
+certain mystical powers exercised by women, especially when their
+husbands are at war, among some savage peoples;[101] but we have no
+information about it beyond the passage in Pliny, and further guessing
+would be useless.
+
+This last is a case of genuine magic, but it is outside the ritual of
+the State, though exercised by a State priesthood. Within that ritual
+there is one other very curious case of what must be classed as a
+magical process, and one that has accidentally become famous. At the
+Lupercalia on February 15, the two young men called Luperci, or, more
+strictly, belonging respectively as leaders to the two collegia of
+Luperci, girt themselves with the skins of the slaughtered victims,
+which were goats, and then ran round the base of the Palatine hill,
+striking at all the women who came near them or offered themselves to
+their blows, with strips of skin cut from the hides of these same
+victims. The object was to produce fertility; on this point our
+authorities are explicit.[102] Thus this particular feature of the whole
+extraordinary ritual of the Lupercalia is unmistakably within the region
+of magic rather than of religion. Some potency was believed to work in
+the act of striking, though apparently without a spoken spell or
+_carmen_, such as usually accompanies acts of this kind; and this part
+of the rite, grotesque though it was, was allowed to survive by the
+grave religious authorities who drew up the calendar of religious
+festivals. It was probably a superstition too deeply rooted in the minds
+of the people to admit of being excluded; and, strange to say, it
+survived, in outward form at least, until Rome had become cosmopolitan
+and even Christian. The Lupercalia has always been a puzzle to students
+of early religion, and as each new theory is advanced, this strange
+festival is seized on for fresh interpretation;[103] but for our present
+purposes it must suffice to point out that we clearly find embedded in
+it a piece of genuine magic, dating beyond doubt from a very primitive
+stage of thought.
+
+There is one other very curious performance, occurring each year on the
+ides of May, which in my view is rather magical than religious, though
+the ancients themselves looked upon it as a kind of purification: I mean
+the casting into the Tiber from the _pons sublicius_ of twenty-four or
+twenty-seven straw puppets by the Vestal virgins, in the presence of the
+magistrates and pontifices. Recently an attempt has been made by Wissowa
+to prove that this strange ceremony was not primitive, but simply a case
+of the substitution of puppets for real human victims as late as the age
+of the Punic wars.[104] These puppets were called Argei, which word
+naturally suggests Greeks; and Wissowa has contrived to persuade himself
+not only that a number of Greeks were actually put to death by drowning
+in an age when everything Greek was beginning to be reverenced at Rome,
+but (still more extraordinary to an anthropologist) that the primitive
+device of substitution was had in requisition at that late date in order
+to carry on the memory of the ghastly deed. And the world of German
+learning has silently followed their leader, without taking the trouble
+to test his conclusions by a careful and independent examination of the
+evidence. It happens that this fascinating puzzle of the Argei was the
+first curiosity that enticed me into the study of the Roman religion,
+and for some thirty years I have been familiar with every scrap of
+evidence bearing on it; and after going over that evidence once more I
+can emphatically state my conviction that Wissowa's theory will not hold
+water for a moment. I shall return to the subject in a later lecture
+dealing with the religious history of the second Punic war; at present I
+merely express a belief that, whatever be the history of the accessories
+of the rite,--and they are various and puzzling,--the actual immersion
+of the puppets is the survival of a primitive piece of sympathetic
+magic, the object being possibly to procure rain. It is, in my opinion,
+quite impossible to resist the anthropological evidence for this
+conclusion, though we cannot really be certain about the object; for
+this evidence I must refer you to my _Roman Festivals_, and to the
+references there given.[105]
+
+This rite of the Argei, then, was a case of genuine magic, and exercised
+by a State priesthood, virgins to whom certain magical powers were
+supposed to be attached; it was, I think, a popular performance, like
+one or two others which are also outside the limit of the Fasti,[106]
+and was embodied in a more complicated ceremonial long after that
+calendar had been drawn up. In the ritual authorised by the State, with
+public objects in view, _i.e._ for the benefit of society as a whole,
+there is hardly a trace of anything that we can call genuine magic
+apart from the examples I have just been explaining. There were, I need
+not say, many survivals of magical processes of which the true magical
+intent had long been lost--ancient magical deposits in a social stratum
+of religion, which I shall notice in their proper place. This is not
+peculiar to the religion of the Romans; it is a phenomenon to be found
+in all religions, even in those of the most highly developed type, and
+it is one apt to cause some confusion as to the true distinction between
+magic and religion.[107] It is easy to find magical processes even in
+Christian worship, if we have the will to do so; but if we steadily bear
+in mind that the true test of magic is not the nature of an act, but the
+intent or volition which accompanies it, the search will not be an easy
+one.
+
+The modern French school of sociologists, which now has to be reckoned
+with in investigating the early history of religion, claims that magic
+was not originally, as we now see it, a matter of individual skill, but
+a sociological fact, _i.e._ it was used for the benefit of the
+community, as religion came to be in a later age. If this be true, as it
+very possibly is, we see at once how the dead bones of magical processes
+might survive, with their original meaning entirely lost, into an age in
+which higher and more reasonable ideas had been developed about the
+relation of Man to the Power manifesting itself in the universe. To take
+a single example from Rome, divination by the examination of a victim's
+entrails was originally a magical process, according to the opinion of
+most modern authorities;[108] but it ceases to be magic when it is used
+simply to determine in the State ritual whether in a religious process
+the victim is perfect and agreeable to the deity. In fact magical
+formulae, magical instruments, unless they are used in the true spirit
+of magic, to compel, not to propitiate a deity, are no longer magic, and
+may be passed over here. When we come to discuss the ritual of sacrifice
+and prayer, of _lustratio_, of vows, of divination, we may find it
+necessary to recall what has here been said. On the whole, we may
+conclude that organised religious cult, from its very nature and object,
+everywhere excluded magic in the true sense of the word; it implies
+prayer and propitiation, both of which are absolutely inconsistent with
+the object and methods of magic. Religion is the product of a higher
+stage of social development; it is the expression of a real advance of
+human thought; and in telling the story of the religious experience of
+the Roman people we are but indirectly concerned with those more rude
+and rudimentary ideas which it displaced.
+
+But in private life, outside of the organised cult of the State and the
+family, magic was all through Roman history abundant, even
+over-abundant, and in this form I cannot pass it over entirely. Though
+the State authorities seem to have taken pains to exclude it rigidly
+from the public rites, and though there is little trace of it in the
+religious life of family and gens, yet there is evidence that it was
+deeply rooted in the nature of the people, and that they must have
+passed through an age in which it was an important factor in their
+social life. This fact, taken together with its almost complete
+elimination from the public religion, throws into relief the persistent
+efforts of the State authorities, from the framing of the old religious
+calendar to the time of the Augustan revival, to keep their relations
+with the Power clear of all that they believed to be unworthy or
+injurious. No better example can be found of the inherent antagonism
+between religion and magic.
+
+Private magic may be divided into two kinds, according as it was used to
+damage another, or only to benefit oneself. In the former case the State
+interfered to protect the person threatened with damage, and treated
+this kind of magic as a crime. The commonest form of it was that of the
+spell, or _carmen_, no doubt often sung, and accompanied by some action
+which would bring it under the head of sympathetic magic; but the spell
+alone is taken cognisance of by the State. Pliny has preserved three
+words from the XII. Tables which tell their own tale: "qui fruges
+excantassit."[109] Servius, commenting on the line of Virgil's 8th
+_Eclogue_, "atque satas alio vidi traducere messes," writes, "magicis
+quibusdam artibus hoc fiebat, unde est in XII. Tabb. 'Neve alienam
+segetem pellexeris.'" These last words, with the verb in the second
+person, are probably not quoted exactly from the ancient text,[110] but
+they help to show us the nature of this hostile spell. There must have
+been a belief that the spirit, or life, or fructifying power of your
+neighbour's crops could be enticed away and transferred to your own.
+This is confirmed by a remark of St. Augustine in the _de Civitate
+Dei_;[111] after quoting the same line from Virgil, he adds, "eo quod
+hac pestifera scelerataque doctrina fructus alieni in alias terras
+transferri perhibentur, nonne in XII. Tabulis, id est Romanorum
+antiquissimis legibus, Cicero commemorat esse conscriptum et ei qui hoc
+fecerit supplicium constitutum?" Given the belief, the temptation can be
+well understood if we reflect that the arable land of the old Romans was
+divided in sections of a square, and that each man's allotment would
+have that of a neighbour on two sides at least.[112] If one man's corn
+were found to be more flourishing than that of his neighbours, what more
+likely than that he should have enticed away the spirit of their crops?
+The process reminds us, as it reminded Pliny, of the _evocatio_ of the
+gods of foreign communities, a rite which belongs to religion and not to
+magic, though it doubtless had its origin in the same class of ideas as
+the _excantatio_.
+
+In more general terms the old Roman law (_i.e._ originally the _ius
+divinum_) forbade the use of evil spells, as we see in another fragment
+of the Tables, "qui malum carmen incantassit." In later times this was
+usually taken as referring to libel and slander, but there can be no
+doubt that the carmina here alluded to were originally magical, and
+became _carmina famosa_ in the course of legal interpretation. Cicero
+seems to combine the two meanings in the _de Rep._ (iv. 10. 2) when he
+says that the Tables made it a capital offence "si quis occentavisset,
+sive carmen condidisset quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri" (to
+bring shame or criminal reproach on another). In the later sense these
+carmina have a curious history, into which I cannot enter now.[113] In
+the earlier sense they existed and flourished without doubt, in spite of
+the law; or it may be that, as the words of the Tables were interpreted
+in the new sense, the old form of offence was tolerated in private. "We
+are all afraid," says Pliny, "of being 'nailed' (_defigi_) by spells and
+curses" (_diris precationibus_).[114] These _dirae_, and all the various
+forms of love-charms, _defixiones_, accompanied by the symbolic actions
+which are found all the world over, lie outside my present subject, and
+are so familiar to us all in Roman literature that I do not need to
+dwell on them.[115]
+
+Nor of the common harmless kind of magic need I say much now. It
+survived, of course, alongside of the religion of the family and State,
+from the earliest times to the latest, as it survives at the present day
+in all countries civilised and uncivilised; and being harmless the State
+took no heed of it. Some assortment of charms and spells for the cure of
+diseases will be found in Cato's book on agriculture, and one or two
+incidentally occur in that of Varro.[116] They performed the work of
+insurance against both fire and accident, and even such a man as Julius
+Caesar was not independent of such arts. Pliny tells us that after
+experiencing a carriage accident he used to repeat a certain spell three
+times as soon as he had taken his seat in a vehicle, and adds
+significantly, "id quod plerosque nunc facere scimus."[117] Such carmina
+were written on the walls of houses to insure them against fire.[118]
+Pliny has a large collection of small magical delusions and
+superstitions, many of which have an interest for anthropologists, in
+the 28th book of his _Natural History_.
+
+Another kind of harmless magic, to which the Romans, like all Italians
+ancient and modern, were peculiarly addicted, is the use of amulets.
+Here there is no spell, or obvious and expressed exercise of will-power
+on the part of the individual, but the potent influence, _mana_, or
+whatever we choose to call it, resides in a material object which brings
+good luck, like the cast horse-shoe of our own times, or protects
+against hostile will-power, and especially against the evil eye. This
+curious and widely-spread superstition was probably the _raison d'être_
+of most of the amulets worn or carried by Romans. A modern Italian, even
+if he be a complete sceptic and materialist, will probably be found to
+have some amulet about him against the evil eye, "just to be on the
+safe side."[119] A list of amulets, both Greek and Roman, will be
+found in the _Dictionary of Antiquities_, and in Pauly-Wissowa,
+_Real-Encyclopädie, s.v._ "amulet," and it is not necessary here to
+explain the various kinds in use in Italy; but I must dwell for a moment
+on one type, which had been taken up into the life of the family, and in
+one sense into that of the State, viz. the _bulla_ worn by children,
+both boys and girls.
+
+The bulla was a small object, enclosed in historical times in a capsule,
+and suspended round the child's neck. It was popularly believed to have
+been originally an Etruscan custom,[120] and borrowed by the Romans,
+like so many other ornaments. It is, however, much more probable that
+the custom was old Italian (as indeed the "medicine-bag" is world-wide),
+and that the Etruscan contribution to it was merely the case or capsule,
+which was of gold where the family could afford it--gold itself being
+supposed to have some potency as a charm.[121] The object within the
+case was, as Pliny tells us, a _res turpicula_ as a rule,[122] and this
+may remind us that a _fascinum_ was carried in the car of the
+triumphator as _medicus invidiae_, to use Pliny's pregnant expression.
+The triumphing general needed special protection; he appeared in the
+guise of Jupiter himself, and was for the moment lifted above the
+ordinary rank of humanity. Some feeling of the same kind must have
+originally suggested similar means for the protection of children under
+the age of puberty. They also wore the _toga praetexta_, which, though
+associated by us with secular magistrates, had undoubtedly a religious
+origin. There are distinct signs that children were in some sense
+sacred, and at the same time that they needed special protection against
+the all-abounding evil influences to be met with in daily life.[123]
+Thus this particular form of amulet became a recognised institution of
+family life, and in due time little more than a mark of childhood.
+
+Yet another kind of charm must be mentioned here which was used at
+certain festivals, though apparently not at any of those belonging to
+the authorised calendar. At the Compitalia, Paganalia, and _feriae
+Latinae_ we are told that small images of the human figure, or masks, or
+simply round balls (_pilae_), were hung up on trees or doorways, and
+left to swing in the wind.[124] At the Compitalia the images had a
+special name, _maniae_, of which the meaning is lost; but inasmuch as
+the charms were hung up at cross-roads on that occasion, where the Lares
+compitales of the various properties had their shrine, it was not
+difficult to manufacture out of them a goddess, Mania, mother of the
+Lares.[125] The common word for these figures was _oscilla_, and the
+fact of their swinging in the wind suggested a verb _oscillare_, which
+survives in our own tongue with the same meaning. Until lately it used
+to be believed that they were substitutes for original human sacrifices:
+a view for which there is not a particle of evidence, though it was
+originated by Roman scholars.[126] Modern anthropology has found another
+explanation, which is by no means improbable. Dr. Frazer, in an appendix
+to the 2nd volume of the _Golden Bough_, has collected a number of
+examples of the practice of swinging _by human beings_ as a magical
+rite; they come from many parts of the world, including ancient Athens,
+and even modern Calabria. He also points out that at the _feriae
+Latinae_ the swingers seem to have been human beings, if we accept the
+evidence of Festus, _s.v._ "oscillantes"; thus we are left with the
+possibility that the oscilla were really imitations of men and women,
+though not of human sacrificial victims.
+
+Dr. Frazer is obviously hard put to it to explain the original meaning
+and object of this curious custom. In the Paganalia, as described by
+Virgil in the second _Georgic_,[127] the object would seem to be the
+prosperity of the vine-crop.
+
+                                coloni
+  versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto,
+  oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis,
+  et te Bacche vocant per carmina laeta, tibique
+  oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu.
+  hinc omnis largo pubescit vinea fetu, etc.[128]
+
+But here we must leave a question which is still unsolved. All we can
+say is that the old idea of substitutes for human sacrifice must be
+finally given up, and that the _oscilla_, whether or not they were
+substitutes for human swingers, were probably charms intended to ward
+off evil influences from the crops. I am not disposed to put any
+confidence in what Servius tells us, that this was a purification by
+means of air, just as fire and water were also purifying agents; this
+looks like the ingenious explanation of a later and a religious
+age.[129]
+
+So much, then, for magical charms and spells, and the survivals of them
+in the fully developed Roman religion.[130] It might seem hardly worth
+while to spend even so much time on them as I have done, and I cannot
+deny that I am glad now to be able to leave them. My object has simply
+been to show how little of this kind of practice, which meets us on the
+threshold of religion, was allowed to survive by the religious
+authorities of the State; in other words, I wished to make clear that in
+our inquiries into the nature of the Roman religion it is really
+religion and not magic that we have to do with.
+
+It is really religion; it is desire, beginning already to be effective,
+to be in right relation to the Power manifesting itself in the universe.
+The Romans, as I hope to show in the next lecture, when we can begin to
+know and feel an interest in them, had not only begun to recognise this
+Power in various forms and functions as one that must be propitiated,
+because they were dependent on it for their daily needs, but to regulate
+and make permanent the methods of propitiation. What was the relation
+between this simple religion and morality--between ritual and
+conduct--is a very difficult question, to which I shall return later on.
+Dr. Westermarck has recently come to the conclusion that the religion of
+primitive man has no true relation to morality, that it is not apt to
+give a sanction to good action, or to develop the germs of a conscience.
+But so far as I can discern, the idea of active duty, and therefore the
+germ of conscience, must have been so intimately connected with the
+religious practice of the old Latin family that it is to me impossible
+to think of the one apart from the other. Surely it is in that life that
+the famous word "_pius_" must have originated, which throughout Roman
+history meant the sense of duty towards family, State, and gods, as
+every reader of the _Aeneid_ knows. That the formalised religion of
+later times had become almost entirely divorced from morality there is
+indeed no doubt; but in the earliest times, in the old Roman family and
+then in the budding State, the whole life of the Roman seems to me so
+inextricably bound up with his religion that I cannot possibly see how
+that religion can have been distinguishable from his simple idea of duty
+and discipline.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE III
+
+    [81] Westermarck, _Origin etc. of Moral Ideas_, ii. 584.
+
+    [82] Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 33.
+
+    [83] A useful summary of the whole subject, embodying
+    the results and terminology of Tylor, Frazer, and other
+    anthropologists, is Dr. Haddon's _Magic and Fetishism_,
+    in Messrs. Constable's series, _Religions Ancient and
+    Modern_. See also Marett, _On the Threshold of
+    Religion_, passim.
+
+    [84] _Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_, p.
+    89 foll. For an example not mentioned in the text
+    (_devotio_) see below, p. 206 foll. This may have been
+    originally practised by the Latin kings. I may here
+    draw attention to the almost dogmatic conclusions of the
+    modern French sociological school of research; _e.g._ M.
+    Huvelin, in _L'Année sociologique_ for 1907, begins by
+    asserting as a fundamental law, proved by MM. Hubert et
+    Mauss, that magic is just as much a social fact as
+    religion: "Les uns et les autres sont des produits de
+    l'activité collective" (_Magie et droit individuel_, p.
+    1). But M. Huvelin's paper is to some extent a
+    modification of this dogma. He seeks to explain the fact
+    that magic is both secret and private, not public and
+    social, in historical times; and in the domain of law,
+    with which he is specially concerned, he concludes that
+    "a magical rite is only a religious rite twisted from
+    its proper social end, and employed to realise the will
+    or belief of an individual" (p. 46). This is the only
+    form in which we shall find magic at Rome, except in so
+    far as a few of its forms survive in the ritual of
+    religion with their meaning changed. In early Roman law,
+    as a quasi-religious body of rules and practices, there
+    are a few magical survivals which will be found
+    mentioned by M. Huvelin in this article; but they are of
+    no importance for our present subject.
+
+    [85] _Primitive Culture_, vol. i. ch. iv. See also
+    Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 36 foll.
+
+    [86] See Schürer, _Jewish People in the Time of Christ_
+    (Eng. trans.), Division II. vol. iii. p. 151 foll.
+
+    [87] Fowler, _R.F._ p. 232; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 106. The
+    most careful examination of the rite and the evidence
+    for it is that of Aust in _Mythological Lexicon_, _s.v._
+    "Iuppiter," p. 656 foll. See also M.H. Morgan in vol.
+    xxxii. of _Transactions of the American Philological
+    Association_, p. 104.
+
+    [88] Tertullian, _de Jejun_. 16. Petronius, _Sat._ 44,
+    adds that the matrons went in the procession with bare
+    feet and streaming hair (cp. Pliny xvii. 266); but this
+    seems rather Greek than Roman in character, and
+    Petronius is plainly thinking of the town (_colonia_ he
+    calls it) in southern Italy where the scene of
+    Trimalchio's supper is laid; probably a Greek city by
+    origin, Croton or Cumae. A translation of this passage
+    will be found in Dill's _Roman Society from Nero to
+    Marcus Aurelius_, p. 133. The most useful words in it
+    for our purpose are "Jovem aquam exorabant."
+
+    [89] This suggestion was originally made by O. Gilbert,
+    _Röm. Topographie_, ii. 184.
+
+    [90] p. 204 foll.
+
+    [91] p. 657. The story is mixed up with Greek fables,
+    _e.g._ that of Proteus, as Wissowa has pointed out,
+    _R.K._ p. 106, note 10.
+
+    [92] See Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_, vol. i.
+    (ed. 3) p. 270 foll.
+
+    [93] This fragment of Piso is preserved by Gellius, xi.
+    14. 1.
+
+    [94] See, _e.g._, Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_,
+    vol. ii. p. 106.
+
+    [95] Wissowa, _l.c._ Aust in Roscher's _Lexicon_, _s.v._
+    "Iuppiter," p. 657.
+
+    [96] Cumont, _Religions Orientales dans le paganisme
+    romain_, ch. 5. I shall return to this subject in my
+    second course of lectures.
+
+    [97] Müller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. ch. vii., especially
+    p. 176 foll.
+
+    [98] Cp. below, Lecture XV.
+
+    [99] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 13: "Vestales nostras hodie
+    credimus nondum egressa urbe mancipia fugitiva retinere
+    in loco precationibus."
+
+    [100] Plutarch, _Numa_, 10. Virginity would increase the
+    power of the spell; see Fehrle, _Die kultische
+    Keuschheit im Altertum_, p. 54 foll.
+
+    [101] See, _e.g._, Frazer, _G.B._ i. 360 foll.
+
+    [102] See _R.F._ p. 320, notes 6 and 7.
+
+    [103] Within the last thirty years or so the Lupercalia
+    has been discussed (apart from writers on classical
+    subjects exclusively) by Mannhardt in his _Mythologische
+    Studien_, p. 72 foll.; Robertson Smith, _Semites_, p.
+    459; Deubner in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 481 foll.; and at the
+    moment of writing by E. S. Hartland, _Primitive
+    Paternity_, i. ch. ii. _R.F._ p. 310 foll. See Appendix
+    D.
+
+    [104] This view was originally stated in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _s.v._ "Argei." I endeavoured to confute it in the
+    _Classical Review_, 1902, p. 115 foll., and Wissowa
+    replied in _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 211 foll. Since
+    then my conviction has become stronger that this great
+    scholar is for once wrong. Ennius alluded to the Argei
+    as an institution of Numa, _i.e._ as primitive (frag.
+    121, Vahlen, from Festus p. 355, and Varro, _L.L._ vii.
+    44), yet Ennius was a youth at the very time when
+    Wissowa insists that the rite originated. Wissowa makes
+    no attempt to explain this. See below, p. 321 foll.
+
+    [105] _R.F._ p. 111 foll.
+
+    [106] _e.g._ the October horse, which also occurred on
+    the Ides; see _R.F._ p. 241 foll.; and the festival of
+    Anna Perenna, also on Ides (March 15), _R.F._ p. 50
+    foll. It is just possible that all the three festivals
+    were originally in the old calendar, and dropped out
+    because the mark of the Ides had to be affixed to the
+    day in the first place. See Wissowa, _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 164 foll.; _R.F._ p. 241.
+
+    [107] Thus Messrs. Hubert et Mauss (_Mélanges d'histoire
+    des religions_, Preface, p. xxiv.) maintain that there
+    is no real antinomy between "les faits du système
+    magique et les faits du système religieux." There is in
+    every rite, they insist, a magical as well as a
+    religious element. Yet on the same page we find that
+    they exclude magic from all organised cult, because it
+    is not obligatory, and cannot (if I understand them
+    rightly) be laid down in a code, like religious
+    practice. I think it would have been simpler to consider
+    the magical element in religious rites as surviving,
+    with its original meaning lost, from an earlier stage of
+    thought. M. van Gennep, in his interesting work _Les
+    Rites de passage_, p. 17, goes so far as to call all
+    religious _ceremonies_ magical, as distinguished from
+    the _theories_ (_e.g._ animism) which constitute
+    religion. This seems to me apt to bring confusion into
+    the discussion; for all rites are the outward expression
+    of thought, and it is by the thought (or, as he calls
+    it, theories) that we must trace the sociological
+    development of mankind, the rites being used as indexes
+    only. I cannot but think that (as indeed in these days
+    is quite natural) this French school lays too much
+    stress upon the outward acts, and that this tendency has
+    led them to find real living magic where it is present
+    only in a fossil state.
+
+    [108] _e.g._ Tylor, article "Magic" in _Encycl. Brit._,
+    and _Primitive Culture_, 1. ch. iv.; Marett, _Threshold
+    of Religion_, 83. See below, p. 180.
+
+    [109] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 17 and 18. For the singing
+    or murmuring of spells in many countries, see Jevons,
+    _Anthropology and the Classics_, p. 93 foll.
+
+    [110] Bruns, _Fontes Iuris Romani_, note on this
+    passage.
+
+    [111] _Civ. Dei_, viii. 19.
+
+    [112] See, _e.g._, Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens
+    of Early Latin_, p. 446, for an account of simple land
+    measurement which will suffice to illustrate the point
+    made here.
+
+    [113] The _carmina famosa_ sung at a triumph by the
+    soldiers had the same origin, but were used to avert
+    evil from the triumphator. The best exposition of this
+    is in H. A. J. Munro's _Elucidations of Catullus_, p. 76
+    foll.
+
+    [114] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 19. For the technical sense
+    of _defigere_, _defixio_, see Jevons in _Anthropology
+    and the Classics_, p. 108 foll.
+
+    [115] The most familiar examples are Virgil's eighth
+    _Eclogue_, 95 foll.; Ovid, _Met._ vii. 167, and
+    elsewhere; _Fasti_, iv. 551; Horace, _Epode_ v. 72; cp.
+    article "Magia" in Daremberg-Saglio; Falz, _De poet.
+    Rom. doctrina magica_, Giessen, 1903. There is a
+    collection of Roman magical spells in Appel's _De
+    Romanorum precationibus_, p. 43 foll. Many modern
+    Italian examples and survivals will be found in Leland's
+    _Etruscan Roman Remains in Popular Tradition_, pt. ii.
+
+    [116] Cato, _R.R._ 160; Varro, _R.R._ i. 3.
+
+    [117] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 21.
+
+    [118] _Ib._ xxviii. 20. The following sections of this
+    book are the _locus classicus_ for these popular
+    superstitions.
+
+    [119] See, _e.g._, _Italian Home Life_, by Lina Duff
+    Gordon, p. 230 foll.
+
+    [120] Juvenal v. 164. The idea probably arose, as a
+    passage of Plutarch suggests (_Rom._ 25), from the fact
+    that the triumphator, whose garb was no doubt of
+    Etruscan origin, wore the bulla.
+
+    [121] Frazer, _G.B._ i. 345, note 2, where we learn that
+    gold was taboo in some Greek worships, _e.g._ at the
+    mysteries of Andania, which sufficiently proves that it
+    possessed potency. Pliny, xxxiii. 84, mentions cases of
+    such potency as medicine, and among them its application
+    to children who have been poisoned.
+
+    [122] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 39.
+
+    [123] See an article by the author on the original
+    meaning of the _toga praetexta_ in _Classical Review_,
+    vol. x. (1896) p. 317.
+
+    [124] For the Compitalia, Macrob. i. 7. 34; Festus p.
+    238. For the Paganalia, Probus, _ad Georg._ ii. 385,
+    assuming the _feriae Sementinae_ there mentioned to be
+    the Paganalia (see _R.F._ p. 294). For the _feriae
+    Latinae_, Festus, _s.v._ "oscillantes."
+
+    [125] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 193, with whose view I entirely
+    agree. We learn of the imaginary goddess from Varro,
+    _L.L._ ix. 61. Pais, I may remark in passing, is certain
+    that Acca Larentia was the mater Larum; see his
+    _Lectures on Ancient Legends of Roman History_, p. 60
+    foll.
+
+    [126] 46. Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 354, note 5.
+
+    [127] _Georg._ ii. 380 foll. It is not certain that
+    Virgil is describing the festival generally known as
+    Paganalia, which took place early in January; but it
+    seems probable from line 382 that he is thinking of some
+    festival of the pagus. The _oscilla_ may have been used
+    at more than one.
+
+    [128] Note that Virgil writes of masks used in rude
+    play-acting, as well as of _oscilla_ hung on trees, and
+    conjoins the two as though they had something in common.
+    The evidence of an engraved onyx cup in the Louvre, of
+    which a cut is given in the article "Oscilla" in the
+    _Dict. of Antiquities_, seems to make it probable that
+    masks worn by rustics on these occasions were afterwards
+    hung by them on trees as _oscilla_. Some of these masks
+    on the cup are adorned with horns, which may explain an
+    interesting passage of Apuleius (_Florida_, i. 1):
+    "neque enim iustius religiosam moram viatori obiecerit
+    aut ara floribus redimita ... aut quercus cornibus
+    onerata, aut fagus pellibus coronata," etc. See also
+    _Gromatici veteres_, ii. 241.
+
+    [129] See, however, Dr. Frazer's remarks in _G.B._ ii.
+    p. 454. He thinks that the air might in this way be
+    purged of vagrant spirits or baleful ghosts, as the
+    Malay medicine man swings in front of the patient's
+    house in order to chase away the disease. Cp. _G.B._ ii.
+    343, where a rather different explanation is attempted
+    of the _maniae_ and _pilae_.
+
+    [130] Magic in the old forms, or many of them, has
+    survived not only into the old Roman religion, but to
+    the present day, in many parts of Italy. "The peasants
+    have recourse to the priests and the saints on great
+    occasions, but they use magic all the time for
+    everything," was said by a woman of the Romagna Toscana
+    to the late C.G. Leland (_Etruscan Roman Remains_,
+    Introduction, p. 9). This enterprising American's
+    remarkable book, though dealing only with a small region
+    of northern Italy, deserves more consideration than it
+    has received. The author may have been uncritical, but
+    beyond doubt he had the gift of extracting secrets from
+    the peasantry. He claims to have proved that "la vecchia
+    religione" contains much that has come down direct from
+    pre-Christian times; and the appearance of Mr. Lawson's
+    remarkable book on _Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient
+    Greek Religion_ may tempt some really qualified
+    investigator to undertake a similar work in Italy before
+    it is too late.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE IV
+
+THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY
+
+
+Some of the survivals mentioned in the last two lectures seem to carry
+us back to a condition of culture anterior to the family and to the
+final settlement on the land. Some attempt has recently been made to
+discover traces of descent by the mother in early Latium;[131] if this
+could be proved, it would mean that the Latins were already in Latium
+before they had fully developed the patriarchal system on which the
+family is based. However this may be, the first real fact that meets us
+in the religious experience of the Romans is the attitude towards the
+supernatural, or "the Power that manifests itself in the Universe," of
+the family as settled down upon the land. The study of religion in the
+family, as we know it in historical times, is also that of the earliest
+organisation of religion, and of the most permanent type of ancient
+Italian religious thought. Aust, whose book on the Roman religion is the
+most masterly sketch of the subject as yet published, writes thus of
+this religion of the family:[132] "Here the limits of religion and
+superstition vanish ... and in vain we seek here for the boundary marks
+of various epochs." By the first of these propositions he means that the
+State has not here been at work, framing a _ius divinum_, including
+religion and excluding magic; in the family, magic of all kinds would be
+admissible alongside of the daily worship of the family deities, and
+thus the family would represent a kind of half-way house between the age
+of magic and all such superstitions, and the age of the rigid
+regulation of worship by the law of a City-state. By the second
+proposition he means that the religious experience of the family is far
+simpler, and therefore far less liable to change than that of the State.
+Greek forms and ideas of religion, for example, hardly penetrated into
+its worship:[133] new deities do not find their way in--the family
+experience did not call for them as did that of the State. It may be
+said without going beyond the truth that the religion of the family
+remained the same in all essentials throughout Roman history, and the
+great priesthoods of the State never interfered with it in any such
+degree as to affect its vitality.[134]
+
+But in order to understand the religion of the family, we must have some
+idea of what the family originally was. When a stock or tribe
+(_populus_) after migration took possession of a district, it was beyond
+doubt divided into clans, _gentes_, which were the oldest kinship
+divisions in Italian society. All members of a clan had the same name,
+and were believed to descend from a common ancestor.[135] According to
+the later juristic way of putting it, all would be in the _patria
+potestas_ of that ancestor supposing that no deaths had ever occurred in
+the gens; and, indeed, the idea that the gens is immortal in spite of
+the deaths of individuals is one which constitutes it as a permanent
+entity, and gives it a quasi-religious sanction. For primitive religion,
+as has been well said, disbelieves in death; most of the lower races
+believe both in a qualified immortality and in the non-reality or
+unnaturalness of death.[136] In regard to the kinship of a clan, death
+at any rate has no effect: the bond of union never breaks.
+
+Now a little reflection will show that a clan or gens of this kind might
+be maintained intact in a nomadic state, or during any number of
+migrations; it is, in fact, manifestly appropriate to such a mobile
+condition of society, and expresses its natural need of union; and when
+the final settlement occurs, this body of kin will hold together in the
+process, whether or no it has smaller divisions within it. We may be
+certain that this was the one essential kin-division of the Latin stock
+when it settled in Latium, and all through Roman history it continues
+so, a permanent entity though families may die.[137] Every Roman lawyer
+will recognise this fact as true, and I need not dwell on it now.
+
+It is when the gens has settled upon the land that the family begins to
+appear as a fact of importance for our purpose. Such operations as the
+building of a permanent house, the clearing and cultivation of a piece
+of land, can best be carried out by a smaller union than the gens, and
+this smaller union is ready to hand in the shape of a section of the
+gens comprising the living descendants of a _living_ ancestor, whether
+of two, three, or even four generations.[138] This union, clearly
+visible to mortal eye, and realisable in every-day work, settles
+together in one house, tends its own cattle and sheep, cultivates its
+own land with the help of such dependants as it owns, slave or other,
+and is known by the word _familia_. This famous word, so far as we know,
+does not contain the idea of kinship, at any rate as its leading
+connotation; it is inseparable from the idea of land-settlement,[139]
+and is therefore essentially _das Hauswesen_, the house itself, with the
+persons living in it, free or servile, and with their land and other
+property, all governed and administered by the paterfamilias, the master
+of the household, who is always the oldest living male ancestor. The
+familia is thus an economic unit, developed out of the gens, which is a
+unit of kin and little more. And thus the religion of the familia will
+be a religion of practical utility, of daily work, of struggle with
+perils to which the shepherd and the tiller of the soil are liable; it
+is not the worship of an idea of kinship expressed in some dimly
+conceived common ancestor; the familia, as I hope to show, had no common
+ancestor who could be the object of worship, except that of the gens
+from which it had sprung. The life of the familia was a realisation of
+the present and its needs and perils, without the stimulus to take much
+thought about the past, or indeed about the future; for it, sufficient
+for the day was the evil thereof; for what had been and what was to come
+it could look to the gens to which it owed its existence. But in
+practical life the gens was not of much avail; and instead of it,
+exactly as we might expect, we find an artificial union of familiae, a
+union of which the essential thing is not the idea of kin, but that of
+the land occupied, and known all over Italy by the word _pagus_.[140]
+Before I go on to describe the religion of the family, it is necessary
+to put the familia into its proper relation with this territorial union.
+
+The pagus is the earliest Italian administrative unit of which we know
+anything; a territory, of which the essential feature was the boundary,
+not any central point within the boundary. In all probability it was
+originally the land on which a gens had settled, though settlement
+produces changes, and the land of gens and pagus was not identical in
+later times. But within this boundary line, of which we shall hear
+something more presently, how were the component parts, the familiae of
+the gens, settled down on the land? Of the village community so familiar
+to us in Teutonic countries, there is no certain trace in Latium.
+_Vicus_, the only word which might suggest it, is identical with the
+Greek [Greek: oikos], a house; later it is used for houses standing
+together, or for a street in a town. But the vicus in the country has
+left no trace of itself as a distinct administrative union like our
+village community; the vico-magistri of the Roman city were urban
+officers; and what is more important, we know of no religious festivals
+of the vicus, like those of the pagus, of which there are well-attested
+records. The probability then is that the unit within the pagus was not
+the village but the homestead, and that these stood at a distance from
+each other, as they do in Celtic countries, not united together in a
+village, and each housing a family group working its own land and owning
+its own cattle.[141] The question of the amount and the tenure of the
+land of this group is a very difficult one, into which it is not
+necessary to enter closely here. There can, however, be no doubt that it
+possessed in its own right a small piece of garden ground (_heredium_),
+and also an allotment of land in the arable laid out by the settlers in
+common--_centuriatus ager_; whether the ownership of this was vested in
+the individual paterfamilias or in the gens as a whole, does not greatly
+matter for our purposes.[142] Lastly, as it is certain that the familia
+owned cattle and sheep, we may be sure that it enjoyed the right of
+common pasture on the land not divided up for tillage.
+
+We see all this through a mist, and a mist that is not likely ever to
+lift; but yet the outlines of the picture are clear enough to give us
+the necessary basis for a study of the religion of the familia. The
+religious points, if I may use the expression--those points, that is,
+which are the object of special anxiety (_religio_)--lie in the
+boundaries, both of the pagus as a whole, and of the arable land of the
+familia, in the house itself and its free inhabitants, and in the family
+burying-place; and to these three may no doubt be added the spring which
+supplied the household with water. Boundaries, house, burying-place,
+spring,--all these are in a special sense sacred, and need constant and
+regular religious care.
+
+Let us begin with the house, the central point of the economic and
+religious unit. The earliest Italian house was little more than a
+wigwam, more or less round, constructed of upright posts connected with
+wattles, and with a closed roof of straw or branches.[143] This would
+seem to have been the type of house of the immigrating people who
+settled on the tops of hills and lived a pastoral life; when they
+descended into the plains and became a settled agricultural people, they
+adopted a more roomy and convenient style of building, suitable for
+storing their grain or other products, and for the maintenance of a fire
+for cooking these. Whether the rectangular house, with which alone we
+are here concerned, was developed under Greek or Etruscan influence, or
+suggested independently by motives of practical convenience, is matter
+of dispute, and must be left to archaeologists to decide.[144]
+
+This is the house in which the Latin family lived throughout historical
+times, the house which we know as the sacred local habitation of divine
+and human beings. It consisted in its simplest form, as we all know, of
+a single room or hall, the atrium, with a roof open in the middle and
+sloping inwards to let the rain fall into a basin (_compluvium_). Here
+the life of the family went on, and here was the hearth (_focus_), the
+"natural altar of the dwelling-room of man,"[145] and the seat of Vesta,
+the spirit of the fire, whose aid in the cooking of the food was
+indispensable in the daily life of the settlers. This sacred hearth was
+the centre of the family worship of later times, until under Greek
+influence the arrangement of the house was modified;[146] and we may be
+certain that it was so in the simple farm life of early Latium. In front
+of it was the table at which the family took their meals, and on this
+was placed the salt-cellar (_salinum_), and the sacred salt-cake, baked
+even in historical times in primitive fashion by the daughters of the
+family, as in all periods for the State by the Vestal virgins. After the
+first and chief course of the mid-day meal, silence was enjoined, and an
+offering of a part of the cake was thrown on to the fire from a small
+sacrificial plate or dish (_patella_).[147] This alone is enough to
+prove that Vesta, the spirit of the fire, was the central point of the
+whole worship, the spiritual embodiment of the physical welfare of the
+family.
+
+Behind the hearth, _i.e._ farther at the back of the _atrium_, was the
+_penus_, or storing-place of the household. _Penus_ was explained by the
+learned Scaevola[148] as meaning anything that can be eaten or drunk,
+but not so much that which is each day set out on the table, as that
+which is kept in store for daily consumption; it is therefore in origin
+the food itself, though in later times it became also the receptacle in
+which that food was stored. This store was inhabited or guarded by
+spirits, the _di penates_, who together with Vesta represent the
+material vitality of the family; these spirits, always conceived and
+expressed in the plural, form a group in a way which is characteristic
+of the Latins, and their plurality is perhaps due to the variety and
+frequent change of the material of the store. The religious character of
+the store is also well shown by the fact, if such it be, that no impure
+person was allowed to meddle with it; the duty was especially that of
+the children of the family,[149] whose purity and religious capability
+was symbolised throughout Roman history by the purple-striped toga which
+they wore, and secured also by the amulet, within its capsule the
+_bulla_, of which I spoke in the last lecture.
+
+Vesta and the Penates represent the spiritual side of the material needs
+of the household; but there was another divine inhabitant of the house,
+the Genius of the paterfamilias, who was more immediately concerned with
+the continuity of the family. Analogy with the world-wide belief in the
+spiritual double of a man, his "other-soul," compels us to think of this
+Genius, who accompanied the Latin from the cradle to the grave, as
+originally a conception of this kind. The Latins had indeed, in common
+with other races, what we may call the breath-idea of the soul, as we
+see from the words _animus_ and _anima_, and also the shadow-idea, as is
+proved by the word _umbra_ for a departed spirit. But the Genius was one
+of those guardian spirits, treated by Professor Tylor as a different
+species of the same genus, which accompany a man all his life and help
+him through its many changes and chances;[150] and the peculiarity of
+this Latin guardian is that he was specially helpful in continuing the
+life of the family. The soul of a man is often conceived as the cause of
+life, but not often as the procreative power itself; and that this
+latter was the Latin idea is certain, both from the etymology of the
+word and from the fact that the marriage-bed was called _lectus
+genialis_. I am inclined to think that this peculiarity of the Latin
+conception of Genius was the result of the unusually strong idea that
+the Latins must have had, even when they first passed into Italy, of
+kinship as determined not by the mother but by the father.[151] It is
+possible, I think, that the Genius was a soul of later origin than those
+I have just mentioned, and developed in the period when the gens arose
+as the main group of kinsmen real or imaginary. I would suggest that we
+may see in it the connecting link between that group and the individual
+adult males within it; in that case the Genius would be that soul of a
+man which enables him to fulfil the work of continuing the life of the
+gens. We can easily imagine how it might eventually come to be his
+guardian spirit, and to acquire all the other senses with which we are
+familiar in Roman literature. With the development of the idea of
+individuality, the individuality of a man as apart from the kin group,
+the idea of the individuality of the Genius also became emphasised,
+until it became possible to think of it as even living on after the
+death of its companion;[152] in this way, in course of time, the Genius
+came to exercise a curious influence on the idea of the Manes. The
+history of the idea of Genius, and its application to places, cities,
+etc., is indeed a curious one, and of no small interest in the study of
+religion; but we must return to the primitive house and its divine
+inhabitants. There is one more of these who calls for a word before I
+pass to the land and the boundaries; we meet him on the threshold as we
+leave the dwelling.
+
+It is, of course, well known to anthropologists that the door of a house
+is a dangerous point, because evil spirits or the ghosts of the dead may
+gain access to the house through it. Among the innumerable customs which
+attest this belief there are one or two Roman ones, _e.g._ the practice
+of making a man, who has returned home after his supposed death in a
+foreign country, enter the house by the roof instead of the door; for
+the door must be kept barred against ghosts, and this man may be after
+all a ghost, or at least he may have evil spirits or miasma about
+him.[153] It was at the doorway that a curious ceremony took place (to
+which I shall ask your attention again) immediately after the birth of a
+child, in order to prevent Silvanus, who may stand for the dangerous
+spirits of the forest, from entering in and vexing the baby.[154] Again,
+a dead man, as among so many other peoples, was carried out of the
+doorway with his feet foremost, so that he should not find his way back;
+and the old Roman practice of burial by night probably had the same
+object.[155] Exactly the same anxiety (_religio_) is seen in regard to
+the gates of a city; the wall was in some sense holy (_sanctus_), but
+the gates, through which was destined to pass much that might be
+dangerous, could not be thus sanctified. Was there, then, no protecting
+spirit of these doors and gates?
+
+St. Augustine, writing with Varro before him, finds no less than three
+spirits of the entrance to a house: Forculus, of the door itself;
+Limentinus, of the threshold; and Cardea, of the hinges of the door; and
+these Varro seems to have found in the books of the pontifices.[156] I
+must postpone the question as to what these pontifical books really
+represented; but the passage will at least serve to show us the popular
+anxiety about the point of entrance to a house, and its association with
+the spirit world. Of late sober research has reached the conclusion that
+the original door-spirit was Janus, whom we know in Roman history as
+residing in the symbolic gate of the Forum, and as the god of
+beginnings, the first deity to be invoked in prayer, as Vesta was the
+last.[157] But Janus is also wanted for far higher purposes by some
+eminent Cambridge scholars; they have their own reasons for wanting him
+as a god of the sky, as a double of Jupiter, as the mate of Diana, and a
+deity of the oak.[158] So, too, he was wanted by the philosophical
+speculators of the last century B.C., who tried to interpret their own
+humble deities in terms of Greek philosophy and Greek polytheism. The
+poets too, who, as Augustine says, found Forculus and his companions
+beneath their notice, played strange tricks with this hoary old god, as
+any one may read in the first book of Ovid's _Fasti_. I myself believe
+that the main features of the theology (if we may use the word) of the
+earliest Rome were derived from the house and the land as an economic
+and religious unit, and I am strongly inclined to see in Janus bifrons
+of the Forum a developed form of the spirit of the house-door; but the
+question is a difficult one, and I shall return to it in a lecture on
+the deities of early Rome.
+
+So far I have said nothing of the Lar familiaris who has become a
+household word as a household deity; and yet we are on the point of
+leaving the house of the old Latin settler to look for the spirits whom
+he worships on his land. The reason is simply that after repeated
+examination of the evidence available, I find myself forced to believe
+that at the period of which I am speaking the Lar was not one of the
+divine inhabitants of the house. When Fustel de Coulanges wrote his
+brilliant book _La Cité antique_, which popularised the importance of
+the worship of ancestors as a factor in Aryan civilisation, he found in
+the Lar, who in historical times was a familiar figure in the house, the
+reputed founder of the family; and until lately this view has been
+undisputed. But if my account of the relation of the family to the gens
+is correct, the family would stand in no need of a reputed founder; that
+symbol of the bond of kinship was to be found in the gens of which the
+family was an offshoot, a cutting, as it were, planted on the land.
+Still more convincing is the fact that when we first meet with the Lar
+as an object of worship he is not in the house but on the land. The
+oldest Lar of whom we know anything was one of a characteristic Roman
+group of which the individuals lived in the _compita_, _i.e._ the spots
+where the land belonging to various households met, and where there were
+chapels with as many faces as there were properties, each face
+containing an altar to a Lar,--the presiding spirit of that allotment,
+or rather perhaps of the whole of the land of the familia, including
+that on which the house stood.[159] Thus the Lar fills a place in the
+private worship which would otherwise be vacant, that of the holding and
+its productive power. In this sense, too, we find the Lares in the hymn
+of the Arval Brethren, one of the oldest fragments of Latin we possess;
+for the spirits of the land would naturally be invoked in the lustration
+of the _ager Romanus_ by this ancient religious gild.[160]
+
+But how, it may be asked, did the Lar find his way into the house, to
+become the characteristic deity of the later Roman private worship
+there? I believe that he gained admittance through the slaves of the
+familia, who had no part in the worship of the dwelling, but were
+admitted to the Compitalia, or yearly festival of which the Lares of the
+compita were the central object. Cato tells us that the vilicus, the
+head of the familia of slaves, might not "facere rem divinam nisi
+Compitalibus in compito aut in foco";[161] which I take to mean that he
+might sacrifice for his fellow-slaves to the Lar at the compitum, or to
+the Lar in the house, if the Lar were already transferred from the
+compitum to the house. In the constant absence of the owner, the
+paterfamilias of Rome's stirring days, the worship of the Lar at the
+compitum or in the house came to be more and more distinctly the right
+of the vilicus and his wife as representing the slaves, and thus too the
+Lar came to be called by the epithet _familiaris_, which plainly
+indicates that in his cult the slaves were included. And as it was the
+old custom that the slaves should sit at the meals of the family on
+benches below the free members (_subsellia_),[162] what more natural
+than that they should claim to see there the Lar whom alone of the
+deities of the farm they were permitted to worship, and that they should
+bring the Lar or his double from the compitum to the house, in the
+frequent absence of the master?[163]
+
+The festival of the Lar was celebrated at the compitum, and known as
+Compitalia or Laralia; it took place soon after the winter solstice, on
+a day fixed by the paterfamilias, in concert, no doubt, with the other
+heads of families in the pagus. Like most rejoicings at this time of
+year, it was free and jovial in character, and the whole familia took
+part in it, both bond and free. Each familia sacrificed on its own
+altar, which was placed fifteen feet in front of the compitum, so that
+the worshippers might be on their own land; but if, as we may suppose,
+the whole pagus celebrated this rite on the same day, there was in this
+festival, as in others to be mentioned directly, a social value, a means
+of widening the outlook of the familia and associating it with the needs
+of others in its religious duties. This is the _religio Larium_ of which
+Cicero speaks in the second book of his _de Legibus_, which was "posita
+in fundi villaeque conspectu," and handed down for the benefit both of
+masters and men from remote antiquity.[164]
+
+There were other festivals in which all the familiae of a pagus took
+part. Of these we know little, and what we do know is almost entirely
+due to the love of the Augustan poets for the country and its life and
+customs; "Fortunatus et ille deos qui novit agrestes," wrote Virgil,
+contrasting himself with the philosopher poet whom he revered. Varro, in
+his list of Roman festivals,[165] just mentions a festival called
+Sementivae, associated with the sowing of the seed, and celebrated by
+all pagi, if we interpret him rightly; but Ovid has given us a charming
+picture of what must be this same rite, and places it clearly in winter,
+after the autumn sowing[166]:--
+
+  state coronati plenum ad praesaepe iuvenci:
+    cum tepido vestrum vere redibit opus.
+  rusticus emeritum palo suspendit aratrum:
+    omne reformidat frigida volnus humus.
+  vilice, da requiem terrae, semente peracta:
+    da requiem terram qui coluere viris.
+  pagus agat festum: pagum lustrate, coloni,
+    et date paganis annua liba focis.
+  placentur frugum matres Tellusque Ceresque,
+    farre suo gravidae visceribusque suis.
+
+Ovid may here be writing of his own home at Sulmo, and what took place
+there in the Augustan age; but we may read his description into the
+life of old Latium, for rustic life is tenacious of old custom,
+especially where the economic conditions remain always the same. We may
+do the same with another beautiful picture left us by Tibullus, also a
+poet of the country, which I have recently examined at length in the
+_Classical Review_.[167] The festival he describes has often been
+identified with Ovid's, but I am rather disposed to see in it a
+lustratio of the _ager paganus_ in the spring, of the same kind as the
+famous one in Virgil's first _Georgic_, to be mentioned directly; for
+Tibullus, after describing the scene, which he introduces with the words
+"fruges lustramus et agros," puts into perfect verse a prayer for the
+welfare of the crops and flocks, and looks forward to a time when (if
+the prayer succeeds) the land shall be full of corn, and the peasant
+shall heap wood upon a bonfire--perhaps one of the midsummer fires that
+still survive in the Abruzzi. Virgil's lines are no less
+picturesque;[168] and though he does not mention the pagus, he is
+clearly thinking of a lustratio in which more than one familia takes
+part--
+
+  cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis adoret.
+
+This is a spring festival "extremae sub casum hiemis, iam vere sereno";
+and I shall return to it when we come to deal with the processional
+lustratio of the farm. Like the descriptions of Ovid and Tibullus, it is
+more valuable to us for the idea it gives us of the spirit of old
+Italian agricultural religion than for exact knowledge about dates and
+details. There was, of course, endless variety in Italy in both these;
+and it is waste of time to try and make the descriptions of the rural
+poets fit in with the fixed festivals of the Roman city calendar.
+
+Nor is it quite safe to argue back from that calendar to the life of the
+familia and the pagus, except in general terms. As we shall see, the
+calendar is based on the life and work of an agricultural folk, and we
+may by all means guess that its many agricultural rites existed
+beforehand in the earlier social life; but into detail we may not
+venture. As Varro, however, has mentioned the Saturnalia in the same
+sentence with the Compitalia, we may guess that that famous jovial
+festival was a part of the rustic winter rejoicing. And here, too, I may
+mention another _festa_ of that month, of which a glimpse is given us by
+Horace, another country-loving poet, who specially mentions the pagus as
+taking part in it. Faunus and Silvanus were deities or spirits of the
+woodland among which these pagi lay, and in which the farmers ran their
+cattle in the summer;[169] by Horace's time Faunus had been more or less
+tarred with a Greek brush, but in the beautiful little ode I am alluding
+to he is still a deity of the Italian farmer,[170] who on the Nones of
+December besought him to be gracious to the cattle now feeding
+peacefully on the winter pasture:--
+
+  ludit herboso pecus omne campo
+  cum tibi Nonae redeunt Decembres:
+  festus in _pratis_ vacat otioso
+      cum bove pagus.
+
+There is one more rite of familia or pagus, or both, of which I must say
+a word before I return for a while to the house and its inhabitants. One
+of the most important matters for the pagus, as for the landholding
+household, was the fixing of the boundaries of their land, whether as
+against other pagi or households, or as separating that land from
+unreclaimed forest. This was of course, like all these other operations
+of the farm, a matter of religious care and anxiety--a matter in which
+the feeling of anxiety and awe (_religio_) brought with it, to use an
+expression of Cicero's, both _cura_ and _caerimonia_.[171] The _religio
+terminorum_ is known to us in some detail, as it existed in historical
+times, from the Roman writers on _agrimetatio_; and with their help the
+whole subject has been made intelligible by Rudorff in the second volume
+of the _Gromatici_.[172] We know that many different objects might serve
+as boundary marks, according to the nature of the land, especially trees
+and stones; and in the case of the latter, which would be the usual
+_termini_ in agricultural land at some distance from forest, we have the
+religious character of the stone and its fixing most instructively
+brought out. "Fruits of the earth, and the bones, ashes, and blood of a
+victim were put into a hole in the ground by the landholders whose lands
+converged at the point, and the stone was rammed down on the top and
+carefully fixed."[173] This had the practical effect--for all Latin
+religion has a practical side--of enabling the stone to be identified in
+the future. But Ovid[174] gives us a picture of the yearly commemorative
+rite of the same nature, from which we see still better the force of the
+_religio terminorum_. The boundary-stone is garlanded, and an altar is
+built; the fire is carried from the hearth of the homestead by a
+materfamilias, the priestess of the family; a young son of the family
+holds a basket full of fruits of the earth, and a little daughter shakes
+these into the fire and offers honey-cakes. Others stand by with wine,
+or look on in silence, clothed in white. The victims are lamb and
+sucking-pig, and the stone is sprinkled with their blood, an act which
+all the world over shows that an object is holy and tenanted by a
+spirit.[175] And the ceremony ends with a feast and hymns in honour of
+holy Terminus, who in Ovid's time in the rural districts, and long
+before on the Capitolium of Rome, had risen from the spirit sanctifying
+the stone to become a deity, closely connected with Jupiter himself, and
+to give his name to a yearly city festival on February 23.
+
+These festivals on the land were, some of them at least, scenes of
+revelry, accompanied with dancing and singing, as the poets describe
+them, the faces of the peasants painted red with minium,[176] according
+to an old Italian custom which survived in the case of the triumphator
+of the glorious days of the City-state. But if we may now return for a
+moment to the homestead, there were events of great importance to the
+family which were celebrated there in more serious and sober fashion,
+with rites that were in part truly religious, yet not without some
+features that show the prevailing anxiety, rooted in the age of taboo,
+which we learnt to recognise under the word _religio_. Marriage was a
+religious ceremony, for we can hardly doubt that the patrician
+_confarreatio_, in which a cake made of the anciently used grain called
+_far_ was offered to Jupiter, and perhaps partaken of sacramentally by
+bride and bridegroom, was the oldest form of marriage, and had its
+origin in an age before the State came into being. We must remember that
+the house was a sacred place, with religious duties carried on within
+it, and the abode of household spirits; and when a bride from another
+family or gens was to be brought into it, it was essential that such
+introduction should be carried out in a manner that would not disturb
+the happy relations of the human and divine inhabitants of the house. It
+was essential, too, that the children expected of her should be such as
+should be able to discharge their duties in the household without
+hurting the feelings of these spirits. Some of the quaint customs of the
+_deductio_ of later times strongly suggest an original anxiety about
+matters of such vital interest; the torch, carried by a boy whose
+parents were both living, was of whitethorn (_Spina alba_), which was a
+powerful protective against hostile magic, and about which there were
+curious superstitions.[177] Arrived at the house, the bride smeared the
+doorposts with wolf's fat and oil, and wound fillets of wool around
+them--so dangerous was the moment of entrance, so sacred the doorway;
+and finally, she was carried over the threshold, and then, and then
+only, was received by her husband into communion of fire and water,
+symbolic of her acceptance as materfamilias both by man and deity.[178]
+
+When the new materfamilias presented her husband with a child, there was
+another perilous moment; the infant, if accepted by the father
+(_sublatus_, _i.e._ raised from the earth on which it had been
+placed),[179] did not immediately become a member of the family in the
+religious sense, and was liable to be vexed by evil or mischievous
+spirits from the wild woodland, or, as they phrased it in later days,
+by Silvanus. I have already alluded to the curious bit of mummery which
+was meant to keep them off. Three men at night came to the threshold and
+struck it with an axe, a pestle, and a besom, so that "by these signs of
+agriculture Silvanus might be prevented from entering." The hostile
+spirits were thus denied entrance to a dwelling in which friendly
+spirits of household life and of settled agricultural pursuits had taken
+up their abode. Nothing can better show the anxiety of life in those
+primitive times, especially in a country like Italy, full of forest and
+mountain, where dwelt mischievous Brownies who would tease the settler
+if they could. But on the ninth day after the birth (or the eighth in
+the case of a girl) the child was "purified" and adopted into the family
+and its sacra, and into the gens to which the family belonged, and
+received its name--the latter a matter of more importance than we can
+easily realise.[180] From this time till it arrived at the age of
+puberty it was protected by amulet and _praetexta_; the tender age of
+childhood being then passed, and youth and maiden endued with new
+powers, the peculiar defensive armour of childhood might be dispensed
+with.[181]
+
+Lastly, the death of a member of the family was an occasion of extreme
+anxiety, which might, however, be allayed by the exact performance of
+certain rites (_iusta facere_). The funeral ceremonies of the City-state
+were of a complicated character, and the details are not all of them
+easy to interpret. But the principle must have been always the
+same--that the dead would "walk" unless they had been deposited with due
+ceremony in the bosom of Mother Earth, and that their natural tendency
+in "walking" was to find their way back to the house which had been
+their home in life. Whether buried or burnt, the idea was the same: if
+burnt, as seems to have been common Roman practice from very early
+times, at least one bone had to be buried as representing the whole
+body. We have seen that certain precautions were taken to prevent the
+dead man from finding his way back, such as carrying him out of the
+house feet foremost; and if he were properly buried and the house duly
+purified afterwards, the process of prevention was fairly complete. His
+ghost, shade, or double then passed beneath the earth to join the whole
+body of Manes in the underworld,[182] and could only return at certain
+fixed times--such at least was the idea expressed in the customs of
+later ages. But if a paterfamilias or his representative had omitted
+_iusta facere_, or if the dead man had never been buried at all, carried
+off by an enemy or some wild beast, he could never have descended to
+that underworld, and was roaming the earth disconsolately, and with an
+evil will. The primitive idea of anxiety is well expressed in the Roman
+festival of the Lemuria in May, when the head of a household could get
+rid of the ghosts by spitting out black beans[183] from his mouth and
+saying, "With these I redeem me and mine." Nine times he says this
+without looking round: then come the ghosts behind him and gather up the
+beans unseen. After other quaint performances he nine times repeats the
+formula, "Manes exite paterni," then at last looks round, and the ghosts
+are gone.[184] This is plainly a survival from the private life of the
+primitive household, and well illustrates its fears and anxieties; but
+the State provided, as we shall see, another and more religious
+ceremony, put limitations on the mischievous freedom of the ghosts, and
+ordained the means of expiation for those who had made a slip in the
+funeral ceremonies, or whose dead had been buried at sea or had died in
+a far country.
+
+I have thus tried to sketch the life of the early Latin family in its
+relations with the various manifestations of the Power in the universe.
+We have seen enough, I think, to conclude that it had a strong desire to
+be in right relations with that Power, and to understand its will; but
+we may doubt whether that desire had as yet become very effective. The
+circumstances of the life of the Latin farmer were hardly such as to rid
+him of much of the _religio_ that he had inherited from his wilder
+ancestors, or had found springing up afresh within him as he contended
+with the soil, the elements, and the hostile beings surrounding him,
+animal, human, and spiritual. He is living in an age of transition; he
+is half-way between the age of magic and a new age of religion and duty.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE IV
+
+    [131] Frazer, _Lectures on the Early History of the
+    Kingship_, lect. viii. Dr. Frazer finds traces of
+    Mutterrecht only in the succession to the kingship of
+    Alba and Rome, of which the evidence is of course purely
+    legendary. If the legends represent fact in any sense,
+    they point, if I understand him rightly, to a kingship
+    held by a non-Latin race, or, as he calls it, plebeian.
+    Binder, _Die Plebs_, p. 403 foll., believes that the
+    original Latin population, _i.e._ the plebs of later
+    times, lived under Mutterrecht.
+
+    [132] Aust, _Religion der Römer_, p. 212.
+
+    [133] In historical times the household deities were
+    often represented by images of Greek type: _e.g._ the
+    Penates by those of the Dioscuri. Wissowa, _Rel. und
+    Kult._ p. 147, and _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 95
+    foll., and 289. See also De Marchi, _La Religione nella
+    vita privata_, i. p. 41 foll. and p. 90 foll.
+
+    [134] De Marchi, _op. cit._ i. 13 foll. In the ordinary
+    and regular religion of the family the State, _i.e._ the
+    pontifices, did not interfere; but they might do so in
+    matters such as the succession of _sacra_, the care of
+    graves, or the fulfilment of vows undertaken by private
+    persons. See Cicero, _de Legibus_, ii. 19. 47.
+
+    [135] Mucius Scaevola, the great lawyer, defined
+    _gentiles_ as those "qui eodem nomine sunt, qui ab
+    ingenuis oriundi sunt, quorum maiorum nemo servitutem
+    servivit, qui capite non sunt deminuti," Cic. _Topica_,
+    vi. 29. This is the practical view of a lawyer of the
+    last century B.C., and does not take account of the
+    _sacra gentilicia_, which had by that time decayed or
+    passed into the care of _sodalitates_: Marquardt, p. 132
+    foll.; De Marchi, ii. p. 3 foll. The notion of descent
+    from a common ancestor is of course ideal, but none the
+    less a factor in the life of the gens; it crops up,
+    _e.g._, in Virgil, _Aen._ v. 117, 121, and Servius _ad
+    loc._
+
+    [136] Crawley, _The Tree of Life_, p. 47.
+
+    [137] For the alleged extinction of the gens Potitia,
+    and the legend connected with it, Livy i. 7, Festus 237.
+
+    [138] See Marquardt, _Privataltertümer_, p. 56, and note
+    6.
+
+    [139] There is, I believe, no doubt that the
+    etymological affinities of the word _familia_ point to
+    the idea of settlement and not that of kin; _e.g._ Oscan
+    _Faama_, a house, and Sanscrit _dhâ_, to settle.
+
+    [140] The exact meaning and origin of the word has been
+    much discussed. It is tempting to connect it with _pax_,
+    _paciscor_, and make it a territory within whose bounds
+    there is _pax_; see Rudorff, _Gromatici veteres_, ii.
+    239, and Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. 8 foll.
+
+    [141] See Rudorff, _Grom. vet._ ii. 236 foll.; Mommsen,
+    _Staatsrecht_, iii. 116 foll.; Kornemann in _Klio_, vol.
+    v. (1905) p. 80 foll.; Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_,
+    p. 1 foll.
+
+    [142] Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, iii. 22 foll.; Kornemann,
+    _l.c._; Roby in _Dict. of Antiquities_, _s.v._
+    "Agrimetatio," p. 85. The view that there was freehold
+    garden land attached to the homestead gains strength
+    from a statement of Pliny (_N.H._ xix. 50) that the word
+    used in the XII. Tables for villa, which was the word in
+    classical times for the homestead, was _hortus_, a
+    garden, and that this was _heredium_, private property.
+    See Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, iii. 23. It would indeed be
+    strange if the house had no land immediately attached to
+    it; we know that in the Anglo-Saxon village community
+    the villani, bordarii and cotagii, had their garden
+    croft attached to their dwellings, apart from such
+    strips as they might hold from the lord of the manor in
+    the open fields. See Vinogradoff, _Villainage in
+    England_, p. 148. For the _centuriatus ager_, Roby
+    _l.c._ We have no direct knowledge of the system in the
+    earliest times, but it is almost certain that it was
+    old-Italian in outline, and not introduced by the
+    Etruscans, as stated, _e.g._, by Deecke-Müller,
+    _Etrusker_, ii. 128.
+
+    [143] For Latium this is proved by the sepulchral
+    hut-urns found at Alba and also on the Esquiline. One of
+    these in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford shows the
+    construction well. See article "Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _Real-Encyclopädie_; Helbig, _Die Italiker in der
+    Poebene_, p. 50 foll. Later there was an opening in the
+    roof.
+
+    [144] Von Duhn in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1896,
+    p. 125 foll., and article "Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa.
+
+    [145] This is Aust's admirable expression, _Religion der
+    Römer_, p. 214.
+
+    [146] See the author's _Social Life at Rome in the Age
+    of Cicero_, p. 242.
+
+    [147] Serv. _Aen._ i. 270; Marquardt, p. 126.
+
+    [148] _Ap. Gellium_, iv. 1. 17. For the sacredness of
+    food and meals, see below (Lect. VIII. p. 172).
+
+    [149] See a paper by the author in _Classical Rev._ vol.
+    x. (1896) p. 317, and references there given. Cp. the
+    passage of Servius quoted above (_Aen._ i. 730), where a
+    boy is described as announcing at the daily meal that
+    the gods were propitious. For the purity necessary I may
+    refer to Hor. _Odes_, iii. 23 _ad fin._, "Immunis aram
+    si tetigit manus," etc.
+
+    [150] _Primitive Culture_, i. 393.
+
+    [151] The feminine counterpart of Genius was Juno, of
+    which more will be said later on. Each woman had her
+    Juno; but this "other-soul" has little importance as
+    compared with Genius.
+
+    [152] See J. B. Carter in Hastings' _Dict. of Religion
+    and Ethics_, i. 462 foll. For Genius in general, Birt in
+    _Myth. Lex._ s.v.; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 154 foll.;
+    Stewart, _Myths of Plato_, p. 450, for the connexion of
+    souls with ancestry.
+
+    [153] See the fifth of Plutarch's _Quaestiones Romanae_,
+    and Dr. Jevons' interesting comments in his edition of
+    Phil. Holland's translation, pp. xxii. and xxxv. foll.
+    Cp. the throwing the fetters of a criminal out by the
+    roof of the Flamen's house.
+
+    [154] _Civ. Dei_, vi. 9. These are deities of the
+    Indigitamenta; see below, p. 84.
+
+    [155] De Marchi, _La Religione_, etc. i. 188 foll.;
+    Marquardt, _Privatleben der Römer_, p. 336, "la porte
+    est la limite entre le monde étranger et le monde
+    domestique" (A. van Gennep, _Rites de passage_, p. 26,
+    where other illustrations are given).
+
+    [156] See below, Lect. XII. p. 281.
+
+    [157] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 96; Aust, _Rel. der Römer_, p.
+    117; Roscher in _Myth. Lex._ s.v. "Janus"; J. B. Carter,
+    _Religion of Numa_, p. 13. Cp. Von Domaszewski in
+    _Archiv_, 1907, p. 337.
+
+    [158] Frazer, _Lectures on the Early History of
+    Kingship_, p. 286 foll.; A. B. Cook in _Classical
+    Review_, 1904, p. 367 foll.
+
+    [159] _Gromat. vet._ i. 302, line 20 foll., describes
+    the chapels, but without mentioning the Lares. Varro
+    (_L.L._ vi. 25) supplies the name: "Compitalia dies
+    attributus Laribus Compitalibus; ideo ubi viae competunt
+    tum in competis sacrificatur." Cp. Wissowa, _R.K._ p.
+    148. But the nature of the land thus marked off is not
+    clear to me, nor explained (for primitive times) by
+    Wissowa in _Real-Encycl._, _s.vv._ "Compitum" and
+    "Compitalia."
+
+    [160] "Enos Lases juvate." See Henzen, _Acta Fratr.
+    Arv._ p. 26 foll.
+
+    [161] Cato, _R.R._ 5. Cp. Dion. Hal. iv. 13. 2. In Cato
+    143 the vilica is to put a wreath on the focus on
+    Kalends, Nones and Ides, and to pray to the Lar
+    familiaris pro copia (at the compita?).
+
+    [162] Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 172.
+
+    [163] The controversy about the Lar may be read in the
+    _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1904, p. 42 foll.
+    (Wissowa), and 1907, p. 368 foll. (Samter in reply). De
+    Marchi (_La Religione_, etc. i. 28 foll.) takes the same
+    view as Samter, who originally stated it in his
+    _Familienfesten_, p. 105 foll., in criticism of
+    Wissowa's view. See also a note by the author in the
+    _Archiv_, 1906, p. 529.
+
+    [164] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 148; the details as to the
+    altar occur in _Gromatici vet._ i. 302. It was on this
+    occasion that _maniae_ and _pilae_ were hung on the
+    house and compitum ("pro foribus," Macr. i. 7. 35); see
+    above, p. 61. For the _religio Larium_, Cic. _de Legg._,
+    ii. 19 and 27. That the Compitalia was an old Latin
+    festival is undoubted; but as we are uncertain about the
+    exact nature of the earliest form of landholding, we
+    cannot be sure about the nature of the compita in remote
+    antiquity. The passage from the _Gromatici_ (Dolabella),
+    quoted above, refers to the _fines templares_ of
+    _possessiones_, _i.e._ the boundaries marked by these
+    chapels in estates of later times. See Rudorff in vol.
+    ii. p. 263; Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._ "Compitum."
+
+    [165] Varro, _L.L._ vi. 26. I have discussed this
+    passage in _R.F._ p. 294; it is still not clear to me
+    whether Varro is identifying his Paganicae with the
+    Sementivae, but on the whole I think he uses the latter
+    word of a city rite (_dies a pontificibus dictus_), and
+    the former of the country festivals of the same kind.
+
+    [166] _Fasti_, i. 663.
+
+    [167] _Cl. Rev._, 1908, p. 36 foll.
+
+    [168] _Georg._ i. 338 foll.
+
+    [169] See my discussion of Faunus in _R.F._ p. 258 foll.
+    I am still unable to agree with Wissowa in his view of
+    Faunus (_R.K._ p. 172 foll.). I may here mention a
+    passage of the gromatic writer Dolabella (_Gromatici_,
+    i. 302), in which he says that there were three Silvani
+    to each _possessio_ or large estate of later times: "S.
+    domesticus, possessioni consecratus: alter agrestis,
+    pastoribus consecratus: tertius orientalis, cui est in
+    confinio lucus positus, a quo inter duo pluresque fines
+    oriuntur." Faunus never became domesticated, but he
+    belongs to the same type as Silvanus. Von Domaszewski,
+    in his recently published _Abhandlungen zur röm.
+    Religion_, p. 61, discredits the passage about the three
+    Silvani, following a paper of Mommsen. But his whole
+    interesting discussion of Silvanus shows well how many
+    different forms that curious semi-deity could take.
+
+    [170] _Odes_, iii. 18.
+
+    [171] Cic. _de Inventione_, ii. 161.
+
+    [172] pp. 236-284.
+
+    [173] _R.F._ 325, condensed from Siculus Flaccus
+    (_Gromatici_, i. 141).
+
+    [174] _Fasti_, ii. 641 foll.
+
+    [175] See, _e.g._, Jevons, _Introduction_, etc., p. 138;
+    Robertson Smith, _Semites_, p. 321.
+
+    [176] See, _e.g._, Tibullus ii. 1. 55; Virg. _Ecl._ vi.
+    22, x. 27, and Servius on both these passages. Pliny,
+    _N.H._ xxxiii. 111; and cp. below, p. 177. For primitive
+    ideas about the colour red see Jevons, _Introd._ pp. 67
+    and 138; Samter, _Familienfeste_, p. 47 foll. Cp. also
+    the very interesting paper of von Duhn in _Archiv_,
+    1906, p. 1 foll., esp. p. 20: "Es soll eben wirklich
+    pulsierendes kraftvolles Leben zum Ausdruck gebracht
+    werden." His conclusions are based on the widespread
+    custom of using red in funerals, coffins, and for
+    colouring the dead man himself: the idea being to give
+    him a chance of new life--which is what he wants--red
+    standing for blood.
+
+    [177] I am not sure that I am right in calling this
+    whitethorn. For the qualities of the _Spina alba_ see
+    Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 129 and 165, "Sic fatus spinam, quae
+    tristes pellere posset A foribus nexas, haec erat alba,
+    dedit." In line 165 he calls it _Virga Janalis_. See
+    also Festus, p. 289, and Serv. _ad Ecl._ viii. 29;
+    Bücheler, _Umbrica_, p. 136.
+
+    [178] The details are fully set forth in Marquardt,
+    _Röm. Privataltertümer_, p. 52 foll. The religious
+    character of _confarreatio_ and its antiquity are fully
+    recognised by Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_,
+    p. 427. Some interesting parallels to the smearing of
+    the doorposts from modern Europe will be found collected
+    in Samter, _Familienfeste_, p. 81 foll. The authority
+    for the wolf's fat was Masurius Sabinus, quoted by
+    Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 142 (cp. 157), who adds from the
+    same author, "ideo novas nuptas illo perungere postes
+    solitas, ne quid mali medicamenti inferretur." The real
+    reason was, no doubt, that it was a charm against evil
+    _spirits_, not against poison; but it is worth while to
+    quote here another passage of Pliny (xx. 101), where he
+    says that a squill hung _in limine ianuae_ had the same
+    power, according to Pythagoras. Some may see a
+    reminiscence of totemism in the wolf's fat: in any case
+    the mention of the animal as obtainable is interesting.
+
+    [179] Dieterich, _Mutter Erde_, p. 6 foll. The idea is
+    that the child comes from mother earth, and will
+    eventually return to her.
+
+    [180] For Roman names Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 7
+    foll., and Mommsen, _Forschungen_, i. I foll., are still
+    the most complete authorities. For the importance of the
+    name among wild and semi-civilised peoples, Frazer,
+    _G.B._ i. 403 foll.; Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, ii. 430
+    foll. All these ceremonies of birth, naming, and
+    initiation (puberty) have recently been included by M.
+    van Gennep in what he calls _Rites de passage_ (see his
+    book with that title, which appeared after these
+    lectures were prepared, especially chapters v. and vi.).
+    In all these ceremonies he traces more or less
+    successfully a sequence of rites of separation (_i.e._
+    from a previous condition), of margin, where the ground
+    is, so to speak, neutral, and of "aggregation," when the
+    subject is introduced to a new state or condition of
+    existence. If I understand him rightly, he looks on this
+    as the proper and primitive explanation of all such
+    rites, and denies that they need to be accounted for
+    animistically, _i.e._ by assuming that riddance of evil
+    spirits, or purification of any kind, is the leading
+    idea in them. They are, in fact, quasi-dramatic
+    celebrations of a process of going over from one status
+    to another, and may be found in connection with all the
+    experiences of man in a social state. But the Roman
+    society, of which I am describing the religious aspect,
+    had beyond doubt reached the animistic stage of thought,
+    and was in process of developing it into the theological
+    stage; hence these ceremonies are marked by sacrifices,
+    as marriage, the _dies lustricus_ (see De Marchi, p.
+    169, and Tertull. _de Idol._ 16) most probably, and
+    puberty (_R.F._ p. 56). I do not fully understand how
+    far van Gennep considers sacrifice as marking a later
+    stage in the development of the ideas of a society on
+    these matters (see his note in criticism of Oldenburg,
+    p. 78); but I see no good reason to abandon the words
+    purification and lustration, believing that even if he
+    is right in his explanation of the original
+    performances, these ideas had been in course of time
+    engrafted on them.
+
+    [181] In historical times the _toga pura_ was assumed
+    when the parents thought fit; earlier there may have
+    been a fixed day (_R.F._ p. 56, "Liberalia"). In any
+    case there was, of course, no necessary correspondence
+    between "social and physical puberty"; van Gennep, p. 93
+    foll.
+
+    [182] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 191; J. B. Carter in Hastings'
+    _Dict. of Religion and Ethics_, i. 462 foll.; Dieterich,
+    _Mutter Erde_, p. 77. The whole question of the
+    so-called cult of the dead at Rome calls for fresh
+    investigation in the light of ethnological and
+    archaeological research. The recent work of Mr. J. C.
+    Lawson, _Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek
+    Religion_, seems to throw grave doubt on some of the
+    most important conclusions of Rohde's _Psyche_, the work
+    which most writers on the ideas of the Greeks and Romans
+    have been content to follow. Mr. Lawson seems to me to
+    have proved that the object of both burial and cremation
+    (which in both peninsulas are found together) was to
+    secure dissolution for the substance of the body, so
+    that the soul might not be able to inhabit the body
+    again, and the two together return to annoy the living
+    (see especially chapters v. and vi.). But his answer to
+    the inevitable question, why in that case sustenance
+    should be offered to the dead at the grave, is less
+    satisfactory (see pp. 531, 538), and I do not at present
+    see how to co-ordinate it with Roman usage. But I find
+    hardly a trace of the belief that the dead had to be
+    placated like the gods by sacrifice and prayer, except
+    in _Aen._ iii. 63 foll. and v. 73 foll. In the first of
+    these passages Polydorus had not been properly buried,
+    as Servius observes _ad loc._ to explain the nature of
+    the offerings; the second presents far more difficulties
+    than have as yet been fairly faced.
+
+    [183] For recent researches about beans as tabooed by
+    the Pythagoreans and believed to be the food of ghosts,
+    see Gruppe, _Mythologische Literatur_, p. 370 (Samter
+    and Wünsch). Cp. _R.F._, p. 110.
+
+    [184] Ov. _Fasti_, v. 421 foll.; _R.F._ p. 107.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE V
+
+THE CALENDAR OF NUMA
+
+
+The religion of the household had two main characteristics. First, it
+was a perfectly natural and organic growth, the result of the Roman
+farmer's effective desire to put himself and his in right relations with
+the spiritual powers at work for good or ill around him. His conception
+of these powers I shall deal with more fully in the next lecture; but I
+have said enough to prove that it was not a degrading one. The spirits
+of his house and his land and his own Genius were friendly powers, all
+of them of the greatest importance for his life and his work, and their
+claims were attended to with regularity and devotion. From Vesta and the
+Penates, the Lar, the Genius, the Manes, and the spirits of the doorway
+and the spring, there was nothing to fear if they were carefully
+propitiated; and as his daily life and comfort depended on this
+propitiation, they were really divine members of the _familia_, and
+might become, and perhaps did become, the objects of real affection as
+well as worship. In this well-regulated practical life of the early
+agricultural settlers, with its careful attention to the claims of its
+divine protectors, we may perhaps see the germs of a real religious
+expression of human life.
+
+Secondly, there was doubtless at the same time constant cause for
+anxiety. Beyond the house and the land there were unreclaimed spirits of
+the woodland which might force an entrance into the sacred limits of the
+house; the ghosts of the dead members were constantly wishing to
+return; the crops might be attacked by strange diseases, by storms or
+drought, and man himself was liable to seasonal disease or sudden
+pestilence. The cattle and sheep might stray into the remote forest and
+become the prey of evil beasts, if not of evil spirits. How was the
+farmer to meet all these troubles, caused, as he supposed, by spirits
+whose ways he did not understand? How were they to be propitiated as
+they themselves would wish? How were the omens to be interpreted from
+which their will might be guessed? How were the proper times and seasons
+for each religious operation to be discovered? If my imagination is not
+at fault, I seem to see that the Latin farmer must have had to shift for
+himself in most of his dealings with the supernatural powers about him;
+_religio_, the sense of awe and of dependence, must have been constantly
+with him. But even here we may see, I think, a possible germ of
+religious development; for without this feeling of awe religious forms
+tend to become meaningless: lull _religio_ to sleep, and the forms cease
+to represent effectively man's experience of life. We have to see later
+on how this paralysis of the religious instinct did actually take place
+in early Roman history.
+
+For we now have to leave the religion of the household, and to study
+that of the earliest form of the City-state. We have enjoyed a glint of
+light reflected from later times on the religion of the early Roman
+family, and are about to enjoy another glint--nay, a gleam of real
+light, and not merely a reflected one--which the earliest religious
+document we possess casts on the religion of the City-state of Rome.
+Between the two there is a long period of almost complete darkness. We
+know hardly anything as yet, and it is not likely that we shall ever
+know anything definite, about the stages of development which must have
+been passed before Rome became the so-called city of the Four Regions,
+when her history may be said really to begin. The pagus hardly helps us
+here; it was not an essential advance on the family, and its religion
+was comprehensive, not intensive. Each pagus, however, seems to have
+had within its bounds an _oppidum_, or stronghold on a hill; and such
+oppida were the seven _montes_ of early Rome, which, with the pagi
+belonging to them, survived in name to the end of the Republic, with
+some kind of a religious festival uniting them together, about which we
+have hardly any knowledge.[185] This looks like a stage in the process
+of change from farm to city, and it has generally been believed to mark
+one. Unfortunately nothing to our purpose can be founded on it. We must
+be content with the undoubted fact that about the eighth or seventh
+century B.C. the site of Rome was occupied and strengthened as a bulwark
+against the Etruscan people who were pressing down from the north upon
+the valley of the Tiber;[186] we may take it that the old central
+fortress of Latium, on the Alban hill, was not in the right position for
+defence, and that it was seen to be absolutely necessary to make a
+stronghold of the position offered by the hills which abut on the river
+twenty miles above its mouth--the only real position of defence for the
+Latin settlements in its rear. Here an _urbs_ was made with _murus_ and
+_pomoerium_, _i.e._ material and spiritual boundaries, taking in a space
+sufficient to hold the threatened rural population with their flocks and
+herds, with the river in the front and a common citadel on the
+Capitoline hill, and including the Palatine, Quirinal, Esquiline,
+Caelian and Aventine hills, though the last named remained technically
+outside the pomoerium.[187]
+
+It is to this city that our earliest religious document, the so-called
+Calendar of Numa, belongs. That calendar includes the cult of Quirinus
+on the hill which still bears his name, and that hill was an integral
+part of the city as just described. On the other hand, it tells us
+nothing of the great cult of the _trias_ on the Capitoline--Jupiter,
+Juno, Minerva--which by universal tradition was instituted much later by
+the second Tarquinius, _i.e._ under an Etruscan dynasty; nor does Diana
+appear in it, the goddess who was brought from Latium and settled on the
+Aventine before the end of the kingly period. We have, then, a
+_terminus ex quo_ for the date of the calendar in the inclusion in the
+city of the Quirinal hill, and a _terminus ad quem_ in the foundation of
+the Diana temple on the Aventine.[188] We cannot date these events
+precisely; but it is sufficient for our purpose if it be taken as proved
+that the Fasti belong to the fully developed city, and yet were drawn up
+before that conquest by the Etruscans which we may regard as a
+certainty, and which is marked by the foundations of Etruscan masonry
+which served to support the great Capitoline temple. And this is also
+borne out by the undoubted fact that the calendar itself shows no trace
+of Etruscan influence. But I must now go on to explain exactly what this
+calendar is.
+
+The _Fasti anni Romani_ exist chiefly on stone as inscriptions, and date
+from the Early Empire, between 31 B.C. and A.D. 51. They give us, in
+fact, the calendar as revised by Caesar; but no one now doubts that
+Mommsen was right in detecting in these inscriptions the skeleton of the
+original calendar which the Romans ascribed to Numa.[189] This is
+distinguished from later additions by the large capital letters in which
+it is written or inscribed in all the fragments we possess; it gives us
+the days of the month with their religious characteristics as affecting
+state business, the names of the religious festivals which concern the
+whole state, and the Kalends, Nones, and Ides in each month. Excluding
+these last, we have the names, in a shortened form, of forty-five
+festivals; and these festivals, thus placed by an absolutely certain
+record in their right place in each month and in the year, must be the
+foundation of all scientific study of the religious practice of the
+Roman state, taken together with certain additions in smaller capitals,
+and with such information about them as we can obtain from literary
+sources.[190]
+
+The smaller capitals give us such entries as _feriae Iovi_, _feriae
+Saturno_, _i.e._ the name of a deity to whom a festival was sacred, the
+foundation days of temples, generally with the name of the deity in the
+dative and the position of the temple in the city, and certain _ludi_
+and memorial days, which belong to a much later age than the original
+festivals. But the names of those which are inscribed in large letters
+bear witness beyond all question to their own antiquity; for among them
+there is not one which has anything to do, so far as we know, with a
+non-Roman deity, and we know that foreign deities began to arrive in
+Rome before the end of the kingly period. Here, then, we have genuine
+information about the oldest religious doings of the City-state, in what
+indeed is, as Mommsen said, the most ancient source of our knowledge
+about Roman antiquity generally.
+
+The first point we notice in studying this calendar (putting aside for
+the present the question as to the agency by which it was drawn up) is
+this: it exactly reflects a transition from the life of a rural
+population engaged in agriculture, to the highly-organised political and
+military life of a City-state. In other words, the State, whose
+religious needs and experience it reflects, was one whose economic basis
+was agriculture, whose life included legal and political business, and
+whose activity in the season of arms was war.
+
+This last characteristic is discernible chiefly, if not entirely, in the
+months of March and October; and the former of these bears the name of
+the great deity, who, whatever may have been his origin or the earliest
+conception of him, was throughout Roman history the god of war. All
+through March up to the 23rd the Salii, the warlike priests of Mars,
+were active, dancing and singing those hymns of which an obscure
+fragment has come down to us, and clashing and brandishing the sacred
+spears and shields of the god (_ancilia_).[191] On the 19th these
+ancilia were lustrated--a process to which I shall recur in another
+lecture; and on the 23rd we find in the calendar the festival
+Tubilustrium, which suggests the lustration of the trumpets of the host
+before it took the field. On the 14th of March,[192] and also on the
+27th of February, we find Equirria in the calendar, which must be
+understood as lustrations of the horses of the host, accompanied with
+races. If we may take the ancilia as symbolising the arms of the host,
+we see in the festivals of this month a complete religious process
+preparing the material of war for the perils inevitably to be met with
+beyond the _ager Romanus_, whether from human or spiritual enemies; and
+that the warriors themselves were subjected to a process of the same
+kind we know from the historical evidence of later times.[193] Now in
+October, when the season of arms was over, we find indications of a
+parallel process, which Wissowa was the first to point out clearly, but
+without fully recognising its religious import.[194] It was not so much
+thanksgiving (_Dankfest_) after a campaign that was necessary on the
+return of the army, as purification (or disinfection) from the taint of
+bloodshed, and from contact with strange beings human and
+spiritual.[195] On October 15, the Ides, there was a horse-race in the
+Campus Martius, with a sacrifice of the winning horse to Mars with
+peculiar primitive ritual; this, however, for some reason which I shall
+presently try to discover, was not embodied in the calendar under any
+special name. On the 19th, however, we find the entry ARMILUSTRIUM,
+which tells its own tale. The Salii, too, were active again in these
+days of October, and on the day of the Armilustrium, as it would seem,
+put their shields away (_condere_) in their _sacrarium_ until the March
+following. As Wissowa says, the ritual of the Salii is thus a symbolic
+copy of the procedure of war.[196] From these indications in the
+calendar, helped out by information drawn from the later entries and
+from literary evidence, we see quite plainly that we are dealing with
+the religion of a state which for half the year is liable to be engaged
+in war. Rome was, in fact, a frontier fortress on the Tiber against
+Etruscan enemies; she is destined henceforward to be continually in
+arms, and she has already expressed this great fact in her religious
+calendar.
+
+The legal and political significance of the calendar consists in the
+division of the days of the year into two great groups, _dies fasti_
+and _nefasti_: the former are those on which it is _fas_, _i.e._
+religiously permissible, to transact civil business, the latter those on
+which it would be _nefas_ to do so, _i.e._ sacrilege, because they are
+given over to the gods. We need not, indeed, assume that these marks F
+and N descend in every case from the very earliest times into the
+pre-Julian calendar, or that the few days which have other marks stood
+originally as we find them; but of the primitive character of the main
+division we can have no doubt. In the calendar as we have it 109 days
+belong to the divine, 235 to the human inhabitants of the city. All but
+two of the former are days of odd numbers in the month, and it is
+reasonable to suppose that these two exceptions were later alterations.
+The belief that odd numbers are lucky is a very widely-spread
+superstition, and we do not need to have recourse to Pythagoras to
+explain it; in this rule, as in others, _e.g._ their taboo on eating
+beans, the Pythagoreans were only following a native prejudice of
+southern Italy. "The idea of luck in odd numbers," says Mr. Crooke,[197]
+writing of the Hindus, "is universal." Thus the simpler odd numbers,
+three, five, seven, and nine, all recur constantly in folklore; and the
+result is visible in this calendar. Where a festival occupies more than
+one day in a month, there is an interval between the two of one or three
+days, making the whole number three or five. Thus Carmentalia occur on
+11th and 15th January, and the Lemuria in May are on the 9th, 11th, and
+13th; the Lucaria in July on 19th and 21st. In some months, too, _e.g._
+August and December, perhaps also July and February, there seem to be
+traces of an arrangement by which festivals which probably had some
+connection with each other are thus arranged; _e.g._ in August six
+festivals, all concerned in some way with the fruits of the earth and
+the harvest, occur on the 17th, 19th, 21st, 23rd, 25th, and 27th. It has
+recently been suggested[198] that these are arranged round one central
+festival, which gives a kind of colouring to the others, as the
+Volcanalia in August, the Saturnalia in December. But the reasons von
+Domaszewski gives for the arrangement, and the further speculation that
+where it does not occur we may find traces of an older system, as yet
+unaffected by the so-called Pythagorean prejudice, do not seem to me
+satisfactory. We may be content with the general principle as I have
+stated it, and note that while religious duties _must_ be performed on
+days of odd number, civil duties were not so restricted: the days
+belonging to the gods, which were, so to speak, taboo days, were more
+important than those belonging to men. There are, as I have said, but
+two days marked in the large letters as festivals, which are on days of
+even number, 24th February and 14th March, the Regifugium and the second
+Equirria; and about these we know so little that it is almost useless to
+speculate as to the reason for their exception from the rule. Two
+others, 24th March and 24th May, were partly the property of the gods
+and partly of men, and are marked QRCF (_quando rex comitiavit fas_);
+but the sense in which they partially belonged to the gods is not the
+same as in the case of sacrificial festivals.
+
+This calendar thus shows obvious signs of both military and political
+development; in other words, its witness to the religious experience of
+the Romans proves that they had successfully adjusted the forms and
+seasons of their worship to the processes of government at home and of
+military service in the field. But the most conspicuous feature in it is
+the testimony it bears to the agricultural habits of the people--to the
+fact that agriculture and not trade, of which there is hardly a trace,
+was the economic basis of their life. At the time when it was drawn up,
+the Romans must have been able to subsist upon the _ager Romanus_,
+though, as we shall see later on, it was probably not long before they
+began commercial relations with other peoples; for their food, which was
+almost entirely vegetarian, and their clothing, which was entirely of
+wool and leather,[199] they depended on their crops, flocks, and herds;
+and the perils to which these were liable remain for the State, as for
+the farming household, the main subject of the propitiation of the gods,
+the main object of their endeavours to keep themselves in right relation
+with the Power manifest in the universe.
+
+We can trace the series of agricultural operations in the calendar
+without much difficulty all through the year. The Roman year, we must
+remember, began with March, and March, as we have seen, had under the
+military necessities of the State become peculiarly appropriated to the
+religious preparation of the burgher host for warlike activity. But the
+festivals of April, when crops were growing, cattle bringing forth young
+or seeking summer pasture, all have direct reference to the work of
+agriculture.[200] At the Fordicidia, on the 15th, pregnant cows were
+sacrificed to the Earth-goddess, and their unborn calves burnt,
+apparently with the object of procuring the fertility of the corn; and
+the Cerealia on the 19th, to judge by the name, must have had an object
+of the same kind, though the supersession of Ceres by the Greek Demeter
+had obscured this in historical times. The Parilia on the 19th, recently
+illuminated by Dr. Frazer,[201] was a lustration of the cattle and sheep
+before they left their winter pasture to encounter the dangers of wilder
+hill or woodland, and may be compared with the lustratio of the host
+before a campaign. On the 23rd the Vinalia tells its own tale, and shows
+that the cultivation of the vine was already a part of the agricultural
+work. On the 25th the spirit of the red mildew, Robigus, was the object
+of propitiation, at the time when the ear was beginning to be formed in
+the corn, and was particularly liable to attack from this pest.
+
+The religious precautions thus taken in April were not renewed in May;
+but at the end of that month of ripening the whole of the _ager Romanus_
+was lustrated by the Fratres Arvales. This important rite, for some
+reason which we cannot be sure of, was a movable feast, left to the
+discretion of the brethren, and therefore does not appear in the
+calendar. In June the sacred character of the new crops, now approaching
+their harvest, becomes apparent; the _penus Vestae_, the symbolic
+receptacle of the grain-store of the State, after remaining open from
+the 7th to the 15th, was closed on that day for the rest of the year,
+after being carefully cleansed: the refuse was religiously deposited in
+a particular spot. Thus all was made ready for the reception of the new
+grain, which, as is now well known, has a sacred character among
+primitive peoples, and must be stored and eaten with precaution.[202]
+This was the chief religious work of June; in July, the month when the
+harvest was actually going on, the festivals are too obscure to delay
+us; they seem to have some reference to water, rain, storms, but it is
+not clear to me whether the object was to avert stormy weather during
+the cutting of the crops, or, on the other hand, to avert a drought in
+the hottest time of the year. The true harvest festivals begin in
+August; the Consualia on 21st and Opiconsiva on 25th both seem to
+suggest the operation of storing up (_condere_) the grain, and between
+them we find the Volcanalia, of which the object was perhaps to
+propitiate the fire-spirit at a time when the heat of the sun might be
+dangerous to the freshly-gathered crops.
+
+After the crops were once harvested, ploughing and sowing chiefly
+occupied the farming community until December; and as these operations
+were not accompanied by the same perils which beset the agriculturist in
+spring and summer, they have left no trace in the calendar. Special
+religious action was not necessary on their behalf. It is not till the
+autumn sowing was over, and the workers could rest from their labours,
+that we find another set of festivals, of which the centre-point is the
+Saturnalia on the 17th, Saturnus being the deity, I think, both of the
+operation of sowing and of the sown seed, now reposing in the bosom of
+mother earth.[203] A second Consualia on the 15th, and the Opalia on the
+19th, like the corresponding August festivals, seem to be concerned with
+the housed grain harvested in the previous August; I am disposed to
+think that in all three we should see not only the natural rejoicing
+after the labours of the autumn, but the opening of the granaries and,
+perhaps, the first eating of the grain. For on the Saturnalia there was
+a sacrifice at Saturnus' altar, followed by a feast, which was
+afterwards Graecised, but doubtless originally represented the primitive
+feasting of the farm, in which the whole familia took part. This brings
+us practically to the end of the agricultural year as represented in the
+calendar; for spring sowing was exceptional, the joyful feasts of pagus
+and compitum are not to be found in our document, and the month of
+February is specially occupied with the care and cult of the dead
+(_Manes_).
+
+At this point I wish to notice one or two results of the adoption of a
+religious calendar such as I have been describing, which are more to the
+purpose of these lectures than some of the details I have had to point
+out. First, let us remember that agricultural operations necessarily
+vary in date according to the season, and that most of the rural
+festivals of ancient Italy were not fixed to a particular day, but were
+_feriae conceptivae_, settled perhaps according to the decision of some
+meeting of heads of families or officers of a pagus. That this was so we
+may conjecture from the fact that those which survived into historical
+times, _e.g._ Compitalia and Paganalia, and were celebrated in the city,
+though not as _sacra pro populo_,[204] were of varying date. But all the
+festivals of the calendar were necessarily fixed, and the days on which
+they were held were made over to the gods. Now by being thus fixed they
+would soon begin to get out of relation to agricultural life; just as,
+if the harvest festivals of our churches were fixed to one day
+throughout the country, the meaning of the religious service would
+sooner or later begin to lose something of its force. And how much the
+more would this be so if the calendar itself, from ignorance or
+mismanagement, began to get out of relation with the true season, as in
+course of time was frequently the case? When once under such
+circumstances the meaning of a religious rite is lost, where is its
+psychological efficacy? In the life of the old Latin farmer, as we saw,
+his religion was a reality, an organic growth, coincident at every point
+with the perils he encountered in his daily toil; here, in the
+City-state, it must from the beginning have had a tendency to become an
+unreality, and it ended by becoming one entirely. Some of the old rites
+may have attached new meanings to themselves; it is possible, for
+example, that beneath the military rites of March there was an original
+agricultural significance; the Saturnalia became a merry mid-winter
+festival for a town population. But a great number wholly lost meaning,
+and were so forgotten or neglected in course of time that even learned
+men like Varro do not seem to have been able to explain them. The only
+practical question about them for the later Romans was whether their
+days were _dies fasti_ or _nefasti_ or _comitiales_,--what work might or
+might not be done on them.
+
+Another point, closely connected with the last, and tending in the same
+direction, is that such a calendar as this implies rigidity and routine
+in religious duties. A well-ordered city life under a strong government
+must, of course, be subject to routine; law, religious or civil, written
+or unwritten, forces the individual into certain stereotyped ways of
+life, subjects him to a certain amount of wholesome discipline. The
+value of such routine to an undisciplined people has been well pointed
+out by Bishop Stubbs, in writing of the effect of the rule of the Norman
+and Angevin kings on the English people,[205] where it was also a
+religious as well as a legal discipline that was at work. In neither
+case was it the ignorant and superstitious routine of savage life, which
+of late years we have had to substitute for old fancies about the
+freedom of the savage; it is the willing obedience of civilised man for
+his own benefit. But if it means a routine of religious rites which are
+beginning to lose their meaning; if the relation between them and man's
+life and work is lost; and lastly, if, as was probably the case, the
+Fasti were not published, but remained in the hands of a priesthood or
+an aristocracy,[206]--then there is serious loss as well as gain. You
+begin sooner or later to cease to feel your dependence on the divine
+beings around you for your daily bread, to get out of right relation
+with the Power manifesting itself in the universe.
+
+But, in the third place, we must believe that at first, and indeed
+perhaps for ages, this very routine had an important psychological
+result in producing increased comfort, convenience, and confidence in
+the Roman's relations with the divine inhabitants of his city. A certain
+number of deities have taken up their abode within the walls of the
+city, and are as much its inhabitants, its citizens, as the human beings
+who live there; and all the relations between the divine and human
+citizens are regulated now by law, by a _ius divinum_, of which the
+calendar is a very important part. _Religio_, the old feeling of doubt
+and scruple, arising from want of knowledge in the individual, is still
+there; it is, in fact, the feeling which has given rise to all this
+organisation and routine, the _cura_ and _caerimonia_, as Cicero phrases
+it. But it must be already losing its strength, its life; it was, so to
+speak, a constitutional weakness, and the _ius divinum_ is already
+beginning to act on it as a tonic. Doubt has passed into fixed usage,
+tradition has given place to organisation. Time, place, procedure in all
+religious matters, are guaranteed by those skilled in the _ius divinum_;
+they know what to do as the festival of each deity comes round, and at
+the right time and place they do it with scrupulous attention to every
+detail. Thus the organisation of which the calendar is our best example
+would have as its first result the destruction of fear and doubt in the
+mind of the ordinary Roman; it would tend to kill, or at least to put to
+sleep, the _religio_ which was the original motive cause of this very
+organisation. As the State in our own day has a tendency to relieve
+families of such duties as the care and education of children, so the
+State at Rome relieved the family of constant anxiety about matters in
+which they were ever in danger from the spirit-world. The State and its
+authorities have taken the whole responsibility of adjusting the
+relations of the human and divine citizens.[207]
+
+Entirely in keeping with this psychological result of the calendar is
+the fact, to which I have already alluded, that it supplies us with
+hardly any evidence of the existence of magic, or of those "beastly
+devices of the heathen" which may roughly be included under that word;
+to use the language of Mr. Lang, we find none of those "distressing
+vestiges of savagery and barbarism which meet us in the society of
+ancient Greece." It is true enough that we do not know much about what
+was done at the various festivals of the calendar, but what we do know,
+with one or two exceptions, suggests an idea of worship as clean and
+rational as that of the Homeric poems, which stands in such striking
+contrast to that reflected in later Greek literature.[208] When we do
+read of any kind of grossness in worship or the accompanying
+festivities, it is almost always in the case of some rite which is _not_
+among those in the Fasti. Such was the old festival of Anna Perenna in
+March, where the plebs in Ovid's time spent the day in revelry and
+drinking, and prayed for as many years of life as they could drink cups
+of wine. Such again was that of the October horse, when after a
+chariot-race in the Campus the near horse of the winning team was
+sacrificed, and his tail carried in hot haste to the Regia, where the
+blood was allowed to drip on the sacred hearth; while the head was the
+object of a fight between the men of the Via Sacra and those of the
+Subura.[209] We may perhaps include in the list the ritual of the Argei,
+if it was indeed, as I believe, of great antiquity;[210] on May 15, as
+we have seen, twenty-seven puppets of reeds or straw were thrown into
+the Tiber from the _pons sublicius_, possibly with the object of
+procuring rain for the growing crops. Let us also note that _dies
+religiosi_ were not marked in the Fasti, _i.e._ days on which some
+uncomfortable feeling prevailed, such as the three days on which the
+_mundus_ was open to allow the Manes to come up from their shadowy abode
+below the earth; with the character of such days as "uncanny" the
+calendar has simply nothing to do. It is a document of religious law,
+not of _superstitio_, a word which in Roman usage almost invariably
+means what is outside that religious law, outside the _ius divinum_; and
+it is a document of _religio_ only so far as it is meant to organise and
+carry out the _cura_ and _caerimonia_, the natural results of that
+feeling which the Romans called _religio_. It stands on exactly the same
+footing as the Law of the Israelites, which supplied them in full detail
+with the _cura_ and _caerimonia_, and rigidly excluded all foreign and
+barbarous rites and superstitions.
+
+I do not, of course, mean to say that the State did not recognise or
+allow the festivals which are not marked in the calendar; the pontifices
+and Vestals were present at the ceremony of the Argei, and the Regia was
+the scene of a part of that of the October horse. But those who drew up
+the calendar as the fundamental charter of the _ius divinum_ must have
+had their reasons for the selection of forty-five days as made over to
+the deities who were specially concerned with the State's welfare. And
+on these days, so far as we know, there was a regular ordered routine of
+sacrifice and prayer, with but little trace of the barbarous or
+grotesque. The ritual of the Lupercalia is almost a solitary exception.
+The Luperci had their foreheads smeared with the blood of the victims,
+which were goats, and then this was wiped off with wool dipped in milk;
+after this they were obliged to laugh, probably as a sign that the god
+(whoever he was) was in them, or that they were identified with
+him.[211] They then girt themselves with the skins of the victims and
+ran round the ancient pomoerium, striking at any women they met with
+strips of the same victims in order to produce fertility. This was
+perhaps a rite taken over from aboriginal settlers on the Palatine, and
+so intimately connected with that hill that it could not be omitted from
+the calendar. The ritual of the three days of Lemuria in May, when
+ghosts were expelled from the house, as Ovid describes the process, by
+means of beans,[212] seems also to have been a reminiscence of ideas
+about the dead more primitive than those which took effect in the more
+cheerful Parentalia of February: here again we may perhaps see a
+concession to the popular tradition and prejudice of a primitive
+population. On the other hand, the revelry of the Saturnalia in
+December, of which Dr. Frazer has made so much in the second edition of
+the _Golden Bough_,[213] is nothing more than the licence of the
+population of a great cosmopolitan city, an out-growth, under Greek
+influence, from the rude winter rejoicings of the farmer and his
+_familia_; and for his conjecture that a human victim was sacrificed on
+this occasion in ancient Rome there is simply no evidence whatever.
+There is, indeed, not a trace of human sacrifice at Rome so long as the
+_ius divinum_ was the supreme religious law of the State; in the whole
+Roman literature of the Republic hardly anything of the kind is alluded
+to;[214] it is only when we come to an age when the taste for bloodshed
+was encouraged by the shows of the amphitheatre, and when the
+blood-loving religions of the East were pressing in, that we hear of
+human sacrifice, and then only from Christian writers, who would
+naturally seize on anything that came to hand to hold up paganism to
+derision, without inquiring into the truth or the history of the alleged
+practice.[215]
+
+Thus we may take it as highly probable that those who drew up the
+calendar had the deliberate intention of excluding from the State
+ritual, as far as was possible, everything in the nature of barbarism
+and magic. For the religious purposes of a people occupied in
+agriculture and war, and already beginning to develop some idea of law
+and order, there was no need of any religious rites except such as would
+serve, in decency and order, to propitiate the deities concerned with
+the fertilisation of man, beast, and crop, and with the safety and
+efficacy of the host in its struggle with the enemies of the city. The
+Roman people grew up, in their city life as in the life of the family,
+in self-restraint, dignity, and good order, confident in the course of
+_cura_ and _caerimonia_, itself decent and stately, if soulless, which
+the religious authorities had drawn up for them.
+
+We should naturally like to know something about those authorities, who
+thus placed the religion of the State on a comparatively high level of
+ritualistic decency, if not of theological subtlety. The Romans
+themselves attributed the work to a priest-king, Numa Pompilius, and
+probably their instinct was a right one. Names matter little in such
+matters; but there is surely something in the universal Roman tradition
+of a great religious legislator, something too, it may be, in the
+tradition that he was a Sabine, a representative of the community on the
+Quirinal which had been embodied in the Roman city before the calendar
+was drawn up, and of the sturdy, serious stock of central Italy, which
+retained its _virtus_ longer than any other Italian people.[216] We are
+quite in the dark as to all this, unless we can put any kind of
+confidence in the traditional belief of the Romans themselves. But there
+is one point on which I should like to make a suggestion--a new one so
+far as I know. Numa was said to have been the first Flamen Dialis; but
+that is absolutely impossible, for the ancient taboos on that priesthood
+would have made it impossible for him to become supreme legislator.
+Evidently this Flamen, who could hardly leave his own house, might never
+leave the city, and was at every turn hedged in by restrictions on his
+activity, was a survival of those magician-kings who make rain and do
+other useful things, but would lose their power if they were exposed to
+certain contingencies; the number of possible contingencies increases
+till the unfortunate owner of the powers becomes powerless by virtue of
+the care so painfully taken of him.[217] The priest of Jupiter and his
+taboos carry us back, beyond a doubt, into the far-away dim history of
+primitive Latium. By the time the eternal city was founded on the Tiber,
+he must have been already practically obsolete. My suggestion is that he
+is the representative in the Roman religious system of another and more
+primitive system which existed in Latium, probably at Alba, where
+Jupiter was worshipped on the mountain from time immemorial. When the
+strength of Latium was concentrated at the best strategical point on the
+Tiber, the priest of Jupiter was transferred to the new city, because he
+was too "precious" to be left behind, though even then a relic of
+antiquity. There he became what he was throughout Roman history, a
+practically useless personage, about whom certain sacred traditions had
+gathered, but placed in complete subjection to the new legal and
+religious king, and afterwards to the Pontifex maximus.[218]
+
+If there be any truth in this--and I believe it to be a legitimate
+inference from the legal position of this Flamen, and his permanent
+state of taboo--then I think we may see a great religious change in the
+era of the "calendar of Numa." Inspired with new ideas of the duty and
+destiny of the new city of the four regions, a priest-king, doubtless
+with the help and advice of a council, according to the true Roman
+fashion, put an end for ever to the reign of the old magician-kingship,
+but preserved the magician-king as a being still capable of
+wonder-working in the eyes of the people. As religious law displaced
+magic in the State ritual, so the new kings, with their collegia of
+legal priests, pontifices and augurs, neutralised and gradually
+destroyed the prestige of the effete survivor of an age of barbarism.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE V.
+
+    [185] Kornemann, _op. cit._ p. 87; Wissowa, _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 230 foll.; Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_,
+    iii. p. 790, note 1. For the festival of the
+    Septimontium, Varro, _L.L._ vi. 24; Plutarch, _Quaest.
+    Rom._ 69; Fowler, _R.F._ p. 265 foll. This festival does
+    not appear in the calendar, as not being "feriae populi,
+    sed montanorum modo" (Varro, _l.c._). There are some
+    interesting remarks on the relation between agricultural
+    life and the origin of towns in von Jhering's _Evolution
+    of the Aryan_ (Eng. trans.), p. 86 foll., with special
+    reference to Rome.
+
+    [186] Von Duhn in _J.H.S._ xvi. 126 foll. The latest
+    research (Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._ "Etrusker," p.
+    747) concludes that the arrival of the Etruscans on the
+    west coast of Italy cannot be safely put earlier than
+    the eighth century.
+
+    [187] Hülsen-Jordan, _Rom. Topogr._ iii. 153. In a brief
+    but masterly paper in the publications of the _American
+    School at Rome_, 1908, p. 173 foll., J. B. Carter deals
+    with the whole problem of the pomoerium and the
+    pre-Servian city.
+
+    [188] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 27.
+
+    [189] In _C.I.L._ i.^2, p. 297 foll. See _R.F._ p. 14
+    foll.
+
+    [190] See the Fasti in _R.F._ p. 21 foll.; or in
+    Wissowa, _R.K._, at end of the book.
+
+    [191] _R.F._ p. 38 foll. Marindin's article "Salii,"
+    _Dict. of Antiqq._, is very useful and sensible. There
+    is little doubt that the dress and armour of the Salii
+    represented that of the primitive Latin warrior,
+    calculated to frighten away evil spirits as well as
+    enemies, and that their dances in procession had some
+    object of this kind. It is noticeable that there were
+    two gilds or collegia of them belonging to the Palatine
+    and Quirinal cities respectively; and they are also
+    found at Tibur, Alba, Lanuvium, and other Latin cities.
+
+    [192] Or 15th (Ides), according to the conjecture of
+    Wissowa; see _R.F._ p. 44 and _R.K._ p. 131. It is
+    almost incredible that this should originally have been
+    on a day of even number, contrary to the universal rule
+    of the Fasti.
+
+    [193] See below, p. 212 foll., for further consideration
+    of this so-called purification.
+
+    [194] _R.K._ p. 131.
+
+    [195] See below, p. 217.
+
+    [196] _R.K._ p. 131.
+
+    [197] _Popular Religion and Folklore of India_, ii. 51.
+    For the sacredness of the number three and its
+    multiples, see Diels, _Sibyllinische Blätter_, p. 40
+    foll.; but he limits it too much to chthonic religious
+    ritual. See also H. Usener, "Dreizahl," in _Rheinisches
+    Museum_, vol. 58, pp. 1 foll., 161 foll., and 321 foll.
+    There is a summary of the results of these papers in
+    Gruppe's _Mythologische Literatur_, 1898-1905, p. 360
+    foll. I may also refer to my friend Prof. Goudy's very
+    interesting _Trichotomy in Roman Law_ (Oxford, 1910), p.
+    8 foll.
+
+    [198] By von Domaszewski in _Archiv_ for 1907, p. 333
+    foll. The learned author's reasoning is often based on
+    mere hypotheses as to the meaning of the festivals or
+    the gods concerned in them, and his ideas as to the
+    agricultural features of the months July, August,
+    December seem to me doubtful; but the paper is one that
+    all students of the calendar must reckon with.
+
+    [199] Marquardt, _Privatleben_, pp. 459 and 569 foll.
+
+    [200] For the festivals mentioned in the following
+    paragraphs see _R.F._, _s.v._, and Wissowa, _R.K._,
+    section 63.
+
+    [201] "St. George and the Parilia," in _Revue des études
+    ethnographiques et sociologiques_ for Jan. 1908. I owe
+    my knowledge of this admirable study to the kindness of
+    its author.
+
+    [202] Frazer, _G.B._ ii. 318 foll.
+
+    [203] Varro, _L.L._ v. 64, says, "Ab _satu_ dictus
+    Saturnus." And in Augustine (_Civ. Dei_, vi. 8) he is
+    quoted as holding the opinion "quod pertineat Saturnus
+    ad semina, quae in terram de qua oriuntur iterum
+    recidunt." He was probably the _numen_ of the
+    seed-sowing (Saeturnus), and as his festival comes
+    after the end of sowing, we may presume that he was the
+    _numen_ of the sown as well as of the unsown seed. In
+    the article "Saturnus" in Roscher's _Lexicon_, which has
+    appeared since the above note was written, Wissowa
+    provisionally accepts Varro's etymology.
+
+    [204] Festus, p. 245a, "Publica sacra quae publico
+    sumptu pro populo fiunt, quaeque pro montibus, pagis,
+    curiis, sacellis." See article "Sacra" in _Dict. of
+    Antiqq._ ii. 577.
+
+    [205] "Routine is the only safeguard of a people under a
+    perfect autocracy" (_Select Charters_, Introduction, p.
+    19).
+
+    [206] The annalists believed that the publication first
+    took place in the year 304 B.C.: Livy ix. 46. Mommsen
+    (_Chronologie_, p. 31) thought it possible that it had
+    already been done by the Decemvirs in one of the two
+    last of the XII. Tables, but again withdrawn. The object
+    of keeping the Fasti secret was, of course, to control
+    the times available for legal and political business.
+
+    [207] This paragraph is abridged from a passage in the
+    author's paper in the _Hibbert Journal_ for 1907, p.
+    848.
+
+    [208] See _Anthropology and the Classics_ (Oxford,
+    1908), p. 44.
+
+    [209] _R.F._ p. 241 foll.
+
+    [210] Wissowa holds that it dates from the third century
+    B.C.: Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._, _s.v._ "Argei." I
+    endeavoured to refute this view in the _Classical
+    Review_ for 1902, p. 115 foll., and Dr. Wissowa
+    criticised my criticism in his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 222. It is dealt with at length in
+    _R.F._ p. 111 foll. See below, p. 321 foll.
+
+    [211] This is not exactly the view expressed in _R.F._
+    p. 315 foll., where I was inclined to adopt that of
+    Mannhardt that the laughing symbolised the return to
+    life after sacrificial death. I am now disposed to think
+    of it as parallel with the ecstasy of the Pythoness and
+    other inspired priests, or the shivering and convulsive
+    movements which denote that a human being is "possessed"
+    by a god or spirit. See Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 174.
+    Mannhardt's view seems, however, to gain support from
+    Pausanias' description of the ordeal he underwent
+    himself at the cave of Trophonius, after which he could
+    laugh again: Paus. ix. 39. See also Miss Harrison,
+    _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, p. 580.
+    Deubner in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 501.
+
+    [212] _R.F._ p. 109; Ov. _Fasti_, v. 421 foll. Ovid's
+    account is of a private rite in the house, as elsewhere
+    he tells us of things done by private persons on
+    festival days. We do not know whether there was any
+    public ritual for these days. For further discussion of
+    the contrast between the two festivals of the dead, see
+    below, Lect. XVII. p. 393.
+
+    [213] _G.B._ iii. 138 foll. The attempt to connect the
+    so-called Saturnalia of the army of the Danube in the
+    third century A.D. with the early practice of Roman
+    Saturnalia seems to me to fail entirely, even after
+    reading Prof. Cumont's paper in the _Revue de
+    philologie_, 1897, p. 133 foll. I should imagine that
+    Cumont would now admit that the Saturn who was
+    sacrificed on the Danube as described in the _Martyrdom
+    of St. Dasius_ must have been of Oriental origin, and
+    that the soldiers concerned were in no sense Roman or
+    Italian. For the hellenisation of the Saturnalia, see
+    Wissowa in Roscher's _Lexicon_, _s.v._ "Saturnus," p.
+    432. Wissowa, I may note, does not believe in the
+    accuracy of the account of the "Martyrdom."
+
+    [214] Nothing, that is, in the regular ritual of the
+    Roman State--except in so far as the killing of a
+    criminal who was _sacer_ to a god can be so regarded;
+    and the only instance of any kind that can be quoted is
+    that of the two pairs of Gaulish and Greek men and women
+    who in the stress of the second Punic war and afterwards
+    were buried alive, as it was said, in the Forum Boarium.
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 355 and notes. I shall return to this
+    in Lecture XIV.
+
+    [215] The earliest mention of the slaying of a victim
+    (_bestiarius_) to Jupiter is in Minucius Felix, _Octav._
+    22 and 30, _i.e._ towards the end of the second century
+    A.D. or even later. Cp. Tertull. _Apol._ 9, Lactantius
+    i. 21. I do not go so far as to say with Wissowa (p.
+    109, note 3) that this story is "ganz gewiss apokryph,"
+    but I take it as simply a case of degeneracy under the
+    influence of the amphitheatre and of Orientalism.
+
+    [216] For Numa see Schwegler, _Rom. Gesch._ i. 551 foll.
+
+    [217] See Dr. Frazer's most recent account of this
+    subject, in his _Lectures on the Early History of the
+    Kingship_, chaps, iii.-v. Prof. Ridgeway's idea that the
+    Flamen Dialis was really a Numan institution is of
+    course simply impossible, and the arguments he founds on
+    it fall to the ground. Ovid, probably reflecting Varro,
+    speaks of the Flamen Dialis as belonging to the
+    Pelasgian religion, which at least means that he was
+    aware of the extreme antiquity of the office; _Fasti_,
+    ii. 281. Dr. Döllinger (_The Gentile and the Jew_, vol.
+    ii. p. 72) with his usual insight was inclined to see
+    in this Flamen the "ruins of an older system of
+    ceremonial ordinances."
+
+    [218] He was _sui iuris_ (Gaius i. 130), as soon as he
+    was chosen or taken (_captus_) by the Pontifex maximus;
+    but he was subject to the authority of the P.M., like
+    all the other flamines and the Vestals. See Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 438; Tac. _Ann._ iv. 16.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE VI
+
+THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
+
+
+We must now turn our attention to what is the most difficult part of our
+subject, the ideas of the early Romans about "the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe." In my first lecture I indicated in outline what
+the difficulties are which beset us all through our studies; they are in
+no part of it so insurmountable as in this. Material fails us, because
+there was no contemporary literature; because the Romans were not a
+thinking people, and probably thought very little about the divine
+beings whom they propitiated; and again, because comparative religion,
+as it is called, is of scant value in such a study. We have to try and
+get rid of our own ideas about God or gods, to keep our minds free of
+Greek ideas and mythology, and, in fact, to abstain from bringing the
+ideas of any other peoples to bear upon the question until we are pretty
+sure that we have some sort of understanding of those Roman ideas with
+which we are tempted to compare them. The first duty of the student of
+any system of religion is to study that religion in and by itself. As M.
+S. Reinach observed in an address at the Congress for the History of
+Religions at Oxford, it is time that we began to attend to differences
+as well as similarities; and this can only be done by the conscientious
+use of such materials as are available for the study of each particular
+religion.
+
+The only materials available in the case of the earliest Rome are (1)
+the calendar which I was explaining in the last lecture, which gives us
+the names of the festivals of the religious year; (2) the names of the
+deities concerned in these festivals, so far as we know them from later
+additions to the calendar, from Roman literature, and from evidence,
+chiefly epigraphical, of the names of deities among kindred Italian
+peoples; (3) the fragments of information, now most carefully collected
+and sifted, about what the Romans did in the worship of their deities.
+The names and order of the festivals, the names of the deities
+themselves, the cult, or detail of worship, including priesthoods and
+holy places,--these are the only real materials we possess, and our only
+safe guides. To trust to legends is fatal, because such legends as there
+were in Italy were never written down until the Greeks turned their
+attention to them, colouring them with their own fancy and with
+reminiscences of their own mythology. For example, no sane investigator
+would now make use of the famous story told by Ovid and Plutarch about
+Numa's interview with Jupiter, and the astute way in which he deceived
+the god, as an illustration of the Roman's ideas of the divine; we know
+that it can be traced back to the greatest liar among all Roman
+annalists,[219] that it was in part derived from a Greek story, and in
+part invented to explain a certain piece of ritual, the _procuratio
+fulminis_. Even what was done in the cult must be handled with knowledge
+and discretion. Dr. Frazer has a theory that the Roman kings personated
+Jupiter, and uses as evidence of this the fact that in the triumph the
+triumphator was dressed after the fashion of the statue of the god in
+the Capitoline temple, with his face reddened with _minium_: forgetting
+that the temple, its cult and its statue, all date from the very end of
+the period of the kingship, and were the work of an Etruscan monarch,
+almost beyond doubt. There may be truth in his theory, but this is not
+the way to prove it; this is not the way to arrive at a true
+understanding of Roman religious ideas.
+
+What did the old Romans know about the nature of the objects of their
+worship? All religion is in its development a process of gaining such
+knowledge: if it makes no progress it is doomed. It is because the Jews
+made such wonderful progress in this path, in spite of formalism and
+backsliding, that they were chosen to produce a Teacher whose life and
+doctrine revealed the will and the nature of His Father for the eternal
+benefit of mankind. The fear of the Lord is imperfect knowledge, it is
+but the beginning of wisdom; but it could become, in a Jew like St.
+Paul, the perfect knowledge of His will. It may seem absurd to think of
+two such religions as the Jewish and the Roman side by side; but the
+absurdity vanishes when we begin to understand the humble beginnings of
+the Jewish religion as scientific research has already laid it bare.
+Knowledge of the Power manifesting itself in the universe is open to all
+peoples alike, and some few have made much progress in it beside the
+Jews. The Romans were not among these, at any rate in all the later
+stages of their history; but we have to ask how far they got in the
+process, and later on again to ask also why they could go no
+farther.[220]
+
+We have seen how one great forward step in the attainment of this
+knowledge was made in the religion of the household, when the house had
+become a kind of temple, being the dwelling of divine as well as human
+beings, and when the cultivated land had been separated by a sacred
+boundary from the mountain or forest beyond, with their wild and unknown
+spiritual inhabitants. We met, however, with nothing in the house or on
+the land that we can properly call a god, if we may use that word for
+the moment in the sense of a personality as well as a name, and a
+personality perfectly distinct from the object in which it resides.
+Vesta seems to be the fire, Penates the store, or at least spirits
+undistinguishable from the substance composing the store. But inasmuch
+as the farmer knew how to serve these spirits and address them, looking
+upon them as friends and co-habitants of his own dwelling, we may go so
+far as to guess that they were somewhat advanced in their career as
+spirits, and might possibly develop into powers of a more definite kind,
+if not into gods, real _dei_ conceived as persons.[221] In other
+words--for it is better to keep as far as we can to the subjective or
+psychological aspect of them--the Roman might realise the Power better
+by getting to think of his nameless spirits as _dei_ at work for his
+benefit if rightly propitiated. There are some signs in the calendar and
+the other sources I mentioned just now that such a process had been
+going on before the State arose; and it is certain that the whole field
+of divine operation had been greatly widened by that time, as we might
+expect from the enlarged sphere of man's experience and activity.
+
+The deities originally belonging to the city of the four regions, _i.e._
+to the city of the calendar of Numa, were known to Roman antiquarians as
+_di indigetes_, in contra-distinction from the _di novensiles_ or
+imported deities, with which at present we have nothing to do. On the
+basis of the calendar, and of the names of the most ancient priesthoods
+attached to particular cults, the Rex and the Flamines, Wissowa (_R.K._
+p. 16) has constructed a list of these _di indigetes_ which may be
+accepted without any further reservation than he himself applies to it.
+They are thirty-three in number, but in two cases we have groups instead
+of individuals, viz. the Lares and the Lemures: the plurality of the
+Lares (_compitales_) we have already explained, and the Lemures, the
+ghosts of departed ancestors, we may also for the present leave out of
+account. Others are too obscure to help us, _e.g._ Carna, Angerona,
+Furrina, Neptunus, Volturnus,[222] except in so far as their very
+obscurity, and the neglect into which they and their cults fell in later
+times, is proof that they were not thought of as lively personal
+deities. Then, again, there are others whose names are suggested by
+certain festivals, Terminus, Fons, Robigus, who seem to be simply
+survivals from the animistic period--spirits inherent in the
+boundary-stone, the spring, or the mildew, and incapable of further
+development in the new conditions of city life. Faunus, the rural
+semi-deity, perhaps representing a group of such beings, appears in the
+list as the deity of the Lupercalia; but this is a point in which I
+cannot agree with Wissowa and the majority of modern authorities.[223]
+
+We are struck, as we examine the list further, by the adjectival
+character of many of the names--Neptunus, Portunus, Quirinus, Saturnus,
+Volcanus, Volturnus: these are not proper names, but clearly express
+some character or function exercised by the power or _numen_ to whom the
+name is given. Saturnus is the most familiar example; the word suggests
+no personality, but rather a sphere of operations (whether we take the
+name as referring to sowing or to seed maturing in the soil) in which a
+certain _numen_ is helpful. Saturnus, Volcanus, Neptunus were indeed
+identified later on with Greek gods of a ripe polytheistic system, and
+have thus become quite familiar to us, far too familiar for a right
+understanding of early Roman ideas. We might naturally expect that the
+identification of Saturnus with Kronos, of Neptunus with Poseidon, would
+give us some clue to the original Roman conception of the _numen_ thus
+Graecised, but it is not so. Neptunus may have had some connection with
+water, rain, or springs, but we have no real proof of it, and it is
+impossible to say why Saturnus became Kronos.[224] The only certain
+result that we can win from the study of these adjectival titles is that
+they represent a transition between animism and polytheism, a transition
+exactly expressed by the one word _numen_.
+
+_Numen_ is so important a word in the Roman religion that it is
+necessary to be perfectly clear as to what was meant by it. It must be
+formed from _nuere_ as _flumen_ from _fluere_, with a sense of activity
+inherent in the verb. As _flumen_ is that which actively flows, so
+_numen_ is that which actively does whatever we understand by the word
+_nuere_; and so far as we can determine, that was a manifestation of
+will. _Adnuere_ is to consent, to give your good will to some act
+proposed or completed, and is often so used of Jupiter in the _Aeneid_.
+_Nuere_ should therefore express a simple exercise of will-power, and
+_numen_ is the being exercising it. In time it came to be used for the
+will of a god as distinct from himself, as in the fourth _Aeneid_
+(269)--
+
+  ipse deum tibi me claro demittit Olympo
+  regnator, caelum ac terras qui numine torquet.
+
+Or in the fourth _Eclogue_ (47)--
+
+  concordes stabili fatorum numine Parcae,
+
+where Servius explains it as "potestate, divinatione, ac maiestate." But
+beyond doubt this use is a product of the literary age, and the word
+originally indicated the being himself who exercised the will--a sense
+familiar to us in the opening lines of the _Aeneid_ ("quo numine laeso")
+and in innumerable other passages. Thus von Domaszewski in his collected
+papers (p. 157) is undoubtedly right in defining a _numen_ as a being
+with a will--"ein wollendes Wesen"; though his account of its evolution,
+and of the way in which in its turn it may produce a _deus_, may be open
+to criticism.
+
+The word thus suggests that the Roman divine beings were functional
+spirits with will-power, their functions being indicated by their
+adjectival names. Proper names they had not as a rule, but they are
+getting cult-titles under the influence of a priesthood, which titles
+may in time perhaps attain to something of the definiteness of
+substantival names. This indeed could hardly have been so in the mind of
+the ordinary Roman even at a later age; and it is quite possible that if
+an intelligent Greek traveller of the sixth century B.C. had given an
+account of the gods of Rome,[225] he would have said, as Strabo said of
+an Iberian people in the time of Augustus, that they were without gods,
+or worshipped gods without names. But the name, even as a cult-title, is
+of immense importance in the development of a spirit into a deity, and
+in most cases, at any rate at Rome, it was the work of officials, of a
+state priesthood, not of the people. To address a deity rightly was
+matter of no small difficulty: how were you to know how he would wish
+to be addressed? Servius tells us that the pontifices addressed even
+Jupiter himself thus: "Iupiter optime maxime, _sive quo alio nomine te
+appellari volueris_." On the other hand, in the same comment he tells us
+that "iure pontificio cautum est, ne suis nominibus di Romani
+appellarentur, ne exaugurari possent," _i.e._ lest they should be
+enticed away from the city by enemies. This last statement seems indeed
+to me to be a doubtful one,[226] but it will serve to illustrate the
+nervousness about divine names, of which there is no doubt whatever. We
+know for certain that those religious lawyers the pontifices were
+greatly occupied with the task of drawing up lists of names by which
+_numina_ should be invoked,--formularising the ritual of prayer, as we
+shall see in another lecture; and this must have become at one time
+almost a craze with them, to judge by the lists of Indigitamenta
+preserved in their books, to which Varro had access, and which were
+copied from him by St. Augustine.[227] But after all it needed the
+stimulus given by actual contact with a polytheistic system to turn a
+Roman numen into a full-fledged personal deity: the pontifices might
+carry the process some way, but they never could have completed it
+themselves without the help of the Greeks.
+
+One deity seems to stand alone in the list--Tellus or Terra Mater,
+Mother Earth.[228] We are coming directly to the great deity of the
+heaven, and we might naturally expect that an agricultural folk would be
+much concerned with her who is his counterpart among so many peoples.
+She does not give her name to any of the festivals of the calendar; but
+at one of them, the Fordicidia in April, at a time when the earth is
+teeming with mysterious power, and when the festivals are of a
+peculiarly agricultural character, she has her own special sacrifice--a
+pregnant cow, whose young are torn from her womb, burnt by the _Virgo
+vestalis maxima_, and their ashes used in certain mystic rites, _e.g._
+at the Parilia which followed on the 21st.[229] She seems to have had
+her function in human life as well; but about this we are much in the
+dark in spite of Dieterich's attempts to elucidate it in his _Mutter
+Erde_.[230] Whether she played a part at the birth of a child we cannot
+be sure; but at marriage there is little doubt that she was originally
+an object of worship, though in later days she gave way before Ceres and
+Juno.[231] And as at death the body was laid in her embrace, we are not
+surprised to find her prominent here also: she was the home of the dead
+whether buried or burnt, and of the whole mass of the Manes. We shall
+presently see how a Roman commander might devote himself and the whole
+army of the enemy to Tellus and the Manes; and it is interesting to find
+that a similar formula of _devotio_, of later date, combines Tellus with
+Jupiter, the speaker touching the ground when he mentions her name, and
+holding his hands upwards to heaven when he names the god.[232] Very
+curious, too, is the rite of the _porca praecidanea_, which in
+historical times was offered to Ceres as well as Tellus immediately
+before harvest; in case a man had wittingly or unwittingly omitted to
+pay the proper rites (_iusta facere_) to his own dead, it was his duty
+to make this offering, lest as a result of the neglect the earth-power
+should not yield him a good harvest.[233] Originally, we need hardly
+doubt, Tellus was alone concerned in this; but Ceres, who at all times
+represented rather the ripening and ripened corn than the seed in the
+bosom of the earth, gradually took her place beside her, and the idea
+gained ground that the offering was more immediately concerned with the
+harvest than with the Manes.[234] When Cato wrote his book on
+agriculture, he included in it the proper formula for this sacrifice,
+without any indication that Tellus or the Manes had any part in the
+business.[235] Tellus was not a deity whose life would be vigorous in a
+busy City-state destined gradually to lose its agricultural outlook;
+there the supply of grain, from whatever quarter it might come, was a
+far more important matter than the process of producing it, and it was
+natural that Ceres and her April festival should become more popular
+than Tellus and her Fordicidia, and that the Cerealia should eventually
+develop into _ludi_ of no less than eight days' duration. Yet Tellus
+survived in such forms as that of the _devotio_; and even under the
+Empire we find her as Terra on sepulchral monuments, _e.g._--
+
+  ereptam viro et matri mater me Terra recepit,
+
+or
+
+  terra mater rerum quod dedit ipsa teget.
+
+And there is a curious story, noticed by Wissowa and by Dieterich after
+him, that on the death of Tiberius the plebs shouted not only "Tiberius
+in Tiberim," but "Terram matrem deosque Manes," in order that his lot
+might be among the _impii_ beneath the earth.[236]
+
+So far we have met with nothing to suggest that the Roman idea of
+divinity had passed much beyond an advanced type of animism; we have
+found little or no trace of personal deities of a polytheistic cast.
+There is, however, a fact of importance now to be considered, which has
+some bearing upon this difficult subject. Some of the _numina_ of the
+calendar had special priests attached to their cults; _e.g._ among those
+I have already mentioned, Volcanus, Furrina, Portunus, and Volturnus, to
+which we may now add Pales, Flora, Carmenta, Pomona, and a wholly
+unknown deity, Falacer. These nine all had flamines, a word which is
+generally derived from _flare_, _i.e._ they were the kindlers of the
+sacrificial fire.[237] Sacrificing priests they undoubtedly always were,
+each limited to the sacrificial rites of a particular cult, unless
+authorised by religious law to undertake those of some other deity whose
+name he did not bear, and who was destitute, like Robigus, of a priest
+of his own.[238] We have no certain evidence that all these flamines
+were of high antiquity; but those attached to deities of the calendar
+were probably of earlier origin than that document, and as we have no
+record of the creation of a new flaminium in historical times until the
+era of Caesar-worship, it is fair to conclude that the others I have
+mentioned were not younger.
+
+Now what bearing has this fact on the question as to how the early
+Romans conceived the objects of their worship? There are, of course,
+so-called priests all the world over, even among the lowest fetishistic
+and animistic peoples, who exercise power over the various kinds of
+spirits by potent charms and spells; these should rather be called
+wizards, medicine-men, magicians, and so on.[239] But the flamines as we
+know them were not such; they were officials of a State, entrusted with
+the performance of definite ritualistic duties, more particularly with
+sacrifice, and therefore, as we may assume from universal Roman practice
+so far as we know it, also with prayer. If they did not actually slay
+the victims themselves--and in historical times this was done by an
+assistant--they superintended the whole process and were responsible for
+its correct performance.[240] Does the existence of such priests come
+into relation with the development of the idea of a _deus_ out of a
+numen or a spirit? What is the influence of the sacrificing priest on
+the divinity whom he serves? This last is a question to which it is not
+easy to find a ready answer; the history of priesthood, and of the moral
+and intellectual results of the institution, has yet to be written. Even
+Dr. Westermarck, in his recently published great work on the development
+of moral ideas, has little to say of it. It is greatly complicated by
+the undoubted fact that among many peoples, perhaps to some extent even
+among the Latins, the earliest real priests had a tendency to personate
+the deity themselves, to be considered as the deity, or in some sense
+divine.[241] But in regard to Roman priests we may, I think, go at least
+as far as this. When a spirit was named and localised as a friendly
+being at a particular spot within the walls of the city, which is made
+over to him, and where he has his _ara_; when the ritual performed at
+this spot is laid down in definite detail, and undertaken by an
+individual appointed for this purpose by the head of the community with
+solemn ceremony; then the spirit, hitherto but vaguely conceived, must
+in course of time become individualised. The priestly if not the popular
+conception of him is fixed; there is now no question who he is or how he
+should be called; "quis deus incertum est"[242] can no longer be said of
+him. Once provided with a flamen and an ordered cult of sacrifice and
+prayer, I conceive that he had now in him the possibility of turning
+into a _deus_ personally conceived, if he came by the chance.[243] A few
+did get the chance; others did not; Volcanus, for example, became a god
+after the model of the Greek Hephaestus, while Volturnus remained a
+numen and made no further progress, though he was doubtless ready to
+"take" the Graecising epidemic when it came. I do not say that he or any
+other numen was the better for the change. But I must not now pursue the
+story of this strange double fate of the old Roman deities; I have
+perhaps said enough to show that city life, with its priesthoods and its
+ordered ritual, had some appreciable effect on the deities who were
+admitted to it.
+
+Among these deities there were four of whom I have as yet said nothing
+at all, though they are the most famous of all the divine inhabitants of
+Rome. I have mentioned nine flamines; there were in all twelve, and
+besides these there was in historical times a priest known as the _rex
+sacrorum_, the republican successor to some of the religious functions
+of the civil king. This rex, and the three _flamines maiores_, so called
+in contra-distinction to the other nine, were specially attached to the
+cults of Janus, Jupiter (_Flamen Dialis_), Mars (_Flamen Martialis_),
+and Quirinus (_Flamen Quirinalis_). I have kept these deities apart from
+the others already mentioned, not only because their priests stand apart
+from the rest, but because they themselves seem from the first to have
+been more really gods (_dei_); Quirinus is the only one who has an
+adjectival name. Two of them, Jupiter and Mars, remained throughout
+Roman history of real importance to the State, and in Jupiter there were
+at least some germs of possible development into a deity capable of
+influencing conduct and enforcing morality. Of Janus this cannot
+possibly be said; and as he is historically the least important of the
+four, I will begin by saying a few words about him as a puzzle and a
+curiosity only.
+
+Janus, ever since he ceased to be an intelligible deity, has been the
+sport of speculators; and this happened long before the Roman religion
+came to an end. In the last century B.C. philosophic writers about the
+gods got hold of him, and Varro tells us that some made him out to be
+the heaven, others the universe (_mundus_).[244] Ovid amused himself
+with this uncertainty of the philosophers, and in the first book of his
+_Fasti_ "interviewed" the god, whose answers are unluckily of little
+value for us.[245] At various times and in different hands Janus has
+been pronounced a sun-god, a heaven-god, a year-god, a wind-god; and now
+a Cambridge school of speculators, to whose learning I am in many ways
+indebted, has claimed him as an oak-god, the mate of Diana, the Jupiter
+of aboriginal Latium, and so on.[246] We have fortunately long left
+behind us the age when it was thought necessary to resolve the Greek and
+Roman gods into personifications of natural phenomena, and to try to
+explain all their attributes on one principle; but my learned friends at
+Cambridge have of late been showing a tendency to return to methods not
+less dangerous; they hanker, for example, after etymological evidence,
+which in the case of deities is almost sure to be misleading unless it
+is absolutely certain, and supported by the history of the name. This is
+unluckily not the case with Janus; his etymology is matter of
+dispute,[247] and he is therefore open, and always will be so, to the
+inquirer who is hunting a scent, and more concerned to prove a point
+than to discover what the early Romans really thought about a god. In
+this lecture I am but humbly trying to do this last, and I may therefore
+leave etymology, with the mythology and philosophy of a later age, and
+confine myself to such facts of the cult of Janus as are quite
+undisputed. They will admit of being put together very shortly.
+
+The first and leading fact is that Janus was the first deity to be
+addressed in all prayers and invocations; of this we have abundant
+evidence, as also of the corresponding fact that Vesta came last.[248]
+Secondly, we know that he was the object of worship on the Kalends of
+January, and probably of every month, and that the sacrificing priest
+was in this case the _rex sacrorum_. Thirdly, we know that he had no
+temple until the year 260 B.C., but that he was associated with the
+famous gateway at the north-east end of the Forum--not a gate in the
+wall, but a symbolic entrance to the heart of the city, as the round
+temple of Vesta at the opposite end, with its eternal fire, was symbolic
+of the common life of the community. Fourthly, we know a few cult-titles
+of Janus, among them Clusius (or Clusivius), and Patulcius, in which the
+connection with gates is obvious; Junonius, which may have originated in
+the fact that Juno also was worshipped on the Kalends; Matutinus, which
+seems to be a late reference to the dawn as the opening or gate of the
+day, and Quirinus, which last is also almost certainly of late origin.
+Clusius and Patulcius are genuine old titles, if the text of the Salian
+hymn is rightly interpreted; so too is another, Curiatius, for it was
+used of the god only as residing in an ancient gateway near the Subura
+called the _tigillum sororium_.[249] These are all the most important
+facts we have to go upon; the double head of Janus on the earliest Roman
+_as_ is of uncertain origin, and Wissowa seems to have conclusively
+shown that this representation was not admitted to the gate called Janus
+Geminus until towards the close of the republican period.[250] The
+connection of the god with the fortress on the hill across the Tiber,
+which still bears his name, admits of no quite satisfactory explanation.
+
+Now if we recall the fact that the entrance to the house and the
+entrance to a city were points of great moment, and the cause of
+constant anxiety to the early Italian mind, we may naturally infer that
+they would be in the care of some particular numen, and that his
+worship would be in the care of the head of the family or community--in
+the case of the city, in the care of the _rex_, whose duties of this
+kind were afterwards taken over by the priest called _rex sacrorum_. The
+fact that the word for an entrance was _ianus_ confirms this conjecture;
+Janus was perhaps the spirit guarding the entrance to the real wall of
+the earliest city, but when the city was enlarged in the age from which
+the calendar dates, a symbolic gateway was set up where you entered the
+forum from the direction of Latium, answering to the symbolic hearth in
+the _aedes Vestae_, and this very naturally took the name of the deity
+associated with entrances. Two other _iani_ probably existed in the
+forum, and the name was later on transferred as a substantive to similar
+objects in Roman colonies, while a feminine form, _ianua_, came to be
+used for ordinary house entrances.[251] Whether there ever was a cult of
+the god at the real gateway of a city we do not know; there was none at
+the symbolic gateway of Rome, which was in no sense a temple. But the
+idea of entrance stuck to the old spirit of the doorway long after the
+reconstruction of the city, and the rex now sacrifices to him on the
+entrance-day of each month, and more particularly on the entrance-day of
+the month which bears his name and is the beginning of the natural year
+after the winter solstice. This is the best account to be had of the
+original Janus,[252] a deity, let it be remembered, of a simple
+agricultural and warlike people, without literature or philosophy. But
+it is not difficult to see how, when philosophy and literature did at
+last come in a second-hand form to this people, they might well have
+overlaid with cobwebs of story and speculation a deity for whom they had
+no longer any real use, who was best known to them by the mysterious
+double-head on the _as_ and the gateway, and for whom they could find no
+conclusive parallel among the gods of Greece.
+
+Next in order of invocation to Janus came Jupiter, and his priest, the
+Flamen Dialis, was likewise the second in rank, according to ancient
+rule, after the _rex sacrorum_. Unlike Janus, Jupiter (to use the
+spelling familiar in England) was at all times a great power for the
+Roman people, and one who could be all the more valued because he was
+intelligible. No one doubted then, and no one doubts now, that he was
+the god of the light and of heaven, _Diovis pater_, or rather perhaps
+the heaven itself[253] with all its manifestations of rain and thunder,
+of blessing and damage to the works of man; the common inheritance of
+the Italian peoples, dwelling and worshipped in their woods and on their
+hills; and, as we know now, also the common inheritance of all Aryan
+stocks, the "European Sky-god," as Mr. A. B. Cook has traced him with
+learning and ingenuity from the Euxine to Britain.[254]
+
+Jupiter must have had a long and important history in Latium before the
+era of the Roman City-state; Dr. Frazer has seen this, and set it forth
+in his lectures on the early history of the kingship, though basing his
+conclusions on evidence much of which will not bear a close
+examination.[255] The one substantial proof of it lies in the unique and
+truly extraordinary character of the taboos placed on his flamen, and to
+some extent on the flamen's wife, by the Roman _ius divinum_. Even if we
+suppose that some of these may have been later inventions of an
+ecclesiastical college like the pontifices (and this is hardly
+probable), many of them are obviously of remote antiquity, and can only
+have originated at a time when the magical power of the man responsible
+for the conduct of Jupiter was so precious that it had to be safeguarded
+in these many curious ways. I have already suggested that the scene of
+the early paramount importance of Jupiter and his flamen, in that age
+perhaps a king of some kind, was Alba Longa, which by universal
+tradition was the leading city of Latium before Rome rose to importance,
+and where the sky-god was worshipped on his holy mountain as the
+religious centre of Latium from the earliest times. I have also
+suggested that when the new warlike city on the Tiber took the place of
+Alba, the worship was transferred thither, but lost its strength in the
+process, and that the flamen was little more than a survival even in the
+most primitive period of what we may call for the moment Roman history.
+This can be accounted for by the fact that the traditions of primitive
+Rome were connected much more closely with Mars than with Jupiter. Not
+till Etruscan kings founded the great temple on the Capitol, which was
+to endure throughout all later ages of Roman dominion, did the sky-god
+become the supreme guardian deity of his people, under the titles of
+Optimus Maximus, the best and greatest of all her deities.
+
+But Jupiter was there; and we know certain facts of his cult which give
+us a pretty clear idea of what the Romans of the pre-Etruscan period
+thought about him. In the calendar all Ides belonged to him, were
+_feriae Iovis_;[256] he seems to be the source of light, whether of sun
+or moon, for neither of which the Romans had any special divinity; in
+the hymn of the Salii he is addressed as Lucetius, the giver or source
+of light. The festivals of the vintage belonged to him, since the
+production of wine specially needed the aid of sun and light, and his
+flamen was employed in the cult on these occasions.[257] When rain was
+sorely needed, the aid of the sky-god was sought under the cult-title
+Elicius, and as Fulgur or Summanus[258] he was the Power who sent the
+lightning by day and by night. The ideas thus reflected in the Roman
+cult were common to all Italian peoples of the same stock; everywhere we
+find him worshipped on the summits of hills, and in woods of oak, ilex,
+or beech,[259] where nothing but the trees he loved intervened between
+the heaven and the earth.
+
+His oldest cult at Rome was on the Capitoline hill, but at all times
+quite distinct from that which became so famous afterwards; he was known
+here as Feretrius, a cult-title of which the meaning is uncertain,[260]
+and here, so far as we can guess, there must have been an ancient oak
+regarded either as the dwelling of the numen or as the numen himself,
+upon which Romulus is said to have hung the _spolia opima_ taken from
+the king of the Caeninenses;[261] here we may see the earliest trace of
+the triumphal procession that was to be. Doubtless an _ara_ was here
+from the first, and then followed a tiny temple, only fifteen feet wide
+as Dionysius describes it from personal knowledge in the time of
+Augustus,[262] who restored it. There was no image of the god, but in
+the temple was kept a _silex_, probably a stone celt believed to have
+been a thunderbolt;[263] this stone the Fetiales took with them on their
+official journeys, and used it in the oath, _per Iovem lapidem_, with
+which they ratified their treaties. As the Romans thought of Jupiter,
+not as a personal deity living in the sky like Zeus, but rather as the
+heaven itself, so they could think of him as immanent in this stone,
+_Iuppiter lapis_. And the use of the flint in treaty-making suggests
+another aspect of the god, which he retained in one way or another
+throughout Roman history; it is his sanction that is called in to the
+aid of moral and legal obligations, resulting from treaties, oaths, and
+contracts such as that of marriage. As Dius Fidius he was invoked in the
+common Roman oath _medius fidius_; as Farreus (if this were an old
+cult-title) he gave his sanction to the solemn contract entered into in
+the ancient form of marriage by _confarreatio_, where his flamen had to
+be present, and where in all probability the cake of _far_ was eaten as
+a kind of sacrament by the parties to the covenant.[264] In much of this
+it is tempting to see, as we can see nowhere else in the Roman religion,
+faint traces of a feeling about the heaven-god brought from a remote
+pastoral life under the open sky, where neither forest nor mountain
+intervened to shelter man from the great Presence;[265] and it is also
+tempting to think that there was here, even for Latins who had learnt to
+worship Jupiter under the form of stocks and stones in the land of their
+final settlement, some chance of the development of a deity "making for
+righteousness."
+
+Third and fourth in the order of invocation came Mars and Quirinus, and
+the same order held good for their flamines. These two priests may have
+been subject to some of the taboos which restricted the Flamen
+Dialis;[266] they too, that is, may have been to some extent precious,
+and have been endowed in a lost period of history with magical powers;
+but if so, the memory and importance of such disabilities was rapidly
+forgotten in the City-state, and they were early allowed to fill civil
+offices, a privilege which the Dialis did not attain till the second
+century B.C.[267] Of the sacrificial duties of the Martialis we know
+nothing for certain, and can get no help from him as to the ideas of the
+early Romans about their great deity Mars.
+
+Mars is in some ways the most interesting of all the Roman deities; but
+except as the familiar war-god of Roman history he remains a somewhat
+doubtful conception. Like Jupiter and Janus he has attained to a real
+name; but of that name, which in various forms is still so often on our
+lips, no convincing account has ever been given. Comparative mythology
+used to be much occupied with him, and he has been compared with Indra,
+Apollo, Odin, and others. But as M. Reinach said, it is time to attend
+more closely to differences; and Mars seems to stand best by himself, as
+a genuine Italian religious conception. His name is found all over
+ancient Italy in various forms--Mavors, Mamers, Marmor, and as Cerfus
+Martius at Iguvium. His wild and warlike character, his association with
+the wolf and the spear, seem to suggest the struggle for existence that
+must have gone on among the tribes that pushed down into a peninsula of
+rugged mountain and dense forest, abounding with the wolves which are
+not yet wholly extinct there. Whether or no his antecedents are to be
+found in other lands, we shall not be far wrong in assuming that the
+Roman Mars was the product of life and experience in Italy, and Italy
+only.
+
+There is an excellent general account of him in Roscher's article in
+his _Lexicon_, which, like that on Janus, has the advantage of being the
+result of a second elaborate study, free from the enticements of the
+comparative method. What we know for certain about his cult at Rome in
+early times can be very briefly stated. First, we have the striking fact
+that he is conspicuous, together with the Lares, in the _carmen_ which
+has come down to us as sung by the Arval Brethren in their lustration of
+the cultivated land of the Roman city:[268] "Neve luerve Marmor sins
+incurrere in pleores, satur fu fere Mars!" One is naturally inclined to
+ask how this wild and warlike spirit can have anything to do with
+cultivation and crops. But there is no mistake; the connection is
+confirmed by the fact that he is also the chief object of invocation in
+the private _lustratio_ of the farm, which Cato has preserved for
+us.[269] In each case the victims are the same, the _suovetaurilia_ of
+ox, sheep, and pig, the farmer's most valuable property. Again, let us
+remember that the month which bears his name is that not only of the
+opening of the war season, but of the springing up of vegetation, and
+that the dances and singing of the Salii at this time may probably have
+been meant, like similar performances of savage peoples,[270] to
+frighten away evil demons from the precious cultivated land and its
+growing produce, and to call on the Power to wake to new life. The clue
+to the mystery is perhaps to be found in the cult-title Silvanus which
+we find in the prayer set down by Cato as proper for the protection of
+the cattle when they are on their summer pasture (_in silva_): "Marti
+Silvano in silva interdius in capita singula boum facito."[271] We know
+that wealth in early Italy consisted chiefly of sheep and cattle; we
+know that these were taken in the warm months, as they still are, into
+the forest (_saltus_) to feed;[272] and from this passage of Cato we
+know that Mars was there. It is only going one step farther if we
+conjecture that Mars, like Silvanus, who may have been an offshoot of
+his own being, was for the early settler never a peaceful inhabitant of
+the farm or the dwelling, but a spirit of the woodland of great
+importance for the cattle-owner, and of great importance, too, in all
+circumambulation of the boundaries which divided the woodland from the
+cultivated land.[273]
+
+But with conjecture I deal on principle but sparingly. It is time to
+turn to the Mars of the City-state of Rome; and it is at once
+interesting to find that until the age of Augustus, who introduced a new
+form of Mars-worship, he had no temple within the walls, and even
+outside only two _fana_, one an altar in his own field the Campus
+Martius, the other a temple dedicated in 388 B.C. outside the Porta
+Capena. "He was always worshipped outside the city," says Dr. J. B.
+Carter in his _Religion of Numa_, "as a god who must be kept at a
+distance." Should we not rather say that the god was unwilling to come
+within those sacred boundaries encircling the works of man? So stated,
+we may see in this singular fact a reminiscence of the time when Mars
+was really the wild spirit of the "outland," where wolves and human
+enemies might be met with; he was perhaps in some sense a _hostis_, a
+stranger, like the many other deities originally strange to Rome who,
+until the second Punic war, were never allowed to settle within the
+sacred precincts.[274] In one sense, however, Mars was actually resident
+in the very heart of the city. In a _sacrarium_ or chapel of the
+regia,[275] the ancient dwelling of the king, were kept the spears and
+shields which the Salii carried in their processions in March and
+October; and that the deity was believed to be there too must be
+inferred from the fact, if it be correctly stated by Servius, that the
+consul who was about to take the field entered the chapel and shook
+these spears and shields together, saying, "Mars vigila." I am, however,
+rather disposed to think that this practice belongs to a time when Mars
+was more distinctly recognised as a god of war, and when the weapons of
+the Salii were thought of rather as symbols of his activity than as
+objects in which he was immanent.[276]
+
+These are the salient facts in the oldest cult of Mars, and they are
+entirely in keeping with all we know of the early history and economy
+of the Roman people--a people economically dependent on agriculture, and
+especially on cattle-breeding, living in settlements in the midst of a
+wilder country, and constantly liable to the attacks of enemies who
+might raid their cattle and destroy their crops. I do not see in him
+only a deity of agriculture, or only a god of war; in my view he is a
+spirit of the wilder regions, where dwell the wolf and woodpecker which
+are connected with him in legend: a spirit who dwells on the outskirts
+of civilisation, and can with profit be propitiated both for help
+against the enemies beyond, and for the protection of the crops and
+cattle within, the boundaries of human activity.
+
+Fourth in invocations came Quirinus, and fourth in order of precedence
+was his flamen. But of Quirinus I need say little; there is, on the
+whole, a consensus of opinion that he was a form of Mars belonging to
+the community settled on the hill that still bears his name. The most
+convincing proof of his identity with Mars (though identity is doubtless
+too strong a word) lies in the well-known fact that there were twelve
+Salii Collini, _i.e._ belonging to the Collis Quirinalis, occupied with
+the cult of Quirinus, answering to the twelve Salii Palatini of the cult
+of Mars. "Quid de ancilibus vestris," Camillus says in Livy's glowing
+rhetoric, "Mars Gradive (the particular cult-title of the warlike Mars),
+tuque Quirine pater?"[277] Now the Quirinal was, of course, _within_ the
+walls, and the Romans who identified the two deities noted this point of
+contrast with the Mars-cult; for Servius writes, "Quirinus est Mars qui
+praeest paci et _intra civitatem_ colitur, nam belli Mars _extra
+civitatem_ templum habet." In keeping with this is the use of the word
+Quirites of the Romans in their civil capacity; but unluckily we are
+altogether uncertain as to the etymology and history of both Quirites
+and Quirinus.[278] And as Quirinus never became, like Mars, an important
+property of the Roman people, but was speedily obscured and only revived
+by the legend of late origin which identified him with Romulus, he is
+not of importance for my subject, and I may leave him to etymologists
+and speculators.
+
+There is one other deity of whom I might naturally be expected to say
+something; I mean Juno. But our familiarity with Juno in Roman
+literature must not be allowed to lead us into believing too rashly that
+she was one of those great _numina_ of the early Roman State with whom I
+have just been dealing. She had no special festival in the
+calendar;[279] her connection with the Kalends she shared, as we have
+seen, with Janus. She had no special priest of her own; for in spite of
+all assertions that the flaminica Dialis was attached to her cult, I am
+convinced that I was right some years ago in maintaining that this is an
+error, though a natural one.[280] It cannot be proved that she had any
+ancient temple in the city; for the oldest known to us as strictly
+indigenous, that of Juno Moneta on the arx, was not dedicated till 344
+_B.C._, and we do not know that there was an older altar on the same
+spot.[281] Assuredly Rome was not in early times a great centre of the
+Juno cult, as were some of the cities in her neighbourhood, _e.g._
+Lanuvium, Falerii, and Veii;[282] and the gradual establishment of her
+position as a truly Roman goddess may be explained by her appearance in
+the trias of deities in the Capitoline temple at the end of the regal
+period, and by the removal to Rome of Juno Regina of Veii still later,
+after the destruction of that city.
+
+What, then, was Juno originally to the Roman religious mind? There is no
+more difficult question than this in our whole subject; as we probe
+carefully in those dark ages she baffles us continually. Undoubtedly she
+was a woman's deity, and we may aptly say of her "varium et mutabile
+semper femina." The most singular fact we know about her cult is that
+women used to speak of their Juno as men spoke of their Genius;[283] and
+it is not by any means impossible that this may be the clue to the
+original Italian conception of her.[284] In that case we should have to
+explain her appearance as a well-defined goddess in so many Latin towns,
+as the anthropomorphising result of that penetration of Greek ideas
+into Latium from the south, of which I shall have something to say later
+on. Such ideas, when they reached Rome, may have produced the notion
+that she was the consort of Jupiter, for which I must confess that I can
+find no sufficient evidence in the early cult of either.[285] But I must
+here leave her, for in truth she does not belong to this lecture; and it
+would need at least one whole lecture to discuss her adequately in all
+her later aspects. The latest German discussion of her occupied sixty
+closely printed pages; and instructive as it was in some ways, arrived
+at the apparently impossible conclusion that she was a deity of the
+earth.
+
+Last in the order of invocation, even to the latest days of Rome, came
+Vesta, "the only female deity among the highest gods of the most ancient
+State,"[286] for Juno can hardly be reckoned among them, and Tellus had
+no special cult or priesthood of her own. We have already noticed Vesta
+as the religious centre of the house, making it into a _home_ in a sense
+almost more vivid than that in which we use the sacred word. Through all
+stages of development from house to city this religious centre must have
+been preserved, and in the Rome of historical times Vesta was still
+there, inherent in her sacred hearth-fire, which was tended by her six
+virgin priestesses, and renewed on the Roman New Year's day (March 1) by
+the primitive method of friction.[287] The Vestals beyond doubt
+represented the unmarried daughters of the primitive Latin family, and
+the _penus Vestae_, a kind of Holy of Holies of the Roman State,
+recalled the _penus_ or store-closet of the agricultural home; this
+_penus_ was cleansed on June 15 for the reception of the first fruits of
+the harvest, and then closed until June 7 of the following year.[288]
+These and other simple duties of the Vestals, all of them traceable to
+the old life on the farm, together with their own sex and maidenhood,
+preserved this beautiful cult throughout Roman history from all
+contamination. Vesta in her _aedes_, a round dwelling which was never a
+temple in the technical sense, was represented by no statue, and her
+title of Mater never suggested to the true Roman worshipper anything but
+her motherly grace and beneficence.[289] Far more than any other cult,
+that of Vesta represents the reality and continuity of Roman religious
+feeling; and the remains of her latest dwelling, and the statues of her
+priestesses with no statue of herself among them, may still give the
+visitor to the Forum some dim idea of the spirit of Roman worship.[290]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE VI
+
+    [219] Arnobius (v. 155) fortunately mentions that this
+    story came from the second book of Valerius Antias,
+    whose bad reputation is well known. It was plainly meant
+    to account for the cult-title of Jupiter Elicius, and
+    the origin of the _procuratio fulminis_, and was
+    invented by Greeks or Graecising Romans at a time (2nd
+    century B.C.) when all reverence for the gods had
+    vanished as completely as in Greece. Yet Dr. Frazer
+    writes of Numa as "an adept at bringing down lightning
+    from heaven" (_Early History of Kingship_, p. 204).
+
+    [220] On this subject, the evolution of the knowledge of
+    God, I may refer to Professor Gwatkin's _Gifford
+    Lectures_ of 1904-5, published by Messrs. T. & T. Clark,
+    Edinburgh.
+
+    [221] The meaning of _deus_ is well put by Mr. C. Bailey
+    in his sketch of _Roman Religion_ (Constable & Co.), p.
+    12.
+
+    [222] Guesses can be made about these, but little or
+    nothing is to be learnt from them to help us in this
+    lecture.
+
+    [223] I adhere to what was said in _R.F._ p.
+    312 foll. We do not know, and probably never shall know,
+    the original deity concerned in that festival. The
+    ritual is wholly unlike that of the _rustica Faunalia_
+    (_R.F._ p. 256 foll.). I believe that it dates from a
+    time anterior to the formation of real gods--possibly
+    from an aboriginal people who did not know any. (I am
+    glad to see this view taken in the latest summary of
+    German learning on this subject, _Einleitung in die
+    Altertumswissenschaft_, by Gaercke and Norden, vol. ii.
+    p. 262.) At the moment of printing an interesting
+    discussion of the Lupercalia, by Prof. Deubner, who
+    treats it as a historical growth, in which are embodied
+    ideas and rites of successive ages, has appeared in
+    _Archiv_ (1910, p. 481 foll.). See Appendix B.
+
+    [224] Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 170 and 250 foll.
+
+    [225] Strabo, p. 164. Cp. Usener, _Götternamen_, p. 277,
+    whose comment is, "Die Götter aller dieser Stämme waren
+    'namenlos,' weil sie nicht mit Eigennamen sondern durch
+    Eigenschaftsworte benannt wurden. Für einen
+    griechischen Reisenden vorchristlicher Zeit waren sie
+    nicht fassbar." Arnobius iii. 43, Gellius ii. 28. 2 are
+    good passages for the principle. The latter alludes to
+    the anxiety of _veteres Romani_ on this point, "ne alium
+    pro alio nominando falsa religione populum alligarent."
+    Hence the formulae "si deus si dea," or "sive quo alio
+    nomine fas est nominare," Serv. _Aen._ ii. 351;
+    "quisquis es," _Aen._ iv. 576. See also Farnell,
+    _Evolution of Religion_, 184 foll.; Dieterich, _Eine
+    Mithrasliturgie_, p. 110 foll.
+
+    [226] Serv. _Aen._ ii. 351. I am inclined to think it is
+    only an inference from the want of substantival names in
+    so many Roman deities; surely, it would be argued, the
+    pontifices must have had some reason for this. It is
+    contradicted by the fact that in such ancient formulae
+    as that of the _devotio_ (Livy viii. 9) the great gods
+    are called by their own names, though the army was in
+    the field and in presence of the enemy. There was,
+    however, an old idea that the name of the special
+    tutelary god of the city was never divulged, lest he
+    should become _captivus_, and that the true name of the
+    city itself was unknown; see Macrob. iii. 9. 2 foll. I
+    believe that these ideas were encouraged by the
+    pontifices, but were not founded on fact.
+
+    [227] For the Indigitamenta see below, p. 159; _R.F._ p.
+    341; R. Peter's able article in _Myth. Lex._, _s.v._
+    Scholars do not seem to me to have reckoned sufficiently
+    with the tendency of a legal priesthood, devoted to the
+    strict maintenance of religious minutiae, to elaborate
+    and organise the material for god-making which was
+    within their reach. To judge by the elaboration of the
+    ritual at Iguvium, the same tendency must have existed
+    in other kindred Italian communities, both to develop
+    ritualistic priesthoods, and through them to elaborate
+    the ritual. This is, I think, the weak point of Usener's
+    reasoning in his _Götternamen_, and as applied to Roman
+    deities it is the weak point of an interesting article
+    by von Domaszewski, reprinted in his _Abhandlungen zur
+    röm. Religion_, p. 155 foll.
+
+    [228] The best account of Tellus is in Wissowa, _R.K._
+    p. 159 foll.
+
+    [229] _R.F._ p. 71; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 631 foll. This
+    was a festival of the populus as a whole, and also of
+    each Curia, like the Fornicalia in February. Both were
+    clearly agricultural in origin, though the Curia as we
+    know it was probably an institution of the city. I must
+    own that I am quite uncertain as to what the thing was
+    which was originally meant by the word Curia; my friend
+    Dr. J. B. Carter may have something to say on the
+    subject in his book on the Roman religion in the Jastrow
+    series.
+
+    [230] Dieterich, _Mutter Erde_, pp. 11 and 73 foll.
+
+    [231] Virg. _Aen._ iv. 166, "prima et Tellus et pronuba
+    Iuno Dant signum"; commenting on which Servius wrote,
+    "quidam sane etiam Tellurem praeesse nuptiis tradunt;
+    nam et in auspiciis nuptiarum invocatur: cui etiam
+    virgines, vel cum ire ad domum mariti coeperint, vel iam
+    ibi positae, diversis nominibus vel ritu sacrificant."
+    There is little doubt that Tellus is frequently
+    concealed under the names of Ceres, Dea Dia, etc. For
+    Ceres and Juno in marriage rites, see Marquardt,
+    _Privatleben_, p. 49.
+
+    [232] See below, p. 206 foll.; Macrob. iii. 9. 11;
+    Deubner in _Archiv_, 1905, p. 66 foll.
+
+    [233] See De Marchi, _La Religione_, _etc._, i. p. 188
+    and reff. (The reference to Gellius should be iv. 6. 7,
+    not iv. 67.) Like some other operations of the Roman
+    religion, this became a form, and was used as a kind of
+    insurance, whether or no there had been any omission;
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 160.
+
+    [234] That Ceres represented the _fructus_ is shown by
+    the fact that in the XII. Tables the man who raided a
+    field of standing corn at night was made _sacer_ to her;
+    Pliny, _N.H._ xviii. 12.
+
+    [235] Cato, _R.R._ 134. De Marchi, _op. cit._ p. 135.
+    Janus, Jupiter, and Juno are concerned in this rite,
+    Ceres coming last. Varro has preserved the part of
+    Tellus for us: "quod humatus non sit, heredi porca
+    praecidanea suscipienda Telluri et Cereri, aliter
+    familia non pura est" (_ap. Nonium_, p. 163).
+
+    [236] The verses are quoted by Dieterich, _Mutter Erde_,
+    p. 75, among others from Buecheler's _Anthology of Roman
+    Epitaphs_, Nos. 1544 and 1476. The story is told in
+    Suetonius' _Life of Tib._ c. 75, and again of Gallienus
+    by Aurelius Victor (_Caes._ c. 33).
+
+    [237] Marquardt, p. 326, who notes that the Romans
+    themselves derived the word from _filum_, a fillet;
+    _e.g._ Varro, _L.L._ v. 84, "quod in Latio capite velato
+    erant semper, ac caput cinctum habebant _filo_." Modern
+    etymologists equate the word with _Brahman_.
+
+    [238] Thus the Flamen Quirinalis sacrificed at the
+    Robigalia, _R.F._ p. 89, and with the Pontifices and
+    Vestals took part in the Consualia, Marq. 335.
+
+    [239] We may note here that the most general Latin name
+    for a priest was _sacerdos_, which seems to have
+    excluded all magic, etc.; it means an office sanctioned
+    by the State. On the general question of the origin of
+    priesthood see Jevons, _Introduction_, _etc._, ch. xx.,
+    with whose explanations, however, I cannot entirely
+    agree. I should prefer to keep the word priest for an
+    official who sacrifices and prays to his god. In this
+    view I am at one with E. Meyer, _Geschichte des
+    Altertums_, i.^2 p. 121 foll. God and priest go together
+    as permanent, regular in function, and entrusted by a
+    community with certain duties.
+
+    [240] Marquardt, p. 180; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 427. The
+    popa or victimarius is seen in many artistic
+    representations of sacrifice, _e.g._ Schreiber, _Atlas
+    of Classical Antiquities_, plate xvii. figs. 1 and 3.
+
+    [241] Jevons, ch. xx.; Frazer, _G.B._ i. 245 foll., and
+    _Lectures on Early History of Kingship_, Lectures ii.
+    and v.
+
+    [242] Virg. _Aen._ viii. 352.
+
+    [243] In a valuable paper in his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_ (p. 284) Wissowa says that "personal
+    conception of deity is absolutely strange to the old
+    Roman religion of the _di indigetes_." I believe this to
+    be essentially true; but my point is that localisation
+    and ritual prepared the way for the reception of Greek
+    ideas of personality. The process had already begun in
+    the religion of the house; but it was not likely there
+    to come in contact with foreign germs. When Janus and
+    Vesta, who were in every house (Wissowa, p. 285), were
+    localised in certain points in a city, they would be far
+    more likely to acquire personality, if such an idea came
+    in their way, than in the worship of the family.
+
+    [244] Aug. _Civ. Dei_, vii. 28, "quem alii caelum, alii
+    dixerunt esse mundum." Dr. Frazer, citing this passage
+    (_Kingship_, p. 286) in support of his view that Janus
+    was a duplicate of Jupiter, has omitted to notice that
+    some theorisers fancied he was the _universe_, which by
+    itself is enough to betray the delusive nature of this
+    kind of theological speculation. Varro elsewhere gives
+    us a clue to the liability of Janus to be exalted in
+    this unnatural fashion, _L.L._ vii. 27, "divum deo" (in
+    the Salian hymn), if this be taken as referring to
+    Janus, as it may be, comparing Macrob. i. 9. 14. But
+    this is easily explained by the position of Janus in
+    prayers; cp. Cic. _Nat. Deor._ ii. 27. 67, "cum in
+    omnibus rebus vim haberent maximam prima et extrema,
+    principem in sacrificando Ianum esse voluerunt." The
+    phrase "Deorum" or "Divum deus" is indeed remarkable,
+    and unparalleled in Roman worship; but no one acquainted
+    with Roman or Italian ritual will for a moment suspect
+    it of meaning "God of gods" in either a Christian or
+    metaphysical sense. I shall have occasion to notice the
+    peculiar use of the genitive case and of genitival
+    adjectives in worship later on. See below, p. 153 foll.
+
+    [245] _Fasti_, i. 89 foll.; _R.F._ p. 281 foll.
+
+    [246] Frazer, _l.c._ (a page of which every line appears
+    to me to be written under a complete misapprehension of
+    the right methods of research into the nature of Roman
+    gods); A. B. Cook, _Classical Review_, vol. xviii. 367
+    foll.; Professor Ridgeway, _Who were the Romans?_ p. 12,
+    where, among other remarkable statements, Janus is
+    confidently said to have been introduced at Rome by the
+    Sabine Numa, and therefore to have been a Sabine deity,
+    an assumption quite irreconcilable with those of Dr.
+    Frazer and Mr. Cook. In striking contrast with such
+    speculations is a sensible paper on Janus in M.
+    Toutain's _Études de mythologie et d'histoire_, p. 195
+    foll. (Paris, 1909).
+
+    [247] Dr. Frazer is aware of this; see his _Kingship_,
+    p. 285, note 1. See also Roscher in _Myth. Lex._, _s.v._
+    "Janus," p. 45 foll.
+
+    [248] For the evidence for this and the following facts,
+    see Roscher's article just cited, or Wissowa, _R.K._ p.
+    91 foll.; cp. _R.F._ p. 280 foll. The cult epithets of
+    Janus are thus explained by von Domaszewski,
+    _Abhandlungen_, p. 223, note 1, "Bei Ianus tritt
+    regelmässig der Begriff des Wesens hinzu, dessen Wirkung
+    er von Anfang an bestimmt, so I. Consevius der Anfang
+    der in Consus wirkenden Kraft, und in derselbe Weise I.
+    Iunonius, Matutinus," etc. This is reasonable, but it
+    does not suit with I. Patulcius-Clusius, and I cannot
+    accept it with confidence at present.
+
+    [249] Roscher, _op. cit._ p. 34.
+
+    [250] Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 284 foll.
+
+    [251] Festus, p. 185.
+
+    [252] It is due to the good sense and learning of Dr.
+    Roscher; he had previously, when working on the old
+    methods, tried to prove that Janus was a "wind-god"
+    (_Hermes der Windgott_, Leipzig, 1878); but a more
+    searching inquiry into the Roman evidence, when the
+    prepossessions had left him which the comparative method
+    is so likely to produce, brought him to the view I have
+    explained in outline, which has been adopted in the main
+    by Wissowa, Aust, and J. B. Carter, as well as by myself
+    in _R.F._ The last word about so puzzling a deity can of
+    course never be said; but if we indulge in speculations
+    about him we must use the Roman evidence with adequate
+    knowledge of the criticism it needs.
+
+    [253] This difference between Zeus and Jupiter has been
+    pointed out by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 100; Jupiter stands
+    for the heaven even in classical Latin literature, as we
+    all know.
+
+    [254] See his papers in the _Classical Review_, vol.
+    xvii. 270 and xviii. 365 foll., and in _Folklore_, vol.
+    xv. 301; xvi. 260 foll.
+
+    [255] _Kingship_, p. 196 foll.
+
+    [256] Macrobius i. 15. 14. In historical times a white
+    victim, _ovis idulis_, was taken to the Capitol by the
+    _via sacra_ in procession (Ov. _Fasti_, i. 56. 588).
+    Festus says that some derived the term _via sacra_ from
+    this procession (p. 290); and to this Horace may be
+    alluding in _Ode_ iii. 30. 8, "dum Capitolium Scandet
+    cum tacita virgine pontifex."
+
+    [257] _R.F._ pp. 86, 204.
+
+    [258] _R.F._ p. 160.
+
+    [259] No doubt Jupiter was specially connected with the
+    oak, as Mr. Cook has shown with great learning in the
+    paper cited above, note 36; but at Rome he had an
+    ancient shrine among beeches, and was known as I.
+    Fagutalis: Varro, _L.L._ v. 152; Paulus 87. For I.
+    Viminalis, see _R.F._ p. 229.
+
+    [260] See Aust's article "Jupiter" in _Myth. Lex._ p.
+    673.
+
+    [261] Aust gives a cut of a coin of the consul Claudius
+    Marcellus (223 B.C.) dedicating _spolia opima_ in this
+    little temple, according to the ancient fashion,
+    supposed to be initiated by Romulus, Livy i. 10.
+
+    [262] Dionys. Hal. ii. 34.
+
+    [263] _R.F._ p. 230.
+
+    [264] See De Marchi's careful investigation, _La
+    Religione_, _etc._, i. p. 156 foll.; Gaius i. 112. The
+    cult-title should indicate that the god was believed to
+    be immanent in the cake of _far_, rather than that it
+    was offered to him (so I should also take I. Dapalis,
+    though in later times the idea had passed into that of
+    sacrifice, Cato, _R.R._ 132), and if so, the use of the
+    cake was sacramental; cp. the rite at the Latin
+    festival, _R.F._ p. 96.
+
+    [265] There are distinct traces of a practice of taking
+    oaths in the open air, _i.e._ under the sky; of Dius
+    Fidius, unquestionably a form of Jupiter, Varro says
+    (_L.L._ v. 66), "quidam negant sub tecto per hunc
+    deiurare oportere." Cp. Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 28;
+    _R.F._ p. 138. For the conception of a single great
+    deity as primitive, see Lang, _The Making of Religion_,
+    ch. xii.; Flinders Petrie, _Religion of Egypt_ (in
+    Constable's shilling series), ch. i.; Ross, _The
+    Original Religion of China_, p. 128 foll.; Warneck, _Die
+    Lebenskräfte des Evangeliums_, p. 20 (of the Indian
+    Archipelago). The last reference I owe to Professor
+    Paterson, of Edinburgh University.
+
+    [266] Serv. _Aen._ viii. 552, "more enim veteri sacrorum
+    neque Martialis flamen neque Quirinalis omnibus
+    caerimoniis tenebantur quibus flamen Dialis, neque
+    diurnis sacrificiis distinebatur." It is, however,
+    possible that under the word _caerimonia_ Servius is not
+    here including taboos, but active duties only.
+
+    [267] See my paper, "The Strange History of a Flamen
+    Dialis," in _Classical Review_, vol. vii. p. 193.
+
+    [268] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 26.
+
+    [269] Cato, _R.R._ 141; Henzen, _op. cit._ p. 48.
+
+    [270] Frazer, _G.B._ iii. 123, note 3; _R.F._ p. 40, for
+    further examples. It may be worth while to point out
+    here that the coupling of all farm animals except goats
+    took place in spring or early summer; Varro, _R.R._ ii.
+    2 foll. Isidorus (_Orig._ v. 33), who embodies Varro and
+    Verrius to some extent, derived the name Mars from
+    _mares_, because in the month of March "cuncta animalia
+    ad mares aguntur."
+
+    [271] I prefer, with De Marchi, to take Silvanus here as
+    a cult-title, though we do not meet with it elsewhere;
+    see _La Religione_, _etc._, p. 130 note; but Wissowa,
+    who has a prejudice against the view that Mars was
+    connected with agriculture, insists on taking Marti
+    Silvano as a case of asyndeton, _i.e._ as two deities.
+
+    [272] See, _e.g._, Varro, _L.L._ v. 36, "quos agros non
+    colebant propter silvas aut id genus, ubi pecus possit
+    pasci, et possidebant, ab usu salvo saltus nominarunt."
+
+    [273] Cato, _R.R._ 141. Mars is there invoked as able to
+    keep off (_averruncare_) evil influences and to make the
+    crops grow, etc.; he has become in the second century
+    B.C. a powerful deity in the actual processes of
+    husbandry, just as he became in the city a powerful
+    deity of war. But as he was not localised either on the
+    farm or in the city, I prefer to think that he was
+    originally conceived as a Power outside the boundary in
+    each case, but for that very reason all the more to be
+    propitiated by the settlers within it.
+
+    [274] See below, p. 235.
+
+    [275] So Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 131. Cp. _R.F._ p. 39, note
+    4. Deubner in _Archiv_, 1905, p. 75.
+
+    [276] Servius, commenting on line 3 of _Aen._ viii.
+    (_utque impulit arma_) writes: "nam is qui belli
+    susceperat curam, sacrarium Martis ingressus, primo
+    ancilia commovebat, post hastam simulacri ipsius,
+    dicens, Mars vigila." The mention of a statue shows that
+    this account belongs to a late period. But Varro seems
+    to have stated that there was originally only a spear;
+    see a passage of Clement of Alexandria in the fragments
+    of the _Ant. rer. div._, Agahd, p. 210, to which Deubner
+    (_l.c._) adds Arnobius vi. 11. Deubner calls this spear
+    a fetish, which is not the right word if the deity were
+    immanent in it in the sense suggested by "Mars vigila."
+    See above, p. 116. If Servius correctly reports the
+    practice, it must be compared with the clashing of
+    shields and spears by the Salii, which may thus have had
+    a positive as well as negative object.
+
+    [277] Livy v. 52.
+
+    [278] Mr. A. B. Cook (_Classical Review_, 1904, p. 368)
+    has tried to connect both names with the Greek word
+    [Greek: prinos], and Professor Conway, quoted by him, is
+    inclined to lend the weight of his great authority to
+    the conjecture. Thus Quirinus would be an oak-god, and
+    Quirites oak-spearmen. We must, however, remember that
+    Mr. Cook is, so to speak, on an oak scent, and his
+    keenness as a hunter leads him sometimes astray. One is
+    a little perplexed to understand why Jupiter, Janus,
+    Mars, and Quirinus should all be oak-gods (and all in
+    origin identical as such!). On the other hand, it is
+    fair to note that the original spear was probably of
+    wood, with the point hardened in the fire, like the
+    _hasta praeusta_ of the Fetiales: Festus, p. 101. If
+    _quiris_ has really anything to do with oaks, it would
+    be more natural to explain the two words as springing
+    from an old place-name, Quirium, as Niebuhr did long
+    ago, and to derive that again from the oaks among which
+    it may have stood. But I am content to take _quiris_ as
+    simply a spear, as Buecheler did; see Deubner, _op.
+    cit._ p. 76. Since the above was written, the article
+    "Quirinus" by Wissowa in the _Myth. Lex._ has appeared.
+    Naturally it does not add anything to our knowledge; but
+    Wissowa holds to the opinion that the most probable
+    derivation of the name Quirinus is from Quirium,
+    possibly the name of the settlement on the Quirinal; and
+    compares _Q. pater_ (_e.g._ Livy v. 52. 7) with the
+    _Reatinus pater_ of _C.I.L._ ix. 4676.
+
+    [279] The Nonae Caprotinae (July 7), the day when women
+    sacrificed to Juno Caprotina under a wild fig-tree in
+    the Campus Martius, is not known to us except from
+    Varro. See _R.F._ p. 178, where (note 8) is a suggestion
+    that the festival had to do with the _caprificatio_, or
+    method of ripening the figs, which Dr. Frazer has
+    expanded in his _Lectures on Kingship_, p. 270,
+    believing the process to be that of fertilisation.
+
+    [280] _Classical Review_, vol. ix. p. 474 foll. The same
+    view has recently been taken independently by W. Otto in
+    _Philologus_, 1905, pp. 215 foll., 221. It is perfectly
+    clear that the monthly sacrifice to Juno was the duty of
+    the wife of the _rex sacrorum_; a pontifex minor is also
+    mentioned (Macrob. i. 15. 19).
+
+    [281] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 116.
+
+    [282] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+    [283] See Ihm's article "Iunones" in _Myth. Lex._ vol.
+    ii. 615; Pliny, _N.H._ ii. 16.
+
+    [284] Dr. J. B. Carter tells me that he has abandoned
+    this explanation of the evolution of Juno. On the other
+    hand, von Domaszewski seems in some measure to accept it
+    (_Abhandlungen_, p. 169 foll.), when he says that
+    "similar functions, when exercised by different
+    _numina_, can eventually produce a god. _Auf diese Weise
+    ist Iuno geworden._" He means that the creative power is
+    called Juno in a woman, or in a people (Iuno Populonia),
+    or in the curiae (Iuno Curitis), and that an independent
+    deity, Juno _par excellence_, emerges from all these.
+    But so far I cannot follow him.
+
+    [285] There is no real evidence from purely Roman
+    sources of this fancied conjugal or other relation, if
+    we exclude that of the alleged cult of Juno by the
+    Flaminica Dialis. This has been well seen and expressed
+    by W. Otto, _l.c._ p. 215 foll.; see also _Classical
+    Review_ as quoted above. As we shall see in the next
+    lecture, Dr. Frazer is much concerned to show that
+    Jupiter and Juno are actually a married pair, and
+    consequently he will have nothing to do with my opinion
+    on this point: _Early History of Kingship_, p. 214
+    foll., and _Adonis_, _Attis,_ _Osiris_, ed. 2, p. 410,
+    note 1.
+
+    [286] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 141.
+
+    [287] Festus, p. 106; Macrob. i. 12. 6.
+
+    [288] I have discussed the Vestalia and the nature of
+    Vesta and her cult in _R.F._ p. 145 foll. See also
+    Marquardt, p. 336 foll., and Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 141
+    foll.
+
+    [289] Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 296, says that he had been
+    stupid enough to believe that there was a statue in the
+    _aedes Vestae_, but found out his mistake:--
+
+      esse diu stultus Vestae simulacra putavi;
+         mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo.
+
+    The passage is interesting as showing how natural it was
+    for a Roman of the Graeco-Roman period to suppose that
+    his deities must be capable of taking iconic form. For
+    anthropomorphic representations of Vesta in other places
+    and at Pompeii, see Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_,
+    p. 67 foll.
+
+    [290] See Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Ancient
+    Rome_, p. 223 foll. The statues of the _virgines
+    vestales maximae_, discovered in the Atrium Vestae, all
+    belong to the period of the Empire. They are now in the
+    museum of the Baths of Diocletian.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE VII
+
+THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
+
+
+In the last lecture we interrogated the calendar as to the deities whose
+festivals are recorded in it, with the aid of what we know of the most
+ancient priesthoods attached to particular cults. The result may be
+stated thus: we found a number of impersonal _numina_, with names of
+adjectival form, such as Saturnus, Vertumnus, and so on; others with
+substantival names, Tellus, Robigus, Terminus; the former apparently
+functional deities, concerned in the operations of nature or man, and
+the latter spirits immanent in objects--Mother Earth herself, a stone,
+the mildew, or (like Janus and Vesta) the entrance and the hearth-fire
+of human dwellings or cities. Lastly, we found from the evidence,
+chiefly of the priesthoods, that certain more important divinities stand
+out from the crowd of spirits, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and
+Vesta; and we found some reason to think that these, and possibly a few
+of the others, by becoming the objects of priestly _cura_ and
+_caerimonia_ at particular spots in the city, were not unlikely to
+become also in some sense personal deities, to acquire a quasi-human
+personality, if they came by the chance. In the present lecture I must
+go rather more closely into such evidence as we possess bearing on the
+mental conception which these early Romans had formed of the divine
+beings whom they had admitted within their city.
+
+And, first, we must be quite clear that in those early ages there was
+nothing in Rome which we can call a temple, as we understand the word;
+nor was there any such representation of a deity as we can call an image
+or _eidolon_. The deities were settled in particular spots of ground,
+which were made _loca sacra_, _i.e._ handed over to the deity by the
+process of _consecratio_ authorised by the _ius divinum_.[291] It was
+matter of no moment what might be erected on this bit of ground; there
+might be a rude house like that of Vesta, round in shape like the oldest
+Italian huts; there might be a gateway like that of Janus; or the spot
+might be a grove, or a clearing within it (_lucus_), as in the case of
+Robigus or the Dea Dia of the Arval Brethren. All such places might be
+called by the general name _fanum_; and as a rule no doubt each _fanum_
+contained a _sacellum_, _i.e._ a small enclosure without a roof,
+containing a little altar (_ara_). These "altars" may at first have been
+nothing more than temporary erections of turf and sods; permanent stone
+altars were probably a later development. Servius tells us that in later
+times it was the custom to place a sod (_caespes_) on the top of such a
+stone altar, which must be one of the many survivals in cult of the
+usages of a simpler age.[292]
+
+With such spots as these we cannot associate anything in the nature of
+an image of the deity established there; and we have every reason to
+believe that no such thing was known at Rome until the Etruscan temple
+of the Capitoline trias was built near the end of the regal period.
+Varro expressly declared that the Romans remained for more than 170
+years without any images of their gods, and added that those who first
+introduced such images "civitatibus suis et metum dempsisse et errorem
+addidisse."[293] What he had in his mind is clear; he had indeed no
+direct knowledge of those early times, but he is thinking of a definite
+traditional date in the kingly period--the last year of the reign of
+Tarquinius Priscus, who, according to Varro's own account, built the
+temple on the Capitol and placed in it a statue of Jupiter.[294] That
+was the oldest image of which he knew anything; and, as Wissowa has
+remarked, his belief is entirely corroborated by the fact that in every
+single case in which the image of a god has any part in his cult, it is
+always either this Capitoline Jupiter or some deity of later
+introduction and non-Roman origin. It is also borne out by another
+significant and interesting fact--that the next image to be introduced,
+that of Diana in the temple on the Aventine, was a copy of the [Greek:
+xoanon] of Artemis at Massilia, itself a copy of the famous one at
+Ephesus.[295] Let us note that these two earliest statues were placed in
+roofed temples which were the dwelling-places of gods in an entirely new
+sense; so far no Roman deity of the city had been so housed, because he
+could not be thought of in terms of human life, as visible in human form
+and needing shelter. But this later and foreign notion of divinity so
+completely took possession of the minds of the Romans of the
+cosmopolitan city that Varro is the only writer who has preserved the
+tradition of the older way of thinking. In the religion of the family
+Ovid indeed has charmingly expressed it, perhaps on the authority of
+some lost passage of Varro[296]:--
+
+  ante focos olim scamnis considere longis
+    mos erat, et mensae credere adesse deos.
+
+Tibullus in one passage has mentioned what seems to be some rude attempt
+to give outward shape and form to an ancient pastoral deity[297]:--
+
+  lacte madens illic suberat Pan ilicis umbrae
+    et facta agresti lignea falce Pales.
+
+And Propertius hints at a like representation of Vertumnus, the garden
+deity. But without some corroborative evidence it is hardly safe to take
+these as genuine examples of early iconic worship.
+
+Thus we may take it as certain that even the greater deities of the
+calendar, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and Vesta, were not thought of
+as existing in any sense in human form, nor as personal beings having
+any human characteristics. The early Romans were destitute of
+mythological fancy, and as they had never had their deities presented to
+them in visible form, could hardly have invented such stories about
+them as sprang up in a most abundant crop when Greek literature and
+Greek art had changed their mental view of divinity. Roman legends were
+occupied with practical matters, with kings and the foundation of
+cities; and even among these it is hardly possible to detect those which
+may be really Roman, for they are hidden away, like rude ancient
+frescoes, under the elaborate decorations of the Greek artists, who
+seized upon everything that came to hand, including the old deities
+themselves, to amuse themselves and win the admiration of their dull
+pupils at Rome. He who would appreciate the difficulty of getting at the
+original rude drawings must be well acquainted with the decorative
+activity of the Alexandrian age.
+
+Thus we might well presume _a priori_ that the old Roman gods were not
+conceived as married pairs, nor as having children; and this is indeed
+the conclusion at which we have arrived after half a century or more of
+most careful and conscientious investigation by a series of German
+scholars. But quite recently in this country the contrary view has been
+put forward by an author of no less weight than Dr. Frazer; and another
+eminent Cambridge scholar, Mr. A. B. Cook, evidently inclines to the
+same view. I should in any case be reluctant to engage in controversy
+with two valued personal friends; but it is just possible that in what
+follows I may be able to throw some faint light on the evolution of the
+idea of marriage among divine beings; and on the strength of this I am
+content for the moment to be controversial. Dr. Frazer's arguments, with
+strictures on my opinions, will be found in an appendix to his book on
+_Adonis,_ _Attis_, _Osiris_, 2nd edition.
+
+In pure animism the spirits are nameless; when their residence and
+functions are more clearly recognised they acquire names, and these
+names are naturally masculine or feminine among peoples whose language
+is not genderless, as was the case with the Sumerians of
+Babylonia.[298] This would seem to be the first step on the path to a
+personal conception of divinity. But there are signs that the Romans had
+not got very far on this path when we begin to know anything about their
+religion. I have already alluded to the formula "Sive deus sive dea,"
+which occurs in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales, in the formula given
+by Cato for making a new clearing, and elsewhere;[299] and indeed there
+seems to have been always some uncertainty about the sex of one or two
+well-known deities, such as Pales and Pomonus or Pomona.[300] It is not,
+therefore, _a priori_ probable that the process of personalisation (if I
+may coin the word) should have proceeded, at the period we are treating
+of, so far as to ascribe to these named deities of both sexes the
+characteristics of human beings in social life and intercourse. Yet
+Varro, as Dr. Frazer points out, is quoted by St. Augustine as saying
+that his ancestors (that is, as Augustine adds), "veteres Romanos,"
+believed in the marriage of gods and in their procreative power.[301] If
+Varro wrote "maiores meos," as he seems to have done, of whom was he
+really thinking? Was Augustine's comment based on the rest of Varro's
+text, or was he jumping to a conclusion which would naturally serve his
+own purpose? Varro, of course, was not a Roman, but from Reate in the
+Sabine country. But even if he were thinking of Rome, how far back would
+his knowledge extend? The Romans had known Greek married gods for three
+or four centuries before his time, and he may quite well be thinking of
+these. Of the _di indigetes_ of an earlier period he could hardly know
+more than we do ourselves; his only sources of information were the
+facts of the cult and the books of the pontifices. The facts of the
+cult, so far as he and others have recorded them, suggest no pairing of
+deities, no "sacred marriage."[302] The pontifical books, which
+contained rules and formulae for the proper invocation of deities by
+their right names, do indeed seem to have suggested a certain
+conjunction of male and female divine names; and it is just possible
+that this is what Varro had in his mind when he wrote the passage seized
+upon by Augustine. I will proceed at once to examine this evidence, as
+it is incidentally of great interest in the history of Italian religion;
+and Dr. Frazer will probably allow that his conclusion must stand or
+fall by it.
+
+The evidence to which I allude is preserved in the 13th book of the
+_Noctes Atticae_ of Aulus Gellius (ch. xxiii.), and extracted from
+"libri sacerdotum populi Romani," as "comprecationes deorum
+immortalium"; these also occur, he says, in _plerisque antiquis
+orationibus_, _i.e._ in the invocations to the gods made by the orator
+at the beginning or end of his speech.[303] Among these Gellius found
+the following conjunctions of divine names: Lua Saturni, Salacia
+Neptuni, Hora Quirini, Virites Quirini, Maia Volcani, Herie Iunonis,
+Moles Martis, and Neriene Martis, or Nerio Martis. Now among these
+conjunctions there are three which obviously do not express pairs of
+deities, married or other, viz. Virites Quirini, Moles Martis, and Herie
+Iunonis; the first two of which plainly mean the strength or force of
+Quirinus and Mars, and the third conjoins two female names. The question
+is whether the others are to be understood as giving us the names of the
+"wives" of Saturnus, Neptunus, Quirinus, Volcanus, and Mars. The fact
+that these are associated with others which cannot mean anything of the
+kind is itself against this conclusion; but I have carefully examined
+each pair by the light of such stray information about them as we
+possess, and have failed to find anything to suggest Dr. Frazer's
+emphatic conclusion that these are married pairs. I should be tedious if
+I were to go through the evidence in detail in a lecture like this; but
+I will take the pair which Gellius himself discusses, and on which Dr.
+Frazer chiefly relies, Neriene or Nerio Martis: it is the pair about
+which we know most, and in every way is the most interesting of the
+set.[304]
+
+After giving the list of names, Gellius goes on to express his own
+opinion that _Nerio Martis_ means (like _Moles Martis_) the _virtus_ or
+_fortitudo_ of Mars, _Nerio_ being a Sabine word meaning strength or
+courage;[305] and a little further he sums up his view thus: "Nerio
+igitur Martis vis et potentia et maiestas quaedam esse Martis
+demonstratur." This seems to fit in very comfortably with what can be
+guessed of the meaning of two of the other pairs, Virites Quirini and
+Maia Volcani: Maia was explained by another Roman scholar as equivalent
+to Maiestas.[306]
+
+But Gellius goes on to quote three passages from old Latin authors in
+which Nerio (or Neria) appears positively as the wife of Mars; and again
+concludes that there was also a tradition that these two were
+_coniuges_. Of these passages we luckily have the context of one, for it
+occurs in the _Truculentus_ of Plautus: turning this out (line 515) we
+find that a rough soldier, arriving at Athens, salutes his sweetheart
+with the words "Mars peregre adveniens salutat Nerienen uxorem
+suam"--words which Plautus must have adapted from his Greek original in
+such a way as to make them intelligible to a Roman audience. Gellius
+says that he had often heard a learned friend blame Plautus for thus
+putting a false notion about Mars (that he had a wife) into the mouth of
+his soldier--"nimis comice"--merely to produce a comic effect. But, he
+adds, there was some justification for it; for if you read the third
+book of the annals of Gellius (a namesake who lived in the second
+century B.C.) you will find that he puts into the mouth of Hersilia,
+pleading for peace before Ti. Tatius, words which actually make Nerio
+the wife of Mars: "De tui, inquit, coniugis consilio, Martem scilicet
+significans." Little, I fear, can be said to the credit of this
+Gellius;[307] he lived in an age when annalists were many and inventive,
+and long after the Romans had grown accustomed to Greek ideas of the
+gods; but we may take this passage as evidence of what may have been in
+his day a popular idea of Mars and his consort. Lastly, Aulus Gellius
+quotes a brace of lines from one Licinius Imbrex, an old comic writer of
+the same century, who, in a _fabula palliata_ called Neaera, wrote:--
+
+  nolo ego Neaeram te vocent, aut Nerienem,
+  cum quidem Marti es in connubium data.
+
+The real question is whether these passages from comic writers and an
+annalist of no reputation combine to prove that there was an ancient
+popular idea of Mars as a married god; as to the priestly view of the
+matter they can, of course, prove nothing. It seems to me that Dr.
+Frazer is entitled to argue that in the second century B.C. such a
+popular idea existed,[308] which the Roman state religion did not
+recognise, and which Aulus Gellius, as we have seen, could not agree
+with. I do not, however, think him entitled to go farther, and to infer
+that this was an idea of divinity native to Italy or of very old
+standing. Is it not much simpler to suppose, with a cool-headed scholar
+whom Dr. Frazer is willing to follow when it suits his turn, that pairs
+or conjunctions of this kind, the true meaning of which I hope to
+explain directly, were easily mistaken by the vulgar mind for married
+god and goddess?[309] In those degenerate days of the Roman religion,
+after the war with Hannibal, to which these writers belong--and all are
+later than Ennius, the first to make mischief by ridiculing the
+gods--nothing could be easier than to take advantage of what looked like
+married life to invent comic passages to please a Roman audience, now
+consisting largely of semi-educated men who had lost faith in their own
+religion, and of a crowd of smaller people of mixed descent and
+nationality. Such passages, in fact, cannot safely be used as evidence
+of religious ideas, apart from the tendencies of the age in which they
+were written. Had there really been religious beliefs, rooted in the old
+Roman mind, about the wedded life of gods and goddesses, it would even
+then have been dangerous to use them mockingly in comedy. And once more,
+had there been such genuinely Roman ideas, why, in an age that made for
+anthropomorphism, did they not find their way into the Roman
+Pantheon,--why did they survive only in literary allusions, to the
+bewilderment of scholars like Aulus Gellius?
+
+The real explanation of these curious conjunctions of masculine and
+feminine names is, I think, not very hard to come by. Let us remember,
+in the first place, that they were found in the books of the priests,
+and that they belonged to forms of prayer--_comprecationes deorum
+immortalium_; in other words, they do not represent popular ideas of the
+deities, but ritualistic forms of invocation. As such they may indeed no
+doubt be regarded as expressing, or as growing out of, a popular way of
+thinking of the Power manifesting itself in the universe; but they are
+themselves none the less, like those strange lists of divine names
+called _Indigitamenta_, with which I shall deal directly, the creations
+of an active professional priesthood, working upon the principle that
+every deity must be addressed in precisely the correct way and no other,
+and accounting the name of the deity, as indicating his or her exact
+function, the most vitally important thing in the whole invocation. I
+have already pointed out how difficult the early Latin must have found
+it to discover how to address the _numina_ at work around him, and I
+shall return to the subject in another lecture; at present all I want to
+insist upon is that the priests of the City-state relieved him of this
+anxiety, and indeed must have carried the work so far as to develop a
+kind of science of divine nomenclature. Every one who has studied the
+history of religions knows well how strong the tendency is, when once
+invocation has become ritualised, for the names and titles of the
+objects of worship to abound and multiply. The Roman Church of to-day
+still shows this tendency in its elaborate invocation of the Virgin.
+
+With the old Romans the common method of elaboration lay in the
+invention of cult-titles, of which the different kinds have been
+distinguished and explained by Dr. J. B. Carter in his treatise "de
+Deorum Romanorum cognominibus."[310] Most of them are suggestive of
+function or character, as, _e.g._, Janus Patulcius Clusivius, or Jupiter
+Lucetius, Ops Opifera; sometimes they doubled the idea, as in Aius
+Locutius, or Anna Perenna, or Fors Fortuna; and in one or two cases
+they seem to have combined two deities together in rather puzzling
+conjunctions, which usually, however, admit of some possible
+explanation, as Janus Junonius, or Ops Consiva (_i.e._ Ops belonging to
+Consus).[311] In the Iguvian ritual, which is the highly-elaborated work
+of a priesthood as active as the Roman, we find combinations of not less
+than four names:[312] Cerfe Martie, Praestita Cerfia Cerfi Martii, Tursa
+Cerfia Cerfi Martii, which may perhaps be rendered "Spirit of Mars,
+protecting (female) spirit of the (male) spirit of Mars, fear-inspiring
+(female) spirit of the (male) spirit of Mars."
+
+Such strange multiple combinations as these suggest that expressions
+like Moles Martis or Virites Quirini are only another form of the usual
+cult-title, expressing adoration of the power of the deity addressed;
+and it is only reasonable to explain the others of the same group on the
+same principle. As we have seen, Roman scholars themselves explained
+Nerio Martis as equivalent to Virtus Martis; Herie Iunonis probably
+means something of the same kind; the others are not so easily
+explained, and guesswork about them is unprofitable. But I hope I have
+said enough to show that there is absolutely no good ground for
+supposing that these combinations of names in nominative and genitive
+indicate a relationship of any kind except a qualitative one. Abstract
+qualities, let us note, are usually feminine in Latin, and I think it is
+not improbable that abstractions such as Fides and Salus, which were
+deified at a very early period at Rome, may have reached divinity by
+attachment to some god from whom they subsequently became again
+separated.[313] And lastly, we can trace the same tendency to combine
+names and ideas together far down the course of Roman history; witness
+the combination of Genius with cities, legions, gods, etc., as well as
+with the individual man, and again such expressions as Pietas Legionis,
+by analogy with which von Domaszewski, wrongly as I think, would explain
+those we have been discussing.[314]
+
+Before leaving this complicated and cloudy system of divine
+nomenclature, it is as well to ask the question once more, even if we
+cannot answer it, whether if left to itself it might have developed into
+a polytheistic system of personal deities. I will give my own opinion
+for what it is worth. I do not think that such a result could have been
+reached without the magic touch of the Greek poet and artist, or the
+arrival of Greek deities and their images in Latium. Professor Sayce, in
+his Gifford lectures on the religion of Babylonia, has shown how the
+non-Semitic Sumerians knew only of spirits and demons until the Semite
+arrived in the Persian Gulf with his personal gods of both sexes;[315]
+and I gather that he does not suppose that without such immigration the
+Sumerian ideas of divinity could have become personalised. The question
+is not exactly the same at Rome; for there the spirit world had passed
+into the hands of an organised priesthood occupied with ritual, and
+especially with its terminological aspect; and the chance of
+personalisation, if it were there at all, lay in the importance of the
+functional name. But the question is after all beside the mark; we shall
+see what happened when the Greeks arrived. We may be content at present
+to note the fact that they found the functional terminology sufficiently
+advanced to take advantage of it, and to revolutionise the whole Roman
+conception of the divine.
+
+Dr. Frazer gives me an opportunity of adverting to another point bearing
+on the question we are discussing,--the way in which the old Roman
+thought of his deities. "It is difficult," he says,[316] "to deny that
+the epithets Pater and Mater, which the Romans bestow on so many of
+their gods, do really imply paternity and maternity; if this implication
+be admitted, the inference appears to be inevitable that these divine
+beings were supposed to exercise sexual functions, etc." In a footnote
+he adds a number of formidable-looking references, meant, I suppose, to
+prove this point. I have closely examined these passages; what they do
+prove is simply that many deities were called Pater and Mater. Not one
+even suggests that paternity and maternity were in such cases to be
+understood literally and, so to speak, physically. The two that come
+nearest to what he is looking for are those from Varro and Lactantius.
+Varro says[317] that Ops was called Mater because she was identical with
+Terra, who was, of course, Terra Mater: "Haec enim--
+
+  'terris gentes omnes peperit et resumit denuo,
+
+quae dat cibaria,' ut ait Ennius."[318] It is clear, then, that neither
+Varro nor Ennius understood this title of Ops and Terra in Dr. Frazer's
+sense of the word. The quotation from the early Christian father
+Lactantius, which contains three well-known lines of Lucilius, might
+possibly deceive those who neglect to turn it out and read the context;
+there we find at once that not even Lactantius could attribute to these
+epithets the meaning which Dr. Frazer wishes to put on them. He would
+have been as glad to do so as Dr. Frazer himself, though for a very
+different reason; but what he actually wrote is this:--
+
+"Omnem Deum qui ab homine colitur, necesse est inter solennes ritus et
+precationes patrem nuncupari, non tantum honoris gratia, verum etiam
+rationis; quod et antiquior est homine, et quod vitam, salutem, victum
+praestat, ut pater. Itaque ut Iuppiter a precantibus pater vocatur,
+etc."[319]
+
+Dr. Frazer's quotation begins with this last sentence; it is a pity that
+he did not read the context. If he had read it, his candour would have
+compelled him to confess that not even a Christian father, with a keen
+sense of what was ridiculous or degrading in the pagan religion,
+understood the fatherhood of the gods as he wishes to understand it.
+
+But I am wasting time in pressing this point. Dr. Frazer would hardly
+have used such an argument if he had not been hard put to it. The
+figurative use of human relationships is surely a common practice, when
+addressing their deities, of all peoples who have reached the stage of
+family life. As another distinguished anthropologist says: "The very
+want of an object tends to supply an object through the imagination; and
+this will be either the vital energy inherent in things, or the reflex
+of the human father, who once satisfied his needs (_i.e._ of the
+worshipper). So, in Aryan religions, the supreme god is father, [Greek:
+Zeus patêr], Diespiter, Marspiter. Ahura-Mazda is a father.... Another
+analogy shows the relationship of brother and friend, as in the case of
+Mithra."[320] The Romans themselves were familiar from the first with
+such figurative use of relationship, as was natural to a people in whom
+the family instinct was so strong; we have but to think of the _pater
+patratus_ of the Fetiales,[321] of the Fratres Arvales, or the Fratres
+Attiedii of Iguvium. What exactly they understood by Pater and Mater
+when applied to deities is not so easy to determine: we have not the
+necessary data. They were never applied, I believe, to imported deities,
+_di novensiles_; always to _di indigetes_, those on whom the original
+Roman stock looked as their fellow-citizens and guardians. And we shall
+not be far wrong if we conclude that in general they imply the
+dependence of the human citizen upon his divine protector, and thus
+bring the usage into line with that of other Aryan peoples. Behind this
+feeling of dependence there may have been the idea, handed down from
+remote ages, that Father Sky and Mother Earth were in a sense the
+parents of all living things; but there is nothing in the Roman religion
+to suggest that the two were thought of as personally uniting in
+marriage or a sexual act.
+
+I will sum up this part of the discussion by translating an admirable
+passage in Aust's book on the Roman religion, with which I am in cordial
+agreement[322]:--
+
+"The deities of Rome were deities of the cult only. They had no human
+form; they had not the human heart with its virtues and vices. They had
+no intercourse with each other, and no common or permanent residence;
+they enjoyed no nectar and ambrosia ... they had no children, no
+parental relation. They were indeed both male and female, and a male and
+female deity are often in close relations with each other; but this is
+not a relation of marriage, and rests only on a similarity in the sphere
+of their operations.... These deities never become independent
+existences; they remain cold, colourless conceptions, _numina_ as the
+Romans called them, that is, supernatural beings whose existence only
+betrays itself in the exercise of certain powers."
+
+They were, indeed, cold and colourless conceptions as compared with the
+Greek gods of Olympus, whose warmth and colour is really that of human
+life, of human passions; but the one remarkable and interesting thing
+about these Roman and Italian numina is the life and force for good or
+evil which is the very essence of their being. The puzzling combinations
+we have just been studying are quite enough to illustrate this
+character. Moles, Virites, Nerio, and perhaps others too, seem to mean
+the strength or force inherent in the numen; Cerfius, or Cerus, as the
+Latins called it, Liber, Genius, all are best interpreted as meaning a
+functional or creative force. Jupiter is the sky or heaven itself, with
+all its manifestations of activity; Tellus is Mother Earth, full of
+active productive power. At the bottom of these cold and colourless
+conceptions there is thus a real idea of power, not supernatural but
+rather natural power, which may both hurt and benefit man, and which he
+must attempt to enlist on his side. This enlistment was the task of the
+Roman priesthood and the Roman government, and so effectually was it
+carried out that the divine beings lost their vitality in the process.
+
+We shall be better able to follow out this curious fate of the Roman
+deities in later lectures; here I wish to note one other aspect of the
+Roman idea of divinity, which will help to explain what I have just been
+saying about the life and force inherent in these numina.
+
+In most cursory accounts of the Roman religion it has been the practice
+to lay particular stress upon an immense number of "gods," as they used
+to be called, each of which is supposed to have presided over some
+particular act or suffering of the Roman from the cradle to the
+grave--from Cunina, the "goddess" of his cradle, to Libitina who looked
+after his interment. I have as yet said nothing about all these. I will
+now briefly explain why I have not done so, and why I hesitate to
+include them, at any rate in the uncompromising form in which they are
+usually presented, among the genuine religious conceptions of the
+earliest period. Later on I shall have further opportunity of discussing
+them; at the end of this lecture I can only sum up the results of recent
+research into this curious cloud of so-called deities.
+
+We know of them mainly, but not entirely, from Tertullian, and the _de
+Civitate Dei_ of St. Augustine.[323] These scholarly theologians,
+wishing to show up the absurdity of the heathen religions, found a mine
+of material in the great work of Varro on the Roman religious
+antiquities; and though they found him by no means so elegant a writer
+as Cicero, they studied him with pains, and have incidentally added
+immensely to our knowledge both of Varro himself and of the Roman
+religion. St. Augustine tells us that it was in the last three books of
+his work that Varro treated of the Roman deities, and that he divided
+them under the heads of _di certi_, _di incerti_, and _di selecti_. In
+the first of these he dealt chiefly with those with which we are now
+concerned: they were _certi_ because their names expressed their
+supposed activity quite clearly.[324] We know for certain that Varro
+found these names in the books of the pontifices, and that they were
+there called Indigitamenta:[325] a word which has been variously
+interpreted, and has been the subject of much learned disputation. I
+believe with Wissowa that it means "forms of invocation," _i.e._ the
+correct names by which gods should be addressed.
+
+Thus these lists of names come down to us at third hand: Varro took them
+from the pontifical books, and the Christian fathers took them from
+Varro. It is obvious that this being the case they need very careful
+critical examination; and till recently they were accepted in full
+without hesitation, and without reflection on such questions as, _e.g._,
+whether they are psychologically probable, or whether they can be
+paralleled from the religious experience of other peoples. Some
+preliminary critical attempts were made about fifty years ago in this
+direction,[326] but the first thoroughgoing examination of the subject
+was published by R. Peter in the article "Indigitamenta" in Roscher's
+_Mythological Lexicon_. This most industrious scholar, though his
+interpretation of the word Indigitamenta is probably erroneous,[327] was
+the first to reach the definite conclusion that the lists are not really
+primitive, and do not, as we have them, represent primitive religious
+thought. It was after a very careful study of this article, which is
+long enough to fill a small volume, that I wrote in my _Roman Festivals_
+of the Indigitamenta as "based on"--not actually representing, I might
+have added--"old ideas of divine agency, now systematised by something
+like scientific terminology and ordered classification by skilled legal
+theologians"; and as "an artificial priestly exaggeration of a primitive
+tendency to see a world of nameless spirits surrounding and influencing
+all human life."[328]
+
+I was not then specially concerned with the Indigitamenta, and only
+alluded to them in passing. But before my book was published there had
+already appeared a most interesting work on the names of deities
+(_Götternamen_) by H. Usener, a brilliant investigator, which drew fresh
+attention to the subject. Usener found in mediaeval records of the
+religion of the heathen Lithuanians what seemed to be a remarkable
+parallel with this old Roman theology, and he also compared these
+records with certain facts in what we may call the pre-Olympian
+religious ideas of the Greeks. "The conclusion which he draws," writes
+Dr. Farnell[329]--and I cannot state it better--"is that the
+Indo-Germanic peoples, on the way to the higher polytheism, passed
+through an earlier stage when the objects of cult were beings whom he
+designated by the newly-coined words 'Augenblickgötter' and
+'Sondergötter'" (gods of momentary or limited function). He went further
+than this, and claimed that the anthropomorphic gods of Greece and
+Italy, of the Indo-Iranians, Persians, and Slavs, were developed out of
+these spirits presiding over special functions and particular moments of
+human life; but with this latter part of his theory I am not now
+concerned. What we want to know now is whether in writing thus of the
+Roman Indigitamenta Usener was using a record which really represents an
+early stage of religious thought in Italy; and I may add that we should
+be glad to know whether his Lithuanian records are also to be
+unhesitatingly relied on.[330] As regards Greece, Dr. Farnell has
+criticised his theories with considerable effect.
+
+The most recent contribution to the discussion of the Roman part of the
+subject is that of Wissowa, who in 1904 published a paper on "True and
+False Sondergötter at Rome";[331] this is a piece of most valuable and
+weighty criticism, but extremely difficult to follow and digest. I here
+give only the main results of it. Wissowa takes two genuine examples of
+Sondergötter which have come down to us from other sources, and more
+directly than those mentioned above: the first from Fabius Pictor, the
+oldest Roman historian,[332] and the other from the Acta Fratrum
+Arvalium.[333] Fabius said that the flamen (Cerealis?), when sacrificing
+to Tellus and Ceres, also invoked the following deities: Vervactor, for
+the first ploughing, as Wissowa interprets it; Redarator, for the second
+ploughing; Imporcitor, for the harrowing; Insitor, for the sowing;
+Oberator, for the top-dressing; Occator, Sarritor, Subrincator, Messor,
+Convector, Conditor, Promitor, for subsequent operations up to the
+harvest and actual distribution of the corn for food. Secondly, in the
+Acta of the Arval Brethren we find, on the occasion of a _piaculum_
+caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the temple of Dea Dia,
+at the end of a long list of deities invoked, and before the names of
+the _divi_ of the Imperial families, the names of three Sondergötter,
+Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda, and on another occasion, Adolenda and
+Coinquenda; these seem beyond doubt to refer to the process of getting
+the obnoxious tree down from the roof, of breaking it up, and burning
+it.
+
+In both these examples, which have come down to us more directly than
+the lists in the Fathers, Wissowa sees assistant or subordinate deities
+(if such they can be called) grouped around a central idea, that of the
+main object of sacrifice in each case;[334] these are the result of the
+_cura_ and _caerimonia_ supervised and over-elaborated by pontifical law
+and ritual. It is, I may add on my own account, most unlikely, and
+psychologically almost impossible, that any individual farmer should
+have troubled himself to remember and enumerate by name twelve deities
+representing the various stages of an agricultural process; and Cato, in
+fact, says nothing of such ritual. It was the flamen of the City-state,
+who, when sacrificing to Tellus and Ceres before harvest,[335] pictured,
+or recalled to mind, the various processes of a year of what we may call
+high farming rather than primitive, under the names of deities plainly
+invented out of the words which express those processes--words which
+themselves are certainly not all antique. And in the second example,
+which dates from the second century A.D., we see that the process of
+destroying the intruding fig-tree is represented in ritual in exactly
+the same curious way: the names of the deities, Deferunda and the rest,
+being invented for the occasion out of the words which express the
+several acts of the process of destruction. These Arval Brethren of the
+second century inherited the traditions of their predecessors of an
+earlier age, and carried out the work of amplification in their
+invocations by pedantically imitating the pontifices of five or six
+centuries earlier. They held, in a way which to us is ludicrous, to the
+old notion that you should try and cover as much ground as possible in
+worship, and to cover it in detail, so that no chance might be missed
+of securing the object for which you were taking so much trouble.
+
+Now to return to Varro and his lists of names. What is Dr. Wissowa's
+conclusion about these, after examining the two examples of Sondergötter
+which have not come down to us through so much book-learning as the
+rest?
+
+Varro's _di certi_, he says[336]--and I think there is no doubt that he
+is right--included the name of every deity, great or small, of which he
+could feel sure that he knew something, as he found it in the books of
+the pontifices; and the part of those books in which he found these
+names, known as Indigitamenta, probably contained formulae of
+invocation, _precationum carmina_,[337] of the same kind as the
+_comprecationes deorum immortalium_ from which Gellius quoted the pairs
+of male and female deities which we discussed above. Varro arranged all
+these names in groups of principal and subordinate or assistant deities,
+the latter amplifying in detail the meaning and scope of the former, as
+we have just seen; and of this grouping some traces are still visible in
+the accounts of Augustine and Tertullian. But the good Fathers tumbled
+the whole collection about sadly in their search for material for their
+mockery, having no historical or scientific object in view; with the
+result that it now resembles the bits of glass in a kaleidoscope, and
+can no longer be re-arranged on the original Varronian plan. The
+difficulty is increased by the etymologies and explanations which they
+offer of the divine names, which, as a rule, are even more absurd than
+the divinities themselves.[338]
+
+But, in the last place, the question must be asked whether these
+Sondergötter of the real kind, such, for example, as those twelve
+agricultural ones invoked by the flamen at the Cereale sacrum, had their
+origin in any sense in popular usage or belief. At the end of his paper
+Wissowa emphatically says that he does not believe it. For myself, I
+would only modify this conclusion so far as this: they must, I think,
+have been the theological, or perhaps rather the ritualistic outcome,
+of a psychological tendency rooted in the popular mind. I have already
+noticed that curious bit of folklore in which three spirits of
+cultivation were invoked with a kind of acted parable at the birth of a
+child;[339] and I cannot regard this custom as a piece of pontifical
+ritualism, though the names may have been invented by the priests to
+suit the practice. The old Roman seems to have had a tendency to ascribe
+what for want of a better word we may call divinity, not only to animate
+and inanimate objects, but to actions and abstractions; this, I take it,
+is an advanced stage of animism, peculiar, it would seem, to a highly
+practical agricultural people, and it is this stage which is reflected
+in the ritualistic work of the priests. They turned dim and nameless
+powers into definite and prehensible deities with names, and arranged
+them in groups so as to fall in with the life of the city as well as the
+farm. What was the result of all this ingenuity, or whether it had any
+popular result at all, is a question hardly admitting of solution. What
+is really interesting in the matter, if my view is the right one, is the
+curious way in which the early Roman seems to have looked upon all life
+and force and action, human or other, as in some sense associated with,
+and the result of, divine or spiritual agency.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE VII
+
+    [291] For _loca sacra_ and _consecratio_ see Marquardt,
+    p. 148 foll.; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 400.
+
+    [292] Serv. _ad Aen._ xii. 119, "Romani moris fuerat
+    cespitem arae super imponere, et ita sacrificare." Cp.
+    some valuable remarks of Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p.
+    23. The altar of the Fratres was in front of their
+    grove; they used also a movable one (_foculus_) of
+    silver, but _cespiti ornatus_ (_ib._ p. 21): this was
+    for the preliminary offering of wine and incense
+    (Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 351).
+
+    [293] In Aug. _Civ. Dei_, iv. 31; Agahd's edition of the
+    fragments of Varro's _Ant. rer. div._ p. 164.
+
+    [294] Aug. _Civ. Dei_, iv. 23; Agahd, p. 159. See
+    Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 280 foll.
+
+    [295] Strabo iv. 180.
+
+    [296] _Fasti_, vi. 305.
+
+    [297] Tibull. ii. 5. 27. The lines of Propertius are iv.
+    (v.) 2. 59, "Stipes acernus eram, properanti falce
+    dolatus, Ante Numam grata pauper in urbe deus." The
+    question is whether these are genuine examples of the
+    natural evolution of a "stock or stone" into something
+    in the nature of an anthropomorphic image of a deity, or
+    whether they are the result of the introduction of Greek
+    statues acting on the popular mind in rustic parts of
+    Italy. The passages, so far as I know, stand alone, and
+    we have no means of deciding whether the anthropomorphic
+    tendency was native or foreign. Vortumnus was, however,
+    undoubtedly of Etruscan origin; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 233.
+    The subject of iconic development of this kind is well
+    summarised in E. Gardner's little volume on _Religion
+    and Art in Ancient Greece_, ch. i.
+
+    [298] See Sayce, _Gifford Lectures on the Religions of
+    Egypt and Babylonia_, p. 302. An interesting paper on
+    the evolution of _dei_ at Rome out of functional
+    _numina_ will be found in von Domaszewski's
+    _Abhandlungen zur röm. Religion_, p. 155 foll., based on
+    Usener's theory of Sondergötter. It is ingenious and
+    imaginative, but in my view does not square with the
+    facts as far as we know them. His stages are: (1)
+    momentary function of _numina_, _e.g._ lightning; (2)
+    elevation of this into a permanent power or function;
+    (3) consequent limitation of the numen to a special
+    well-marked function; (4) elevation of the numen to a
+    _deus_, conceived in the likeness of man, and male or
+    female, because man cannot think of power otherwise than
+    on the analogy of male or female creative energy.
+    Lastly, when the _deus_ is complete, the functions of
+    the former numen become attributes or qualities, traces
+    of which we find in the pairs of deities in Gellius,
+    xiii. 23, which are discussed later on in this lecture.
+    Some of these, of course, eventually became separate
+    deities--Salacia, Maia, Lua. As I cannot accept the view
+    that the earliest Roman idea of the supernatural is to
+    be found in _comprecationes_ of a comparatively late
+    period, _i.e._ in the so-called Indigitamenta, this
+    charmingly symmetrical account has no charm for me
+    beyond its symmetry.
+
+    [299] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ pp. 144, 146; Cato,
+    _R.R._ 139; _C.I.L._ vi. 110 and 111. Other references
+    are given by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 33, note 2.
+
+    [300] For Pales, _R.F._ p. 80 note; for Pomona, Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 165.
+
+    [301] The passage runs thus (Aug. _C.D._ iv. 32):
+    "Dicit enim (Varro) de generationibus deorum magis ad
+    poetas quam ad physicos fuisse populos inclinatos, et
+    ideo et sexum et generationes deorum maiores suos (id
+    est veteres credidisse Romanos) et eorum constituisse
+    coniugia." There is an amusing passage in Lactantius, i.
+    17 (_de Falsa Religione_), which Dr. Frazer might read
+    with advantage. It begins, "Si duo sunt sexus deorum,
+    sequitur concubitus." Then he goes on mockingly to argue
+    that the gods must have houses, cities, lands which
+    they plough and sow, which proves them mortal. Finally
+    he takes the whole series of inferences backwards,
+    finishing with "si domibus carent, ergo et concubitu. Si
+    concubitus ab his abest, et sexus igitur foemineus,"
+    etc. All this, he means, can be inferred from the fact
+    that gods are of both sexes; but that they have
+    _concubitus_ can no more be inferred from his argument
+    than that they plough and sow.
+
+    [302] Dr. Frazer conjectures a sacred marriage of
+    Jupiter and Juno under the forms of Janus and Diana, in
+    _Kingship_, p. 214; but he is well aware that it is pure
+    guesswork. There was, indeed, at Falerii such a marriage
+    of Juno with an unknown deity (Ovid, _Amores_, iii. 13),
+    of which, however, we do not know the history. Falerii
+    was one of those cities, like Praeneste, where Etruscan,
+    Greek, and Latin influences met. The "Orci nuptiae" on
+    which Frazer lays stress was simply the Greek marriage
+    of Pluto and Proserpine: "Orci coniux Proserpina," Aug.
+    _C.D._ vii. 23 and 28, Agahd, p. 152. Wissowa shows this
+    conclusively, _R.K._ p. 246. Orcus was Graecised as
+    Plutus, but was himself totally without personality.
+
+    [303] Dr. Frazer wrongly translates this as "ancient
+    prayers" (p. 411), adding "the highest possible
+    authority on the subject." _Oratio_ is never used in
+    this sense until Christian times: the word is always
+    _precatio_. All scholars are agreed that what is meant
+    is invocations to deities in old speeches, such as occur
+    once or twice in Cicero (_e.g._ at the end of the
+    _Verrines_); cp. Livy xxix. 15. As the recording of
+    speeches cannot be assumed to have begun before the
+    third century B.C., this does not carry us very far
+    back. That century is also the age in which the
+    pontifices were probably most active in drawing up
+    _comprecationes_; see below, p. 285 foll.
+
+    [304] See Appendix B at end of volume.
+
+    [305] Cp. Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 850, "_forti_ sacrificare
+    deae." In _R.F._ p. 60 foll., I have criticised the
+    attempts, ancient and modern, to make this Nerio the
+    subject of myths.
+
+    [306] Macrob. i. 12. 18. This word Maiestas shows the
+    doubtful nature of these feminine names, and probably
+    betrays the real meaning of Maia. I may mention here
+    that Bellona instead of Nerio is ascribed as wife to
+    Mars by Seneca ap. Aug. _C.D._ vi. 10; also Venus to
+    Volcanus instead of Maia. Neither have any connection,
+    so far as we know, with the gods to whom Seneca ascribes
+    them as wives: Venus-Vulcan is, of course, Greek. Both
+    Augustine and Dr. Frazer might with advantage have
+    abstained from citing Seneca on such a point: as a
+    Spaniard by birth he was not likely to know much about
+    technical questions of Roman ritual.
+
+    [307] See Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_, i. 274.
+
+    [308] In the Graeco-Roman age Mars seems to have been
+    rather a favourite subject of myth-making; see Usener's
+    article on Italian myths in _Rhein. Mus._ vol. xxx.;
+    Roscher in _Myth. Lex._ for works of Graeco-Etruscan
+    art in which he appears in certain mythical scenes.
+
+    [309] H. Jordan, quoted in _R.F._ p. 61 note. I relegate
+    to an appendix what needs to be said about the other
+    pairs of deities mentioned by Gellius.
+
+    [310] Leipzig, 1898, p. 7 foll.
+
+    [311] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 168. Carter, _op. cit._ p. 21.
+
+    [312] See Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 22 and 98.
+
+    [313] So Fides is usually explained, as originally
+    belonging to Jupiter (Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 103 foll.); but
+    a different view is taken by Harold L. Axtell in his
+    work on the _Deification of Abstract Ideas at Rome_
+    (Chicago, 1907), p. 20.
+
+    [314] In the Festschrift f. O. Hirschfeld, p. 243 foll.
+
+    [315] _Religion of the Babylonians_, introductory
+    chapter.
+
+    [316] _Op. cit._ p. 412.
+
+    [317] _L.L._ v. 64.
+
+    [318] This fragment is No. 503 in Baehrens, _Fragm.
+    Poet. Rom._
+
+    [319] Lactantius, _Div. inst._ iv. 3.
+
+    [320] Crawley, _The Tree of Life_, p. 256; Farnell,
+    _Evolution of Religion_, p. 180; von Domaszewski,
+    _Abhandlungen_, p. 166, "Man ruft sie an im Gebete als
+    pater und mater zum Zeichen der Unterwerfung unter ihren
+    Willen, wie der Sohn dem Gebote des paterfamilias sich
+    fügt. Der sittlich strenge Gehorsam, der das
+    Familienleben der Römer beherrscht, die pietas, ist der
+    Sinn der römischen religio." Cp. also Appel, _de Rom.
+    precationibus_, pp. 102-3, who thinks that they regarded
+    the gods "velut patriarchas sive patres familias." He
+    quotes Preller-Jordan i. 55 and Dieterich, _Eine
+    Mithrasliturgie_, p. 142 sq. So too with mater--"velut
+    mater familias."
+
+    [321] The expression seems to mean "a father made for
+    the purpose of the embassy." Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 477,
+    note 3.
+
+    [322] p. 19. This was written, it may be noted, several
+    years after Aust had thoroughly investigated the cult of
+    Jupiter for his article in the _Mythological Lexicon_;
+    in which cult, if anywhere, one may be tempted to see
+    evidence of a personal conception of deities. As Dr.
+    Frazer has referred to the cult of Jupiter at Praeneste,
+    to which I referred him as evidence of a possibly
+    personal conception of the god in that Latin city, I may
+    say here that I adhere to what I said about this in
+    _R.F._ p. 226 foll.; no piece of antique cult has
+    occupied my attention more than this, and I have tried
+    to lay open every source of confirmation or criticism.
+    Wissowa has expressed himself in almost exactly the same
+    terms in _R.K._ p. 209: we arrived at our conclusions
+    independently.
+
+    [323] Tertullian, _ad Nationes_ 11, and _de Anima_, 37
+    foll.; Aug. _de Civ. Dei_, iv. _passim_, and especially
+    ch. xi.; R. Peter compiled a complete list (_Myth.
+    Lex._, _s.v._ "Indigitamenta," p. 143) from these and
+    other sources.
+
+    [324] Aug. _C.D._ vii. 17. That this was what Varro
+    meant by _di certi_ was first affirmed by Wissowa in a
+    note to his edition of Marquardt, p. 9; it has been
+    generally accepted as the true account. A full
+    discussion will be found in Agahd's edition of the
+    fragments of Varro's work, p. 126 foll.; cf. Peter's
+    article quoted above, and Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 61 and 65.
+    A somewhat different view is given in Domaszewski's
+    article in _Archiv_ for 1907, p. 1 foll., suggested by
+    Usener's _Götternamen_.
+
+    [325] The evidence for this will be found in Marquardt's
+    note 4 on p. 9. I have no doubt that Wissowa is right in
+    explaining Indigitamenta as "Gebetsformeln," formulae of
+    invocation; in which the most important matter, we may
+    add, would be the name of the deity. See his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 177 foll. The Indigitamenta contained,
+    as one section, the invocations of _di certi_.
+
+    [326] Chiefly by Ambrosch in his _Religionsbücher der
+    Römer_. Peter's article contains a useful account of the
+    whole progress of research on this subject.
+
+    [327] _Lex._ p. 137; it was that of his master
+    Reifferscheid. Cp. Wissowa, _op. cit._ (_Ges. Abhandl._
+    p. 306 foll.).
+
+    [328] _R.F._ pp. 191, 341.
+
+    [329] "The place of the Sondergötter in Greek
+    Polytheism," printed in _Anthropological Essays
+    addressed to E. B. Tylor_, p. 81. Usener's discussion of
+    the Roman and Lithuanian Sondergötter is in his
+    _Götternamen_, p. 73 foll.
+
+    [330] Wissowa writes (_Ges. Abhandl._ p. 320 note) that
+    he has reason to believe that a great number of the
+    Lithuanian Sondergötter only became such through the
+    treatment of the subject by the mediaeval writers on
+    whom Usener relied!
+
+    [331] _Ges. Abhandl._ p. 304 foll.
+
+    [332] Servius (Interpol.) _ad Georg._ i. 21.
+
+    [333] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 147; _C.I.L._ vi.
+    2099 and 2107.
+
+    [334] _Op. cit._ p. 323 foll.; for _famuli_ and _anculi
+    divi_, Henzen, _op. cit._ p. 145.
+
+    [335] See above, p. 121.
+
+    [336] p. 312; cp. 320, where he further asserts his
+    belief that Varro is responsible himself for the
+    creation of a great number of these Sondergötter, owing
+    to his extreme desire to fix and define the function of
+    every deity in relation to human life; just as the
+    mediaeval writers Laskowski and Pretorius may have
+    created many Lithuanian Sondergötter. As I am not quite
+    clear on this point, I have not mentioned it in the
+    text.
+
+    [337] _Op. cit._ p. 314, note 1. See above, note 33.
+
+    [338] _e.g._ Vaticanus, "qui infantum vagitibus
+    praesidet"; _Rusina_ from _rus_; _Consus_ from
+    _consilium_, etc.
+
+    [339] See above, p. 84.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE VIII
+
+RITUAL OF THE _IUS DIVINUM_
+
+
+I have already frequently mentioned the _ius divinum_, the law governing
+the relations between the divine and human inhabitants of the city, as
+the _ius civile_ governed the relations between citizen and
+citizen.[340] When we examined the calendar of Numa, we were in fact
+examining a part of this law; we began with this our studies of the
+religion of the Roman city-state, because it is the earliest document we
+possess which illuminates the dark ages of city life, so far as religion
+is concerned. The study of the calendar naturally led us on to consider
+the evidence it yields, taken together with other sources of
+information, as to the nature of the deities for whose worship it fixes
+times and seasons, or, more accurately, the amount of knowledge to which
+the Romans had attained about their divine beings. But we must now
+return to the _ius divinum_, and study it in another aspect, for which
+the calendar itself does not suffice as evidence.
+
+Perhaps the simplest way of explaining this _ius_ is to describe it as
+laying down the rules for the maintenance of right relations between the
+citizens and their deities; as ordaining what things are to be done or
+avoided in order to keep up a continual _pax_, or quasi-legal covenant,
+between these two parties. The two words _ius_ and _pax_, we may note,
+are continually meeting us in Roman religious documents. In a prayer
+sanctioned by the pontifices for use at the making of a new clearing, we
+read: "Si deus, si dea sit cuius illud sacrum est, _ut tibi ius siet_
+porco piaculo facere illiusce sacri coercendi ergo,"[341] _i.e._ "O
+unknown deity, whether god or goddess, whose property this wood is, let
+it be legally proper to sacrifice to thee this pig as an expiatory
+offering, for the sake of cutting down trees in this wood of thine."
+"Pacem deorum exposcere" (or "petere") is a standing formula, as all
+readers of Virgil know;[342] and it occurs in many other authors and
+religious documents. When Livy wants to express the horror of the old
+patrician families at the idea of plebeians being consuls--men who had
+no knowledge of the _ius divinum_ and no right to have any--he makes
+Appius Claudius exclaim, "Nunc nos, tanquam iam nihil pace deorum opus
+sit, omnes caerimonias polluimus."[343] How can we maintain our right
+relations with the gods, if plebeians have the care of them?
+
+Thus it is not going too far to describe the whole Roman religion of the
+city-state as a _Rechtsverkehr_,[344] a legal process going on
+continually. When a _colonia_ was founded, _i.e._ a military outpost
+which was to be a copy in all respects of the Roman State, it was
+absolutely essential that its _ius divinum_ should be laid down; it must
+have a religious charter as well as a civil one. Even at the very end of
+the life of the Republic, when Caesar founded a colony in Spain, he
+ordained that, within ten days of its first magistrates taking office,
+they should consult the Senate "quos et quot dies festos esse et quae
+sacra fieri publice placeat et quos ea sacra facere placeat," _i.e._ as
+to the calendar, the ritual, and the priesthood.[345] The Romans, of
+course, assumed that Numa, their priest-king, had done the same thing
+for Rome; Livy describes him as ordaining a pontifex to whom he
+entrusted the care of all these matters, with written rules to
+follow.[346] This was the imaginary religious charter of the Roman
+State. Without it the citizen, or rather his official representative,
+would not know with the necessary accuracy the details of the _cura_ and
+_caerimonia_; without it, too, the deities could not be expected to
+perform their part of advancing the interests of the State, and indeed,
+as I think we shall find, could not be expected to retain the strength
+and vitality which they needed for the work. Support was needed on each
+side; the State needed the help of the gods, and the gods needed the
+help of the State's care and worship.
+
+The ways and means towards the maintenance of this _pax_ were as
+follows. First, the deities must be duly placated, and their powers kept
+in full vigour, by the ritual of sacrifice and prayer, performed at the
+proper times and places by authorised persons skilled in the knowledge
+of that ritual. Secondly, there must be an exact fulfilment of all vows
+or solemn promises made to the deities by the State or its magistrates,
+or by such private persons as might have made similar engagements.
+Thirdly, the city, its land and its people, must be preserved from all
+evil or hostile influences, whether spiritual or material or both, by
+the process broadly known as _lustratio_, which we commonly translate
+_purification_. Lastly, strict attention must be paid to all outward
+signs of the will of the gods, as shown by omens and portents of various
+kinds. This last method of securing the _pax_ became specially prominent
+much later in Roman history, and I prefer to postpone detailed
+discussion of it for the present; but the other three we will now
+examine, with the help of evidence mainly derived from facts of cult,
+not from the fancies of mythologists.
+
+First, then, I take sacrifice, dealing only with the general principles
+of sacrificial rites, so far as we can discern them in the numerous
+details which have come down to us. The word _sacrificium_, let us note,
+in its widest sense, may cover any religious act in which something is
+made _sacrum_, _i.e._ (in its legal sense) the property of a deity;[347]
+I am not now concerned to conjecture what exactly may have been the
+meaning of this immortal word before it was embodied in the _ius
+divinum_. "Sacrificium" is limited in practical use by the Romans
+themselves to offerings, animal or cereal, made on the spot where the
+deity had taken up his residence, or at some place on the boundary of
+land or city (_e.g._ the gate) which was under his protection, or (in
+later times at least) at a temporary altar erected during a campaign.
+Thus it was as much a sacrificium when the paterfamilias threw at each
+meal a portion of the food into the fire, the residence of Vesta, as
+when the consul offered a victim to Mars on the eve of a battle.
+
+Sacrifices have generally been divided into the three classes of (1)
+honorific, where the offering is believed to be in some sense a gift to
+the deity; (2) piacular, or sin-offerings, where the victim was usually
+burnt whole, no part being retained for eating (though this was not the
+case at Rome); (3) sacramental sacrifices, where the worshippers enter
+into communion with the deity by partaking of the sacred offering
+together with him.[348] The two former are constant and typical in the
+Roman religion; but traces of the sacramental type, which Robertson
+Smith believed to be the oldest, are also found, and it will clear the
+ground if I refer to them at once. By far the most interesting example
+is that of the Latin festival on the Alban mount, where the flesh of the
+victim, a white heifer that had never felt the yoke, was partaken of by
+the deputies of all the cities of the Latin league, great importance
+being attached to the due distribution.[349] Here the Latin race "yearly
+acknowledges its common kinship of blood, and seals it by partaking in
+the common meal of a sacred victim," thus entering into communion with
+Jupiter, the ancient god of the race, and with each other, by
+participation in the flesh of the sacred animal. "This common meal is
+perhaps a survival from the age when cattle were sacred animals, and
+were never slain or eaten except on the solemn annual occasions when the
+clan or race renewed its kinship and its mutual obligations by a solemn
+sacrament." It is tempting to compare with this great sacrament the
+_epulum Iovis_ on the Ides of September, the dedication-day of the
+Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, which three deities
+seem to have been present in visible form to share the meal with the
+magistrates and senate.[350] But we have not yet arrived at the age when
+this temple was built, and we have no evidence enabling us to carry the
+rite back in any form to the pre-Etruscan period. There are, however,
+faint indications that the old Italians believed the deities to be in
+some sense present at their meals, though not in visible form; and at
+one festival, the Fornacalia, which was a concern not of the State as a
+whole, but of the thirty _curiae_ into which it was divided,[351] there
+seems to be no doubt that a common meal took place in which the gods
+were believed to have a part, or at any rate to be present though
+invisible. Yet the _ius divinum_ of the Roman State assuredly did not
+encourage this kind of sacrament; for in the regular round of State
+festivals, in which we cannot include even the _feriae Latinae_, the
+sacrifices, so far as we are informed, were all honorific or piacular.
+If I am not mistaken, the idea of participation by the people in solemn
+sacred rites was discouraged by the Roman priesthood; in the _ius
+divinum_ the line drawn between _sacrum_ and _profanum_ was clear;
+scenes of gluttony or revelry, like the Greek hecatombs, were eliminated
+from the _sacra publica_, as I have already pointed out. Not till the
+advent of the Sibylline books and the _Graecus ritus_ did the people
+take an active part in the State religion; their duty was merely to
+abstain from disturbance during the performance of sacred rites. "Feriis
+iurgia amovento" is the only reference in Cicero's imaginary sketch of
+the _ius divinum_ to the conduct of the citizen on festival days.[352]
+Within the family, the curia, the gens, there might be direct and active
+participation in daily or yearly ceremonies, but it was an essential
+principle of the life of the city-state that its business, religious as
+well as civil, should be carried out for the citizens by officials
+specially appointed.
+
+In the typical and organised worship of the State, _i.e._ sacrifice
+honorific and piacular, sanctioned by the _ius divinum_, the utmost care
+was taken that the whole procedure should be in every sense acceptable
+to the deity; that nothing _profanum_ should cross the threshold of the
+divine; hence it was quiet, orderly, dignified. The feeling that
+communication with the deity invoked was impossible save under such
+conditions was very strong in the Roman mind, stronger perhaps than with
+any other people whose religious practice is known to us; and the sense
+of obligation and duty, _pietas_, as they called it, was thus very early
+developed, and of infinite value to the State in its youth. This is
+entirely in keeping with what we have learnt in the last two lectures of
+the ideas of the Romans about the nature of their deities, and throws
+additional light on those ideas. They did not as yet know too much about
+the divine beings and their powers and wishes; familiarity had not yet
+bred contempt; _religio_, as we saw, was still strong among them--the
+feeling of awe that is likely to diminish or disappear when you have
+your god before you in the form of an idol. It is a principle of human
+nature that where knowledge is imperfect, care must be taken to be on
+the safe side; this is true of all practical undertakings, and as the
+religion of the Romans was that of a practical people with a practical
+end in view, it was particularly true of them.
+
+First then, in order that the worship might be entirely acceptable to
+the deity invoked, it was essential that the person who conducted it
+should be also acceptable. At the head of the whole system was the rex,
+who was priest as well as king. We do not know, of course, exactly how
+the rex was appointed; but in the case of the typical priest-king Numa,
+Livy has described his _inauguratio_ in terms of the _ius divinum_ of
+later times for the appointment of priests, and we may take it as fairly
+certain that the same principle held good from the earliest times.[353]
+After being summoned (so the story ran) from the Sabine city of Cures by
+the Senate, he consulted the gods about his own fitness. He was then
+conducted by the augur to the arx on the Capitol, and sat down on a
+stone facing the south. The augur took his seat on his left hand (the
+lucky side) with veiled head, holding the _lituus_[354] of his office
+in his right hand, with which, after a prayer, he marked out the
+_regiones_ from east to west, the north being to the left, the south to
+the right, and silently noted some object in the extreme distance of the
+_ager Romanus_, as the farthest point where the appearance of an omen
+might be accepted. Then, passing the _lituus_ to his left hand, he laid
+his right on the head of Numa, and uttered this prayer: "Father Jupiter,
+if it be thy will (_fas_) that this Numa Pompilius, on whose head my
+hand is laid, be king of Rome, I pray thee give us clear token within
+the limits which I have marked out." Then he said aloud what auspicia he
+sought for (_i.e._ whether of birds, lightning, or what); and when they
+appeared, Numa descended as rex from the citadel. This process was
+called _inauguratio_; it is attested for the confirmation of the
+election of the three flamines maiores, the rex, and the augurs, in
+historical times,[355] whatever was the method of that election, and
+without it the priest was not believed to be acceptable to the gods. It
+is not mentioned by Roman writers in connection with the Pontifices or
+the Vestals; if this be not merely from dearth of evidence, it is not
+easy to account for, unless the reason were that neither body was
+specially concerned with sacrifice. But the principle is perfectly
+clear--that the person who is to represent the community in worship must
+be one of whom the _numina_ openly express approval.
+
+A priest, _sacerdos_, is thus a person set apart by special ritual for
+the service of the _sacra populi Romani_. The rex no doubt himself made
+the selection and supervised the inauguratio of the other priests at
+whose head he was. When the kingship came to an end, his powers of this
+kind passed to the pontifex maximus; and it may be as well to add at
+once that his sacrificial powers, though they were in a special sense
+inherited by a priest who took his title, the _rex sacrorum_, passed
+with the civil power to all magistrates _cum imperio_, who wore the
+_toga praetexta_ symbolic of priestly function, and had the right of
+presiding at sacrificial rites both at home and in the field. Thus
+magistrate and priest, though quite distinct under the Republic from the
+point of view of public law, have certain characteristics in common as
+deriving from a common source in the powers of the rex.[356]
+
+But to return to the period of Numa and the calendar: it was not only
+necessary that the priest should be acceptable to the gods, but that he
+should be marked off from the rest of the community as being dedicated
+to their service. As Dr. Jevons says,[357] in all early religions
+priests are marked off from other worshippers, partly by what they do,
+and partly by what they may not do; and what he means is (1) that the
+priest originally was the person who alone could slay a victim; (2) that
+in consequence of his sacredness he was subject to a great number of
+restrictions. I have already spoken of these restrictions or priestly
+taboos in my second lecture; and as I believe that in the period we are
+now dealing with they were little more than a survival, I shall not
+return to them now. But of the outward insignia, which marked off the
+priest as alone entitled to perform the essential act of worship, the
+sacrifice, and which bring him out of the region of the _profanum_ into
+that of _sacrum_, I must say a few words before going farther.
+
+In historical times the actual slaying of the victim was done by
+subordinates, _popae_, _victimarii_, etc.; but there is no doubt
+whatever that it was originally the work of the priest, for he seems at
+all times to have used one gesture which is clearly symbolic of it,[358]
+and there are traces also of a practice of wearing the toga in such a
+way as to leave the right arm free for the act.[359] That toga, or any
+other special robe worn by the priest, was always in whole or part red
+or purple. The purple-edged _toga praetexta_ was worn both by priests
+and magistrates, and by children under age; and I think there is good
+reason to believe that in all these cases the original idea was the
+same--that they took part, directly or indirectly, as primary or
+secondary agents in sacrificial acts. The Salii and the augurs wore the
+_trabea_, which was of purple or red, or both; the flamines had a
+special robe about the colour of which we are not informed, but the
+Flaminica Dialis wore a purple garment called _rica_, and a red veil
+called _flammeum_, which was also worn by the bride in the religious
+ceremony of marriage. Whether we are to see in this prevalence of red or
+purple any symbolism of the shedding of blood in sacrifice I cannot be
+sure, but the inference is a tempting one, and has been put forward with
+confidence by some recent investigators. It is worth noting that the
+Vestals, who did not sacrifice animals, wore white only.[360] If the red
+colour has anything to do with blood-shedding, it is probably more than
+merely symbolic; it may mean that the sacrificing priest partakes of
+that life and strength which he passes on to the god through the blood,
+that is the life, of the victim.[361]
+
+The Roman priests had also other insignia, of which the original meaning
+is less evident. The Flamen Dialis, and probably all the flamines, wore
+a cap with an olive-twig fastened to the top of it; this is well shown
+in the sculptures of the Ara Pacis of Augustus.[362] The flaminicae had
+a head-dress called _tutulus_, which consisted in part, at least, of a
+purple fillet or ribbon. The flamines, when actually sacrificing, wore a
+_galerus_, or hood of some kind made of the skin of a victim, and the
+Flamen Dialis in particular wore one made of the skin of a white heifer
+sacrificed to Jupiter.[363] In these various ways all priests were
+outwardly shown to be holy men, _sacerdotes_, marked off from the
+_profanum vulgus_. Only for the pontifices we have no information as to
+a special dress, just as we also have none as to their inauguratio.[364]
+
+Thus there is no question that the priests were chosen and separated
+from the people in such a way as to meet with the approval of the gods;
+and even the acolytes, _camilli_ and _camillae_, boys and girls who
+frequently appear in sacrificial scenes on monuments, wore the _toga
+praetexta_, and, in order to be acceptable, must be the children of
+living parents.[365] This rule has lately been the subject of a
+discussion by Dr. Frazer, on which he has brought to bear, as usual, a
+great range of learning. He regards the restriction not so much as a
+matter of good omen, _i.e._ of freedom from contamination by the death
+of a parent, but as pointing to a notion that they were "fuller of life
+and therefore luckier than orphans."[366] Whether or no this explanation
+is the right one, it is quite consistent, as we shall see directly, with
+the general idea of sacrifice at Rome, and the learning by which it is
+supported is in any case of interest and value.
+
+There is abundant evidence from historical times that all worshippers,
+and therefore _a fortiori_ all priests, when sacrificing, had to be
+personally clean and free from every kind of taint; a rule which also
+held good for the utensils used in the worship, which in many cases at
+least were of primitive make and material, not such as were in common
+use.[367] The need of personal purity is well expressed by Tibullus in
+his description of a rural festival[368]:--
+
+  vos quoque abesse procul iubeo, discedat ab aris
+    cui tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus.
+  casta placent superis: pura cum veste venite
+    et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam.
+
+These lines indicate an approach at least to the idea of mental as well
+as material purity; and Cicero in his _ius divinum_ in the _de
+Legibus_[369] actually reaches that idea: "caste iubet lex adire ad
+deos, animo videlicet, in quo sunt omnia: nec tollit castimoniam
+corporis," etc. But this is the language of a later age, and does not
+reflect the notions of the old Roman, but rather those of the religious
+philosophy of the Greek. The personal purity which the Roman rule
+required was a survival from a set of primitive ideas, closely connected
+with taboo, which we are only now beginning to understand fully. They
+are common to all or almost all peoples who have made any progress in
+systematising their sacrificial worship. As Dr. Westermarck has
+recently expressed it,[370] "they spring from the idea that the contact
+of a polluting substance with anything holy is followed by injurious
+consequences. It is supposed to deprive a deity or holy being of its
+holiness.... So also a sacred act is believed to lose its sacredness by
+being performed by an unclean individual." And in the next sentence he
+goes still farther back in the history of the belief, pointing out that
+a polluting substance is itself held to contain mysterious energy of a
+baneful kind. But I must leave this interesting subject now; the story
+of the evolution of the habit of cleanliness from these ancient ideas
+will be found in the thirty-ninth chapter of his _Origin and Development
+of Moral Ideas_.
+
+Coming next to the act of sacrifice itself, it is needless to say that
+the victim must be as exactly fitted to please the deity--if that be the
+right way to express the obligation--as the priest who sacrificed it. It
+must be of the right kind, sex, age, colour; it must go willingly to the
+slaughter, adorned with fillets and ribbons (_infulae_, _vittae_), in
+order to mark it off from other animals as holy; in the case of oxen, we
+hear also of the gilding of the horns, but this must have been costly
+and unusual.[371] All these details were doubtless laid down in the _ius
+divinum_, and in later times, when the deities dwelt in roofed temples,
+they were embodied in the _lex_ or charter of each temple.[372] I do not
+need to go into them here minutely; for my present purpose, the
+elucidation of the meaning which the Romans attached to sacrificial
+worship, it will be sufficient to point out that all victims, so far as
+we know, were domestic animals, and in almost all cases they were
+valuable property (_pecunia_), such as belonged to the stock of the
+Latin farmer, ox, sheep, pig, varying according to age and sex. Goats
+were used at the Lupercalia, and a horse was sacrificed to Mars, as we
+have seen, on October 15, and at the Robigalia in April a red dog was
+offered to the spirit of the mildew. But though time forbids me to
+explain all these rules, a careful study of the evidence for them is
+most useful for any one who wishes to understand the influence of the
+_ius divinum_ on the mind of the early Roman. In the family what rules
+were needed were matter of tradition; deities were few, and offerings
+limited. But in the city-state it was very different; here even the _di
+indigetes_ were many, with diverse wishes and likings as well as
+functions: how were these to be ascertained and remembered at the right
+moment? Here, as in all methods of securing the _pax deorum_, a central
+supervising authority was needed, in whose knowledge and wisdom the
+whole community had confidence; and he was found in the rex, as is
+clearly shown in the whole traditional account of the priest-king Numa.
+Very naturally tradition also ascribed to Numa the institution of the
+pontifices, whom the historical Romans knew as succeeding the rex in the
+supervision of religious law.[373]
+
+If all went well, the victim going willingly and no ill omen
+supervening, the actual slaughter followed at the altar. During the
+whole operation silence was enjoined; the priests' heads were veiled
+with the folds of the toga;[374] pipers (_tibicines_) continued to play,
+in order that no unlucky sound or word might be heard which would make
+it necessary to start afresh with another victim (_instauratio_).
+Immediately before the slaughter the victim was made holier than ever by
+sprinkling upon it fragments of sacred cake made of _far_ (_immolatio_),
+and by pouring on it libations of wine from a _foculus_ or movable altar
+containing this holy condiment, together with incense if that were used
+in the rite. As soon as it was dead, the internal organs were examined
+to make sure that there was no physical defect or abnormal growth, for
+it was, of course, quite as necessary that the animal should be "purus"
+within as without; this was the only object of the examination, until
+the Etruscan art of _extipicina_ made its way to Rome. What became of
+the blood we are not told; I have already remarked that blood has
+curiously little part in Roman ritual and custom.[375] But the _exta_,
+_i.e._ internal organs of life, were separated from the rest of the
+carcase, and carefully cooked in holy vessels, before being laid upon
+the altar (_porrectio_), together with certain slices of flesh called
+_magmenta_, or increase-offerings, while the rest of the flesh, which
+had now lost its holiness, was retained for the use of the priests.[376]
+The time occupied in the actual slaughter and inspection of the organs
+was not long; but the cooking of these must have been often a lengthy
+process. Ovid tells us how on April 25 he met the Flamen Quirinalis
+carrying out the exta of a dog and a sheep, which had been sacrificed at
+Rome to Robigus that morning, in order to lay them on the altar of that
+deity at the fifth milestone on the Via Claudia.[377] Certain days in
+the calendar, called _endotercisi_, which were _nefasti_ in morning and
+evening, were _fasti_ in the middle of the day, between the slaying of a
+victim and the placing of its exta on the altar (_inter hostiam caesam
+et exta porrecta_).[378]
+
+I have so far purposely omitted one important detail--the prayer which,
+so far as we know, invariably accompanied the sacrifice. It is not
+absolutely certain at what moment of the rite it was said at Rome; in
+the ritual of Iguvium we find it occurring immediately before the
+placing of the exta on the altar;[379] but as that ritual is a
+processional one, concerned with sacrifices at several spots, the two
+chief parts of the rite, the slaughter and the _porrectio_, probably
+followed closely on one another. We may perhaps guess that where these
+two parts were separated by a considerable interval, as in the majority
+of Roman festivals, the prayer was said by the priest also at the moment
+of _porrectio_. The prayer is so important a detail as to need separate
+handling--important because it helps us to interpret the ideas of the
+Romans about their sacrifices, and the attitude in which they conceived
+themselves as standing towards the deities whom they thus approached. I
+propose to occupy the rest of this lecture in considering this most
+interesting topic. I wish first to draw attention to a particular
+feature, or rather expression, which occurs in the authentic wording of
+certain prayers which we are lucky enough to possess, because I think it
+throws some light on the meaning which the Romans attached to the
+sacrifice it accompanied; and secondly, to consider the character of
+Roman prayers generally, in view of a question now being largely
+discussed, _i.e._ whether prayer is a development from spell or charm,
+belonging in its origin to the region of magic.
+
+We have various forms of prayer surviving in Roman literature: some of
+them are versified by the poets, and therefore give us a general
+impression of the contents without the actual and genuine wording; we
+have also two fragments of ancient _carmina_ which have the form of
+prayers, those of the Salii and the Fratres Arvales; and we have certain
+forms used on special occasions, such as the _evocatio_ of the gods of a
+hostile community, or the formulae of vows (_vota_) which I must
+postpone to the next lecture. But the only unquestionably genuine old
+Roman prayers used at sacrifice, taken from the books of the pontifices
+and preserved word for word, are those which Cato embodied in his
+treatise on agriculture in the second century B.C., as proper to be used
+with sacrifice on certain occasions in the agricultural year.[380] It is
+here that we meet with the phrase, familiar in another form to all Latin
+scholars, on which I wish to lay stress now. It occurs in all the four
+forms of prayer which Cato copied down. The first is at the time of the
+flowering of the pear-trees, on behalf of the oxen: "Iuppiter dapalis,
+quod tibi fieri oportet in domo familia mea culignam vini dapi eius
+rei[381] ergo, _macte hac illace dape polucenda esto_." And again, when
+the wine is offered: "Iuppiter dapalis, _macte istace dape polucenda
+esto. Macte vino inferio esto_." So in the piacular sacrifice when a
+clearing is made, the unknown deity is addressed in the last words of
+the prayer thus: "harum rerum ergo _macte hoc porco piaculo immolando
+esto_." We find this _macte esto_ again in the prayer for the ceremony
+of lustratio, at the end of the formula: "_macte hisce suovetaurilibus
+lactentibus immolandis esto_." In the rite of the _porca praecidanea_,
+to which I have already referred, the instruction for the invocation of
+Jupiter runs: "_Fertum_ (_i.e._ a kind of cake) _Iovi obmoveto et
+mactato sic, Iuppiter, te hoc ferto_ obmovendo bonas preces precor, uti
+sies volens propitius mihi liberisque meis domo familiaeque meae _mactus
+hoc ferto_." Janus gets another kind of cake (_strues_) and a
+wine-offering, and is addressed in the same way. Then we read, "Iovi
+fertum obmoveto _mactatoque item_, ut prius feceris."
+
+What is the real meaning of this phrase _macte esto_, which must surely
+have been in universal use at sacrifices, not only at private rites like
+those of Cato, since it came to be used in common speech of
+congratulation or felicitation, e.g. _macte virtute esto_?[382] Servius
+in commenting on Virgil has made it sufficiently clear. He explains it
+as _magis aucte_, and connects it with _magmentum_, increase-offering,
+_quasi magis augmentum_, and adds that when the victims had been slain
+and their exta placed on the altar, they were said to be _mactatae_. So,
+too, in another comment he seems to connect the word with the victim
+rather than with the deity. But he is quite clear as to the meaning of
+the word, as signifying an increase or addition of some kind; and though
+his etymology is wrong, we may be sure that he was right in this
+respect, for it is beyond doubt built on a base, _mac_ or _mag_, which
+produced _magnus_, _maius_, _maiestas_, and so on. "Macte nova virtute
+puer" means "Be thou increased, strengthened in _virtus_"; a fragment of
+Lucilius (quoted by Servius) brings this out well, "_Macte inquam
+virtute simulque his viribus esto_," and another from Ennius, "Livius
+inde redit magno _mactatus_ triumpho."[383] We might almost translate it
+in these passages by "glorified"; but it most certainly includes the
+meaning of "strengthened" or "increased in might."
+
+Now in the formulae of Cato we have seen that it is applied to the
+deity and not to the victim; this naturally did not occur to Servius,
+whose mind was occupied rather with Virgil and the literary use of the
+word than with the original use and meaning of the language of prayer.
+Undoubtedly he has made a mistake here, which Cato's piety has enabled
+us to detect. It was, in fact, the deity whose strength was to be
+increased by the offerings; so much at least seems to me to be beyond
+doubt. There is, indeed, no certain trace in the ritual, or in Roman
+literature, that the gods were supposed to consume the exta, or the
+cakes and wine offered them; that primitive notion must have been
+excluded from the _ius divinum_. But instead of it we find the more
+spiritual idea that by placing on the altar the organs of the life of
+the victim, with ancient forms of sacred cake and offerings of wine, the
+vitality of the deity, his power to help his worshippers, to make the
+corn grow and the cattle bring forth young, to aid the State against
+enemies, or what not, was really increased in this semi-mystic way. Let
+us remember that the Roman numina were powers constantly at work in
+their own sphere; they are the various manifestations of the one Power
+as conceived in immediate relation to man and his wants; they are
+sometimes addressed in prayer, as we have seen, by additional titles
+which suggest their strength and vitality: Virites Quirini, Nerio
+Martis, Moles Martis, Maia or Maiestas Volcani. What, then, could be
+more natural than that the Roman should call upon his divine
+fellow-citizen to accept that which, according to ancient tradition and
+practice, will keep up his strength, and at the same time increase his
+glory and his goodwill towards his worshippers? This is, then, the idea
+which I believe to have been at the root of Roman sacrificial ritual,
+and it seems to confirm the dynamic theory of sacrifice recently
+propounded by some French anthropologists, _i.e._ that a mystic current
+of _religious force_ passed through the victim, from priest to deity,
+and perhaps back again.[384] I believe that we have here a transitional
+idea of the virtue of sacrifice--an idea that bridges over the gulf
+between the crude notion that the gods actually partake of the offering,
+and the later more spiritual view that the offering is an honorary gift
+"to the glory of God." It seems also to be found in the Vedic religion.
+Dr. Farnell writes: "In the Vedic ritual we find a pure and spiritual
+form of prayer; yet a certain spell-power may attach even to the highest
+types, for we find not infrequently the conception that not only the
+power of the worshipper, but the power of the deity also is nourished
+and strengthened by prayer, and the prayer itself is usually accompanied
+by a potent act (such as that of sacrifice). "May our prayers increase
+Agni": "The prayers fill thee with power and strengthen thee, like great
+rivers the Sindhu."[385]
+
+I must now turn to the form and manner of Roman prayers, in order to
+gain further light on the question as to the mental attitude of the
+worshipper towards the deity invoked. Of late years there has been a
+strong tendency to find the origin of prayer in spell; or, in other
+words, to discover a bridge between that mental attitude which believes
+that a deity can be forced into a certain course of action by magical
+formulae, and the humble attitude of the petitioner in prayer, which
+assumes that the power of the deity altogether transcends that of his
+worshipper. The evidence of Roman prayers is, I think, of considerable
+value in dealing with this question; but it needs to be carefully
+studied and handled. The general impression conveyed by those who have
+written on the subject is that Roman prayers were dull, dry formulae,
+which were believed to have a constraining influence on the deity simply
+as formulae, if they were repeated with perfect precision the right
+number of times. Dr. Westermarck, for example, has no shadow of a doubt
+about this; quoting Renan, he says that "in the Roman, as in the
+majority of the old Italian cults, prayer is a magic formula, producing
+its effect by its own inherent quality." And again, he writes that the
+Romans were much more addicted to magic than to religion; "they wanted
+to compel the gods rather than to be compelled by them. Their _religio_
+was probably near akin to the Greek [Greek: katadesmos], which meant not
+only an ordinary tie, but also a magic tie or knot or a bewitching
+thereby."[386] I need not stop to point out the misconception of the
+word _religio_ which suggested the whole of this passage; the supposed
+derivation from _ligare_ was quite enough to suggest magic to those who
+are on the trail of it.[387] Let us go on to examine the prayers
+themselves; I think we shall find that though there is much truth in the
+common view of them, it is not quite the whole truth.
+
+The oldest Roman prayers we possess are usually called hymns, because
+the Latin word for them was _carmen_, viz. the _Carmen Saliare_, which
+is too obscure and fragmentary to be of use to us, and the _Carmen_ of
+the Arval Brethren, which is preserved on stone and is quite
+intelligible.[388] The word _carmen_, let us notice, was used by the old
+Romans for any kind of metrical formula, whether hymn, prayer, or spell.
+Pliny, when writing of magic and incantations, plainly includes prayer
+among them;[389] and Dr. Jevons has recently pointed out that singing,
+and especially singing in a low voice or muttered tones, is a
+characteristic of magic not only in Greece and Rome, but in many parts
+of the world at the present day.[390] The evidence of the word is thus
+strongly in favour of the view that these ancient _carmina_ of Roman
+worship were really spells; and the _Carmen Arvalium_ itself does not
+contradict it. After an elaborate sacrificial ceremonial the priests,
+using a written copy of the _carmen_ (_libellis acceptis_), danced in
+triple rhythm (_tripodaverunt_) while they sang it; it consisted of six
+clauses, each repeated three times. "_Enos Lases iuvate! Neve luerve
+Marmar sins incurrere in pleores! Satur fu fere Mars, limen sali, sta
+berber! Semunes alternei advocapit cunctos! Enos Marmar iuvato!
+Triumpe!_" With the precise interpretation of these words I am not now
+concerned; but they obviously contain invocations to the Lares and Mars,
+which may be either petitions or commands, and which perhaps are really
+on the borderland between the two; and as thrice repeated, and
+accompanied with dancing and gesticulation, they seem certainly to
+belong rather to the region of magic than of religion proper.
+
+It is interesting to compare with this _carmen_ the prayers of the guild
+of brethren (_Attiedii_) at Iguvium; these are the best preserved of all
+old Italian prayers, and though not Roman, are the product of the same
+race. In the lustratio of the _arx_ (_Ocris Fisius_) of Iguvium we find
+three several deities invoked, with elaborate sacrificial ritual, at
+three gates, and a long prayer addressed to each deity, thrice repeated,
+as in the _Carmen Arvale_. It is to be said under the breath (_tacitus
+precator totum_, vi. A. 55), which was a common practice also at Rome,
+and is believed to be characteristic of the magical spell;[391] and
+except in the case of the first prayer, which is addressed to the chief
+deity Jupiter Grabovius, it is accompanied by some kind of dancing or
+rhythmical movement (_tripodatio_).[392] Thus in outward form this
+ritual seems to show but little advance on the Roman prayer of the
+Arvales, and indeed it may in substance go back to a time as remote as
+that in which the latter had its origin. But when we examine the matter
+of the prayer, we find that it is cast in the language of petition
+beyond all doubt--if it be rightly interpreted, as we may believe it
+is:--
+
+"Te invocavi invoco divum Grabovium pro arce Fisia, pro urbe Iguvina,
+pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine: _volens sis, propitius sis_ arci
+Fisiae, urbi Iguvinae, arcis nomini, urbis nomini. Sancte, te invocavi
+invoco divum Grabovium. Sancti fiducia te invocavi invoco divum
+Grabovium. Dive Grabovie te hoc bove opimo piaculo pro arce Fisia, etc.
+Dive Grabovi, illius anni quiquomque in arce Fisia ignis ortus est, in
+urbe Iguvina ritus debiti omissi sunt, pro nihilo ducito. Dive Grabovi,
+quicquid tui sacrificii vitiatum est, peccatum est, peremptum est,
+fraudatum est, demptum est, tui sacrificii visum invisum vitium est,
+dive Grabovi, quicquid ius sit, hoc bove opimo piaculo piando.... Dive
+Grabovi, piato arcem Fisiam, piato urbem Iguvinam. Dive Grabovi, piato
+arcis Fisiae, urbis Iguvinae, nomen, magistratus, ritus, viros, pecora,
+fundos, fruges: piato, _esto volens propitius pace tua_ arci Fisiae,
+etc. Dive Grabovi, salvam servato arcem Fisiam salvam servato urbem
+Iguvinam .... Dive Grabovi, te hoc bove opimo piaculo pro arce Fisia,
+pro urbe Iguvina, pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine, Dive Grabovi, te
+invocavi."[393]
+
+That in this prayer, and the others which accompany it, exactness of
+wording was believed to be essential, as in the ritual which preceded it
+exactness of performance, there is no doubt; for at the end of the whole
+document (vi. B. 48) we find that if there had been any slip in the
+ritual, the Brethren had to go back to the first gate and begin all over
+again. There is plainly present the idea, surviving from an age of
+magic, that the deities had strong feelings about the right way of
+invocation, and would not respond to the performance unless those
+feelings were understood and appealed to; that they would miss something
+and decline to do their part. Yet are we justified in going on to assume
+that they were bound, as by a solemn contract, to perform their part, if
+there were no slip in the ritual? I confess it is difficult for me to
+take this further step, in view of the language of the prayers, which is
+so clearly that of petition, nay, of humble petition. We are not dealing
+here with _vota_, to which I shall come in the next lecture, and in
+which there is a kind of legal contract between the man and the god--the
+former undertaking to do something pleasing to the deity, if the latter
+shall have faithfully performed what is asked of him. These _vota_, so
+abundant in historical times, are really responsible for the idea that
+Roman prayer is simply a binding formula--a magical spell, let us say,
+which in the hands of a city priesthood has become a quasi-legal
+formula. But these prayers are not _vota_; they do not contain any
+language which betrays the notion of binding the deity. They seem to me
+to mark a process of transition between the age of spell and magic and
+the age of prayer and religion; they retain some of the outward
+characteristics of spell, but internally, _i.e._ in the spirit in which
+they were intended, they have the real characteristics of prayer.[394]
+The numina to whom they were addressed were powerful spirits, unknown,
+unfamiliar, until their wishes were discovered by the organised
+priesthood which handed down these forms of petition.
+
+To return to Rome, and to the prayers in Cato's book, to which I
+referred just now when discussing the word _macte_. Attempts have been
+made to prove that these were originally written in metre;[395] and this
+is quite possible. If so, it only means that they retained the outward
+form of the primitive spell; it must not lead us on to fancy that the
+sacrifice which accompanied the prayer was a magical act, or that the
+whole process was believed to compel the deity. No doubt there was
+believed to be efficacy in the exact repetition, as is shown by the
+directions for piacular sacrifices in case of error of any kind.[396]
+But the language is the language of prayer, not of compulsion, nor even
+of bargaining: "Eius rei ergo te hoc porco piaculo immolando bonas
+preces precor, ut sies volens propitius mihi, domo familiaeque
+meis."[397] "Mars pater, te precor quaesoque uti sies volens propitius
+mihi, domo," etc.[398] No amount of vain repetition or scruple can
+deprive this language of its natural meaning. The god is powerful in his
+own sphere of action, and man has no control over him; man is fully
+recognised as liable to misfortune unless the god helps him; but he can
+worship in full assurance of faith that his prayer will be answered, if
+it be such as the authorities of the State have laid down as the right
+wording, and if the ritual accompanying it is equally in order. The
+faith is, indeed, thus founded upon man's devices rather than the god's
+good-will as such; it is a belief in the State and its authorities and
+_ius divinum_, which is conceived, not indeed as constraining the deity,
+but as calling upon him (_invocare_) to perform his part, in formulae
+which he cannot well neglect, simply because it would be unreasonable
+to do so, contrary to his nature as a deity of the Roman State and its
+_ager_.
+
+It is obvious in all this sacrificial ritual that the officiating person
+or persons were expected to observe the traditional forms with the
+utmost care and exactness. Any slip or omission was, in fact, a
+_piaculum_, or _sacrum commissum_--terms of the _ius divinum_ which seem
+to suggest, if I may use the expression, the obverse side of holiness.
+It is now well known that cleanness and uncleanness, holiness and its
+opposite, can be expressed in religious vocabulary by the same terms,
+for in both cases there is something beyond the ordinary, something
+dangerous, uncanny; thus we are not surprised to find that such words as
+I have just mentioned can be used to express some kind of impurity
+caused by a breach of ritual as well as that ritual itself. If we accept
+the latest theory of sacrifice, _i.e._ the dynamic theory, as it is
+called, we explain this intense nervousness about a ritualistic flaw as
+occasioned by the consciousness of a breach in the current of "religious
+force" (the expression is that of Messrs. Hubert and Mauss[399]), which
+must pass in regular sequence from the sacrificer through the victim to
+the deity, or vice versa. If this is the true explanation--and at
+present it may be said to hold the field--then the extreme exactness of
+the Roman ritual was a survival from an age when this strange feeling
+was a reality; but no more than a survival, for, so far as I can
+discover, the Roman idea was rather that the deity to whom the ritual
+was addressed was in some way offended by the omission.[400] The dynamic
+notion is lost, if it ever were there, and its place has been taken by
+one that we may perhaps call theological. But however that may be, the
+culprit was regarded as in a state of sin or impurity, "un être sacré,"
+and had to get rid of this sin or impurity by another sacrifice before
+the whole ritual could be started afresh (_instaurare_).
+
+According to the "dynamic" theory of sacrifice, we might naturally
+expect that the victim, as being destined to carry away the unholiness
+(or whatever we choose to call it) of the culprit, would be burnt whole,
+not offered to the deity in the form of exta, or eaten by the
+sacrificers.[401] But this does not seem to have been the case in the
+Roman practice; in all the examples of _piacula_ of which we have
+details, the exta are laid on the altar as in the typical
+sacrifice.[402] The inference seems to be that the theological idea of
+sacrifice had established itself completely ever since the formation of
+the _ius divinum_; the victim is not a scapegoat in any sense, but
+really an expiatory offering; and not only does the sacrificer yield up
+something of value, but he offers it to increase the strength of the
+deity as well as to appease his anger.
+
+A curious point may be noticed in the last place. The practical Roman
+mind seems to have invented a kind of sacrificial insurance, by which a
+piacular sacrifice might be offered beforehand to atone for any omission
+in the ritual which was to follow. Thus the Fratres Arvales, if they had
+to take an iron implement into their sacred grove, offered a piaculum
+before as well as after this breach of religious rule.[403] Again, the
+_porca praecidanea_, which I have already mentioned as offered before
+harvest, was an example of the same system of insurance; for the first
+cutting of the corn was a sacred rite, and one in which it was easy to
+take a false step. Writing of this, Gellius says in general terms that
+_hostiae praecidaneae_ are those which are offered the day before
+_sacrificia solennia_.[404]
+
+The term "piacular sacrifice" (_piaculum_) had a wide range of meaning,
+apart from the examples here given. With one important form of it I
+shall deal in the next lecture:[405] others we shall come across later
+on.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE VIII
+
+    [340] See Appendix C.
+
+    [341] Cato, _R.R._ 139, where the language suggests that
+    as the deity was unknown, the _ius_ of the religious act
+    was also uncertain, _i.e._ the ritual was not laid down.
+    De Marchi translates (_La Religione_ _nella vita
+    domestica_, i. 132) "sia a te fatto il debito
+    sacrificio," etc., which sufficiently expresses the
+    anxiety of the situation. Keil reads here "ut tibi ius
+    _est_," and gives no variant in his critical note; but
+    the words just below, "uti id recte factum siet," seem
+    to me to suggest the subjunctive. In any case there is
+    no doubt about _ius._ In _Tab. Iguv._ vi. A. 28
+    (_Umbrica_, p. 58) Buecheler translates the Umbrian
+    _persei mersei_ by "quicquid ius sit," and compares this
+    passage of Cato, together with Gellius i. 12. 14, where
+    the phrase is used of the duties of a Vestal under the
+    _ius divinum_ in the formula used by the Pontifex
+    Maximus, _cum virginem capiat_: "Sacerdotem Vestalem,
+    quae sacra faciat, quae ius siet sacerdotem Vestalem
+    facere pro pop. Rom." etc.
+
+    [342] _e.g._ _Aen._ iv. 56, x. 31 ("si sine pace tua
+    atque invito numine," etc.). Cp. _Tab. Iguv._ vi. 30,
+    33, etc. (_Umbrica_, p. 59), "esto volens propitiusque
+    pace tua arci Fisiae."
+
+    [343] Livy vi. 41 _ad fin._
+
+    [344] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 318, and p. 319 for the
+    illustrations that follow. Cp. Cicero, _Part. Or._ xxii.
+    78, where _religio_ is explained as "iustitia erga
+    deos."
+
+    [345] _Lex Coloniae Genetivae_, cap. 64; _C.I.L._ ii.,
+    supplement No. 5439.
+
+    [346] Livy i. 20. 5.
+
+    [347] This follows from the definition in Festus, p.
+    321, and in Macrobius iii. 3. 2. This last is quoted
+    from Trebatius _de religionibus_: "sacrum est quicquid
+    est quod deorum habetur." In common use _sacrificium_
+    seems to be reserved for animal sacrifice, but the verb
+    _sacrificare_ is not so limited. Festus, p. 319: "mustum
+    quod Libero sacrificabant pro vineis ... sicut
+    praemetium de spicis, quas primum messuissent,
+    sacrificabant Cereri." It has been suggested to me by
+    Mr. Marett that the termination of the word
+    _sacrificium_ may have reference to the use of _facere_
+    for animal sacrifice, as in Greek [Greek: rhezein,
+    erdein, dran]; but on the whole I doubt this. _Facere_
+    and _fieri_ are in that sense, I think, euphemisms,
+    occasioned by the mystic character of the act (examples
+    are collected in Brissonius _de formulis_, p. 9). _Rem
+    divinam facere_ seems to be the general expression, as
+    in Cato, _R.R._ 83; or the particular victim is in the
+    ablative, _e.g. agna Iovi facit_ (Flamen Dialis) in
+    Varro, _L.L._ vi. 16; cp. Virg. _Ecl._ iii. 77.
+
+    [348] This classification, originally due to R. Smith,
+    article "Sacrifice" in _Encycl. Brit._, ed. 10, has
+    lately been criticised by Hubert et Mauss, in _Mélanges
+    d'histoire des religions_, p. 9 foll.; but it is
+    sufficiently complete for our purposes. At the same time
+    it is well to be aware that no classification of the
+    various forms of sacrifice can be complete at present;
+    that which these authors prefer, _i.e._ constant and
+    occasional sacrifices, is, however, a useful one.
+
+    [349] _R.F._ p. 95 foll. Cp. Robertson Smith, _Rel. of
+    Semites_, Lect. VIII.
+
+    [350] _R.F._ p. 217 foll.
+
+    [351] _R.F._ p. 302 foll. Meals in connection with
+    sacrifice are also found at the Parilia (_R.F._ p. 81,
+    and Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 743 foll.) and Terminalia (Ovid,
+    _Fasti_, ii. 657); but in both cases Ovid seems to be
+    describing rustic rites; nor is it certain that the meal
+    was really sacramental. What does seem proved is that
+    the old Latins and other Italians believed the deities
+    of the house to be present at their meals--
+
+      ante focos olim scamnis considere longis
+        mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos (_Fasti_, vi. 307),
+
+    and thus the idea was maintained that in some sense all
+    meals had a sacred character, _i.e._ all in which the
+    members of a _familia_ (see above, p. 78), or of _gens_
+    or _curia_, met together. Cp. R. Smith, _op. cit._ p.
+    261 foll. We may remember that the Penates were the
+    spirits of the food itself, not merely of the place in
+    which it was stored; it had therefore a sacred
+    character, which is also shown by the sanctification of
+    the firstfruits (_R.F._ pp. 151, 195). (The _cenae
+    collegiorum_, dinners of collegia of priests, were in no
+    sense sacrificial meals; see Marquardt, p. 231, note 7;
+    Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ pp. 13, 39, 40.)
+
+    [352] Cic. _de Legibus_, ii. 8. 19.
+
+    [353] Livy i. 18. For constitutional difficulties in
+    this passage, see, _e.g._, Greenidge, _Roman Public
+    Life_, p. 50.
+
+    [354] For this and the augurs generally, see Lecture
+    XII.
+
+    [355] The passages are collected by Wissowa, _R.K._ p.
+    420, note 3. There is no doubt about the inauguratio of
+    the three great flamines and the rex sacrorum, who were
+    all specially concerned with sacrifice, and of the
+    augurs, who would obviously need it in order to perform
+    the same ceremony for others--as a bishop needs
+    consecration for the same reason. As regards the
+    pontifices, Dionysius (ii. 73. 3) clearly thought it was
+    needed for them, and we might a priori assume that one
+    who might become a pontifex maximus would need it; but
+    Wissowa discounts Dionysius' opinion, and I am unwilling
+    to differ from him on a point of the _ius divinum_, of
+    which he is our best exponent. If he is right, it may be
+    that the three _flamines maiores_, who were reckoned in
+    strict religious sense as above the pontifices,
+    including their head (Festus, p. 185), needed "holiness"
+    more than any pontifex, and so with the augurs. The
+    insignia of the pontifices, as well as many historical
+    facts, show that the pontifices were competent to
+    perform sacrifice in a general sense (Marq. p. 248
+    foll.); but it is possible that they never had the
+    right, like the flamines, actually to slay the victim. I
+    do not feel sure that the _securis_ was really one of
+    their symbols, though Horace seems to say so in _Ode_
+    iii. 23. 12. The whole question needs further
+    investigation. It may be found that the essential
+    distinction between the pontifices and magistrates _cum
+    imperio_ on the one hand, and the flamines on the other,
+    is to be sought in the ideas of holiness connected with
+    the shedding of blood in sacrifice. The flamen is
+    permanently holy, having charge of constant sacrifices;
+    _e.g._ the Dialis had duties every day. He is the duly
+    sanctified guide for all rites within his own religious
+    range.
+
+    [356] Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 339, 410 foll.
+
+    [357] The whole subject of the preparation of the
+    sacrificer for his work, and of the steps by which he
+    becomes separated from the profane, is well treated by
+    Hubert et Mauss, _Mélanges d'histoire des religions_, p.
+    23 foll. The reference to Dr. Jevons is _Introduction_,
+    ch. xx. p. 270 foll.
+
+    [358] Serv. _Aen._ xii. 173; Virgil wrote "dant fruges
+    manibus salsas, et tempora ferro Summa notant pecudum";
+    to which Servius adds that the symbolic movement was a
+    (pretended) cut from head to tail of the victim.
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 352.
+
+    [359] Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl., s.v._ "cinctus
+    Gabinus."
+
+    [360] Marquardt, p. 340. The Vestals were never, so far
+    as we know, directly concerned in animal sacrifice.
+
+    [361] See below, p. 190. For the colour of the garments,
+    and the explanation referred to, see Samter,
+    _Familienfeste_, p. 40 foll.; Diels, _Sibyllinische
+    Blätter_, p. 70; and cp. von Duhn's paper, "Rot und Tot"
+    in _Archiv_, 1906, p. 1 foll. That red colouring was
+    used in various ways in sacred and quasi-sacred rites
+    there is no doubt (see above, p. 89, note 46); but
+    whether it can be always connected with bloodshed is by
+    no means so certain (Rohde, _Psyche_, i. 226). In the
+    case of women it is at least hard to understand. The
+    idea of consecration through blood, which is very rare
+    in Roman literature, comes out curiously in the words
+    which Livy puts into the mouth of Virginius after the
+    slaughter of his daughter (iii. 48): "Te Appi tuumque
+    caput sanguine hoc consecro" (_i.e._ to a deity not
+    mentioned). The sentence to which this note refers was
+    written before the appearance of Messrs. Hubert et
+    Mauss' essay on sacrifice (_Mélanges d'histoire des
+    religions_, pp. 1-122). The theory there developed, that
+    the victim is the intermediary in all cases between the
+    sacrificer and the deity, and that the _force
+    religieuse_ passes from one to the other in one
+    direction or another, does not essentially differ from
+    the words in the text; but the French savants would, I
+    imagine, prefer to look on the insignia in a general
+    sense as bringing the person wearing them within the
+    region of the _sacrum_, the force of which would react
+    on him still more strongly after the destruction of the
+    victim (see p. 28 foll.).
+
+    [362] See, _e.g._, _Roman Sculpture_ by Mrs. Strong,
+    Plates xi. and xv.
+
+    [363] For this and other insignia see Marquardt, p. 222
+    foll. The question is under discussion whether some of
+    these insignia are not old Italian forms of dress (see
+    Gruppe, _Mythologische Literatur_, 1898-1905, p. 343).
+    For the wearing of the skin of a victim, which meets us
+    also at the Lupercalia (_R.F._ p. 311), see Robertson
+    Smith, _Semites_, p. 416 foll.; Jevons, _Introduction_,
+    p. 252 foll.; Frazer, _G.B._ iii. 136 foll.
+
+    [364] They, of course, wore the _praetexta_ when
+    performing religious acts. Cp. the Fratres Arvales, who
+    laid aside the _praetexta_ after sacrificing. Henzen,
+    _Acta Fr. Arv._ pp. 11, 21, and 28.
+
+    [365] Serv. _Aen._ xi. 543. The _camillae_ assisted the
+    _flaminicae_, Marquardt, p. 227. This is one of the most
+    beautiful features of the stately Roman ritual, and has
+    been handed on to the Roman Church. It was, of course,
+    derived from the worship of the household (see above, p.
+    74).
+
+    [366] _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, p. 413 foll. Dr. Frazer
+    is criticising Dr. Farnell, who had touched on the
+    subject in the _Hibbert Journal_ for 1907, p. 689, and
+    had taken the more obvious view that death in a family
+    disqualified for actions requiring extreme holiness.
+
+    [367] The passages are collected in Marquardt, p. 174
+    foll.; we may notice in particular Livy xlv. 5. 4,
+    where, though only the washing of hands is referred to,
+    we have the important statement that "omnis praefatio
+    sacrorum," _i.e._ the preliminary exhortation of the
+    priest, enjoined _purae manus_. Livy must be using the
+    language of Roman ritual, though he is not speaking here
+    of a Roman rite. For the material of sacred utensils see
+    Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 30.
+
+    [368] Tibullus ii. 1. 11.
+
+    [369] Cic. _de Legibus_, ii. 10. 24.
+
+    [370] Westermarck, _Origin and Development of Moral
+    Ideas_, ii. 352 foll.; consult the index for further
+    allusions to the subject. Cp. Farnell, _Evolution of
+    Religion_, Lecture III. [Fehrle, _Die kultische
+    Keuschheit im Altertum_ (Giessen, 1910), has reached me
+    too late for use in this chapter.]
+
+    [371] Full details, with the most important references
+    quoted in full, are in Marquardt, p. 172 foll.; but some
+    of the latter are applicable only to the Graeco-Roman
+    period.
+
+    [372] So we may gather from the Lex Furfensis of 58 B.C.
+    (_C.I.L._ ix. 3513), and that of the Ara Augusti at
+    Narbo of A.D. 12 (_C.I.L._ xii. 4333).
+
+    [373] The real origin of the pontifices and their name
+    is unknown to us. If they took their name from the
+    bridging of the Tiber, as Varro held (_L.L._ v. 83) and
+    as the majority of scholars believe (see O. Gilbert,
+    _Rom. Topographie_, ii. 220, note), the difficulty
+    remains that they are found in such a city as Praeneste,
+    where there was no river to be bridged, and where they
+    could not well have been merely an offshoot from the
+    Roman college; see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 432, note. Nor can
+    we explain how they came to be set in charge of the _ius
+    divinum_; and where there are no data conjecture is
+    useless.
+
+    [374] The covering of the head (_operto capite_, as
+    opposed to _aperto capite_ of the _Graecus ritus_) is
+    usually explained as meant to shut out all sounds
+    belonging to the world of the _profanum_; and the
+    playing of the tibicines is interpreted in the same way.
+    Hubert et Mauss explain the covered head differently:
+    "le rituel romain prescrivit généralement l'usage du
+    voile, signe de séparation et partant de consécration"
+    (p. 28). Miss Harrison, _Prolegomena to_ _the Study of
+    Greek Religion_, p. 522, also holds that it is the
+    outward sign of consecration; cp. S. Reinach, _Cultes,
+    mythes, et religions_, i. 300 foll. The fact, noted by
+    Miss Harrison, that in Festus's account of the _ver
+    sacrum_ (p. 379, ed. Müller) the children expelled were
+    veiled, seems to point to the idea of
+    dedication--unless, indeed, _velabant_ here means that
+    they blindfolded them.
+
+    [375] The wine was poured over the altar as well as on
+    the victim, which suggests a substitution for blood;
+    Arnobius vii. 29 and 30; Dion. Hal. vii. 72. I cannot
+    find that any one of the many utensils used in sacrifice
+    were for pouring out blood. Blood was, however, poured
+    on the stone at the Terminalia (_R.F._ pp. 325-326); but
+    the rite here described by Ovid seems to be a rural one,
+    outside the _ius divinum_. In the sacrifice of victims
+    to Hecate in Virg. _Aen._ vi. 243 foll., which cannot be
+    _ritus Romanus_, the warm blood is collected in
+    _paterae_; but nothing is said of what was done with it,
+    nor does Servius help. Cp. _Aen._ viii. 106. In
+    Lucretius v. 1202, "aras sanguine multo spargere
+    quadrupedum," the context shows that the ritual alluded
+    to is not old Roman. In Livy's description of the
+    "occulti paratus sacri" of the Samnites (ix. 41), we
+    find "_respersae fando nefandoque sanguine arae_, et
+    dira exsecratio ac furiale carmen." Livy seems to think
+    of this blood-sprinkling, whether the blood be human or
+    animal, as unusual and horrible. Ancient, no doubt, is
+    the practice, recorded in the _Acta Fratr. Arv._ (see
+    Henzen, pp. 21 and 23), of using the blood in a
+    religious feast, in the process of cooking: "porcilias
+    piaculares epulati sunt et sanguem." (There is a mention
+    of the pouring of blood in an inscription from Lusitania
+    in _C.I.L._ ii. 2395.) For the use of wine as a
+    substitute for blood, see the recently published work of
+    Karl Kircher, "Die sakrale Bedeuting des Weines," in
+    _Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche, etc._, p. 82 foll.,
+    where, however, the subject is not worked out.
+
+    [376] According to Lübbert (_Commentarii pontificales_,
+    p. 121 foll.) _magmentum_ is the same as _augmentum_,
+    which word is also found (Varro, _L.L._ v. 112). Festus,
+    p. 126, "magmentum magis augmentum"; Serv. _Aen._ iv.
+    57, to which passage I shall return. For the equivalent
+    in the Vedic ritual of the cooking and offering of the
+    exta, see Hubert et Mauss, _op. cit._ p. 60 foll.
+
+    [377] _R.F._ p. 89.
+
+    [378] _ib._ p. 10.
+
+    [379] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 60, 69, etc. Of course
+    the prayer might be said while other operations were
+    going on. For the constant connection of prayer and
+    sacrifice, see Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 10, "quippe
+    victimam caedi sine precatione non videtur referre aut
+    deos rite consuli." If Macrobius is right (iii. 2. 7
+    foll.) in asserting that the prayer must be said while
+    the priest's hand touches the altar, one may guess that
+    this was done at the same time that the exta were laid
+    on it. Ovid saw the priest at the Robigalia offer the
+    exta and say the prayer at the same time (_Fasti_, iv.
+    905 foll.), but does not mention the hand touching the
+    altar. For this see Serv. _Aen._ vi. 124; Horace, _Ode_
+    iii. 23. 17, and Dr. Postgate on this passage in
+    _Classical Review_ for March 1910.
+
+    [380] Cato, _R.R._ 132, 134, 139, and 141. That these
+    formulae were taken from the books of the pontifices is
+    almost certain, not only from the internal evidence of
+    the prayers themselves, but because Servius (Interpol.)
+    on _Aen._ ix. 641 quotes the words: "macte hoc vino
+    inferio esto," which occur in 132, introducing them
+    thus: "et in pontificalibus sacrificantes dicebant
+    deo...."
+
+    [381] The verb is omitted here for some ritualistic
+    reason, as in the Iguvian prayers (_Umbrica_, p. 55).
+
+    [382] Virg. _Aen._ ix. 641, "macte nova virtute puer,
+    sic itur ad astra," etc., and many other passages. The
+    verb _mactare_ acquired a general sense of sacrificial
+    slaying, as did also _immolare_, though neither had
+    originally any direct reference to slaughter. The best
+    account I find of the word is in H. Nettleship's
+    _Contributions to Latin Lexicography_, p. 520. He takes
+    _mactus_ as the participle of a lost verb _maco_ or
+    _mago_, to make great, increase, equivalent to _augeo_,
+    which is also a word of semi-religious meaning, as
+    Augustus knew. Nettleship quotes Cicero _in Vatinium_,
+    14, "puerorum extis deos manes mactare."
+
+    [383] Baehrens, _Fragm. Poet. Lat._ 180; Lusilius fragm.
+    143; Nonius, 341, 28 has "versibus."
+
+    [384] It may possibly be objected that some of the
+    deities were powerful for evil as well as good, _e.g._
+    Robigus, the spirit of the red mildew, and that the
+    power of such a deity was not to be encouraged or
+    increased. But all such deities (and I cannot mention
+    another besides Robigus) were of course conceived as
+    able to restrain their own harmful function; they were
+    not invoked to go away and leave the ager Romanus in
+    peace, but to limit their activity in the land where
+    they had been settled for worship. We have no prayer to
+    Robigus (or Robigo, feminine, as Ovid has it) except
+    that which Ovid somewhat fancifully versified after
+    hearing the Flamen Quirinalis say it (_Fasti_, iv. 911
+    foll.), in which of course the word _macte_ does not
+    occur. As the victim was a dog, an uneatable one, it is
+    possible that the ritual was not quite the usual one.
+    But the language of the prayer is interesting and brings
+    out my point:
+
+      aspera Robigo, parcas Cerialibus herbis.
+        vis tua non levis est;...
+      parce precor, scabrasque manus a messibus aufer
+        neve noce cultis: posse nocere sat est.
+
+    It concludes by praying Robigo to direct her strength
+    and attention to other objects, _gladios et tela
+    nocentia_; but this is the poet's fancy.
+
+    [385] _Evolution of Religion_, p. 212, quoting _Vedic
+    Hymns_, pt. ii. pp. 259 and 391.
+
+    [386] _Origin and Development of Moral Ideas_, vol. ii.
+    p. 585 foll.; cp. 657. See also Farnell, _Evolution of
+    Religion_, p. 195.
+
+    [387] See above, p. 9. _Religio_ in the sense of an
+    obligation to perform certain ritualistic acts is in my
+    view a secondary and later use of the word. See
+    _Transactions of the Congress of Historical Religion for
+    1908_, vol. ii. p. 169 foll.
+
+    [388] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 26 foll.; _C.I.L._
+    vi. 2104, 32 foll.; Buecheler und Riese, _Carmina Lat._,
+    epigr. pars ii., no. 1. All surviving Roman prayers are
+    collected in Appel's _De Romanorum precationibus_,
+    Giessen, 1909.
+
+    [389] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 10 foll.
+
+    [390] In _Anthropology and the Classics_, p. 94.
+
+    [391] Cp. Tibullus ii. 1. 84, "vos celebrem cantate deum
+    pecorique vocate, Voce palam pecori, clam sibi quisque
+    vocet." This murmuring was certainly characteristic of
+    Roman magic; see Jevons, p. 99, and especially the
+    reference to a Lex Cornelia, which condemned those "qui
+    susurris magicis homines occiderunt" (Justinian, _Inst._
+    iv. 18. 5).
+
+    [392] On the nature of this _tripodatio_ see Henzen,
+    _op. cit._ p. 33. Buecheler, _Umbrica_, p. 69, gives the
+    Umbrian verb a different meaning, though he translates
+    it _tripodato_.
+
+    [393] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 13 and 52.
+
+    [394] Wissowa, _R.K._, 333, inclines to the belief that
+    prayer had a legal binding force upon the deity; but he
+    does not cite any text which confirms this view, and is
+    arguing on general grounds. I gather from the language
+    of Aust (_Religion der Römer_, p. 30) that he thinks
+    there was a germ which might have developed into a more
+    truly religious attitude towards the gods, if it had not
+    been killed by priestly routine and quasi-legal
+    formulae. With this opinion I am strongly inclined to
+    agree. Cp. the story of Scipio Aemilianus audaciously
+    altering and elevating the formula dictated by the
+    priest in the censor's lustratio (Val. Max. iv. 1. 10),
+    to which I shall return in the proper place.
+
+    [395] Westphal, quoted by De Marchi, _La Religione,
+    etc._, i. p. 133, note.
+
+    [396] See, _e.g._, ch. 141 _ad fin._ The prayer in the
+    Acta of the Ludi Saeculares to the Moirae is an
+    imitation of old prayers. See below, p. 442.
+
+    [397] _ib._ ch. 139.
+
+    [398] _ib._ ch. 141.
+
+    [399] Hubert et Mauss, _Mélanges d'histoire des
+    religions_, p. 74.
+
+    [400] So Cato, _R.R._ 141, "si minus in omnes litabit,
+    sic verba concipito; Mars pater, quod tibi illuc porco
+    neque satisfactum est, te hoc porco piaculo." (The word
+    for the slaughter is here euphemistically omitted; De
+    Marchi, p. 134.)
+
+    [401] Hubert et Mauss, _op. cit._ p. 55 foll.; Leviticus
+    vi. I doubt whether the theory of the learned authors
+    will hold good generally on this point.
+
+    [402] Marquardt, p. 185, asserted the contrary, but
+    cited no evidence except Serv. _Aen._ vi. 253, which
+    does not prove the practice of the holocaust to be
+    really Roman. Wissowa's exactness is well illustrated in
+    his detection of this error; see _R. K._ p. 352, note 6.
+    Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 135, leaves no doubt on
+    the question possible.
+
+    [403] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 131. See above, p.
+    35. Festus, p. 218.
+
+    [404] Gellius iv. 6. 7.
+
+    [405] _i.e._ lustratio. That this was a form of piaculum
+    is clear from the use of the word _pihaklu_ of the
+    victim in the lustratio of the arx of Iguvium, _e.g._
+    Buecheler, _Umbrica_, index, 5, v.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE IX
+
+RITUAL--_continued_
+
+
+In the last lecture we found that the magical element in the Roman
+ritual is exaggerated by recent writers. But it has also long been the
+practice to describe that ritual as a system of bargaining with the
+gods: as partaking of the nature of a legal contract. "The old Roman
+worship was businesslike and utilitarian. The gods were partners in a
+contract with their worshippers, and the ritual was characterised by the
+hard formalism of the legal system of Rome. The worshipper performed his
+part to the letter with the scrupulous exactness required in pleadings
+before the praetor."[406] This is an excellent statement of a view very
+generally held, especially since Mommsen, whose training in Roman law
+made him apt to dwell on the legal aspects of Roman life, wrote the
+famous chapter in the first volume of his history. I now wish to examine
+this view briefly.
+
+No doubt it was suggested by the necessary familiarity of the Roman
+historian with _vota publica_, the vows so frequently made on behalf of
+the State by its magistrates, in terms supplied by the pontifices, and
+dictated by them to the magistrate undertaking the duty. Some few of
+these formulae have survived, and it may certainly be said of them that
+they are analogous to legal formulae, and express the quasi-contractual
+nature of the process. Such legalised religious contracts seem to be
+peculiar to Rome; they are curiously characteristic of the Roman genius
+for formularisation, which in course of time had most important effects
+in the domain of civil law. But the vow as such is, of course, by no
+means peculiar to Rome; it is familiar in Greek history, and is found in
+an elementary form among savages at the present day.[407] But at Rome
+both in public and private life it is far more frequent and striking
+than elsewhere. This is a phenomenon that calls for careful study; and
+we must beware that we are not misled by quasi-legal developments into
+missing the real significance of it from the point of view of morality
+and religion.
+
+The _vota privata_, which include vows and offerings made to deities by
+private individuals, had never been adequately examined till De Marchi
+wrote his book on the private religion of the Romans; nor could they
+have been so examined until the _Corpus Inscriptionum_ was fairly well
+advanced. There the material is extraordinarily abundant, but it is, of
+course, almost entirely of comparatively late date, and the great
+majority of votive inscriptions belong to the period of the Empire. Yet
+it is quite legitimate to argue from this to an origin of this form of
+worship in the earliest times, and we have enough early evidence to
+justify the inference. Among the oldest Latin inscriptions are some
+found on objects such as cups or vases, showing that the latter were
+votive offerings to a deity: thus we have _Saeturni poculum, Kerri
+poculum_, and other similar ones which will be found at the beginning of
+the first volume of the _Corpus_.[408] They give only the name of the
+deity as a rule, and do not tell us why the object was offered to him;
+but they must have been thank-offerings for some supposed blessing. In
+one case, not indeed at Rome, but not far away at Praeneste, we have
+proof of this; for a mother makes a dedication to Fortuna _nationu
+cratia_, which plainly expresses gratitude for good luck in
+childbirth;[409] and this inscription is one of the oldest we possess.
+Nor do they tell us whether there was a previous vow or promise of which
+the offering is the fulfilment. But in the majority of inscriptions of
+late date the familiar letters V.S.L.M. (_votum solvit lubens merito_)
+betray the nature of the transaction, and it is not unreasonable to
+guess that there was usually a previous undertaking of some kind, to be
+carried out if the deity were gracious.
+
+But these private _vota_ were not, strictly speaking, legal
+transactions, supposed to bind both parties in a contract, as we shall
+see was to some extent the case with the _vota publica_. They could not
+have needed the aid of a pontifex, or a solemn _voti nuncupatio_, _i.e._
+statement of the promise; they were rather, as De Marchi asserts,[410]
+spontaneous expressions of what we may call religious feeling; and it
+may be that he is right in maintaining that throughout Roman history
+they remained as expressions of the religious sense and of the better
+feeling of the lower classes. The practice implies three conceptions:
+(1) of the deity as really powerful for good and evil; (2) of the gift,
+a work of supererogation, as likely to please him; (3) of the grateful
+act and feeling as good in themselves. Surely there must have been in
+this practice a germ of moral development; I am surprised that Dr.
+Westermarck has not mentioned in his chapter on gratitude the
+extraordinary abundance of Roman votive offerings and inscriptions.
+Doubtless there lies at the root of it the idea of _Do ut des_, or
+rather of _Dabo ut des_; doubtless also it could be turned to evil
+purposes in the form of _devotio_, when promises were made to a deity on
+condition that he killed or injured an enemy; but in the ordinary and
+common example it is impossible to deny that the final act, the
+performance of the vow, must have been accompanied by a feeling of
+gratitude. The merest recognition of a supposed blessing is of value in
+moral development.
+
+But it is in the _vota publica_ that we undoubtedly find something in
+the nature of a bargain--covenant would be a more graceful word--with a
+deity in the name of the State. Even here, however, the impression is
+rather produced by the use of legal terms and the formularisation of the
+process, than by any assumed attitude of contempt towards, or even of
+equality with, the deity concerned. There is no trace in early Roman
+religious history of any tendency to abuse or degrade the divine beings
+if they did not perform their part, such as is well known in China,[411]
+or even, strange to say, occasionally met with in the southern Italy of
+to-day; the attitude towards the deity in cult (though not invariably in
+the later Graeco-Roman literature) was ever respectful, as it was
+towards the magistrates of the State. The farthest the Romans ever went
+in condemning their gods was when misfortune persuaded them that they
+were become indifferent or useless; then they began to neglect them, and
+to turn to other gods, as we shall see in subsequent lectures.
+
+The public _vota_ were of two kinds: the ordinary, or regularly
+recurring, and the extraordinary, which were occasioned by some
+particular event. Of the ordinary, the most familiar is that undertaken
+by the consul, and no doubt in some form by the Rex in the days of the
+kingship, for the benefit of the State on the first day of the official
+year. Accompanied by the Senate and a crowd of people, the consuls went
+up to the Capitoline temple, and performed the sacrifice which had been
+vowed by their predecessors of a year before; after which they undertook
+a new _votum_, "_pro reipublicae salute_."[412] We have not the formula
+of this vow, and cannot tell what resemblance it bore to a bargain; but
+the ceremony itself must have been most impressive, and calculated to
+remind all who were present of the greatness and goodwill of the supreme
+deity who watched over the interests of the State. So too at the
+_lustrum_ of the censors, which took place in the Campus Martius every
+five years, it is almost certain that the _votum_ of the predecessors in
+office was fulfilled by a sacrifice, and a new one undertaken. Here
+again we are without the formula, but that there was one we know from a
+very interesting passage of Valerius Maximus. He tells us that Scipio
+Aemilianus, when as censor he was conducting this sacrifice, and the
+_scriba_ (on behalf of the pontifex?) was dictating to him the _solemne
+precationis carmen ex publicis tabulis_, in which the immortal gods were
+besought to make the prosperity of the Roman State "better and
+greater," had the audacity to interrupt him, saying that the condition
+of the State was sufficiently good and great: "itaque precor ut eas
+(res) perpetuo incolumes servent." This change, Valerius says, was
+accepted, and the formula altered accordingly in the _tabulae_.[413]
+This story, which is probably genuine and is quite characteristic of
+Scipio, must convince an impartial mind that in this votive ceremony
+there was enough truth and dignity to suggest a real advance in
+religious thought, so far at least as the State was concerned.
+
+The extraordinary _vota_ were innumerable. They were occasioned by
+dangers or misfortunes of various kinds, the magistrate undertaking to
+dedicate something to the god concerned if the State should have come
+safely through the peril. Many temples had their origin in this
+practice;[414] we meet also with _ludi_, special sacrifices, or a tithe
+of the booty taken in war. In two or three cases Livy has copied the
+formula from the _tabulae_ of the pontifices; thus before the war with
+Antiochus in 191 B.C., the consul recited the following words after the
+pontifex maximus: "Si duellum quod cum Antiocho rege sumi populus
+iussit, id ex sententia senatus populique Romani confectum erit; tum
+tibi Iuppiter populus Romanus ludos magnos dies decem continuos faciet
+... quisquis magistratus eos ludos quando ubique faxit, hi ludi recte
+facti, donaque data recte sunto."[415] This document dates from the days
+of the decay of the Roman religion, and is, of course, modernised by
+Livy; but it may give an idea of what is meant by writers who speak of
+an element of bargain or covenant in these _vota_. Still more elaborate,
+and probably more antique, is the famous formula of the vow of the _ver
+sacrum_ in the darkest hour of the war with Hannibal.[416] This very
+curious rite, which proves beyond question the devotion of the Italian
+stocks to the principle of the _votum_, consisted of a promise to
+dedicate to Mars or Jupiter all the valuable products of a single
+spring, including the male children born at that time; to this the
+Romans had recourse for the last time in 217 B.C., and Livy has
+fortunately preserved the words of the vow. These, with the exception of
+the dedication of the children, which is judiciously omitted, probably
+stand much as they had come down from a remote antiquity. The _votum_ is
+put in the form of a _rogatio_ to the people, without whose sanction it
+could not be put in force; are they willing to dedicate to Jupiter all
+the young of oxen, sheep, or pigs born in the spring five years after
+date, if the State shall have been preserved during those years from all
+its enemies? The curious feature of the document is, not that it binds
+the deity to any course of action, but that it secures the individual
+Roman against his anger in case of any chance slip in his part of the
+process, and the people against any evil consequences arising from such
+a slip or from misdoing on the part of an individual. "Si quis clepsit,
+ne populo scelus esto neve cui cleptum erit: si atro die faxit insciens,
+probe factum esto."[417] Of this formula a recent writer of great
+learning and ability has written thus: "The well-known liturgical
+archive containing Rome's address to Jupiter in the critical days of the
+Hannibalic war is a wary and cleverly drawn legal document, intended to
+bind the god as well as the State."[418] He is no exception to the rule
+that those who have not habitually occupied themselves with the Roman
+religion are liable to misinterpret its details. This is not an address
+to Jupiter, nor is there any sign in it that the god was considered as
+bound to perform his part as in a contract; the covenant is a one-sided
+one, the people undertaking an act of self-renunciation if the god be
+gracious to them, and thereby going far to assure themselves that he
+will so be gracious. And the legal cast of the language, which seems so
+apt to mislead the unwary,[419] is only to be found in the clauses which
+guarantee the people against the contingency of the whole vow being
+ruined by the inadvertence or the rascality of an individual; surely a
+very natural and inevitable _caveat_, where for once the whole people,
+and not only their priests or magistrates, were concerned in the
+transaction.
+
+A curious form of the _votum_, which, however, I can only mention in
+passing, is that addressed to the gods of a hostile city, with a view to
+induce them to desert their temples and take up their abode at Rome;
+this is the process called _evocatio_, which was successfully applied at
+the siege of Veii, when Juno Regina consented to betray her city.[420]
+Macrobius, commenting on Virgil's lines (_Aen._ ii. 351),
+
+  excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis
+  di quibus imperium hoc steterat,
+
+has preserved the _carmen_ used at the siege of Carthage.[421] It is
+cast in the language of prayer: "Si deus si dea est cui populus
+civitasque Carthaginiensis est in tutela ... precor venerorque veniamque
+a vobis peto ut vos populum civitatemque Carthaginiensem deseratis,"
+etc.; but it ends with a vow to build temples and establish _ludi_ in
+honour of these deities if they should comply with the petition. It is
+worth noting here that it was, of course, impossible to make a bargain
+with strange or hostile gods, or in any way to force their hand; the
+promise is entirely one-sided; and I am inclined to think that in
+dealing with his own gods the mental attitude of the Roman was much the
+same, though his faith in them was undoubtedly greater.
+
+This is the proper place to mention another very curious rite, closely
+allied to the _votum_, but differing from it in one or two important
+points, which is almost peculiar to the Romans and most characteristic
+of them; I mean the _devotio_ of himself on the field of battle by a
+magistrate _cum imperio_.[422] The famous example, familiar to us all,
+is that of Decius Mus at the battle of Vesuvius in the great Latin
+war[423] (340 B.C.): the same story is told of his son in a war with
+Gauls and Samnites, and of his grandson in the war with Pyrrhus.[424]
+The historical difficulties of these accounts do not concern us now; by
+common consent of scholars the method and formula of the _devotio_ are
+authentic, and the rite must have had its origin in remote antiquity.
+
+The story runs[425] that Decius, at whose preliminary sacrifice before
+the battle with the Latins the liver of the victim had been found
+imperfect, while that of his colleague was normal, perceived that his
+wing of the army was giving way. He therefore resolved to sacrifice
+himself by _devotio_, and called on the pontifex maximus, who was
+present, to dictate for him the correct formula. He was directed to put
+on the toga praetexta, to wear it with the cinctus Gabinus, to veil his
+head with it, to touch his chin with his hand under the folds of the
+robe, and to stand upon a spear. He then repeated after the pontifex the
+following formula: "Iane, Iuppiter, Mars pater, Quirine, Bellona, Lares,
+divi Novensiles, di Indigetes, divi quorum est potestas nostrorum
+hostiumque, diique Manes, vos precor, veneror, veniam peto feroque, uti
+populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriamque prosperetis, hostesque populi
+Romani Quiritium terrore formidine morteque adficiatis. Sicut verbis
+nuncupavi, ita pro re publica Quiritium, exercitu legionibus auxiliis
+populi Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium _mecum_ deis
+Manibus Tellurique devoveo" (Livy ix. 9). He then mounted his horse and
+rode into the midst of the enemy to meet his death. The Latins were
+seized with panic and the Romans were victorious.
+
+Here the vow is made and fulfilled almost at the same moment,--_the
+fulfilment takes place before the gods have done their part_. Here too
+the offering made is the life of a human being which brings the act
+within the domain of sacrifice. Its sacrificial nature is obvious in all
+the details.[426] The dress is that of the sacrificing priest or
+magistrate;[427] Decius was therefore priest and victim at the same
+time, and the two characters seem to be combined in the symbolic
+touching of the chin, which has been rightly explained,[428] I think, as
+analogous to the laying on of hands in the consecratio of the Rex, as we
+saw it in the case of Numa, and perhaps to the _immolatio_ of a victim
+by sprinkling the _mola salsa_ on its head; where the object of
+consecration is made holy by contact with holy things.[429] The
+standing on the spear is difficult to explain; it may have been a
+symbolic dedication to Mars, whose spear or spears, as we have seen,
+were kept in the Regia.[430]
+
+The formula contains certain points of great interest. Firstly, it is
+not only the Roman gods of all sorts and conditions who are invoked, but
+those of the enemy also, or, in vague language, those who have power
+over both Romans and Latins.[431] Secondly, it begins with a prayer
+combined with a curse upon the enemy: in which respect it resembles the
+prayer at the _lustratio populi_ at Iguvium[432] (which I shall mention
+again directly) and to a later type of _devotio_ used at the siege of
+Carthage and preserved by Macrobius.[433] Thirdly, in spite of this
+religious aspect of the formula, it ends with what can only be called a
+magical spell. By the act of self-sacrifice, which is the potent element
+in the spell, Decius exercises magical power over the legions of the
+enemy, and devotes them with himself to death,--to the Manes and Mother
+Earth.[434]
+
+The story suggests to me that the rite had been at one time well known;
+the pontifex maximus was ready with the instructions and formula. It was
+a survival from an age of magic, but the priests have given it a
+religious turn, and the language of the first part is quite as much that
+of prayer as is the language of the collect to be said in time of war
+which still disfigures the Anglican prayer-book.[435] What is still more
+remarkable is that it has not only a religious but an ethical character.
+The idea of service to the State is here seen at its highest point. The
+sacrifice is a vicarious one.[436] Livy significantly adds that a
+private soldier might be chosen by the commander to represent him, and
+that if this man were not killed by the enemy an image seven feet long
+must be buried in the earth and a piacular sacrifice offered.[437] Later
+on it would seem that instead of sacrificing himself, the consul might
+implore the gods to accept the hostile army or city as his substitutes:
+"eos _vicarios_ pro me fide magistratuque meo pro populi Romani
+exercitibus do devoveo, ut me exercitumque nostrum ... bene salvos
+siritis esse."[438] The idea here, and indeed in the _devotio_ of
+Decius, bears some analogy to that which lies at the root of the old
+Roman practice, of making a criminal _sacer_ to the deity chiefly
+concerned in his crime; when this was done, any man might kill him, and
+he was practically a victim offered as _vicarius_ for the Roman people,
+who had been contaminated by his deed.[439]
+
+
+But I must now pass on the last kind of ritual to be explained in these
+lectures, and far the most impressive of all, that of _lustratio_, or
+the purification, as it is commonly called, of land, city, human beings,
+or even inanimate objects, by means of a solemn procession accompanied
+with sacrifice.
+
+So important a part did these processional rites play in the public life
+of the Roman people,--so characteristic are they too of the old Roman
+habit of thought and action, that they have given a wonderful word to
+the Latin language. _Lustrare_ has many meanings; but the one which is
+immediately derived from the rites I speak of, that of slow processional
+movement, is the most beautiful and impressive of them all. When Aeneas
+first sees Dido in all her stately beauty, he says:[440]
+
+  in freta dum fluvii current, _dum montibus umbrae
+  lustrabunt convexa_, polus dum sidera pascet,
+  semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque manebunt,
+  quae me cunque vocant terrae.
+
+"So long as the cloud-shadows move slowly over the hollows of the
+hills." Here in Scotland you must have all seen this procession of the
+shadows, as I have watched it when fishing in Wales; let us always
+associate it with the magic of a poet of nature as well as with the
+religious processions of his people.
+
+_Lustrare_, _lustratio_, are words which, as I think, belong to an age
+of religion, that is, according to our formula, of effective desire to
+be in right relation with the Power manifesting itself in the Universe.
+In other processes which are usually called purificatory, magic seems to
+survive: the word _februum_, from which comes the name of our second
+month, meant an object with magical potency, such as water, fire,
+sulphur, laurel, wool, or the strips of the victims sacrificed at the
+Lupercalia, and the verb _februare_ meant to get rid of certain
+unwholesome or miasmatic influences by means of these objects.[441] What
+was the really primitive idea attached to these words need not concern
+us now; but Varro, and Ovid following him, explicitly explain them as
+meaning _purifying_ agents and processes,[442] from which we may infer
+that they had a magical power to produce certain desired conditions, or
+to protect from evil influences, like charms and amulets. But _lustrare_
+and _lustratio_ seem to belong to an age when the thing to be driven or
+kept away is rather spiritual mischief, and when the means used are
+sacrifices and prayers, with processional movement.
+
+What is the original meaning of the word _lustrare_? It seems to be a
+strong form of _luere_; and _luere_ is explained by Varro as equivalent
+to _solvere_.[443] The word _lustrum_, he says, _i.e._ the solemn
+five-yearly ceremony in the Campus Martius, is derived from _luere_ in
+the sense of _solvere_, to pay; because every fifth year the
+contract-moneys for the collection of taxes and for public undertakings
+were paid into the treasury through the censors. Servius,[444] doubtless
+following him, explains such expressions as _peccata luere_, _supplicium
+luere_, on the same principle--in the sense of payment, just as we speak
+of paying the penalty. We might thus be tempted to fancy that the
+root-idea of _lustrare_ is to perform a duty and so get rid of it, as we
+do in paying for anything we buy; but this would be to misapprehend the
+original meaning of the word as completely as Varro did when he
+explained _luere_ by reference to the payments of contractors. Varro
+and Servius do, however, suggest the right clue; they see that the idea
+lurking in the word is that of getting rid of something, but they
+understand that something in the light, not of primitive man's
+intelligence, but of the duty of man in a civilised State. What exactly
+it was that was to be got rid of is a more difficult question; but all
+that we have so far learnt about the early religious ideas of the Romans
+strongly suggests that they were in what we may call an advanced
+_animistic_ stage of religious ideas, and that whatever may have been
+the notion of their primitive ancestors, they themselves, in these rites
+as we know them, saw the means of getting rid of and so keeping away
+hostile spirits. A French sociologist, M. van Gennep, whose book _Les
+Rites de passage_ I have read with great interest, has kindly written me
+a long letter in which he insists that this animistic interpretation of
+_lustratio_ is really superfluous, and that the idea of separation
+alone, _i.e._ of separation between sacred and profane, without any
+reference to spirits or _dei_, is a fully sufficient explanation. So no
+doubt it may be among many savage peoples; but he would probably allow
+that as a people advances from one stage of superstition to another,
+while it retains in outline the scheme of its rites, it will apply new
+meanings to them in keeping with the changes in its mental attitude.
+This is one of the most interesting processes with which modern research
+has been occupied; we are now familiar with the adoption of
+pre-Christian ceremonies, with a complete change of meaning, in the
+ritual of the Christian Church. These very processions of _lustratio_,
+which had already been once metamorphosed in an animistic period, were
+seized upon by the Roman Church with characteristic adroitness, adapted
+to its ritual, and given a new meaning; and the Catholic priest still
+leads his flock round the fields with the prayers of the _Litania maior_
+in Rogation week, begging a blessing on the flocks and herds, and
+deprecating the anger of the Almighty.[445]
+
+But let us now pass briefly in review the more important of these rites
+of lustration and compare them with each other; we shall find the
+essential features the same in all of them.
+
+The first permanent difficulty of new settlers in Latium was to mark off
+their cultivated land from the forest or waste land beyond it, and so,
+as M. van Gennep would phrase it,[446] to make a margin of separation
+between the sacred and the profane, within which the sacred processes of
+domestic life and husbandry might go forward, undisturbed by
+dangers--human, spiritual, or what not--coming from the profane world
+without. The boundary was marked out in some material way, perhaps by
+stones (_cippi_) or posts, placed at intervals;[447] and thus "a fixed
+piece of ground is appropriated by a particular social group, so that if
+any stranger penetrated it he would be committing a sacrilege as
+complete as he would if he trespassed in a sacred grove or a temple."
+This boundary-line was made sacred itself by the passage round it
+(_lustratio_) at some fixed time of the year, usually in May, when crops
+were ripening and especially liable to be attacked by hostile
+influences, of a procession occupied with sacrifice and prayer. The two
+main features of the rite, as formulated by Cato in his treatise on
+agriculture, are--1, the procession of the victims, ox, sheep, and pig
+(_suovetaurilia_), the farmer's most valuable property; 2, the prayer to
+Mars pater, after libations to Janus and Jupiter, asking for his kindly
+protection of the whole _familia_ of the farm, together with the crops
+of all kinds and the cattle within the boundary-line.[448] We are not
+expressly told that this procession followed the boundary throughout,
+but the analogy of other lustrations forbids us to doubt it; and thus
+the rite served the practical purpose of keeping it clear in the
+memory,--a matter of the utmost importance, especially for the practical
+Roman. In Cato's formula the farmer's object is to ward off disease,
+calamity, dearth, and infertility; and it is Mars who is invoked, _i.e._
+a great god who has long ago emerged from the crowd of impersonal
+spirits; but we may safely believe that the primitive farmer used other
+language, addressing the spirits of disease and dearth themselves; and
+we may guess, if we will, that again before that there was no invocation
+or sacrifice at all, but that the object was only to mark the boundary
+between land civilised and sacred and land uncivilised and profane.
+
+As we have seen, the farms and homesteads of the early Latins were
+grouped together in associations called _pagi_; and we can hardly doubt
+that these were subjected to the same process of _lustratio_ as the
+farms themselves. We have no explicit account of a circumambulation in
+this case, but we have in the later poets several charming allusions to
+a _lustratio pagi_, and it is of a rite of this kind that Virgil must
+have been thinking when he wrote the beautiful passage in the first
+Georgic beginning "In primis venerare deos";[449] and the lines
+
+  terque novas circum felix eat hostia fruges,
+  omnis quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes, etc.,
+
+clearly imply a procession with the object of keeping away harmful
+influences from the crops at a critical time. And when the city-state
+came into being we may be equally sure that its _ager_, so long at least
+as it was small enough to admit of such a processional ritual, was
+lustrated in the same way. In historical times this _ager_ had become
+too extensive, and there is no procession to be found among the duties
+of the Fratres Arvales as we know them when they were revived by
+Augustus; but we have not, of course, the whole of the "acta" of the
+Brethren, and even if we had, it would not be likely that we should find
+any trace of a practice which must have been dropped in course of time
+as the Roman territory increased. Let us go on to the beginnings of the
+city, where we shall find the same principle and practice applied in
+striking fashion.
+
+As it was necessary to protect the homestead and its land by a sacred
+boundary, so the city had to be clearly marked off from all that was
+outside of it. Its walls were sacred, or, strictly speaking, a certain
+imaginary line outside of them called the _pomoerium_ was sacred. This
+is well shown in the traditional method of founding a city even in
+historical times, _e.g._ a _colonia_, as described by Varro, Servius,
+and Plutarch.[450] A white ox and a white cow were harnessed to a
+plough, of which the share must be made of bronze--a rule which shows at
+once the antiquity and the religious character of the rite, for iron, as
+we saw, was taboo in most religious ceremonies. A rectangular furrow was
+drawn where the walls of the city were to be; the earth was turned
+inwards to mark the future line of the wall, and the furrow represented
+the future _pomoerium_. When the plough came to the place where there
+was to be a gate, it was lifted over it, and the ploughing resumed
+beyond it. This probably meant, as Plutarch expressed it, that the walls
+(or rather the _pomoerium_), were sacred while the gates were profane;
+had the gates been holy, scruple would necessarily have been felt about
+the passage in and out of them of things profane. Thus the _pomoerium_
+was a boundary line between the sacred and the profane, like that of the
+farm; but in historical times it acquired a more definite religious
+meaning, for within it there could only dwell those deities who belonged
+to the city and its inhabitants, _i.e._ the _di indigetes_, and who were
+recognised as its divine inhabitants.[451] And only within its limits
+could the _auspicia_ of the city be taken.
+
+We should naturally expect that this sacred boundary would have its
+holiness secured or revived by an annual _lustratio_ like that of the
+farm and _pagus_; and so no doubt it was. But the memory of this
+survives only in the word _amburbium_, which, on the analogy of
+_ambarvalia_, must mean a rite of this processional kind. Luckily we
+have definite knowledge of the real _lustratio_ of a city in those
+ritualistic inscriptions of Iguvium which I have more than once referred
+to.[452] It is the _lustratio_ of the _arx_, the citadel of Iguvium,
+which we may guess to have been the original _oppidum_ or germ of the
+historical city. The details are complex, and show clear traces of
+priestly organisation; but the main features stand out unmistakably. A
+procession goes round the _arx_ (_ocris Fisia_), with the
+_suovetaurilia_--ox, sheep, and pig--as in the Latin _lustratio_; at
+each gate it stops, while sacrifice and prayer are offered on behalf of
+the citadel, the city, and the whole people of Iguvium. There were three
+gates, and each of them is the scene of sacrifice and prayer, because
+they are the weak points in the wall, and they need to be strengthened
+by annual religious operations; such at least is the most obvious
+explanation. Whether the Fratres Attiedii would have been able to
+explain it thus we may doubt; neither in the sacrificial ritual nor in
+the prayers, as recorded in the inscription, do we find any clear trace
+of a distinction between the sacred and the profane, or of the idea of a
+hostile spiritual world outside the sacred boundary. So far as we can
+judge from the prayers, the object is really a religious one, to implore
+the deities of the city to preserve it and all within it. The language
+of these prayers hardly differs from that in which a Christian Church of
+to-day asks for a blessing on a community.[453]
+
+So far I have been speaking of the permanent separation of land or city
+by a sacred boundary line from the profane world without. But human
+beings _en masse_ might be subjected to the same process--an army, for
+example, at the opening of the season of war; and so, too, might its
+appurtenances--horses, arms, and trumpets. In the account of the census
+and _lustrum_ in the Campus Martius given by Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
+who passed some years in Rome in the time of Augustus, we find the
+_suovetaurilia_ driven three times round the assembled host and
+sacrificed to Mars. This was doubtless the early form of the political
+census, which had a military meaning and origin. But we have a more
+exact and reliable account of a similar rite in the Iguvian documents,
+which contain instructions for the _lustratio_ of the people apparently
+before a campaign.[454] So far as we can gather from the Umbrian text,
+the male population was assembled in a particular spot in its military
+divisions, and round this host a procession went three times; at the end
+of each circuit there was sacrifice and prayer to Mars and two female
+associates of his power, the object of which, as we can read in the
+words of the prayer, was to bless the people of Iguvium and to curse its
+enemies, who were to be confounded and frightened and paralysed.
+
+Here religion of a rude sort has been superimposed on the originally
+magical ceremonial. For the idea must have been that by drawing a "magic
+circle" around the host, which might have to march against enemies
+living far beyond the pale of the _ager Romanus_ (or Iguvinus), where
+hostile magical influences might be brought to bear against them, they
+were in some mysterious way marked off, rendered "holy," and so
+protected against the wiles of the enemy. A later and animistic age
+would think of them as needing protection against hostile spirits, of
+whose ways and freaks they were of course entirely ignorant. Of these
+primitive ideas about the danger of entering hostile territory and of
+leaving your own, Dr. Frazer has collected some examples in his _Golden
+Bough_ (i. 304 foll.), both from savage tribes and from Greek usage. A
+single parallel from the pen of a Roman historian, which Dr. Frazer has
+not mentioned, may suffice us here. Livy tells us that the method in
+Macedonia was to march the whole host in spring between the severed
+limbs of a dog:[455] the principle is here the same as in Italy, but the
+method differs slightly. In each case some mysterious influence is
+brought to bear on the whole army without exception; but in the one case
+a line is drawn round it, in the other it passes through the parts of an
+object which must have been supposed to be endowed with magical power.
+
+And once more, in spring before the season of arms, all the belongings
+of the host were subjected to some process of the same kind. I have
+alluded to this in my lecture on the calendar, and need not now
+reproduce the evidence of the Equirria at the end of February and on
+March 14, or of the Quinquatrus on March 19, when the _lustratio_ took
+place of the shields (_ancilia_) of the Salii, the war-priests of Mars,
+and the Tubilustrium on March 23, which tells its own tale.[456] But I
+may recall the fact that the calendar supplies us also with evidence
+that on the return of the host to their own territory all these
+lustrations had to be repeated in order to rid men, horses, arms, and
+trumpets of such evil contagion as they might have contracted during
+their absence. It may be that one special object of lustration after the
+return of an army was to rid it, with all belonging to it, of the taint
+of bloodshed, just as the Jewish warriors and their captives were
+purified before re-entering the camp.[457] But in the Roman pontifical
+law this idea is hardly discernible, and the only trace I can find of it
+is a statement of Festus that the soldiers who followed the general's
+car in a triumph wore laurel wreaths "ut quasi purgati a caede humana
+intrarent urbem."[458] I may add here that the passage of a triumphing
+army through the Porta triumphalis, which was probably an isolated arch
+in the Campus Martius just outside the city wall,[459] most likely had
+as its original meaning the separation of the host from the profane
+world in which it had been moving; and the triumphal arches of later
+times, which were within the city, were thus developed architecturally
+from an origin which belongs to the region of magic.[460] To the same
+class of ideas, if I am not much mistaken, belongs the familiar Italian
+practice of compelling a surrendered army to pass under the yoke. As
+Livy explains this when he first mentions it, it was symbolical of
+subjection: "ut exprimatur confessio subactam domitamque esse
+gentem";[461] and this was no doubt the idea in the minds of the
+historical Romans. But it may well have been that it had its root in a
+process which was supposed to deprive the conquered enemy of all
+dangerous contagion--to separate them from their own land and people
+before they came into peaceful contact with their conquerors.
+
+A last word before I leave this part of my subject. Though it is
+interesting to try to get at the root-idea of these processes of
+_lustratio_, we must remember that in the Rome of history they had lost
+not only such magical meaning as they ever had, but also much of the
+religious meaning which in course of time was superimposed upon it. The
+sacrifices and the prayers remained, but the latter were muttered and
+unheard by the people. And except in the country districts these
+ceremonies were more and more absorbed, as time went on, into the
+social, military, and political life of the community, as _e.g._ the
+lustration of the host became a political census; or they tended to
+disappear altogether, like the _ambarvalia_ and perhaps the _amburbium_.
+They grew up in the religious experience of the Romans, beginning with
+its very earliest and quasi-magical forms; but they came at last to
+represent that experience no longer, and when we meet with them in
+historical times it is impossible to ascribe to them any real influence
+on life and conduct. _Lustratio_ never in pagan Italy developed an
+ethical meaning as _catharsis_ did in Greece.[462] But meaningless as
+they were, the stately processions remained, and could be watched with
+pride by the patriotic Roman all through the period of the Empire, until
+the Roman Church adapted them to its own ritual and gave them, as we
+saw, a new meaning. As the cloud-shadows still move slowly over the
+hollows of the Apennines, so does the procession of the patron saint
+pass still through the streets of many an Italian city.[463]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE IX
+
+    [406] Dill, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the
+    Western Empire_, p. 63.
+
+    [407] See Westermarck, _Origin and Development of Moral
+    Ideas_, ii. 615 foll.
+
+    [408] _C.I.L._ i. Nos. 43 foll.
+
+    [409] _C.I.L._ xiv. 2863. See _R.F._ p. 224, and
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 209.
+
+    [410] _Op. cit._ vol. i. p. 252; cp. 271.
+
+    [411] See Sir Alfred Lyall's _Asiatic Studies_, Series
+    I. ch. vi. No one would call the vow of Aeneas, in
+    _Aen._ vi. 69, a bargain with Apollo and the Sibyl.
+
+    [412] Marquardt, p. 266; Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, i.^2
+    594 foll. The ceremony is best described by Ovid, _Ex
+    Ponto_, iv. 9. 5 foll. He is addressing the consul of
+    the year from his place of exile:
+
+      at cum Tarpeias esses deductus in arces,
+        dum caderet iussu victima sacra tuo,
+      me quoque secreto grates sibi magnus agentem
+        audisset media qui sedet aede deus.
+                                    (II. 28 foll.)
+
+    [413] Valerius Maximus iv. 1. 10.
+
+    [414] A list of these is given in Aust, _De aedibus
+    sacris populi Romani_ (Marpurg, 1889). A valuable work,
+    which will be of service to us later on.
+
+    [415] Livy xxxvi. 2. 3.
+
+    [416] _Ib._ xxii. 10.
+
+    [417] _Ib._ sec. 6. The meaning is that if any one has
+    stolen an animal which was intended to be dedicated, no
+    blame attaches to the person so robbed; and that if a
+    man performs his dedication on a day of ill omen
+    unwittingly, it will hold good none the less.
+
+    [418] Farnell, _Evolution of Religion_, p. 195.
+
+    [419] The fact that words like _reus_ and _damnatus_
+    were applied respectively to persons who had made a vow
+    and to those who had performed it, _i.e._ as being
+    liable like a defendant, and then released from that
+    position by a verdict or sentence (see Wissowa, _R.K._
+    p. 320), is of course significant of the idea of the
+    transaction in the mind of the Roman, who, as Macrobius
+    says (iii. 2. 6) _se numinibus obligat_, as an accused
+    person is _obligatus_ to the authorities of the State
+    (Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, 189 foll.). It is the natural
+    tendency of the Roman mind to give all transactions a
+    legal sanction; but it does not thence follow that the
+    original idea was really thought of as a contract, and
+    we have only to reflect that the final act was a
+    thank-offering to see the difference between the civil
+    and the religious process.
+
+    [420] Livy v. 21.
+
+    [421] Macr. iii. 9, 6. He says that he found it in the
+    fifth book of _Res reconditae_ by one Sammonicus
+    Serenus, and that the latter had himself found it "in
+    cuiusdam Furii vetustissimo libro."
+
+    [422] On this subject see article "Devotio" in
+    Pauly-Wissowa.
+
+    [423] Livy viii. 10, "licere consuli dictatori
+    praetori...." Cp. Cic. _de Nat. deorum_, ii. 10, "at
+    vero apud maiores tanta religionis vis fuit, ut quidam
+    imperatores etiam se ipsos dis immortalibus capite
+    velato certis verbis pro republica devoverent."
+
+    [424] See Münzer's article "Decii" in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _Real-Encycl._; Soltau, _Die Anfänge der röm.
+    Geschichtschreibung_, p. 48 foll.
+
+    [425] Livy viii. 9 foll.; Dio Cassius, fragment, xxxv.
+    6; Ennius, _Ann._ vi. 147, Baehrens. The latter fragment
+    is the oldest reference to the event which we possess,
+    and just sufficient to confirm Livy's account: "Divi hoc
+    audite parumper, ut pro Romano populo prognariter armis
+    certando prudens animum de corpore mitto."
+
+    [426] It is worth remarking that the sacrificial aspect
+    struck St. Augustine. In _Civ. Dei_, v. 18, he writes:
+    "Si se occidendos certis verbis quodam modo consecrantes
+    Decii devoverunt, ut illis cadentibus et iram deorum
+    sanguine suo placantibus Romanus liberaretur exercitus,"
+    and goes on to compare the Decii with Christian martyrs.
+    I am indebted for this reference to Mayor's note on
+    Cicero, _de Nat. deor._ ii. 3. 10.
+
+    [427] See above, p. 176; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 352, note 1.
+
+    [428] By Deubner in _Archiv_, 1905, p. 69 foll. This
+    touching of the chin seems to be an example of that
+    personal contact which makes a man or thing holy; see,
+    _e.g._, Westermarck, _op. cit._ i. 586. Decius makes
+    himself holy for the sacrifice (as victim) by touching
+    (as priest) the only part of his person which was
+    exposed. For the magic touch of the hand see O.
+    Weinrich, _Antike Heiligungswünder_, p. 63 foll., and
+    Macrobius iii. 2. 7, for the touching of the altar by a
+    sacrificing priest.
+
+    [429] See above, p. 180.
+
+    [430] This is Deubner's explanation, which he elaborates
+    at length by examples of the worship of the spear or
+    sword among various peoples.
+
+    [431] This is peculiar to the formula in Livy viii. 9.
+    Is it possible that it may have some reference to the
+    fact that the Romans were fighting their own kin, the
+    Latins?
+
+    [432] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 22 and 102: "hastatos
+    inhastatos completo timore tremore, fuga formidine, nive
+    nimbo, fragore furore, senio servitio," where, however,
+    the translator from the Umbrian is assisted by the Latin
+    formulae we are discussing.
+
+    [433] Macrobius iii. 9. 10, "exercitum quem ego me
+    sentio dicere fuga formidine terrore compleatis," etc.
+    This is of comparatively late origin, as it is addressed
+    to Dis pater, who only became a Roman deity in 249 B.C.
+    (Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 257). The interesting feature in
+    this _devotio_, used at the siege at Carthage, is that
+    it is not himself whom the commander devotes--the common
+    sense of the Romans had got beyond that--but the enemy
+    as substitutes for himself. "Eos vicarios pro me fide
+    magistratuque meo pro populo Romano exercitibus do
+    devoveo, ut me meamque fidem imperiumque legiones
+    exercitumque nostrum bene salvos siritis esse." Thus the
+    enemy is made the victim, and this is why the only gods
+    invoked are the Di Inferi, Dis pater, Veiovis, Manes,
+    while in the older formula it is the gods of Romans and
+    Latins. Pacuvius in a praetextata called _Decius_ wrote:
+    "Lue patrium hostili fusum sanguen sanguine" (Ribbeck,
+    p. 280). This is the language Ennius used before him of
+    the sacrifice of Iphigenia: "ut hostium eliciatur
+    sanguis sanguine," where, however, the word _eliciatur_
+    shows that it is magic. The curious thing in this last
+    passage is that the parallel passage in the Euripidean
+    _Iph. in Aul._ (1486) does not suggest magic. Is the
+    idea Italian? The curse (for such it really is) is to be
+    witnessed by Tellus and Iuppiter, and the celebrant
+    points down and up respectively in invoking them, as
+    also in the _devotio_ of Curtis in the Forum (Livy vii.
+    6), which was an abnormal _procuratio prodigii_.
+
+    [434] Cp. the language used by Livy of the second Decius
+    (x. 29): "prae se agere formidinem ac fugam ...
+    contacturum funebribus diris signa tela arma hostium."
+    For spells or curses of this kind see Westermarck i.
+    563: a curse is conveyable by speech, especially if
+    spoken by a magistrate or priest. "Among the Maoris the
+    anathema of the priest is regarded as a thunderbolt that
+    an enemy cannot escape." See also Robertson Smith,
+    _Semites_, p. 434, for the Jewish ban, by which impious
+    sinners, or enemies of the city and its God, were
+    devoted to destruction. He remarks that the Hebrew verb
+    to ban is sometimes rendered "consecrate": Micah iv. 13;
+    Deut. xiii. 16; and Joshua vi. 26 (Jericho), which
+    exactly answers to the consecratio of Carthage. For
+    curses conveyable by sacrifices, as in all the cases I
+    have mentioned, see Westermarck ii. 618 foll. 624, and
+    the same author's paper on conditional curses in
+    Morocco, in _Anthropological Essays_, addressed to E. B.
+    Tylor, p. 360.
+
+    [435] "Abate their pride, assuage their malice, and
+    confound their devices." I well remember hearing this
+    read in church throughout the Crimean war.
+
+    [436] "Pro republica Quiritium," in the formula quoted
+    above.
+
+    [437] Livy viii. 10 _ad fin._
+
+    [438] See above, note 28.
+
+    [439] See Marquardt, p. 276 and notes; Mommsen,
+    _Strafrecht_, 900 foll. The subject has generally been
+    treated from the legal point of view rather than the
+    religious; but from the religious point of view it has
+    generally been assumed that the sacrifice was to appease
+    the god. So no doubt it was; but I venture also to
+    conjecture that the victim was _vicarius_ for the
+    contamination of the community. On the subject generally
+    Westermarck's two chapters on human sacrifice and
+    blood-revenge (xix. and xx. in vol. i.) are extremely
+    well worth reading.
+
+    [440] _Aen._ i. 607 foll. Cp. _Aen._ iii. 429--
+
+      praestat Trinacrii metas lustrare Pachyni
+      cessantem, longos et circumflectere cursus,
+
+    where the slow movement and circuitous course of a
+    lustratio must have been in Virgil's mind. The movement
+    round an object for lustral purposes is seen in _Aen._
+    vi. 229, "idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda," where
+    Servius explains _circumtulit_ by _purgavit_. As early
+    as Livius Andronicus (second century B.C.) we find
+    "classem lustratur" of fishes swimming round a fleet
+    (Ribb. _Trag. Fragmenta_, p. 1).
+
+    [441] Marquardt, p. 324, for the _februa_ of the
+    Luperci, _R.F._ p. 320 foll., and the explanations there
+    given. More will be found alluded to in Van Gennep, _Les
+    Rites de passage_, p. 249. To my mind none are quite
+    convincing. The Romans believed that blows with these
+    _februa_ (strips of the victim's skin) made women
+    fertile; they were therefore clearly magical implements,
+    but beyond this we do not seem to get. (See also Deubner
+    in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 495 foll.)
+
+    [442] Varro, _L.L._ vi. 13, "Februum Sabini purgamentum,
+    et id in sacris nostris verbum." Cp. Varro, _ap.
+    Nonium_, p. 114; Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 19 foll., where he
+    calls _februa piamina, purgamenta_, in the language of
+    the _ius divinum_.
+
+    [443] _L.L._ vi. 11.
+
+    [444] Servius, _ad Aen._ x. 32; xi. 842; cp. i. 136.
+
+    [445] See _R.F._ p. 127, for the same rite in the Church
+    of England (Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, p. 292).
+
+    [446] _Les Rites de passage_, ch. ii.
+
+    [447] For boundary marks in historical times see
+    _Gromatici auctores_, vol. ii. p. 250 foll. (Rudorff).
+
+    [448] If the cattle were in the woodland beyond the
+    settlement, as they would be in summer, they could not
+    be protected in this way: like an army going into the
+    country of _hostes_ (see above, p. 216) they were
+    treated in another way, which we may connect with the
+    ritual of the Parilia, as Dr. Frazer has beautifully
+    shown in his paper on St. George and the Parilia (_Revue
+    des études ethnographiques et sociologiques_, 1908, p. 1
+    foll.).
+
+    [449] _Georg._ i. 338 foll.
+
+    [450] Varro, _L.L._ v. 143; Servius, _Aen._ v. 755 (from
+    Cato); Plutarch, _Romulus_, xi.
+
+    [451] See above, p. 117.
+
+    [452] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 12 foll. and 42 foll.
+
+    [453] The deities of the city were invoked to preserve
+    the name, the magistrates, rites, men, cattle, land, and
+    crops: a list in which the name is the only item that
+    carries us back to pre-Christian times.
+
+    [454] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 21 and 84 foll.
+
+    [455] Livy xl. 6 init.
+
+    [456] See above, p. 96.
+
+    [457] Numbers xxxi. 19.
+
+    [458] Festus, p. 117.
+
+    [459] See Hülsen-Jordan, _Röm. Topographie_, vol. iii.
+    p. 495; Von Domaszewski, _Abhandlungen_, p. 217 foll.
+
+    [460] Suggested by Van Gennep, _Les Rites de passage_,
+    p. 28.
+
+    [461] Livy iii. 28. 11.
+
+    [462] Farnell, _Evolution of Religion_, p. 132 foll.
+
+    [463] The account of _lustratio_ given in this lecture
+    is adapted from the author's chapter on the same subject
+    in _Anthropology and the Classics_, Oxford University
+    Press, 1908.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE X
+
+THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME
+
+
+I said in my first lecture that the whole story of Roman religious
+experience falls into two parts: first, that of the formularisation of
+rules and methods for getting effectively into right relations with the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe; secondly, that of the gradual
+discovery of the inadequacy of these, and of the engrafting on the State
+religion of Rome of an ever-increasing number of foreign rites and
+deities. The first of these stories has been occupying us so far, and
+before I leave it for what will be practically an introduction to
+succeeding lectures, it will be as well for me to sum up the results at
+which we have already arrived.
+
+I began with what I called the protoplasm of religion, the primitive
+ideas and practices which form the psychological basis of the whole
+growth. The feeling of awe and anxiety about that which is mysterious
+and unknown, the feeling which the Romans called _religio_, seems to
+have manifested itself in Italy, as elsewhere, in those various ways
+which I discussed in my second and third lectures, in the various forms
+of magic, negative and positive. We find unmistakable evidence of the
+existence of those strict rules of conduct called taboos, which fetter
+the mind and body of primitive man, which probably arise from an
+ineffective desire to put himself in right relations with forces he does
+not understand, and which have their value as a social discipline.
+Again, we find surviving in historical Rome numerous forms of active or
+positive magic, by which it was thought possible to compel or overcome
+those powers, so as to use them for your own benefit and against your
+enemies. But I was careful to point out that on the whole little of all
+this evidence of the early existence of magic at Rome is to be found in
+the public religion of the Roman State, and that the natural inference
+from this is that at one time or another there must have been a very
+powerful influence at work in cutting away these obsolete root-leaves of
+the plant that was to be, and in making of that plant a neat,
+well-defined growth.
+
+I went on to deal with the first stage in the working of this influence,
+which we found reflected in the religion of the family as we know it in
+historical times. The family, settled on the land, with its homestead
+and its regular routine of agricultural process, developed a more
+effective desire to get into right relation with the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. Anxiety is greatly lessened both in the house
+and on the land, because within those limits there is a "peace" (or
+covenant) between the divine and human inhabitants who have taken up
+their residence there. The supernatural powers, conceived now (whatever
+they may have been before) as spirits, are friendly if rightly
+propitiated, and much advance has been made in the methods of
+propitiation; magic and religion are still doubtless mixed up together
+in these, but the tendency seems to be to get gradually rid of the more
+inadequate and blundering methods. In fact, man's knowledge of the
+Divine has greatly advanced; spirits have some slight tendency to become
+deities, and magic is in part at least superseded by an orderly round of
+sacrifice and prayer, which is performed daily within the house, and
+within the boundary of the land at certain seasons of the year. This
+stage of settlement and routine was the first great revolution in the
+religious experience of the Romans, and supplied the basis of their
+national character.
+
+The second revolution which we can clearly discern, and far the most
+important as a factor in Roman history, is that of the organisation of
+the religion of the city-state of Rome. Doubtless there were stages
+intermediate between the two, but they are entirely lost to us. We had
+to concentrate our attention on the city of the four regions--the first
+city we really know--and to examine the one document which has survived
+from it, the so-called calendar of Numa. In my fifth lecture I explained
+the nature of that calendar, and noted how it reflects the life of a
+people at once agricultural and military, and how it must presuppose the
+existence of a highly organised legal priesthood, or of some powerful
+genius for political as well as religious legislation. The tradition of
+a great priest-king is not wholly to be despised, for it expresses the
+feeling of the Romans that religious law and order were indispensable
+parts of their whole political and social life. During the rest of these
+lectures I have been trying to interrogate this religious calendar, with
+such help as could be gained from any other sources, on two points: (1)
+the conception, or, if we can venture to use the word, the knowledge,
+which the Romans of that early city-state had of the Divine; (2) the
+chief forms and methods of their worship. We saw that they did not think
+of the divine beings as existing in human form with human weaknesses,
+but as invisible and intangible functional powers, _numina_. Each had
+its special limited sphere of action; and some were now localised within
+the _pomoerium_, or just outside it within the _ager Romanus_, and
+worshipped under a particular name. I suggested that this very
+settlement had probably some influence in preparing them for assuming a
+more definite and personal character, should the chance be given them.
+In regard to the forms of cult with which they were propitiated, I found
+in the ritual of sacrifice and prayer a genuine advance towards a really
+religious attitude to the deity, the sacrifices being meant to increase
+his power to benefit the community, and the prayers to diminish such
+inclination as he might have to damage it; but that there are in these
+certain survivals of the age of magic, which are, however, only formal,
+and have lost their original significance. I found some curious
+examples of such survivals in the rite of _devotio_, and in vows
+generally a somewhat lower type of method in dealing with the
+supernatural. But, on the other hand, the forms of _lustratio_, at the
+bottom of which seems to lie the idea of getting rid of evil spirits and
+influences, present very beautiful examples of what we may really call
+religious ceremony.
+
+There was, then, in this highly-organised religion of the city-state, in
+some ways at least, a great advance. But in spite of this gain, it had
+serious drawbacks. Most prominent among these was the fact that it was
+the religion of the State as a whole, and not of the individual or the
+family. Religion, I think we may safely say, had placed a certain
+consecration upon the simple life of the family, which was, in fact, the
+life of the individual; for the essence of religion in all stages of
+civilisation lies in the feeling of the individual that his own life,
+his bodily and mental welfare, is dependent on the Divine as he and his
+regard it. But to what extent can it be said that religion so
+consecrated the life of the State as to enable each individual in his
+family group to feel that consecration more vividly? That would have
+constituted a real advance in religious development; that was the
+result, if I am not mistaken, of the religion of the Jewish State, which
+with all the force of a powerful hierarchical authority addressed its
+precepts to the mind and will of the individual. But at Rome, though the
+earliest traces and traditions of law show a certain consecration of
+morality, inasmuch as the criminal is made over as a kind of
+propitiatory sacrifice to the deity whom he has offended, yet in the
+ordinary course of life, so far as I can discern, the individual was
+left very much where he was, before the State arose, in his relation to
+the Divine.
+
+In no other ancient State that we know of did the citizen so entirely
+resign the regulation of all his dealings with the State's gods to the
+constituted authorities set over him. His obligatory part in the
+religious ritual of the State was simply _nil_, and all his religious
+duty on days of religious importance was to abstain from civil business,
+to make no disturbance. Within the household he used his own simple
+ritual, the morning prayer, the libation to the household deities at
+meals; and it is exactly here that we see a _pietas_, a sense of duty
+consecrated by religion, which seems to have had a real ethical value,
+and reminds us of modern piety. But in all his relations with the gods
+_qua_ citizen, he resigned himself to the trained and trusted
+priesthoods, who knew the secrets of ritual and all that was comprised
+in the _ius divinum_; and by passive obedience to these authorities he
+gradually began to deaden the sense of _religio_ that was in him. And
+this tendency was increased by the mere fact of life in a city, which as
+time went on became more and more the rule; for, as I pointed out, the
+round of religious festivals no longer exactly expressed the needs and
+the work of that agricultural life in which it had its origin.
+
+It would be an interesting inquiry, if the material for an answer were
+available, to try and discover how this gradual absorption of religion
+(or rather religious duties) by the State and its authorities affected
+the morality of the individual Roman. It has often been maintained of
+late that religion and morality have nothing in common; and even Dr.
+Westermarck,[464] who, unlike most anthropologists, treats the whole
+subject from a psychological point of view, seems inclined to come to
+this conclusion. For myself, I am rather disposed to agree with another
+eminent anthropologist,[465] that religion and morality are really
+elemental instincts of human nature, primarily undistinguishable from
+each other; and if that be so, then the over-elaboration of either the
+moral or religious law, or of the two combined, will tend to weaken the
+binding force of both. If, as at Rome, the citizen is made perfectly
+comfortable in his relations with the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe, owing to the complete mastery of the _ius divinum_ by the
+State and its officials, there will assuredly be a tendency to paralyse
+the elemental religious impulse, and with it, if I am not mistaken, the
+elemental sense of right and wrong. For in the life of a state with such
+a legalised religious system as this, so long at least as it thrives and
+escapes serious disaster, there will be few or none of those moments of
+peril and anxiety in which "man is brought face to face with the eternal
+realities of existence,"[466] and when he becomes awakened to a new
+sense of religion and duty. In the life of the family, the critical
+moments of birth, puberty, marriage, and death regularly recur, and keep
+up the instinct, because man is then brought face to face with these
+eternal facts; there is no need of extraordinary perils, such as
+tempests or pestilences, to keep the instinct alive. But in the life of
+the State as such there were no such continually recurring reminders;
+even the old agricultural perils were out of sight of the ordinary
+citizen. Thus the farthest we can go in ascribing a moral influence to
+the State religion is in giving it credit for helping to maintain that
+sense of law and order which served to keep the life of the family sound
+and wholesome. That it did to some extent perform this service I have
+already pointed out;[467] and it is a remarkable fact that the decay of
+the State religion was coincident, in the last two centuries B.C., with
+the decay of the family life and virtues. But on the whole, as we shall
+see, the _ius divinum_ had rather the effect of hypnotising the
+religious and moral instinct than of keeping it awake. It needed new
+perils for the State as a whole to re-create that feeling which is the
+root of the growth of conscience; and when the craving did at last come
+upon the Roman, which in times of doubt and peril has come upon
+individuals and communities in all ages, for support and comfort from
+the Unseen, it had to be satisfied by giving him new gods to worship in
+new ways--aliens with whom he had nothing in common, who had no home in
+his patriotic feeling, no place in his religious experience.[468]
+
+I wish to conclude this first part of my subject by giving some account
+of the first beginning of this introduction of new deities, _di
+novensiles_ as they were called,[469] into the old Roman religious
+world. Those, however, of whom I shall speak here were not introduced as
+the result of disaster or distress, but were simply the inevitable
+consequence of the growing importance of the city on the Tiber--of the
+beginnings of her commercial and political relations with her
+neighbours, and also of her own development in the arts of civilisation.
+The religious system with which I have so far been dealing was the
+exclusive property, we must remember, of those _gentes_, with the
+families composing them, which formed the original human material of the
+State, and were known as _patrician_. If we had no other reason for
+being sure of this, the fact that all State priesthoods were originally
+limited to patrician families would be sufficient to prove it;[470] even
+down to the latest times the _rex sacrorum_, the three _flamines
+maiores_, and the _Salii_ were necessarily of patrician birth--a fact
+which had much to do with their tendency to disappear in the last age of
+the Republic.
+
+But in the course of the period within which the Numan calendar was
+drawn up, this community of patrician burghers began to suffer certain
+changes. A population of "outsiders," as in so many Greek cities, had
+gained admittance to the site of Rome, though not into its political and
+religious organism.[471] So solid a city, in such an important position,
+was sure to attract such settlers, whether from the Latins dwelling
+about it, or from the Etruscans on the north, or the Greek cities along
+the coast southwards and in Sicily. The Latins were, of course, of the
+same stock as the Romans, and already in some loose political relation
+to them; and as each Latin city was open, like Rome, to Greek and
+Etruscan influences, we should probably see in Latium an indirect
+channel of communication between those peoples and Rome, to be reckoned
+in addition to the direct and obvious one. As Dr. J. B. Carter has well
+said,[472] "the Latins, becoming rapidly inferior to Rome, were enabled
+to do her at least this service, that of absorbing the foreign
+influences which came, and in certain cases of Latinising them, and thus
+transmitting them to Rome in a more or less assimilated condition." As
+Dr. Carter has been the first to explain the arrival of these new
+religious influences to English readers, I shall in what follows closely
+follow his footsteps. They indicate and also reflect a change from
+agricultural economy and habits to a society interested in trade and
+travel: I say interested, because we cannot be quite sure how far the
+old Romans engaged in such pursuits themselves, as well as admitting
+from outside those who did, with their worships. They indicate also the
+growth of an industrial population, organised in gilds, as in the Middle
+Ages; here beyond doubt the workers were mainly of native birth. Lastly,
+they indicate an advance in military efficiency and, as a result of this
+military progress, some change in the relation of Rome to her
+fellow-communities of Latium.
+
+Perhaps the first of these new deities to arrive was the famous Hercules
+Victor or Invictus of the _ara maxima_ in the Forum Boarium, who
+continued for centuries to accept the tithes of the booty of generals
+and the profits of successful merchants. Virgil in the eighth
+_Aeneid_[473] makes Evander show his guest this altar and the
+celebration of its festival, and tell him the tale of Cacus and the oxen
+and the cave on the Aventine hard by; the poet, like every one else
+until the last few years, believed the cult to be primeval and Roman.
+But one of the many gains for the history of Roman religion which have
+recently been secured--even since the publication of my _Roman
+Festivals_--is the certainty that the Italian Hercules is really the
+Greek Heracles acclimatised in the sister peninsula, and that the cult
+of the _ara maxima_, though that altar was inside the sacred boundary of
+the _pomoerium_, was not native in Rome.[474] It seems, however, almost
+certain that it did not come direct from any part of Hellas, though its
+position, close to the Tiber and its landing-place, might naturally lead
+us to think so. It is almost impossible to believe that Heracles would
+have been allowed inside the _pomoerium_, had he been introduced by
+foreigners in the strict sense of the word. No doubt much has yet to be
+learnt about Hercules in Italy; but recent painstaking researches have
+made it possible for us to acquiesce in the belief that this Hercules of
+the _ara_ came from a Latin city,--from that Tibur which by tradition
+was of Greek origin--"Tibur Argeo positum colono,"--and which, like its
+neighbour Praeneste, was curiously receptive of foreign influence.[475]
+It is believed that the Greek traders from Campania and Magna Graecia
+made their way northwards through Latium, and thus eventually reached
+Rome with the deity whom they seem to have always carried with them. He
+was, in the words of Dr. Carter,[476] a deity of whom, by the contagion
+of commerce, the Romans already felt a great need, a god of great power
+from whom came success in the practical undertakings of life; and it was
+quite natural that his shrine should be in the busy cattle-market of the
+city, if we remember that the wealth of the early Romans, _pecunia_ as
+they called it, mainly consisted in sheep and oxen. As Heracles in
+various forms was to be met with all over the Mediterranean coasts, it
+would indeed be strange if he were not found in the growing city
+commanding the central water-way of Italy; and his appearance there may
+be said to have put Rome in touch with the Mediterranean business of
+that day. There he was destined to remain, with all the honour of an
+oldest cult, though other cults of the same god came in later, and were
+established quite close to him; and though never a State deity of much
+importance, he exercised a wholesome influence in matters of trade, as
+the god who sanctioned your oath, and who accepted the tithe of your
+gain which you had vowed at the outset of an enterprise.[477]
+
+In the same period, though the traditional date of their temple is
+later, came the Twin Brethren, Castor and Pollux, and found their way,
+like Hercules, into the city within the _pomoerium_. The famous temple
+of Castor (before whom his brother gradually gave way) was at the end
+of the Forum under the Palatine, close to the fountain of Juturna, where
+the Twins watered their horses after the battle of Lake Regillus; and
+there the beautiful remains of the latest reconstruction of it still
+stand.[478] This position alone should make us feel confident that the
+cult did not come direct from Greek sources; and it had its origin,
+perhaps, in the period when Rome was in close relation with Latin
+cities, which themselves had been gradually absorbing the cults and
+products of the Greeks of Campania. There is a strong probability that
+it came from Tusculum, with which the legend of the Regillus battle is
+closely connected, and where the cult had beyond doubt taken strong
+root.[479] Like the Hercules of the _ara maxima_, the Twins were no
+doubt brought by the course of trade, which was continually pushing up
+from the south; for they too were favourites of the merchant adventurer,
+and throughout Hellas were the special protectors of the seafarer. Their
+connection with horses is well known, and not as yet satisfactorily
+explained in its Roman aspect; but Dr. J. B. Carter thinks that they
+first became prominent in Greece when the Homeric use of chariots was
+abandoned for a primitive kind of cavalry, and that "the Castor-cult
+moved steadily northward (from Magna Graecia), carried, as it were, on
+horseback," and that when it reached Rome it became connected with the
+reorganisation of the cavalry. This seems to be almost pure guess-work,
+and, attractive as it is, I fear we cannot put much faith in it.[480]
+The position in the Forum, and the well-known connection of both twins
+with oaths,[481] seem to me rather to suggest a more natural origin in
+trade. I would suggest that the equine character of the cult in Latium
+was secondary, and that the connection of the temple and cult with the
+Roman cavalry was a natural result, but not a primary feature, of its
+introduction. I should be inclined to look on it as coming in with the
+building of the temple, which was probably of later origin than the
+original introduction of the cult.
+
+Some time after the calendar was drawn up, a deity was established on
+the Aventine, _i.e._ not within the _pomoerium_, whose arrival marks a
+development in the organisation of handicraft. We cannot indeed _prove_
+that the settlement of Minerva on the Aventine took place so early, but
+we have strong grounds for the conclusion.[482] This temple was in
+historical times the religious centre of trade-gilds; and these gilds
+were by universal Roman tradition ascribed to Numa as founder, which
+simply means that they were among the oldest institutions of the
+City-state. As Minerva does not appear in the calendar, had no _flamen_,
+and therefore must have been altogether outside the original patrician
+religious system, the natural inference is that the temple was founded,
+like the shrines of Hercules and the Twin Brethren, towards the end of
+the period we are dealing with, and was from the first the centre of the
+gilds. Of those mentioned by Plutarch in his life of Numa (ch. 17), we
+know that the following gilds belonged to Minerva: _tibicines_, _fabri_
+(carpenters?), _fullones_, _sutores_; and it is a reasonable guess that
+the others, _coriarii_, _fabri aerarii_, and _aurifices_, were also
+under her protection. These trades, as Waltzing remarks in his great
+work on Roman gilds,[483] are all in keeping with the rudimentary
+civilisation of primitive Rome; they are those which were first carried
+on outside of the family. Workers in iron are not among them; bronze is
+still the common metal.
+
+Now of course we must not go so far as to assume that none of these
+trades existed before the cult of Minerva came to Rome; but from her
+close association with them all through Roman history, and from the fact
+that the Romans were originally an agricultural folk, as the calendar
+shows, with a simple economy and simple needs, it is legitimate to
+connect the arrival of the goddess with the growth of town life and the
+demand for articles once made in rude fashion chiefly on the farms, and
+with a period of improvement in manufacture, and the use of better
+materials and better methods. Whence, then, did these improvements come?
+This is only another way of asking the question, Whence did Minerva
+come?
+
+By the common consent of investigators she came from the semi-Latin town
+of Falerii in southern Etruria, where these arts were practised by
+Etruscans, or those who had learnt of Etruscans.[484] Her name is
+Italian, not Etruscan;[485] she was an old Italian deity taken over by
+the invading Etruscans from the peoples whose land they occupied. But
+while in the hands of Etruscans she had adopted Greek characteristics,
+especially those of Athene, the patroness of arts and crafts. She soon,
+indeed, appeared with some of the character of Athene Polias, as we
+shall see at the end of this lecture; but her real importance, far down
+into the period of the Empire, was in the temple on the Aventine, and in
+connection with the crafts. The dedication day of the temple was March
+19, which was known, as we learn on the best authority, also as
+_artificum dies_.[486]
+
+There was another famous temple on the Aventine which by universal
+consent is attributed to the same period as that of Minerva. Diana does
+not appear in the calendar, and had no _flamen_; Roman tradition
+ascribed her arrival to Servius Tullius, and we shall not be far wrong
+if we place it at or towards the end of the age of the kingship. The
+temple was celebrated as containing an ancient statue of Diana, the
+oldest or almost the oldest representation of a deity in human form
+known at Rome, which was a copy of a rude image of Artemis at Massilia,
+of the type of the famous [Greek: xoanon] of the Ephesian Artemis.[487]
+It also contained a _lex templi_ in Greek characters, and a treaty or
+charter of a federation of Latin cities with Rome as their head, which
+was seen by Dionysius of Halicarnassus when in Rome in the time of
+Augustus.[488]
+
+The explanation of the arrival of Diana is simple. The _dies natalis_ of
+the temple is the same as that of the famous shrine of the same goddess
+at Aricia--the Ides of August.[489] Aricia was at this time the centre
+of a league of cities including Tusculum and Tibur, with both of which,
+as we have just seen, Rome was closely connected at this time; a league
+which is generally supposed to have superseded that of Alba, marking
+some revolution in Latium consequent on the fall of Alba.[490] Diana
+was a wood-spirit, a tree-spirit, as Dr. Frazer has taught us, with some
+relation to the moon and to the life of women; of late she has become
+familiar to every one, not as she was known later, in the disguise of
+Artemis, but as the deity of that shrine--"pinguis et placabilis ara
+Dianae"--of which the priest was the Rex Nemorensis: he who "slew the
+slayer and shall himself be slain."[491] But in those days it was only
+the fact that she was the chief local deity of Aricia, the leading city
+of the new league, which brought her suddenly into notice. When the
+strategic position of Rome gave her in turn the lead in Latium, Diana
+passed on from Aricia to the Tiber, entered on a new life, and
+eventually took over the attributes of Artemis, with whom she had much
+in common. The Diana whom we know in Roman literature is really Artemis;
+but Diana of the Aventine, when she first arrived there, was the
+wood-spirit of Aricia, and her temple was an outward sign of Rome's new
+position in Latium: it was built by the chiefs of the Latin cities in
+conjunction with Rome, and is described by Varro as "commune Latinorum
+Dianae templum."[492] It was appropriately placed on the only Roman hill
+which was then still covered with wood, and was outside the _pomoerium_.
+
+There was one other goddess, a Latin one, who was traditionally
+associated with this period, and especially with king Servius
+Tullius--Fortuna, or Fors Fortuna; she does not appear in the calendar,
+had no _flamen_, and must have been introduced from outside. But it was
+long before Fortuna became of any real importance in Rome, and I shall
+leave her out of account here. She had two homes of renown in Latium, at
+Antium and Praeneste, and was in each connected with a kind of oracle,
+which seems to have been specially resorted to by women before and after
+childbirth. She was also very probably a deity of other kinds of
+fertility; and in course of time she took on the characteristics of the
+Greek Tyche, and became a favourite deity of good luck.[493]
+
+Let us pause for one moment to reflect on the character of these new
+deities of whom I have been speaking: Hercules, Castor, Minerva, Diana.
+It must be confessed that, as compared with the great deities of the
+calendar, they are uninteresting; with the exception, perhaps, of
+Hercules, they do not seem to have any real _religious_ significance.
+They are local deities brought in from outside, and have no root in the
+mind of the Roman people as we have so far been studying it. They seem
+to indicate the growth of a population in which the true old Roman
+religious instinct was absent; they represent commerce, business,
+handicraft, or politics, pursuits in which the old Roman and Latin
+farmers were not directly interested; they were suffered to be in Rome
+because the new population and the new interests must of necessity have
+their own worships, but they were not taken into the heart and mind of
+the people. So at least it seems to us, after we have been examining the
+development of the native religious plant from its root upwards. But we
+must remember that of that new population, its life and its needs, we
+know hardly anything, and it would not be safe to assume that the
+conception of Minerva had no influence on the conscience of the artisan,
+or that of Hercules no power of binding the trader to honest dealing and
+respect for his oath. As for Diana, though, as Dr. Carter says, she had
+been introduced "as part of a diplomatic game, not because Rome felt any
+religious need of her," the fact that the Latin treaty was kept in her
+temple has a certain moral as well as political significance which ought
+not to be overlooked. It is impossible to put ourselves mentally in the
+position of the men who brought these cults to Rome, or of the Romans
+who granted them admittance; but we shall be on the safe side if we
+imagine the former at least to have had a conviction that their dealings
+at Rome would not prosper unless they were carried out with the blessing
+of their own gods.
+
+But we now come, in the last place, to the foundation of a cult of a
+very different kind from these, and of far greater import than any of
+them in the history of Roman religious experience. We have seen that the
+temple of Diana on the Aventine meant the transference of the headship
+of the Latin league from Aricia to Rome. When Rome took over this
+headship, and by removing its religious centre to Rome--or, perhaps more
+accurately, by offering Diana of Aricia a new home by the Tiber--removed
+also any danger of a new power growing up in Latium outside her own
+influence, she seems to have taken another important step in the same
+direction. Archæological evidence confirms the tradition that at this
+time the temple of Jupiter Latiaris, the real and original god of the
+league, on the Alban hill, was rebuilt;[494] and as the remains of its
+foundation are of Etruscan workmanship, we may believe that the work was
+undertaken at that period of an Etruscan dominion in Rome which no one
+now seriously doubts, and which is marked by the Etruscan name
+Tarquinius, and by the old tradition that Servius Tullius was really an
+Etruscan bearing the Etruscan name Mastarna.[495] Now those in power at
+Rome at this time, whoever they were, not content with rebuilding the
+ancient temple of Jupiter on the Alban hill, conceived the idea of also
+building a great temple at Rome, on the steep rock overlooking the
+Forum, to the same deity of the heaven who had long presided over the
+Latin league. The tradition was that this temple was vowed by the first
+Tarquinius, begun by the second, and finally dedicated by the first
+consul Horatius in the year 509.[496] It is quite possible that this
+tradition indicates the truth in outline--that it was an Etruscan who
+conceived the idea of the great work, and that the foreign domination
+gave way to a Roman reaction before the temple was ready for dedication.
+We cannot know what exactly was the Etruscan intention as to the cult;
+but we know that the temple was built in the Etruscan style, that its
+foundations were of Etruscan masonry,[497] and that the deities
+inhabiting it were three--a _trias_--a feature quite foreign to the
+native Roman religion.[498] Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva had each a
+separate dwelling (_cella_) within the walls of the temple, which, in
+order to meet this innovation, was almost as broad as it was long.
+Whether this trias was the one originally intended by the Etruscan king
+or kings it is impossible to say; but I have great doubts of it. I
+confess that I have no ground but probability to go on when I conjecture
+that a long period elapsed between the beginning of this great
+undertaking and the final completion, and that in the meantime many
+things had happened of which we have no record; that when the temple was
+finished it was in Roman hands, though retaining its Etruscan
+characteristics, and especially the combination of three deities; and
+that those three deities were essentially Roman in conception. Roman,
+too, was the idea that one of the three should be paramount; the two
+goddesses never attained to any special significance, and the temple
+always remained essentially the dwelling of the great Jupiter, the
+Father of heaven.[499]
+
+The cult-titles of this Jupiter, Optimus Maximus, the best and greatest,
+seem to raise him to a position not only far above his colleagues in the
+temple, but above all other Jupiters in Latium or elsewhere, and
+presumably above all other deities. They thus suggest a deliberate
+attempt to place him in a higher position than even the Jupiter Latiaris
+of the Mons Albanus, whose temple had been rebuilt in the same period.
+The very novelty of such cult-titles betrays both power and genius in
+their originator; they are wholly unlike any we have met with so far;
+they do not suggest a function or a locality or a connection with some
+other deity; they stand absolutely alone in the history of the Roman
+religion till far on in the Empire.[500] Here is no _numen_ needed at a
+particular season to bless some agricultural operation; Jupiter Optimus
+Maximus seems hardly to be limited by space or season, and is to be
+always there looking down on his people from his seat on the hill which
+was henceforward to be called Capitolinus, because the space which had
+been prepared there for his reception bore the name of Capitolium, the
+place of headship.[501] These titles, Best and Greatest, call for
+reflection, for more thought than we are apt to give them; one wonders
+whether they can be as old as tradition claimed, and in fact at least
+one recent writer has been tempted, without sufficient reason, to date
+the whole foundation two centuries later than the Tarquinii.[502] To me
+they rather suggest the hypothesis that the break-up of the Etruscan
+domination in Rome was the work of a man or men inspired by a new
+national feeling which ascribed the revolution to the great god of the
+race, to whose shrine on the same hill the kings had been used to bring
+the spoils of their enemies[503]; and that they took advantage of the
+uncompleted Etruscan temple, with its huge foundations and underground
+_favissae_, to settle there a new Jupiter, better and greater than any
+other, to whom his people would be for ever grateful, and in whom they
+would for ever put their trust. All older associations with cults of the
+Heaven-god were to be banished from the Capitolium, just as all other
+deities were believed to have fled from the spot, save only Terminus;
+the ancient priest of Jupiter, the Flamen Dialis, had no special
+connection with this temple and its cult, which were under the immediate
+charge of an _aedituus_ only.[504] Here was the centre of the public
+worship of the State as a whole, not only of the old patrician State;
+and no such ancient curiosity as the Flamen Dialis, who, as I have
+suggested, was a survival from some older era of Latin religious
+history, was to be supreme there. Here the Consul of the free Republic
+was to offer, on entering office, the victim--the white heifer of the
+Alban cult--which his predecessor had vowed, and himself to bind his
+successor to a like sacrifice; and this he did on behalf of patrician
+and plebeian alike. Here the victorious general was to deposit his
+spoils, reaching the temple in the solemn procession of the _triumphus_,
+and wearing the _ornamenta_ of the deity himself; for here, contrary to
+all precedent in the worship of Romans, there was an image of the god
+wrought in terra cotta and brought from Etruria.[505] It is in
+connection with such solemn events as these that we may find the origin
+of those imposing processions which for centuries were to impress the
+minds of the Roman people, and indeed of their enemies also, with the
+might and magnificence of their Empire; for apart from the triumphal
+processions with which we are all familiar, the scene at the entrance of
+new consuls on their office must have been most impressive. They were
+accompanied by the other magistrates, the Senate, the priests in their
+robes of office, and by an immense crowd of citizens. After the ceremony
+the Senate met _in the temple_ to transact the first religious business
+of the year. Here too the tribal assembly met for the purpose of
+enrolling the new levies before each season of war, in order that the
+youths who were to fight the battles of Rome might realise the presence
+of Rome's great protecting deity. Even in the most degenerate days of
+the Roman religion, though Jupiter had suffered from the ridicule of
+playwrights or the speculations of philosophers, an orator's appeal to
+the Best and Greatest looking down on the Forum from his seat above it,
+could not fail to move the hearers; "Ille, ille Iuppiter restitit,"
+cried Cicero in the peril of the Catilinarian conspiracy, "ille
+Capitolium, ille haec templa, ille cunctam urbem, ille vos omnes salvos
+esse voluit."[506]
+
+Nor was it only the State as represented by its officials that could and
+did address itself to the worship of this great god. It seems probable
+that the new idea of a single guardian deity, with his two attendant
+goddesses, for which the Romans were indebted to the genius (whoever he
+may have been) who released them from the yoke of the Etruscan, opened
+the cult to the individual in a way which must have been a novelty in
+the religious life of the people.[507] The most memorable example of
+this is in the famous story told of Scipio, the conqueror of Hannibal,
+which is not likely to be an invention of the annalists. As Gellius
+records it, it stands thus: Scipio was wont to ascend to the temple just
+before daylight, to order the _cella Iovis_ to be opened for him, and
+there to remain alone for a long time, as if taking counsel with the
+god about the affairs of the State. The dogs, it was said, which guarded
+the entrance, astonished the temple-keepers by treating him always with
+respect, while they would attack or bark at others.[508]
+
+The reader may remark, that during the last few minutes I have wandered
+quite away from the Roman religion which we have so far been trying to
+understand, and he will be right. I have but just touched on this great
+cult, which properly belongs to Rome of the Republic, in order to show
+how great a change must have taken place, how great a revolution must
+have been consummated, when this temple arose on its Etruscan
+substructures. We have marked two forward steps in the social and
+political experience of the Romans: the settlement of the family on the
+land and the organisation of the City-state with its calendar. Here is a
+third, the liberation of that State from a foreign dominion, and the
+development, in matters both internal and external, which subjection and
+liberation alike brought with them. In regard to religious experience,
+the first produced the ordered worship of the household, which had a
+lasting effect on the Roman character; the second produced the _ius
+divinum_, the priesthoods and the ritual for the service of the various
+_numina_ which had consented to take up their abode in the city and its
+precincts. These two taken together changed doubt and anxiety into
+confidence, stilled the _religio_ natural to uncivilised man, and
+developed the machinery of magic into forms and ceremonies which were
+more truly religious. Now we note a third great social step forward,
+which brings with it a new conception and expression of the religious
+unity of the State; henceforward, alongside of a multiplicity of cults
+and of priests attached to them, we have one central worship to which
+all free citizens may resort, and a trinity of guardian deities, of whom
+one, Jupiter Best and Greatest, is the one presiding genius of the whole
+State.
+
+Lastly, there can hardly be a doubt that this new cult marks a more
+extensive communication with neighbouring peoples than the State had as
+yet experienced or encouraged. Etruria, Latium, and Greece, all seem to
+have had a hand in it. Of its relation to the Latins and Etruscans I
+have already spoken. It only remains for me to note the fact that it was
+here, in this Capitoline temple, according to unanimous tradition, that
+those legendary "Sibylline books" were deposited which came from a Greek
+source, and according to the story, from Cumae.[509] These mysterious
+books were destined to change the whole character of the religion of the
+Romans during the next two centuries; and this is why the dedication of
+the great temple is a convenient halting-place on our journey. I propose
+to begin the second part of my subject by examining the nature of this
+change, and then to pass on to others, until we have reached the end of
+the religious experience of the genuine Roman people.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE X.
+
+    [464] _Origin and Development of Moral Ideas_, chapters
+    l.-lii.: "Gods as guardians of morality."
+
+    [465] Crawley, _The Tree of Life_, in a remarkable
+    chapter on the function of religion (ch. ix.),
+    especially p. 287 foll. "Morality," says Mr. Crawley,
+    "is one of the results of the religious impulse." What
+    he means here by morality is not "that elaborated by
+    abstract thinkers," but the "morality of elemental human
+    nature." "Elemental morality" may be a somewhat obscure
+    term; but I think it is highly probable that Mr. Crawley
+    is, in part at least, right in ascribing the origin of
+    morality to the religious impulse.
+
+    [466] Crawley, _op. cit._, p. 265.
+
+    [467] Above, pp. 107-8.
+
+    [468] See the author's article in _Hibbert Journal_ for
+    July 1907, p. 894.
+
+    [469] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 15 foll.
+
+    [470] _Ib._ p. 421: Aust, _Religion der Römer_, p. 47.
+
+    [471] I am, of course, well aware that quite recently
+    attempts have been made to explain the _plebs_ as the
+    original inhabitants of Latium, and the Romans as
+    conquering invaders; _e.g._ by Prof. Ridgeway in his
+    paper, "Who were the Romans," read to the British
+    Academy, and by Binder in his recently published volume
+    _Die Plebs_. The theory is a natural one, and not out
+    of harmony with the facts as known; but it has yet to be
+    further developed and tested, and as those who hold it
+    are not as yet in agreement with each other, and as the
+    evidence which alone can prove it is of a very special
+    character, archaeological and linguistic, I have
+    expressed myself in terms of the older view.
+
+    [472] _The Religion of Numa_, p. 30.
+
+    [473] _Aen._ viii. 184 foll.; the description of the
+    festival is in 280 foll.; where the interesting points
+    are the priests of the gentes appointed to look after
+    the cult (the Potitii only are here mentioned) "pellibus
+    in morem cincti," and the Salii "populeis evincti
+    tempora ramis."
+
+    [474] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 219 foll.; Carter, _Religion of
+    Numa_, p. 31 foll. The ground had been prepared for the
+    new view by the elaborate articles in Roscher's
+    _Mythological Lexicon_, vol. ii. pp. 2253 foll. and 2901
+    foll. Of late a painstaking discussion by J. G. Winter
+    has appeared in the _University of Michigan Studies for
+    1910_, p. 171 foll.; he mainly confirms Wissowa's
+    conclusions, but provisionally accepts a suggestion of
+    mine (_R.F._ 197) that the tithe practice of the _ara
+    maxima_ may possibly have been of Phoenician origin, and
+    points out that E. Curtius made the same suggestion as
+    long ago as 1845. On p. 269 he also dwells, very
+    properly, I think, on the part which the Etruscans may
+    have had in the dissemination of the myth and cult of
+    the Greek Heracles. Wissowa, however, stoutly maintains
+    that these are simply Greek and of commercial origin. It
+    has been Wissowa's special and valuable function to
+    elucidate the Greek origin of many Roman cults and
+    legends; but I doubt if he has adequately considered the
+    influence of other peoples, and in particular of
+    Phoenicians and Etruscans. Certainly the Hercules
+    question is not finally settled by his masterly analysis
+    of it in _R.K._ p. 220 foll. But most of what I said in
+    _R.F._ about the Hercules of the _ara maxima_ may now be
+    considered obsolete; and I may add that my remarks on
+    the supposed connection of Hercules with Genius, Dius
+    Fidius, and Jupiter in the same work, p. 143 foll., have
+    lost much strength since Wissowa's book appeared. Yet I
+    am not prepared to accept the view which would deny to
+    Hercules on Italian soil all contamination with Italian
+    ideas; as Willamowitz-Moellendorf puts it (_Herakles_,
+    ed. 2, vol. i. p. 25), "Die Italiker haben dem Körper,
+    den sie übernahmen, den Odem ihrer eigenen Seele
+    eingeblasen: aber wie der Name ist der Gestalt des
+    Hercules hellenischer Import." There are points in
+    connection with the Roman Hercules, _e.g._ the _nodus
+    herculaneus_ of the bride's girdle, which Wissowa does
+    not explain, and which, so far as I can see, can only be
+    explained by assuming that, as might have been expected,
+    the Greek Hercules became to some extent entangled in
+    the web of Italian thought.
+
+    [475] The cult was Greek in detail; _Graeco ritu_,
+    according to Varro as quoted by Macrobius iii. 6. 17;
+    see also references in Wissowa, _R.K._ 222, note 2.
+    Following R. Peter in the articles in Roscher, I
+    assumed, in _R.F._ p. 194, that this might be a later
+    reconstruction of an originally Italian cult; but for
+    the present it is safer to look on the _Graecus ritus_
+    as primitive, and on the presence of Salii, a genuine
+    Italian institution, as brought from Tibur by the gens
+    Pinaria, of which there is a trace in that city
+    (_C.I.L._ xiv. 3541). There also Salii were engaged in
+    the cult of Hercules Victor, to whom tithes were also
+    offered (_C.I.L._ xiv. 3541). The evidence for the
+    theory that the cult came to Rome from Tibur is
+    summarised by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 220.
+
+    [476] _Op. cit._, p. 37.
+
+    [477] For the connection of the cult with trade,
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ 225; and the story told in Macrobius
+    iii. 6. 11, from Masurius Sabinus, of a _tibicen_ who
+    became a merchant and had an interview with the god in a
+    dream. For the connection with _oaths_, _R.F._ p. 138. I
+    may say before leaving Hercules that though I accept the
+    latest hypotheses provisionally, I am far from believing
+    that the last word has been said on the subject.
+
+    [478] See, _e.g._, Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of
+    Ancient Rome_, p. 271 foll. The date of the temple is
+    482 B.C., but it was vowed in 496 after the Regillus
+    battle. The three columns still standing date from 7
+    B.C.
+
+    [479] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 217, who points out that the
+    Dioscuri never appear in _lectisternia_ at Rome, as they
+    do at Tusculum, which shows that the latter cult was
+    more directly Greek than that at Rome, and that the
+    Roman authorities admitted it as a Latin cult without
+    the Greek details.
+
+    [480] Carter, _op. cit._ p. 38. There seemed to be
+    difficulties in the way of his conclusion; the Dioscuri
+    were very strong in the Peloponnese, yet the Spartans
+    neglected the use of cavalry. At any rate the theory
+    needs careful historical testing. See article "Dioscuri"
+    in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._ It would seem natural
+    that when once the cult had been introduced by traders
+    it might become specially attached to the cavalry, owing
+    to the ancient connection of the Twins with horses.
+
+    [481] Ecastor and Edepol, which were oaths used
+    especially by women, who were not allowed to swear by
+    Hercules, Gell. xi. 6.
+
+    [482] The reasoning will be found in full in Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 203 foll., and in his article "Minerva" in the
+    _Mythological Lexicon_. See also Carter, _Religion of
+    Numa_, p. 45 foll. For the position of this temple and
+    that of Diana on the Aventine, a suburb which cannot be
+    proved to have been then within any city wall, see
+    Carter in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical
+    Society for 1909_, p. 136 foll.
+
+    [483] Waltzing, _Étude historique sur les corporations
+    romaines_, vol. i. pp. 63 and 199. The relation between
+    town life and trades is stated with his usual insight by
+    von Jhering, _Evolution of the Aryan_, p. 93 foll.
+
+    [484] See Müller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. 47; Deecke,
+    _Falisker_, p. 89 foll.
+
+    [485] Minerva or Menrva is assuredly not Etruscan,
+    though frequently found on Etruscan monuments; see
+    Deecke, _l.c._ p. 89 foll.
+
+    [486] Fasti Praenestini in _C.I.L._ i.^2 March 19.
+    "Artificum dies (quod Minervae) aedis in Aventino eo die
+    est (dedicata)." This is one of those additional notes
+    in the Fast. Praen., which are believed to have been the
+    work of Verrius Flaccus: see _Roman Festivals_, p. 12.
+
+    [487] Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 288. We
+    know the fact from Strabo's account of Massilia, Bk. iv.
+    p. 180.
+
+    [488] Dion. Hal. iv. 26. See _R.F._ p. 198.
+
+    [489] Statius, _Silvae_ iii. 1. 60. See Wissowa's
+    article "Diana" in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._
+
+    [490] Wissowa, _l.c._ p. 332.
+
+    [491] _Golden Bough_, i. p. 1 foll.; _Early History of
+    the Kingship_, Lecture I.
+
+    [492] Varro, _L.L._ 5. 43; Carter, _op. cit._ p. 55.
+
+    [493] See on Fortuna the exhaustive article by R. Peter
+    in the _Mythological Lexicon_; Wissowa, _R.K._ 206
+    foll.; _R.F._ p. 161 foll., and 223 foll.; Carter, _op.
+    cit._ p. 50 foll. Dr. Carter seems to me to be too
+    certain of the absence of any idea of luck or chance in
+    the original conception of Fortuna: the word _fors_, so
+    far as we know, never had any other meaning, and the
+    deity Fors must be a personification of an abstraction,
+    like Ops, Fides, and Salus. See Axtell, _Deification of
+    abstract idea in Roman literature_, p. 9, with whom I
+    agree in rejecting the notion of Marquardt and Wissowa
+    that she was a deity of horticulture. He rightly points
+    out that she is not included in the list of agricultural
+    deities in Varro, _R.R._ i. 1. 6.
+
+    [494] See Aust in his article "Jupiter" in the _Myth.
+    Lex._ p. 689, where the evidence for the contemporaneous
+    origin of the temple on the Alban hill and that on the
+    Capitol is fully stated. In this case excavations have
+    confirmed the Roman tradition, which ascribed the former
+    temple to one or other of the Tarquinii. Jordan, _Röm.
+    Top._ i. pt. 2. p. 9.
+
+    [495] See the speech of Claudius the emperor, _C.I.L._
+    xiii. 1668, printed in Furneaux' _Tacitus' Annals_, vol.
+    ii. Gardthausen, _Mastarna_, p. 40; Müller-Deecke,
+    _Etrusker_, i. 111. For the Etruscan name Mastarna, see
+    Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_^3, ii. 506
+    foll.: Gardthausen gives a cut of the painting found in
+    a tomb at Vulci in which he appears with the name
+    attached. Even the ultra-sceptical Pais does not doubt
+    the fact of an Etruscan domination in Rome; but he does
+    not believe the Tarquinii and Mastarna to have been
+    historical personages, and will not date the temples
+    attributed to this age earlier than the fourth century
+    B.C. See his _Ancient Legends of Roman History_, ch.
+    vii.; _Storia di Roma_, i. 310 foll. But the names of
+    these kings do not concern us, except so far as they
+    connect Etruria with Roman history in the sixth century.
+
+    [496] Cic. _Rep._ ii. 24. 44; Livy i. 38. and 55;
+    Dionys. iii. 69; iv. 59. 61. The whole evidence will be
+    found collected in Jordan, _Topogr._ i. pt. ii. p. 9
+    foll., and in Aust, _Myth. Lex._, _s.v._ Jupiter, p. 706
+    foll. If the date 509 were seriously impugned Roman
+    chronology would be in confusion, for this is believed
+    to be the earliest date on which we can rely, and on it
+    the subsequent chronology hangs: Mommsen, _Röm.
+    Chronologie_, ed. 2, p. 198.
+
+    [497] Aust, p. 707 foll.; Jordan, _op. cit._, p. 9.
+
+    [498] _i.e._ the admission of more than one deity into a
+    single building. The word "trias" is sometimes used of
+    the three old Roman deities, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus
+    (_e.g._ by Wissowa, _Myth. Lex._ _s.v._ Quirinus), but
+    this is in a different sense. On the idea of a trias
+    generally, see Kuhfeldt, _de Capitoliis imperii Romani_,
+    p. 82 foll.; Cumont, _Religions orientales dans le
+    paganisme romain_, p. 290, note 51.
+
+    [499] The technical name of the temple was aedes Iovis
+    Opt. Max.: for other indications of Jupiter's supremacy
+    see Aust, p. 720.
+
+    [500] On Oriental developments of Jupiter Opt. Max. see
+    an interesting paper by Cumont in _Archiv_ for 1906, p.
+    323 foll. (_Iuppiter summus exsuperantissimus_). A
+    relief in the Berlin Museum has a dedication _I.O.M.
+    summo exsuperantissimo_; but Prof. Cumont believes the
+    deity to have been really Oriental, introduced by Greek
+    philosophical theologians in the last century B.C., but
+    probably Chaldaean in origin.
+
+    [501] Jordan, _op. cit._ p. 7 and note. It is uncertain
+    whether the whole hill had any earlier name. The Mons
+    Saturnius of Varro, _L.L._ v. 42, with the legend of an
+    oppidum _Saturnia_, and the Mons Tarpeius (_Rhet. ad
+    Herenn._, iv. 32. 43; Pais, _Ancient Legends_, chs. v.
+    and vi.) need not be taken into account.
+
+    [502] Pais, _Ancient Legends of Roman History_, ch. v.
+
+    [503] See above, p. 130.
+
+    [504] This is an inference from the fact that this
+    Flamen is nowhere mentioned as connected with the
+    Capitoline cult. Macrob. i. 15, 16, speaks of the ovis
+    Idulis as sacrificed on every ides _a flamine_, and
+    this, it is true, took place on the Capitolium (Aust, in
+    _Lex._ _s.v._ Jupiter, 655), but (1) Festus, 290,
+    mentions sacerdotes, Ovid, _Fasti_ i. 588, castus
+    sacerdos only; and (2) this sacrifice may well, as O.
+    Gilbert conjectured, have originally taken place in the
+    Regia (_Gesch. und Topogr. Roms_, i. 236). In any case
+    the Flamen was not in any special sense priest of Iup.
+    Opt. Max.
+
+    [505] The _locus classicus_ for this is Pliny, _N.H._
+    xxxv. 157. The artist was said to have been one Volcas
+    of Veii. Ovid, _Fasti_ i. 201, says that the god had in
+    his hand a _fictile fulmen_. Varro believed this to be
+    the oldest statue of a god in Rome; see above, p. 146,
+    and Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 280, accepts
+    his statement as probably correct.
+
+    [506] Cic. _Catil._ iii. 9. 21.
+
+    [507] Jordan, _Topogr._ i. 2. pp. 39 and 62, notes. The
+    most convincing passages quoted by him are Suet. _Aug._
+    59, and Serv. _Ecl._ iv. 50 (of boys taking toga virilis
+    who "ad Capitolium eunt"); but was not this to sacrifice
+    to Liber or Iuventas? _R.F._ p. 56.
+
+    [508] Gellius vi. 1. 6, from C. Oppius et Iulius
+    Hyginus. In his famous character of Scipio (xxvi. 19)
+    Livy seems to think that Scipio did this to make people
+    think him superhuman or of divine descent.
+
+    [509] Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 158. 257; Virg. _Ecl._ iv. 4,
+    _Aen._ vi. 42; Marquardt, 352, note 7, for evidence that
+    the books came to Cumae from Erythrae. See also Diels,
+    _Sibyllinische Blätter_, p. 80 foll.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XI*
+
+CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION
+
+
+I said at the beginning of my first lecture that Roman religious
+experience can be summed up in two stories. The first of these was the
+story of the way in which a strong primitive religious instinct, the
+desire to put yourself in right relation with the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe, _religio_ as the Romans called it, was gradually
+soothed and satisfied under the formalising influence of the settled
+life of the agricultural family, and still more so under the organising
+genius of the early religious rulers of the City-state. This story I
+tried to tell in the last few lectures. The second story was to be that
+of the gradual discovery of the inadequacy of this early formalised and
+organised religion to cope with what we may call new religious
+experience; that is, with the difficulties and perils met with by the
+Roman people in their extraordinary advance in the world, and with the
+new ideas of religion and morals which broke in on them in the course of
+their contact with other peoples. This story I wish to tell in the
+present course of lectures. It is a long and complicated one, including
+the introduction of new rites and ideas of the divine, the anxious
+attempts of the religious authorities to put off the evil day by
+stretching to the uttermost the capacity of the old forms, and the final
+victory of the new ideas as Roman life and thought became gradually
+hellenised.
+
+    [*] This Lecture was the first of a second and separate
+    course.
+
+I propose to divide the story thus. In the latter part of this first
+lecture I will deal with the first introduction of Greek rites into the
+State worship under the directions of the so-called Sibylline books.
+Then I will turn to the efforts of the lay priesthoods, pontifices and
+augurs, to meet the calls of new experience by formalising the old
+religion still more completely in the name of the State, until it became
+a mere skeleton of dry bones, without life and power. That will bring us
+to the great turning-point in Roman history, the war with Hannibal, to
+the religious history of which I shall devote my fourth lecture; and the
+fifth will pursue the subject into the century that followed. In the
+next lecture I hope to sketch the influence on Roman religious ideas of
+the Stoic school of philosophy, and in the seventh to discuss, so far as
+I may be able, the tendency towards mysticism prevalent in the last
+period of the life of the Republic. My eighth lecture I intend to devote
+to the noble attempt of Virgil to combine religion, legend, philosophy,
+and consummate art in a splendid appeal to the conscience of the Roman
+of that day. Then I turn to the more practical attempt of Augustus to
+revive the dying embers of the old religion; and in my last lecture I
+shall try to estimate the contribution, such as it was, of the religious
+experience we have been discussing, to the early Christian church.
+
+We shall shortly hear so much of petrifaction and disintegration, that
+it may be as well, before I actually begin my story, to convince
+ourselves that the old religion was in its peculiar way a real
+expression of religious feeling, and not merely a set of meaningless
+conventions and formulae. It was the positive belief of the later Romans
+that both they and their ancestors were _religiosissimi mortales_,[510]
+full to the brim, that is, of religious instinct, and most scrupulous in
+fulfilling its claims upon them; for the word _religio_ had come, by the
+time (and probably long before the time) when it was used by men of
+letters, to mean the fulfilment of ritualistic obligation quite as much
+as the anxious feeling which had originally suggested it.[511] Cicero,
+writing in no rhetorical mood, declared that, as compared with other
+peoples, the Romans were far superior "in religione, id est cultu."[512]
+This is in his work on the nature of the gods; in an oration he
+naturally puts it more strongly: "We have overcome all the nations of
+the world, because we have realised that the world is directed and
+governed by the will of the gods."[513] Sallust, Livy, and other Roman
+prose writers have said much the same thing[514]; the _Aeneid_ as a
+whole might be adduced as evidence, and in a less degree all the poets
+of the Augustan age. Foreigners, too, were struck with the strange
+phenomenon, in an age of philosophic doubt. Polybius in the second
+century B.C. declared his opinion that what was reckoned among other
+peoples as a thing to be blamed, _deisidaimonia_, both in public and
+private life, was really what was holding together the Roman state.[515]
+Even in the wild century that followed, Posidonius could repeat the
+assertion of Polybius, and in the age of Augustus, Dionysius of
+Halicarnassus, then resident at Rome, looking back on the early history
+of Rome, stated his conviction that one needed to know the _pietas_ of
+the Romans in order to understand their wonderful career of
+conquest.[516] Aulus Gellius, in a curious passage in which he notes
+that the Romans had no deity to whose activity they could with
+certainty ascribe earthquakes, describes them as "in constituendis
+religionibus atque in dis immortalibus animadvertendis _castissimi
+cautissimique_,"--a rhetorical but happy conjunction of epithets. He
+means that they would order religious rites, though ignorant of the
+_numen_ to whom they were due.[517]
+
+It might be argued that these later writers knew really little or
+nothing about the primitive Romans, and that these passages only prove
+that this people had an extraordinary scrupulosity about forms and
+ceremonies in this as in other departments of action. But the argument
+will not hold; the survival of all this formalism into an age of
+disintegration really proves beyond a doubt that there must have been a
+time when these forms really expressed anxieties, fears, convictions,
+the earliest germs of _conscience_.
+
+May we not take the constant occurrence in literature of such phrases as
+_dis faventibus_, _dis iuvantibus_ or _volentibus_, as evidence of an
+idea deeply rooted at one time in the Roman mind, that nothing should be
+undertaken until the will of the deities concerned had been ascertained
+and that early form of conscience satisfied? Let us remember that the
+whole story of the _Aeneid_ is one of the bending of the will of the
+hero, as a type of the ideal Roman, to the ascertainable will of the
+powers in the universe.
+
+And we have abundant evidence that as a matter of fact the good-will of
+the divine inhabitants of house and city was asked for whenever any kind
+of work was undertaken,--even the ordinary routine work of the farm or
+of government. In the household every morning some offering with prayer
+was made to the Lar familiaris in historical times, and again before the
+_cena_, the chief meal of the day.[518] On Kalends, Nones, Ides, and on
+all _dies festi_ a _corona_ was placed on the hearth, and prayer was
+made to the Lar; we know that this was so in the old Roman home, because
+in the second century B.C. Cato instructs the _vilicus_ to discharge
+these duties on behalf of the absent or non-resident owner.[519] Before
+the flocks were taken out to summer pasture, and doubtless when they
+returned, some religious service (so we should call it) was held,[520]
+just as in the Catholic cantons of Switzerland the blessing of God is
+asked when the cows first ascend to the alpine pastures, and again when
+they leave them for the valleys. Before a journey the later Romans
+prayed for good fortune;[521] in the old times travelling was of course
+unusual, and when it did occur the traveller was surrounded by so many
+spiritual as well as material dangers that _special_ religious measures
+must have been taken, as by fetials or armies on entering foreign
+territory. The survival of the same kind of belief and practice is also
+seen in private life in the religious commendations of some authors at
+the outset of their literary work; Varro, for example, at the beginning
+of his work on agriculture, calls on all the agrarian deities (_iis deis
+ad venerationem advocatis_) before he goes on to mention even the
+bibliography of his subject.[522] Livy in the last sentence of his
+preface would fain imitate the poets in calling on the gods to bless and
+favour his undertaking. And in all time of their tribulation, even if
+not in all time of their wealth, the pious Romans sought help from the
+deities from whom help might be expected; if, at least, the many
+instances occurring in Roman poetry may point to a practice of the
+ordinary individual and family.[523] So too, if we may judge by many
+passages in the plays of Plautus and Terence,[524]--if here we have
+genuine Roman usage, as is probable,--the feeling of dependence on a
+Power manifesting itself in the affairs of daily life is shown also in
+the expression of _thankfulness_ which followed success or escape from
+peril. Gratitude was not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, but I
+have already remarked on the presence of it in the practice of the
+_votum_, and there is at least some evidence that it was recognised as
+due to benignant deities as well as human beings.[525]
+
+In public life, throughout Roman history, the forms of religious rites
+were maintained on all important occasions. When Varro wrote a little
+manual of Senatorial procedure for the benefit of the inexperienced
+Pompeius when consul in 70 B.C., he was careful to mention the
+preliminary sacrifice and _auspicatio_, performed by the presiding
+magistrate, who also had to see that the business _de rebus divinis_
+came first on the paper of agenda.[526] At one time every speaker
+invoked the gods at the beginning of his oration, as well indeed he
+might in a situation so unusual and trying for a Roman before the days
+of Greek education; and the earliest speeches preserved in the literary
+age, _e.g._ those of Cato and the Gracchi, retained the religious
+exordium.[527] We have a trace of the Gracchan practice in a famous
+passage at the end of the work called _Rhetorica ad Herennium_ of
+_circ._ 82 B.C., where the death of Ti. Gracchus is graphically
+described.[528] But there is no need to multiply examples of public
+religious formalism on occasions of all kinds, on entering on an office,
+founding a colony, leaving Rome for a provincia, and so on; some of them
+I have already mentioned, others are familiar to all classical students.
+
+So let us not hesitate for a moment to give this people credit for their
+religiousness. True, their neighbours, Greeks like Polybius, approved of
+it only with an ironical smile on their lips, as we may smile at the
+devoted formalism of extreme Catholic or Protestant, while we
+secretly--if we have some sympathy with strangely varying human
+nature--admire the confidence and regularity that we cannot ourselves
+claim. At the moment where I have thus paused before beginning my second
+story, at the end, that is, of the regal period, I believe that this
+religious system, though perhaps beginning to harden, still meant a
+profound belief in the Power thus manifested in many forms, and an
+ardent and effective desire to be in right relation to it. I believe
+that it contained the germ of a living and fruitful growth; but that
+growth was at this very moment arrested by the beginning of a process of
+which I shall have much to say in the next two or three lectures.
+
+But it is hard to realise this better side of the religion of a hard and
+practical people, and all the more so since it is the worse side that is
+almost always presented to us in modern books. It is hard to realise
+that it was not merely a system of insurance, so to speak, against all
+kinds of material evils,--and here again all the more so because there
+is a tendency just now to reduce both religion and law to an origin in
+magic, leaving the religious instinct, the _feeling of dependence_, the
+progenitor of conscience, quite out of account. One must indeed be
+thoroughly familiar with Roman literature and antiquities to overcome
+these difficulties, to discover the spiritual residuum in the Roman
+character beneath all its hardness and utilitarianism. Before we pass on
+to the task before us, let me make two suggestions for the help of those
+who would endeavour to find this spiritual residuum. The first is that
+they should consider the history and true meaning of three great words
+which Latin language has bequeathed to modern speech,--_religio_, the
+feeling of awe, taking practical shape in the performance of authorised
+ceremonies; _sacrum_, that which by authoritative usage is made over
+without reserve to the divine inhabitants of the city; and last but not
+least, _pietas_, the sense of duty to god and man alike, to all divine
+and human beings having an authorised claim upon you. And this word
+_pietas_ shall introduce my second suggestion--that there is no better
+way of getting to understand the spirit of the Roman religion than by
+continual study of the _Aeneid_, where the hero is the ideal Roman,
+_pius_ in the best and widest sense. What makes the _Aeneid_ so helpful
+in this way is the poet's intimate and sympathetic knowledge of the
+religious ideas of the Italians, in which we may see reflected those of
+the Roman of the age we are now dealing with: his love too of antiquity
+and of all ancient rites and legends; and his conviction that the great
+work of Rome in the world had been achieved not only by _virtus_ but by
+_pietas_. What has been won by _virtus_ must be preserved by _pietas_,
+by the sense of duty in family and State,--that is the moral of the
+_Aeneid_. In no other work of Roman genius is this idea found in
+anything like the same degree of prominence and consistency; and when a
+student has steeped his mind well in the details of the Roman worship,
+and begins to weary of what must seem its soulless Pharisaism, let him
+take up the _Aeneid_ and read it right through for the story and the
+characters. I will venture to say that he will think better both of the
+Romans and their poet than he ever did before. But of the _Aeneid_ I
+shall have more to say later on; at present let us turn to the less
+inspiring topics which must occupy us for the next few lectures.
+
+The last fact of Roman religious history which I mentioned last year was
+the building of the great Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, and
+Minerva, and I then explained why this constituted a religious
+revolution. The next temple of which tradition tells us was destined for
+another trias, Ceres, Liber, and Libera; the traditional date was 493
+B.C., the cause a famine, and the site was at the foot of the Aventine,
+the plebeian quarter outside the pomoerium, close to the river where
+corn-ships might be moored.[529] Ceres, Liber, and Libera are plainly
+neither more nor less than the three Greek corn deities, Demeter,
+Dionysus, and Persephone, in a Latin form,[530] whose worship was
+prominent in South Italy and Sicily; and unless we throw tradition
+overboard entirely, as indeed has often been done, the inference is
+obvious that this trias came from the Greeks of the south with an
+importation of corn to relieve a famine which pressed especially on the
+plebs. It is a fact that the temple and its cult remained always closely
+connected with the plebs; they were under the charge of the plebeian
+aediles, who also in historical times had the care of the corn-supply
+necessary for the city population.[531] Thus, though we need not accept
+in full Livy's statement that the very next year corn was imported from
+Etruria, Cumae, and Sicily, it cannot be denied that there is a strong
+consensus in the various traditions about the temple, which taken
+together suggest a Greek, non-patrician, and early origin. That the cult
+had at all times a Greek character is undisputed fact.
+
+But I am not so much concerned with the temple itself as with the date
+and the manner of its foundation. It was said to have been founded in
+the year 496, and dedicated in 493, in obedience to directions found in
+"the Sibylline books," which books, according to the well-known
+tradition, had been acquired by the last Tarquin, after some haggling,
+from an old woman, and placed in the charge of _duoviri sacris
+faciundis_. The story itself is worthless in detail; but the question
+for us is whether it can be taken as showing that the Sibylline
+influence then pervading the Greek world gained a footing at Rome in any
+form so early as this. Was the temple really founded in 496, or at some
+time thereabout? And was it founded in obedience to some Sibylline
+direction? These questions are of real importance, for upon our answer
+to them depends the date of the beginning of a gradual metamorphosis of
+the Roman religious practice. The so-called Sibylline books and their
+keepers were responsible, as we shall see directly, for the introduction
+at Rome of what was known as the _Graecus ritus_,--for the foundation of
+temples to deities of Greek origin, and for other rites which initiated
+an entirely new type of religious feeling. We need to be sure when all
+this began.
+
+In the first place, so far as I can judge, it is almost impossible to
+dissociate the origin of the temple from Sibylline influence. As we have
+seen, the cult was Greek, and all such Greek cults of later times were
+introduced by the keepers of the Sibylline books; and further, the
+records of temple foundations were among the most carefully preserved
+facts in Roman annals.[532] I think it is hardly possible to suppose
+that a cult which came, not from Latium or southern Etruria, like those
+of Diana, Minerva, and the Capitoline deities, but from some Greek
+region to the south, and probably from Sicily, could have been
+introduced by Roman authorities unaided by Greek influence. If that be
+so, and if we can show that the temple really belongs to this early age,
+then we have a strong probability that the Sibylline influence gained a
+footing at Rome at the very beginning of the republican period.[533]
+
+There is one curious fact in connection with the temple that in my
+opinion goes far to prove that the traditional date is not far out.
+Pliny tells us explicitly that the two Greek artists who decorated the
+temple, Damophilus and Gorgasus, inscribed their names on the walls, and
+he added that the work of the former would be found on the right and
+that of the latter on the left.[534] Nothing more is known about them;
+but I am assured that the fact that they signed their names and added
+these statements suits the character of Greek art in the archaic age 580
+to 450 B.C. No signatures of artists are known earlier than about 580;
+then comes a period when signatures are found, sometimes with statements
+such as these. And lastly, about 450, we begin to find simple signatures
+without any other words.[535] Thus the presumption is a strong one that
+the temple belongs to a time earlier than 450; and if that be so, then I
+think the inference holds good that the Sibyl first gained a footing at
+Rome about the same time. There are indeed some reasons why we should
+not put this event in the period of the kings;[536] but if we accept the
+traditional date of the temple we may put it any time between 509 and
+496.
+
+I have purposely used vague terms, such as Sibylline _influence_,
+instead of speaking in the old manner of Sibylline _books_ or oracles,
+because it is almost incredible that at so early a date it could have
+been possible to divulge any contents of a store of writings such as
+must have been most carefully treasured and concealed. This has been
+shown conclusively to be out of the question in Diels' now famous little
+book "_Sibylline Leaves_." But we may also follow Diels in assuming that
+about the end of the sixth century some kind of Greek oracle or oracular
+saying did actually arrive at Rome, purporting to be an utterance of the
+famous Sibyl of Cumae.[537]
+
+But what _was_ this Sibylline influence which thus penetrated to Rome,
+if I am right, at the beginning of the fifth century? It is no part of
+my design to discuss the history of Greek mysticism, though we shall
+hear something more of it in a later lecture. It will be enough to
+remind you that in the sixth century Greece was not only full of Orphism
+and Pythagoreanism, but of floating oracular _dicta_ believed to emanate
+from a mystic female figure, a weird figure of whom it is hard to say
+how far she was human or divine; and of whose origin we know nothing,
+except that her original home was, as we might expect, Asia Minor. She
+was inspired by Apollo,[538] it was said, like the Pythia, and like her
+too became [Greek: entheos] (_possessed_) when uttering her prophecies;
+this is the earliest fact we know about her, for a famous fragment of
+Heracleitus represents her as uttering sayings "with frenzied
+lips,"[539]--a tradition of which Virgil has made good use in the sixth
+_Aeneid_:
+
+                    non vultus, non color unus,
+  non comptae mansere comae; sed pectus anhelum,
+  et rabie fera corda tument.
+
+But more to our purpose is the sober judgment of Plato a century after
+the first Roman experience of her, who in the _Phaedrus_ classes her
+among those who have wrought _much good_ by their inspired
+utterances.[540] This passage may help us to understand how ready men
+were at that time to turn for aid in tribulation to what they believed
+to be divine help, to an inspired wisdom beyond the range of the local
+deities of their own city-states.
+
+This Sibyl became gradually localised in certain Greek cities, and
+thereby broke up, as it were, into several Sibyls. One of these
+Sibylline homes was at Cumae in Campania, the oldest Greek city in
+Italy, and this enables us to explain easily how the name and fame of
+the Sibyl reached Rome. Dim as is all early Roman history, the one clear
+fact of the sixth century is, as we have seen, the rapid advance of the
+Etruscans, their occupation of Rome, Praeneste, and other Latin cities,
+and their conquest of Campania, which is now ascribed to that same
+age.[541] Legend told in later days how the last Etruscan king had taken
+refuge at Cumae after his expulsion from Rome, and it is just possible
+that it may here be founding upon some dim recollection of a fact.
+However this may be, it is plain that it was through the great Etruscan
+disturbance of that period that Rome came to make trial of Sibylline
+utterances. In a moment of distress--the famine of which I spoke just
+now, and which I take to be historical because the remedy, the temple
+under the Aventine, was so closely connected with the corn-supply--she
+sent for or admitted an utterance of the Sibyl of Cumae, with whom she
+had come into some kind of contact through her Etruscan kings.
+
+Let us consider that this foreign dynasty must have brought a new
+population to the city on the Tiber, the chief strategic point of middle
+Italy,--a new element of plebs, whatever the old one may have been.[542]
+We have seen signs, even in the religious history of this age, that
+commerce and industry were increasing, and that their increase was due
+to a movement from without, rather than to the old patrician _gentes_.
+When the Etruscan dynasty fell and the old patrician influence was
+restored, the government must have been face to face with new
+difficulties, and among them the supply of corn for an increasing
+population in years of bad harvest. With a fresh source of supply from
+the south came the cult of the Greek corn-deities at the bidding of a
+Sibylline utterance; and henceforward that remedy was available for
+other troubles. But the patrician rulers of Rome were true, it would
+seem, as far as was possible, to the old ways, and for a long time they
+used this foreign remedy very sparingly. At what date the utterances
+were collected in "books" and deposited in the Capitoline temple we do
+not know, nor have we any certain knowledge of their original nature or
+form. Tradition said that the collection dated from the last king's
+reign, and that it was placed in the care of _duoviri sacris faciundis_,
+as we have seen, who in 367 B.C. gave way to _decemviri_, five of whom
+might be members of the plebs. I am myself inclined to conjecture that
+this comparatively late date may be the real date of the origin of a
+_permanent collection_ and a _permanent college of keepers_, and that
+the earlier _duoviri_ were only temporary religious officers, _sacris
+faciundis_, _i.e._ for the carrying out of the directions of Sibylline
+utterances specially sought for at Cumae. They would thus be of the same
+class as other special commissions appointed by the Senate for
+administrative purposes;[543] while the decemviri, though retaining the
+old title, were permanent religious officers appointed to collect and
+take charge of a new and important set of regulations for the benefit of
+the community, and one which concerned the plebs at least as much as the
+patricians.
+
+But I must turn to the more important question how far, down to the war
+with Hannibal, when I shall take up the subject afresh, the Roman
+religion was affected for good or harm by these utterances and their
+keepers. They took effect in two ways: either by introducing new deities
+and settling them in new temples, or by ordering and organising new
+ceremonies such as Rome had never seen before.
+
+The introduction of a new deity now and again was not of great account
+from the point of view of religion, except in so far as it encouraged
+the new ceremonies; the Romans had never taken much personal interest in
+their deities, and the arrival (outside the pomoerium in each case) of
+Hermes under the name of Mercurius, or Poseidon bearing the name of the
+old Roman water _numen_ Neptunus, or even of Asclepios with a Romanised
+name Aesculapius, would not be likely to affect greatly their ideas of
+the divine. These facts have rather a historical than a religious
+significance; Hermes Empolaios, for example, suggests trade with Greek
+cities, perhaps in grain,[544] and belongs therefore to the same class
+as Ceres, Liber, Libera, of whom I have already spoken. The arrival of
+Poseidon-Neptune may mean, as Dr. Carter has suggested, a kind of
+"marine insurance" for the vessels carrying the grain from Greek
+ports.[545] The settling of Aesculapius in the Tiber island in 293, as
+the result of a terrible pestilence, is interesting as being the first
+fact known to us in the history of medicine at Rome; the temple became a
+kind of hospital on the model of Epidaurus, where the god had been
+brought in the form of a snake by an embassy sent for the purpose, and
+the priests who served it were probably Greeks skilled in the healing
+art.[546] This last case is a curious example of new Roman religious
+experience, but it can hardly be said to have any deep significance in
+the religious history of Rome. Of the obliteration of the old _numen_
+Neptunus by the Greek god who took his name we know nothing for good or
+ill; we are ignorant of the real meaning of the old _numen_, and cannot
+tell whether the loss of him was compensated by the usefulness of his
+name in Roman literature to represent the Greek god of the sea.
+
+Let us turn to the much more important subject of the new ceremonies
+ordered by the Sibylline "books." The first authentic case of such
+innovation occurred in 399 B.C., during the long and troublesome siege
+of the dangerous neighbour city Veii; I call it authentic because all
+the best modern authorities so reckon it, though it occurred before the
+destruction of old records during the capture of the city by the Gauls.
+The circumstances were such as to fix themselves in the memory of the
+people, and in one way or another they found their way into the earliest
+annals, probably those of Fabius Pictor, composed during the Second
+Punic War.[547]
+
+The previous winter, Livy tells us,[548] was one of extraordinary
+severity; the roads were blocked with snow, and navigation on the Tiber
+stopped by the ice. This miserable winter was followed too suddenly by a
+hot season, in which a plague broke out which consumed both man and
+beast, and continued so persistently that the Senate ordered the
+Sibylline books to be consulted. This persistence is the first point we
+should notice; "Cuius insanabili pernicie quando nec causa nec finis
+inveniebatur,"--so wrote Livy, evidently meaning to express an extremity
+of trouble which would not give way to ordinary religious remedies. We
+may compare his account of the next recorded consultation of the books
+(Livy vii. 2), when neither the old rites nor even the new ones were
+sufficient to secure the _pax deorum_ and abate another pestilence, and
+recourse was had to yet another remedy in the form of _ludi scenici_.
+The times were out of joint,--the peace of the gods was broken, and thus
+the community was no longer in right relation to the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. The result was a revival of _religio_, of the
+feeling of alarm and anxiety out of which the whole religious system had
+grown. The old deities might seem to be forsaking their functions, since
+the old rites had ceased to appeal to them. Mysterious and persistent
+pestilence is a great tamer of human courage; it is a new experience
+that man knows not how to meet, and in ancient life it was also a new
+_religious_ experience.
+
+The remedy was as new as the pestilence, and almost as pernicious.
+During eight days Rome saw three pairs of deities reclining in the form
+of images on couches, before which were spread tables covered with food
+and drink. Whether in this first case they were taken out of the temples
+and exposed to view in certain places, _e.g._ the forum, is not clear;
+later on, in the days of _supplicationes_, of which more will be said
+presently, they were visited in procession. The three pairs were Apollo
+and Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercurius and Neptunus; all of them
+Greek, or, as in the case of Diana, Mercurius, and Neptunus, Roman
+deities in their new Greek form. We cannot trace the special
+applicability of all of them to the trouble they were thus invoked to
+appease,--another point that suggests a complete revolution in the Roman
+ways of contemplating divine beings. These are not functional _numina_,
+but foreigners whose ways were only known to the manipulators of the
+Sibylline utterances. They seem like quack remedies, of which the action
+is unknown to the consumer.
+
+New also, but better in its effect, was the publicity of these
+proceedings, and the part taken in them by the whole population,
+patrician and plebeian, men, women, and children. If we can trust Livy's
+further statements, every one left his door open and kept open house,
+inviting all to come in, whether known or unknown; all old quarrels were
+made up, and no new ones suffered to begin; prisoners were freed from
+their chains, and universal good-will prevailed. These eight days were
+in fact kept as holidays, and doubtless by the novelty of the whole
+scene the astute authorities hoped to inspire fresh hope and confidence,
+and to divert attention from the prevailing misery, just as our soldiers
+in India are induced to forget the presence of cholera in a station by
+constant games and amusements. That this was really one leading object
+of the whole show is not generally recognised by historians; but it
+seems fully explained by the fact I mentioned just now, that in the
+similar trouble of 349 B.C. recourse was had for the first time to _ludi
+scenici_ in order to amuse the people. In the history of the Hannibalic
+war we shall have plenty of opportunity of noting this kind of
+expedient. The Roman people, we must remember, were getting more and
+more to be inhabitants of a large city, and, as such, to seek for
+entertainment, like all citizens in all ages. The religious rites of the
+old calendar were perhaps by this time getting too familiar, losing
+their original meaning; whether they had ever been very entertaining to
+a city population may be doubted. Something more showy was needed;
+processions had always been to the taste of the Roman, and banquets,
+such as the epulum Iovis, which I have already noticed, often
+accompanied the processions.
+
+Now, this love of show and novelty, of which we have abundant evidence
+later on as a Roman characteristic, taken together with the anxiety and
+alarm--the new _religio_--arising from the pestilence, will sufficiently
+explain the _lectisternia_, as these shows were called. We have here in
+fact the first appearance, constantly recurring in later Roman history,
+of a tendency to seek not only for novelty, but for a more emotional
+expression of religious feeling than was afforded by the old forms of
+sacrifice and prayer, conducted as they were by the priest on behalf of
+the community without its active participation. Those old forms might do
+for the old patrician community of farmers and warriors, but not so well
+for the new and ever-increasing population of artisans and other
+workmen, whether of Roman or foreign descent. It would seem, indeed, as
+if the sensitiveness of the human fibre of a primitive community
+increases with its increasing complexity, and with the greater variety
+of experience to which it is exposed; and in the case of Rome, as if the
+simple ancient methods of dealing with the divine inhabitants of the
+city were no longer adequate to the needs of a State which was steering
+its way to empire among so many difficulties and perils. It is not
+indeed certain that the new rites, or some points in them, may not have
+had their prototypes in old Italian usage, though the _lectisternia_,
+the actual display of gods in human form and in need of food like human
+beings, are almost certainly Greek in origin.[549] But so far as we can
+guess, the emotional element was wholly new. True, Livy tells us in two
+passages of his third book of occasions when men, women, and children
+flocked to all the shrines (_omnia delubra_) seeking for the _pax
+deorum_ at the invitation of the senate; but the early date, the great
+improbability of the senate taking any such step, and the absence of any
+mention of the priesthoods, makes it difficult to believe that these
+assertions are based on any genuine record. We must be content to mark
+the first _lectisternia_ in 399 as the earliest authentic example of the
+emotional tendency of the Roman plebs.[550]
+
+If we can judge of this period of Roman religious history by the general
+tendency of the policy of the Roman government, we may see here a
+deliberate attempt to include the new population in worship of a kind
+that would calm its fears, engage its attention, and satisfy its
+emotion, while leaving uncontaminated the old ritual that had served the
+State so long. If this conclusion be a right one, then we must allow
+that the new ceremonial had its use. Dr. Frazer has lately told us in
+his eloquent and persuasive way, of how much value superstition has been
+in building up moral habits and the instinct of submission to civil
+order. His thesis might be illustrated adequately from the history of
+Rome alone. But from a purely religious point of view the story of the
+_lectisternia_ is a sad one. The old Roman invisible _numen_, working
+with force in a particular department of human life and its environment,
+was a far nobler mental conception, and far more likely to grow into a
+power for good, than the miserable images of Graeco-Roman full-blown
+gods and goddesses reclining on their couches and appearing to partake
+of dinner like a human citizen. Such ideas of the divine must have
+forced men's religious ideas clean away from the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe, and must have dragged down the Roman _numina_
+with them in their corrupting degradation. According to our definition
+of it, religion was now in a fair way to disappear altogether; what was
+destined to take its place was not really religion at all. Nor did it in
+any way assist the growth of an individual conscience, as perhaps did
+some of the later religious forms introduced from without. It was of
+value for the moment to the State, in satisfying a population greatly
+disturbed by untoward events; and that was all.
+
+Closely connected with the _lectisternia_, and following close upon them
+in chronological order, were the processional ceremonies called
+_supplicationes_. The historical relation between the two is by no means
+clear; but if we conclude, as I am fairly sure we may, that the
+_lectisternia_ were shows of a joyful character, accompanied, as Livy
+describes the first one, with private entertainments, and meant to keep
+up the spirits of the plebeian population, and if we then turn to the
+early _supplicationes_, in which men, women, and children, _coronati_,
+and carrying laurel branches, went in procession to the temples, and
+there prostrated themselves after the Greek fashion, the women "crinibus
+passis aras verrentes," we shall be disposed to look on them as, in
+origin at least, distinct from each other.[551] We may conjecture that
+the appearance of the gods in human form at the doors of their temples
+suggested to the plebeian women a kind of emotional worship which was
+alien to the old Roman feeling, but familiar enough to those (and they
+must have been many) who knew the life of the Greek cities of Italy. It
+may be that they had tried it even in earlier times; but anyhow, in the
+fourth and third centuries B.C. advantage was taken of the _pulvinaria_
+to use them as stopping-places in the procession of a _supplicatio_, and
+the phrase becomes a common one in the annals, "supplicatio ad omnia
+pulvinaria indicta." The _lectisternia_ were ordered five times in the
+fourth century;[552] by that time, it would seem likely, the
+_supplicationes_ had become an authorised institution, and had perhaps
+embodied the practice of _lectisternia_ in the way suggested above. We
+shall meet with them again when we come to the religious history of the
+war with Hannibal.
+
+One word more before I leave this subject for the present. In all this
+innovation we must not forget to note the growth of individual feeling
+as distinguished from the old worship of civic grouping, in which the
+individual, as such, was of little or no account. I pointed out the
+first signs of this individualism when speaking of the temple of the
+Capitoline Jupiter, and we shall have reason to mark its rapid growth
+further. We are now, in fact, and must realise that we are, in a period
+in which, throughout the Graeco-Roman world, the need was beginning to
+be felt of some new rule of individualistic morality. The Roman
+population, now recruited from many sources, was but reflecting this
+need unconsciously when it insisted on new emotional rites and
+expiations. The Roman authorities were forced to satisfy the demand; but
+in doing so they made no real contribution to the history of Roman
+religious experience. It was impossible that they should do so; they
+represented the old civic form of religion, "bound up with the life of a
+society, and unable to contemplate the individual except as a member of
+it."[553] The new forms of worship, the _supplicatio_ and
+_lectisternium_, could not be, as the old forms had in some sense been,
+the consecration of civic and national life. They were to the Romans as
+the worship of Baal to the Jews of the time of the Kings; and, unlike
+that poisonous cult, they could never be rooted out.[554][555]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XI
+
+    [510] This is the expression of Sallust, _Catil._ 12. 3.
+
+    [511] See my paper on the Latin history of the word
+    _religio_, in _Transactions of the Congress for the
+    History of Religions_, 1909, vol. ii. p. 172. W. Otto in
+    _Archiv_, 1909, p. 533 foll.
+
+    [512] Cic. _de Nat. Deorum_, ii. 8.
+
+    [513] Cic. _Harusp. resp._ 19.
+
+    [514] Livy xliv. 1. 11; Sallust, _l.c._; Gellius, _Noct.
+    Att._ ii. 28. 2.
+
+    [515] Polyb. vi. 56.
+
+    [516] Posidonius ap. Athenaeum vi. 274 A; Dion.
+    Hal. ii. 27. 3.
+
+    [517] Gell. ii. 28.
+
+    [518] Marquardt, iii. 126.
+
+    [519] Cato, _R.R._ 142.
+
+    [520] Calpurnius, _Eclogue_, v. 24. I have described a
+    similar scene in the Alps in _A Year with the Birds_,
+    ed. 2, p. 126.
+
+    [521] Petronius, _Sat._ 117: "His ita ordinatis, quod
+    bene feliciterque eveniret precati deos, viam
+    ingredimur." I owe this reference, as others in this
+    context, to Appel's treatise _de Romanorum
+    precationibus_, p. 56 foll.
+
+    [522] Varro, _R.R._ i. 1.
+
+    [523] _e.g._ Virg. _Aen._ v. 685 (Aeneas during the
+    burning of the fleet); _Aen._ xii. 776 (Turnus in
+    extremity). Cp. Tibull. iii. 5. 6 (in sickness).
+
+    [524] A good example is _Captivi_, 922: "Iovi disque ago
+    gratias merito magnas quom te redducem tuo patri
+    reddiderunt," etc.
+
+    [525] For gratitude to human beings see Valerius Maximus
+    v. 2. A good example of gratitude to a deity is in Gell.
+    _N.A._ iv. 18; but it is told of Scipio the elder, who
+    was eccentric for a Roman. When accused by a tribune of
+    peculation in Asia he said, "Non igitur simus adversum
+    deos ingrati et, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem hunc,
+    eamus hinc protinus Iovi Optimo Maximo gratulatum."
+    Public gratitude to the gods is frequent in later
+    _supplicationes_, _e.g._ Livy xxx. 17. 6.
+
+    [526] Gellius, _N.A._ xiv. 7. 9.
+
+    [527] Servius ad _Aen._ xi. 301 ("praefatus divos solio
+    rex infit ab alto").
+
+    [528] This was in a _contio_: "Cum Gracchus deos
+    inciperet precari." See above, Lecture VII. note 13.
+
+    [529] See _R.F._ p. 74 foll.; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 243.
+    For the relation of the pomoerium to the wall, see
+    above, p. 94.
+
+    [530] The process is amusingly explained by Carter in
+    _The Religion of Numa_, p. 72 foll.
+
+    [531] _R.F._ p. 75.
+
+    [532] See Aust, _De aedibus sacris P.R._, passim.
+
+    [533] Lately this has been denied by Pais, _Storia di
+    Roma_, i. 339.
+
+    [534] Pliny, _N.H._ 35, 154.
+
+    [535] I owe the information to my friend Prof. Percy
+    Gardner.
+
+    [536] See Carter, _op. cit._ p. 66; but I am not sure
+    that his reasons are conclusive.
+
+    [537] Diels, _Sibyllinische Blätter_, p. 6 foll., and
+    cp. 79.
+
+    [538] It should be noted that the cult of Apollo in Rome
+    was older than the introduction of Sibylline influence;
+    so at least it is generally assumed. Wissowa, however
+    (_R.K._ p. 239), puts it as "gleichzeitig." The date of
+    the Apollinar in pratis Flaminiis, the oldest Apolline
+    fanum in Rome (outside pomoerium), is unknown; that of
+    the temple on the same site was 431 (Livy iv. 25 and
+    29). There is little doubt that the Apollo-cult spread
+    from Cumae northwards, and was by this time well
+    established in Italy. (The foundation of the temple of
+    431, consisting of opus quadratum, still in part
+    survives: Hülsen-Jordan, _Rom. Topographie_, iii. 535).
+
+    [539] Heracleitus, _fragm._ xii., ed. Bywater.
+
+    [540] _Phaedrus_, p. 244.
+
+    [541] So Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._, _s.v._
+    "Etrusker."
+
+    [542] The present tendency is to take the plebs as
+    representing an older population of Latium before the
+    arrival of the patricians; see, _e.g._, Binder, _Die
+    Plebs_, p. 358 foll. But the plebs of later days is not
+    to be explained on one hypothesis only.
+
+    [543] _e.g._ in religious matters the _duoviri aedi
+    dedicandae_; Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, ii. 601 foll.
+
+    [544] Carter, _Religion of Numa_, p. 77 foll. It is
+    uncertain whether there was a Roman Mercurius of earlier
+    origin, or whether the name Mercurius (_i.e._ concerned
+    in trade) was a new invention to avoid using the Greek
+    name, as in the case of the trias Ceres, Liber, Libera.
+
+    [545] Carter, _op. cit._ 81. The connection of this
+    Poseidon-Neptunus and Hermes-Mercurius is confirmed by
+    the fact that the two were paired in the first
+    _lectisternium_, 399 B.C. Livy v. 13.
+
+    [546] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 254.
+
+    [547] See Diels, _Sib. Blätter_, p. 12, note 1.
+
+    [548] Livy v. 13.
+
+    [549] I have discussed the possibility of the epulum
+    Iovis being an old Italian rite in _R.F._ p. 215 foll.
+    For the Greek origin of these shows see _Dict. of
+    Antiquities_, ed. 2, _s.v._ "lectisternia."
+
+    [550] Livy iii. 5. 14, and 7. 7.
+
+    [551] The plebeian tendencies of the time are suggested,
+    _e.g._, by the fact that immediately before the first
+    _lectisternium_ a plebeian was elected military tribune
+    (Livy v. 13). The fourth century is of course the period
+    of plebeian advance in all departments, and ends with
+    the opening of the priesthoods to the plebs by the lex
+    Ogulnia, and the publication of the Fasti. Plebeian too,
+    I suspect, was the keeping open house and promiscuous
+    hospitality which is recorded by Livy of the first
+    _lectisternia_; this was the practice of the plebs on
+    the Cerealia (April 19), and was perhaps an old custom
+    connected with the supply of corn and the temple of
+    Ceres (see above, p. 255). It was not imitated by the
+    patrician society, with its reserve and exclusiveness,
+    till the institution of the Megalesia in 204 B.C. See
+    Gellius xviii. 2. 11.
+
+    [552] The expression _crinibus demissis_ is found in a
+    lex regia (Festus, _s.v._ "pellices"); the harlot who
+    touches Juno's altar has to offer a lamb to Juno
+    "crinibus demissis." This is therefore Roman practice.
+
+    [553] For the _supplicationes_ see Wissowa, _R.K._ 357
+    foll.; Marq. 48 and 188; and the author's article in
+    _Dict. of Antiquities_. The passages already referred to
+    as doubtful evidence (Livy iii. 5. 14, 7. 7) describe
+    all the features of the _supplicatio_ as early as the
+    first half of the fifth century. A list of later
+    passages in Livy will be found in Marq. 49, note 4. On
+    the whole I doubt if much was made of these rites before
+    the third century and the Punic wars.
+
+    [554] Wissowa, _R.K._ 356, note 7.
+
+    [555] Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 46.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XII
+
+THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF RELIGION
+
+
+In the last lecture we saw how the new experiences of the Roman people,
+during the period from the abolition of the kingship to the war with
+Hannibal, led to the introduction of foreign deities and showy
+ceremonies of a character quite strange to the old religion. But there
+was another process going on at the same time. The authorities of that
+old religion were full of vigour in this same period; it may even be
+said, that as far as we can trace their activity in the dim light of
+those early days, they made themselves almost supreme in the State. And
+the result was, in brief, that religion became more and more a matter of
+State administration, and thereby lost its chance of developing the
+conscience of the individual. It is indeed quite possible, as has
+recently been maintained,[556] that it stood actively in the way of such
+development. I have no doubt that there was a germ of conscience, of
+moral feeling, in the _religio_ of old days--the feeling of anxiety and
+doubt which originally suggested the _cura_ and _caerimonia_ of the
+State; but the efforts of the authorities in this period were spent in
+gradually destroying that germ. True, they did not interfere with the
+simple religion of the family, which had its value all through Roman
+history; but the attitude of the individual towards public worship will
+react on his attitude towards private worship, which may also have lost
+some part of its vitality in this period.
+
+The religious authorities of which I speak are of course the two great
+colleges of pontifices and augurs. Of the latter, and of the system of
+divination of which they held the secrets, I will speak in the next
+lecture. Here we have to do with the pontifices and their work in this
+period, a thorny and somewhat technical subject, but a most important
+one for the history of Roman religious experience.
+
+I have so far assumed that this college existed in the age of the kings,
+and assisted the Rex in the administration of the _ius divinum_. It is
+legitimate to do this, but as a matter of fact we do not know for
+certain what was the origin of the college itself, or of its mysterious
+name. In the period we have now reached we come, however, upon a
+striking fact, which is luckily easy to interpret; the king's house, the
+_Regia_, has become the office of the head of the college, the pontifex
+maximus, and also the meeting-place of the college for business.[557]
+Obviously this head, whether or no he existed during the kingly period,
+has stepped into the place of the Rex in the control of the _ius
+divinum_. Again, we know that in the third century B.C., when written
+history begins, the pontifices and their head had reached a very high
+level of power, as we shall presently see more in detail; the process of
+the growth of this power must therefore lie in the two preceding
+centuries, during which Rome was slowly attaining that paramount
+position in Italy in which we find her at the time of the Punic wars.
+Thirdly, we know that in that third century B.C. the college was laid
+open to plebeians as well as to members of the old patrician gentes, and
+that one of the most famous of all its many distinguished heads was not
+only not a patrician, but a Latin from Cameria, Ti. Coruncanius. Putting
+these three facts together we can divine in outline the history of the
+pontifices during these two centuries. With the instinct for order and
+organisation that never failed them, the Romans have constructed a
+_permanent_ power to take charge of their _ius divinum_, _i.e._ all
+their relations to the deities with whom they must maintain a _pax_; the
+circumstances of their career during two centuries have exalted this
+power to an extraordinary degree of influence, direct and indirect,
+internal and external; and, lastly, in a period which saw the gradual
+amalgamation into a unified whole of privileged and unprivileged,
+_patres_ and _plebs_, they have with wonderful wisdom thrown open to all
+citizens the administration of that _ius_ which was essential to the
+welfare of the united community. These are indisputable facts; and they
+are thoroughly characteristic of the practical wisdom of the Roman
+people in that early age.
+
+In order to understand how the pontifices attained their great position,
+the one thing needful is to examine the nature of their work. This I
+propose to do next, and then to attempt to sum up the result of their
+activity on the Roman religious system.
+
+It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the college in the
+early history of Roman law; and for us in particular that importance
+lies in the fact that they were the sole depositaries of the religious
+law in the period during which the civil law was being slowly
+disentangled from it. If we look at the so-called _leges regiae_, which
+are probably the oldest rules of law that have come down to us (though
+they may have been made into a collection as late as the very end of the
+Republic),[558] we see at once that they belong to the _ius divinum_;
+and there is little doubt that they were extracted from those books of
+the pontifices which I shall have to explain later on.[559] In other
+words, it is the maintenance of the _pax deorum_ that they are chiefly
+concerned with; the crime of the citizen is a violation of that _pax_,
+and the deity most concerned will punish the community unless some
+expiatory step is taken to re-establish the right relation between the
+human and divine inhabitants of the city. "Pellex aram Iunonis ne
+tangito; si tanget, Iunoni crinibus demissis agnum feminam caedito." "Si
+parentem puer verberit, ast olle plorassit, puer divis parentum sacer
+esto."[560] The harlot who touches the altar of Juno, the deity of
+married women, breaks the _pax_ with that deity, and she must offer a
+piacular sacrifice to renew it; the son who strikes a parent is made
+over as the property of the _divi parentum_, _i.e._ those of the whole
+community,[561] the peaceful relation with whom his act has imperilled.
+With such rules as these the civil magistrate of the republic can have
+had nothing to do; they belong to an older period of thought and of
+government, and survived in the books of the college which under the
+republic continued to administer the _ius divinum_; for these rules
+doubtless continued to exist side by side with the civil law as it
+gradually developed itself, and the necessary modes of expiation were
+known to the pontifices only. Roman society was indeed so deeply
+penetrated for many ages with the idea of _religio_--the dread of
+violating the _pax deorum_,--that the idea of law as a matter of the
+relation of man to man, as "the interference of the State in the
+passions and interests of humanity only," must have gained ground by
+very slow degrees. This primitive religious law then, _i.e._ the
+regulation of the proper steps to be taken to avoid a breach of the _pax
+deorum_, was entirely in the hands of the religious authorities, the Rex
+at first and then the pontifices, as the only experts who could know the
+secrets of the _ius divinum_; and from their decisions and prescriptions
+there could be no appeal, simply because there was no individual or body
+in the State to whom an appeal was conceivable. But after the rule of
+the Etruscan kings, with all its disturbing influences, and after the
+revolution which got rid of them, there must have been an age of new
+ideas and increased mental activity, and also of increasing social
+complexity, the signs of which in the way of trade and industry we have
+already found in certain facts of religious history. In the domain of
+law this meant new problems, new difficulties; and these were met in the
+middle of the fifth century B.C., if the received chronology is to be
+accepted,[562] by the publication of the XII. Tables.
+
+In order to get some idea of the work of the pontifices at this time,
+let us consider one or two of these difficulties and problems.
+
+Within the family every act, every relation, was matter of religion; the
+_numina_ had to be considered in regard to it. The end and aim, then as
+throughout Roman history, was the maintenance of the _sacra_ of the
+family, without which it could not be conceived as existing--the due
+worship of its deities, and the religious care of its dead. Take
+marriage as an example: "the entry of a bride into the household--of one
+who as yet had no lot in the family life--meant some straining of the
+relation between the divine and human members,"[563] and the human part
+of the family must be assured that the divine part is willing to accept
+her before the step can be regarded as complete. She has to enter the
+family in such a way as to share in its _sacra_; and if _confarreatio_
+was (as we may believe) the oldest form of patrician marriage,[564] the
+bride was subjected to a ceremony which was plainly of a sacramental
+character--the sacred cake of _far_ being partaken of by both bride and
+bridegroom in the presence of the highest religious authority of the
+State. In the simplest form of society there would be no call for
+further priestly interference in marriage; but in a society growing more
+numerous and complex, exceptions, abnormal conditions begin to show
+themselves, and new problems arise, which must be solved by new
+expedients, prescriptions, permissions, devices, or fictions. For these
+the religious authorities are solely responsible; for what is a matter
+of religious interest to the family is also matter of religious interest
+to the State, simply because the State is composed of families in the
+same sense as the human body is composed of cellular tissue. All this,
+we believe, was once the work of the Rex, perhaps with the college of
+pontifices to help him; when the kingship disappeared it became the work
+of that college solely, with the pontifex maximus as the chief
+authority.
+
+So, too, in all other questions which concerned the maintenance of the
+family, and especially in regard to the devolution of property. I am
+here only illustrating the way in which the pontifical college acquired
+their paramount influence by having a quantity of new and difficult work
+forced upon them, and it is not part of my plan to explain the early
+history of adoptions and wills; but I may give a single concrete
+illustration for the benefit of those who are not versed in Roman law.
+It must constantly have happened, in that disturbed period which brought
+the kingship to an end, that by death or capture in war a family was
+left without male heirs. Daughters could not take their place, because
+the _sacra_ of a family could not be maintained by daughters, who would,
+in the natural order of things, be sooner or later married and so become
+members of other families. Hence the expedient was adopted of making a
+_filius familias_ of another family a member of your own; and this, like
+marriage, involved a straining of the relations between the human and
+divine members of your family, and was thus a matter for the religious
+authorities to contrive in such a manner as to preserve the _pax_
+between them. The difficulty was overcome by the practical wisdom of the
+pontifical college, which held a solemn inquiry into the case before
+submitting it to the people in specially summoned assembly (_comitia
+calata_);[565] and thus the new _filius familias_ was enabled not only
+to renounce his own _sacra_ (_detestatio sacrorum_), but to pass into
+the guardianship of another set of _sacra_, without incurring the anger
+of the _numina_ concerned with the welfare of either.
+
+Such difficult matters as these, and many more connected directly or
+indirectly with the devolution of property, such as the guardianship of
+women and of the incapable, the power to dispose of property otherwise
+than by the original rules of succession, the law of burial and the care
+of the dead,--all these, at the time of which I am speaking, must have
+been among the secrets of the pontifices; and we can also suspect,
+though without being sure of our facts, that the great increase of the
+importance of the _plebs_ under the Etruscan dynasty offered further
+opportunities for the growth alike of the work and influence of the
+college.[566] Above all, we must remember that this work was done in
+secret, that the mysteries of adjustment were unknown to the people when
+once they had passed out of the ken of family and gens, and that there
+could have been no appeal from the pontifices to any other body. Nay,
+more, we must also bear in mind that this body of religious experts was
+_self-electing_. Until the lex Domitia of 104 B.C. both pontifices and
+augurs filled up their own colleges with persons whom they believed
+qualified both by knowledge and disposition. Thus it would seem that
+there was every chance that in that early Rome, where neither in family
+nor State could anything be undertaken without some reference to the
+religious authority, where the _pax deorum_ was the one essential object
+of public and private life, a power might be developed apt one day not
+only to petrify religion and stultify its worshippers, but thereby also
+to cramp the energies of the community, acting as an obstacle to its
+development within its walls and without. Had Roman law remained
+entirely in the hands of this self-electing college, one of two things
+must have happened: either that college would have become purely secular
+in character, or the wonderful legal system that we still enjoy would
+never have had space to grow up. But this was not to be; with the
+publication of the XII. Tables a new era opens.
+
+If we reject, as we conscientiously may, the latest attempts of
+criticism to post-date the drawing up of the Tables,[567] and in fact to
+destroy their historical value for us, what is their significance for
+our present purpose? It is simply that in the middle of the fifth
+century B.C. the pontifices lost a monopoly--ceased to be the sole
+depositaries of the rules of law affecting the _pax deorum_, and that
+new rules are being set down in writing, on the basis of old custom,
+which more especially affect the relations between the human citizens.
+For both the _ius divinum_ and the _ius civile_ are to be found in this
+collection, but the latter is beginning to assert its independence. I
+think we may say, without much hesitation, that this event, however
+doubtful its traditional details, did actually save Rome from either of
+the two consequences to which I alluded just now. The constitution
+developed itself on lay and not on ecclesiastical lines, leaving the
+pontifices other work to do, and Roman civil law was eventually able to
+free itself from the trammels of the _ius divinum_.
+
+But for another century the college still found abundant legal work to
+do, for it was not likely that at Rome, the most conservative of all
+city-states, it could be quickly set aside, or that the old ideas of law
+could so speedily disappear. What then was this work?
+
+When rules of civil law were written down, it was still necessary to
+deal with them in two ways which were open to the pontifices, and indeed
+at this early time to no one else. First, it was necessary to make their
+provisions effectual by prescribing in each case the proper method of
+procedure (_actio_). Now it is most important to grasp the fact that
+procedure in the _ius civile_ was originally of precisely the same
+nature as procedure in the _ius divinum_, and that precisely the same
+rigid exactness is indispensable in both. Action and formula in civil
+law belong to the same class of practices as sacrifice and prayer in
+religious law, and spring from the same mental soil. Thus, for example,
+the most familiar case of action and formula in civil law, the
+_sacramentum_, was, as the name proves, a piece of religious procedure,
+_i.e._ the deposition in a sacred spot of a sum of money which the
+suitor in the case would forfeit if he lost it, together with the
+utterance of a certain formula of words which must be correctly spoken.
+If we choose to go back so far, we may even see in this combination of
+formularised act and speech a survival of magical or quasi-magical
+belief;[568] but this is matter rather for the anthropologist than the
+historian of religion. The point for us at this moment is that these
+acts and formulae (_legis actiones_, as they are known in Roman law)
+could not suddenly or rapidly pass out of the hands of that body of
+skilled experts which had so long been in sole possession of them; the
+publication of old and new rules of law in the XII. Tables made no
+immediate difference in this respect. The consuls, the new civil
+executive, were still in no sense necessarily skilled in such matters,
+and were without the prestige of the former executive, the Rex; they
+were also doubtless busy with other work, especially in the field.
+Nothing could be more natural than that the pontifices should continue
+to provide the procedure for the now written law, just as they had
+formerly supplied it for the unwritten.[569]
+
+So, too, with the _interpretation_ of the Tables; this was the second
+part of the work that still remained to them. Writing was in that age a
+mystery to the mass of the population, and doubtless the idea was still
+in their minds that there was something supernatural about it. Writing,
+in fact, as well as formularised action and speech, may have had the
+flavour of magic about it. However that may be, there can be no doubt
+that the interpretation of a legal document was in those days a much
+more serious, if a less arduous business, than it is now. Here again,
+then, it seems perfectly natural that there should be no rapid or
+violent change in the _personnel_ of those deemed capable of such
+interpretation; there was no other body of experts capable of the work;
+the pontifices remained _iuris-consulti_, _i.e._ interpreters and
+advisers, and in the course of two and a half centuries accumulated an
+amount of material that formed a basis for the first published system of
+Roman law, the _ius Aelianum_ or _tripartita_ of 200 B.C. It is most
+useful to remember, as proof of this, that one member of the college was
+selected every year for the special purpose of helping the people with
+advice in matters of civil law, both in regard to interpretation and the
+choice of _legis actiones_; so we are expressly told by Pomponius, who
+adds that this practice continued for about a hundred years after the
+publication of the Tables, _i.e._ till the election of the first praetor
+in 366.[570] After that date the _ius civile_ emerges more distinctly
+from the old body of law, which included also the _ius divinum_, and its
+interpretation was no longer a matter purely for religious experts. In
+337 we hear of the first _plebeian_ praetor--truly a momentous event,
+showing that the old profound belief is dying out, which demanded a
+religious and patrician qualification for all legal work. And at the end
+of the fourth century comes the publication, not only of the _legis
+actiones_, but of the Fasti, _i.e._ even of that most vital part of the
+_ius divinum_, which distinguished the times and seasons belonging to
+the numina from those belonging to the human citizens.[571] One might
+well suppose that the power of the pontifices was on the wane, for they
+had lost another monopoly.
+
+And indeed in one sense this was so. It must have been so, for as the
+range of the State's activity increased, the sphere of religious
+influence became relatively less. Marriage, for example, though it still
+needed a religious ceremony in common opinion, ceased to need it in the
+eye of the law--a change which is familiar to us in our own age. The
+pontifex was no longer indispensable to the suitor at law, nor to the
+citizen who wished to know on what day he might proceed with his suit.
+The college undoubtedly ceased to be the powerful secretly-acting body
+in whose hands was the entire _religio_ of the citizen, _i.e._ the
+decision of all points on which he might feel the old anxious
+nervousness about the good-will of the gods. But now we mark a change
+which gave the old institution new life and new work. At the end of this
+fourth century (300 B.C.) it was thrown open to plebeians by the lex
+Ogulnia; and, as I have already mentioned, within a few years we come
+upon a plebeian pontifex maximus, who was not even a Roman by birth, yet
+one of the most famous in the whole series of the holders of that great
+office. Most probably, too, the numbers of the members have already been
+increased from five to nine, of whom five must be plebeian. These
+members begin to be found holding also civil magistracies, and the
+pontifex maximus was often a consul of the year. It is quite plain then
+that this priestly office is becoming more and more secularised; it
+expands with the new order of things instead of shrinking into itself.
+It leaves religion, in the proper sense of the word, far behind. The
+sacrificing priests, the flamines, etc., who were the humbler members in
+a technical sense of the same college, go on with their proper and
+strictly religious work under the supervision of the pontifex
+maximus,[572] but they steadily become of less importance as the greater
+members become secularised in their functions and their ambitions. And
+these greater members, instead of becoming stranded on a barren shore of
+antique religion, boldly venture into a new sphere of human life, and
+add definite secular work to their old religious functions.
+
+The events of the latter part of the fourth century B.C., culminating in
+the publication of the Fasti and the _legis actiones_, probably meant
+much more for the Romans than we can divine by the uncertain light of
+historical imagination. It is the age of expansion, internal and
+external; the old patrician exclusive rule was gone beyond recall; the
+plebeians had forced their way into every department of government,
+including at last even the great religious _collegia_; the old Latin
+league had been broken up, and the Latin cities organised in various new
+relations to Rome, each one being connected with the suzerain city by a
+separate treaty, sealed with religious sanctions. After the Samnite wars
+and the struggle with Pyrrhus, further organisation was necessary, and
+there arose by degrees a loose system of union which we are accustomed
+to call the Italian confederation. The adaptation of all these new
+conditions to the existing order of things at Rome was the work of the
+senate and magistrates so far as it concerned human beings only; but so
+far as it affected the relations of the divine inhabitants of the
+various communities it must have been the work of the pontifices. That
+work is indeed almost entirely hidden from us, for Livy's books of this
+period are lost, and Livy is the only historian who has preserved for us
+in any substance the religious side of Rome's public life. But what we
+have learnt in the course of these lectures will have made it plain that
+no political changes could take place without involving religious
+adaptation, and also that the only body qualified to undertake such
+adaptation was the pontifical college.
+
+We may thus be quite certain, that though they had lost their old
+monopoly of religious knowledge, the pontifices found plenty of fresh
+work to do in this period. It is my belief that they now became more
+active than they ever had been. From this time, for example, we may
+almost certainly date their literary or quasi-literary activity; I mean
+the practice of recording the leading events of each year, which may
+have had its origin a century earlier, with the eclipse of the sun in or
+about 404 B.C.[573] I should guess that after the admission of the
+plebeians to the college in 300 B.C., the new members put fresh life and
+vigour into the old work, and developed it in various directions. It is
+in this period that I am inclined to attribute to the college that zeal
+for compiling and perhaps inventing religious formulae of all kinds,
+which took shape in the _libri_ or _commentarii pontificum_, and
+embodied that strange manual of the methods of addressing deities, which
+we know as _Indigitamenta_. And again, in the skilled work of the
+admission of new deities and the dedication of their temples, occasioned
+by the new organisation and condition of Italy, and lastly, in the
+supervision of the proper methods of expiating _prodigia_, which (though
+the habit is doubtless an old one) began henceforward to be reported to
+the Senate from all parts of the ager Romanus and even beyond, their
+meetings in the Regia must have been fully occupied. Our loss is great
+indeed in the total want of detail about the life and character of the
+great plebeian pontifex maximus of the first half of the third century
+B.C., that Titus Coruncanius whom I have already mentioned as being a
+Latin by birth; for Cicero declares that the _commentarii_ of the
+college showed him as a man of the greatest ability,[574] whose
+reputation remained for ages as one who was ready with wise counsel in
+matters both public and private. Coupling him with two other memorable
+holders of the office, he says that "et in senatu et apud populum et in
+causis amicorum et domi et militiae consilium suum fidemque
+praestabant."[575] This passage should be remembered as a valuable
+illustration of the way in which the college and its head were becoming
+more and more occupied with secular business; it is worth noting, too,
+that this great man was himself consul in the year 280, and took a
+useful part in the first campaign against Pyrrhus.[576] Yet Cicero makes
+it plain that he looked on him also as a great figure in religious
+matters--nay, even as a man whom the gods loved.[577]
+
+I will finish this lecture by illustrating briefly this renewed and
+extended activity of the pontifices, so far as we can dimly trace it in
+this third century B.C. Most of it is connected more or less directly
+with the State religion, yet with a tendency to become more and more
+secular and perfunctory; the word _cura_ would express it better than
+_caerimonia_, and _caerimonia_ better than _religio_. The care of the
+calendar, for example (a technical matter which lies outside my province
+in these lectures), was originally of religious importance, because the
+oldest religious festivals marked operations of husbandry, and these,
+when fixed in the calendar, must occur at the right seasons.[578] It was
+the duty of the pontifices so to adjust the necessary intercalations as
+to effect this object--a duty to which they were, as it turned out,
+quite unequal. But continued city life broke the connection between the
+festivals and the agricultural work to which they originally
+corresponded, and what was once a _cura_ of religious import became a
+secular matter of which the value was not appreciated. So too with
+another duty, for which both the Romans and ourselves have more reason
+to be grateful to them--the recording of the leading events of national
+history.
+
+It is uncertain what prompted the college, or rather its head, to begin
+making these records, though there is no doubt about the fact. But it
+would be natural enough that those who had charge of the calendar, which
+would necessitate some record of years for purposes of intercalation,
+should go on to mark the names of the consuls and such striking events
+as would make a year memorable. In any case this was what actually
+happened. The pontifex maximus, we are told with precision, kept a
+_tabula_, or whited board, on which these events were noted down, with
+the consuls' names attached to them, or possibly a kind of almanac, made
+out for the whole year, on which they could append their notes to
+particular days.[579] This yearly _tabula_ was no doubt at first kept
+secret, like all the pontifical documents, but sooner or later, perhaps
+at the same time as the publication of the _fasti_ and _legis actiones_,
+it was exposed to public view in or at the Regia.[580] This went on for
+at least two centuries, and the records, which in the nature of things
+must have grown in length and detail as events became more startling and
+numerous, were edited in eighty books by the pontifex maximus P. Mucius
+Scaevola in 123 B.C.--the year of the first tribunate of C. Gracchus.
+The large number of these books has long been a stumbling-block to the
+learned, for we are expressly told that the _annales maximi_, as the
+records were called, were (in spite of their name) of a very meagre
+character; and many conjectures have quite recently been made to explain
+it.[581] But guessing is almost useless, seeing that there are no data
+for it. The editor may have added matter of his own, amplifying and
+adorning after the manner of writers of his day; or he may have worked
+in the contents of other pontifical books, _libri_ or _commentarii
+pontificales_. The point for us is simply the continued activity of the
+pontifex maximus in this work, which must have become almost entirely
+secular in character. The notes may have been jejune, but they were
+probably accurate, and free from the perversions of family vanity or
+such lengthy rhetorical ornamentation as became the universal fashion
+among private writers of annalistic history. They were, we may suppose,
+exactly what our modern historical conscience demands. But all that is
+left of them, or almost all, is the list of consuls (_fasti consulares_)
+and of triumphs (_fasti triumphales_) which in their present form must,
+or at least may, have been extracted from them.[582] On the whole, we
+may reckon them as the most valuable work of the college; and they may
+be taken as marking a growing sense of the importance of Rome and her
+history, the commemoration of which is thus committed to an official
+who, as an individual, had invariably served the State well, and in whom
+all classes had perfect confidence.[583]
+
+One important part of the work of the college in this century must have
+been the adjustment of the civic religion of the Italian communities to
+that of Rome. What deities were to be made citizens of Rome? Which were
+to be left in their old homes undisturbed? No doubt many other questions
+must have called for attention in religious matters after the conquest
+of Italy, but this is the one of which we know most. The temple
+foundations of this period have all been carefully put together (chiefly
+from Livy's invaluable records) by Aust,[584] and show that there was a
+certain tendency to bring in deities from outside, not so much because
+they represented some special need of the Romans, corn or art or
+industry, as two centuries earlier, but simply because they were deities
+of the conquered whom it might be prudent to adopt. The great Juno
+Regina of Veii was long ago induced by _evocatio_ to migrate to Rome;
+Fors Fortuna from Etruria, Juturna from Lavinium, Minerva Capta from
+Falerii, Feronia, a famous Latin goddess from Capena, Vortumnus from
+Volsinii,[585] all attest the same liberal tone in religious matters
+which on the whole marks the secular Italian policy of the Senate in
+this period. If we had but more information about the former, we should
+be able to understand the latter far better. We should like to know why
+in some cases the chief deity of a community came to Rome, while in
+others there is not trace of migration. The famous Vacuna of Reate, for
+example, never left her home in the Apennines, possibly because she was
+a kind of Vesta, who could not be spared from Reate, and was not wanted
+at Rome.[586]
+
+The list of foundations also points to other tendencies and experiences
+of the time. We might guess that there was some attempt, with the aid of
+pontifical skill, to encourage agriculture or give it a fresh start
+after the invasion of Pyrrhus; for between 272 and 264, the years of the
+pacification of Italy, we find temples built to four agricultural
+deities, three indigenous Roman ones, Consus, Tellus, Pales, and one
+Etruscan garden god, Vertumnus.[587] Then we have a group of foundations
+in honour of deities connected with water--Juturna, Fons, Tempestates,
+which seem to have some reference to the naval activity of the first
+Punic war; they all fall between 259 and 241 B.C.[588] Lastly, we notice
+a fresh accession of deified abstractions,--Salus (an old deity in a new
+form), Spes, Honos et Virtus, Concordia, and Mens.[589] I am glad to
+find that the latest investigator of these religious abstractions is at
+one with me in believing that they simply mark a developed stage in the
+religious bent of the earliest Roman. If the old Romans had the habit of
+spiritualising a great variety of material objects, in other words, if
+they were in an advanced animistic stage, there seems to be no reason
+why they should not have begun to spiritualise mental concepts also (for
+which they had words, as for the material objects), even at a very early
+period. The whole psychological aspect of such abstractions is most
+interesting, but I must pass it over here, merely suggesting that each
+of these abstractions was doubtless deified for some particular reason,
+under the direction, or with the sanction, of the pontifices.[590]
+
+But we have not as yet reached what is, after all, for our purposes the
+most instructive part of the work of the pontifices--I mean the archives
+or memoranda (_libri_ or _commentarii_) which they kept, and from which,
+indirectly, much of what I have had to say about the _ius divinum_ has
+been drawn. It is here that we see the policy of maintaining the _pax
+deorum_ carried to its highest point. These books contained a vast
+collection of formulae for every kind of process in which the deities
+were in any way concerned; here was the complete _pharmacopoeia_ of the
+_ius divinum_.[591] We must remember that the pontifex maximus and his
+assessors had to be ready at any moment with the correct formula for all
+religious acts, whether extraordinary, like the _devotio_ of Decius or
+the expiation of some startling "prodigium," or belonging to the
+ordinary course of city life, such as prayers in sacrificial ritual,
+_vota_ both public and private, charters (_leges_) of newly founded
+temples, and so on. The idea that the spoken formula (ultimately, as we
+saw, derived from an age of magic) was efficient only if no slip were
+made, seems to have gained in strength instead of diminishing, as we
+might have expected it to do with advancing civilisation; and the
+pontifices not only responded to its importunity, but actually
+stimulated it. _Vires acquirit eundo_ are words which apply well in all
+ages to the passion for organisation and precision. Though we cannot
+prove it, I myself have little doubt that the members of the college, or
+some of them, collected and invented formulae simply for the pleasure of
+doing it, and that the work became as congenial to them as the
+systematisation of the law to Jewish scribes after the captivity, or as
+casuistry to the confessors of the middle ages. When the art of writing
+became familiar to experts, the natural and primitive desire of the
+Roman to have exactness in the spoken word affected him also in his
+relations with the word as written. The scribe and the Pharisee found
+their opportunity. The whole public religion of the State, and to some
+extent also the private religion of the family, became a mass of forms
+and formulae, and never succeeded in freeing itself from these fetters.
+
+We can best illustrate this superfluity of priestly zeal in that strange
+list of forms of invocation called _Indigitamenta_, which I have already
+explained with the help of Wissowa.[592] Working upon the old Roman
+animism, and the popular fondness for formulae, the pontifices drew up
+those lists in the fourth and third centuries B.C., which have so
+seriously misled scholars as to the genuine primitive religious ideas of
+the Romans. They are in the main priestly inventions, the work of
+ingenious formulators. We may even be tempted to look on them as an
+attempt to rivet the yoke of priestly formalism on the life of the
+individual as well as on the life of the State as a whole. But if ever
+this was the intention, it was too late. A people that was beginning to
+get into touch with the civilisation of Hellas could not possibly bear
+such a yoke. In the last lecture we have already seen a tendency towards
+emotional religion independent of the old State worship; the philosophy
+of individualism was to complete the work of emancipation in the last
+two centuries B.C. The old State religion remained, but in stunted form
+and with paralysed vitality; Rome was the scene of an _arrested
+religious development_. The feeling, the religious instinct (_religio_)
+was indeed there, though latent; the Romans were human beings, like the
+rest of us. But as we go on with the story we shall find that, when
+trouble or disaster brought it out of its hiding-place, it was no longer
+possible to soothe it on Roman principles or by Roman methods. These
+methods--in other words, the _ius divinum_ as formulated by the
+authorities--had been meant to soothe it, and had indeed so effectually
+lulled it to sleep, that when at last it awoke again they had lost the
+power of dealing with it. When the craving did come upon the Roman,
+which in time of peril or doubt has come upon individuals and
+communities in all ages, for support and comfort from the Unseen, it had
+to be satisfied by giving him new gods to worship in new ways, gods from
+Greece and the East, some of them concealed under Latin names, but still
+aliens, not citizens of his own State, aliens with whom he had little or
+nothing in common, who had no home in his patriotic feeling, no place in
+his religious experience.[593] As I said at the beginning of the last
+lecture, we must not underrate the religiousness of the Roman
+character, which was never entirely lost; but the secret of its
+comparative uselessness lies in this--that the natural desire to be
+right with the Power manifesting itself in the universe, and to know
+more of that Power, became weakened and destroyed by an over-scrupulous
+attention to the means taken to realise it, and by the introduction of
+foreign methods which had no root in the mental fibre of the people, and
+reflected no part of its experience. Religion was effectually divorced
+from life and morality.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XII
+
+    [556] See Mulder, _De notione conscientiae, quae et
+    qualis fuerit Romanis_, Leyden, 1908, cap. 2. On p. 56
+    he quotes Luthard (_Die antike Ethik_, p. 131), who says
+    of the Roman religion that it was even more an affair of
+    the State than with any other people; hence its peculiar
+    legal character. Though Mulder overworks his point, his
+    chapter (especially p. 61 foll.) is full of interest.
+
+    [557] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 431. The first chapter of
+    Ambrosch's _Studien und Andeutungen_, in which the
+    nature and history of the Regia was first really
+    investigated, is still valuable. An excellent short
+    account is given by Mr. Marindin in his article in the
+    _Dict. of Antiquities_, ed. 2. It is now generally
+    maintained that the Regia in historical times was rather
+    a building for sacred purposes than a residence for a
+    man and his family, and this I hold to be correct; but
+    it may for all that have originally been the residence
+    of the Rex and of the Pont. Max. when the Rex had
+    disappeared.
+
+    [558] See Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_, i. 43,
+    where a succinct account is given of modern opinion as
+    to the so-called _ius Papirianum_. The main argument for
+    the late date of the collection is that Cicero does not
+    seem to have known of it when he wrote the letter _ad
+    Fam._ ix. 21 in 46 B.C. This of course in no way affects
+    the primitive character of the rules themselves.
+
+    [559] The inference that the rules were found in the
+    _Libri pontificum_ is inevitable in any case, but seems
+    proved by the fact that one of them, that relating to
+    the _spolia opima_, is stated by Festus, p. 189 (_s.v._
+    "opima"), to have been extracted from those books.
+
+    [560] Festus, _s.v._ "pellices" and _s.v._ "plorare,"
+    which latter word is interpreted as = _inclamare_.
+
+    [561] The _divi parentum_ are here generally taken as
+    those of the particular family, and this may have been
+    so; but cf. Wissowa, _R.K._ 192.
+
+    [562] For the attempts of Pais in Italy and Lambert in
+    France to date the Tables at the end of the fourth
+    century or later, see Schanz, _op. cit._ i. 41. In
+    Germany opinion is universally in favour of the
+    traditional date.
+
+    [563] See _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p.
+    135.
+
+    [564] On the religious character of _confarreatio_ see
+    De Marchi, _La Religione nella vita privata_, i. p. 145
+    foll.
+
+    [565] Cic. _de Domo_, 12. 14; Gellius, v. 19.
+
+    [566] See, _e.g._ Launspach, _State and Family in Early
+    Rome_, p. 256 foll. The last three chapters of this
+    little book, on Patria potestas, Marriage, and
+    Succession, will be found useful by those who cannot
+    enter into the many disputes and difficulties which have
+    arisen out of the attempts of writers on Roman law to
+    adjust legal ideas to the dim early history of Rome.
+    Binder, in his work _Die Plebs_, starts from the
+    improbable hypothesis that the plebs was the population
+    of the Latin part of the city as distinct from that
+    Sabine part on the Quirinal, which he believes to have
+    been the only patrician body; and he further believes
+    that the plebs lived originally under "Mutterrecht," the
+    patres under "Vaterrecht." Such a condition of society
+    would, of course, have greatly added to the pontifical
+    work of religious adjustment; it would have been more
+    than even the pontifices could have successfully
+    achieved.
+
+    [567] See above, note 7. Binder, _Die Plebs_, p. 488
+    foll., discusses, and in the main rejects, the arguments
+    of Pais and Lambert.
+
+    [568] So Huvelin, in a paper in _L'Année sociologique_,
+    1905-6, p. 1 foll., criticised by Hubert et Mauss,
+    _Mélanges d'histoire des religions_, p. xxiii. foll.
+
+    [569] From the religious point of view the _legis
+    actiones_ are best explained in Marquardt, 318 foll. Cp.
+    Muirhead, _Roman Law_, ed. 1899, pp. 246-7; Greenidge,
+    _Roman Public Life_, index _s.v._ "legis actio," and
+    especially p. 87.
+
+    [570] The famous passage of Pomponius is in the
+    _Digest_, i. 2. 2, sec. 6 (for the work of Aelius, see
+    _Dig._ i. 2. 2, 38) "ex his legibus ... actiones
+    compositae sunt, quibus inter se homines disceptarent:
+    quas actiones ne populus prout vellet institueret,
+    certas sollemnesque esse voluerunt.... Omnium tamen
+    harum et interpretandi scientia et actiones apud
+    collegium pontificum erant, ex quibus constituebatur,
+    quis quoquo anno praeesset privatis."
+
+    [571] Livy ix. 46 "civile ius, repositum in penetralibus
+    pontificum, evulgavit (Cn. Flavius), fastosque circa
+    forum in albo proponit, ut quando lege agi posset
+    sciretur." Cp. Val. Max. ii. 5. 2. _Civile ius_ is here
+    usually taken as meaning the procedure; but this is a
+    passage which may give some countenance to those who
+    would put the publication of the XII. Tables later than
+    the traditional date.
+
+    [572] For the relation of the Flamines, Vestals, and Rex
+    sacrorum to the pontifex maximus, see Wissowa, _R.K._
+    432 foll.
+
+    [573] See above, p. 283. For the eclipse, Cic. _Rep._ i.
+    16. 25; and for the various scientific determinations of
+    its exact date, Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Lit._ vol. i.
+    (ed. 2) p. 37. "Ex hoc die," writes Cicero, "quem apud
+    Ennium et in maximis annalibus consignatum videmus,
+    superiores solis defectiones reputatae sunt."
+
+    [574] Cic. _Brutus_, 55 "longe plurimum ingenio
+    valuisse."
+
+    [575] _De Orat._ iii. 33. 134.
+
+    [576] See _Dict. of Classical Biography_, _s.v._
+    "Coruncanius."
+
+    [577] _Nat. deor._ ii. 165. Coruncanius is mentioned as
+    one of those whom the gods love, if indeed they take an
+    interest in human affairs.
+
+    [578] See above, p. 100 foll.; and _Roman Festivals_, p.
+    3.
+
+    [579] Our knowledge of this _tabula_ chiefly depends on
+    a passage in the Danielian scholiast on Virg. _Aen._ i.
+    373: "ita enim annales conficiebantur. Tabulam dealbatam
+    quotannis pontifex maximus habuit, in qua praescriptis
+    consulum nominibus et aliorum magistratum, digna
+    memoratu notare consueverat domi militiaeque terra
+    marique gesta per singulos dies. Cuius diligentiae
+    annuos commentarios in octoginta libros veteres
+    retulerunt, eosque a pontificibus maximis, a quibus
+    fiebant, annales maximos appellarunt." The explanation
+    of the name is no doubt wrong; but all the rest of this
+    passage can be relied on; cp. Cic. _de Orat._ ii. 12.
+    52; Dion. Hal. i. 73, 74; Gell. ii. 28. 6; Cic. _Legg._
+    i. 2. 6. For the idea of the almanac, see Cichorius in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._, _s.v._ "annales maximi."
+
+    [580] _Proponebat tabulam domi_, Cic. _de Orat._ ii. 12.
+    52. This must refer to the official residence of the
+    Pont. Max.; see above, p. 271.
+
+    [581] These attempted solutions of an insoluble problem
+    may be found in brief in Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Lit._
+    i. 37. Perhaps the boldest is that of Cantorelli, that
+    the annales were constructed not out of the tabula but
+    out of the commentarii; but this is in conflict with the
+    passage in the scholiast on Virgil. To me the difficulty
+    does not seem overwhelming; events occurring "domi
+    militiaeque, terra marique," may have filled
+    considerable space, and yet have been meagre in the eyes
+    of the rhetoricians of the last century B.C.
+
+    [582] Schanz, _op. cit._ p. 35.
+
+    [583] The great authority of the Pont. Max. is well
+    shown in the story of Tremellius the praetor, who in the
+    middle of the second century B.C. was fined (by a
+    tribune?) "quod cum M. Aemilio pontifice maximo
+    iniuriose contenderat, sacrorumque quam magistratuum ius
+    potentius fuit." Livy, _Epit._ 47.
+
+    [584] _De aedibus sacris populi Romani_, p. 10 foll.
+
+    [585] Aust, _op. cit._ p. 14 foll. See also _R.F._ p.
+    340 foll.
+
+    [586] For Vacuna, Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 44 and 128. She
+    was later, but probably without good reason, identified
+    with Victoria. The conjecture that she was a hearth
+    deity rests on the lines of Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 305,
+    which I have before referred to in another context:
+
+      ante focos olim scamnis considere longis
+        mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos.
+      nunc quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae,
+        ante Vacunales stantque sedentque focos.
+
+    [587] Aust, p. 14. For Vertumnus the _locus classicus_
+    is Propert. v. 2. It is not certain that the connection
+    with gardens was primitive.
+
+    [588] _R.F._ p. 341.
+
+    [589] _R.F._ p. 341.
+
+    [590] See Axtell, _The Deification of Abstract Ideas in
+    Roman Literature and Inscriptions_ (Chicago, 1907), p.
+    59 foll., where the views of Mommsen, Boissier,
+    Marquardt, and Wissowa are discussed. Axtell's own
+    conclusion is given on p. 62 foll. In the main it seems
+    to agree with that hazarded in my _Roman Festivals_, p.
+    190.
+
+    [591] For the evidence as to the contents of the
+    _commentarii_, which are now generally identified with
+    the _libri_, see Wissowa, _R.K._ 32 and 441; Schanz,
+    _op. cit._ i. 32; and the article "Commentarii" in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._ As Wissowa remarks (p.
+    441, note 6), we are greatly in need of a complete
+    collection of all fragments of these archives.
+
+    [592] See above, p. 159 foll. The conviction that these
+    lists are of comparatively late and priestly origin,
+    which has long been growing on me, was originally
+    suggested by the learned article "Indigitamenta" by R.
+    Peter in Roscher's _Lexicon_, vol. ii. p. 175 foll.
+
+    [593] I have here adopted some sentences from my article
+    in the _Hibbert Journal_ for 1907, p. 854.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XIII
+
+THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION
+
+
+"The one great corruption to which all religion is exposed is its
+separation from morality. The very strength of the religious motive has
+a tendency to exclude, or disparage, all other tendencies of the human
+mind, even the noblest and best. It is against this corruption that the
+prophetic order from first to last constantly protested.... Mercy and
+justice, judgment and truth, repentance and goodness--not sacrifice, not
+fasting, not ablutions,--is the burden of the whole prophetic teaching
+of the Old Testament."[594]
+
+The over-formalising, or ritualising, of any religion is sure to bring
+about that result against which the Jewish prophets protested. We saw at
+the end of the last lecture how the pontifices contributed to such a
+result. We are now to study the contribution of the other great college,
+the augurs. For instead of developing, as did the wise man or seer of
+Israel, into the mouthpiece of God in His demand for the righteousness
+of man, the Roman diviner merely assisted the pontifex in his work of
+robbing religion of the idea of righteousness. Divination seems to be a
+universal instinct of human nature, a perfectly natural instinct,
+arising out of man's daily needs, hopes, fears; but though it may have
+had the chance, even at Rome, it never has been able, except among the
+Jews, to emerge from its cramping chrysalis of magic and become a really
+valuable stimulant of morality.
+
+By divination I mean the various ways and methods by which, in all
+stages of his development, man has persuaded himself that what he is
+going to do or suffer will turn out well or ill for him. It is probably
+judicious, with Dr. Tylor and with the majority of recent
+anthropologists, to consider it as belonging to the region of
+magic;[595] and it is obvious that it affords excellent examples of that
+inadequacy which characterises magical attempts to overcome the
+difficulties man meets with in his struggle for existence.[596] It
+belongs, like other forms of magic, to a stage in which man's idea of
+his relation to the Power manifesting itself in the universe is both
+rude and rudimentary. But it shares with magic the power or property of
+surviving, in form at least, through the animistic stage into that of
+religion, and it is largely practised at the present day even among
+highly civilised peoples.
+
+But I must observe, before I go on, that divination as an object of
+anthropological inquiry still stands in need of a thorough scientific
+examination. At present it seems to puzzle anthropologists;[597] and the
+reason probably is that the material for studying it inductively has not
+as yet been collected and sifted. Strange to say, it does not appear in
+the index to Dr. Westermarck's great work, which I have so often quoted:
+it is hardly to be found even in the _Golden Bough_: nor can I find a
+thoroughgoing treatment of it in any other books about the early
+history of mankind. And any sort of guesswork under these circumstances
+only increases our difficulties. Some years ago the great German
+philosophical lawyer, von Jhering, in an interesting work called the
+_Evolution of the Aryan_, made some most ingenious attempts to explain
+the origin of Roman divination. He fancied that the practice of
+examining the entrails of a victim, for example, began in the course of
+Aryan migration, because when you encamped in a new region you would
+catch and kill some of the native cattle in order to see whether they
+were wholesome enough to tempt you to stay.[598] Again, the study of the
+flight of birds was prompted by the desire to get information about the
+mountain passes and the course of great rivers; and this study grew into
+an elaborate art as the leader of the host, the prototype of the Roman
+augur, gained experience by constant observation from elevated
+ground.[599] Such a theory as this last might be worth something if it
+were based upon known facts; as it is, it is only most ingenious
+guesswork. This great legal writer did not know, as we do now, that
+divination by both these methods is found all over the world, and cannot
+be explained by any supposed needs of migrating Aryans.
+
+Whatever be the origin of the several forms of divination, the object of
+the practice in ancient Italy and Greece is beyond doubt--to find out
+whether the Power with whom you wish to be in right relation is
+favourable to certain human operations, or willing to aid in removing
+certain forms of human suffering. According to our definition, it was a
+part of religion, whether or no it belonged originally to magic. It was
+a practical expression of that doubt or anxiety to which I believe the
+Romans attached the word _religio_. In the agricultural period it must
+have been specially useful and even inevitable,[600] because the tiller
+of the soil is always in need of knowledge as to the best times and
+seasons for his operations, and his out-of-door life gives him constant
+opportunity of observing natural phenomena, _diosemeia_, signs from
+heaven, and the utterances and movements of birds and other animals. It
+is interesting to reflect that these last may often be of real service
+in foretelling the weather, which is so important to the farmer. As I
+write this on a December day I recall the fact that I have myself within
+the last week successfully foretold a spell of cold after observing a
+great arrival of winter thrushes from the north. This particular branch
+of augury is, in fact, neither so inadequate nor so absurd as most
+others. Von Jhering may turn out to be right in his notion that at least
+some forms of divination have their origin in practical needs and in the
+skill of uncivilised man in discerning the signs of the weather--a skill
+which it is well to remember far exceeds that of the house-dweller of
+modern civilisation. But with the growth of the City-state and the
+habits of life in a town, these early instincts and methods of the
+agriculturist came to be caught up into a system of religious practice,
+adapted to the conditions of civil and political existence; thus they
+gradually lost their original meaning and such real value as they ever
+possessed. I have pointed out that the Roman festivals and the ritual of
+the oldest calendar gradually got out of relation with the agricultural
+life in which they for the most part originated:[601] so it was with
+divination, which in the hands of the State authorities became
+formalised into a set of rules for ascertaining the good-will of the
+gods, and obtaining their sanction for the operations of the community,
+which had no scientific basis whatever, no relation to truth and fact.
+Of all the methods for putting yourself in right relation with the
+Power, this was the least valuable, and indeed the most harmful; it came
+in course of time to be a positive obstacle to efficiency and freedom of
+action, it wasted valuable time, and it often served as the means of
+promoting private ends to the detriment of the public interest.
+
+Before I go on to consider the development of the highly formalised
+system of public divination, let me clear the ground by a few remarks
+about such forms of the practice as were not sanctioned by the State.
+That these existed throughout Roman history there is no doubt, as they
+existed in Greece, among the Jews, and elsewhere in the East, alongside
+of the advanced and organised methods of official and authorised
+experts.
+
+Our information about private divination is scattered about in Roman
+literature, and even when brought together there is not a great deal of
+it. What is prominent both in Roman literature and Roman history is the
+divination authorised by the State and systematised by its authorities;
+even in Cicero's treatise _de Divinatione_, though the subject-matter is
+of a general kind, drawn from Greece as well as Rome, it is, I think,
+apart from philosophical questions, chiefly the art of augurs and
+haruspices that interests the writer, who was himself an augur when he
+wrote it. In Greek literature exactly the opposite is the case; there we
+hear little of State-authorised divination, and a great deal of
+wandering soothsayers, soothsaying families, and oracles which (except
+at Delphi) were not under the direct control of a City-state.[602] The
+methods of divination are much the same in both peninsulas, and indeed
+vary little all the world over; the difference lies simply in
+this,--that at Rome the adoption and systematisation by the State of
+certain methods, especially those which dealt with birds and lightning,
+had the effect of discrediting, if not excluding, an immense amount of
+private practice of this kind. I mean that if the State strongly
+sanctions some forms of divination, working them by its own officials,
+it casts a shadow of discredit over the rest. As the _ius divinum_
+tended to exclude magic and the barbarous in ritual, so did the _ius
+augurale_, which was a part of it, exclude the quack in divination. And
+in this particular department of human delusion the result may be said
+to have been happy; for though divination belongs to religion as having
+survived from an earlier stage into a religious one, yet it is the least
+valuable, the least fruitful, part of it.[603] True, the augural
+systematisation, as we shall see, had a sinister effect on political
+progress; but even there the very emptiness and absurdity of the whole
+business helped to bring contempt on it, and, as Cicero tells us in a
+well-known passage, even old Cato declared that he could not imagine why
+a _haruspex_ did not laugh when he met a brother of the craft.[604] In
+Greece, on the contrary, it might, I believe, be shown that the absence
+of systematisation by the State only served to prolong the credit and
+influence of the professional quack.
+
+Greece was at all periods full of these quacks; did the sham prophet
+exist at Rome in the period we have now under review? Later on the
+Oriental soothsayer found his way there; of these _Chaldaei_ and
+_mathematici_ I shall have a word to say in another lecture, and we
+shall see how the State authorities made occasional attempts to exclude
+them. Of the _frantic_ type of diviner, the [Greek: entheos], so common
+in Greece, we hear nothing in the sober Roman annals; the idea of a
+human being "possessed by a spirit of divination" seems foreign to the
+Roman character.[605] The only soothsayer, so far as I know, who appears
+in Roman legend in a private capacity is that Attus Navius who gave
+Tarquinius Priscus the benefit of his knowledge; and he is represented
+as a respectable Sabine, and his art as an augural one learnt from the
+Etruscans.[606] There are, indeed, ancient traces of a prophetic art at
+Rome, but, as the historian of divination has well observed, they are
+all connected not with human beings, but with divinities, a fact which
+explains the Latin word _divinatio_.[607] To take what is perhaps the
+best example, the ancient deity Carmenta, who had a flamen and a double
+festival in the month of January, may very probably represent some dim
+tradition of a _numen_ at whose shrine women might gain some knowledge
+as to their fortunes in childbirth, just as outside Rome, at Praeneste
+and Antium, Fortuna seems to have had this gift in historical
+times.[608] So St. Augustine interpreted Carmenta,[609] probably
+following Varro; and to Virgil she was the "_vates fatidica_, cecinit
+quae prima futuros Aeneadas magnos et nobile Pallanteum."
+
+But Carmenta, Picus, Faunus, are dim mythical figures which for us can
+have no bearing on Roman religious experience; it would be more to the
+point to ask what was the original meaning and history of the word
+_vates_, if the question were answerable in the absence of an early
+Roman literature. All we can say about this is that this word had, as a
+rule, a certain dignity about it, which enabled it eventually to stand
+for a poet, and that it rarely has a sinister sense, unless accompanied
+by some adjective specially used in order to give it.[610] The real word
+for a quack is _hariolus_, and the fact that it is comparatively rare
+suggests that the character it expresses was not a common one. It occurs
+here and there in fragments of old plays, where, unluckily, we cannot be
+quite sure whether it represents a Greek or a Latin idea. The following
+lines from the Telamo of Ennius shows us the _hariolus_, as well as the
+word _vates_ with a discreditable adjective attached:
+
+  sed superstitiosi vates impudentesque harioli
+  aut inertes, aut insani, aut quibus egestas imperat,
+  qui sibi semitam non sapiunt, alteri monstrant viam,
+  quibu' divitias pollicentur, ab iis drachmam ipsi petunt.[611]
+
+A more satisfactory bit of evidence as to the existence of the quack in
+the second century B.C., when Greece and the East were beginning to pour
+their unauthorised religionists into Italy, is the interesting passage
+in old Cato's book on agriculture, in which he urges that the bailiff of
+an estate should not be permitted to consult either a _haruspex_,
+_augur_, _hariolus_, or _Chaldaeus_.[612] But on the whole, such little
+evidence as we possess seems to confirm the view I hazarded just now,
+that the overwhelming prestige of State authority at Rome discouraged
+and discredited the quack diviner both in public and private life. His
+work in private life was largely that of fortune-telling, of foretelling
+the future in one sense or another; and this was exactly what the State
+authorities never did and never countenanced, at any rate until the
+stress of the Hannibalic war, and then only in a very limited sense.
+Their object was a strictly religious one, to get the sanction of the
+divine members of the community for the undertakings of the human ones.
+Even the so-called Sibylline oracles, as we saw, were not prophecies;
+and the augural art never provided an answer to the question, "What is
+going to happen?" but only to that much more religious one, "Are the
+deities willing that we should do this or that?"[613]
+
+But before I leave the subject of private divination, I must note that
+there was a department of it which may be called legitimate, as
+distinguished from that of the quack. I mean the _auspicia_ of the
+family religion, and also the comparatively harmless folklore about
+omens of all sorts and kinds.
+
+Naturally we have little information about legitimate _auspicia_ in the
+life of the family; but we have seen that the religious instinct of the
+Roman forbade him to face any important undertaking or crisis without
+making sure of the sanction of the _numina_ concerned, and among the
+methods of insurance (if I may use a convenient word) the _auspicia_
+must have had a place from the earliest times. No important thing was
+done, says Cicero in the _de Divinatione_, "nisi auspicato, ne privatim
+quidem."[614] Valerius Maximus says the same in so many words, and some
+other evidence has been collected by De Marchi in his work on the
+private religion of the Romans.[615] But only in the case of marriage do
+we hear of _auspicia_ in historical times, and even there they seem to
+have degenerated into a mere form. "Auspices nuptiarum, re omissa, nomen
+tantum tenent"--so Cicero wrote of his own time;[616] he seems to be
+thinking of augury by means of birds, for he adds, "nam ut nunc extis
+sic tunc avibus magnae res impetrari solebant." As we have already seen,
+the object of the examination of a victim's entrails was simply to
+ascertain its fitness to be offered; but by Cicero's time the Etruscan
+art of divination by this method must have penetrated into private life.
+I think we may conjecture that in the life of the family on the land the
+_auspicia_, as the word itself implies, were worked chiefly by
+observation of birds. Nigidius Figulus, the learned mystic of Cicero's
+time, wrote a book, _de Augurio Privato_, of which one fragment survives
+which has to do with this kind of divination, and with the distinction
+between omens from birds seen on the right or left, and from high or low
+flyers.[617] In the familiar ode of Horace beginning, "Impios parrae
+recinentis omen,"[618] the _corvus_ and _cornix_ are mentioned besides
+the _parra_, and in that wholesome old out-of-door life of the farm, as
+I said just now, there was a certain basis of truth and fact in the
+observation of such presages. But Horace mentions other animals, wolf,
+fox, and snake, and some at least of the folklore about omens which is
+to be found in Pliny's descriptions of animals may help us to appreciate
+the nature of the old Roman ideas on this subject. The tiller of the
+land and the shepherd on the uplands used their eyes and ears, not
+wholly without advantage to themselves; but in the life of the city such
+observation became gradually formal and meaningless, and degenerated
+into the superstition reflected in Horace's ode. I must parenthetically
+confess to a personal feeling of regret that this people, who in their
+early days had good opportunities, made little or no contribution to the
+knowledge of animals and their habits.[619] But I must pass on to the
+more important subject of divination as developed and formalised by the
+authorities of the State.
+
+In explaining the ritual of the _ius divinum_ I laid stress on the fact
+that its main object was to maintain the _pax deorum_, the right
+relation between the divine and human citizens.[620] To make this _pax_
+secure, it was necessary that in every public act the good-will of the
+gods should be ascertained by obtaining favourable auspices--it must be
+done _auspicato_. To take the first illustration that occurs, Livy
+describes a dictator about to fight a battle as leaving his camp
+_auspicato_, after sacrificing to obtain the _pax deorum_.[621] It is
+for this reason that the _auspicia_ have a leading place in the
+foundation legends of the city. We are all familiar with the story of
+the _auspicia_ of Romulus and Remus, which goes back at least as far as
+Ennius;[622] and we find them also in the foundation of _coloniae_ in
+historical times.[623] I do not know that I can better express the place
+which the _auspicia_ occupied in the mind of the Roman than by quoting
+the words which Livy puts into the mouth of Appius Claudius in 367 B.C.,
+when supposed to be inveighing against the opening of the consulship to
+plebeians: "Auspiciis hanc urbem conditam esse, auspiciis bello ac pace,
+domi militiaeque, omnia geri, quis est qui ignoret?" He goes on to argue
+that these _auspicia_ belong to patricians only, that no plebeian
+magistrate is created _auspicato_, that the man who wants to allow
+plebeians to become curule magistrates, _tollit ex civitate auspicia_.
+"Nunc nos, tanquam iam nihil pace deorum opus sit, omnes caerimonias
+polluimus."[624] This is, of course, only Livy's rhetoric, but it
+represents the fundamental Roman idea of the public _auspicia_.
+
+The passage is also useful because it alludes to the fact that the right
+of taking the _auspicia_ belonged ultimately to the whole patrician body
+of fully qualified citizens.[625] But so far as we can discern in the
+dim light of the earliest period, this body entrusted the right and duty
+to its chief magistrate, the Rex, exactly as it entrusted him with the
+_imperium_, the supreme power of command in civil matters. Thus the
+_auspicia_ and the _imperium_ were indissolubly connected; as Dr.
+Greenidge says,[626] "they are the divine and human side of the same
+power," and may be found together in a thousand passages in Roman
+literature and inscriptions. But at the side of the Rex we find,
+according to tradition, two helpers or advisers called _augures_, the
+three together perhaps forming a _collegium_.[627] Now there was
+certainly an important difference between the Rex and the augurs; the
+latter were aiders and interpreters, but the Rex only was said _habere
+auspicia_, just as the whole patrician body had this right, though they
+delegated it to the Rex during his lifetime, and on his death received
+it again. The man who "habet auspicia" has the right of _spectio_,
+_i.e._ of taking the auspices in a particular case,[628] of watching the
+sky or the conduct of the sacred fowls in eating; this right the augurs
+never had. Their power was limited to guidance and interpretation. This
+follows necessarily from the fundamental principle that the _auspicia_
+and the _imperium_ were indissolubly connected; for the augur, of
+course, never possessed the _imperium_ by virtue of his office. It is
+true that of the augur in the regal period we know almost nothing; his
+art, as we shall see directly, was kept strictly secret, and he was
+bound by oath not to reveal it.[629] But we may safely argue back in
+general terms from the relation of magistrate and augur under the later
+Republic to the relation of augur and Rex, from whom descended the
+magistrate's _imperium_. The one essential thing to remember is that _it
+was in all periods the magistrate who was responsible_, under the
+sanction and advice of his assistants the pontifices and augurs, for the
+maintenance of the _pax deorum_. The lay element in the actual working
+of the constitution never lost this prerogative. Rome was never
+hierarchically governed.
+
+It would be going beyond the scope of these lectures if I were to plunge
+at this point into the thorny question of the exact relation between
+magistrate and augur in respect of details. Nor do I propose to go into
+the minutiae of augural lore, which are not instructive, like those of
+sacrifice, for our survey of Roman religious experience. It will be
+sufficient to state in outline what I believe to be necessary for our
+purpose.[630] The person who had the _auspicia_, _i.e._ originally the
+Rex, like the later magistrate, had to watch for signs from heaven; in
+order to do so he marked out a _templum_, a rectangular space, by noting
+certain objects, trees or what not, beyond which, whether he looked at
+earth or sky, he need take no notice of what he saw. The spot where he
+took up his position for this purpose was itself a rectangular
+space,[631] marked out on a similar principle; in each case the space
+was _liberatus effatus_, _i.e._ freed from previous associations by a
+form of words, and ready, if need were (as in the case of _loca sacra_)
+to be further handed over to the deities as their property; this
+consecration, however, did not, of course, follow in the ordinary
+procedure of the _auspicia_. In the _urbana auspicia_ all _loca effata_
+must be within the sacred boundary of the _pomoerium_. Within this the
+magistrate watched in silence at the dead of night for such signs as he
+especially asked for (_auspicia impetrativa_); those which offered
+themselves without such specification (_oblativa_) he was not bound to
+take cognisance of unless some one claimed his attention for them. The
+signs were originally in the regal period, if we may guess from the word
+_auspicium_, only such as birds supplied, and the space in which they
+were watched for was not complicated by the divisions of the later
+augural art.[632] The business of the augur was, we may suppose, to see
+that the details were carried out correctly, and to interpret the signs;
+but those signs were not sent to _him_, for he was not the actual
+representative of the State in this ritual.
+
+If the constitutional position and duty of the augurs have now been made
+sufficiently clear, I may go on to explain briefly, as in the case of
+the pontifices, how the office became gradually secularised, and the
+duty formalised, so that if there ever had been anything of a really
+religious character in this art, any genuine belief in the manifestation
+by the Power of his will in matters of State life, such character, such
+belief, had become by the second century B.C. entirely paralysed and
+destroyed. But the history of the augurate is much more difficult to
+follow than that of the pontificate. The work of the pontifices touched
+the life of every day, public and private, at many points, with the
+result that their secrets ceased to be secrets by the end of the fourth
+century B.C. The work of the augurs was occasional, and more technical
+than that of the other college; it can hardly be said to have affected
+the religion of family life, nor did it continually bear upon public
+life, as did the pontifical knowledge of the _ius divinum_ and the
+calendar. Hence the augural lore was never published, under pressure of
+public opinion, and neither ancient nor modern scholars have had to
+waste their time in investigating it. Books were indeed written about it
+in later times by one or two curious students, but in the time of
+Cicero, who was himself an augur, the neglect of it was general, even by
+members of the college.[633]
+
+This mysterious augural lore was preserved in books, like that of the
+pontifices; and in all probability these books were put together in the
+same period as the latter, viz., the two centuries immediately following
+the abolition of the kingship.[634] I think there is a strong
+probability that the augurate emerged from the age of Etruscan rule
+which marks the latter part of the kingly period, with increased
+importance and fresh activity, the result of immediate contact with
+Etruscan methods of divination.[635] It is likely that they began in
+this way to cultivate the art of divination by lightning, which was
+peculiarly Etruscan, and to divide their _templum_ into _regiones_,
+which, as I said just now, were not apparently needed for the
+observation of omens from birds. How far they carried this art we cannot
+tell, owing to the loss of their books and the commentaries upon them;
+but about the Etruscan discipline we do know something. Those who wish
+to have a glimpse of it may consult the first chapter of the fourth
+volume of Bouché-Leclercq's _History of Divination_, as a more
+intelligible account than any known to me.[636] But all I need to insist
+on now is the likelihood that the augurs began the Republican period
+with a power of interpretation which was the more important because the
+art was changed; it is now the depository not only of the old bird lore,
+but of the new lightning lore. And as this last became the peculiar
+characteristic of the art of public divination, and as the augurs were,
+like the pontifices, a close self-electing corporation until 104 B.C.
+and a close self-electing _patrician_ body until the lex Ogulnia of 300
+B.C., holding secret meetings every month on the _arx_,[637] and
+recording their lore in books which were never made public, they might
+well have grown into a powerful hierarchy, _if they had only been
+possessed of the right of spectio_. What saved Rome from this fate was
+simply the fact that the college was a body of interpreters only, or, in
+other words, the principle that the _auspicia_ belonged exclusively to
+the magistrate. The _auspicia_ were in fact a matter of public law, not
+of religion, properly speaking; the idea on which they were based, that
+the sanction of the deities was needed for every public action, very
+early lost its true significance, and the process of taking them became
+a mere form, the religious character of which was almost entirely
+forgotten. They ceased to be matter of religion just as the amulet or
+any other form of preventive magic fails to be reckoned as within the
+sphere of religion; the feeling was there that they must be attended to
+(though even that feeling lost its strength in course of time), but only
+as a matter of custom, not because the Power was really believed to
+sanction an act in this way.
+
+Thus it seems that the importance of the augurs belongs to Roman public
+law, and not to the history of Roman religious experience. It will be
+found fully explained, in that connection, in Mommsen's _Staatsrecht_,
+or in Dr. Greenidge's volume on _Roman Public Life_.[638] All we have to
+note here is the complete secularisation of what was once really a part
+of the Roman religion; the augurs themselves were public men and could
+hold magistracies, and their art of interpretation came to be used for
+secular and political purposes only. They could declare a magistrate
+_vitio creatus_, whether they had been present at the taking of the
+auspices or not; they could also on appeal stop the proceedings at a
+public assembly, whether for election or legislation; it may be said of
+them that in one way or another they had a veto on every public
+transaction.[639] As Cicero expresses it in his _ius divinum_, in the
+second book of his work on the constitution: "Quae augur iniusta nefasta
+vitiosa dira defixerit inrita infectaque sunto, quique non paruerit,
+capital esto."[640] But in spite of the fine words _iniusta nefasta
+vitiosa_, there was no religious principle involved in this solemn
+injunction. When Bibulus in 59 B.C. sought as consul to stop Caesar's
+proceedings by using his right of _spectio_, all he had to do was to
+announce that he was going to look for lightning (_obnuntiare_); and if
+there had been the smallest remnant of religious belief left in the
+Roman mind about such transactions, it would quietly have acquiesced, in
+the conviction that Jupiter would send lightning to the Roman magistrate
+who asked for it; as it was, Caesar took no notice, and the Roman people
+only laughed. Caesar was at the time, let us note, the head of the Roman
+religion, pontifex maximus. So with the augurs as the interpreters of
+the magisterial _spectio_; proud as Cicero was of becoming an augur,
+with all the old surviving elective ritual,[641] he never, we may be
+sure, believed for a moment that he had the power of interpreting the
+will of the gods. A century before his augurship the whole business of
+public divination had been regulated by statute, like any other secular
+matter; and in his own day it was an open question with men of education
+whether there were such a thing as divination at all.[642] True, as we
+shall see, the _illegitimate_ forms of divination were at this very time
+gaining ground, as the current of superstition increased in strength
+which marks this last period of the republic; but the augur's art and
+the _spectio_ of the magistrate were still surviving as mere
+constitutional fossils, and were not destined to share largely in
+Augustus' heroic attempt to put fresh life into the _ius divinum_. _Vile
+damnum_, as Tacitus said of the foreign quacks banished to Sardinia by
+Tiberius; for neither in the sphere of religion nor later in that of
+politics can the art of divination be said to have had any lasting
+value.
+
+I have not dealt at any length with the augurs and the State system of
+divination, but I hope I have said enough to show that, as I hinted at
+the beginning of this lecture, it affords an excellent illustration of
+the way in which the religious instinct, the desire to be in right
+relation with the Power manifesting itself in the universe, was first
+soothed and satisfied, then hypnotised and paralysed, by the
+formalisation and gradual secularisation of religious processes. The
+desire to obtain the sanction of the Power by seeking for favourable
+signs or omens seems to be a universal instinct of human nature, though
+a perverse one; if left to itself it will apparently pass into the
+region of harmless folklore, where it does not seriously interfere with
+human progress, either secular or religious; but where, as at Rome, it
+is taken up into the ritual of a religious system, and is further
+allowed to express itself mechanically in the region of public law, it
+exhausts itself rapidly, loses all its original significance, and
+becomes a clog on human progress.
+
+In ancient Italy this instinct for divination was nowhere so strongly
+and so perversely developed into a mechanical system as in Etruria, and
+it is highly probable that this development contributed largely to the
+rapid political and moral decay of the Etruscan people. The narrow
+aristocratic constitution of the Etruscan cities, worked by a kind of
+priestly nobility, seems to have afforded great opportunities for the
+cultivation of the perverse art which (as we are now beginning to
+recognise) this people had brought with them from the East.[643] I have
+already suggested that an Etruscan dominion at Rome had very probably
+unfortunate results in developing and formalising the art of the augurs.
+But the age of the Tarquinii was not the only one in which the sinister
+influence of this strange people was brought to bear on Roman religious
+institutions; and before I close this lecture I must say a very few
+words about a second invasion of Etruscan perversity, which began some
+two centuries and a half later. This was the result of that renewed
+_religio_, that feeling of anxiety and sometimes of despair
+characteristic of the last half of the third century B.C., the perilous
+era of the Punic wars, with which I shall deal more particularly in the
+next lecture. The state religion could not soothe it; neither pontifices
+nor augurs had any sufficient native remedy for it, and as the ritual of
+worship was reinforced from Greece and the East, so the ritual of
+divination was reinforced from Etruria.
+
+The Etruscans seem to have educated their diviners with care and system.
+We do not know the details of such education, but it seems likely that
+there were schools of these prophets, by means of which the art was
+handed down and developed.[644] The word for the person thus trained was
+_haruspex_ in its Italian form as known to us, though it had an Etruscan
+original.[645] The art acquired was of three kinds--the interpretation
+of lightning; the explanation and interpretation of the entrails of
+victims, and especially of the liver; and, thirdly, the explanation and
+expiation of portents and prodigia.[646] All three departments seem to
+have been carried to an extreme degree of perverse development. To give
+an idea of it I need but refer to recent discussions of the relation
+between the divisions marked on a bronze model of a victim's liver
+(found in 1877 at Piacenza), in which are written the Etruscan names of
+a great number of deities, and the somewhat similar divisions of the
+templum of the heavens as given by Martianus Capella in explanation of
+the celestial dwellings of the Italian deities. A study of this
+unprofitable subject, of which the only interest lies in the
+illustration it offers of the prostitution of human ingenuity, will be
+found in a little work by Carl Thulin, published in the series called
+_Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten_.[647]
+
+Just as the Roman authorities had recourse from time to time to the
+Sibylline books, so also they occasionally, though not apparently before
+the Punic wars, sought the help of the trained Etruscan diviners. We
+shall come across instances of this in the next two lectures, and I need
+not specify them now. They seem to have used their art in all its
+departments; and in the most degraded of these, the examination of
+entrails, it was found so convenient to have their services in a
+campaign that in course of time one at least seems to have accompanied
+every Roman army.[648] The complicated art of augury might in fact be
+dispensed with if you had a _haruspex_ ready and willing at a moment's
+notice to give you a good report of the victim's liver. To keep up the
+supply of experts, the senate, probably in the second century B.C.,
+determined to select and train ten boys of noble family in each Etruscan
+city. This was the last service that the degenerate Etruscan people
+rendered to its conquerors, and a more degrading one it is impossible to
+imagine. These foreign diviners were never admitted to the dignity of a
+_collegium_;[649] they rather played the part of the domestic chaplain
+kept to say grace before meat. For a moment they attract our attention
+in connection with the persecution of Cicero by his political enemies,
+and the _consecratio_ after his exile of the site of his house on the
+Palatine hill.[650] For a moment again we meet with them in the reign of
+Claudius, who was interested in the Etruscans and wrote a work about
+them, and once raised the question in the senate of the revival of the
+haruspices and their art--such part of it, at least, as might seem worth
+preserving--"ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per desidium
+exolesceret."[651] And strange to say, though in fact no part of this
+ancient Italian discipline was in the least worth preserving, it
+survived in outward form into the fourth century of the empire.[652] We
+read with astonishment in the code of the Christian emperor Theodosius,
+that if the imperial palace or other public buildings are struck by
+lightning the haruspices are to be consulted, according to ancient
+custom, as to the meaning of the portent.[653] Thirteen years after the
+death of Theodosius, in 408, Etruscan experts offered their services to
+Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, to save the city from the Goths. Pompeianus
+was tempted, but consulted Innocent, the Bishop of Rome, who "did not
+see fit to oppose his own opinion to the wishes of the people at such a
+crisis, but stipulated that the magic rites should be performed
+secretly." What followed is uncertain. "The Christian historian says
+that the rites were performed, but were unavailing; the pagan Zosimus
+affirms that the aid of the Tuscans was declined."[654] So hard died the
+futile arts of the most unfruitful of all Italian races.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XIII
+
+    [594] Stanley's _Jewish Church_ (ed. 1906), vol. i. p.
+    398 foll.
+
+    [595] _Hist. de divination dans l'antiquité_, vol. i. p.
+    7 foll.; divination is "contemplative," magic "active."
+    But this learned author did not deal with divination
+    except as it existed in Greece and Italy; and in view of
+    our present extended knowledge this differentia is not
+    instructive.
+
+    [596] See Tylor's article in the last edition of the
+    _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, and his _Gifford Lectures_,
+    Pt. ii. ch. iv.; Haddon, _Magic and Fetishism_, p. 40.
+    Bouché-Leclercq, _Hist. de divination dans l'antiquité_,
+    vol. i. p. 7, distinguishes divination from magic; but
+    his knowledge of the subject was limited to civilised
+    races.
+
+    [597] Mr. Marett seems doubtful about it: see his
+    _Threshold of Religion_, pp. 42 and 83. In the latter
+    passage he says that it may or may not be treated as a
+    branch of magic, and may be "originally due to some dim
+    sort of theorising about causes, the theory engendering
+    the practice rather than the practice the theory." I
+    should doubt whether, when the facts have been fully
+    collected, this will be the conclusion to which they
+    point.
+
+    [598] _Evolution of the Aryan_, Drucker's translation,
+    p. 369.
+
+    [599] _Ib._ pp. 364, 374.
+
+    [600] A curious survival of divination from the
+    agricultural period, which was taken over by the State,
+    but not fixed to a day in the calendar, is the _augurium
+    canarium_. The exta of red puppies which had been
+    sacrificed were consulted, apparently with a view to
+    ascertain the probability of the corn ripening well
+    (Festus, p. 285, quoting Ateius Capito). See _R.F._ p.
+    90, and the references there given; also Cic. _de
+    Legibus_, ii. 20; Fest. 379; and Wissowa in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, p. 2328.
+
+    [601] See above, p. 102.
+
+    [602] See Dr. Jevons' account in Gardner and Jevons,
+    _Manual of Greek Antiquities_, ch. vii.
+
+    [603] Bouché-Leclercq in the introduction to his first
+    volume (p. 3) expresses a different opinion. He thinks
+    that the benefit conferred by divination in the conduct
+    of life was the most valuable part of religion. With
+    this I entirely disagree.
+
+    [604] Cic. _de Divinatione_, ii. 51.
+
+    [605] See Bouché-Leclercq, iv. 119 foll. In a recently
+    published essay, _De antiquorum daemonismo_, by J.
+    Tamburnino (Giessen, 1909), the only genuine Roman
+    evidence adduced of possession is Minucius Felix,
+    _Octavius_, ch. 27, _i.e._ it belongs to the late second
+    century A.D. In the so-called Italian oracles there is
+    no question of it: _e.g._ the lots at Praeneste were
+    worked by a boy (Cic. _de Div._ ii. 86).
+
+    [606] Livy i. 36; Cic. _de Div._ i. 17. It is Dion. Hal.
+    iii. 70 who says that his art was Etruscan.
+
+    [607] Bouché-Leclercq, iv. 120.
+
+    [608] For Carmenta see _R.F._ 167 and 291 foll. For
+    Fortuna, _ib._ 223 foll.; cp. 170 foll.
+
+    [609] Aug. _de Civ. Dei_, iv. 11; he uses the plural
+    _Carmentes_; see _R.F._ as above. Virgil, _Aen._ viii.
+    336.
+
+    [610] As "superstitiosi vates" in the passage of Ennius
+    quoted below. In his imaginary _ius divinum_ Cicero uses
+    the word for "fatidici" authorised by the State (_de
+    Legg._ ii. 20). He is perhaps thinking of the
+    haruspices.
+
+    [611] Ribbeck, _Fragm. tragicorum Romanorum_, p. 55. For
+    hariolus outside the play-writers, Cic. _de Nat. Deor._
+    i. 20. 55, where it is combined with haruspices,
+    augures, vates, and coniectores (interpreters of
+    dreams). _Ad Att._ viii. 11. 3.
+
+    [612] Cato, _R.R._ ch. 54; cp. Columella, i. 8 and xi.
+    1.
+
+    [613] See P. Regell, _De augurum publicorum libris_, p.
+    6 "Omnia illa auguria quae futurarum rerum aliquid
+    predicunt ... augurum publicorum disciplinae abroganda
+    sunt: aut privati sunt augurii, aut Tuscorum
+    disciplinae." Cp. Cic. _de Har. Resp._ 9. 18.
+
+    [614] Cic. _de Div._ i. 16. 28; Val. Max. ii. 1. 1.
+
+    [615] _La Religione nella vita domestica_, i. 153 foll.;
+    232 foll.
+
+    [616] Cic. _de Div._ i. 16, 28.
+
+    [617] This fragment is preserved in Gellius vii. 6. 10.
+    Nigidius may be responsible for many of Pliny's omens.
+    Regell, _op. cit._ p. 8.
+
+    [618] Hor. _Odes_, iii. 27. 1 foll.
+
+    [619] Exactly the same misfortune occurred in the middle
+    ages. The monks had abundant opportunity of observation,
+    but were occupied with other matters, and have left
+    behind them no works on natural history.
+
+    [620] See above, p. 169 foll.
+
+    [621] Livy vi. 12.
+
+    [622] See the fragment of Ennius' _Annales_ in Cic. _de
+    Div._ i. 107.
+
+    [623] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 450; _Lex coloniae Genetivae_,
+    66 and 67.
+
+    [624] Livy vi. 41.
+
+    [625] See a good account in the _Dict. of Antiquities_,
+    vol. i. 252 and 255; and Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _s.v._ "auspicia."
+
+    [626] _Roman Public Life_, p. 162.
+
+    [627] Wissowa, _R.K._ 451, note 2; Marq. 241.
+
+    [628] Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, i. 86.
+
+    [629] Wissowa, _R.K._ 451, note 7; Plut. _Quaest. Rom._
+    99; Pliny, _Ep._ 4. 8. Plutarch asks why an augur can
+    never be deprived of his office, and answers that the
+    secrecy of his art made it impossible. Cp. Paulus, 16.
+
+    [630] The latest authoritative account of the auspicia
+    is in Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._, where the necessary
+    literature and material will be found for a study of an
+    extremely complicated subject.
+
+    [631] The technical term was _templum minus_, in
+    contradistinction to the _templum maius_, _i.e._ the
+    space in which he was to look for signs. See
+    Bouché-Leclercq, iv. 197; Fest. 157. The usual place was
+    the _arx_, where was the _auguraculum_, on which the
+    magistrate taking the auspices "pitched his tent"
+    (_tabernaculum_), looking to the east, with the north as
+    his left or lucky side. Von Jhering, _op. cit._ p. 364,
+    makes some ingenious use of this procedure to support
+    his theory that the origin of such institutions is to be
+    found in the period of migration.
+
+    [632] That the division of the _templum_ into _regiones_
+    was necessary only for the _auguria caelestia_, and not
+    for the observation of birds, is the conclusion drawn by
+    Wissowa (_R.K._ 457, note 2) from the words of Cicero
+    (_de Legibus_, ii. 21) in his _ius divinum_: "caelique
+    fulgura regionibus ratis temperanto" (_i.e._ the
+    magistrates).
+
+    [633] Cicero expressly says that even old Cato
+    complained of the neglect of the auspicia by the
+    college: _de Div._ i. 15. 28; above, in sec. 25, he had
+    said the same thing of the augurs of his own day, _i.e._
+    including himself. We know of a work on the _auspicia_
+    by M. Messalla, an augur, from which Gellius, xiii. 15,
+    quotes a lengthy extract (cp. ch. 14). This man was
+    consul in 53 B.C.; Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Lit._, ii.
+    492. Just at the same time Appius Claudius, Cicero's
+    predecessor as governor of Cilicia, wrote _libri
+    augurales_, to which Cicero more than once alludes in
+    his correspondence with Appius: _ad Fam._ iii. 9. 3 and
+    11. 4. It is plain that the old augural lore is now
+    treated only as a curiosity, of which the secrecy need
+    no longer be respected.
+
+    [634] P. Regell, _De augurum publicorum libris_, whose
+    excellent little work has never been superseded, thinks
+    (p. 19) that the _libri_ were the result of the neglect
+    of the art, _i.e._ that it was necessary to put it in
+    writing, because otherwise it would be forgotten. "Tota
+    eius vita," he says, "lenta est mors." The lore was
+    complete about the time of the decemvirate, but
+    _decreta_ must have been continually added (p. 23). The
+    nucleus may be represented in Cicero, _de Legibus_, ii.
+    20. 21, and perhaps existed in Saturnian verse (Festus,
+    290). The additions in the way of decree or comment
+    would probably range over the fourth and third centuries
+    B.C. like those of the pontifices. No doubt the
+    Hannibalic war had the effect of diminishing the
+    importance of the lore, as the next lecture should show.
+    On the whole we may put the great period of the college
+    between the decemvirate and the war with Hannibal.
+
+    [635] This is the opinion of Bouché-Leclercq, _op. cit._
+    vol. iv. p. 205 foll.; cp. Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 457.
+    Cicero calls the augurs "interpretes Iovis Optimi
+    maximi" (_de Legibus_, ii. 20), and herein could hardly
+    have made a mistake, as he was himself an augur. As the
+    great deity was of Etruscan origin in this form, I
+    should conjecture that the college took new ground and
+    gained new influence under the Etruscan dynasty.
+
+    [636] Cp. also Müller-Deecke, _Die Etrusker_, ii. 165
+    foll. Our knowledge comes chiefly from the learned but
+    obscure writer Martianus Capella (ed. Eyssenhardt), who
+    wrote under the later Empire.
+
+    [637] For these meetings see Cic. _de Div._ i. 41. 90;
+    Regell, p. 23. They were obsolete in Cicero's time, but
+    seem to have still existed in the time of Scipio
+    Aemilianus: Cic. _Lael._ 2. 7.
+
+    [638] _Staatsrecht_, i. 73 foll.; Greenidge, _Roman
+    Public Life_, p. 172 foll.
+
+    [639] The best account of the constitutional power of
+    the augurs is in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclopädie_,
+    _s.v._ "augur," vol. i. p. 2334 foll.; cp. Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ 457-8.
+
+    [640] _De Legibus_, ii. 21.
+
+    [641] The outward form of _co-optatio_ was still
+    preserved, like our "election" of a bishop by a chapter.
+    Cicero was co-opted by Hortensius after nomination by
+    two other augurs. See his interesting account of this in
+    his _Brutus_, ch. i. The survival may be taken as
+    throwing light on the original secrecy and closeness of
+    the _collegium_.
+
+    [642] For the _leges Aelia et Fufia_, cf. Greenidge,
+    _op. cit._ p. 173. The Stoics of the last century B.C.
+    were divided on this point. See below, p. 399. In the
+    second book of his _de Divinatione_, following the
+    Academic or agnostic school, he himself confutes his
+    brother Quintus' argument for divination contained in
+    Bk. I.
+
+    [643] This is the view of Thulin, _Die Götter des
+    Martianus Capella und der Bronzeleber von Piacenza_
+    (Giessen, 1906), p. 7 foll., and it seems at present to
+    hold the field: see Gruppe, _Die mythologische Literatur
+    aus den Jahren 1898-1905_, p. 336.
+
+    [644] Müller-Deecke, vol. ii. p. 7 foll.
+
+    [645] See Deecke's note on p. 12 of Müller-Deecke, vol.
+    ii. It is possibly connected with _hariolus_.
+
+    [646] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 470, and Müller-Deecke, vol.
+    ii. 165 foll.
+
+    [647] See above, note 50.
+
+    [648] References to Livy will be found in Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 473, note 11. One of these, to Livy xxvii. 16.
+    14, is worth quoting as suggesting that a _haruspex_
+    might give useful advice in spite of his art: "Hostia
+    quoque caesa consulenti (Fabio) deos haruspex, cavendum
+    a fraude hostili et ab insidiis, praedixit."
+
+    [649] They were not _sacerdotes publici Romani_, nor is
+    a _collegium_ mentioned till the reign of Claudius: Tac.
+    _Ann._ xi. 15. The proper term seems to have been
+    _ordo_, which occurs in inscriptions of the Empire:
+    Marq. p. 415.
+
+    [650] typo fixed: 54: See the oration _De haruspicum
+    responsis_ (especially 5. 9), the genuineness of which
+    is now generally acknowledged. Asconius quotes it as
+    Cicero's (ed. Clark, p. 70): so also Quintilian, v. 11.
+    42.
+
+    [651] Tac. _Ann._ 11. 15.
+
+    [652] The _haruspices_ mentioned in inscriptions (above,
+    note 56) were not the genuine article; they were Romans
+    and _equites_. Probably this was only one of the many
+    ways of finding dignity or employment for persons of
+    good birth under the Empire.
+
+    [653] _Cod. Theod._ xvi. 10. 1 (of the year 321 A.D.),
+    quoted by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 475, note 1. In ix. 16. 3.
+    5, however, the practice of consulting such experts is
+    strictly prohibited.
+
+    [654] The story is told in Prof. Dill's _Roman Society
+    in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, ed. 1, p.
+    41.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XIV
+
+THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+
+We have noticed two different, if not opposing, tendencies in Roman
+religious experience since the disappearance of the kingship. First,
+there was a tendency towards the reception of new and more emotional
+forms of worship, under the direction of the Sibylline books and their
+keepers; secondly, we have seen how, in the hands of pontifices and
+augurs, religious practice became gradually so highly formularised and
+secularised that the real religious instinct is hardly discernible in
+it, except indeed in the degraded form of scruple as to the exact
+performance of the ritual laid down. There was also, towards the end of
+that period, a third tendency beginning to show itself, which was
+eventually to complete the paralysis of the old religion--a tendency to
+neglect and despise the old religious forms. This need not surprise us,
+if we keep in mind two facts: (1) that Rome is now continually in close
+contact with Greece and her life and thought; (2) that it seems to be
+inevitable in western civilisation that a hard and fast system of
+religious rule should eventually arouse rebellion in certain minds.
+Already there are a few signs that the regulations of the _ius divinum_
+are not invariably treated with respect.
+
+As long ago as 293 B.C. and the last struggle with the Samnites, we find
+a trace of this neglect or carelessness. One of the chicken-keepers
+(_pullarii_) reported falsely to the consul Papirius that the sacred
+chickens had given good omen in their eating: this was discovered by a
+young nephew of Papirius, "iuvenis ante doctrinam deos spernentem
+natus," as Livy calls him, and came to the consul's ears. Papirius'
+reception of the news was characteristic of the way in which a Roman
+could combine practical common-sense with the formal respect claimed by
+his _ius divinum_; he declared that the omen had been reported to him as
+good, and therefore "populo Romano exercituique egregium auspicium est."
+The umpire had decided favourably for him, and there was an end of the
+matter, except indeed that that umpire was placed in the forefront of
+the battle that the gods might punish him themselves, and there of
+course he died.[655] A generation later we have a case of far more
+pronounced contempt in the familiar story of P. Claudius Pulcher and his
+colleague Junius, each of whom lost a Roman fleet after neglecting the
+warning of the _pullarius_: of Claudius it is told that he had the
+sacred chickens thrown into the sea.[656] Another well-known story is
+that of Flaminius, the democrat consul who, as we shall learn directly,
+was defeated and killed at Trasimene after leaving Rome with none of
+his religious duties performed.[657] The famous Marcellus of this second
+Punic war, though himself an "augur optimus," according to Cicero,
+declined to act upon an _auspicium ex acuminibus_--electric sparks seen
+at the end of the soldiers' spears--and was accustomed to ride in his
+litter with blinds drawn, so that he should not see any evil omen.[658]
+Assuredly the transition from superstition to reason had its ludicrous
+side even in public life.
+
+But it is not the gradual approach of rationalism that is the subject of
+this lecture. For years after the death of Flaminius we have no trace of
+it: that was no time for speculating, and it would have been dangerous.
+The religious history of the time, as recorded by Livy, shows on the
+contrary that _religio_ in the old sense of the word is once more
+occupying the Roman mind--the sense of awe in the presence of the
+Unknown, the sense of sin or of duties omitted, or merely a vague sense
+of terror that suggested recourse to the supernatural. No wonder: for
+though Italy had been invaded within the memory of living man, it was
+not then invaded by one who had sworn to his father in infancy to
+destroy the enemy root and branch. Instinctively both Romans and loyal
+Italians knew that they were face to face with a struggle for life and
+death. It is hard for us to realise the terror of the situation as it
+must have been in those days of slow communication and doubtful news. It
+is to Livy's credit that he recognised it fully, and all who look on
+history as something more than wars and battles must be eternally
+grateful to him for searching the records of the pontifices for evidence
+of a people's emotion and the means taken to soothe it. Polybius has
+nothing to tell us of this but a few generalisations, drawn from his own
+experience a century later.[659] In all essential attributes of a Roman
+historian Livy is far the better of the two. I propose to follow his
+guidance in trying to gain some knowledge of the revived _religio_ of
+the age and the way in which it was dealt with by the authorities.
+
+It is in the winter of 218-17, when Hannibal was wintering in north
+Italy after his victory at the Trebbia, that Livy first brings the
+matter before us.[660] He uses the word I have just now and so often
+used: men's minds were _moti in religionem_, and they reported many
+_prodigia_ which were uncritically accepted by the vulgar. He begins
+with Rome, and here it is worth noting that these portents issue from
+the crowded haunts of the markets, the _forum olitorium_, and the _forum
+boarium_, both close to the river and the quays. In the latter place,
+for example, an ox was said to have climbed to the third story of a
+house, whence it threw itself down, terrified by the panic of the
+inhabitants--a story which incidentally throws light on the housing of
+the lower population at the time.[661] Other wonders were announced from
+various parts of Italy,[662] and the decemviri were directed to have
+recourse to the Sibylline books, except for the _procuratio_ of one
+miracle, common in a volcanic country, the fall of pebble-rain.[663]
+This had a _procuratio_ to itself by settled custom, the _novendiale
+sacrum_,[664] an expiation parallel with that which, in the religion of
+the family, followed a birth or a death. For the rest, the whole city
+was subjected to _lustratio_,[665] and, in fact, the whole population
+was busy with the work. A _lectisternium_ was ordered for Iuventas,[666]
+the deity of the young recruits, a _supplicatio_ for Hercules at
+one of his temples, and five special victims were ordered for
+_Genius_--directions which have been variously interpreted. I am
+disposed to think of them as referring to the capacity of the State to
+increase its male population in the face of military peril. That the
+authorities were looking ahead is clear from the fact next stated, that
+one of the praetors had to undertake a special vow if the State should
+survive for ten years. These measures, ordered by the books, "magna ex
+parte levaverant religione animos." Unfortunately, the wayward consul
+Flaminius spoilt their endeavours by wilfully neglecting his religious
+duties at the Capitol, and also at the Alban mount, where he should have
+presided at the Latin festival, and hurrying secretly to the seat of
+war, lest his command should be interfered with by the aristocrats.
+
+Spring came on, and with the immediate prospect of a crisis the
+_religio_ broke out afresh.[667] Marvels were reported from Sicily and
+Sardinia, as well as Italy and Rome. We need not trouble ourselves with
+them, except so far as to note that one, at least, was pure invention;
+at Falerii, where there was an oracle by lots,[668] one tablet fell out
+of the bundle with the words written on it, _Mavors telum suum
+concutit_. The mental explanation of all this is lost to us;[669] it
+would be interesting to know how the reports really originated and were
+conveyed to Rome. That a widely spread _religio_ is really indicated we
+can hardly doubt. The steps taken to soothe it, the religious
+prescriptions, are of more value to us. The Senate received the reports,
+and the consul then introduced the question of procuration. Besides
+decreeing, no doubt with the sanction of the pontifices, certain
+ordinary measures, the Senate referred the matter to the decemviri and
+the Sibylline books. A _fulmen_, weighing fifty pounds, was awarded to
+Jupiter, and gifts of silver to his consorts in the Capitoline temple.
+Then follow directions which show that the _religio_ of women was to be
+particularly cared for. Juno Regina of the Aventine was to have a
+tribute collected by matrons, and she and the famous Juno Sospita of
+Lanuvium were to have special sacrifices; and it is probable that
+another Juno Regina, she of Ardea, was the object of a sacrifice, which
+the decemviri themselves undertook in the forum of that city.[670] This
+prominence of Juno may be a counterpart, I think, to the special
+attention shown to Hercules and Genius in the previous winter.[671] And
+it is interesting to notice that the libertinae were directed to collect
+money for their own goddess Feronia.[672]
+
+It is evident that Livy, in detailing these directions from the books of
+the pontifices,[673] took them in the chronological order in which they
+were to be carried out; for the day sacred to Juno Regina of the
+Aventine is September 1, that of Feronia November 13, and the last
+instruction he mentions is in December, when Saturnus was to have a
+sacrifice and _lectisternium_ at his own temple in the forum (prepared
+by senators), and a _convivium publicum_. This meant, we note with
+interest, the Graecising of this old Roman cult, which now took the form
+which is so familiar to us of public rejoicing by all classes, including
+slaves.[674] But long before these dates the terrible disaster of
+Trasimene had forced the Senate, at the urgent persuasion of the
+dictator Fabius, to have recourse to the sacred books again.[675] Never
+before had they been so frequently consulted; the ordinary _piacula_ of
+the pontifices were not thought of; a consul had grievously broken the
+_pax deorum_, and what remedy was possible no Roman authority could
+tell. The prescriptions of the books were many and various; the most
+interesting of them is the famous _ver sacrum_, an old Italian custom,
+already referred to, but here prescribed by a Greek authority. This was
+submitted to the people in Comitia, and carried with quaint provisions
+suited to protect them against any unconscious mistake in carrying out
+the vow, such as might produce further _religio_. We will only notice
+that though, according to the old tradition, it was to Mars that the
+Italian stocks were wont in time of famine and distress to dedicate the
+whole agricultural produce of the year, together with the male children
+born that spring,[676] in this crisis it is to Jupiter that the vow is
+made. It is the Roman people only who here make the vow, and they make
+it, I doubt not, to that great Jupiter of the Capitol who for 300 years
+has been their guardian, and in whose temple are kept the sacred books
+that ordered it.[677]
+
+But the authorities were determined to make now a supreme effort to
+still the alarm, and to restore the people to cheerfulness. They went on
+to vow _ludi magni_, _i.e._ extra games beside the usual yearly _ludi
+Romani_, at a cost of 333,333 and one-third asses, three being the
+sacred number. Then a _supplicatio_ was decreed, which was attended not
+only by the urban population, but by crowds from the country, and for
+three days the decemviri superintended a _lectisternium_ on a grand
+scale, such as had never been seen in Rome before, in which twelve
+deities in pairs, Roman and Greek indistinguishable from each other,
+were seen reclining on cushions. If Wissowa interprets this
+rightly,[678] as I think he does, it marks a turning-point in the
+religious history of Rome. The old distinction between _di indigetes_
+and _di novensiles_ now vanishes for good; the showy Greek ritual is
+applied alike to Roman and to Greek deities; the Sibylline books have
+conquered the _ius divinum_, and the decemviri in religious matters are
+more trusted physicians than the pontifices. The old Roman State
+religion, which we have been so long examining, may be said henceforward
+to exist only in the form of dead bones, which even Augustus will hardly
+be able to make live.
+
+So far, however, all had been orderly and dignified. But after Cannae we
+begin to divine that the stress of disaster is telling more severely on
+the nervous fibre of the people. Two Vestals were found guilty of
+adultery always a suspicious event; in such times a wicked rumour once
+spread would have its own way. One killed herself; the other was buried
+alive at the Colline gate. A _scriba pontificis_, who had seduced one of
+them, was beaten to death by the pontifex maximus. Such a violation of
+the _pax deorum_ was itself a prodigium, and again the books were
+consulted, and an embassy was sent to Delphi with Fabius Pictor as
+leader.[679] Greece is looming ever larger in the eyes of the frightened
+Roman.
+
+Under such circumstances it is hardly astonishing to read of a new (or
+almost new) and horrible rite, in which a Greek man and woman and a
+Gallic man and woman (slaves, no doubt) were buried alive in the _forum
+boarium_ in a hole closed by a big stone, which had already, says Livy,
+been used for human victims--"minime Romano sacro." As in the case of
+the Vestals, blood-shedding is avoided, but the death is all the more
+horrible. What are we to make of such barbarism? Technically, it must
+have been a sacrifice to Tellus and the Manes, like the _devotio_ of
+Decius, and like that also, it probably had in it a substratum of
+magic.[680] As regards the choice of victims it baffles us, for if we
+can understand the selection of a Gallic pair at a time when the Gauls
+of North Italy were taking Hannibal's side, it is not so easy to see why
+the Greeks were just now the objects of public animosity. Diels has
+suggested that Gelo, son of Hiero of Syracuse, deserted Rome for
+Carthage after Cannae,[681] and wanting a better explanation we may
+accept this, and imagine, if we can, that the cruel death of a pair of
+Greek slaves need not be taken as expressing any general feeling of
+antagonism or hatred for things Greek. But, after all, the most
+astonishing fact in the whole story is this--that the abominable
+practice lasted into the Empire; Pliny, at least, emphatically states
+that his own age had seen it, and heard the solemn form of prayer which
+the magister of the quindecemviri used to dictate over the victims.[682]
+Pliny, we may note, also speaks of the _forum boarium_ as the scene of
+the sacrifice, where also the first gladiatorial games were
+exhibited.[683] Rome was already accustomed to see horrors there.
+
+As we have now reached the climax of the religious panic of these years,
+I may pause here for a moment to refer to an interesting matter which I
+mentioned in my third lecture. At this very time, if we accept Wissowa's
+conjecture, the twenty-seven puppets of straw known as Argei, which were
+thrown over the _pons sublicius_ by the Vestals on the ides of May, were
+being substituted as surrogates for the sacrifice by drowning of the
+same number of Greeks (Argei); an atrocity which he fancies actually
+took place somewhere in the interval between the first and second Punic
+wars, under orders found in the Sibylline books.[684] All scholars know
+that there were in the four regions of the old city twenty-seven (or
+twenty-four) chapels, _sacella_, which were also called Argei, and have
+caused great trouble to topographers and archaeologists.[685] To
+complete his hypothesis, Wissowa conjectures that these too date from
+this same age, and were distributed over the city in order to take away
+the miasma caused by some great pestilence or other trouble, of which,
+owing to the loss of Livy's second decade, we have no information. But
+neither have we a scrap of information about the building of the
+chapels, or the drowning of the twenty-seven Greeks, an atrocity so
+abominable that the only way in which we might conceivably account for
+its disappearance in the records would be the hypothesis of a conspiracy
+of silence, an impossible thing at Rome. The loss of Livy's second
+decade cannot of itself be an explanation; such an event is just what an
+epitomator would have seized on, yet there is no trace of it in the
+surviving epitomes, nor in any other author who may have had Livy before
+him. Varro knew nothing of it, so far as we can tell; where he refers to
+the Argei he makes no mention of such an astonishing origin either of
+puppets or chapels. If there had been a record in the books of the
+pontifices, it is impossible to imagine that he was not aware of it.
+
+On the contrary, he quotes no official record, but a line of Ennius
+which attributes the origin of the Argei to Numa:[686]
+
+  libaque fictores Argeos et tutulatos.
+
+Now Ennius was born in 239[687] B.C., and was, therefore, living when
+the whole astonishing business began. How does he come to ascribe to
+Numa institutions which were to himself exactly as the building of the
+Forth Bridge might be to an Edinburgh man of middle age? Why, too, if
+these institutions were of such recent date, did the Romans of the last
+two centuries B.C. invent all sorts of wild explanations of them, at
+which Wissowa very properly scoffs? It is for him to explain why these
+explanations were needed. It is inconceivable that in a large city, with
+colleges of priests preserving religious traditions and formulae, all
+memory of the remarkable origin of _sacella_ and puppets should have so
+completely vanished as to leave room for the growth of such a crop of
+explanations. These will be found in my _Roman Festivals_, p. 112, and
+whoever reads them will conclude at once, I am sure, that the Romans
+knew nothing at all about the true history of the Argei. We may still
+class this curious ceremony with some of the primitive magical or
+quasi-magical rites of the ancient settlement. We are not entitled to
+cite it as an example of the growing savagery of this trying period; and
+if it be argued that it is an example rather of humanity, because for
+the original victims straw puppets were substituted, the answer is that
+even if we were to grant the human sacrifice, the surrogation of puppets
+is a most unlikely thing to have happened.[688] It is a rare practice;
+Wissowa himself judiciously rejects it as an explanation of such objects
+as _oscilla_ and _maniae_. You cannot adopt it when you choose, to
+explain a difficulty, and then reject it when you choose. Why, one may
+ask, was this humane method not applied also to the two pairs of Gauls
+and Greeks just mentioned? But I need not pursue the subject further; we
+may be satisfied to reflect that from an anthropological point of view
+the Argei need never have been anything more than puppets.[689]
+
+But to return to the religious history of the war. It would seem that
+the extraordinary series of performances ordered during the depression
+and despair that followed Cannae had succeeded for the time in quieting
+the _religio_. Fabius Pictor too had returned from Delphi,[690] and
+brought home in what seems to be hexameter verse instructions as to the
+worship of certain deities, with injunctions to the Romans to send gifts
+to the Pythian Apollo if prosperity should return to them, and ending
+with the significant words, "lasciviam (disorderly excitement) a vobis
+prohibete," which may be interpreted as "keep quiet, and do not get into
+a religious panic." The hexameters were Greek, but were translated for
+the benefit of the people; and Fabius publicly told how he had himself
+obeyed the voice of the oracle by sacrificing to the deities it named,
+and had worn the wreath, the sign that he was accomplishing religious
+work, during the whole of his journey home. This wreath he now deposited
+on the altar of Apollo. This was in 216, and it is remarkable that we
+hear of no new outbreak of _prodigia_, the normal symptom of _religio_,
+till the next year. Then we have a list; as Livy says,[691] "simplices
+et religiosi homines" were ready with them at any time. A panic arose in
+Rome, not strictly of a religious kind, which shows the nervousness of
+the population; a rumour went about that an army had been seen on the
+Janiculum, but men who were on the spot refuted it. In this case the
+Sibylline books were not consulted, but Etruscan haruspices were called
+in, who simply ordered a _supplicatio_ of the new kind, at the
+_pulvinaria_. This is the first, or almost the first instance of these
+experts being consulted; earlier statements of the kind are probably
+apocryphal, as I pointed out in the last lecture. It is not clear why
+the authorities had recourse to them at this moment; but I am inclined
+to think that the old remedies even of the Sibylline books and their
+keepers were getting stale, and that while it was thought undesirable to
+excite the people by new rites, it was felt that the familiar ones might
+gain some new prestige by being recommended by new experts. The old
+prescription, given by a new physician, may gain in authority. The next
+year again, 213, brought another crop of _prodigia_, but Livy dismisses
+them with the simple words, "His procuratis ex decreto pontificum."[692]
+It is reasonable to suppose that a reaction was taking place in the
+minds of the senators and pontifices, and that they were determined to
+take as little notice as possible of disturbing symptoms, relying on the
+prestige of the Delphic oracle, and acting on its advice to suppress
+_lascivia_.
+
+But in this same year the _lascivia_ broke out again with unprecedented
+force. The cause was not only, as Livy explains it, the dreary
+continuance of the war with varying success; if we read between the
+lines we may guess that the break-up of family life occasioned by the
+deaths of so many heads of houses and their sons, had opened the way for
+_feminine_ excitement and for the introduction of external rites such as
+an old Roman _paterfamilias_ would no more have tolerated than the
+pontifices themselves. "Tanta religio," says Livy,[693] "et ea magna ex
+parte externa, civitatem incessit, _ut aut homines, aut dii repente alii
+viderentur facti_"; it seemed as if the old religious system, in spite
+of all its highly formalised apparatus of expiation, was being
+deliberately set aside. "Nec iam in secreto modo atque intra parietes
+abolebantur Romani ritus: sed in publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque
+(this is the hardest cut of all) _mulierum_ turba erat, nec
+sacrificantium nec precantium deos patrio more." To understand such an
+amazing religious rebellion against the _ius divinum_ we must remember
+that 80,000 men had fallen at Cannae, besides great numbers in the two
+previous years, and that therefore the real effective human support of
+that _ius_ had in great part given way. Private priests and prophets,
+vermin to be found all over the Graeco-Roman world, had captured for
+gain the minds of helpless women, and of the ruined and despairing
+population of the country now flocking into Rome. The aediles and
+triumviri capitales, responsible for the order of the city, could do
+nothing; the Senate had to commission the praetor urbanus to rid the
+people of these _religiones_. When in those days the Senate and
+magistrates took such a matter in hand, further rebellion was
+impossible. All we are told is that the praetor issued an edict ordering
+that all who possessed private forms of prophecy or prayer, or rules of
+sacrifice, should bring them to him before the kalends of April next;
+and that no one should sacrifice in public with any strange or foreign
+rite. I do not know that the wonderful good sense of this decree has
+ever been commented on. To take violent or cruel measures would have
+been dangerous in the extreme at such a psychological moment. Livy tells
+this story at the very end of the year 213, and the kalends of April
+referred to must be those of the next year; there was, therefore, plenty
+of time to obey the order, and in the meantime the excitement might
+subside of itself. The mischief was not absolutely and suddenly
+stopped; in private houses the new rites were allowed to go on,--a
+policy adhered to in time to come,--but the _ius divinum_ of the Roman
+State, the public worship of the Roman deities, must not be tampered
+with. This wise policy seems to have succeeded for the time; for even
+after the capture of Tarentum by Hannibal, and the prospect of an attack
+in that direction from Macedonia, we do not hear of any renewed
+outbreak. _Prodigia_ are reported as usual, but the remedy thought
+sufficient is only a single day's _supplicatio_ and a _sacrum
+novendiale_. The consuls, however, in the true Roman spirit, devoted
+themselves for several days to religious duties before leaving Rome for
+their commands.
+
+This was at the beginning of the year 212. But after the Latin festival
+at the end of April we hear of a new _religio_, and a very curious
+one.[694] It looks as though certain Latin oracles, written in Saturnian
+verse, and attributed to an apocryphal _vates_ of the suspicious name of
+Marcius, had got abroad in the panic of the previous year, and had been
+confiscated by the praetor urbanus charged, as we saw, with the
+suppression of religious mischief. He had handed them on to the new
+praetor urbanus of 212. One of them prophesied the disaster of Cannae
+which had already happened; the other gave directions for instituting
+games in honour of Apollo, including one which placed the religious part
+of these _ludi_ in the hands of the decemviri. I strongly suspect that
+the whole transaction was a plan on the part of the Senate and the
+religious colleges, in order to quiet the minds of the people by a new
+religious festival in honour of a great deity of whose prestige every
+one had heard, for he had been long established in Rome; he is now to
+take a more worthy place there, to be incorporated in the _ius divinum_
+in a new sense, in gratitude perhaps for his recent advice given to
+Fabius Pictor at Delphi. Possibly also he is to be regarded here as the
+Greek deity of healing, though we do not hear of any pestilence at the
+time; but four years later it was in consequence of an epidemic that
+these _ludi_ were renewed and made permanent. The main object of the
+moment was no doubt to amuse the people and occupy their minds. The
+whole population took part in the games, wearing wreaths as partakers in
+a sacred rite; the matrons were not left out; and every one kept his
+house door open and feasted before the eyes of his fellow-citizens.[695]
+
+If it be asked why these games in honour of a Greek god should have been
+suggested by a Latin oracle, the answer is, I think, that the latter was
+used rather as a pretext for a pre-conceived plan; if it be true that
+the Marcian verses had won some prestige among the vulgar, it was an
+adroit stroke to invent one that might be used in this way. This is the
+only way in which we can satisfactorily account for the direction to the
+decemviri to undertake the necessary sacrifices. The government seizes a
+chance of taking the material of _religio_ out of the hands of the
+vulgar and utilising it for its own purposes. It was clever too to give
+the alleged Latin oracles the sanction of the _Graecus ritus_;
+"decemviri Graeco ritu hostiis sacra faciant," says the oracle. The
+keepers consulted the sacred books as to the projected _ludi_, and
+henceforward, as it would seem, these Latin oracles were placed in their
+keeping to be added to the Sibylline books in the collection on the
+Capitol. The amalgamation of Roman and Greek religion is complete. If
+there were any doubt of it after the _lectisternia_ to the twelve gods
+which we noticed just now, all such doubt is removed by the religious
+events of this year 212--that famous year in which Hannibal came within
+sight of Rome, and fell away again, never to return.
+
+The student of Roman religious history, and of all religious psychology,
+as he follows carefully the extracts from the priestly records which
+Livy has embodied in his story of the last years of the great struggle,
+will find much to interest him. Even little things have here their
+significance. He will still find relics of the scruple about the
+minutiae of the _ius divinum_ to which the Romans had become habituated
+under priestly rule--_religio_ in that sense in which it is least really
+religious. He will find a Flamen Dialis resigning his priesthood because
+he had made a blunder in putting the _exta_ of a victim on the
+altar;[696] only too ready, it may have been, to take an opportunity of
+getting free of those numerous taboos which deprived the priest of
+Jupiter of all possibility of active life. Such a conjecture finds
+support in the curious fact that his successor was a youth of such bad
+character that his relations induced the pontifex maximus to select him
+for the sacred post, in hopes that the restrictive discipline he would
+have to undergo might improve his morals and make him a better
+citizen.[697] About the later history of this youth I may have something
+to say in the next lecture. Again, we find _religio_ of the scrupulous
+kind sadly worrying the stout old warrior Marcellus shortly before his
+death[698]: "Aliae atque aliae obiectae animo religiones tenebant." One
+of these _religiones_ was a curious one; he had vowed a temple of Honos
+and Virtus--two deities together; and the pontifices made difficulties,
+insisting that two deities could not inhabit the same _cella_, for if it
+should be struck by lightning, how were you to tell, in conducting the
+_procuratio_, to which of them to sacrifice? The difficulty was solved
+by building two temples. Such quaintnesses of the old type of religious
+idea are thus still found, but they are becoming mere survivals.
+
+The _prodigia_ continue, and occasionally, as a new crisis in the war
+was known to be approaching, became exacerbated. In 208, just before the
+old consul Marcellus left the city to meet his death, he and his
+colleague were terribly pestered with them, and could not succeed in
+their sacrificing (_litare_). For many days they failed to secure the
+_pax deorum_.[699] When it was known that Hasdrubal was on his way from
+Spain, and that the greatest peril of the war was approaching, special
+steps were taken to make sure of that _pax_.[700] The pontifices ordered
+that twenty-seven maidens--a number of magical significance both in
+Greece and Italy[701]--should chant a _carmen_ composed by the poet
+Livius Andronicus; and in the elaborate ritual that followed, as the
+result of the striking of the temple of Juno on the Aventine by
+lightning, the decemviri and haruspices from Etruria also had a share.
+The procession of the maidens, singing and dancing through the city till
+they reached the temple of Juno by the Clivus Publicius, was a new
+feature in ritual, and must have been a striking one. Doubtless it was
+all a part of a deliberate policy to keep the women of the city in good
+humour, and in touch with the religion of the State, instead of going
+after other gods, as they had already gone and were again to go with
+amazing and perilous fervour. For Juno Regina of the Aventine was their
+special deity; and in this case they were authorised--all _matronae_
+living within ten miles of the city--to contribute in money to a noble
+gift to the temple.
+
+Hasdrubal was defeated and killed (207), and the danger passed away.
+Then, when the news reached Rome (if Livy's account may be relied on),
+there followed such an outburst of gratitude to the deities as we have
+never yet met with, and shall not meet with again in Roman history.[702]
+It was not only that the State ordered a _supplicatio_ of three days
+thanksgiving; men and women alike took advantage of it to press in
+crowds to the temples, the materfamilias with her children, and in her
+finest robes: "cum omni solutae metu, perinde ac si debellatum foret,
+deis immortalibus grates agerent." I would draw attention to the fact
+that here is no mere fulfilment of a vow, of a bargain, as some will
+have it; in this moment of real religious emotion the first thought is
+one of thankfulness that the _pax deorum_ is restored, and that the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe, though in the humble form of
+these dwellers in Roman temples, would permit the long-suffering people
+once more to feel themselves in right relation to him. As we go on with
+our studies in the two centuries that follow, let us bear this moment in
+mind; it will remind us that the religious instinct never entirely dies
+out in the heart of any people.
+
+I would fain stop at this point, and have done with the war and its
+religious troubles; but there is one more event which cannot be
+omitted,--the solemn advent of a new deity, this time neither Greek nor
+Italian. After the Metaurus battle, the dreaded Hannibal yet remained in
+Italy, and so long as he was there the Romans could know no security. So
+far as religion could help them every possible means had been used;
+there seemed no expedient left. In 205 a pretext for inspecting the
+Sibylline books was found in an unusual burst of pebble-rain; and there,
+as it was given out, an oracle was deciphered, which foretold that
+Hannibal would have to leave Italy if the Magna Mater of Pessinus were
+brought to Rome.[703] In whose brain this idea originated we do not
+know, but it was a brilliant one. The eastern cult was wholly unknown at
+Rome, was something entirely new and strange, a fresh and hopeful
+prescription for an exhausted patient. The project was seized on with
+avidity, and supported by the influence of Delphi and of that strange
+soldier mystic the great Scipio.[704] The best man in the State was to
+receive the goddess, and when, after many months, she came to Italy in
+the form of a black stone, it was Scipio who was chosen for the duty.
+For Attalus, king of Pergamus, had consented to let her go from her
+Phrygian home; and when she arrived at Ostia, Scipio with all the Roman
+matrons went thither by land; alone he boarded the ship, received the
+goddess from her priests, and carried her to land, where the noblest
+women of the State received her,--received the black stone, that
+is,--and carried it in their arms in turns, while all Rome poured out to
+meet her, and burned incense at their doors as she passed by. And
+praying that she might enter willingly and propitiously into the city,
+they carried her into the temple of Victory on the Palatine on the 4th
+of April, henceforward to be a festal day, the popular Megalesia.
+
+This Magna Mater was the first Oriental deity introduced into Rome, and
+the last deity introduced by the Sibylline books. It is probable that no
+Roman then knew much about the real nature of her cult and its noisy
+orgiastic character and other degrading features; it was sufficient to
+have found a new prescription, and once more to have given the people,
+and especially the women, a happy moment of hope and confidence. But the
+truth came out soon enough; and though the goddess must have her own
+priests, it was ordered by a _Senatusconsultum_ that no Roman should
+take part in her service.[705] Though established in the heart of the
+city, and ere long to have her own temple, she was to continue a foreign
+deity outside the _ius divinum_. As such she belongs to those worships
+with which I am not called upon by the plan of these lectures to deal.
+
+Hannibal withdrew at last from Italy, and in 202 the war came to an end.
+Looking at the divine inhabitants of the city in that year, we may see
+in them almost as much a _colluvies nationum_ as in the human population
+itself. Under such circumstances neither the old City-state nor its
+religion could any longer continue to exist. The decay of the one
+reflects that of the other; the failure to trust the _di indigetes_, the
+constant desire to try new and foreign manifestations of divine power,
+were sure signs that the State was passing into a new phase. In the next
+two centuries Rome gained the world and lost her own soul.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XIV
+
+    [655] The story is told in Livy x. 40 and 41, and must
+    have been taken by him from the records of the
+    pontifices, which had almost certainly begun by this
+    date (see above, p. 283). While on these chapters the
+    reader may also note the curious vow of this Papirius to
+    Jupiter Victor at the end of ch. xlii.; and the
+    description of the religious horrors of the Samnites
+    witnessed by the army, and especially the words
+    "respersae fando infandoque sanguine arae" (see above,
+    p. 196), which clearly indicate a practice abhorrent to
+    Romans.
+
+    [656] Val. Max. i. 5. 3 and 4; Cic. _de Div._ i. 16. 29;
+    Livy, _Epit._ xix.
+
+    [657] The _locus classicus_ is Livy xxi. 63.
+
+    [658] Cic. _de Div._ ii. 36. 77. I find an illustration
+    of this effect of lightning in Major Bruce's _Twenty
+    Years in the Himalaya_, p. 130: "Directly the ice-axes
+    begin to hum (in a storm) they should be put away."
+
+    [659] He notices it in connection with the war only in
+    iii. 112. 6, after the battle of Cannae: a striking
+    passage, but cast in general language.
+
+    [660] Livy xxi. 62 foll. Wissowa comments on this
+    passage in _R.K._ p. 223.
+
+    [661] See the author's _Social Life at Rome in the Age
+    of Cicero_, p. 28 foll.
+
+    [662] The rule seems to have been that no _prodigia_
+    were accepted, and _procurata_ by the authorities, which
+    were announced from beyond the ager Romanus. See Mommsen
+    in O. Jahn's edition of the _Periochae_ of Livy's books,
+    and of Iulius Obsequens, preface, p. xviii. But this
+    does not appear from the records of this war; and, at
+    any rate, the religious panic was Italian as well as
+    Roman.
+
+    [663] Red sand still occasionally falls in Italy,
+    brought by a sirocco from the Sahara, and this accounts
+    for the _prodigium_, "_pluit sanguine_," which is often
+    met with. I have a record of it in the _Daily Mail_ of
+    March 11, 1901. But the _lapides_ were probably of
+    volcanic origin.
+
+    [664] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 328.
+
+    [665] This must have been a special performance of the
+    yearly Amburbium, of which unluckily we known hardly
+    anything (Wissowa, _R.K._ 130).
+
+    [666] _R.F._ p. 56, where unfortunately the word is
+    misprinted Pubertas. Wissowa, _R.K._ 126, thinks of Hebe
+    in a Latin form; in his view it must be a Greek deity,
+    being brought in by the decemviri and the books. But we
+    shall find that these begin now to interfere with Roman
+    cults, and in such a crisis we need not wonder at it.
+    Wissowa allows that we do not know where this Hebe can
+    have come from, nor, I may add, why she should have
+    come. That there was some special meaning in the
+    combination Juventas, Hercules, Genius I feel sure, and
+    I conjecture that it may be found in the urgent need of
+    a supply of _iuvenes_. Hercules and Genius seem both to
+    represent the male principle of life (_R.F._ 142 foll.).
+    Juventas speaks for herself, but we may remember that
+    the _tirones_ sacrificed to her on the day of the
+    Liberalia (17th March), and that Liber is almost
+    certainly another form of Genius (_R.F._ 55).
+
+    [667] Livy xxii. 1.
+
+    [668] It is only from this passage that we know of the
+    oracle. See Bouché-Leclercq, _Hist. de divination_, iv.
+    146. That of Caere is mentioned in Livy xxi. 62. Both
+    cities were mainly Etruscan.
+
+    [669] Livy xxvii. 37 betrays some knowledge of the
+    infectious nature of prodigy-reporting: "Sub unius
+    prodigii, ut fit, mentionem, alia quoque nuntiata."
+
+    [670] Pliny, _N.H._ xxxv. 115, where the verses are
+    quoted as inscribed on the paintings in her temple at
+    Ardea. Note that Juno is here called the wife of Jupiter
+    by a Greek artist from Asia.
+
+    [671] For Juno as the woman's deity and guardian spirit,
+    see above, p. 135. To refer this prominence of the
+    goddess to her connection with Carthage and mythical
+    enmity to the Romans, as we see it in the _Aeneid_, is
+    premature; we must suppose that each Juno was still a
+    local deity, and no general conception in the later
+    Greek sense is as yet possible.
+
+    [672] For Feronia, see _R.F._ 252 foll.
+
+    [673] The _procurationes_ ordered were doubtless
+    recorded in the _annales maximi_. The books of the
+    decemviri, we must suppose, were burnt with the oracles
+    in 38 B.C. (Diels, _Sib. Blätter_, p. 6 note).
+
+    [674] Wissowa, _R.K._ 170; Marq. 586 foll.
+
+    [675] Livy xxii. 9-10.
+
+    [676] See above, p. 204 foll.; Strabo, p. 250; Festus,
+    p. 106.
+
+    [677] If it be asked why Jupiter is here without his
+    titles Optimus Maximus, the answer is that just below,
+    where _ludi magni_ are vowed to him, as all such _ludi_
+    were, he is also simply Jupiter.
+
+    [678] _R.K._ 356. In his view the new amalgam of twelve
+    gods was known as _di Consentes_, an expression of
+    Varro's which has been much discussed. See
+    Müller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. 83; _C.I.L._ vi. 102;
+    Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, 190 foll. In _de Re
+    Rust._ i. 1, Varro speaks of twelve _dei consentes,
+    urbani_, whose gilded statues stood in the forum.
+
+    [679] Livy xxii. 57.
+
+    [680] See above, p. 207. Orosius' account of this is
+    worth reading; he calls it "obligamentum hoc magicum"
+    (iv. 13). He mentions a Gallic pair and a Greek woman,
+    and dates it in 226 (227 according to Wissowa,
+    _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 227). Cp. Plut. _Marcell._
+    3. Livy's words, "iam ante hostiis humanis, minime
+    Romano sacro, imbutum," agree with this. There must have
+    been an outbreak of feeling and recourse to the
+    Sibylline books in the stress of the Gallic war.
+
+    [681] _Sib. Blätter_, p. 86.
+
+    [682] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 12 and 13. Plutarch, _l.c._,
+    confirms him. Pliny, it may be noticed, is here writing
+    of spells, etc., among which he classes the _precatio_
+    of this rite.
+
+    [683] The first gladiatorial show was in 264 B.C. (Val.
+    Max. ii. 4. 7).
+
+    [684] The arguments are stated fully in his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, 211 foll.
+
+    [685] The best account of these, or rather of the Argean
+    itinerary, of which fragments are preserved in Varro,
+    _L.L._ v. 45 foll., is still that of Jordan in his
+    _Römische Topographie_, ii. 603 foll. The extracts seem
+    to be from a record of directions for the passage of a
+    procession round the _sacella_ (or _sacraria_, Varro v.
+    48). Though quoting these, Varro has nothing to say of
+    their origin, which would be strange indeed if they were
+    of such comparatively late date.
+
+    [686] In Varro, _L.L._ vii. 44. There is no doubt that
+    the line is from Ennius; it is also quoted as his in
+    Festus, p. 355.
+
+    [687] Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_, vol. i. ed.
+    3, p. 110.
+
+    [688] Some examples of substitution will be found in
+    Westermarck, _Origin and Development of the Moral
+    Ideas_, i. 469. It is of course a well-known phenomenon,
+    but is now generally rejected as an explanation of
+    _oscilla_, _maniae_, etc. (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 355,
+    and Frazer, _G.B._ ii. 344). I know of no case of it on
+    good evidence at Rome, unless it be one in the
+    _devotio_, of an effigy for the soldier, ("ni moritur,"
+    Livy viii. 10).
+
+    [689] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 117, with references to
+    Mannhardt; Frazer, _G.B._ ii. 256; Farnell, _Cults of
+    the Greek States_, v. 181.
+
+    [690] Livy xxiii. 11. See also Diels, _Sib. Blätter_,
+    pp. 11 and 92.
+
+    [691] Livy xxiv. 10.
+
+    [692] _Ib._ xxiv. 44.
+
+    [693] _Ib._ xxv. 1.
+
+    [694] _Ib._ xxv. 12. On the Marcian oracles and their
+    metre, see Bouché-Leclercq, _Hist. de divination_, iv.
+    128 foll.; Wissowa, _R.K._ 463 note 2; Diels, _op. cit._
+    p. 7 foll.
+
+    [695] See above, Lect. xi. p. 262. For the Apolline
+    games, _R.F._ p. 179 foll.
+
+    [696] Livy xxvi. 23.
+
+    [697] _Ib._ xxvii. 8.
+
+    [698] _Ib._ xxvii. 25; Plut. _Marcellus_, p. 28.
+
+    [699] _Ib._ xxvii. 23.
+
+    [700] _Ib._ xxvii. 37.
+
+    [701] The idea that this number was "chthonic" and a
+    monopoly of the Sibylline utterances was started by
+    Diels, _Sib. Blätter_, p. 42 foll., with imperfect
+    anthropological knowledge, and has led Wissowa and
+    others into wrong conclusions, _e.g._ as to the Argei.
+    See an article criticising Wissowa in _Classical Rev._
+    1902, p. 211. On the whole subject of the number three
+    and its multiples, see Usener, "Dreizahl," in
+    _Rheinisches Museum_ for 1903, and Goudy, _Trichotomy in
+    Roman Law_ (Oxford, 1910), p. 5 foll.
+
+    [702] Livy xxvii. 51. For gratitude among Romans, see
+    above, p. 202. A gift of thanksgiving was sent to Delphi
+    (Livy xxviii. 45).
+
+    [703] _Ib._ xxix. 10 foll. For other references see
+    _R.F._ p. 69 foll.
+
+    [704] _Ib._ xxix. 10.
+
+    [705] Dion. Hal. ii. 19; _R.F._ p. 70.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XV
+
+AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+
+
+The long and deadly struggle with Hannibal ended in 201 B.C., and no
+sooner was peace concluded than the Senate determined on war with
+Macedon. This decision is a critical moment in Roman history, for it
+initiated not only a long period of advance and the eventual supremacy
+of Rome in the Eastern Mediterranean, but also an age of narrow
+aristocratic rule which remained unquestioned till revolution broke out
+with Tiberius Gracchus. But we cannot safely deny that it was a just
+decision. Hannibal was alive, and his late ally, Philip of Macedon, now
+in sinister coalition with Antiochus of Syria, might be capable of
+invading exhausted Italy. To have an enemy once more in the peninsula
+would probably be fatal to Rome and Italy, and one more effort was
+necessary in order to avert such a calamity; an effort that must be made
+at once, while Carthage lay prostrate.
+
+It is necessary to grasp fully the danger of the moment if we are to
+understand the part played by religion (if I may use the word) in
+bringing about the desired result. It was most difficult to persuade a
+people worn out by one war that it was essential for their safety that
+they should at once face another. Historians naturally look on the
+success of the Senate in this task as due to its own prestige, and to
+the skilful oratory of the Consul in the speech to the people which Livy
+has reproduced in his own admirable rhetoric. But a closer examination
+of the chapters at the beginning of the historian's thirty-first book
+will show that religion too was used, in accordance with the experience
+of the late war, to put pressure on the voters and to inspire their
+confidence. As we saw in the last lecture, they had been constantly
+cheered and braced by religious expedients,--their often-recurring
+_religio_ had been soothed and satisfied; now the same means were to be
+used positively rather than negatively, to help in urging them to a
+definite course of action. Some sixty years later Polybius, writing of
+the extreme religiousness of the Romans, expressed his conviction that
+religion was invented for political objects, and only serves as the
+means of bridling the fickle and unreasoning Demos; for if it were
+possible to have a State consisting of wise men only, no such
+institution would be necessary.[706] The philosophic historian is here
+thinking mainly of the way in which religion was turned to account by
+the Roman authorities in his own lifetime. We cannot have a better
+illustration of this than the events of the year 200 B.C.
+
+Already, in the autumn of the previous year, the ground had been
+prepared. To the plebeian games in November there had been added a feast
+of Jupiter (_Iovis epulum_), as had been done more than once during the
+late war.[707] Jupiter, in the form of his image in the Capitoline
+temple, lay on his couch at the feast of the outgoing plebeian
+magistrates, with his face reddened with minium as at a triumph, and
+Juno and Minerva sat each on her _sella_ on either side of him; and to
+give practical point to this show, corn from Africa was distributed at
+four asses the modius, or at most one quarter of the normal price. When
+the new consuls entered on office on the ides of the following March,
+further religious steps were at once taken; the political atmosphere was
+charged with religiosity. On the first day of their office the consuls
+were directed by the Senate, doubtless with the sanction of the
+pontifices, to _sacrifice to such deities as they might select_, with a
+special prayer for the success of the new war which Senate and people
+(the latter by a clever anticipation) are contemplating. Haruspices from
+Etruria had been adroitly procured, and no doubt primed, who reported
+that the gods had accepted this prayer, and that the examination of the
+victims portended extension of the Roman frontier, victory, and
+triumph.[708] Yet, in spite of all this, the people were not yet
+willing; in almost all the centuries, when the voting for the war took
+place, they rejected the proposal of the Senate. Then the consul
+Sulpicius was put up to address them, and at the end of Livy's version
+of his speech we find him clinching his political arguments with
+religious ones. "Ite in suffragium, bene iuvantibus dis, et quae Patres
+censuerunt, vos iubete. Huius vobis sententiae non consul modo auctor
+est, sed etiam di immortales; qui mihi sacrificanti ... laeta omnia
+prosperaque portendere." Thus adjured, the people yielded; and as a
+reward, and to stifle any _religio_ that might be troubling them, they
+are treated to a _supplicatio_ of three days, including an "_obsecratio
+circa omnia pulvinaria_" for the happy result of the war; and once more,
+after the levy was over,--a heavy tax on the patience of the
+people,--the consul made vows of _ludi_ and a special gift to Jupiter,
+in case the State should be intact and prospering five years from that
+day.[709]
+
+Exactly the same religious machinery was used a few years later to gain
+the consent of the people for a war of far less obvious necessity,--that
+with Antiochus of Syria. It was at once successful. The haruspices were
+again on the spot and gave the same report; and then, _solutis religione
+animis_, the centuries sanctioned the war. The vow that followed, of
+which Livy gives a modernised wording, was for _ludi_ to last ten
+continuous days, and for gifts of money at all the _pulvinaria_, where
+now, as we gather from these same chapters, the images of the gods were
+displayed on their couches during the greater part of the year.[710]
+
+We may realise in accounts like these how far we have left behind us the
+old Roman religion we discussed in earlier lectures. That religion did
+not any longer supply the material needed; it was not suited to be the
+handmaid of a political or military policy; it was a real religion, not
+invented for political purposes, to use Polybius' language, but itself a
+part of the life of the State, whether active in war, or law, or
+politics. In the ceremonies I have just been describing almost all the
+features are foreign,--the _pulvinaria_, the haruspices, perhaps even
+the _Iovis epulum_; and we feel that though the _religio_ in the minds
+of the people is doubtless a genuine thing, yet the means taken to
+soothe it are far from genuine,--they are _mala medicamenta_, quack
+remedies. Such is the method by which a shrewd, masterly government
+compels the obedience of a _populus religiosus_. After long experience
+of such methods, can we wonder that Polybius could formulate his famous
+view of religion, or that a great and good Roman lawyer, himself
+pontifex maximus, could declare that political religion stands quite
+apart from the religion of the poets, or that of the philosophers, and
+must be acted on, whether true or false?[711]
+
+The reporting of _prodigia_ goes on with astonishing vigour in this
+period, and seems to have become endemic. I only mention it here (for we
+have had quite enough of it already) because the question arises whether
+it is now used mainly for political purposes, or to annoy a personal
+rival or enemy. This does not appear clearly from Livy's accounts, but
+in an age of personal and political rivalries, as this undoubtedly was,
+it can hardly have been otherwise. Certain it is that the interests of
+the State were grievously interfered with in this way. The consuls at
+this time, and until 153 B.C., did not enter on office until March 15,
+and they should have been ready to start for their military duties as
+soon as the levies had been completed; instead of which, they were
+constantly delayed by the duty of expiating these marvels. In 199
+Flamininus, whose appointment to the command in Macedonia had of course
+annoyed the friends of the man he was superseding, was delayed in this
+way for the greater part of the year, and yet he is said to have left
+Italy at an earlier date than most consuls.[712] Thus the change to
+January 1 for the beginning of the consular year, which took place in
+153 B.C., was an unavoidable political necessity. Even the Sibylline
+books came to be used for personal and political purposes. In the year
+144 the praetor Marcius Rex was commissioned to repair the Appian and
+Aniensian aqueducts and to construct a new one. The _decemviri sacris
+faciundis_, consulting the books, as it was said, for other reasons,
+found an oracle forbidding the water to be conveyed to the Capitoline
+hill, and seem on this absurd ground to have been able to delay the
+necessary work. Our information is much mutilated, but the real
+explanation seems to be that there was some personal spite against
+Marcius, who, however, eventually completed the work.[713] Nearly a
+century later a Sibylline oracle, beyond doubt invented for the purpose,
+was used to prevent Pompeius from taking an army to Egypt to restore
+Ptolemy Auletes to his throne. But all students of Roman history in the
+last two centuries B.C. are familiar with such cases of the prostitution
+of religion or religious processes, and I have already said enough about
+it in the lecture on divination.[714]
+
+I do not, of course, mean to assert that personal and political motives
+account for all or the greater number of _prodigia_ reported. There is
+plenty of evidence that the genuine old _religio_ could be stirred up by
+real marvels, which the government were bound to expiate in order to
+satisfy public feeling. Thus in 193 B.C. earthquakes were so frequent
+that the Senate could not meet, nor could any public business be done,
+so busy were the consuls with the work of expiation. At last the
+Sibylline books were consulted and the usual religious remedies applied;
+but the spirit of the age is apparent in the edict of the consuls,
+prompted by the Senate, that if _feriae_ had been decreed to take place
+on a certain day for the expiation of an earthquake, no fresh earthquake
+was to be reported on that same day.[715] This delicious edict,
+unparalleled in Roman history, caused the grave Livy to declare that the
+people must have grown tired, not only of the earthquakes, but of the
+_feriae_ appointed to expiate them.
+
+Let us turn to another and more interesting feature of this age, which
+is plainly visible in the sphere of religion, as in other aspects both
+of private and public life: I mean the growth of _individualism_. Men,
+and indeed women also, as we shall see, are beginning to feel and to
+assert their individual importance, as against the strict rules and
+traditions, civil or religious, of the life of the family and the State.
+This is a tendency that had long been at work in Greece, and is
+especially marked in the teaching of the two great ethical schools of
+the post-Alexandrian period, the Epicureans and Stoics. The influence of
+Greece on the Romans was already strong enough to have sown the seeds of
+individualism in Italy; but the tendency was at the same time a natural
+result of enlarged experience and expanding intelligence among the upper
+classes. The second century B.C. shows us many prominent men of strong
+individual character, who assert themselves in ways to which we have not
+been accustomed in Roman history, _e.g._ Scipio the elder, Flamininus,
+Cato, Aemilius Paulus and his son, Scipio Aemilianus; and among lesser
+and less honourable men we see the tendency in the passionate desire for
+personal distinction in the way of military commands, triumphs, and the
+giving of expensive games. This is the age in which we first hear of
+statues and portrait busts of eminent men; and magistrates begin to put
+their names or types connected with their families on the coins which
+they issue.[716]
+
+In religion this tendency is seen mainly in the attempts of the
+individual, often successful, to shake himself free of the restrictions
+of the old _ius divinum_. I pointed out long ago that it was a weak
+point in the old Roman religion that it did little or nothing to
+encourage and develop the individual religious instinct; it was
+formalised as a religion of family and State, and made no appeal, as did
+that of the Jews, to the individual's sense of right and wrong.[717] The
+sense of sin was only present to the Roman individual mind in the form
+of scruple about omissions or mistakes in the performance of religious
+duties. Thus religion lost her chance at Rome as an agent in the
+development of the better side of human nature. As an illustration of
+what I mean I may recall what I said in an early lecture, that the
+spirit of a dead Roman was not thought of as definitely individualised;
+it joined the whole mass of the Manes in some dimly conceived abode
+beneath the earth; there is no singular of the word Manes. It is only in
+the third century B.C. that we first meet with memorial tombstones to
+individuals, like those of the Scipios, and not till the end of the
+Republican period that we find the words Di Manes representing in any
+sense the spirit of the individual departed.[718]
+
+In practical life the quarrel of the individual with the _ius divinum_
+takes the form of protest against the restrictions placed on the old
+sacrificing priesthoods, these of the Flamines and the Rex sacrorum,
+who, unlike the pontifices and augurs, were disqualified from holding a
+secular magistracy.[719] These priesthoods must be filled up, and when a
+vacancy occurred, the pontifex maximus, who retained the power of the
+Rex in this sphere, as a kind of _paterfamilias_ of the whole State,
+selected the persons, and could compel them to serve even if they were
+unwilling. But the interests of public life are now far more attractive
+than the duties of the cults,--the individual wishes to assert himself
+where his self-assertion will be noted and appreciated.
+
+These attempts at emancipation from the _ius divinum_ were not at first
+successful. In 242 a flamen of Mars was elected consul; he hoped to be
+in joint command with his colleague Lutatius of the naval campaign
+against Carthage. But the _ius divinum_ forbade him to leave Italy, and
+the pontifex maximus inexorably enforced it.[720] Of this quarrel we
+have no details; but in 190 a similar case is recorded in full. A flamen
+Quirinalis, elected praetor, who had Sardinia assigned him as his
+province, was stopped by the _ius divinum_ administered by another
+inexorable pontifex maximus; and it was only after a long struggle, in
+which Senate, tribunes, and people all took part, that he was forced to
+submit. So great was his wrath that he was with difficulty persuaded not
+to resign his praetorship.[721] Naturally it became difficult to fill
+these priesthoods, for it was invidious to compel young men of any
+promise to commit what was practically political suicide. The office of
+_rex sacrorum_ was vacant for two years between 210 and 208;[722] and in
+180 Cornelius Dolabella, a _duumvir navalis_, on being selected for this
+priesthood, absolutely refused to obey the pontifex maximus when ordered
+to resign his secular command. He was fined for disobedience, and
+appealed to the people; at the moment when it became obvious that the
+appeal would fail, he contrived to escape by getting up an unlucky omen.
+_Religio inde fuit pontificibus inaugurandi Dolabellae_; and here we
+have the strange spectacle of the _ius divinum_ being used to defeat its
+own ends. Such a state of things needs no comment.[723]
+
+But the most extraordinary story of this kind is that of a flamen of
+Jupiter,--a story which many years ago I told in detail in the
+_Classical Review_. Here I may just be allowed to reproduce it in
+outline. In the year 209 a young C. Valerius Flaccus, the black sheep of
+a great family, was inaugurated against his will as Flamen Dialis by the
+pontifex maximus P. Licinius.[724] It was within the power of the head
+of the Roman religion to use such compulsion, but it must have been
+difficult and unusual to do so without the consent of the victim's
+relations. In this case, as Livy expressly tells us, it was used because
+the lad was of bad character,--_ob adolescentiam negligentem
+luxuriosamque_; and it is pretty plain that the step was suggested by
+his elder brother and other relations, in order to keep him out of
+mischief. For, as we have seen, the taboos on this ancient priesthood
+were numerous and strict, and among the restrictions laid on its holder
+was one which forbade him to leave his house for a single night. Thus we
+learn not only that this priesthood was not much accounted of in those
+days, but also that for the _cura_ and _caerimonia_ of religion a pure
+mind was no longer needed. But it might be utilised as a kind of penal
+settlement for a libertine noble; and it is not impossible that a
+century and a quarter later the attempt to put the boy Julius Caesar
+into the same priesthood, though otherwise represented by the
+historians, may have had the same object.[725] But the strange thing in
+the case of Flaccus is that this very _cura_ and _caerimonia_, if Livy's
+account is to be trusted, had such a wholesome disciplinary effect, that
+the libertine became a model youth, the admiration of his own and other
+families. Relying on his excellent character he even asserted the
+ancient right of this flamen to take his seat in the Senate, a right
+which had long been in abeyance _ob indignitatem flaminum priorum_; and
+he eventually gained his point, in spite of obstinate opposition on the
+part of a praetor. Some years later, in 200, this same man was elected
+curule aedile.[726] This was clearly the first example of an attempt to
+combine the priesthood with a magistracy, for a difficulty at once arose
+and was solved in a way for which no precedent is quoted. Among the
+taboos on this priest there was one forbidding him to take an oath; yet
+the law demanded that a magistrate must take the usual oath within five
+days of entering on office.[727] Flaccus insisted on asserting his
+individuality in spite of the _ius divinum_, and the Senate and people
+both backed him up. The Senate decreed that if he could find some one to
+take the oath for him, the consuls might, if they chose, approach the
+tribune with a view to getting a relieving _plebiscitum_; this was duly
+obtained, and he took the oath by proxy. In his year of office as aedile
+we find him giving expensive _ludi Romani_; and in 184 he only missed
+the praetorship by an unlucky accident.[728] In this story we find the
+self-assertion of an individual supported by Senate, consuls, and people
+in breaking loose from the antiquated restrictions of a bygone age, and
+we cannot but sympathise with it. But Roman history is full of
+surprises, and among these I know none more amazing than the successful
+attempt of Augustus two centuries later to revive this priesthood with
+all its absurdities.[729]
+
+The self-assertion of members of the great families against the _ius
+divinum_ was inevitable, and in the instances just noticed the attitude
+of compromise taken up by the government was only what was to be
+expected in an age of stress and change and new ideas. But in less than
+twenty years after the peace with Carthage this government found itself
+suddenly face to face with what may be called a religious rebellion
+chiefly among the lower orders, including women; and the authorities
+unhesitatingly reverted to the position of conscientious guardians of
+the religious system of the City-state. They began to realise that they
+had been holding a wolf by the ears ever since the beginning of the
+Hannibalic war; that they had a population to deal with which was no
+longer pure Roman or even pure Italian, and that even the genuine Romans
+themselves were liable to be moved by new currents of religious feeling.
+During the war they had done all that was possible to meet the mental as
+well as the material troubles of this population, even to the length of
+introducing the worship, under certain restrictions, of the great
+Phrygian Mother of the gods. But now, in 186, the sudden outbreak of
+Dionysiac orgies in Italy showed them that all their remedies were stale
+and insufficient, and that the wolf was getting loose in their hands.
+
+Dionysus had long been housed at Rome, under the name of Liber, in that
+temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera which was discussed in detail in my
+eleventh lecture.[730] But it is not likely that many Romans recognised
+the identity of Liber and Dionysus, and it is quite certain that the
+characteristic features of the Dionysiac ritual were entirely unknown at
+Rome for three centuries after the foundation of the temple. That
+ritual, as it existed in Greece from the earliest times, retaining the
+essential features which it bore in its original Thracian home,[731] has
+lately been thoroughly examined and clearly expounded by Dr. Farnell in
+the fifth volume of his _Cults of the Greek States_, and the student of
+the Roman religious history of this period would do well to study
+carefully his fifth chapter. In most Greek states, as at Athens, in
+spite of occasional outbreaks, the wilder aspects of the cult had not
+been encouraged, but at Delphi and at Thebes, _i.e._ on Parnassus and
+Cithaeron, the more striking phenomena of the genuine ritual are found
+down to a late period. Dr. Farnell has summed these up under three heads
+at the beginning of his account: "The wild and ecstatic enthusiasm that
+it inspired, the self-abandonment and communion with the deity achieved
+through orgiastic rites and a savage sacramental act, and the prominence
+of women in the ritual, which in accordance with a certain psychic law
+made a special appeal to their temperament."[732] It meant in fact
+exactly that form of religious ecstasy which was peculiarly abhorrent to
+the minds of the old Romans, who had built up the _ius divinum_ with its
+sober ritual and its practical ideas of the supernatural powers around
+them. We found nothing in our studies of this religion to lead us to
+suppose for an instant that it had any mental effect such as "the
+transcending of the limits of the ordinary consciousness and the feeling
+of communion with the divine nature."[733] The Latin language indeed had
+no native words for the expression of such emotions.[734]
+
+But it would be a great mistake to suppose that there was no soil in
+Italy, or even at Rome, where such emotional rites might take root. We
+may believe that the dignity and sobriety of the Roman character was in
+part at least the result of the discipline of ordered religion in family
+and state; but this is not to say that the Romans were never capable of
+religious indiscipline,--far from it. The Italian rural festival, then
+as now, was lively and indecorous, so far as we can guess from the few
+glimpses we get of it; and at Rome the ancient festival of Anna Perenna,
+in which women took part, was a scene of revelry as Ovid describes
+it,[735]--of dancing, singing, and intoxication, and we need not wonder
+that it found no place in the ancient calendar of the _ius divinum_. And
+we have lately had occasion to notice, in the new ritual instituted
+under the direction of the Sibylline books, and more especially during
+the great war, clear indications that the natural emotions of women,
+even of Roman women, had to be satisfied by shows and processions in
+which they could share, and that the ideal dignity of the Roman matron
+had often given way under the terrible stress of public and domestic
+anxiety and peril. No wonder then that when Roman armies had been for
+years in Greece, and Greeks were flocking into Rome in larger numbers
+every year, the Dionysiac rites should find their way into Italy, and no
+wonder too that they should instantly find a congenial soil, exotics
+though they were.
+
+The story of the Bacchanalia is told by Livy in his best manner, and
+whether or no it be literally true in every particular, is full of life
+and interest. It is the fashion now to reject as false whatever is
+surprising; and the latest historian of Rome dismisses Livy's account of
+the discovery of the mischief as "an interesting romance."[736]
+Fortunately we are not now concerned with this romance, if such it be; I
+only propose to dwell on one or two points more nearly concerned with
+our subject.
+
+First, let us note that the seeds of this evil crop were sown in
+Etruria, the most dangerous neighbour of the Romans from a religious
+point of view; for it is hardly too much to say that all Greek
+influences that filtered through Etruria on their way to Rome were
+contaminated in the process. According to the story,[737] a common Greek
+religious quack (_sacrificulus et vates_, as Livy calls him), of the
+type held up to scorn by Plato in the _Republic_,[738] came to Etruria
+and began to initiate in the rites; drunkenness was the result, and with
+drinking came crime and immorality of all kinds. From Etruria the
+mischief spread to Rome, and was there discovered accidentally.
+According to the evidence given, it began with a small association of
+women, who met openly in the daytime only three times a year. Then it
+fell under the direction of a priestess from Campania,--Rome's other
+most dangerous neighbour in regard to religion and morals,--who gave it
+a sinister turn. The meetings were held at night, and were accompanied
+not only by the characteristic features of the old Thracian ritual, but,
+as in Etruria, by the most abominable wickedness. It was said to have
+infected a large part of the population, including young members of
+noble families; for with the true missionary instinct, young people only
+were admitted by the hierophants. We need not necessarily believe all
+this; but it is certain, from the steps taken by the government, about
+which there is no doubt, that it is in the main a true account. The
+storm and stress of the long war with Hannibal would be enough to
+account for the phenomena, even if they were not in keeping with
+well-known psychical facts.
+
+Let us now turn for a moment to the attitude of the government in this
+extraordinary episode of Roman religious experience. The danger is dealt
+with entirely by the Senate and the magistrates; the authorities of the
+_ius divinum_ as such have nothing to do with it. It is characteristic
+of the age that it is not dealt with as a matter of religion merely, but
+as a conspiracy--_coniuratio_.[739] This is the word used by Livy, and
+we find it also in the document called _Senatusconsultum de
+Bacchanalibus_, part of which has most fortunately come down to us. This
+is the word also used, we may note, of the conspiracy of Catiline in the
+century following, and it always conveys the idea of _rebellion_ against
+the order and welfare of the State. In this case it was rebellion
+against the whole body of the _mos maiorum_, the [Greek: êthos] of the
+City-state of Rome. For it was an attempt to supersede the ancient
+religious life of that State by _externa superstitio, prava
+religio_--_prava_, because _deorum numen praetenditur sceleribus_; and
+hence, as Livy expresses it in the admirable speech put into the mouth
+of the consul, the Roman gods themselves felt their _numen_ to be
+contaminated.[740] All the speeches in Livy, except perhaps the military
+ones, are worth careful study by those who would enter into the Roman
+spirit as conceived by an Augustan writer; and this is one of the most
+valuable of them.
+
+Lastly, let us note the steps taken by the government in this emergency.
+It is treated as a matter of police, both in Rome and Italy; the guilty
+are sought out and punished as conspirators against the State, and a
+precedent of tremendous force is hereby established for all future
+dealings with _externa superstitio_, which held good even to the last
+struggle with Christianity. Where foreign rites are believed to be
+dangerous to the State or to morality, they must be rigidly suppressed
+in the Roman world; when they are harmless they may be tolerated, or
+even, like the cult of the Magna Mater, received into the sacred circle
+of Roman worships.[741] But there is yet another lesson to be learnt
+from the conduct of the government at this crisis. Who would have
+suspected, while reading the horrible story, and noting the almost
+arbitrary energy with which the _coniuratio_ was stamped out, that the
+Dionysiac rites would even now be tolerated under certain conditions?
+That this was so is a fact attested not only by Livy, but by the
+_Senatusconsultum_ itself.[742] The government was now forced to
+recognise the fact that there were Romans for whom the _ius divinum_ no
+longer sufficed, and who needed a more emotional form of religion. If
+any one (so ran in effect the _Senatusconsultum_) felt conscientiously
+that he could not wholly renounce the new religion, he might apply in
+person to the praetor urbanus; and the praetor would lay the matter
+before a meeting of the Senate, at which not less than a hundred must be
+present. The Senate may give leave for the worship, provided that no
+more than five persons be present at it; and that there be no common
+fund for its support, nor any permanent priest to preside at it. These
+clauses, says Aust,[743] are a concession to the strong spiritual
+current of feeling which sought for something fresher and better to take
+the place of the old religion of forms; and on the whole we may agree
+with him. All religious revivals are liable to be accompanied by moral
+evil, but they all express unmistakably a natural and honourable
+yearning of the human spirit.
+
+Not long after this, in 181, the government put its foot down firmly on
+what seems to have been another attempt, though in this case a ludicrous
+one, to introduce strange religious ideas at Rome. We have the story of
+this on the authority not only of Livy, but of the oldest Roman
+annalist, Cassius Hemina, from whose work Pliny has preserved a fragment
+relating to this matter.[744] Cassius must almost certainly have been
+alive in 181, and would remember the event;[745] and though his account
+and Livy's differ in details, we may take the story as in the main true.
+A secretary (_scriba_), who had land on the Janiculan hill, dug up there
+a stone coffin with an inscription stating that the king Numa was buried
+in it. No remains of a body were found, but in a square stone casket
+inside the coffin were found books written on paper (_charta_) and
+supposed to be writings of Numa about the Pythagorean philosophy. These
+writings were read by many people, and eventually by a praetor, who at
+once pronounced them to be subversive of religion. That anything
+supposed to emanate from Numa should have this character was of course
+impossible; and it is plain that the writings were believed even at the
+time to be absurd forgeries, drawn up with the idea of investing strange
+doctrines with the authority of Numa's name; for the legend of a
+religious connection between Numa and Pythagoras must have been known at
+the time. The discoverer appealed to the tribunes, who referred the
+matter to the senate; and the senate authorised the praetor to burn the
+books in the Comitium, which was done in the presence of a large
+assembly.
+
+In a later lecture I shall have something to say of the revival of
+Pythagoreanism in the time of Cicero, and I need not now attempt to
+explain what such a revival might mean. All we need to note is that
+something subversive of the Roman religion was believed to be
+circulating in 181 in Roman society under the assumed authority of
+Numa's name, and that the senate, warned by recent experience,
+determined to stamp it out at once. They seem to have suddenly become
+alive to the fact that Greece, and in this instance mainly Magna
+Graecia, was sending clever agents to Rome for the propagation of ideas
+which might make the people less tractable to authority. In the stress
+of the great war, indeed for years afterwards, they had probably never
+had leisure to reflect on the inevitable result of the writings of a man
+like Ennius, who was not improbably responsible for the propagation of
+these very Pythagorean notions.[746] Now a reaction seems to set in
+against the flowing tide of admiration for everything Greek;[747] but it
+was too late to arrest the flood. All that could be hoped for was that
+in the lives and minds of the wiser Romans the new Greek civilisation
+might so leaven the old Roman ignorance that no permanent harm should be
+done to the instincts of _virtus_ and _pietas_: and to some extent this
+hope was realised. But for the masses there was no such hope. What Greek
+teaching reached their minds was almost wholly that of the _ludi
+scenici_; and I must now say a word in conclusion about this unwholesome
+influence--unwholesome, that is, so far as it affected the old religious
+ideas.
+
+I had occasion, when dealing with Dr. Frazer's notion that the Roman
+religion admitted such ideas as the marriage of the gods with all its
+natural consequences,[748] to point out that his evidence was almost
+wholly derived from the play-writers of the very period on which we are
+now engaged. I said that he seems to be justified in concluding that
+there was a popular idea of such a kind, which the State religion did
+not recognise; but that it can very easily be explained as the natural
+effect of a degenerate Greek mythology, popularised by Greek dramas
+adapted to the Roman stage, upon certain peculiarities of the Roman
+theology, and especially the functional combination of male and female
+divine names in Italian invocations of the deities. Nothing could be
+more natural than that playwrights should take advantage of such
+combinations to invent or translate comic passages to please a Roman
+audience, "now largely consisting of semi-educated men who had lost
+faith in their own religion, and a host of smaller people of mixed
+descent and nationality." We do not know enough of the older comedies to
+be at all sure how far they had gone in this direction, though we are
+certain, to use the words of Zeller,[749] that it was impossible to
+transplant Greek poetry to Roman soil without bringing Greek mythology
+with it; or, as I should put it, without subordinating the old
+reasonable idea of the Power manifesting itself in the universe to the
+Greek fancy for clothing that Power in the human form and endowing it
+with human faults and frailties.
+
+But of the two great literary figures of the age we have now reached,
+Ennius and Plautus, we know beyond all doubt that they taught the
+ignorant Roman of their day not only to be indifferent to his deities,
+but to laugh at them. Just at the very time when the forged books of
+Numa were being burnt in the Comitium, Ennius' famous translation of the
+_Sacred History of Euhemerus_ was becoming known at Rome, in which was
+taught the doctrine of the human origin of all deities; and though we
+have hardly a fragment left of the comedies of Ennius, we may presume
+that he would not have hesitated for a moment to make the gods
+ridiculous on the stage. It was he who wrote the celebrated lines in his
+tragedy of Telamo:[750]
+
+  ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum,
+  sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus,
+
+which (as I have said elsewhere)[751] strike a direct blow at the
+efficacy of sacrifice and prayer by openly declaring that the gods did
+not interest themselves in mankind. This is the same Epicurean doctrine
+afterwards preached by Lucretius, and I must return to it in the next
+lecture. At present let us select a couple of specimens of the more
+explicit evidence of the extant plays of Plautus, which began to be
+exhibited at Rome just about the end of the war with Hannibal.
+
+Here is an example of the way in which the family relationships of Greek
+gods could be made amusing under Roman names. Alcesimarchus in the
+_Cistellaria_ wishes to make a strong asseveration, and begins:[752]
+
+  at ita me di deaeque, superi et inferi et medioxumi,
+
+but immediately goes on to specify these deities more particularly by
+their names and relationships--_and gets the latter wrong_. Melaenis
+corrects him in a way which (as Aust notes)[753] could only have seemed
+comical to a Roman audience if they had already some acquaintance with
+the divine family gossip.
+
+      itaque me Iuno regina et Iovi' supremi filia
+      itaque me Saturnus eiius patruos--ME. ecastor, pater.
+  AL. itaque me Ops opulenta, illius avia--ME. immo mater quidem.
+
+Perhaps it was the fancy of the age for divine genealogy that is here
+being made fun of rather than the gods themselves; but in any case the
+passage shows how irrecoverably lost was the real impersonal character
+of the old Roman _numen_, and how impossible it must have been in such
+an age to believe that anything was really to be gained by the once
+solemn rites of the _ius divinum_.
+
+But the most remarkable evidence is in the Amphitruo,[754] where Jupiter
+and Mercurius are among the _dramatis personae_. This comedy is
+extremely amusing, and was quite capable of entertaining the Parisians
+in the form given it by Molière; but for them it could hardly have been
+so funny as for the Greeks in the age of the New Comedy and their
+disciples the Romans of Plautus' day, who saw Zeus and Hermes, Jupiter
+and Mercurius, brought by their own misdoings into absurd and degrading
+situations. Jupiter personates Amphitruo, and so gains admission to his
+wife, Alkmene! Comment is needless, unless we take the last line of the
+play as a comment:--
+
+  Nunc, spectatores, Iovi' summi causa clare plaudite!
+
+I do not propose to follow further the downfall of the old Roman ideas
+about the objects of worship, or the neglect and decay of the _ius
+divinum_. They do not fall within the scope of my subject--the religious
+experience of the Roman people. So long as there was any life in these
+ideas and in the cult which was the practical expression of them, they
+formed part of that experience. But I think I have sufficiently proved
+that the life has gone out of the ideas, and that the worship has
+consequently become meaningless. Ideas about the divine may be discussed
+by philosophers as the Romans begin to read and in some degree to think;
+and the outward forms of the cult may be maintained in such particulars
+as most closely concern the public life of the community; but as a
+religious system expressing human experience we have done with these
+things.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XV
+
+    [706] Polybius vi. 56.
+
+    [707] Livy xxxi. 4 _ad fin._, cp. xxv. 2, xxvii. 36,
+    etc. For the _Iovis epulum_ see _R.F._ 216 foll. and the
+    references there given. Wissowa, _R.K._ foll. 111. 385
+    foll. I am not sure that I am right in limiting the
+    human partakers of the epulum of Nov. 13 to the plebeian
+    magistrates.
+
+    [708] Livy xxxi. 5. The importance of the words
+    "prolationem finium" does not seem to have been noticed
+    by historians. If they are genuine they indicate an
+    undoubtedly aggressive attitude.
+
+    [709] Livy xxxi. 7 and 8.
+
+    [710] Livy xxxvi. 1.
+
+    [711] Augustine, _Civ. Dei_, iv. 27: "Relatum est in
+    litteras doctissimum pontificem Scaevolam disputasse
+    tria genera tradita deorum: unum a poetis, alterum a
+    philosophis, tertium a principibus civitatis. Primum
+    genus nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis
+    fingantur indigna, etc. Expedire igitur falli in
+    religione civitates."
+
+    [712] Livy xxxii. 9, cp. 28. In connection with these
+    _prodigia_ it may be worth noting that in xxxii. 30 we
+    are told that a consul vowed a temple to Juno Sospita,
+    who had in her famous seat at Lanuvium been a constant
+    centre of marvel-mongering. Livy xxxiv. 53 places the
+    building of this temple _in foro olitorio_ three years
+    later, if we may read there Sospitae instead of the
+    Matutae of the MSS. with Sigonius: (cp. Aust, _de
+    Aedibus_, p. 21, and Wissowa, _R.K._ 117). This
+    interesting deity had been taken into the Roman worship
+    in 338 B.C., but not moved from Lanuvium, which had
+    peculiar religious relations with Rome. See _Myth. Lex._
+    vol. ii. p. 608, where the attributes of this Juno in
+    art are described by Vogel. The date of the temple at
+    Rome was 194. Whether the object of it was to diminish
+    the portents at Lanuvium it is impossible to say, but
+    judging from the records of _prodigia_ in Julius
+    Obsequens it had that effect. I find only four
+    _prodigia_ reported from Lanuvium after this date.
+
+    [713] See the passage in Frontinus, _de Aqueductibus_,
+    i. 7 (C. Herschel's edition gives the reading of the
+    best MS.), and the mutilated passage in the new epitomes
+    of Livy found by Grenfell and Hunt in Egypt
+    (_Oxyrrhyncus Papyri_, vol. iv. pp. 101 and 113). The
+    general bearing of the two passages taken together seems
+    to me to be that given in the text.
+
+    [714] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 1 and 2. A somewhat similar case
+    in 190 B.C. will be found in Livy xxxviii. 45, where the
+    oracle forbade a Roman army to cross the Taurus range.
+
+    [715] Livy xxxiv. 55.
+
+    [716] Livy xxxviii. 56, mentions statues which were
+    believed to be those of Scipio the elder, his brother
+    Lucius, and Ennius, "in Scipionum monumento" outside the
+    Porta Capena, and another of Scipio at Liternum, where
+    he had a villa; this one Livy says that he saw himself
+    blown down by a storm. On statues and busts at Rome, see
+    Pliny xxxiv. 28 foll.; Mrs. Strong, _Roman Sculpture_,
+    p. 28 foll.; _Cambridge Companion to Latin Studies_, p.
+    550 foll.; and for coins, p. 456.
+
+    [717] See above, p. 240, for the remarkable exception in
+    the case of the elder Scipio, whose practice when in
+    Rome was to go up to the Capitoline temple before
+    daybreak and contemplate the statue of Jupiter; the dogs
+    never barked at him, and the aedituus opened the _cella
+    Iovis_ at his summons. I see no good ground for
+    rejecting this story, which is not likely to have been
+    invented. It can be traced back to two writers, Oppius,
+    the friend of Caesar, and Julius Hyginus, the librarian
+    of Augustus (Gell. vi. 1. 1), and was probably based on
+    tradition. Livy mentions it in xxvi. 19, and suggests
+    that this and other ways of Scipio were assumed to
+    impress the multitude. The Roman mind was naturally
+    averse from such individualism in religion; but Scipio
+    was beyond doubt more familiar than his contemporaries
+    with Greek ideas. In a chapter on Idealism in his little
+    book on _Religion and Art in Ancient Greece_, Professor
+    Ernest Gardner writes: "The statue (of Athene) by
+    Phidias within the Parthenon offered not merely that
+    form in which she would choose to appear if she showed
+    herself to mortal eyes, but actually showed her form as
+    if she had revealed it to the sculptor. To look upon
+    such an image helped the worshipper as much as--perhaps
+    more than--any service or ritual, to bring himself into
+    communion with the goddess, and to fit himself, as a
+    citizen of her chosen city, to carry out her will in
+    contributing his best efforts to its supremacy in
+    politics, in literature, and in art." That Scipio had
+    some feeling of this kind need not be doubted, though
+    the statue was not a great work of art like that of
+    Phidias. Cp. Lucretius, vi. 75 foll.
+
+    [718] See below, p. 386.
+
+    [719] Marquardt, 332, and Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, i. ed.
+    2, p. 463 foll.
+
+    [720] Livy, _Epit._ xix.
+
+    [721] Livy xxxvii. 51: "Religio ad postremum vicit, ut
+    dicto audiens esset flamen pontifici." Here _religio_ is
+    used in the sense of obligation to the _ius divinum_.
+
+    [722] Livy xxvii. 6; cp. 36.
+
+    [723] This story is told in Livy xl. 42.
+
+    [724] Livy xxvii. 8. For the compelling power (_capere_)
+    of the Pont. Max., see Marq. 314. The story may have
+    come from the annals of the Valerii Flacci, and also
+    from those of the pontifices; it was apparently well
+    known, as Valerius Maximus knew it (vi. 9. 2).
+
+    [725] Velleius ii. 43.
+
+    [726] Livy xxxi. 50.
+
+    [727] For the oath see "Lex incerta reperta Bantiae,"
+    lines 16 and 17, in Bruns, _Fontes Iuris Romani_. The
+    oath taboo is mentioned by Gellius 10. 15. 3.; Festus
+    104, and Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 113.
+
+    [728] Livy xxxii. 7; xxxix. 39.
+
+    [729] Tac. _Ann._ iv. 16.
+
+    [730] See above, p. 255.
+
+    [731] Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. v. p.
+    85 foll. Very interesting is the modern survival of
+    Dionysiac rites recently discovered in Thrace by Mr.
+    Dawkins (_Hellenic Journal_, 1906, p. 191).
+
+    [732] Farnell, _op. cit._ vol. v. p. 150.
+
+    [733] Quoted by Farnell, p. 151, from Rohde's _Psyche_.
+
+    [734] It is possible that _superstitio_ may originally
+    have had some such meaning; see W. Otto in _Archiv für
+    Religionswissenschaft_, 1909, p. 548 foll.; Mayor's
+    edition of Cic. _de Nat. Deorum_, note on ii. 72 foll.
+
+    [735] Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 523 foll. See also _Roman
+    Society in the Age of Cicero_, p. 289.
+
+    [736] See Mr. Heitland's _History of the Roman
+    Republic_, vol. ii. p. 229 note, and cp. Wissowa in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._ _s.v._ "Bacchanalia."
+
+    [737] Livy xxxix. 8 foll.
+
+    [738] Plato, _de Rep._ 364 B; cp. _Laws_, 933 D.
+
+    [739] "Quaestio de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta
+    est," Livy xxxix. 8; so also in chs. 14 and 17. Cp.
+    _Sctm. de Bacchanalibus_, line 13, "conioura (se)." This
+    document is, strictly speaking, a letter to the
+    magistrates "in agro Teurano" in Bruttium embodying the
+    orders of the Senatus consultum. It will be found in
+    Bruns, _Fontes Iuris Romani_, or in Wordsworth,
+    _Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin_.
+
+    [740] Livy xxxix. 16: "Omnia, dis propitiis
+    volentibusque, faciemus, qui quia suum numen sceleribus
+    libidinibusque contaminari indigne ferebant," etc.
+
+    [741] Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, p. 567 foll.
+
+    [742] Livy xxxix. 18 _ad fin._ _Sctm. de Bacch._ lines 3
+    foll.
+
+    [743] _Religion der Römer_, p. 78.
+
+    [744] Livy xl. 29 seems to have put his account together
+    from Cassius Hemina and other annalists, so far as we
+    can judge from the reference to them in Pliny, _N.H._
+    xiii. 84; Valerius Antias, who simply stated that the
+    writings were Pythagorean as well as Numan, Livy
+    rejects as ignorant of the chronological impossibility
+    of making the king contemporary with the philosopher.
+    The fragment of Cassius Hemina is quoted in Pliny, sec.
+    86; Val. Max. i. 1, and Plutarch, _Numa_ 22, add nothing
+    to our knowledge of the incident.
+
+    [745] See Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_, i. 268;
+    Pliny, _loc. cit._, calls him "vetustissimus auctor
+    annalium," but his work was later than the _Annals_ or
+    _Origines_ of Cato.
+
+    [746] Ennius came from South Italy (Rudiae in Messapia),
+    the home of Pythagoreanism. For traces of it in his
+    works, see Reid on Cicero, _Academica priora_, ii. 51.
+
+    [747] This is the view taken by Colin, _Rome et la
+    Grèce, 200-146 B.C._, p. 269 foll. This reaction was
+    probably only a part of the general reversion to
+    conservatism which we have been noticing in the action
+    of the government in religious matters.
+
+    [748] See above, p. 149 foll.
+
+    [749] Quoted by Aust, _Religion der Römer_, p. 64. The
+    passage is in Zeller's _Religion und Philosophie bei den
+    Römern_, a short treatise reprinted in his _Vorträge und
+    Abhandlungen_, ii. 93 foll.
+
+    [750] Ribbeck, _Fragmenta Tragicorum Latinorum_, p. 54.
+
+    [751] _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p.
+    334.
+
+    [752] _Cistellaria_, ii. 1. 45 foll.
+
+    [753] Aust, _op. cit._ p. 66.
+
+    [754] See Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_, vol. i.
+    p. 75.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XVI
+
+GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION
+
+
+I said at the end of the last lecture that ideas about the Divine might
+be discussed at Rome by philosophers, as the Romans began to read and in
+some degree to think. At the era we have now reached, the latter half of
+the second century B.C., this process actually began, and I propose in
+this lecture to deal with it briefly. But my subject is the Roman
+religious experience, and I can only find room for philosophy so far as
+the philosophy introduced at Rome had a really religious side. Another
+reason forbidding me to give much space to it is that it was at Rome
+entirely exotic, did not spring from an indigenous root in Roman life
+and thought, and never seriously affected the minds of the lower and
+less educated population. And I must add that the types of Greek
+philosophy which concern us at all have been fully and ably dealt with,
+the one in vol. ii. of Dr. Caird's lectures on this foundation on _The
+Evolution of Theology in the Greek Philosophers_, a work from which I
+have learnt much, and the other by Dr. Masson in his most instructive
+work on the great Epicurean poet Lucretius.
+
+We have seen in the two last lectures that in that second century B.C.
+the Roman was fast becoming religiously destitute--a castaway without
+consolation, and without the sense that he needed it. He was destitute,
+first, in regard to his idea of God and of his relation to God; for if
+we take our old definition of religion, which seems to me to be
+continually useful, we can hardly say of that age that it showed any
+effective desire to be in right relation with the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. The old idea of the manifestation of the Power
+in the various _numina_ had no longer any relation to Roman life; the
+kind of life in which it germinated and grew, the life of agriculture
+and warlike self-defence, had passed away with the growth of the great
+city, the decay of the small farmer, and the extension of the empire;
+and no new informing and inspiring principle had taken its place.
+Secondly, he was destitute in regard to his sense of duty, which had
+been largely dependent on religion, both in the family and in the State.
+No new force had come in to create and maintain conscience. In public
+life, indeed, the religious oath was still powerful, and continued to be
+so, though there are some signs that its binding force was less strong
+than of yore, especially in the army.[755] But in a society so complex
+as that of Rome in the last two centuries B.C. much more was wanted than
+a bond sanctioned by civil and religious law; there was needed a sense
+of duty to the family, the slave, the provincials, the poor and
+unfortunate. There was no spring of moral action, no religious
+consecration of morality, no stimulus to moral endeavour. The individual
+was rapidly developing, emancipating himself from the State and the
+group-system of society; but he was developing in a wrong direction. The
+importance of self, when realised in high and low alike, was becoming
+self-seeking, indifference to all but self. We have now to see whether
+philosophy could do anything to relieve this destitution of the Romans
+in regard both to God and duty.
+
+The first system of philosophy actually to make its appearance at Rome
+was that of Epicurus[756]; but it speedily disappeared for the time, and
+only became popular in the last century B.C., and then in its most
+repulsive form. It was indeed destined to inspire the noblest mind among
+all Roman thinkers with some of the greatest poetry ever written; but I
+need say little of it, for it was never really a part of Roman religious
+experience. Though capable of doing men much good in a turbulent and
+individualistic age, it did not and could not do this by establishing a
+religious sanction for conduct. The Epicurean gods were altogether out
+of reach of the conscience of the individual. They were superfluous even
+for the atomic theory on which the whole system was pivoted;[757] and
+what Epicurus himself understood by them, or any of his followers down
+to Lucretius, is matter of subtle and perplexing disputation.[758] One
+point is clear, that they had no interest in human beings;[759] and the
+natural inference would be that human beings had no call to worship
+them; yet, strange to say, Epicurus himself took part in worship, and in
+the worship of the national religion of his native city. Philodemus, the
+contemporary of Lucretius, expressly asserts this,[760] and even insists
+that Epicurism gave a religious sanction to morality which was absent in
+Stoicism.[761] Lucretius himself clearly thought that worship was
+natural and possible. "If you do not clear your mind of false notions,"
+he says, "nec delubra deum placido cum pectore adibis."[762] Man might
+go on with his ancestral worship, but entirely without fear, and as with
+"placid mind" he took part in the rites of his fathers, a mysterious
+divine influence might enter his mind; "the images of a Zeus, a
+Heracles, an Athene, might pass in and impress on him the aspect and
+character of each deity, and carry with them suggestions of virtue, of
+courage, of wise counsel in difficulty."[763] Evidently both Epicurus
+and his followers had felt the difficulty and the peril of breaking
+entirely with the religious habits of the mass of the people, and had
+conscientiously done their best to reconcile their own belief with
+popular practice--an attempt which has its parallel in the religious
+speculation of the present day.
+
+But for the Roman follower of Epicurus, wholly unused to such subtle
+ideas as the passage of divine influence into the mind by means of
+religious contemplation, this lame attempt to bring apathetic gods into
+relation with human life must have been quite meaningless. Cicero well
+expresses the common sense of a Roman at the very beginning of his
+treatise on the _Nature of the Gods_.[764] "If they are right who deny
+that the gods have any interest in human affairs, where is there room
+for _pietas_, for _sanctitas_, for _religio_?" What, he adds, is the use
+of worship, of honour, of prayer? If these are simply make-believes,
+_pietas_ cannot exist, and with it we may almost assume that _fides_ and
+_iustitia_, and the social virtues generally, which hold society
+together, must vanish too. Such criticism is characteristically Roman,
+and we may take it as representing accurately the feeling of the
+old-fashioned Roman of Cicero's day, as well as of the Stoic or Academic
+critic of Epicurism. On the other hand, the believing Epicurean at Rome
+was not more likely to accept the compromise; he had done with his own
+gods and their worship, and such a "ficta simulatio" was not likely to
+attract him. Even Lucretius, whose mind was in a sense really religious,
+does no more in the passage I quoted just now than _allude_ to actual
+worship of the gods, and he makes it quite clear that the tranquillity
+and happiness coming from contemplation, and the punishment that follows
+misdoing, are both purely subjective; the gods are not active in
+influencing man's life, but man influences that life himself by opening
+his mind to the contemplation of the gods. This passage of Lucretius
+(vi. 68 foll.) is, if I am not mistaken, the nearest approach to real
+religion that we find in the history of Roman Epicurism; yet so far as
+we know it bore no fruit. It seems to me to express a genuine feeling, a
+_religio_, but the expression is blurred by a consciousness of
+inconsistency.
+
+The fact is that in the system of Epicurus the Power manifesting itself
+in the universe is not a divine Power, but a mechanical one; the gods
+have nothing to do with it, they cannot be active, their perfection is
+found in repose; they are an adjunct, an after-thought in the system.
+Thus all attempts to reconcile the Power with the popular religion must
+inevitably be failures, and more especially so in the Roman world. At
+best the Epicurean gods could but set an example of quietism which could
+not possibly be a force for good in that active world of business and
+government.[765] The real force of Epicurism, for the Roman at least, if
+I am not mistaken, was _analogous_ to a religious force, though far
+indeed from being one in reality--I mean the profound and touching
+belief in the Founder himself as a saviour, which is so familiar to all
+readers of Lucretius.[766] And the real legacy of Lucretius himself to
+Roman religion is only indirectly a religious one--I mean the wholesome
+contempt for "_superstitio_" and all the baser side of religious belief
+and practice, old and new.[767] If his devotion to the Master had been
+rooted more in the love of goodness and less in the admiration for his
+speculations, and if his contempt for _superstitio_ had been less
+harshly dogmatic, had he been more sympathetic and generous in his
+attitude to the Italian ideas of the divine--the power of Lucretius
+might possibly have been strong and permanent.
+
+Thus for the Roman's destitution in regard to God Epicurism could find
+no remedy, and as a consequence it could provide no religious sanction
+for his conduct in life. What power it had upon conduct as a system of
+ethics is a question outside the range of my subject. No doubt a certain
+type of mind, naturally pure and good, and apt to retire upon itself,
+might find in Epicurism not only no harm but even positive help; perhaps
+the best way to appreciate this fact, too often overlooked, is to read
+the defence of the Epicurean ethics put into the mouth of Torquatus, in
+the first book of the _de Finibus_,[768] by one who was far from being
+in sympathy with the creed. But for the Roman of that age, when ideas of
+duty and discipline were losing strength, this enticing faith, with
+pleasure as its _summum bonum_, and with quietism as its ideal of human
+life,[769] could hardly be a real stimulus to active virtue; the Roman
+needed bracing, and this was not a tonic, but a sedative. Far more
+valuable in every way, and far better suited to the best instincts of
+the Roman character, was the rival creed of Stoicism, and I must devote
+the rest of this lecture to the consideration of its religious aspect.
+
+It was most fortunate for Rome that her best and ablest men in the
+second century B.C. fell into the hands, not of Epicureans, but of
+Stoics--into the hands, too, of a single Stoic of high standing, fine
+character, and good sense. For destitute as the Roman was both in regard
+to God and to Duty, he found in Stoicism an explanation of man's place
+in the universe,--an explanation relating him directly to the Power
+manifesting itself therein, and deriving from that relation a _binding_
+principle of conduct and duty. This should make the religious character
+of Stoicism at once apparent. It is perfectly true, as the late Mr.
+Lecky said long ago,[770] that "Stoicism, taught by Panaetius of Rhodes,
+and soon after by the Syrian Posidonius, became the true religion of the
+educated classes. It furnished the principles of virtue, coloured the
+noblest literature of the time, and guided all the developments of moral
+enthusiasm." To this I only need to add that it woke in the mind an
+entirely new idea of Deity, far transcending that of Roman _numina_ and
+of Greek polytheism, and yet not incapable of being reconciled with
+these; so that it might be taken as an inpouring of sudden light upon
+old conceptions of the Power, glorifying and transfiguring them, rather
+than, like the Epicurean faith, a bitter and contemptuous negation of
+man's inherited religious instincts. But before we go on to consider
+this illumination more closely, let me say a few words about Panaetius
+the Stoic missionary, and Scipio Aemilianus, his most famous disciple.
+
+Scipio, born 184, was a happy combination of the best Roman aristocratic
+character and the receptive intelligence which for a Roman was the chief
+result of a Greek liberal education. He had been educated by his famous
+father, Aemilius Paulus, in a thoroughly healthy way; he was no mere
+book-student, but a practical courageous Roman, with a solid mental
+foundation of moral rectitude (_pietas_) fixed firmly in the traditions
+and instincts of his own family. On this foundation, as has been well
+said,[771] a superstructure of intellectual culture might be built
+securely without destroying it, and this was exactly what did take
+place, both for Scipio and for that circle of friends of his which has
+become so famous in Roman history. In very early life he became the
+intimate friend of Polybius, whose account of their first unreserved
+intercourse is one of the most delightful passages in all ancient
+literature;[772] and from Polybius he doubtless learnt to think. He must
+have learnt to understand the real nature of the Roman empire, to
+appreciate the forces which had called it into being,[773] the qualities
+which had preserved it through the fearful struggle with Hannibal, and
+the duty of a noble Roman in regard to it. From Polybius, indeed, it is
+not likely that he gained much light on matters either of religion or
+morality; but that statesman and historian must inevitably have
+accustomed him, in the course of their long intercourse, to think more
+deeply than Roman had ever yet thought, about the world in which he
+lived and was to act for many years the leading part. Thus he was well
+prepared for the friendship of a more spiritual guide.
+
+Panaetius, who was probably about the same age as Scipio, had the
+advantage, as a visitor at Rome, of being a Rhodian, _i.e._ a citizen of
+the one Greek State which had been almost continuously on good terms
+with Rome, and of great value to her. He was also a scion of an old and
+honoured family in that city, and was thus in every way a fit friend and
+companion for a great Roman noble. When their friendship began we do not
+know for certain; but it is a fact that he lived for some two years,
+together with Polybius, in the house of Scipio, and these years were
+probably between 144 and 141 B.C., after Scipio's return from the
+conquest of Carthage.[774] When Scipio in 141 was commissioned by the
+Senate to go and set things in order in the eastern Mediterranean, he
+took Panaetius with him,[775] and brought him home to live with him
+again as a guest, perhaps until he left for the Numantine war in 134,
+after which it is not likely that they met again before Scipio's sudden
+death in 129. I am particular about the extent of their intimacy,
+because I wish to make it clear that this was no ordinary or fleeting
+friendship between a commonplace Greek philosopher and an average Roman
+statesman. Both statesman and philosopher were far above the usual level
+of their kind, and in the course of this long intimacy must have had
+full opportunity of learning from each other. From Scipio Panaetius
+would learn the secrets of the Roman temperament, and divine the right
+methods of dealing with it, and the result of this was a happy
+modification of the old rigidity of the Stoic principles--an adaptation
+of them to the Roman character which had far-reaching consequences. From
+Panaetius Scipio and his friends would learn a new and illuminating
+conception of man's place in the universe, and of his relation to the
+Power manifested in it. To understand the power of Stoicism on the mind
+of these Romans and their intellectual successors, it is necessary to
+have a clear idea of this illumination.
+
+Hitherto there had been nothing in the religion of Rome, or of any other
+city-state, to make it inevitable, reasonable, that man should worship
+the Power, except tradition and self-interest, involved in the tradition
+and self-interest of the family and the city. The gods belonged, as we
+saw, to family or city as divine inhabitants, and if you neglected them
+they would show their anger against you. Originally it was _religio_,
+the feeling of awe for something distinct from man and unknown to him,
+which forced him to propitiate that which he might fear, but had no
+reason, except the instinct of self-preservation, to reverence; and
+later on, as he came to know his _numina_ better, to make them, so to
+speak, his own, and to formulate the methods of propitiating them, he
+gradually came also to take them for granted, and to worship them as a
+matter of traditional duty. The idea of conforming his life to the will
+of any of these _numina_ would, of course, be absolutely strange to
+him--the expression would have no meaning whatever for him. The help
+which he sought from them was not moral help, but material.[776] But
+now, when the _religio_ has been hypnotised and soothed away, and when
+the tradition of ceremonial observance was growing dim and weak, when he
+is left alone with his fellow-men, and without any binding reason for
+right conduct towards them, he may learn from Stoicism that there is a
+Power above and beyond all his _numina_, yet involving and embracing
+them all, to which, and by the help of which, as a man endowed with
+reason, he _must_ conform his life.
+
+The theology held and taught by Panaetius, in common with all Stoics at
+all periods, was based upon two leading thoughts, in the correlation of
+which lay the kernel of the Stoic ethical system. The first of these
+thoughts is this: the whole universe, in all its forms and
+manifestations, shows unmistakably the work of Reason, of Mind; without
+mind, reason, _spiritus_, as Cicero calls it,[777] the universe could
+not exist. I need not go here into the origin and history of this
+thought; what is important for us is to make clear the theological
+consequences of it. Obviously it was natural that the Stoic should be
+led on to the conviction that this universe endowed with Reason--with a
+Reason far transcending all human capacity--must itself be God. The
+Stoic arguments in support of this further step are indeed lame, as they
+inevitably must be; they are well set forth at the beginning of Book ii.
+of Cicero's work _de Natura Deorum_ (based upon one by Posidonius, the
+successor and disciple of Panaetius), where they seem to us rather cold
+and formal. That step is indeed incapable of being made convincing by
+any syllogism; it is only when we try to think with the minds of those
+old thinkers, living in a world of unmeaning worship, that we begin to
+realise the nobility of a conviction which they tried in vain to reduce
+to a syllogism. _Sapiens a principio mundus, et deus habendus est_;[778]
+these words, which sound like an article of a creed, suffice for us
+without the laborious arguments of Cleanthes and Chrysippus which we may
+read in the fifth and sixth chapters of Cicero's book. Cicero has added
+to these a characteristic illustration from city life, which I may quote
+as more useful for us. "If a man enters a house or a gymnasium or a
+forum, and sees reason, method, and discipline reigning there, he cannot
+suppose that these came about without a cause, but perceives that there
+is someone there who rules and is obeyed: how much more, when he
+contemplates the motions and revolutions to be seen in the universe
+(_e.g._, in the heavenly bodies), must he conclude that they are all
+governed by a conscious Mind!" And this Mind can be nothing else but
+God.
+
+This sounds like the Deism of the eighteenth century, and might be
+described as "natural religion"; but the Stoics took yet another step,
+and developed their thought into Pantheism. The idea of a personal
+Deity, distinct from the universe and its Creator, was obnoxious to
+them; it would have committed them to a dualism of Mind and Matter
+which, from the very outset of their history, they emphatically
+repudiated; their conviction was of a Unity in all things, and to this
+they consistently held in spite of constant and damaging criticism. The
+theological result of this conviction has lately been well expressed by
+Dr. Bussell.[779] He is speaking of Seneca in particular, but what he
+says applies to all Stoics equally well: "Though he yearns to see God
+in 'the moral order of the Universe,' he is forced in the interests of
+Unity to identify Him with every other known force. As He is everything,
+so any name will suit Him. He is the sum of existence: or the secret and
+abstract law which guides it: He is Nature or Fate. The partial names of
+special deities are all His, and together they make up the fulness of
+the divine title; but _they disappear in the immense nothingness_,
+rather than colour or qualify it." This is a point of immense importance
+for the study of Stoicism at Rome; it was fully developed by Posidonius,
+and copied from him both by Cicero and Varro. "God," says Cicero in the
+book I have been quoting, "pervading all nature (_pertinens per naturam
+cuiusque rei_), can be understood as Ceres on the land, as Neptune on
+the sea, and so on, and may be and should be worshipped in all these
+different forms;" not in superstitious fear and grovelling spirit--the
+mental attitude which Lucretius had condemned years before this treatise
+was written--but with pure heart and mind, following the one and true
+God in all his various manifestations.[780] Thus the Stoic Pantheism, in
+spite of its weak points, could find room for the deities of the
+city-state, and put new illuminating life into them. To us it may seem,
+as it seems to Dr. Bussell, that they would disappear in an immense
+nothingness; but to the Roman mind of Scipio's age, if I am not
+mistaken, they might, on the contrary, save the great Pantheistic idea
+from so itself disappearing. I cannot but think that the Roman's idea of
+divinity, the force or will-power which he called _numen_,[781] would
+find here a means of reviving its former hold on the Roman mind, and
+enabling it to grasp as a concrete fact, and not merely as an abstract
+idea, the "deus pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei." In particular the
+Roman conception of the great Jupiter, the father of heaven, might gain
+new life for the people who had so long been used to call him "the Best
+and Greatest." Almost from the very beginning of Stoicism the school had
+seized upon Zeus to convey, under the guise of a personality and a name,
+some idea of the Reason in the universe;[782] and the same use might
+just as well, perhaps even better, be made of the great deity of the
+Capitoline temple, whom his people recognised as the open heaven with
+all its manifestations, the celestial representative of good faith and
+righteous dealing, and the special protector of the destinies of Rome
+and her empire.
+
+The second thought which lies at the base of the religion or theology of
+Stoicism, is this: that Man himself, alone in all the Universe, shares
+with God the full possession of Reason. In other words, Man alone,
+besides God, is strictly individual, self-conscious, capable of
+realising an end and of working towards it; he is so utterly different
+from the animals, so far above them (or if we call him an animal, he is,
+in Cicero's language,[783] _animal providum, sagax, multiplex, acutum,
+memor, plenum rationis et consilii_), that he must surely be of the same
+nature as God. And this is what, in strict conformity with all Stoic
+teaching, Cicero in this same passage expressly says--man is _generatus
+a deo_. So too in the famous hymn of Cleanthes,[784] quoted by St. Paul
+at Athens ("For we are also his offspring,"):--
+
+  Chiefest glory of deathless Gods, Almighty for ever,
+  Sovereign of Nature that rulest by law, what name shall
+    we give thee?
+  Blessed be Thou, for on Thee should call all things that are mortal.
+  For that we are Thy offspring: nay, all that in myriad motion
+  Lives for its day on the earth bears one impress, Thy likeness,
+    upon it;
+  Wherefore my song is of Thee, and I hymn Thy power for ever.
+
+In these splendid lines it is plain that not Man only is thought of, but
+all living things, animals included with Man; and this is in accordance
+with the true Stoic Pantheism. But none the less on this account did
+the Stoics believe Man to be the one living thing in the universe
+comparable with God, and capable of communion with him by virtue of the
+possession of Reason. As Cicero says, a few lines farther on in the work
+I am quoting, "virtus eadem in homine ac deo est, neque ullo alio
+ingenio praeterea." And since every creature seeks to maintain and
+augment its own being, to bring it to perfection, to express it fully,
+by an innate law of its nature, Man being endowed with Reason above all
+other creatures, strives, or should strive, to bring himself to a
+perfect expression, by identifying himself with the divine principle
+which he shares with God. As Dr. Caird puts it,[785] "the ruling power
+of Reason so dominates his nature that he cannot be described as
+anything but a self-conscious _ego_ (_i.e._ in contrast with other
+animals); and just because of this, all his impulses become concentrated
+in one great effort after self-realisation." But the self that he tries
+to realise must be his true self, not his irrational impulses: the self
+which is a part of the divine principle. He must desire to realise
+himself as having Reason, and so to come into close communion with God,
+the Reason of the universe. Those who are at all familiar with the later
+Roman Stoics, Seneca and Marcus Aurelius, and Epictetus, if we may
+include him among them, will recognise in this inspiring thought, vague
+and impalpable as it may seem, the germ of many beautiful expressions of
+the relation of Man to God, which seem to bring Stoicism into closer
+spiritual connection with Christianity than any other doctrine of the
+ancient world.
+
+The work of Cicero from which I have been quoting, the first book of his
+treatise on the Laws, _i.e._ the Roman constitution, is very probably
+based on one by Panaetius himself,[786] of whom we are expressly told
+that he used to discuss that constitution together with Polybius and
+Scipio in the days of their happy intimacy at Rome.[787] In any case we
+may find it helpful, taken together with the earlier fragmentary work
+_de Republica_, in trying to form some idea of the effect of this second
+leading Stoic thought on the best Roman minds of the last ages of the
+Republic. We find, as we might expect, that it is not on Man simply as
+individual that stress is here laid. Man is not thought of as hoping to
+realise his own Reason in isolation; the Stoics, though, like their
+rivals, they represent a reaction of the individual against the State,
+were all along perfectly clear that man in isolation would be helpless,
+and that his own reason bade him realise himself in association with his
+fellow-men.[788] It is the position of Man, as associated, 1, with God,
+2, with other men, that is here made prominent; and the bond of
+connection is in each case Law, which is indeed only one name for the
+Supreme Reason and the highest Good. I must say a word about these two
+aspects of Man's position in the world, in order to explain what I
+believe to have been the effect of this teaching on the Roman mind.
+
+1. In explaining the relation of Man to God Cicero uses an expression
+which some years before he had developed in a fine passage in the
+Republic: _true law_, he says, _is right reason_.[789] In the Laws he
+takes it up again, and argues that as both God and Man have reason,
+there must be a direct relation between them.[790] And as Law and right
+reason are identical, we may say that Law is the binding force of that
+relation. And again, this means that the universe may be looked on as
+one great State (_civitas_), of which both God and Man (or gods and men)
+are citizens, or in another way as a State of which the constitution is
+itself the Reason, or God's law, which all reasonable beings must obey.
+Such obedience is itself the effort by which Man realises his own
+reason: he is a part of a reasonable universe, and he cannot rebel
+against its law without violating his own highest instinct. It is not
+hard to see how this way of expressing the Stoic theological principle
+would appeal to the Roman mind. That mind was wholly incapable of
+metaphysical thinking; but it could without effort understand, with the
+help of its social and political principles and experience, the idea of
+supreme intelligent rule--a supreme _imperium_, as it were, to rebel
+against which would be a moral _perduellio_, high treason against a
+supreme Law, unwritten like his own, and resting, as he thought of his
+own as resting, on the best instincts, tradition, reason, of his
+community; from his own constitution and laws he could lift his mind
+without much difficulty to the constitution and law of the _communis
+deorum et hominum civitas_. The idea of God in any such sense as this
+was indeed new to him; but he could grasp it under the expression
+"universal law of right reason" when he would have utterly failed, for
+example, to conceive of it as "the Absolute." He can feel himself the
+citizen of a State whose maker and ruler is God, and whose law is the
+inevitable force of Reason; he can realise his relationship to God as a
+part of the same State, gifted with the same power of discerning its
+legal basis, nay, even helping to administer its law by rational
+obedience.
+
+2. Reason as thus ruling the universe can also provide a basis for Man's
+reasonable association with his fellow-men, and a religious basis if
+conceived as God; for Man's recognition of the divine law, the _recta
+ratio_, as binding on him, is followed quite naturally by his
+recognition of the application of that law to the world he lives in.
+"Human law comes into existence," says Zeller, explaining this
+point,[791] "when man becomes aware of the divine law, and recognises
+its claim on him." Here, again, it is easy to see how illuminating would
+be this conception of law for the Roman of Scipio's time. So far the
+Roman idea and study of law (as I have elsewhere expressed it)[792] had
+been of a crabbed, practical character, wanting in breadth of treatment,
+destitute of any philosophical conception of the moral principles which
+lie behind all law and government. The new doctrine called up life in
+these dry bones, and started Roman lawyers, many of whom were Stoics
+more or less pronounced, on a career of enlightened legal study which
+has left one of the most valuable legacies inherited by the modern
+world from ancient civilisation. In another way too it had, I think, an
+immediate effect on Scipio himself and his circle, and on their mental
+descendants, of whom Cicero was the most brilliant: it made them look on
+the law and constitution of their State as eminently reasonable, and on
+rebellion against it as unreason, or as the Romans call it, _lascivia_,
+wanton disregard of principle. So far as I know, no great Roman lawyer
+was ever a revolutionary like Catiline or Clodius, nor yet an obstinate
+conservative like Cato, whose Stoicism was of the older and less
+Romanised type; the two of whom we know most in the century following
+the arrival of Panaetius were both wise, just, and moderate men, Mucius
+Scaevola and Servius Sulpicius, of whom it may be truly said they
+contributed as much to civilisation as the great military and political
+leaders of the same period.[793]
+
+There now remains the question whether this noble Stoic religion, as we
+may fairly call it, with its ideas of the relation of Man to God and to
+his fellow-men, had, after all, sufficient definiteness for a Roman to
+act as a grip on his conscience and his conduct in his daily dealings
+with others. It could deduce the existence and beauty of the social
+virtues from its own principles; if Man partakes of the eternal Reason,
+or, as they otherwise put it, if he is through his Reason a part of God
+himself in the highest sense, and if God and Reason are in the highest
+sense good, then in realising his own Reason, in obeying the voice of
+the God within him,[794] he must be himself good by the natural instinct
+of his own being. Accordingly, these social virtues, duties, _officia_,
+as the Romans called them, were set forth by Panaetius in two books,
+which in a Latinised form we still fortunately possess,--the first two
+of Cicero's work _de Officiis_,--and without the uncompromising rigidity
+which characterised the original Stoic ethical doctrine inherited from
+the Cynics.[795] In the first book he treated of the good simply
+(_honestum_), in the second of the useful (_utile_), and in a third,
+which it was left for Cicero to execute, of the cases of conflict
+between these two. In this charming work there is much to admire, and
+even much to learn: the social virtues--benevolence, justice,
+liberality, self-restraint, and so on, are enlarged upon and illustrated
+by historical examples[796] in perfect Latin by Cicero; and as we read
+it we cannot but feel that the influence of Panaetius upon his educated
+Roman pupils must have been eminently wholesome.
+
+But at the same time we inevitably feel that there is something wanting.
+What power could such a discussion really have to constrain an ordinary
+man to right action? The constraint, such as it is, seems purely an
+intellectual process, and this is indeed noticeable in the Stoic ethics
+of all periods. No Stoic brought his doctrine nearer to a religious
+system than Epictetus; yet this is how Epictetus puts the matter:[797]
+"If a man could be thoroughly penetrated, as he ought to be, with this
+_thought_, that we are all in an especial manner sprung from God, and
+that God is the Father of men as well as gods, full sure he would never
+conceive aught ignoble or base of himself.... Those few who _hold_ that
+they are born for fidelity, modesty, and unerring rightness in dealing
+with the things of sense, never conceive aught base or ignoble of
+themselves." He means that, for the real Stoic, _self-respect is the
+necessary consequence of his intellectual conception of his place in the
+universe_, and that self-respect must as inevitably result in virtue.
+Can this intellectual attitude really act as a constraining force on the
+will of the average man? This is far too complicated a question for me
+to enter upon here, and I can but suggest the study of it for anyone who
+would wish to test the actual life-giving moral power of this
+philosophy. Suffice it to say that their idea of the universe as Reason
+and God naturally led the Stoics into a kind of Fatalism, a destined
+order in the world which nothing could effectually oppose;[798] and they
+were naturally in some difficulty in reconciling this with the freedom
+of Man's will. That freedom they constantly and consistently asserted;
+but it comes after all to this, that Man is free to bring his will into
+conformity, _through knowledge_, with the Power and the universal
+Reason; or, as Dr. Caird puts it,[799] "Man has the choice whether he
+will be a willing or an unwilling servant (of the universal Reason):
+unwilling, if he makes it his aim to satisfy his particular self, an aim
+which he can only attain so far as the general system of things allows
+him; willing, if he identifies himself with the divine reason which is
+manifested in that system." But that identification of himself with the
+divine Reason is again an intellectual process; it can only be realised
+by minds highly trained in thinking; it could not have the smallest grip
+on the conduct of the ordinary ignorant man, or on the minds of women
+and children.
+
+And here we come upon another weak point in Stoicism as presented to the
+Roman world in this last century B.C. It was an age in which gentleness,
+tenderness, pity, and the philanthropic spirit were most sadly needed,
+and it cannot be said of Stoicism that it had any mission to encourage
+their growth. The Stoics looked on the mass of men as ignorant and
+wicked,[800] and it never occurred to them that it was a duty of the
+Good Man to teach and redeem them,--to sacrifice his life, if need be,
+in the work of enlightenment. They seem to have thought even of women
+and children as hardly partaking of Reason; their ideally good man was
+virtuous in a strictly virile way,[801] and it never occurred to them
+that training in goodness must begin from the earliest years, and be
+gradually developed with infinite sympathy and tenderness. If a man is
+to learn that there is something within him which partakes of God, and
+which should naturally lead him to right conduct, he must begin to learn
+this truth in his infancy.[802] But the absence of a place for emotion
+and sympathy in the Stoic system, resulting from the purely intellectual
+nature of their central doctrine of Reason, meant also the absence of
+any spirit of enthusiastic propaganda. Their notion that emotion or
+passion is "a movement of mind contrary to reason and nature,"[803]
+lamed their whole system as a progressive force in the world of that
+day. Such religious power as it could exercise worked simply through
+the radiating influence of a few wise and good men, by nature pure and
+unselfish, who gradually familiarised the educated part of society with
+a nobler idea of God than the old religion had ever been able to supply,
+and with that other inspiring idea of the near relation of Man to God as
+partaking of His nature. But the active enthusiasm of a real
+religion--the _effective_ desire to be in right relation with the
+Power--was strange to Stoicism. In one way or another it had many
+excellent results; it cleared the ground, for example, for a new and
+universal religion by putting into the shade, if not altogether out of
+the way, the old local cults with their narrow and limited civic force:
+it glorified the idea of law and order in an age when the Roman world
+seemed to be forgetting what these sacred words meant; _but a real
+active enthusiasm of humanity was wanting in it_. Hence there is a
+certain hopelessness about Stoicism, which increased rather than
+diminished as the world went on, and such as is seen in a kind of sad
+grandeur in Marcus Aurelius, the Stoic emperor. Of him it may be said,
+both as emperor and philosopher, as has been said of the Stoic in
+general, that "he was essentially a soldier left to hold a fort
+surrounded by overpowering hosts of the enemy. He could not conquer or
+drive them away, but he could hold out to the last and die at his post."
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XVI.
+
+    [755] See, _e.g._ Livy iii. 20: "Sed nondum haec, quae
+    nunc tenet saeculum, neglegentia deum venerat; nec
+    interpretando sibi quisque iusiurandum et leges aptas
+    faciebat, sed suos potius mores ad ea accommodabat." Cp.
+    Cic. _de Off._ iii. 111.
+
+    [756] Two Epicureans were expelled from Rome in 173
+    (probably), Athenaeus, p. 547. Cicero, _Tusc._ iv. 3, 7,
+    gives some idea of the later popularity of the school in
+    the first half of the last century B.C.
+
+    [757] So Masson, _Lucretius_, i. 263, 271.
+
+    [758] See Masson i. ch. xii. and ii. p. 141 foll.;
+    Mayor's Cicero _de Nat. Deor._ vol. i. xlviii. and 138
+    foll.; Guyau, _La Morale d'Épicure_ (ed. 4), p. 171
+    foll.
+
+    [759] Cic. _N.D._ i. 19, 49 foll., and many other
+    passages; Diog. Laert. x. 55; Zeller, _Stoics,
+    Epicureans, and Sceptics_, p. 441 foll.; Masson i. 292,
+    who aptly quotes Cotta the academic critic in Cicero's
+    dialogue: "When Epicurus takes away from the gods the
+    power of helping and doing good, he extirpates the very
+    roots of religion from the minds of men" (Cic. _N.D._ i.
+    45. 121). One may add with Dr. Masson (i. 416 foll.)
+    that a machine cannot command worship; the _Natura_ of
+    Lucretius, _i.e._, was really a machine.
+
+    [760] Masson i. p. 284, and citations of Philodemus
+    there given.
+
+    [761] Mayor's Cic. _N.D._ vol. i. p. xlix.
+
+    [762] Lucr. vi. 68 foll.
+
+    [763] Masson i. p. 285.
+
+    [764] Cic. _N.D._ i. 2. 3.
+
+    [765] Cic. _N.D._ i. 37. 102; to believe the gods idle
+    "etiam homines inertes efficit."
+
+    [766] For this profound reverence for Epicurus see also
+    Cic. _N.D._ i. 8. 18. It amounted to a faith. In this
+    passage the Epicurean is described as "nihil tam verens
+    quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur, tanquam modo ex
+    deorum concilio et ex Epicuri intermundiis
+    descendisset." See also sec. 43 and Mayor's note; Cic.
+    _de Finibus_, i. 5. 14; Masson i. 354-5, who quotes the
+    most striking passages from Lucretius, _e.g._ v. 8-10:
+
+             deus ille fuit, deus, inclyte Memmi,
+      qui princeps vitae rationem invenit eam quae
+      nunc appellatur sapientia, etc.
+
+
+    In a paper entitled "Die Bekehrung (conversion) im
+    klassischen Altertum," by W. A. Heidel (_Zeitschrift für
+    Religionspsychologie_, vol. iii. Heft 2), the author, an
+    American disciple of W. James, argues that the exordium
+    of Bk. iii. indicates a psychological conversion of
+    Lucretius.
+
+    [767] See Masson's chapter (p. 399 foll.) on the
+    teaching and personality of Lucretius. _Social Life at
+    Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p. 327 foll., and references
+    there given. I may note here that the power of Epicurism
+    as a faith depended also largely on the directness,
+    downrightness, and audacity of its system, working on
+    minds weary of philosophers' disputations and political
+    quarrels.
+
+    [768] Cic. _de Finibus_, i. viii. to end (translation by
+    J. S. Reid, Camb. Univ. Press). The following sentence
+    in ch. 18, sec. 57, puts the Epicurean ethics in a
+    nutshell: "Clamat Epicurus, is quem vos nimis
+    voluptatibus esse deditum dicitis, non posse iucunde
+    vivi nisi sapienter, honeste, iusteque vivatur, nec
+    sapienter, honeste, iuste, nisi iucunde."
+
+    [769] What this quietism might mean for a Roman may be
+    gathered from the following passage in Cic. _de
+    Finibus_, i. 13. 43, in which _sapientia_ is practical
+    wisdom, the Aristotelian [Greek: phronêsis] or the _ars
+    vivendi_, as Cicero has explained it just before:
+    "Sapientia est adhibenda, quae, et terroribus
+    cupiditatibusque detractis et omnium falsarum opinionum
+    temeritate derepta, certissimam se ducem praebeat ad
+    voluptatem. Sapientia enim est una, quae maestitiam
+    pellat ex animis, quae nos exhorrescere metu non sinat;
+    qua praeceptrice in tranquillitate vivi potest, omnium
+    cupiditatum ardore restincto. Cupiditates enim sunt
+    insatiabiles, quae non modo singulos homines, sed
+    universas familias evertunt, totam etiam labefactant
+    saepe rempublicam. Ex cupiditatibus odia discidia
+    discordiae seditiones bella nascuntur." And so on to the
+    end of the chapter. The message of Lucretius to the
+    Roman was practically the same. The remedy was the wrong
+    one in that age; though it does not necessarily entail
+    withdrawal from public life with all its enticements
+    and risks, it must inevitably have a strong tendency to
+    suggest it; and such withdrawal had, as a matter of
+    fact, been one of the characteristics of the Epicurean
+    life. See Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., ch. xx.; Guyau, _La
+    Morale d'Épicure_, p. 141 foll.
+
+    [770] _History of European Morals_ (1899), vol. i. p.
+    225. The treatment of Stoicism in this work, though not,
+    strictly speaking, philosophical, is in many ways most
+    instructive.
+
+    [771] F. Leo, _Die griechische und lateinische
+    Literatur_, p. 337. See the author's _Social Life at
+    Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p. 105.
+
+    [772] Polybius xxxii. 9-16.
+
+    [773] See a discussion by the author of the meaning of
+    [Greek: tychê] in Polybius, _Classical Review_, vol.
+    xvii. p. 445, and the passages there quoted relating to
+    the growth of the Roman dominion.
+
+    [774] See Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 3 foll.
+
+    [775] _Ib._ p. 6, note 3.
+
+    [776] See above, p. 251.
+
+    [777] Cic. _N.D._ ii., end of sec. 19. He is translating
+    the Greek [Greek: pneuma], which in Stoicism is not a
+    spiritual conception, but a material one, in harmony
+    with their theory of the universe as being itself
+    material, including reason and the soul. This is one of
+    the weak points of the Stoic idea of Unity. For the
+    meaning of _spiritus_ see Mayor's note on the passage;
+    it is "the ether or warm air which penetrates and gives
+    life to all things, and connects them together in one
+    organic whole."
+
+    [778] Cic. _N.D._ ii. xiii. 36 _ad fin._ On all this
+    department of the Stoic teaching see Zeller, _Stoics_,
+    etc., p. 135 foll.; Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii.,
+    Lectures 16 and 17.
+
+    [779] _Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics_, by F. W.
+    Bussell p. 42.
+
+    [780] Cic. _N.D._ ii. ch. 28 (secs. 70-72), with Mayor's
+    commentary; Zeller, _op. cit._ p. 327 foll.; Mayor,
+    introduction to vol. ii. of his edition of Cic. _N.D._
+    xi. foll.; _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_,
+    p. 334 foll. It is important to note the distinction
+    drawn by Cicero between religion and superstition; what
+    Lucretius called _religio_ as a whole Cicero (and Varro
+    too, cf. Aug. _Civ. Dei_, vi. 9) thus divided. See
+    Mayor's valuable note, vol. ii. p. 183. Some interesting
+    remarks on the Stoic way of dealing with popular
+    mythology will be found in Oakesmith's _Religion of
+    Plutarch_, p. 68 foll.
+
+    [781] See above, p. 118 foll.
+
+    [782] See Mayor's note on Cic. _N.D._ ii. 15. 39 (vol.
+    i. p. 130), with quotation from Philodemus. Zeller,
+    _Stoics_, etc., p. 337 foll.
+
+    [783] Cic. _de Legibus_, i. 7. 22.
+
+    [784] _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, Paris, 1883.
+    I have borrowed the beautiful translation of my friend
+    Hastings Crossley, printed p. 183 foll. of his _Golden
+    Sayings of Epictetus_, in Macmillan's Golden Treasury
+    Series.
+
+    [785] _Gifford Lectures_, ii. p. 94.
+
+    [786] So Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 61 foll. The
+    evidence is not conclusive, and the process of argument
+    is one of elimination; but it raises a fairly strong
+    probability.
+
+    [787] Cic. _de Rep._ i. 21. 34.
+
+    [788] See Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 294 foll.
+
+    [789] Cic. _de Rep._ iii. 22. 33.
+
+    [790] Cic. _de Legibus_, i. 7. 22 foll.: "Est igitur,
+    quoniam nihil est ratione melius, eaque in homine et in
+    deo, prima homini cum deo rationis societas. Inter quos
+    autem ratio, inter eosdem etiam recta ratio communis
+    est," etc.
+
+    [791] Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 226 foll.
+
+    [792] _Social Life at Rome_, p. 117.
+
+    [793] _Ib._ p. 118 foll.
+
+    [794] I may take this opportunity of noting that a Roman
+    might better understand this notion of his Reason as the
+    voice of God within him, or conscience, from his own
+    idea of his "other soul," or genius; see above, p. 75.
+    But we do not know for certain that it was presented to
+    him in this way by Panaetius, though Posidonius (_ap.
+    Galenum_, 469) used the word [Greek: daimôn] in this
+    sense, as did the later Stoics; see Mulder, _de
+    Conscientiae notione_, p. 71. Seneca, _Ep._ 41. 2, uses
+    the word _spiritus_: "Sacer intra nos spiritus sedet ...
+    in unoquoque virorum bonorum, quis deus incertum est,
+    habitat deus" (from Virg. _Aen._ viii. 352). Cp. Marcus
+    Aurelius iii. 3. Seneca uses the word genius clearly in
+    this sense in _Ep._ 110 foll. On the Stoic daemon
+    consult Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 332 foll.; Oakesmith,
+    _Religion of Plutarch_, ch. vi.
+
+    [795] See, _e.g._, Zeller, p. 268.
+
+    [796] This habit of illustrating by historical examples
+    had an educational value of its own, but serves well to
+    show how comparatively feeble was the appeal of Stoicism
+    to the conscience. It may be seen well in Valerius
+    Maximus, whose work, compiled of fact and fiction for
+    educational purposes, is far indeed from being an
+    inspiring one. See _Social Life at Rome_, p. 189.
+
+    [797] Arrian, _Discourses_, i. 3. 1-6 (_Golden Sayings
+    of Epictetus_, No. 9).
+
+    [798] Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 190 foll.
+    (Panaetius), and 244 foll. (Posidonius), Zeller 160
+    foll. This is the Fate or Providence on which the moral
+    lesson of the _Aeneid_ is based; see below, p. 409
+    foll. Aeneas is the servant of Destiny. If he had
+    persisted in rebelling against it by remaining at
+    Carthage with Dido, that would not have changed the
+    inevitable course of things, but it would have ruined
+    him.
+
+    [799] _Gifford Lectures_, ii. 96.
+
+    [800] Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 255. This, of course,
+    did not diminish the duty of general benevolence, _ib._
+    p. 310 and references, where fine passages of Cicero and
+    Seneca are quoted about duties to one's inferiors. But
+    an enthusiasm of humanity was none the less wanting in
+    Stoicism, and this was largely owing no doubt to their
+    hard and fast distinction between virtue and vice, and
+    their want of perception of a growth or evolution in
+    society. See Caird, _op. cit._ ii. 99; Lecky, _Hist. of
+    European Morals_, i. 192 foll.; Zeller 251 foll.
+
+    [801] See some excellent remarks in Lecky, _op. cit._ i.
+    p. 242 foll.
+
+    [802] See above, note 40.
+
+    [803] Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 229. Cic. _de Finibus_,
+    iii, 10, 35; _Tusc. Disp._ iv. 28, 60.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XVII
+
+MYSTICISM--IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE
+
+
+We have now reached the end of the period of the Republic; but before I
+go on to the age of Augustus, with which I must bring these lectures to
+an end, I must ask attention to a movement which can best be described
+by the somewhat vague term Mysticism, but is generally known to
+historians of philosophy as Neo-pythagoreanism. The fact is that such
+tendency as there ever was at Rome towards Mysticism--which was never
+indeed a strong one till Rome had almost ceased to be Roman[804]--seems
+to have taken the form of thinking known as Pythagorean. The ideas at
+the root of the Pythagorean doctrine, the belief in a future life, the
+conception of this life as only preparatory to another, the conviction
+of the need of purgation in another life and of the preparatory
+discipline and asceticism to be practised while we are here,--these are
+truly religious ideas; and even among Romans the religious instinct,
+though it might be hypnotised, could never be entirely destroyed. When
+it awoke from time to time in the minds of thinking men it was apt to
+express itself in Pythagorean tones. With the ignorant and vulgar it
+might find a baser expression in superstition pure and simple,--in the
+finding of portents, in astrology, in Dionysiac orgies; but with these
+Pythagoreanism must not be reckoned. These, as they appeared on the soil
+of Italy, were the bastard children of quasi-religious thought. But the
+movement of which I speak marks a reaction, among men who could both
+feel and think, against the whole tendency of Roman religious experience
+as we have been tracing it; against the extreme formalism, now
+meaningless, of the Roman State religion; against the extreme scepticism
+and indifference so obvious in the last century and a half of the
+republican era; against the purely intellectual appeal of the ethical
+systems of which I have been recently speaking. Stoicism indeed, as we
+shall see, held out a hand to the new movement, simply because Stoicism
+had a religious side which was wanting in Epicurism. But the thought
+that our senses and our reason are not after all the sole fountains of
+our knowledge, a thought which is the essence of mysticism, was really
+foreign to Stoicism; and when this thought did find a soil in the mind
+of a thinking Roman of this age, it was likely to spring up in a
+transcendental form which we may call Pythagoreanism.
+
+South Italy was indeed the true home of the Pythagorean teaching. There
+its founder had established it, and there, mixed up with more popular
+Orphic doctrine and practice, it must have remained latent for
+centuries.[805] "Tenuit magnam illam Graeciam," says Cicero of
+Pythagoras, "cum honore disciplinae, tum etiam auctoritate; multaque
+saecula post sic viguit Pythagoreorum nomen, ut nulli alii docti
+viderentur."[806] To South Italy Plato is said to have travelled to
+study this philosophy, and to learn the doctrine of the immortality of
+the soul; and the story is generally accepted as true.[807] But of any
+missionary attempt of Pythagoreanism on Rome we know nothing--and
+probably there was nothing to tell--till that mysterious plot to
+introduce it after the Hannibalic war which I mentioned in a recent
+lecture.[808] That war brought Rome into close contact with Tarentum and
+southern Italy, and it is likely enough that the attempt to connect King
+Numa with the philosopher, both in the familiar legend and in the
+alleged discovery of the stone coffin with its forged manuscripts, had
+its origin in this contact. The Senate could not object to the legend,
+but it promptly stamped out this grotesque attempt at propagandism. Then
+we hear no more of the doctrine for a century at least; but in the last
+century B.C. we know that there appeared a number of Pythagorean
+writings, falsely attributed to the founder himself or his
+disciples,[809]--a method of propagandism which, like that of the
+previous century, may perhaps be taken as marking the religious nature
+of the doctrine, which needed the _ipse dixit_ of the founder or
+something as near it as possible.[810] But of the immediate influence of
+these writings we know nothing. The person really responsible for the
+tendency to this kind of mysticism was undoubtedly the great Posidonius,
+philosopher, historian, traveller, who more than any other man dominated
+the Roman world of thought in the first half of the last century B.C.,
+and whose writings, now surviving in a few fragments only, lie at the
+back of nearly all the serious Roman literature of his own and indeed of
+the following age.[811] Panaetius, there can be little doubt, had done
+something to leaven Stoicism with Platonic-Aristotelian psychology,[812]
+the general tendency of which was towards a dualism of Soul and Body.
+The Stoics, in the strict sense of the name, "could not be content with
+any philosophy which divided heaven from earth, the spiritual from the
+material." "They rebelled against the idea of a transcendent God and a
+transcendent ideal world, as modern thought has rebelled against the
+supernaturalism of mediaeval religion and philosophy."[813] In their
+passion for unity they would not separate soul and body. But when once
+Panaetius had hinted at a reversion to the older mode of thought, it was
+natural and easy to follow his lead in a society which had long ago
+abandoned burial for cremation, and bidden farewell to the primitive
+notion that the body lived on under the earth: in a society, too, which
+had always believed in that "other soul," the _Genius_ of a man, as
+distinct from his bodily self of this earthly life.[814]
+
+Now as soon as this dualism of body and soul was suggested, it was taken
+up by Posidonius into what we may call his neo-Stoic system, and at once
+gave mysticism,--or transcendentalism, if we choose so to call it--its
+chance. For in such a dualistic psychology it is the soul that gains in
+value, the body that loses. Life becomes an imprisonment of the soul in
+the body; the soul seeks to escape, death is but the beginning of a new
+life, and the imagination is set to work to fathom the mysteries of
+Man's future existence, nay, in some more fanciful minds, those of his
+pre-existence as well. This kind of speculation, half philosophic, half
+poetical, is the transcendental side of the Platonic psychology, and in
+the last age of the Republic was able to connect Platonism and
+Pythagoreanism without deserting Stoicism.[815] We can see it reflected
+from Posidonius in the Dream of Scipio, the beautiful myth, imitated
+from those of Plato, with which Cicero concluded his treatise on the
+State, written in the year 54 B.C., after his retirement from political
+life. In this, and again in the first book of his _Tusculan
+Disputations_, composed nearly ten years later, Cicero is beyond doubt
+on the tracks of Posidonius, and therefore also of Pythagoreanism.[816]
+Listen to the words put into the mouth of the elder Scipio and addressed
+to his younger namesake: "Tu vero enitere et sic habeto, non esse te
+mortalem, sed corpus hoc; non enim tu es, quem forma ista declarat; sed
+_mens cuiusque is est quisque_, non ea figura quae digito demonstrari
+potest."[817] Here is the body plainly losing, the soul gaining
+importance. But he goes still further: "_deum igitur te scito esse_: si
+quidem deus est qui viget qui sentit qui meminit: qui providet, qui tam
+regit et moderatur et movet id corpus cui propositus est, quam hunc
+mundum ille princeps deus, et ut mundum ex quadam parte mortalem ipse
+deus aeternus, sic fragile corpus animus sempiternus movet."[818]
+
+With such a view of the soul in relation to the body, we can understand
+how in this myth it is described as flying upwards, released from
+corporeal bondage, and ascending through heavenly stations to pure
+aether, if at least (and here we may note the characteristic Roman
+touch) its abode on earth has been the body of a good citizen.[819] All
+that is of earth earthy, all old ideas of burial, all notions of a
+gloomy abode below the earth, are here fairly left behind. So too in the
+first book of the _Tusculans_, written after the death of his beloved
+daughter, Cicero would persuade himself and others that death cannot be
+an evil if we once allow the soul to be immortal: for from its very
+nature it must rise into aethereal realms, cannot sink like the body
+into the earth.[820] Into its experiences in the aether I do not need to
+go here. Enough has been said to show that, as it were, the heavens were
+opened, and with the psychological separation of soul from body the
+imaginative faculty was released also; not indeed that any Roman, or
+even Posidonius himself, could revel in cosmological dreams as did
+Plato, but they found in him all they needed, and it would seem that
+they made much use of it. Plato's _Timaeus_ was made by Posidonius the
+subject of a commentary,[821] and by Cicero himself it was in part at
+least translated, about the time when he was writing the _Tusculans_,
+and still deeply moved by his recent loss. Of this translation a
+fragment survives; and in the introductory sentences he indicates a
+second stimulus to his Pythagorean tendencies, besides Posidonius. He
+tells how he had met at Ephesus, when on his way to his province of
+Cilicia, the famous Pythagorean Nigidius Figulus, and had enjoyed
+conversation with him.[822] Nigidius was an old friend, who had helped
+Cicero in his consulship; he was one of those "polyhistores" who are
+characteristic of the age, like Posidonius and Varro, and wrote works on
+all kinds of subjects of which but few fragments remain. But his
+reputation as a Pythagorean survived for centuries;[823] and this
+mention of him by Cicero is only another proof of the direction the
+thoughts of the latter were taking in these last two years of his life.
+
+
+Clearly, then, Cicero in his philosophical writings of these years was
+affected by the current of mysticism that was then running. But to me it
+is still more interesting to find it moving him in a practical matter of
+which he has himself left the truth on record; for Cicero is a real
+human being for whom all who are familiar with his letters must have
+something in the nature of affection, and with whom, too, we feel
+genuine sympathy in the calamity which now fell upon him. It was early
+in 45 B.C. that he lost his only and dearly loved daughter, and the blow
+to his sensitive temperament, already hardly tried by political anxiety,
+was severe. We still have the private letters which he wrote to Atticus
+after her death from his solitude at Astura on the edge of the
+melancholy Pomptine marshes;[824] and here, if our minds are
+sufficiently divested of modern ideas and trained to look on death with
+Roman eyes, we may be startled to find him thinking of her as still in
+some sense surviving, and as divine rather than human: as a deity or
+spirit to whom a _fanum_ could be erected. He makes it clear to Atticus,
+who is acting as his business agent at Rome, that he does not want a
+mere tomb (_sepulcrum_), but a _fanum_, which as we have seen was the
+general word for a spot of ground sacred to a deity. "I wish to have a
+_fanum_ built, and that wish cannot be rooted out of my heart. I am
+anxious to avoid any likeness to a tomb, not so much on account of the
+penalty of the law, as in order to attain as nearly as possible to an
+_apotheosis_. This I could do if I built it in the villa itself, but ...
+I dread the changes of owners. Wherever I construct it on the land, I
+think that I could secure that posterity should respect its
+sanctity."[825] The word here translated sanctity is _religio_; we may
+remember that all burial places were _loca religiosa_, not consecrated
+by the State, yet hallowed by the feeling of awe or scruple in
+approaching them; but Cicero is probably here using the word rather in
+that wider sense in which it so often expresses the presence of a deity
+in some particular spot.[826]
+
+Atticus was a man of the world and probably an Epicurean, and his
+friend in two successive letters half apologises for this strong
+desire. "I should not like it to be known by any other name but
+_fanum_,--unreasonably, you will perhaps say." And again, "you must bear
+with these silly wishes (_ineptiæ_) of mine."[827] But this only makes
+the intensity of his feeling about it the more plain and significant; he
+really seems to want Tullia to be thought of as having passed into the
+sphere of divinity, however vaguely he may have conceived of it. Perhaps
+he remembered his own words in Scipio's dream, "Deum te esse scito."
+The ashes of Tullia rested in the family tomb, but the godlike thing
+imprisoned in her mortal body was to be honoured at this _fanum_, which,
+strange as it may seem to us, her father wished to erect in a public and
+frequented place. She does not fade away into the common herd of Manes,
+but remains, though as a spirit, the same individual Tullia whom her
+father had loved so dearly.
+
+I long ago explained the old Roman idea of Manes,[828] a vague
+conception of shades of the dead dwelling below the earth, and hardly,
+if at all, individualised. But in Tullia's case we meet with a clear
+conception of an individual spirit; and this alone would lead us to
+suspect a Pythagorean influence at work, such as that under which Virgil
+wrote the famous words "Quisque suos patimur Manes," which simply mean
+"Each individual of us must endure his own individual ghosthood."[829]
+This process of individualisation must have been gradually coming on,
+but the steps are lost to us; we only know that the earliest sepulchral
+inscription which speaks to it, in the vague plural Di Manes so familiar
+in later times, is dateable somewhere about this very time.[830] My
+friend Dr. J. B. Carter would explain it, in part at least, by the Roman
+conception of Genius to which I alluded just now, and doubtless this
+must be taken into account. For myself I would rather think of it as the
+natural result of the growth of individualism in the living human being
+during the last two centuries B.C. Surely it was impossible for
+personality to grow as it did in that period without a corresponding
+growth of the idea of individual immortality in the minds of all who
+believed in a future life of any kind at all. The Epicureans did not so
+believe; but Roman Stoics instructed by Panaetius and Posidonius might
+not only believe in immortality but in an immortality of the individual.
+
+Let me take this opportunity of noting that there was, of course, no
+sort of restriction on a man's belief about this or any other religious
+question. It was perfectly open to every one to hold what view best
+pleased him about the state of the dead: all that the State required of
+him was that he should fulfil his obligations at the tombs of his own
+kin. No dogma reigned in the necropolis, only duty, _pietas_,--and that
+_pietas_ implied no conviction. The Parentalia in February were
+originally, so far as we can discern, only a yearly renewal of the rite
+of burial on its anniversary;[831] this implies civilisation and some
+kind of calendar, but not a creed. Later on, in the Fasti of the
+City-state, the day was fixed for all citizens without regard of
+anniversaries; and here the rites become a matter of _ius_, the _ius
+Manium_, to the observance of which the Manes are entitled. Still there
+is no creed, though Cicero speaks of this _ius_ as based on the idea of
+a future life.[832] As a fact these rites are a survival from an age in
+which the dead man was believed to go on living in the grave, but that
+primitive idea was no longer held by the educated. Each man was free in
+all periods to believe what he pleased about the dead, and as the Romans
+began to think, this freedom becomes easy to illustrate. Cicero himself
+is usually agnostic, as is in keeping with his Academic tendency in
+philosophy; even in one of these very letters he seems to speak of his
+own non-existence after death.[833] So, too, the excellent Servius
+Sulpicius, in the famous letter of condolence written to Cicero at this
+time from Athens, seems to be uncertain.[834] We all know the words of
+Caesar (reported by Sallust), which are often quoted with a kind of holy
+horror, as though a pontifex maximus might not hold any opinion he
+pleased about death, and as though his doubt were not the common doubt
+of innumerable thinking men of the age.[835] Catullus wrote of death as
+"nox perpetua dormienda"; Lucretius, of course, gloried in the thought
+that there is no life beyond. In the following century the learned Pliny
+could write of death as the relapsing into the same nothingness as
+before we were born, and could scoff at the absurdities of the cult of
+the dead.[836]
+
+But when a man like Cicero was deeply touched by grief, his emotional
+nature abandoned its neutral attitude, and turned for consolation to
+mysticism. As I have said, he was persuading himself that Tullia was
+still living,--a glorified spirit. We can gain just a momentary glimpse
+of what was in his mind by turning to the fragments of the _Consolatio_
+which he was now writing at Astura.
+
+This was a _Consolatio_ of the kind which was a recognised literary form
+of this and later times,[837] though in this case it was addressed by
+the writer to himself; to write was for Cicero second nature, and he was
+sure to take up his pen when he had feelings that needed expression. It
+is unfortunately lost, all but one fragment, which he quotes himself in
+the first book of his _Tusculans_, and one or two more preserved by the
+Christian writer Lactantius, a great admirer of Cicero, who came near to
+catching the beauty of his style. The passage quoted by himself is
+precious.[838] It insists on the spiritual nature of the soul, which can
+have nothing in common with earth or matter of any kind, seeing that it
+thinks, remembers, foresees: "ita quicquid est illud, quod sentit, quod
+sapit, quod vivit, quod viget, caeleste et divinum, ob eamque rem
+aeternum sit necesse est." And in the concluding words he hints strongly
+at the _divinity_ of the soul, which is of the same make as God
+himself,--of the same immaterial nature as the only Deity of whom we
+mortals can conceive. His daughter, therefore, is not only still living
+in a spiritual life, but she is in some vague sense divine; that word
+_apotheosis_, which he twice uses in the letters, has a real meaning for
+him at this moment; and in a fragment of the _Consolatio_ quoted by
+Lactantius he makes this quite plain; "Te omnium optimam doctissimamque,
+approbantibus dis immortalibus ipsis, in eorum coëtu locatam, ad
+opinionem omnium mortalium consecrabo."[839]
+
+Undoubtedly Cicero is here under the influence of the Pythagoreans as
+well as of his own emotion. In another chapter Lactantius seems to make
+this certain;[840] he begins by combining Stoics and Pythagoreans as
+both believing the immortality of the soul, goes on to deal with the
+Pythagorean doctrine (or one form of it) that in this life we are
+expiating the sins of another, and ends by quoting Cicero's _Consolatio_
+to that effect: "Quid Ciceroni faciemus? qui cum in principio
+Consolationis suae dixit, luendorum scelerum causa nasci homines,
+iteravit id ipsum postea, quasi obiurgans eum qui vitam poenam non esse
+putet." Another lost book, the _Hortensius_, which was written
+immediately after the _Consolatio_, March to May 45,[841] shows in one
+or two surviving fragments exactly the same tendency of thought and
+reading.[842] Our conclusion then must be that Cicero, always
+impressionable, and in his way also religious, had in this year 45 a
+real religious experience. He was brought face to face with one of the
+mysterious facts of life, and with one of the great mysteries of the
+universe, and the religious instinct awoke within him. How many others,
+even in that sordid and materialistic age, may have had the like
+experience, with or without a mystical philosophy to guide their
+thoughts? In the last words of the famous Laudatio Turiae, of which I
+have written at length in my _Social Life in the Age of Cicero_,[843] we
+may perhaps catch an echo of a similar religious feeling: "Te di Manes
+tui ut quietam patiantur atque ita tueantur opto" (I pray that thy
+divine Manes may keep thee in peace and watch over thee). These words,
+expressing the hope of a practical man, not of a philosopher, are very
+difficult to explain, except as the unauthorised utterances of an
+individual. They hardly find a parallel either in literature or
+inscriptions. We must not press them, yet they help us to divine that
+there was in this last half-century B.C. some mystical yearning to
+realise the condition of the loved ones gone before, and the relation of
+their life to that of the living. This religious instinct, let us note
+once for all, is not identical with the old one which we expressed by
+the formula about the Power manifesting itself in the universe. The
+religious instinct of the primitive Roman was concerned only with this
+life and its perils and mysteries; the religious instinct of Cicero's
+time was not that of simple men struggling with agricultural perils, but
+that of educated men whose minds could pass in emotional moments far
+beyond the troubles of this present world, to speculate on the great
+questions, why we are here, what we are, and what becomes of us after
+death.
+
+But what of the ordinary Roman of this age--what of the man who was not
+trained to think, and had no leisure or desire to read? What did he
+believe about a future life, or did he believe anything? This brings us
+to a curious question about which I must say a very few words--did this
+ordinary Roman, as Lucretius seems to insist, believe in Hades and its
+torments? Not in one passage only does Lucretius insist on this. "That
+fear of Hell" (so Dr. Masson translates him) "must be driven out
+headlong, which troubles the life of man from its inmost depth, and
+overspreads everything with the blackness of death, and permits no
+pleasure to be pure and unalloyed."[844] I need not multiply quotations;
+evidently the poet believed what he said, though he may be using the
+exaggeration of poetical diction. And to a certain extent he is borne
+out by the literature of his time. In fact Polybius, writing nearly a
+century earlier of the Romans and their religion, implies that such
+notions were common, and that they were invented by "the ancients" to
+frighten the people into submission.[845] Cicero, though he of course
+thinks of them as merely the fables of poets, seems to suggest that the
+ordinary man did believe in them; thinking of his own recent loss, he
+says that our misery would be unbearable when we lose those we love, if
+we really thought of them as "_in iis malis quibus vulgo
+opinantur_."[846] Of course all these fables were Greek, not Roman.
+There is no reason to believe that the old Romans imagined their own
+dead experiencing any miseries in Orcus--the old name, as it would seem,
+for the dimly imagined abode of the Manes, afterwards personified after
+the manner of Plutus.[847] No doubt they believed that the dead were
+ghosts, desiring to get back to their old homes, who, in the
+well-ordered religion of the City-state, were limited in this strong
+desire to certain days in the civic year.[848] But their first
+acquaintance with Hades and its tortures may probably be dated early,
+_i.e._ when they first became acquainted with Etruscan works of art,
+themselves the result of a knowledge of Greek art and myth.[849] Early
+in the second century B.C. Plautus in the _Captivi_ alluded to these
+paintings as familiar;[850] and we must not forget that the Etruscans
+habitually chose the most gruesome and cruel of the Greek fables for
+illustration, and especially delighted in that of Charon, one likely
+enough to strike the popular imagination. The play-writers themselves
+were responsible for inculcating the belief, as Boissier remarked in his
+work on the Roman religion of the early empire.[851] In the theatre,
+with women and children present, Cicero says in the first book of his
+_Tusculans_, the crowded auditorium is moved as it listens to such a
+"grande carmen" as that sung by a ghost describing his terrible journey
+from the realms of Acheron; and in another passage of the same book he
+mentions both painters and poets as responsible for a delusion which
+philosophers have to refute.[852] I need not say that the Roman poets
+too continually use the imagery of Tartarus; but they use it as
+literary tradition, and in the sixth _Aeneid_ it is used also to enforce
+the idea of duty to the State which is the real theme of the poem.
+
+As Dr. Masson truly observes, we have the literature but we have not the
+folklore of the age of Cicero and Virgil; and it must be confessed that
+without the folklore such scanty literary evidence as I have just
+mentioned does not come to much. Dr. Masson indeed concludes on this
+evidence that the fear of future torments played a considerable part in
+the religious notions both of the common people and possibly of some of
+the educated. I think it may have been so, but on other grounds, which I
+must briefly explain.
+
+From all that I have said in these lectures about the religious ideas
+represented in the earliest calendar, _i.e._ those of the governing
+Romans of the earliest City-state, it will be plain that a gruesome
+eschatology was an impossibility for them. Just the same may be said of
+the Greek ideas represented in the Homeric poems; for with the exception
+of the Nekuia of the _Odyssey_, which almost all scholars agree in
+attributing to a later age than the bulk of the two Homeric epics, in
+this poetry _il se fait grand jour_.[853] This is not the first time
+that I have compared the religion of the Roman patricians to that of
+Homer;[854] and there is a growing conviction among experts that we have
+in each case the ideas of a comparatively civilised immigrant
+population, whose religion, though it has developed in very different
+ways, has the common characteristic of cleanness and brightness. In
+Italy it is practical, in Homer imaginative; but in both it is free from
+the brutal and the grotesque. Even the eschatology of the eleventh
+_Odyssey_ is not cruel, it is comparatively colourless; and, as I said
+just now, this also may be said of the Roman ideas of Orcus and the
+Manes.
+
+In each case it is life, not death, that is of interest to the living;
+death is rather a negation than anything distinctly realised. The state
+of the dead in Homer is shadowy and _triste_, a state not to be desired,
+as Achilles so painfully expresses it in a famous passage; but the
+_life_ of the Achaean in the poems is vivid--nay, such a vivid
+realisation of life can alone account for the production of such poems.
+So, too, the immigrant population at Rome, to whom is due the regulation
+of the religion as we know it, and the inspiring force that made for
+ordered government and warlike enterprise, was too full of practical if
+not of imaginative vitality to be apt to dwell upon the possibilities of
+existence after death, to conceive of such existence as either happy or
+miserable, the reward or the punishment for things done in this world.
+
+But in each peninsula this immigrant race was living in the midst of a
+far more primitive population; and it is perhaps to this population that
+we must look for the origin of the more detailed and imaginative notions
+of the life of the dead. Of the Greeks in this matter I have not space
+here to speak, nor am I competent to do so. But the conviction is
+steadily gaining ground that in early Rome we have to recognise the
+existence of two races; whether the older of these was Ligurian, as
+Prof. Ridgeway thinks, or primitive Latin, _i.e._ old Italic, as Binder
+believes, does not matter for our present purpose;[855] nor are the
+arguments drawn from religion which these writers have used at all
+convincing to my intelligence. But they have not noticed what is to me a
+really valid argument, viz. the double festival of the dead in the
+calendar of Numa. In February we find the cheerful and orderly festival
+of the Parentalia, the yearly renewal of the seemly rite of burial; in
+May, on the other hand, the student of the calendar is astonished to
+find three several days called Lemuria, the rites belonging to which are
+never mentioned, except where Ovid treats us to a grotesque account of
+the driving out of ancestral spirits from the house.[856] No one
+doubts, I think, that the Lemuria represents an older stratum of thought
+about the dead than the other festival,[857] but no one, so far as I
+know, has ventured to claim the Lemures and their three days as
+belonging to the religion of the more primitive race. If I make this
+suggestion now, it must be taken as a hypothesis only, but as a
+hypothesis it can at least do no harm. If I am asked why Lemuria should
+have been admitted into the patrician calendar, I answer that I have
+long held that a few of the non-patrician religious customs were
+absorbed into the religion of the city of the four regions, the
+Lupercalia, for example;[858] and nothing could be more likely than that
+the old barbarous ideas about the dead should win this amount of
+respect, seeing that by the limitation to three days in the year order
+and decency might be brought into their service. I may repeat, with a
+slight addition, what I wrote ten years ago about these two Roman
+festivals of the dead: "If we compare Ovid's account of the grotesque
+domestic rites of the Lemuria with those of February, which were of a
+systematic, cheerful, and even beautiful character, we may feel fairly
+sure that the latter represent the organised life of a City-state, the
+former the ideas of an age when life was wilder and less secure, and the
+fear of the dead, of ghosts and demons, was a powerful factor in the
+minds of the people. If we may argue from Ovid's account, it is not
+impossible that the Lemuria may have been one of those periodical
+expulsions of demons of which we hear so much in the _Golden Bough_, and
+which are performed on behalf of the community as well as in the
+domestic circle among savage peoples. It is noticeable that the offering
+of food to the demons is a feature common to these practices, and that
+it also appears in those described by Ovid."[859] To this I should now
+add the suggestion above made, that the Lemuria represents the ideas of
+the older race that occupied the site of Rome, while the Parentalia is
+originally the festival of the patrician immigrants.
+
+But what has all this to do with the eschatology which Lucretius
+attributes to the common people at Rome in his own day? Simply this,
+that the ideas at the root of the Lemuria may well have provided the raw
+material for such an eschatology, while those at the root of the
+Parentalia could not have done this. Dr. Westermarck has recently shown
+that primitive religions do spontaneously generate the idea of moral
+retribution after death, _e.g._ the notion that the souls of bad people
+may reappear as evil spirits or obnoxious animals.[860] We have no proof
+whatever of the existence of such notions at Rome; but I contend that
+the permanence of this type of belief about the dead which is
+represented by the Lemuria--a permanence which is attested by Ovid's
+description--raises a presumption that the lower stratum of the Roman
+population, if the chance were given it, would the more readily
+understand the pictures of Etruscan artists and the allusions of Greek
+playwrights, and the more easily become the prey of the eschatological
+horrors which Lucretius describes as terrifying them. The material was
+there from the earliest times, and all that was needed was for Greeks
+and Etruscans to work upon it.
+
+Before leaving this point it may be worth while to remember that though
+the well-to-do and educated classes cremated their dead, the poor of the
+crowded city population of the period I am now dealing with enjoyed no
+such orderly and cleanly funeral rites. The literary evidence is
+explicit on this point, and has been confirmed by modern excavation on
+the Esquiline, where we know from Varro and Horace that the poor and the
+slaves were thrown _en masse_ into _puticuli_, _i.e._ holes where it was
+impossible that any memorial ceremonies could be kept up.[861] Horace's
+lines are familiar (_Sat._ 8. 8):
+
+   huc prius angustis eiecta cadavera cellis
+   conservus vili portanda locabat in arca.
+   hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrum, etc.
+
+It is dangerous to be too confident about the effect on the religious
+imagination of different ways of dealing with the dead; but it is at
+least not improbable that any inherited tendency to believe in a
+miserable future for the soul would be confirmed and maintained by so
+miserable a fate for the body. The mass of the population had little
+chance of ridding itself of eschatological superstition.
+
+Thus I am inclined to come to Dr. Masson's conclusion, though on
+somewhat different grounds. I think it quite possible that the
+uneducated in the age of the poet may have really been inoculated with
+these ideas of cruel retribution, and that in many cases this may have
+resulted in despair or at least discomfort. Only we must remember that
+in a great city like Rome, as in Paris or London to-day, both the
+miseries and the enjoyments of life would tend to accustom the minds of
+the lower strata to consider the present rather than the future; the
+necessities and pleasures of the moment are with them the only material
+of thought. Neither comfort nor remonstrance could reach them from
+pulpit or from missioner; neither fear nor hope could largely enter into
+their lives. In fact I half suspect that most of them were, after all,
+so long as they were healthy and active, much what Lucretius would have
+them be--free from all religious scruple; but, alas, utterly destitute
+of the intellectual support which he claimed from the study of
+philosophy. We can well understand how it was among the lower population
+of the great cities that early Christianity found its chance. They had
+no education or philosophy to stand between them and the gospel of
+redemption.
+
+I must say one word about another kind of transcendentalism which was
+pushing its way into favour in Roman society at this time--I mean
+astrology. One may call it transcendental because it was based, in its
+original home in the East, on a mystical notion of sympathy between the
+phenomena of the starry heavens and the phenomena of human life;[862]
+and that this notion was carefully inculcated by those who taught the
+"science" at Rome is shown by the long and wearisome poem on astrology
+written by Manilius in the succeeding age. But it is not likely that
+this form of mysticism had become really popular before the period of
+the Empire, and in any case it can hardly be called a part of Roman
+religious experience. I only mention it here as helping to illustrate
+the way in which men's minds were now beginning to turn with interest to
+speculations altogether beyond the range of that practical ethical
+philosophy which was natural and congenial to the Roman, altogether
+beyond the horizon of man's daily prospect in this world. The growing
+interest in Fortuna, both as natural force and deity, which became
+intense under the Empire, is another indication of the same
+tendency.[863]
+
+As soon as Rome had come into close contact with Greece, which had long
+before been overrun by the eastern astrology--by the Chaldaeans or
+_mathematici_, as they are so often called--these experts began to
+appear also in Italy. We first hear of them from old Cato, who advises
+that the steward of an estate should be strictly forbidden to consult
+_Chaldaei_, _harioli_, _haruspices_, and such gentry.[864] In 139
+B.C.--a year in which there happened to be in Rome an embassy from Simon
+Maccabaeus--Chaldaeans were ordered to leave Rome and Italy within ten
+days; but I think there is some evidence that these were really Jews who
+were trying to propagate their own religion.[865] For some time we hear
+nothing more of these intruders; but they probably gained ground again
+in the course of the Mithridatic wars, which were responsible for the
+introduction of much Oriental religion into Italy. They are mentioned in
+87, together with [Greek: thytai] and Sibyllistae, as persuading the
+ill-fated Octavius to remain in Rome to meet his death, as it turned
+out, at the hands of the Marians.[866] But no Roman seems to have taken
+up astrology as a quasi-scientific study till that Nigidius, of whom I
+have already said a word, was persuaded thus to waste his time and
+brains. He is said to have foretold the greatness of Augustus at his
+birth in 63 B.C.;[867] and from this time forward the taking of
+horoscopes or _genethliaca_ became a favourite pursuit at
+Rome--unfortunately for the people of Europe, who caught the infection
+and kept it endemic for at least fifteen centuries.
+
+Astrology is in no sense religion, and I must leave it with these few
+remarks. It represents the individual and his personal interests, not
+even the advantage of the community, and it was for this reason that the
+Chaldaei were disliked by the Roman government. The individual is not
+satisfied with legitimate Roman means of divination; he is employing
+illegitimate ways when he entrusts himself to these Orientals, who, most
+of them doubtless, well deserved the scathing contempt which Tacitus has
+contrived to put into six words: "Genus hominum potentibus infidum,
+sperantibus fallax," adding, with no less contempt for the Roman
+authorities who had to deal with them, that they will always be
+forbidden, and always will be found at Rome.[868]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XVII
+
+    [804] For the Pythagoreanism of the Neo-platonic
+    movement in the third century A.D. consult Bussell,
+    _Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics_ (Edin. 1910), p.
+    30 foll., who explains the reaction from Stoicism to
+    Neo-Platonism. See also Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, ii.
+    162 foll.
+
+    [805] Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 403, says that
+    it had ceased to exist for centuries as a philosophy,
+    but cautiously adds in a note that the knowledge of it
+    was not extinct. The famous Orphic tablets from South
+    Italy are taken as dating from the third and fourth
+    centuries B.C., and if not actually Pythagorean, they
+    are next door to being so. See Miss Harrison,
+    _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, p. 660.
+
+    [806] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 38.
+
+    [807] See, _e.g._, Prof. Taylor's little book on Plato
+    (Constable), p. 11.
+
+    [808] See above, p. 349.
+
+    [809] Sextus Empiricus, _adv. Physicos_, ii. 281 foll.
+
+    [810] For the devotion of the believers to the founder
+    and his _ipse dixit_, see Cicero, _Nat. Deor._ i. 5. 10.
+
+    [811] The relation of Posidonius to Roman literature has
+    been much discussed of late. See, _e.g._, Norden,
+    Virgil, _Aen._ vi., index, _s.v._ "Stoa"; Schmekel, _Die
+    mittlere Stoa_, 85 foll., 238 foll.
+
+    [812] For Panaetius' enthusiasm for Plato and his
+    teaching, see Cic. _Tusc. Disp._ i. 32. 79; the whole
+    passage indicates, though it does not exactly prove, an
+    approach to the Platonic psychology.
+
+    [813] Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 85.
+
+    [814] See above, p. 75. The idea that the practice of
+    cremation influenced the ideas of the Roman about the
+    soul was first, I think, suggested by Boissier,
+    _Religion romaine_, i. 310. Cicero himself hints at this
+    conclusion in _Tusc. Disp._ i. 16. 36: "In terram enim
+    cadentibus corporibus, hisque humo tectis, e quo dictum
+    est humari, sub terra censebant reliquam vitam agi
+    mortuorum. Quam eorum opinionem magni errores consecuti
+    sunt; quos auxerunt poetae."
+
+    [815] This point is well put by Dill, p. 493 of _Roman
+    Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius_. See also
+    Dieterich, _Eine Mithras-Liturgie_, p. 200 fol.;
+    Stewart, _Myths of Plato_, 352-53.
+
+    [816] Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 400 foll.
+
+    [817] _De Rep._ vi. 26.
+
+    [818] _Ib._ The word _providet_ reminds us that this
+    transcendental philosophy supplied the later Stoics with
+    an explanation of divination. See Bouché-Leclercq,
+    _Hist. de divination_, i. 68; Dill, _op. cit._ p. 439;
+    Seneca, _Nat. Quaest._ ii. 52, fully accepted
+    divination. Cp. Cic. _Tusc. Disp._ i. 37. 66, where he
+    quotes his own _Consolatio_; see above, p. 388.
+    Panaetius, however, had courageously denied divination:
+    Cic. _Div._ i. 3. 6; Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 352.
+
+    [819] _De Rep._ vi. 15, 26, and 29.
+
+    [820] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 16. 36 foll. On the whole subject
+    of the rise of the soul after death see Dieterich, _Eine
+    Mithras-Liturgie_, p. 179 foll.
+
+    [821] Schmekel, _op. cit._ p. 438; Stewart, _Myths of
+    Plato_, p. 300.
+
+    [822] For Nigidius, see Schanz, _Gesch. der röm.
+    Literatur_ (ed. 2), vol. ii. p. 419 foll.
+
+    [823] "Nigidius Figulus Pythagoreus et magus in exilio
+    moritur" is the notice of him in St. Jerome's Chronicle
+    for the year 45 B.C.
+
+    [824] These letters are in the 12th book of those to
+    Atticus, Nos. 12-40.
+
+   [825] _Ad Att._ xii. 36. The translation is Shuckburgh's.
+
+    [826] A good example is Virg. _Aen._ viii. 349, but it
+    is needless to multiply instances of the _religio loci_.
+    Serv. _ad Aen._ i. 314 defines _lucus_ as "arborum
+    multitudo cum religione."
+
+    [827] _Ad Att._ xii. 36; cp. 35. He uses the Greek word
+    [Greek: apotheôsis] in 35. 1, which seems to have come
+    into use in his own time; see Liddell & Scott, _s.v._
+
+    [828] See above, p. 58.
+
+    [829] _Aen._ vi. 743. The meaning of these words seems
+    to be quite plain, though commentators have worried
+    themselves over them from Servius downwards. The mistake
+    has been in not sufficiently considering the force of
+    _quisque_, and puzzling too much over the vague word
+    _Manes_. Henry discerned the true meaning in our own
+    time. See his _Aeneidea_, vol. iii. p. 397. Cp. the
+    words quoted above from _Somn. Scip._: "mens cuiusque is
+    est quisque." M. S. Reinach (_Cultes_, etc. ii. 135
+    foll.) is not far out: "Nous souffrons chacun suivant le
+    degré de souillure de nos âmes."
+
+    [830] _C.I.L._ i. 639, with Mommsen's note.
+
+    [831] See _R.F._ p. 308.
+
+    [832] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 12. 27. For the "ius Manium," _de
+    Legibus_, ii. 22 and 54 foll.
+
+    [833] _Ad Att._ xii. 18: "Longum illud tempus _cum non
+    ero_ magis me movet quam hoc exiguum," etc. Cp. _Tusc._
+    i. _ad fin._
+
+    [834] _Ad Fam._ iv. 5. 6: "Quod si quis apud inferos
+    sensus est, qui illius in te amor fuit pietasque in
+    omnes suos, hoc certe illa te facere nonvult."
+
+    [835] Sall. _Cat._ ch. 51: "Mortem cuncta mortalium
+    dissolvere, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse."
+    This is the Epicurean doctrine, which Caesar was said to
+    hold.
+
+    [836] Catull. 5. 6; Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 188. The whole
+    passage is worth quoting: "Post sepulturam vanae Manium
+    ambages. Omnibus a supremo die eadem quae ante primum,
+    nec magis a morte sensus ullus aut corpori aut animae
+    quam ante natalem. Eadem enim vanitas in futurum etiam
+    se propagat et in mortis quoque tempora sibi vitam
+    mentitur, alias immortalitatem animae, alias
+    transfigurationem, _alias sensum inferis dando et Manes
+    colendo deumque faciendo qui iam etiam homo esse
+    desierit_, ceu vero ullo modo spirandi ratio ceteris
+    animalibus praestet, aut non diuturniora in vita multa
+    reperiantur quibus nemo similem divinat immortalitatem,"
+    etc.
+
+    [837] There is an essay on this form of literature in
+    the _Études morales sur l'antiquité_ of Constant Martha,
+    p. 135 foll.
+
+    [838] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 27. 66.
+
+    [839] Lact. _Inst._ i. 15. 20.
+
+    [840] Lact. iii. 18.
+
+    [841] See Schanz, _Gesch. der röm. Literatur_, vol. ii.
+    p. 376.
+
+    [842] Fragments 54 and 55.
+
+    [843] P. 158 foll.
+
+    [844] Lucr. vi. 764 foll. Cp. iii. 966 foll.; Masson,
+    _Lucretius_, i. p. 402. Mr. Cyril Bailey also reminds me
+    of Lucr. iii. 31-93, and 1053 to end; and adds a decided
+    opinion that the poet is not here thinking of the common
+    Roman, but of the educated Roman brought up on Greek and
+    Graeco-Roman poetry and philosophy.
+
+    [845] Polyb. vi. 56.
+
+    [846] _Tusc._ i. 46. 111.
+
+    [847] See Roscher's _Myth. Lex._ _s.v._ "Orcus";
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 192.
+
+    [848] See above, p. 107.
+
+    [849] Müller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. 108 foll.
+    Illustrations can be seen in Dennis, _Cities and
+    Cemeteries of Etruria_, ed. 2.
+
+    [850] _Captivi_, v. 4. 1.
+
+    [851] _La Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins_, vol.
+    i. p. 310.
+
+    [852] Cic. _Tusc._ i. 16. 37. For the eschatology of the
+    sixth _Aeneid_, a curious mélange of religion,
+    philosophy, and folklore, see Norden's work on Virgil,
+    _Aeneid_, vi. (index, p. 468). Norden believes, I may
+    note, that the philosophical and religious elements in
+    it are mainly derived from Posidonius. Cp. also Glover,
+    _Studies in Virgil_, ch. x. (Hades). For popular
+    beliefs in Hades, etc., under the Empire, see
+    Friedländer's _Sittengeschichte_, vol. iii. last
+    chapter.
+
+    [853] Weil, _Études sur l'antiquité grecque_, p. 12,
+    quoted by Glover, p. 218.
+
+    [854] See above, p. 105.
+
+    [855] Since this lecture was written a most interesting
+    discussion of Greek ideas, Achaean and Pelasgic, about
+    the relation of soul and body after death, has appeared
+    in Mr. Lawson's _Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek
+    Religion_, especially in chapters v. and vi., confirming
+    me, to some extent at least, in the conjecture I had
+    here hazarded. The working of the imagination in regard
+    to a future state is in Greece, in his view, peculiar to
+    the older or Pelasgic population; and if the Etruscans
+    were of Pelasgic stock, as is now believed by many,
+    their imaginative grotesqueness, a degraded form perhaps
+    of the original characteristic, acting on the ideas of a
+    still more primitive population of which the Lemuria is
+    a survival, might explain the later prevalence of a
+    gruesome eschatology at Rome. But whoever studies Mr.
+    Lawson's chapters closely will find serious difficulties
+    in the way even of such a hypothesis as this.
+
+    [856] Ovid, _Fasti_, v. 430 foll.; _R.F._ p. 109.
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 192, attributes the ideas of larvae
+    (ghosts) and of Orcus, not to religion, but to popular
+    superstition. If he here means by religion the State
+    religion and the _Parentalia_ in particular, I can agree
+    with him.
+
+    [857] Dr. Carter allows this in Hastings' _Dict. of
+    Religion and Ethics_, vol. i. (Roman section of article
+    "Ancestor Worship.")
+
+    [858] See _R.F._ p. 334.
+
+    [859] _R.F._ p. 107.
+
+    [860] _Origin and Development of Moral Ideas_, ii. 693
+    foll.
+
+    [861] Varro, _L.L._ v. 25; Paulus p. 216;
+    Hülsen-Jordan, _Röm. Topogr._ iii. p. 268 foll. The
+    remains of these puticuli were unluckily very
+    imperfectly reported, and have been lost in the building
+    of the Rome of to-day. On the question of the religious
+    aspect of the two ways of disposing of the dead, burial
+    and cremation, it is as well to remember Dieterich's
+    warning in _Mutter Erde_, p. 66, note: "den Versuch, aus
+    der Verbreitung und dem Wechsel der Sitte des
+    Verbrennens und Begrabens für meine Untersuchung
+    Schlüsse zu gewinnen, habe ich völlig aufgegeben, als
+    ich angesichts der ungeheueren Materialen meines
+    Kollegen von Duhn die Unmöglicheit solcher Schlüsse
+    einsehen musste." In Mr. Lawson's book quoted above it
+    seems to me to be proved that the object of both methods
+    is the same, viz. to destroy the body as quickly as
+    possible in order to prevent the soul from re-entering
+    it and annoying the survivors.
+
+    [862] This is well explained by Cumont in his _Religions
+    orientales dans le paganisme romain_, p. 196 foll.,
+    following Bouché-Leclercq's work on astrology in Greece.
+    Cumont thinks that astrology took over the business of
+    the augurs and haruspices, which was now dropped, and
+    this is true in the main as regards the individual, but
+    not as regards the State; see above, p. 308 foll.
+
+    [863] For Fortuna in the writings of Caesar, etc., see
+    _Classical Review_, vol. xvii. p. 153. The _locus
+    classicus_ for Fortuna as a deity under the early empire
+    is Pliny, _N.H._ ii. 22.
+
+    [864] Cato, _R.R._ ch. v. 4.
+
+    [865] Val. Max. i. 3. 2, who no doubt was following
+    Livy; for in the Epitomes of some lost books of Livy
+    discovered at Oxyrrhyncus by Grenfell and Hunt (_Oxyrrh.
+    Papyri_, vol. iv. p. 101), the same fact is alluded to.
+    For the embassy, Maccab. i. 14. 24; xv. 15-24. Two
+    extracts from the text of Valerius, which is here lost,
+    both state that proselytising Jews were at this time
+    driven from Rome; the Jupiter Sabazius, whose cult they
+    were propagating, can hardly be other than that of
+    Jehovah; see Schürer, _Jewish People in the Time of
+    Christ_, pt. ii. vol. ii. p. 233 of the English
+    translation. The expulsion of Chaldaei may, however,
+    have been a separate measure of the praetor Hispalus.
+
+    [866] Plutarch, _Marius_, 42.
+
+    [867] Suet. _Aug._ 1. I have seen a learned work about a
+    century old, now entirely forgotten, in which it is
+    maintained that Virgil's fourth Eclogue is simply a
+    genethliacon of Augustus; the arguments, which are
+    ingenious but futile, are drawn from the poem of
+    Manilius.
+
+    [868] Tacitus, _Hist._ i. 22.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XVIII
+
+RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL
+
+
+My justification for devoting a whole lecture to Virgil must be that
+this great poet, more warmly and sympathetically than any other Latin
+author, gives expression to the best religious feeling of the Roman
+mind. And this is so not only in regard to the tendencies of religion in
+his own day; he stands apart from all his literary contemporaries in
+that he sums up the past of Roman religious experience, reflects that of
+his own time, and also looks forward into the future. No other poet, no
+historian, not even Livy, who sprang from the same region and in his
+tone and spirit in some ways resembles Virgil, has the same broad
+outlook, the same tender interest in religious antiquity, the same
+all-embracing sympathy for the Roman world he knew, and the same
+confident and cheerful hope for its future. Each of the Augustan
+poets--Horace, Ovid, Propertius, Tibullus--has his own peculiar gift and
+charm; but those who know Virgil through and through will at once
+acknowledge the difference between these and the man possessed of
+spiritual insight. They are helpful in various ways to the student of
+Roman religion, and Tibullus especially has a simple reverence for the
+old religion which has inspired a few exquisite descriptions of this
+aspect of Italian life. But, if I may use the word, they had no
+mission; they were true poets, yet not poets of the prophetic order;
+they had not thought deeply and reached conviction, like Lucretius and
+Virgil. A few words from the conclusion of an Edinburgh professor's
+admirable work on Virgil will sufficiently express what I mean. "His
+religious belief," says Sellar, "like his other speculative convictions,
+was composite and undefined; yet it embraced what was purest and most
+vital in the religions of antiquity, and in its deepest intuitions it
+seems to look forward to the belief which became dominant in Rome four
+centuries later."[869] In fact, Virgil gathers up what was valuable in
+the past of Rome and adds to it a new element, a new source of life and
+hope. It was this that made it possible for a great French critic to
+assert that for those who have read Virgil there is nothing astonishing
+in Christianity.[870] Let us try and realise what these writers mean.
+The Scotsman is sober and earnest, the Frenchman epigrammatically
+exaggerating; but the feeling that underlies both utterances is a true
+one.
+
+We have traced the gradual paralysis of the secularised State religion.
+We have glanced at the two types of philosophical thought which took the
+place of that religion in the minds of the cultivated section of Roman
+society, neither of which could adequately supply the Roman and Italian
+mind with an expression of its own natural feeling, never wholly
+extinct, of its relation to the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe. Stoicism came near to doing what was needed, by rehabilitating
+itself on Italian soil and indulging Roman preconceptions of the divine;
+but it could not greatly affect the mass of men, and its appeal was not
+to feeling, but to reason. Epicurism, though perhaps more popular, was
+in reality more in conflict with what was best in the Italian nature,
+and the passionate appeal of Lucretius to look for comfort to a
+scientific knowledge of the _rerum natura_ had no enduring power to
+cheer. Lastly, we have examined the tendency of the same age towards
+mysticism and Cicero's doubting and embarrassed expression of it, and we
+found that this tendency rather illustrates a sense of something
+wanting than hopefully satisfies it. We may well feel ourselves, now we
+have arrived at the close of the Republican era, just as the best men of
+that day felt, that there _is_ something wanting. In their minds this
+feeling almost amounted to despair; in ours, as we read the story of the
+troublous time after the death of Caesar, it is pity and wonder. There
+was, in fact, more than a sense of weariness and discomfort, moral and
+material, in the Roman mind of that generation--there was also what we
+may almost call a sense of sin, such a feeling, though doubtless less
+real and intense, as that which their prophets, from time to time, awoke
+in the Jewish people, and one not unknown in the history of Hellas. It
+was essentially a feeling of neglected duty--of neglected duty to the
+Power and of goodwill wanting towards men. Lucretius had been
+unconsciously a powerful witness to this feeling, but had not found the
+remedy. In the early Augustan age it is again expressed by Horace, by
+Sallust, and more deeply and truly in the beautiful preface to Livy's
+History.[871] Livy there says that he devoted himself to the early
+annals of Rome that he might shut his eyes to the evils of his own
+time--"tempora quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus."
+
+This something wanting was then a feeling, a _religio_, if we can
+venture to use the old word once more in the sense which I have so often
+attributed to it. Not an unreasonable or ungovernable feeling, not a
+_superstitio_, but a feeling of happy dependence on a higher Power, and
+a desire to conform to His will in all the relations of human life. This
+is the kind of feeling that had always lain at the root of the Roman
+_pietas_, the sense of duty to family and State, and to the deities who
+protected them. In the jarring of factions, the cruelty and bloodshed of
+tyrants, and the luxurious self-indulgence of the last two generations,
+the voice of _pietas_ had been silenced, the better instincts of
+humanity had gone down. We have to see what was done by our poet to
+awake that voice again and to put fresh life into those instincts. Only
+let us remember that more permanent good is done in this world by a
+beautiful nature giving itself its natural expression, than by precept
+or denunciation; and beware of attributing to Virgil more direct
+consciousness of his mission than he really felt. It is the nature of
+the man that is of value to us in our studies, as it was to the Romans
+in their despair, a nature ruled by sweet, calm feeling, full of
+sympathy and full of hope.
+
+The something wanting in others which we find in Virgil only, or in him
+more convincingly felt and more resonantly expressed, is a kindly and
+hopeful outlook on the world, with a deep and real sympathy for all
+sorrow and pain. It is not the result of any definite religious
+conviction; it is in the nature of the man, and is of the very fibre of
+his being; but it made him a better religious teacher than the rest,
+just because real religion is not a matter of reason only, or of
+convention, or of art, but of feeling. This was the true antidote to
+despair or depression--a sympathy with man in all he does or suffers,
+not an indignant cry of remonstrance like that of Lucretius. Virgil's
+sympathetic outlook includes not only Man, but the animal world, and
+there can be no better proof that his feeling was genuine. The
+nightingale robbed of her young,[872]
+
+                            quem durus arator
+  observans nido implumes detraxit: at illa
+  flet noctem, ramoque sedens miserabile carmen
+  integrat et maestis late loca questibus implet;
+
+the cattle smitten by the plague,[873] the migrating birds coming in
+from the sea,[874] and many another tender touch, all show us the
+feeling of which I am speaking; for he who could so feel towards animals
+must needs have a soul of pity for man. So, too, with the inanimate
+nature of Italy; the land in which Virgil's shepherds and husbandmen
+live and work is one full of such detailed loveliness as might suggest a
+beneficent Power presiding over it all, inviting man to lift up his
+heart in gratitude or prayer. As Sellar has well remarked,[875] the
+sense of natural beauty is in the _Georgics_ intertwined with the toil
+of man, raising, as it were, the toiler to a higher level of humanity as
+he lifts his eyes from his work. And this natural beauty is made real
+for the reader by the life and force that everywhere pervades it; all
+nature is alive and full of feeling; the fruit trees, for example, in
+the second _Georgic_ seem instinct with an almost human life.[876] The
+moment this comes home to us we see how it harmonises with all we have
+learnt of the old Italian conception of the divine, of the forceful
+_numina_ working for man's benefit if properly propitiated. And even
+when Virgil is using the language of the Stoics to explain the life of
+nature, we feel that behind the philosophical theory there lies this
+feeling of the Italian:
+
+                  deum namque ire per omnes
+  terrasque tractusque maris caelumque profundum:
+  hinc pecudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarum.[877]
+
+This is the religious spirit of the _Georgics_; the divine forces are
+everywhere, and a man must submit himself to them and seek their aid. He
+finds his true resource rather in prayer than in philosophy, his part in
+the world is "laborare et orare." The hard lot of the Hesiodic labourer
+is not that of the _agricola_ of the _Georgics_, who carries on his
+campaign of toil with a cheerful heart and a clear conscience, for he is
+in right relation with the Power manifesting itself in the life around
+him.
+
+This, then, so far as I can describe it without going too far into
+detail, is the feeling, the _religio_, which was needed in the Italy of
+that day. We may, perhaps, venture to compare its revival in the work of
+Virgil with the return to nature in the English poetry of a century ago,
+which also brought with it a revival of religious fervency. Though
+Virgil and Wordsworth are in many ways as unlike as two poets can be,
+they are alike in the possession of that gentle and trustful outlook on
+the world of nature which stimulates the mind to think of itself in its
+relation to the Power. We do not need to analyse the process or to put
+it into any logical shape; we may rest content with it as a fact in the
+history of Roman religious experience.
+
+In Virgil's case, as in Wordsworth's, this feeling had the effect of
+reconciling the poet's mind to the old forms of religious worship.
+Reconcile is, perhaps, hardly the right word; we may doubt whether he
+had ever quarrelled with them. As he believed in the Power and its
+manifestations, so too he believed in the traditional modes of
+propitiating it, not asking himself the _raison d'être_ of this or that
+ceremony, still less looking on them with pity and contempt, like
+Lucretius, but accepting them in his broad humanity as part of the life
+and thought of man in Italy.
+
+  fortunatus et ille Deos qui _novit_ agrestes.[878]
+
+Let us mark the word _novit_. The husbandman has come to recognise these
+emanations of the Power and to know them as friends; the word could not
+have been used of malignant spirits. As I said in an early lecture, man
+advances in his knowledge of the Power as he advances in civilisation.
+So the rural rites have a claim on his sympathy no less than the men who
+performed them; he knew them in their detail, and he knew them in the
+spirit which animated them. He must have studied them in detail, and not
+only the rural cults, but those of the city too; every gesture in
+worship has an interest for him, and so great is our respect for his
+accuracy that we accept what he tells us even if we cannot explain
+it.[879] His careful learning in all these details has been the means of
+preserving for us large sources of knowledge; for Servius, Macrobius,
+and other commentators accumulated stores of it in endeavouring to
+interpret him.
+
+Now, this is not mere antiquarianism in Virgil, any more than is the
+detail of old life which abounds in Scott's poems and novels. These two
+men had the same wide, sympathetic outlook on the world. Scott was
+interested in everything and everybody, whether living or dead long ago,
+and in all they did; and I think we may say the same of Virgil, though
+he is said to have been rather reserved and shy than genial and
+talkative like Scott. Virgil's mind was not so much "curious," I think,
+as sympathetic, and his delight in these religious details arises from
+his love of Italy and all that man did in it. He caught the spirit of
+the old Italian worship, which, as we saw, demanded that each act should
+be performed accurately according to rules laid down. He recognises the
+necessity, and with true Italian instinct he acts upon it as he writes.
+He knows that these acts of cult are one outward expression of that
+quality which had made Rome great--_pietas_, the sense of duty to
+family, State, and Deity.
+
+So far I have been considering what I may call the psychological basis
+of Virgil's religion--the man's sympathetic nature and wide outlook,
+which included in its love of Italy even the old practical worship of
+Italians. I have now to go on to the poet's greatest work, in which the
+idea of duty was not merely recognised in religious acts but exemplified
+in an ideal Roman. It is mainly in the _Aeneid_ that we see him looking
+forward as well as backward, for it is there that we have the chart of
+the Roman's duty drawn to the scale of his past history, and meant to
+guide him in the future in still more glorious travel.
+
+There are two ways in which we may contemplate the _Aeneid_ as a whole
+and the teaching it offered the Roman of that day. We may think of it
+(if I may for a moment use musical language) as a great fugue, of which
+the leading subject is the mission of Rome in the world. Providence,
+Divine will, the Reason of the Stoics, or, in the poetical setting of
+the poem, Jupiter, the great protecting Roman deity, with the Fates
+behind him somewhat vaguely conceived,[880] had guided the State to
+greatness and empire from its infancy onwards, and the citizens of that
+State must be worthy of that destiny if they were to carry out the great
+work. This mighty theme pervades the whole poem and, like the subject of
+a fugue, enters and re-enters from time to time in thrilling tones. It
+is given out in the prophecy put into the mouth of Jupiter himself at
+the beginning of the first book; it is heard in still more magnificent
+music from the shade of old Anchises in the last moments of the hero's
+visit to Hades in the sixth book, and again in the description of the
+shield which Venus gives her son.[881] Though the poem is unequal and
+some parts of it are left without the final touches, yet whenever the
+poet comes upon this great theme the tone is that of a full organ. This
+is, I think, apart from those exquisite beauties of detail which are for
+those only who have been initiated in the Virgilian mysteries, what
+chiefly moves the modern reader of Virgil. There are drawbacks which,
+for us moderns at least, detract from the general effect: the
+intervention of gods and goddesses after the Homeric manner, but without
+the charm of Homer; the seeming want of warm human blood in the hero;
+the stern decrees of Fate overruling human passions and interests; but
+he who keeps the great theme ever in mind, watching for it as he reads,
+as one watches for the new entry of a great fugue-subject, will never
+fail to see in the _Aeneid_ one of the noblest efforts of human art--to
+understand what makes it the world's second great epic.
+
+But this great destiny of Rome has been accomplished by the service of
+man; by his loyalty, self-sacrifice, and sense of duty; by that quality
+known to the Romans as _pietas_; and the second lesson or reminder of
+the _Aeneid_ lies in the exemplification of this truth in the person and
+character of the hero. We moderns find it hard to interest ourselves in
+the character of Aeneas. But as Prof. Nettleship remarked long ago,[882]
+a Roman reader would not have thought him dull or uninteresting; if that
+had been so, the poem could hardly have become popular from the moment
+of its publication. I am inclined to think that the _development_ of the
+character of Aeneas under stress of perils, moral and material, was much
+more obvious to the Roman than it is to us, and much more keenly
+appreciated. For him it was the chief lesson of the poem, which makes it
+as it were a "whole duty of the Roman"; and as this lesson is really a
+part of Roman religious experience I am going to occupy the rest of this
+lecture with it.
+
+The development of the character of Aeneas, under the influence of
+perils and temptations through which he is guided by Jupiter and the
+Fates, is not a subject which has received much attention from modern
+criticism.[883] Yet to me, at least, it would be surprising if the
+leading character of the poem were, so to speak, a statue once and for
+all conceived and executed by the artist, instead of a human being
+subjected to various experiences which work upon his character as well
+as his career. There were circumstances in Virgil's time which made it
+natural that a poet of a serious and philosophical turn of mind should
+be interested in the development of character and make it part of his
+great subject. We have more than once had occasion to notice the growth
+of individualism in the last two centuries B.C. Beyond doubt personal
+character had a great interest at this time for thinking men, apart from
+its development; the world was ruled by individuals, and at no time has
+so much depended on the disposition of individuals. Men had long begun
+to take themselves very seriously, and to write their own biographies.
+So entirely had the individual emancipated himself from the State, that
+he had almost forgotten that the State existed and claimed his _pietas_;
+he worked and played for his own ends.[884] Even the armies of that
+melancholy age were known and thought of, not as the servants of the
+State, but as Sullani, Pompeiani, and so on. This almost arrogant
+self-assertion of the individual was a fact of the time, and could not
+be suppressed entirely; it was henceforward impossible to return to the
+old times when the State was all in all and the individual counted for
+little.
+
+But in the _Aeneid_, if I am not mistaken, there is an almost perfect
+balance between the two conflicting interests. The State is the pivot on
+which turns all that is best in individual human character; in other
+words, Aeneas is not playing his own game, but fulfilling the order of
+destiny which was to bring the world under Roman dominion. Individualism
+of the wrong type, that of Dido, Turnus, Mezentius, has to be escaped or
+overcome by the hero, for whom the call of duty is that of the State to
+be; but, all the same, the hero is an _individual_, and one conceived
+not merely as a type or a force. True, he is typical of Roman _pietas_,
+and bears his constant epithet accordingly; but if we look at him
+carefully we shall see that his _pietas_ is at first imperfect, and that
+his individualism has to be tamed and brought into the service of the
+State _with the help of the State's deities_. This is what makes the
+_Aeneid_ a religious poem; the character of Aeneas is pivoted on
+religion; religion is the one sanction of his conduct. There is no
+appeal in the _Aeneid_ to knowledge, or reason, or pleasure,--always to
+the will of God. _Pietas_ is Virgil's word for religion, as it had been
+Cicero's in his more exalted moments. In the Dream of Scipio we read
+that "_piis_ omnibus retinendus est animus in custodia corporis: nec
+iniussu eius a quo ille est vobis datus, ex hominum vita migrandum est,
+_ne munus humanum adsignatum a deo defugisse videamini_."[885] In these
+words, as is shown by those that follow, the _munus hominum_ is exactly
+what it is in the _Aeneid_, duty to Man and the State, and as it is laid
+down for man by God, it is also duty to Him. The State finds its
+perfection in the individual so long as he thus fulfills the will of
+God.[886]
+
+Let us now go on to watch Aeneas as he gradually develops this perfect
+balance of motive.
+
+Aeneas is marked at the very outset of the poem as "insignem pietate
+virum"; the key-note of his character is sounded here at once with
+skill, and the key thus suggested (to use musical metaphor once more) is
+maintained steadily throughout it. The quality demanded by the gods from
+every true Roman who would take his part in carrying out the divine
+mission of Rome must be emphasised in the ideal Roman. Yet, as we read
+on, we soon discover that Aeneas was by no means as yet a perfect
+character. It can hardly be by accident that the poet has described him
+as yielding to despair and bewailing his fate on the first approach of
+danger--forgetting the mission before him and the destiny driving him
+on, and wishing that he were lying dead with Hector under the walls of
+Troy (i. 92 foll.). It would have been easy enough for Virgil to have
+taken up at once the heroic vein in the man, as it was left him by
+Homer,[887] and to have made him urge his men to bestir themselves or to
+yield bravely to fate. And this is precisely what Aeneas does _when the
+storm is over and the danger past_ (198 foll.); yet even then he is not
+whole-hearted about it:
+
+  talia voce refert, curisque ingentibus aeger
+  _spem voltu simulat_, premit alto corde dolorem.
+
+At the very moment, that is, when he expresses his belief in his destiny
+and the duty of making for Italy, he still has misgivings, though he
+dare not express them.
+
+Heinze has remarked[888] that before this, at the sack of Troy, he had
+shown a want of self-control, and yielded to a mad passion of desperate
+fighting that is not to be found in the Aeneas of the last six books
+(ii. 314 foll.):
+
+  arma amens capio nec sat rationis in armis.
+
+_Furor_ and _ira_ drive him headlong; we are reminded of the mad fury of
+Mezentius or Turnus.
+
+Again, after the death of Priam Venus has to remind him of his duty to
+his father, wife, and son (ii. 594 foll.), reproaching him for his loss
+of sanity and self-control:
+
+  nate, quis indomitas tantus dolor excitat iras?
+  quid furis, aut quonam nostri tibi cura recessit?
+  non prius aspicies ubi fessum aetate parentem
+  liqueris Anchisen, superet coniunxne Creusa
+  Ascaniusque puer?[889]
+
+During the wanderings narrated in the third book it is Anchises who
+leads, and who receives and interprets the divine warnings; he seems to
+be the guardian and guide of his son: to that son he is "omnis curae
+casusque levamen" (iii. 709), and he is "felix nati pietate" (iii. 480).
+He is, in fact, the typical Roman father, who, unlike Homer's Laertes,
+maintains his activity and authority to the end of his life, and to whom
+even the grown-up son, himself a father, owes reverence and obedience.
+As Boissier has pointed out,[890] the death of Anchises is postponed in
+the story as long as possible, and it is only after his death that
+Aeneas is exposed to a really dangerous temptation; it is immediately
+after this event that, as we saw, he loses heart at the first storm, and
+then, on landing in Africa, falls a victim for the moment to the queenly
+charms of Dido. We may notice that up to this point his _pietas_ has
+been a limited one, hardly called upon for exercise beyond the bounds of
+family life and duty; when he is himself at the head, not only of the
+family, but, so to speak, of the State, it has to take a wider range,
+and to be put to a severe test.
+
+To all that has at different times been written about Virgil's treatment
+of the Dido legend I must venture here to add another word. Heinze has
+shown[891] that no certain origin can be discovered for the form of the
+story as Virgil tells it; it may have been Naevius who first took Aeneas
+to Sicily, but we do not know whether he or any successor of his
+invented the essential point of Virgil's story,--the suicide of Dido as
+a consequence of her desertion by Aeneas.[892] In any case the question
+arises, why our poet should have deliberately abandoned the current and
+popular version, and exposed his hero to such imminent danger of
+deserting the path which Jupiter and the Fates had marked out for
+him,--of sacrificing his great mission to the passion of a magnificent
+woman, and to the prospect of illicit ease and unsanctioned dominion.
+Heinze is of opinion that Virgil's motive was here a purely artistic
+one; he wanted an opportunity to introduce the pathetic element into his
+epic. "There was no lack of models; the latest bloom of Greek poetry had
+been in nothing more inventive than in dealing with all the phenomena of
+the passion of love,--its agony, shame, and despair, and the
+self-immolation of its victims."[893] He enforces this view with great
+learning, and all he writes about it is of value; but I must confess
+that he has not convinced me that this was Virgil's chief motive. He
+seems to me to leave out of account two important considerations: first,
+that though the poet drew freely on every available source, Greek and
+Roman, for the enrichment of his subject and its treatment, yet the
+whole design and purpose of the _Aeneid_ is Roman and not Greek, and the
+introduction of a love-story _as such_ would have been foreign to that
+design, and also to the aims and hopes of Augustus and the best men of
+the age. Secondly, Heinze seems to forget, like so many others who have
+written about the Dido episode, that Virgil had before his very eyes
+facts sufficiently striking, a romance quite sufficiently appalling, to
+suggest the adoption of the form of the story as we have it in the
+fourth book. Twice in his own lifetime did a single formidable woman
+work a baleful spell upon the destinies of the Roman empire. In neither
+case did the spell take fatal effect; Julius escaped in time from the
+wiles and the splendour of Cleopatra; Antony failed indeed to escape,
+but brought himself and her to fortunate ruin. It is to me inexplicable,
+considering how all Virgil's poems abound with allusions to the events
+of his time, and with side-glances at the chief agents in them, that
+neither Heinze nor Norden should have even touched on the possibility
+that Cleopatra was in the poet's mind when he wrote the fourth book. It
+is perhaps difficult for one who puts the poem on the dissecting-board,
+and whose attention is continually absorbed in the investigation of
+minute points in the fibre of it, to bear in mind the extraordinary
+events of the poet's lifetime,--the civil war, the murder of Julius, the
+division of the Roman world, the distraction of Italy, the attempt of
+Antony, or rather, indeed, of his enslaver, to set up a rival Oriental
+dominion, and the rescue of Romanism and civilisation by Augustus. Had
+Lucretius himself lived in that generation, he could hardly have escaped
+the influence of these appalling facts. Whoever will turn to the late
+Prof. Nettleship's essay on the poetry of Virgil, appended to his
+_Ancient Roman Lives of Virgil_,[894] can hardly fail to be convinced
+that on the later poet's mind they had produced a profound impression,
+the effects of which are traceable throughout the whole mass of his
+work. His Roman readers, whose state and empire had been brought to the
+verge of ruin by the exaltation of individual passions and ambitions,
+would look for these constant allusions and understand them far better
+than we can.
+
+I maintain, then, that the poet adopted his version of the story of Dido
+not simply as an affecting and pathetic episode, but (in keeping with
+his whole design) to emphasise the great lesson of the poem by showing
+that the growth and glory of the Roman dominion are due, under
+providence, to Roman _virtus_ and _pietas_--that sense of duty to
+family, State, and gods, which rises, in spite of trial and danger,
+superior to the enticements of individual passion and selfish ease.
+Aeneas is sorely tried, but he escapes from Dido to perform the will of
+the gods; it is Jupiter, ruler of the Fates and the Roman destinies, who
+rescues him, and thus the divine care for Rome, an idea of which
+Augustus wished to make the most, is carefully preserved in the tale. If
+for us the character of Aeneas suffers by his desertion of Dido, that is
+simply because the poet, seized with intense pity for the injured queen,
+seems for once, like his own hero, to have forgotten his mission in the
+poem, and at the very moment when he means to show Aeneas performing the
+noblest act of self-sacrifice, renouncing his individual passion and
+listening to the stern call of duty, human nature gets the better of
+him, and what he meant to paint as a noble act has come out on his
+canvas as a mean one.
+
+In Virgil's story, then, we have in contrast and conflict the opposing
+principles of duty and pleasure, of patriotism and selfishness, and the
+victory of the latter in the person of Aeneas by the help of the great
+god who was the guardian of the destinies of Rome, and of the goddess
+who was the mother of the hero and the reputed progenitor of the Julian
+family. When once this great trial is over, the way is clear for the
+accomplishment of Aeneas' mission, though he still has trials to face,
+and as yet is not fully equipped for meeting them.
+
+Whoever, after reading the stormy scenes of the fourth book, will go
+straight on to the fifth, cannot but be struck with a change of tone
+which would have been doubly welcome to a man of that true Roman feeling
+which Virgil was counting on as well as inculcating throughout his
+work--doubly welcome, because he would find it not only in the
+incidents, but in the character of Aeneas. We here leave self and
+passion behind, and are introduced to scenes where the careful
+performance of religious and family duties seems to produce ease of mind
+and the tranquillity that comes of a soothed conscience. For the first
+time in the poem we meet with a characteristic of that best Roman life
+which was dear to the heart of Augustus, and with which we may be quite
+certain that the poet himself was entirely in sympathy. Strange, indeed,
+it is that this should be the case in a book so wholly based for its
+externals on Greek poetical traditions; but it is none the less true,
+and it is a striking example of Virgil's wonderful genius for
+transforming old things with new light and meaning.[895]
+
+It is not only then, or even mainly, the traditional necessity of
+describing games in an epic poem, that is the _raison d'être_ of the
+fifth book; the object was rather, as I understand it, to gain the
+needful contrast to the stormy passion of the fourth, and a relief for
+the mind of the Roman reader before he approached the awful scenery and
+experiences of the sixth, while at the same time there could be
+indicated--and for a Roman reader more than indicated--the _first
+beginning of a change_ in the character of the hero. All this is
+effected with wonderful skill by making Aeneas perform with detailed
+carefulness the Roman ritual of the _Parentalia_ as it was known to the
+Romans of the Augustan age. The _Parentalia_, as I have said
+elsewhere,[896] were not days of terror or ill-omen, but rather days on
+which the performance of duty was the leading idea in men's minds; that
+duty was a pleasant and cheerful one, for the dead were still members of
+the family, and there was nothing to fear from them so long as the
+living performed their duties towards them under the due regulations of
+the _ius divinum_. The ritual indicates the idea of the yearly renewal
+of the rite of burial, with the propitiation of the departed which was
+necessary for the welfare of the family; and when the liturgical nine
+days were over, the living members met together in the _Caristia_, a
+kind of love feast of the family, at which all quarrels were to be
+forgotten, and from which all guilty members were excluded. In families
+of wealth and distinction in Virgil's time the days of mourning might be
+followed by _games in honour of the departed_. Thus a Roman would at
+once recognise the fact that Aeneas is here presented to us for the
+first time as a Roman father of a family, discharging the duties
+essential to the continuance and prosperity of that family with
+cheerfulness as well as with _gravitas_; and that his _pietas_ here
+takes a definite, practical, and truly Roman form, though it is not as
+yet extended to its full connotation as the performance of duty towards
+the State and its gods.
+
+All this is quite in keeping with the little touches of characterisation
+which we can also notice in this book. In the second line Aeneas pursues
+his way _certus_, even while he gazes at the flames of Dido's funeral
+pyre, not knowing what they meant. He presides at the games with the
+dignity of a Roman magistrate, and reproachingly consoles the beaten
+Dares with words which seem to reflect his late experience at Carthage
+(v. 465):
+
+  infelix, quae tanta animum dementia cepit?
+  non vires alias conversaque numina sentis?
+  _cede deo_.
+
+When the ships are burnt he does not give way to despair, as in the
+storm of the first book, but prays for help to the omnipotent Jupiter,
+in whose hand were the destinies of his descendants (v. 687 foll.). But
+he is not yet perfect in his sense of duty; he feels the blow severely,
+and for a moment wavers (v. 700 foll.):
+
+                 ... casu concussus acerbo
+  nunc huc ingentis, nunc illuc pectore curas
+  mutabat versans, Siculisne resideret arvis
+  oblitus fatorum, Italasne capesseret oras.
+
+It needs the cheering advice of old Nautes (_quicquid erit, superanda
+omnis fortuna ferendo est_), and the appearance of the shade of
+Anchises, to confirm his wavering will with renewed sense of his
+mission. This appearance of his father, "omnis curae casusque levamen,"
+with the summons to meet him in Hades, is, as Heinze has seen,[897] a
+turning-point in the fortunes and the character of Aeneas, and prepares
+us for the final ordeal and initiation which he undergoes in the
+following book.
+
+I here use the word initiation because I have no doubt that Virgil had
+in his mind when writing it the Greek idea of initiation into mysteries
+preparatory to a new life. An actual initiation was, of course, out of
+the question; on the other hand a _catabasis_, a descent into Hades, was
+part of the epic inheritance he derived from Homer, and this, like the
+funeral games in the fifth book, he might use with an earnestness of
+purpose wanting in Homer, to work in with the great theme of his poem,
+not merely as an artistic effort. The purpose here was to make of Aeneas
+a new man, to regenerate him; to prepare him by mystic enlightenment for
+the toil, peril, and triumph that await him in the accomplishment of his
+divine mission. We must not look too closely into the process; it is a
+strange mélange of popular and philosophic ideas and scenery, made at
+once intelligible and magnificent by the wonderful resources of the
+poet; but we may be sure that it has the same general meaning as the
+visions of Dante long afterwards. As Mr. Tozer has said, Dante's
+conversion and ultimate salvation were the primary object of his journey
+through the three realms of the spiritual world.[898] In this sense it
+can be called an initiation, an ordeal, a sacrament.
+
+So much has been written about this wonderful book that I do not need
+to dwell upon it here. I will content myself with pointing out very
+briefly a fact which struck me when I last read it. The ordeal of
+preparation is not complete till the very end of the book, when the
+shade of Anchises has shown his son all the great things to come, the
+due accomplishment of which depends on his sense of duty, his _pietas_.
+Up to that moment Aeneas is always thinking and speaking of the past,
+while in the last six books he is always looking ahead, absorbed in the
+work each hour placed before him, and in the prospect of the glory of
+Rome and Italy. The poet had contrived that his hero should himself
+narrate the story of the sack of Troy and his subsequent wanderings, and
+narrate them to the very person who would have made it impossible for
+him ever again to look forward on the path of duty. Surely this is
+significant of a moral as well as an artistic purpose; the passionate
+love of the queen urges her to keep his mind fixed on the past, to
+engage him in the story of events that concerned himself and not his
+mission (i. 748):
+
+  necnon et vario noctem sermone trahebat
+  infelix Dido, longumque bibebat amorem
+  multa super Priamo rogitans, super Hectore multa, etc.
+
+After the shade of Creusa had told him of his destiny, which she was not
+to share, the past was still in his mind, and he seems to have forgotten
+the warning; he calls himself an exile (iii. 10):
+
+  litora cum patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo
+  et campos ubi Troia fuit. Feror exsul in altum--
+
+I find an exception after the meeting with Andromache, when he thinks of
+the future for a moment, but even then half-heartedly as it seems to me,
+with a very distinct reluctance to face the dangers to come, and with a
+touching envy of those who could "stay at home at ease" (iii. 493
+foll.). His want of faith in the future is again shown in Book v., in
+the passage quoted just now; and even in Book vi. he is at first
+purposely depicted as "slack," as having his attention caught by what is
+for the moment before him, or with the figures of old friends and
+enemies whom he meets, until the last awakening revelation of Anchises.
+Thus no sooner has he landed in Italy than he is attracted by the
+pictures in the temple of Apollo and incurs a rebuke from the priestess
+(vi. 37 foll.):
+
+  non hoc ista sibi tempus spectacula poscit;
+  nunc grege de intacto septem mactare iuvencos
+  praestiterit, etc.;
+
+so also a little farther on she has to warn him again (50 foll.) at the
+entrance to the cave:
+
+             "cessas in vota precesque,
+  Tros" ait "Aenea, cessas?"
+
+It may be fancy in me to see even in his prayer which follows a leaning
+to think of Troy and his past troubles (56 foll.). But I cannot but
+believe that in this book he is meant to take a last farewell of all who
+have shared his past fortunes, have helped him or injured him; he meets
+Palinurus, Dido, Tydeus, Deiphobus, and the rest, and while meditating
+over these he has once more to be hurried by his guide (538):
+
+  sed comes admonuit breviterque adfata Sibylla est:
+  nox ruit, Aenea, nos flendo ducimus horas.
+
+When Anchises appears the whole tone changes, and his famous words seem
+to me to show conclusively that hesitation and want of fixed,
+undeviating purpose had been so far his son's chief failing (806):
+
+  et dubitamus adhuc virtutem extendere factis,
+  aut metus Ausonia prohibet consistere terra?
+
+The father's vision and prophecy are of the _future_ and the great deeds
+of men to come, and henceforward Aeneas makes no allusion to the past
+and the figures that peopled it, abandons talk and lamentations,
+"virtutem extendit factis." At the outset of Book vii. we feel the ship
+moving at once; three lines suffice for the fresh start; Circe is passed
+unheeded. "Maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo," says the poet in line 43;
+"maius opus moveo;" for the real subject of the poem is at last reached,
+and a heroic character by heroic deeds is to lay the foundation of the
+eternal dominion of Rome.
+
+A very few words shall suffice about the Aeneas of the later books. Let
+us freely allow that he is not strongly characterised; that for us
+moderns the interest centres rather in Turnus, who is heroic as an
+individual, but not as a pioneer of civilisation divinely led; that
+there is no real heroine, for feminine passion would be here out of
+place and un-Roman, and the courtship of Lavinia is undertaken, so to
+speak, for political reasons. The rôle of Aeneas, as the agent of
+Jupiter in conquest and civilisation, would appeal to a Roman rather
+than to a modern, and it was reserved for the modern critic to complain
+of a lack of individual interest in him. So, too, it is in Jewish
+history; we feel with Esau more than with Jacob, and with David more
+than with Moses, who is none the less the grandest typical Israelite in
+the Old Testament. And, indeed, Virgil's theme here is less the
+development of a character or the portraiture of a hero than the
+idealisation of the people of the Italy which he loved so well, who
+needed only a divinely guided leader and civiliser to enter upon the
+glorious career that was in store for them.
+
+I cannot escape the belief, as I read again through these books, that
+Virgil did intend to depict in Aeneas his ideal of that Roman character
+to which the leading writers of his day ascribed the greatness of their
+race. His _pietas_ is now confirmed and enlarged, it has become a sense
+of duty to the will of the gods as well as to his father, his son, and
+his people, and this sense of duty never leaves him, either in his
+general course of action or in the detail of sacrifice and propitiation.
+His courage and steadfastness never fail him; he looks ever forward,
+confident in divine protection; the shield he carries is adorned--a
+wonderful stroke of poetic genius--with scenes of the future, and not of
+the past (viii. 729 foll.):
+
+  talia per clipeum Volcani, dona parentis,
+  miratur rerumque ignarus imagine gaudet
+  attollens umero famamque et fata nepotum.
+
+He is never in these books to be found wanting in swiftness and
+vigilance; when he cheers his comrades it is no longer in a half-hearted
+way, but as at the beginning of the eleventh book, with the utmost
+vigour and confidence, "Arma parate, animis et spe praesumite bellum"
+(xi. 18).
+
+His _humanitas_ again is here more obvious than in his earlier career,
+and it is plainly meant to be contrasted with the heroic savagery of
+Mezentius and Turnus. So keenly did the poet feel this development in
+his hero's character, that in his descriptions of the death of Lausus
+and the burial of Pallas--noble and beautiful youths whom he loved in
+imagination as he loved in reality all young things--his tenderness is
+so touching that even now we can hardly read them without tears. And not
+only is the hero heroic and humane, but he is a just man and keeps
+faith; when, in the twelfth book, the Rutulians break the treaty, and
+his own men have joined in the unjust combat (xii. 311):
+
+  at pius Aeneas dextram tendebat inermem
+  nudato capite atque suos clamore vocabat:
+  "quo ruitis? quove ista repens discordia surgit?
+  o cohibete iras; ictum iam foedus et omnes
+  compositae leges: mihi ius concurrere soli."
+
+He claims for himself alone, under the guiding hand of providence, the
+right to deal with Turnus, the enemy of humanity and righteousness. And
+we may note that when it came to that last struggle, though conquering
+by divine aid, he was ready to spare the life of the conquered till he
+saw the spoils of the young Pallas upon him.
+
+The character of Aeneas, then, though not painted in such strong light
+as we moderns might expect or desire, is _intentionally_ developed into
+a heroic type in the course of the story--a type which every Roman would
+recognise as his own natural ideal. And this growth is the direct result
+of religious influence. It is partly the result of the hero's own
+natural _pietas_, innate within him from the first, as it was in the
+breast of every noble Roman; partly the result of a gradually enlarged
+recognition of the will of God, and partly of the strengthening and
+almost sacramental process of the journey to Hades, of the revelation
+there made of the mysteries of life and death, and of the great future
+which Jupiter and the Fates have reserved for the Roman people. In these
+three influences Virgil has summed up all the best religious factors of
+his day: the instinct of the Roman for religious observance, with all
+its natural effect on conduct; the elevating Stoic doctrine which
+brought man into immediate relation with the universal; and, lastly,
+the tendency to mysticism, Orphic or Pythagorean, which tells of a
+yearning in the soul of man to hope for a life beyond this, and to make
+of this life a meet preparation for that other.
+
+Only one word more. We can hardly doubt the truth of the story that the
+poet died earnestly entreating that this greatest work of his life
+should perish with him, and this may aptly remind us that though I have
+been treating the Aeneid as a poem of religion and morals, yet, after
+all, Virgil was a poet rather than a preacher, and thought of his
+Aeneid, not as a sermon, but as a work of art. Had he thought of it as a
+sermon he could hardly have wished to deprive the Roman world of it. The
+true poet is never a preacher except in so far as he is a poet. If the
+Greeks thought of their poets as teachers, says the late Prof. Jebb,
+"this was simply a recognition of poetry as the highest influence,
+intellectual and spiritual, that they knew." "It was not merely a
+recreation of their leisure, but a power pervading and moulding their
+whole existence." Surely this is also true of Virgil, and of the best at
+least of his Roman readers. No one can read the sixth Aeneid, the
+greatest effort of his genius, without feeling that poetry was all in
+all to him; that learning, legend, philosophy, religion, whatever in the
+whole range of human thought and fancy entered his mind, emerged from it
+as poetry and poetry only.[899]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XVIII
+
+    [869] Sellar, _Virgil_, p. 371.
+
+    [870] Sainte-Beuve, _Étude sur Virgile_, p. 68.
+
+    [871] Horace, _Epode_ 16, where, however, he is not
+    quite so much in earnest as in _Odes_ iii. 6. Sallust,
+    prefaces to Jugurtha and Catiline: these do not ring
+    quite true.
+
+    [872] _Georg._ iv. 511 foll.
+
+    [873] _Georg._ iii. 440 foll. The famous lines (498
+    foll.) about the horse smitten with pestilence will
+    occur to every one.
+
+    [874] _Aen._ vi. 309.
+
+    [875] _Op. cit._ p. 231. He cites _Georg._ i. 107 and
+    187 foll.
+
+    [876] Sellar, _Virgil_, p. 232.
+
+    [877] _Georg._ iv. 221 foll.
+
+    [878] _Georg._ ii. 493.
+
+    [879] Prof. Hardie recently asked me an explanation of
+    the double altar that we meet with more than once in
+    Virgil in connection with funeral rites: _e.g._, _Ecl._
+    5. 66; _Aen._ iii. 305; v. 77 foll. Servius tries to
+    explain this, but clearly did not understand it. Of
+    course I could offer no satisfactory solution. Yet we
+    are both certain that there is a satisfactory one if we
+    could only get at it.
+
+    [880] Much has been written about the part of the Fates
+    in the _Aeneid_ and their relation to Jupiter. See
+    Heinze, _Vergils epische Technik_, p. 286 foll.; Glover,
+    _Studies in Virgil_, 202 and 277 foll. I may be allowed
+    to refer also to my _Social Life at Rome in the Age of
+    Cicero_, p. 342 foll.
+
+    [881] _Aen._ i. 257 foll., vi. 756 foll., viii. 615
+    foll.
+
+    [882] _Suggestions preliminary to a Study of the
+    Aeneid_, p. 36.
+
+    [883] It is not likely to strike us unless we read the
+    whole _Aeneid_ through, without distracting our minds
+    with other reading, and this few of us do. I did it some
+    ten years ago; before that the development of character
+    had not dawned on me fully. I later on found it shortly
+    but clearly set forth in Heinze's _Vergils epische
+    Technik_, p. 266 foll.; and this caused me to read the
+    poem through once more, with the result that I became
+    confirmed in my view, and read a paper on the subject
+    to the Oxford Philological Society, which I have in part
+    embodied in this lecture.
+
+    [884] This is dwelt on in _Social Life at Rome in the
+    Age of Cicero_, p. 124 foll.
+
+    [885] _De Republica_, vi. 15.
+
+    [886] It may be as well to note here that the actual
+    representation of God in the _Aeneid_ is its weakest
+    point. It was an epic poem, and could not dispense with
+    the Homeric machinery: hence Jupiter is practically the
+    representative of the Stoic all-pervading deity, with
+    the Fates behind him. But it is not unlikely that Virgil
+    may thus have actually helped to make the way clear for
+    a nobler monotheistic idea by damaging Jupiter in the
+    course of this treatment; see _Social Life at Rome in
+    the Age of Cicero_, p. 341 foll.
+
+    [887] On the Homeric Aeneas there are some good remarks
+    in Boissier's _Nouvelles Promenades
+    archaeologiques_ (_Horace et Virgile_), p. 130
+    foll. Of all the Homeric heroes he seems to come
+    nearest, though but slightly sketched, to the Roman
+    ideal of heroism.
+
+    [888] Heinze, _Vergils epische Technik_, p. 17.
+
+    [889] I should be disposed to consider this passage as
+    decisive of the point, but that it immediately follows
+    upon the doubtful lines 567-588, in which Aeneas is
+    tempted in his mad fury to slay Helen; and if those
+    lines are not Virgil's, we have not sufficient
+    explanation of the rebuke which Venus here administers
+    to her son. On the other hand, if they were really
+    Virgil's, and omitted (as Servius declares) by the
+    original editors Tucca and Varius, we should have a
+    convincing proof that the poet meant his hero, in these
+    terrible scenes, to come so short of the true Roman
+    heroic type as to be capable of slaying a woman in cold
+    blood, and while a suppliant at an altar of the gods.
+    Into this much-disputed question I must not go farther,
+    except to note that while Heinze is absolutely confident
+    that Virgil never wrote these lines, the editor of the
+    new Oxford text of Virgil is equally certain that he
+    did. My opinion is of no value on such a point; but I am
+    disposed to agree with Mr. Hirtzel that "versus valde
+    Vergilianos, ab optimis codicibus omissos, iniuria
+    obleverunt Tucca et Varius." They are certainly in
+    keeping with the picture of Aeneas' _impotentia_ which
+    is generally suggested in Book ii. If it should be
+    argued that this _impotentia_, _i.e._ want of
+    self-control, is only put into the mouth of Aeneas in
+    order to heighten the effect of his stirring narrative,
+    it will be well to remember the remonstrances of Venus,
+    which make such a hypothesis impossible.
+
+    [890] _Op. cit._ p. 231.
+
+    [891] _Vergils epische Technik_, p. 113 foll.
+
+    [892] The original story was, that unable to escape from
+    an enforced marriage with Iarbas, she killed herself to
+    mark her unflinching faithfulness to her first husband
+    Sicharbas. Servius quotes Varro as stating that it was
+    not Dido, but Anna who committed suicide for love of
+    Aeneas (on _Aen._ iv. 682); and as Varro died before the
+    Aeneid was begun, this may be taken as proving that
+    Virgil's version of the love-story was not his own
+    invention. But it is quite possible that Servius here
+    only means that Varro's version differed in this point
+    from that which the poet soon afterwards adopted; it may
+    be that the story in the poem is thus practically his
+    own.
+
+    [893] _Op. cit._ p. 116.
+
+    [894] _Ancient Lives of Vergil_, Clarendon Press, 1879.
+
+    [895] The critics have, I think, been weaker in dealing
+    with the fifth book than with any of the others. Prof.
+    Tyrrell is too violent in his contempt for it to admit
+    of quotation here. Heinze has some good and acute
+    remarks on Virgil's motive in placing the book where it
+    is, but seems to me to miss the real importance of it
+    (_op. cit._ 140 foll.). Even Boissier, whose delightful
+    account of the scenery of Eryx should be read by every
+    one who would appreciate this book (_op. cit._ p. 232),
+    goes so far as to say that it is the one book with which
+    we feel we might easily dispense so far as the story is
+    concerned.
+
+    [896] _Roman Festivals_, p. 307.
+
+    [897] _Op. cit._ p. 270.
+
+    [898] _Commentary on Dante's Divina Commedia_, pp. 615
+    foll. I am indebted for this reference to Stewart's
+    _Myths of Plato_, p. 367.
+
+    [899] Nettleship remarked most truly that there is no
+    better way of appreciating the heroic Aeneas of these
+    last books than by studying carefully the early part of
+    the eleventh.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XIX
+
+THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL
+
+
+It is a long descent from the inspiring idealism of Virgil to the cool,
+tactical attempt of Augustus to revive the outward forms of the old
+religion. It seems strange that two men so different in character and
+upbringing should have been working in the same years in the same
+direction, yet on planes so far apart. How far the two were directly
+connected in their work we cannot know for certain. It is said that the
+subject of the Aeneid was suggested to Virgil by Augustus, and it is
+quite possible that this may be true; but it by no means follows from
+this that the inspiration of the poem came from any other source but
+Virgil's own thought and feeling. We also know that Augustus from the
+first appreciated the Aeneid, and that he saved it for all time; but it
+is by no means clear that it inspired him in his efforts towards moral
+and religious regeneration. Perhaps the truth is that both were moved by
+the wave of mingled depression and hope that swept over Italy for some
+years after the death of Julius, and that each used his experience in
+his own way and according to his opportunities. They had at least this
+in common, that they utilised the past to encourage the present age, and
+that by filling old forms and names with new meaning they set men's
+minds upon thinking of the future.[900]
+
+Yet the revival of the State religion by Augustus is at once the most
+remarkable event in the history of the Roman religion, and one almost
+unique in religious history. I have repeatedly spoken of that State
+religion as hypnotised or paralysed, meaning that the belief in the
+efficacy of the old cults had passed away among the educated classes,
+that the mongrel city populace had long been accustomed to scoff at the
+old deities, and that the outward practice of religion had been allowed
+to decay. To us, then, it may seem almost impossible that the practice,
+and to some extent also the belief, should be capable of resuscitation
+at the will of a single individual, even if that individual represented
+the best interests and the collective wisdom of the State. For it is
+impossible to deny that this resuscitation was real; that both _pax
+deorum_ and _ius divinum_ became once more terms of force and meaning.
+Beset as it was by at least three formidable enemies, which tended to
+destroy it even while they fed on it, like parasites in the animal or
+vegetable world feeding on their hosts,--the rationalising philosophy of
+syncretism, the worship of the Caesars, and the new Oriental cults,--the
+old religion continued to exist for at least three centuries in outward
+form, and to some extent in popular belief.
+
+We must remember the tenacious conservatism of the Roman mind: the
+emotional stimulus of the age of depression and despair which preceded
+this revival: and the conscientious care with which the successors of
+Augustus, Tiberius in particular, carried out his religious policy.[901]
+Then as we become more familiar with the Corpus of inscriptions and the
+writings of the early Christian fathers, we begin to appreciate the fact
+that the natural and inherited religion of a people cannot altogether
+die, and that to describe this old Roman religion as _dead_ is to use
+too strong a word. The votive inscriptions of the Empire show us
+overwhelming proof of surviving belief in the great deities of the olden
+time, and of the care taken of their temples. Antoninus Pius is honoured
+"ob insignem erga caerimonias publicas curam et religionem."[902] Marcus
+Aurelius himself did not hesitate in times of public distress to put in
+action the whole apparatus of the old religion.[903] Constantius in A.D.
+329 was shown round the temples when he visited Rome for the first time,
+and in spite of his Christianity took a curious interest in them.[904]
+That the private worship, too, went on into the fourth century we know
+from the Theodosian code, where in the interest of Christianity the
+worship of Lares Penates and Genius is strictly forbidden.[905] Again,
+the constant ridicule with which the Christian writers speak of the
+_minutiae_ of the heathen worship makes it quite plain that they knew it
+as actually existing, and not merely from books like those of Varro.
+They do not so much attack the Oriental religions of their time as the
+genuine old Roman cults; more especially is this the case with St.
+Augustine, from whose _de Civitate Dei_ we have learnt so much about the
+latter. The very necessity under which the leaders of Christianity
+found themselves of suiting their own religious character, and in some
+ways even their own ceremonies, to the habits and prejudices of the
+pagans, tells the same story. But the question how far Latin
+Christianity was indebted to the religion of the Romans must be
+postponed to my last lecture; I have said enough to indicate in which
+direction we must go for evidence that the work of Augustus was not in
+vain, that it gave fresh stimulus to a plant that still had some life in
+it.
+
+If, then, the Augustan revival was not a mere sham, but had its measure
+of real success, how are we to account for this? I think the explanation
+is not really difficult, if we bring to bear upon the problem what we
+have learnt from the beginning about the religious experience of the
+Romans. Let us note that Augustus troubled himself little about the
+later political developments of religion, which we have lately been
+examining,--about pontifices, augurs, and Sibylline books; these
+institutions, which had been so much used in the republican period for
+political and party purposes, it was rather his interest to keep in the
+background. But in one way or another he must have grasped the
+fundamental idea of the old Roman worship, that the prosperity and the
+fertility of man, and of his flocks and herds and crops on the farm, and
+the prosperity and fertility of the citizen within the city itself,
+equally depended on the dutiful attention (_pietas_) paid to the divine
+beings who had taken up their abode in farm or city.[906] The best
+expression of this idea in words is _pax deorum_,--the right relation
+between man and the various manifestations of the Power,--and the
+machinery by which it was secured was the _ius divinum_.[907] We shall
+not be far wrong if we say that it was Augustus' aim to re-establish the
+_pax_ by means of the _ius_; but if we wished to explain the matter to
+some one who has not been trained in these technical terms, it would be
+better to say that he appealed to a deeply-rooted idea in the popular
+mind,--the idea that unless the divine inhabitants were properly and
+continually propitiated, they would not do their part in supporting the
+human inhabitants in all their doings and interests. This popular
+conviction he deliberately determined to use as his chief political
+lever.
+
+This has, I think, been insufficiently emphasised by historians, who
+contemplate the work of this shrewd statesman too entirely from the
+political point of view. I am sure that he had learnt from his
+predecessors in power that reform on political lines only was without
+any element of stability, and that he knew that it was far more
+important to touch a spring in the feeling of the people, than to occupy
+himself, like Sulla, in mending old machinery or inventing new. If he
+could but induce them to believe in him as the restorer of the _pax
+deorum_, he knew that his work was accomplished. And I believe that we
+have what is practically his own word for this conviction; not in his
+Res Gestae, the _Monumentum Ancyranum_, which is a record of facts and
+of deeds only, but in the famous hymn which Horace wrote at his instance
+and to give expression to his ideas, for use in the Secular Games of 17
+B.C., to which I am coming presently. Ferrero has lately described that
+hymn as a magnificent poem,[908] an opinion which to me is
+incomprehensible. It is neat, and embodies the necessary ideas
+adequately, but it is far too flat to be the genuine offspring of such a
+poet as Horace. To me it reads as though Augustus had written it in
+prose and then ordered his poet to put it into metre; and assuredly it
+expresses exactly what we should have expected Augustus to wish to be
+sung by his youthful choirs. I shall refer to it again shortly to
+illustrate another point; all I need say now is that he who reads it
+carefully and thinks about it will find there the conviction of which I
+have been speaking, that prosperity and fertility, whether of man,
+beast, or crop, depend on the Roman's attitude toward his deities;
+religion, morality, fertility, and public concord are the points which
+the astute ruler wished to be emphasised.[909] That this hymn was a
+really important part of the ceremony is certain from the fact that it
+was given to the best living poet to write, and that his name is
+mentioned as its author in the inscription, discovered not many years
+ago, which commemorated the whole performance: "CARMEN COMPOSUIT Q.
+HORATIUS FLACCUS."[910]
+
+If, then, I am right, this strange movement was not merely a revival of
+religious ceremonies, but an appeal through them to the conscience of
+the people. A revival of religious _life_ it, of course, was not, for
+what we understand by that term had never existed at Rome; but it was an
+attempt to give expression, in a religious form and under State
+authorisation, to certain feelings and ideas not far removed in kind
+from those which in our own day we describe as our religious experience.
+Whether Augustus himself shared in these feelings and ideas it is, of
+course, impossible to conjecture. But as a man's religious convictions
+are largely the result of his own experience and of that of the society
+in which he lives, and as Augustus' own experience for the twenty years
+before he took this work in hand had been full of trial and temptation,
+I am disposed to guess that he was rather expressing a popular
+conviction which he shared himself than merely standing apart and
+administering a remedy. And this view seems to me to be on the whole
+confirmed by the tone and spirit of the great literary works of the age.
+
+Augustus did not become pontifex maximus till the year 12 B.C., nineteen
+years after he had crushed Antony at Actium; he waited with scrupulous
+patience until the headship of the Roman religion became vacant by the
+death of Lepidus.[911] But this did not prevent him from pursuing his
+religious policy with great earnestness before that date, for he had
+long been a member of the pontifical college, as well as augur and
+quindecemvir. No sooner had he returned to Rome from Egypt than the work
+of temple restoration began, the outward and visible sign to all that
+the _pax deorum_ was to be firmly re-established. The fact of the
+restoration he has told us in half a dozen words in his own Res
+Gestae:[912] "Duo et octaginta templa deum in urbe ex decreto senatus
+refeci," adding that not one was neglected that needed repair. Among
+them was that oldest and smallest temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the
+Capitol to which I referred in a former lecture;[913] and his personal
+interest in the work is attested by Livy, who says that he himself heard
+Augustus tell how he had found an inscription, relating to the second
+_spolia opima_ dedicated there, when he went into the temple bent on the
+work of restoration.[914] It needs but a little historical imagination
+to appreciate the psychological importance of all this work. We have to
+think not only of the bystanders who watched, but of the very workmen
+themselves, rejoicing at once in new employment and in the revival of an
+old sense of religious duty. Little more than twenty years earlier, no
+workman could be found to lay a hand upon the newly-built temple of
+Isis, when the consul Aemilius Paulus gave orders for its destruction as
+a centre of _superstitio_;[915] now abundant work was provided which
+every man's conscience would approve. When I think of the Rome of that
+year 28, with all its fresh hope and confidence taking visible shape in
+this way, even Horace's famous lines seem cold to me (_Od._ ii. 6. 1):
+
+  delicta maiorum immeritus lues
+  Romane, donec templa refeceris
+    aedesque labentis deorum et
+      foeda nigro simulacra fumo.
+
+The restoration of the temple buildings implies also a revival of the
+old ritual, the _cura et caerimonia_. As to this we are very imperfectly
+informed,--we have no correspondence of this age, as of the last, and
+the details of life in the Augustan city are not preserved in abundance.
+But Ovid comes to the rescue here, as in secular matters, and on the
+whole the evidence in his _Fasti_ suggests that the old sacrificing
+priesthoods, the Rex and the flamines, were set to their work again. He
+tells us, for example, how he himself, as he was returning to Rome from
+Nomentum,[916] had seen the flamen Quirinalis carrying out the _exta_ of
+a dog and a sheep which had been sacrificed in the morning in the city,
+to be laid on the altar in the grove of Robigus. In spite of all its
+disabling restrictions, it was possible once more to fill the ancient
+priesthood of Jupiter; and of the Rex sacrorum and the other flamines we
+hear in the early Empire.[917] They were in the _potestas_ of the
+pontifex maximus, and as after 12 B.C. that position was always held by
+the Princeps himself, it was not likely that they would be allowed to
+neglect their duties. Other ancient colleges were also revived or
+confirmed by the inclusion of the Emperor himself among their members (a
+fact which Augustus was careful to record in his own words), _e.g._ the
+Fetiales, of whom he had made use when declaring war with Antony and
+Cleopatra;[918] the Sodales Titienses, an institution of which we have
+lost the origin and meaning; the Salii, Luperci, and above all the
+Fratres Arvales, the brotherhood whose duty it had once been to lead a
+procession round the crops in May, and so to ensure the _pax deorum_ for
+the most vital material of human subsistence. The corn-supply now came
+almost entirely from Africa and Egypt; the inner meaning of this old
+ritual could not be revived, and we must own that all this restoration
+of the old _caerimonia_ must have appealed rather to the eye than the
+mind of the beholder. It was necessary to put some new element into it
+to give it life. Here we come upon a most important fact in the work of
+Augustus, which will become apparent if we take a rapid glance at the
+work and history of the Fratres, and then go on to find further
+illustration of the curious mixture of old and new which the Roman
+religion was henceforward to be.
+
+The fortunate survival of large fragments of the records of the
+Brotherhood, dating from shortly after the battle of Actium, show that
+it continued to work and to flourish down to the reign of Gordian (A.D.
+241), and from other sources we know that it was still in existence in
+the fourth century.[919] These records have been found on the site of
+the sacred grove, at the fifth milestone on the via Campana between Rome
+and Ostia, which from the time of this revival onwards was the centre of
+the activity of the Fratres.
+
+The brethren were twelve in number, with a _magister_ at their head and
+a flamen to assist him; they were chosen from distinguished families by
+co-optation, the reigning Emperor being always a member.[920] Their
+duties fell into two divisions, which most aptly illustrate respectively
+the old and the new ingredients in the religious prescriptions of
+Augustus, as they were carried out by his successors. The first of these
+is the performance of the yearly rites in honour of the Dea Dia, the
+goddess or _numen_ without a substantival name (a form perhaps of Ceres
+and Tellus), whose home was in the sacred grove, and who was the special
+object of this venerable cult. Secondly, the care of vows, prayers, and
+sacrifices for the Emperors and other members of the imperial house. I
+must say a few words about each of these divisions of duty.
+
+The worship of the Dea Dia took place in May on three days, with an
+interval always of one day between the first and second, according to
+the old custom of the calendar.[921] On the first, preliminary rites
+were performed at Rome, in the house of the magister; on the second was
+the most important part of the whole ceremony, which took place at the
+sacred grove. These rites will give a good idea of the old Roman
+worship, and of the exactness with which Augustus sought to restore it.
+At dawn the magister sacrificed two _porcae piaculares_ to the Dea, and
+then a _vacca honoraria_, after which he laid aside the _toga praetexta_
+or sacrificial vestment, and rested till noon, when all the brethren
+partook of a common meal, of which the _porcae_ formed the chief part.
+Then resuming the _praetexta_, and crowned with wreaths of corn-ears,
+they proceeded to the altar in the grove, where they sacrificed the
+_agna opima_, which was the principal victim in the whole
+ceremonial.[922] Other rites followed, _e.g._ the passing round, from
+one to another of the brethren, fruits gathered and consecrated on the
+previous day, each brother receiving them in his left, _i.e._ lucky
+hand, and passing them on with his right; and the singing of the famous
+Arval hymn to Mars and the Lares to a rhythmic dance-tune. Then after
+another meal and chariot-racing in the neighbouring circus, they
+returned to Rome and finished the day with further feasting.[923] A
+cynical reader of these Acta might suggest that the appetites of the
+good brethren were made more of than their _pietas_; but the feasting
+may be just as much a part of the ancient practice as any of the other
+curiosities of ritual.
+
+The utensils employed were of the primitive sun-baked clay (_ollae_),
+and seem to have been regarded with a veneration almost amounting to
+worship.[924] Long ago I had occasion to note how the old form of
+piacular sacrifice was used and recorded whenever iron was taken into
+the grove, or any damage done to the trees by lightning or other
+accident. Once, when a tiny fig-tree sprouted on the roof of the temple,
+piacula of all suitable kinds had to be offered to Mars, Dea Dia, Janus,
+Jupiter, Juno, Virgines divae, Famuli divi, Lares, Mater Larum, sive
+deus sive dea in cuius tutela hic lucus locusque est, Fons, Hora, Vesta
+Mater, Vesta deorum dearumque, Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda,--and
+sixteen _divi_ of the imperial families![925] As the date of this
+extraordinary performance is A.D. 183, nothing can better show the
+extent to which the revival of elaborate ritual had been carried by
+Augustus, and the amazing tenacity with which it held its ground.
+
+The second part of the activity of the brethren well illustrates the new
+element which Augustus adroitly insinuated into the old religious forms:
+but I shall not dwell upon it, for the worship of the Caesars in its
+developed form is not of either Roman or Italian origin, any more than
+the other kinds of cult which were now pressing in from the East; and it
+thus lies outside the range of my subject. The revival of this old
+priesthood, and doubtless of others, the Salii for example, was turned
+to account to mark the sacred character and political and social
+predominance of the imperial family. All events of importance in the
+life of the Emperor himself and his family were the occasion of vows,
+prayers, or thanksgivings on the part of the Fratres; births, marriages,
+successions to the throne, journeys and safe return, and the assumption
+of the consulship and other offices or priesthoods. These rites all took
+place at various temples or altars in Rome, or at the Ara Pacis,
+recently excavated, which Augustus had built in the Campus Martius.
+Here, by way of example of them, is a "votum susceptum pro salute novi
+principis," on his accession.[926]
+
+"Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto, L. Salvio Othone Titiano iterum
+consulibus, III kalendas Februarias magistro Imperatore M. Othone
+Caesare Augusto, promagistro L. Salvio Othone Titiano: collegi fratrum
+Arvalium nomine immolavit in Capitolio ob vota nuncupata pro salute
+imperatoris M. Othonis Caesaris Augusti in annum proximum in III nonas
+Ianuarias Iovi bovem marem, Iunoni vaccam: Minervae vaccam: Saluti
+publicae populi Romani vaccam: divo Augusto bovem marem, divae Augustae
+vaccam: divo Claudio bovem marem: in collegio adfuerunt, etc."
+
+This record, which belongs to the year 69 and the accession of Otho,
+shows the _divi_, _i.e._ the deified emperors Augustus and Claudius,
+together with the deified Livia, associated with the _trias_ of the
+Capitoline temple and the _Salus publica_ in the sacrificial rites. But
+under the Flavian dynasty which followed this association was
+judiciously dropped.[927] It may serve for the moment to illustrate what
+was to come of this new element so subtly introduced into the old
+worship; how it led to practices which are utterly repulsive to us, and
+repulsive too to an honest man even in that day. The noble words of
+Tiberius, declining to have temples erected to him in Spain, have been
+preserved by Tacitus from the senatorial records:[928] "Ego me, patres
+conscripti, mortalem esse fateor"; and he added that his only claim to
+immortality lay in the due performance of duty. Tiberius, whatever else
+he may have been, was beyond doubt an honest man; and so too was Seneca,
+the author of the famous skit on the deification of Claudius. But the
+extravagances of Caesar-worship are not to be met with in Augustus'
+time; for him the new element may be defined, as in Rome (and in Italy
+too, so far as his own wish could limit it) nothing more than _the
+encouragement of the belief in him, and loyalty to him as the restorer
+of the pax deorum_. To this end he sought to magnify his own
+achievements as avenger of the crime of the murder of Julius, by which
+the _pax_ had been grievously disturbed. I propose to finish this
+lecture by giving some account of the way in which he attained this
+object. Let us briefly examine the famous ritual of the _Ludi
+saeculares_, of which we have more detailed knowledge than of any other
+Roman rite of any period; it marks the zenith of his prosperity and
+religious activity, and belongs to the year 17 B.C., two years after the
+death of Virgil,--a date which may be said to divide the long power of
+Augustus into two nearly equal halves.
+
+This famous celebration is an epoch in the history of the Roman
+religion, if not in the history of Rome herself. It stands on the very
+verge of an old and a new régime. It was the outward or ritualistic
+expression of the idea, already suggested by Virgil in the fourth
+_Eclogue_ and the _Aeneid_, that a regeneration is at hand of Rome and
+Italy, in religion, morals, agriculture, government; old things are put
+away, new sap is to run in the half-withered trunk and branches of a
+noble tree. The experience of the past, as with Aeneas after the descent
+into Hades, is to lead to new effort and a new type of character, of
+which _pietas_ in its broadest sense is the inspiring motive.
+Henceforward the Roman is to look ahead of him in hope and confidence,
+_virtutem extendere factis_. Augustus, the Aeneas of the actual State,
+was firmly established in a prestige which extended beyond Italy even to
+the far East; his faithful and capable coadjutor Agrippa was by his side
+to take his part in the ritual, and no cloud in that year 17 seemed to
+be visible on the horizon.
+
+The _Ludi saeculares_ are also unique in respect of the records we have
+of them. By wonderful good fortune we can construct an almost complete
+picture of what was done in that year on the last days of May and the
+first three of June. We have the text of the Sibylline oracle,--how
+manufactured we do not know, nor does it much matter,--which prescribed
+the ritual, preserved by Zosimus, a Greek historian of the fifth century
+A.D., together with his own account.[929] Thus the outline of the ritual
+has been known all along, together with many details; and to help it out
+we have also the perfect text of the hymn written by Horace for the
+occasion, and sung by two choirs of boys and girls respectively. But
+great was the delight of the learned world when, in September 1890,
+workmen employed on the Tiber embankment, close, as it turned out, to
+the spot where the nightly rites of the _ludi_ took place, came upon a
+mediaeval wall partly made of ancient material, in which some marbles
+were found covered with inscriptions relating to this same
+celebration.[930] This treasure was badly mutilated, but the inscription
+was easily decipherable; it contains a letter from Augustus giving
+instructions, two decrees of the Senate, and a series of records of the
+Quindecemviri, who were of course in charge of a ritual which had been
+ordered by a Sibylline oracle. Some few points were at first puzzling,
+but have been cleared up since the discovery. Mommsen, of course, took
+the work in hand, and his exposition is still, and always will be, the
+starting-point for students. Wissowa has an excellent popular account of
+it, and recently, in the fifth volume of his _Greatness and Decline of
+Rome_, Ferrero has utilised it to give an animated account of the whole
+ceremony.[931]
+
+The _Ludi saeculares_ take their name from the word _saeculum_; and the
+old Italian idea of a _saeculum_ seems to have been a period stretching
+from any given moment to the death of the oldest person born at that
+moment,--a hundred years being the natural period so conceived.[932]
+Thus a new saeculum might begin at any time, and might be endowed with
+special religious significance by certain solemn ceremonies; in this way
+the people might be persuaded that a new leaf, so to speak, had been
+turned over in their history: that all past evil, material or moral, had
+been put away and done with (_saeculum condere_), and a new period
+entered on of innocence and prosperity. There are faint traces of three
+early celebrations of this kind, beginning in 463 B.C., traditionally a
+disastrous year, and renewed in 363 and 263. But in 249, another year of
+distress and peril, a new saeculum was entered on with a new and a Greek
+ritual, ordered by a Sibylline oracle. A subterranean altar in a spot
+by the Tiber, near the present Ponte St. Angelo, and called Tarentum
+(possibly to mark the original home of the rite), was dedicated to Dis
+and Proserpina, Greek deities of the nether world; and here for three
+successive nights black victims were offered to them. The subterranean
+altar and the use of the word _condere_ (to put away), might suggest
+that this rite may have had something in common with those well-known
+quasi-dramatic ones in which objects are _buried_ or thrown into the
+water, to represent the cessation of one period of vegetation and the
+beginning of another.[933] Or we may look on it in the light of one of
+those _rites de passage_ in which a transition is made from one state of
+things to another, without any definite religious idea being attached to
+it. There is no doubt some mystical element in the primitive idea of the
+beginning and ending of periods of time, which has not as yet been
+thoroughly investigated.[934]
+
+Now it is easy to see how exactly a rite of this kind, with suitable
+modifications, would fit in with Augustus' purposes as we have explained
+them. Fortunately too Varro had in 42 B.C. published a book in which the
+mystic or Pythagorean doctrine was set forth of the palingenesis of All
+Souls after four saecula of 110 years each; the fourth _Eclogue_ of
+Virgil may have been influenced by this, among other mystical ideas, as
+it was written only three years later; and in any case the doctrine was
+well known.[935] But Augustus had to wait a while, until peace and
+confidence were restored. Why eventually he chose the year 17 is quite
+uncertain; it does not exactly fit in with any calculation of four
+saecula of 110 years starting from any known date. But a saeculum, as we
+have seen, might begin at any moment; and in any case it was easy to
+manufacture a calculation, which was now duly accomplished by trusty
+persons, chief among them being the great lawyer, Ateius Capito, an
+ardent adherent of Augustus and his projects.[936] Probably too it was
+necessary to take advantage of the popular feeling of the moment, that a
+better time had come, and that it should be started on its way in some
+fitting outward form.
+
+So an elaborate programme was drawn up, the main features of which I
+must now explain. On 26th May and the two following days (for the mystic
+numbers three, nine, and twenty-seven are noticeable throughout the
+ritual)[937] the means of purification (_suffimenta_)--torches, sulphur,
+bitumen[938]--were distributed by the priests to all free persons,
+whether citizens or not; for this once, all in Rome at the time, with
+the exception of slaves, were to give an imperial meaning to the
+ceremony by their share in it. Even bachelors, though forbidden to
+attend public shows under a recent law _de maritandis ordinibus_, were
+allowed to do so on this occasion. No doubt the idea was that the whole
+people were to be purified from all pollution of the past; it is what M.
+van Gennep calls a _rite de séparation_, the first step in a _rite de
+passage_. The next three days all the people came to the Quindecemviri
+at certain stated places, and made offerings of _fruges_, the products
+of the earth, as we do at our harvest festivals; these were the
+firstfruits of the coming harvest.[939] It may be worth while to recall
+the facts that it was on these same days that the procession of the
+Ambarvalia used to go round the ripening crops, and that in the early
+days of June the symbolic _penus_ of Vesta was being cleansed to receive
+the new grain.[940] That Augustus wished to emphasise the importance of
+Italian agriculture is beyond doubt, and is apparent also in the hymn of
+Horace, _Fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus spicea donet Cererem corona,
+etc._
+
+When the _suffimenta_ had been distributed and the offerings made, all
+was ready for the putting away or burying of the old _saeculum_. On the
+night before 1st June Augustus himself, together with Agrippa,
+sacrificed to the Greek Moirae, the Parcae of Horace's hymn, perhaps in
+some sense the Fata of the _Aeneid_; on the second night to Eilithyia,
+the Greek deity of childbirth; and on the third to Mother Tellus. The
+form of prayer accompanying the sacrifice is preserved in the
+inscription; it is Latin in language and form, as dry and concise as any
+we examined in my lectures on ritual, and contains the _macte esto_
+which I was then at pains to explain. Augustus prayed for the safety and
+prosperity of the State in every way, and also for himself, his house,
+and his familia.[941] The scene on the bank of the Tiber, illuminated by
+torches, must have been most impressive.
+
+These were the nightly ceremonies. But each day also had its ritual, in
+which the Roman deities of the heaven were the objects of worship, not,
+as by the Tiber bank, Greek deities of the earth and the nether world.
+On the first two days Augustus and Agrippa offered the proper victims to
+Jupiter and Juno respectively on the Capitol; Minerva is omitted, and
+probably the other two are reckoned in Greek fashion as a married pair.
+The form of prayer was the same as that used by night, with the
+necessary modifications. Thus the great Capitoline temple and its
+deities have a full share of attention, and they go too far who think
+that Augustus was so wanting in tact as to put them in the shade.[942]
+But on the third and last day the scene changes from the Capitol to the
+Palatine, the residence of Augustus, where he had built his great temple
+of Apollo; here for the first time in the ceremony Horace's hymn was
+sung. On all the days and nights there had been shows and amusements,
+and a hundred and ten chosen matrons had taken solemn part in the
+services.[943] But I must pass these over and turn in the last place to
+the question, as interesting as it is old and difficult, as to how and
+where Horace's hymn was sung, and how we are to understand it.
+
+The instructions given to the poet by Augustus are obvious as we read
+the Carmen in the light of the ceremonial of which it was to mark the
+conclusion. He was to bring into it, as we have already seen, the ideas
+which were to be revived and made resonant, of religion, morality, and
+the fertility of man, beast, and crop; and they are all there. He was
+also to include all the deities who had been addressed in prayer both by
+day and night, by Tiber bank and on the Capitol, and to give the most
+prominent place to those who on this last day were worshipped on the
+Palatine; to Apollo, for whom Augustus had built a great temple close to
+his own house (_in privato solo_[944]), as his own specially protecting
+deity since Actium, and Diana, who as equivalent to Artemis, could not
+but be associated with Apollo. Thus the deities of the hymn are both
+Latin and Greek,[945] and this expresses the undoubted fact that the
+religion of the Romans was henceforward to be even in outward expression
+a cosmopolitan or Romano-Hellenic one, in keeping with the fact that all
+free men of every race might take part in this great festival. But it
+cannot fail to strike every careful reader that the great trias of the
+Capitol is hardly visible in the poem, though Jupiter and Juno had been
+the chief objects of worship on the two previous days. Jupiter is twice
+incidentally named, but in no connection with the Capitol;[946] and it
+is only when we read between the lines of the fourteenth stanza that we
+discover Jupiter and Juno as the recipients of the white oxen which had
+been sacrificed to them there. I have already said that we must not make
+too much of the neglect of Jupiter and Juno by Augustus; but it is plain
+that he directed Horace not to make them too prominent in this hymn, and
+I think it is quite possible that Horace a little overdid his obedience.
+
+The result of all this is that the hymn, in spite of its neatness and
+adequacy, is wanting in spontaneity, and presents the casual reader with
+an apparently unmeaning jumble of Greek and Roman gods and goddesses.
+The only way to clear it up is by taking it in immediate relation with
+what we know about the places in which it was sung. To me at last it has
+become clear enough in all its main points; and I will give here my own
+results, which do not altogether coincide with those of other recent
+inquirers.
+
+Before the discovery of the great inscription we knew that this hymn was
+sung before the new temple of Apollo on the Palatine; we now know that
+it was also sung on the Capitol,[947] thus uniting in one performance
+the old religion of republican Rome with the new imperial cult of
+Apollo. But this new fact has, in my opinion, led to misapprehensions
+both of the manner of singing and the order of subjects in the hymn.
+Mommsen thought that the first part was sung on the Palatine, the middle
+part on the Capitol, and the last again on the Palatine, and he is
+followed by Wissowa; and both seem to think it possible that there may
+have been singing too during the procession from the one hill to the
+other.[948] I think we need not trouble ourselves about the latter
+point, for the Via Sacra, by which the procession must have gone, was
+far too narrow and irregular to allow fifty-four singers, with the
+_tibicines_ who must have been accompanying them, to walk and perform at
+the same time.[949] The inscription, too, says plainly that the hymn was
+sung on the Palatine and then on the Capitol, and by that plain
+statement of fact we had better abide.
+
+Now let us note that these two stations on the two hills were the best
+possible positions for Augustus' purpose, not only because of their
+religious importance, but because they afforded the most spacious views
+of the city, now everywhere adorned with new or restored buildings. The
+temple of Apollo was built upon a large and lofty area at the north-east
+end of the Palatine.[950] Recent excavations have shown it to be some
+hundred yards broad by a hundred and fifty in length, and Ovid, in a
+passage of his _Tristia_[951] gives us an idea of its height:
+
+  inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis
+    ducor ad intonsi candida templa dei.
+
+On this area the choirs of boys and girls took their station, facing the
+marble temple, on the _fastigium_ of which was represented the Sun
+driving his four-horse chariot.[952] After singing, probably together,
+the first two stanzas or exordium of the hymn, they addressed this Sol:
+
+  alme Sol, curru nitido diem qui
+  promis et celas, aliusque et idem
+  nasceris, possis nihil urbe Roma
+    visere maius.
+
+As they sang these last words, they would turn towards the city that lay
+behind them, and look over it to the Tiber and the scene of the nightly
+sacrifices of the Tarentum; and with the deities of these rites, who
+must of course be taken before those of day and light, as in the order
+of the festival, the next five stanzas are occupied:[953] Eilithyia, the
+Moirae (Parcae), and Tellus or Ceres. When that duty is over they turn
+once more to the temple, and the Greek deities of the Tarentum are
+mentioned no more. Three stanzas are devoted to Apollo and Diana (Luna),
+with a happy allusion to the _Aeneid_, and then once more the choirs
+turn, and this time they face the Capitol; the hymn is long, and these
+changes of movement would be at once a relief to the singers and a
+pleasant sight to the spectators. They address the deities of the
+Capitol in appropriate language:
+
+  di probos mores docili iuventae,
+  di, senectuti placidae quietem,
+  Romulae genti date remque prolemque
+      et decus omne.
+
+The allusion to Jupiter and Juno is thus veiled:
+
+  quaeque vos bobus veneratur albis
+  clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis,
+  impetret, bellante prior, iacentem
+      lenis in hostem.
+
+Horace has cleverly made Augustus himself the leading figure in this and
+the following stanza, and the listeners forget the Capitoline gods as
+they note the allusion to Venus, the ancestress of the Julii, the
+prestige of Augustus that has brought envoys to him from Scythia, Media,
+and India, and in the next stanza the public virtues, presented here as
+deities--Fides, Pax, Honos, Pudor, Virtus--on whose aid and worship the
+new régime is based.[954]
+
+At the sixteenth stanza the choirs again face about to the temple of
+Apollo, and with him and Diana again the next two stanzas have to do.
+Only one remains, in which as an _exodos_ we may be sure the two choirs
+of boys and girls joined; it sums up the whole body of deities, but with
+Apollo and Diana as the special objects of the day's worship:
+
+  haec Iovem sentire deosque cunctos
+  spem bonam certamque domum reporto,
+  doctus et Phoebi chorus et Dianae
+      dicere laudes.
+
+The performance on the Palatine was now over, and the procession
+streamed down the hill to join the Via Sacra near the Regia and the
+Vesta temple, and so to make its way up to the Capitol, where the
+performance was repeated.[955] Taking station at this noble point of
+view, he who will can again follow its movement with the hymn in his
+hand. The area in front of the Capitoline temple looked across to the
+Palatine, and the image of Sol and his _quadriga_ must have been in full
+view; thus the _exordium_ and the next stanza (alme Sol) would be sung
+looking in that direction. Equally well in view, if they turned to the
+right, would be the scene of the midnight sacrifices across the Campus
+Martius; and so on throughout the singing the changes of position would
+be easy and graceful, here as on the Palatine.
+
+Here I prefer to make an end of the performance, following the text of
+the inscription, which tells us nothing of a return to the Palatine. It
+would be far more in keeping with Roman practice that the Capitol should
+be the scene of the conclusion of the processional ceremony, even on a
+day when Apollo was, with Augustus himself, the principal figure. From
+the musical point of view, too, a third performance is improbable, for
+the singers were young and tender.
+
+And here, too, with this impressive scene, which can hardly fail to move
+the imagination of any one who has stood on Palatine and Capitol, I will
+close my account of the religious experience of the Romans. A few
+remarks only remain for me to make about its contribution, such as it
+was, to the Latin form of Christianity.
+
+
+NOTES TO LECTURE XIX
+
+
+    [900] A summary of the relations between Virgil and
+    Augustus may be found in Mr. Glover's _Studies in
+    Virgil_, p. 144 foll.
+
+    [901] Tiberius added to his Augustan inheritance a
+    curious and possibly morbid anxiety about religious
+    matters and details of cult, of which examples may be
+    found in Tac. _Ann._ iii. 58, vi. 12, among other
+    passages. Perhaps, however, the most interesting is that
+    connected with the famous story of "the Great Pan is
+    dead," told by Plutarch in the _de Defectu Oraculorum_,
+    ch. xvii. The news of this strange story reached the
+    ears of Tiberius, who at once set the learned men about
+    him to inquire into it; and they came to the no less
+    strange conclusion that "this was the Pan who was born
+    of Hermes and Penelope." S. Reinach has recently offered
+    an explanation of this story, which is at least better
+    than previous ones, in _Cultes, mythes, et religions_,
+    vol. iii. p. 1 foll.
+
+    [902] _C.I.L._ vi. 1001.
+
+    [903] Jul. Capitolinus, 13.
+
+    [904] Symmachus, _Rel._ 3.
+
+    [905] _Cod. Theod._ xvi. 10. 2. On this subject
+    generally consult Dill's _Roman Society in the Last
+    Century of the Western Empire_, bk. i. chs. i. and iv.
+
+    [906] This idea is exactly expressed by Horace in _Odes_
+    iii. 23, perhaps addressed to the _vilica_ of his own
+    farm. Cp. Cato, _R.R._ 143, where the _vilica_ is to
+    pray to the _Lar familiaris pro copia_. Horace mentions
+    only the Kalends for this rite; Cato adds Nones and
+    Ides. Cp. Tibull. i. 3. 34; i. 10. 15 foll.
+
+    [907] See above, Lectures iv. and v.
+
+    [908] _Greatness and Decline of Rome_ (E.T.), v. 93.
+
+    [909] See especially lines 45 foll. and 56 foll.
+
+    [910] _C.I.L._ vi. 32,323, or Dessau, _Inscriptiones
+    selectae_, vol. ii. part i. p. 284.
+
+    [911] For this reason the veiled figure in one of the
+    fine sculptures on the Ara Pacis frieze, which used to
+    be taken as Augustus Pont. Max., cannot be so identified
+    (see Domaszewski, _Abhandlungen zur römischen Religion_,
+    p. 90 foll.), for the date of the Ara Pacis is 13 B.C.,
+    the year before Lepidus died. The figure can be most
+    conveniently seen by English students in Mrs. Strong's
+    _Roman Sculpture_, plate xi. p. 46. It may be Agrippa
+    acting as Pont. Max. for Lepidus.
+
+    [912] _Monumentum Ancyranum_, ed. Mommsen (Lat.), iv.
+    17.
+
+    [913] See above, p. 129.
+
+    [914] Livy iv. 20. 7.
+
+    [915] Valerius Maximus, _Epit._ 3, 4.
+
+    [916] Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 901 foll.
+
+    [917] See Marquardt, 326 foll.
+
+    [918] Dio Cassius, l. 4, 5.
+
+    [919] Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, p. xxv. of the
+    exordium.
+
+    [920] Henzen, p. 154.
+
+    [921] See above, p. 98.
+
+    [922] Henzen, pp. 24, 28.
+
+    [923] For the hymn, Henzen, p. 26; Dessau, _Inscr.
+    select._ ii. pt. i. p. 276. See also above, p. 186.
+
+    [924] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 487, note 5.
+
+    [925] Henzen, 142 foll.; Dessau, p. 279; see above, p.
+    162.
+
+    [926] Henzen, p. 105.
+
+    [927] _Ib._ p. 107.
+
+    [928] Tac. _Ann._ iii.
+
+    [939] Zosimus, ii. 5 and 6. The oracle and the extract
+    from Zosimus are printed in Dr. Wickham's introduction
+    to the _Carmen saeculare_, and in Diels, _Sibyllinische
+    Blätter_, p. 131 foll.
+
+    [930] _C.I.L._ vi. 32,323. _Ephemeris epigraphica_,
+    viii. 255 foll., contains the text and Mommsen's
+    exposition. Dessau, _Inscr. selectae_, ii. pt. i. 282,
+    does not give the whole document.
+
+    [931] Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 192 foll.;
+    Ferrero, vol. v. 85 foll.
+
+    [932] The word was first explained by Mommsen, _Röm.
+    Chronologie_, ed. 2, p. 172.
+
+    [933] See, _e.g._, _Golden Bough_, ed. 2, vol. ii. p. 70
+    foll.
+
+    [934] The religious or mystical conception of time is
+    the subject of an interesting discussion by Hubert et
+    Mauss, _Mélanges d'histoire et de religion_, p. 189
+    foll.; but the _saeculum_ does not seem to have
+    attracted their attention.
+
+    [935] The actual words of Varro, from his work _de gente
+    Populi Romani_, are quoted by St. Augustine, _de Civ.
+    Dei_, xxii. 28: "Genethliaci quidam scripserunt esse in
+    renascendis hominibus quam appellant [Greek:
+    palingenesian] Graeci; hac scripserunt confici in annis
+    numero quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et
+    eadem anima, quae fuerint coniuncta in homine aliquando,
+    eadem rursus redeant in coniunctionem." The passage well
+    illustrates the mystical tendency of which I was
+    speaking in the last lecture.
+
+    [936] For attempts to explain the difficulty see
+    Wissowa, _op. cit._ p. 204.
+
+    [937] The cakes offered to Eilithyia, and again to
+    Apollo, are nine in number; see the inscription lines
+    117 and 143. The choirs of boys and girls were each
+    twenty-seven.
+
+    [938] The _suffimenta_ are described by Zosimus, _l.c._
+    There is a coin of Domitian, who also celebrated _Ludi
+    saeculares_, in which he appears seated and distributing
+    the _suffimenta_, as the inscription shows.
+
+    [939] So Zosimus, who says they consisted of wheat,
+    barley, and beans.
+
+    [940] _R.F._ p. 148 foll.
+
+    [941] See the inscription, line 92 foll. Ferrero assumes
+    that these words were to be taken as representing the
+    families of all worshippers present, who would repeat
+    the words "mihi domo familiae." But this is arbitrary;
+    the prayer follows the old form as we have it, _e.g._,
+    in Cato, _R.R._ (see above, p. 182), and as Cato or any
+    landowner would represent the rest of the human beings
+    on the estate, so did Augustus represent the whole
+    community.
+
+    [942] So J. B. Carter, _Religion of Numa_, p. 160.
+
+    [943] The matrons, equal in number to the years of the
+    _saeculum_, first appear on 2nd June in the worship of
+    Juno.
+
+    [944] _Mon. Ancyr._ (Lat.), iv. 21.
+
+    [945] Zosimus, _l.c._, says that "hymns" were sung in
+    Greek as well as Latin; but this is not borne out by any
+    other authority.
+
+    [946] Line 31 (_et Iovis aurae_), where Jupiter simply
+    stands for the heaven and its influence on the earth;
+    and line 73 (_haec Iovem sentire_, etc.), where he is
+    introduced in the most general way as head of all
+    deities.
+
+    [947] Line 147 of the inscription: "Sacrificioque
+    perfecto puer[i X] XVII quibus denuntiatum erat patrimi
+    et matrimi et puellae totidem carmen cecinerunt:
+    _eodemque modo in Capitolio_. Carmen composuit Q.
+    Horatius Flaccus."
+
+    [948] _Eph. epigr._ viii. 256. Wissowa, _Gesamm.
+    Abhandl._ p. 206, note, who refers to Vahlen and Christ
+    as differing from Mommsen, in papers which I have not
+    seen. Wissowa says that the threefold division of the
+    hymn "springt in die Augen"; but this has never been my
+    experience.
+
+    [949] Apart from the awkwardness for singers of the
+    descent from the Palatine and the steep ascent to the
+    Capitol, we may remember that they would have to pass
+    under the fornix Fabianus, which was not much more than
+    nine feet broad (Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations_, p.
+    217).
+
+    [950] See Hülsen-Jordan, _Topographie_, iii. 72 and
+    note. See also map at the end of the volume, No. 1 of
+    the series. There is, however, some doubt as to whether
+    the site was not on the side of the Palatine looking
+    towards the Tiber over the Circus maximus. See my paper
+    in the _Classical Quarterly_, 1910, p. 145 foll. If so,
+    my explanation of the performance of the hymn seems
+    rather to be confirmed than weakened.
+
+    [951] Ovid, _Tristia_, iii. 1. 59 foll.
+
+    [952] Propertius, iii. 28 (31): "In quo Solis erat supra
+    fastigia currus." No one seems to have noticed the
+    connection between this and Horace's allusion to Sol,
+    which is otherwise not easy to explain.
+
+    [953] I will not enter on the insoluble question as to
+    what stanzas or parts of stanzas were sung by the boys
+    and girls respectively. That the hymn was so sung in
+    double chorus is intrinsically probable, and stated in
+    the oracle, lines 20, 21. Some of the schemes which have
+    been propounded are given in Wickham's _Horace_. I
+    imagine that the stanzas may have been sung alternately
+    except in the case of the first two and the last, but
+    the ninth looks as though it might have been divided
+    between the two choirs. Ferrero has a scheme of his
+    own, p. 91 foll.; and if he had taken a little more
+    pains might have worked out the whole problem
+    satisfactorily.
+
+    [954] Of these quasi-deities Fides is the oldest, and
+    was associated with Jupiter on the Capitol; Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ 103 foll. Thus we may find a _callida iunctura_
+    between the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth
+    stanzas, for Fides and Pax would fit in well with the
+    _responsa petunt_ of the fourteenth. Whether Pax was
+    recognised as a deity at this time is not quite certain;
+    but a few years later, in 9 B.C., an altar of Pax
+    Augusta was dedicated. The Ara Pacis was begun in 13
+    B.C. See Axtell, _Deification of Abstract Ideas_
+    (Chicago, 1907), p. 37, who may also be consulted for
+    the other deities here mentioned. See also above, p.
+    285. In Tibull. i. 10. 45 foll., Pax seems to be on the
+    verge of deification, but not to have attained it except
+    in the poet's fancy.
+
+    [955] The route may be followed in the map of the Via
+    Sacra in Lanciani's _Ruins and Excavations_, and in his
+    chapter entitled, "A Walk through the Sacra Via," or
+    more shortly in my _Social Life in the Age of Cicero_,
+    p. 18 foll.
+
+    _Note._--The whole question of the singing of
+    the _Carmen saeculare_ in its relation to the two
+    principal sites and to the topography of the festival
+    generally, is fully discussed by the author in
+    _Classical Review_ for 1910, p. 145 foll.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XX
+
+CONCLUSION
+
+
+"A time of spiritual awakening, of a calling to higher destinies, came
+upon the world, the civilised world which lay around the Mediterranean
+Sea, at the beginning of our era. The calling was concentrated in the
+life and death of the Founder of Christianity."[956] The writer of these
+words goes on to point out that the beginning of our era was "a time of
+general stirring in all the higher fields of human activity," and that
+all such stirring, all that brings higher ideals before the minds of men
+of action, of imagination, or of reflection, if not itself religion, is
+in some sense religious, and in that age must be taken into account as
+having some bearing on the origin of Christianity, the greatest of all
+religious movements. And inasmuch as the new spirit of the age seems to
+have put new life into the old religious systems, with the help of
+philosophy and poetry, as well as of a purer and more effective
+conception of Man's relation to the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe, he finds it useful and legitimate to show how the ideas and
+characteristics of the leading types of religion in the civilised world
+of which he speaks were absorbed or "baptized" into the spirit of
+Christianity. In other words, we may ask what was the contribution of
+each of these religious types to the formation of the Christian type of
+religion; for however new was the inspiration which was the essential
+living germ of our religion, yet that germ was of necessity planted in
+soil full of other religious ingredients, which found their way into the
+sap of the plant as it grew towards maturity.
+
+I have all along wished to bring our subject, the religious experience
+of the Roman people, into touch with Christianity, whether by marking
+points of contact, or of contrast, or both. In the last few lectures I
+have laid stress on certain points likely to be useful to us in this
+last stage of our studies, and these will, I hope, furnish us with some
+amount of material. But I confess that I have approached this subject
+with great hesitation. What I shall have to say will be tentative and
+suggestive only; but I hope that the account that I have given in these
+lectures of Roman religious experience may be of use in helping a better
+qualified student to carry on the work more adequately.
+
+Let us glance back for a moment at the results of the last four
+lectures, in which I have been dealing with Roman religious experience
+after the paralysis or hypnotism of the old religion of the State. We
+saw, in the first place, that the educated part of Roman society had
+been brought to the very threshold of a new and more elevating type of
+religion, by Greek philosophy transplanted to Roman soil, and chiefly by
+Stoicism. True, one great Epicurean genius had had his share in this
+process, by denouncing the weakness and wickedness of the Roman society,
+and the futility of all the religious forms and fancies with which they
+still dallied; but Lucretius had nothing to offer in the place of these
+forms and fancies--nothing, that is, which could grip the conscience and
+act as a real force upon conduct. The Roman was in a religious sense
+destitute, both of a real sense of duty to his fellow-men of all grades,
+and in regard to God; and for this destitution Lucretius' remedy, the
+accurate knowledge of a philosophical theory of the universe, was wholly
+inadequate. The first real appeal to the conscience of the Roman came
+from Stoicism, the reasonable and less austere type of Stoicism which
+Panaetius preached to the Scipionic circle. From this the Roman learnt
+that as a part of the divine universe Man himself is divine: that as
+endowed with a portion of that Reason which itself is God, he has a
+sacred duty to perform in using it. Thus, as the Universal was revealed,
+so the Individual was ennobled; and the only thing wanting to make of
+this a real religion was a bond that might unite the two more
+effectually in conduct as well as in thought. Though a later development
+of Stoicism did indeed all but achieve this union, that of the later
+Republic failed to do so, because it inherited the old Stoic neglect of
+the emotional side of man's nature, and could take little advantage from
+a strong current of mystical feeling that was running side by side with
+it. The Stoic ingredient in the soil which was being prepared for
+Christianity was rich and valuable, but in this one respect it was poor.
+It was intellectually beautiful, but it stirred as yet no "enthusiasm of
+humanity."[957]
+
+Another ingredient in the soil was that imaginative transcendentalism
+which we discussed under the name of Mysticism, in which the soul
+becomes of greater interest than the body, and a strange yearning
+possesses the mind to speculate on the nature of the soul, its existence
+before this life, and its lot in another world. These imaginative
+yearnings were not native to the Roman, who had never had any very
+definite idea of a future life, nor had ever troubled himself about a
+previous one; they filtered through the Pythagorean and Platonic
+philosophy into that type of later Stoicism which attracted him. They
+were hardly treated in Roman society with real religious earnestness,
+except perhaps in some few moments of sorrow and emotion such as I dwelt
+on in the experience of Cicero. But the mere fact that they were in the
+air at Rome is of importance for us. They _stimulated the imaginative
+faculty in religious thought_; they kept alive in the minds at least of
+some men the questions why we are here, what we are, and what becomes of
+us after death. They prepared the Roman mind for Christian eschatology;
+and this, though never so important in the Latin Church as in the
+Greek, was yet an important part of the teaching of the early Church.
+St. Paul exactly expresses the yearning thus dimly foreshadowed in the
+mystical movement of which I am speaking: "We that are in this
+tabernacle do groan, being burdened; not for that we would be unclothed,
+but that we would be clothed upon, that what is mortal may be swallowed
+up of life" (2 Cor. v. 4). It was essential that the Roman should be
+able to understand words like these, and to associate them with a
+religion which, though in its most vital points one mainly affecting
+this life, was also, like those of Isis and Mithras, strongly tinged
+with mysticism. "All religions of that time," it has lately been said,
+"were religions of hope. Stress was laid on the future: the present time
+was but for preparation. So in the mysterious cults of Hellenism, whose
+highest aim is to offer guarantees for other worldly happiness; so too
+in Judaism, whose legacy has but the aim of furnishing the happy life in
+the kingdom of the future. But Christianity is a religion of faith, the
+gospel not only giving guarantees for the future life, but bringing
+confidence, peace, joy, salvation, forgiveness, righteousness--whatever
+man's heart yearns after."[958]
+
+Yet another ingredient was that kindly, charitable, sympathetic outlook
+on the world which we found in the poems of Virgil, and which is
+associated throughout them with the idea of duty and honourable service.
+The husbandman toiling cheerfully and doing his simple acts of worship,
+among the patient animals that he loves, and the scenes of natural
+beauty that inspire him with pure and tender thoughts; and then again in
+the _Aeneid_ the warrior kept true to his goal by a sense of duty
+stimulated by supernatural influence: both these sides of the Virgilian
+spirit show well how the soil is being prepared for another and a richer
+crop. Love and Duty are the essentials of Christian ethics; they are
+both to be found in this poet, and through him made their way into the
+ideas of the better Romans of the next generation, and so into the
+philosophy of Seneca and Marcus Aurelius. "To minds touched with the
+same sense of life's problems which pervades the poetry of Virgil, the
+ideas that came from Galilee brought the rest and peace which they could
+not find elsewhere."[959] The early Christian writers loved the "vates
+Gentilium," and St. Augustine in particular is for ever quoting him; but
+I should be going beyond the limits of my subject if I were to follow
+his gentle influence farther down the stream of time.
+
+In my last lecture we discussed the revival of the old religious forms
+by Augustus, and the consummation of this work of his in the splendid
+ritual of the _Ludi saeculares_. Can it be said that such an astute and
+worldly policy as this had any value in the way of preparation for
+Christianity? Only, I think, in one way; it renewed the idea of the
+connection between religion and the State, and of the religious duties
+of the individual citizen towards the State. It preserved the outward
+features of the old State religion, such as the calendar, the ritual,
+and the terminology or vocabulary, and handed these down to a time when
+they could be of service to a Latin Christian church.[960] Had the old
+forms been allowed to go utterly to rack and ruin, as they had been
+already doing for the last two centuries, the Roman State would have
+been as such without religion, or the worship of the Caesars would have
+become disastrously powerful and prominent, or maybe the State would
+have adopted the religion of Isis or Mithras or some other Oriental cult
+and belief, before Christianity could lay a firm grasp on it. I think it
+might be shown that the continuity of the old religion in its connection
+with the State was really of value in keeping these growths from
+occupying too much ground: of value in checking too rapid a growth of
+individualism:[961] of value too in cherishing certain really precious
+religious characteristics, orderliness and decency in ritual, for
+example, which, as we have seen, were very early developed in the Roman
+religious system, and which owed their continued vitality to the
+overwhelming influence of the Roman State over all her citizens and
+their ideas. Thus when at last, after a period of anxious conflict
+between rival religions, the State proclaimed itself Christian, and
+henceforward for good or ill extended its protection to the Church, its
+religious tradition was still one of decency and order, still free from
+almost all that the old Roman State knew and dreaded as _superstitio_.
+There was, in fact, a legacy, not indeed a spiritual one, but yet one of
+some small value, left by the old Roman religion to the Latin Church:
+and this I will turn for a few minutes to examine.
+
+As an example of the orderly, sane, and decent character which the
+Church inherited from the Roman religion, I might recall what I said in
+Lecture IX. about _lustratio_, that slow and orderly processional
+movement in which the old Romans delighted, and which is familiar still
+to all travellers in Italy.[962] Another is the tender and reverential
+care for the resting-places of departed relatives. I am not sure that
+Prof. Gardner is right in asserting that the prayers for the dead of the
+Catholic Church took the place of the worship of the dead in the Roman
+family;[963] for it is not easy to say how far it is true that the dead
+were ever really worshipped at Rome, and the idea of prayer for the
+dead, if it can be traced to Roman sources at all, may be rather due to
+those tendencies which we discussed under Mysticism, than to anything
+inherent in the old Roman attitude to the departed. None the less there
+is in the _sacra privata_ of the Parentalia, and especially of the
+Caristia which concluded it--a kind of love-feast of all members of the
+family, where all quarrels and differences were to be laid
+aside,[964]--something that suggests the Christian attitude towards the
+dead, and in some dim way too the doctrine of the Communion of Saints.
+And we may also notice how closely in regard to externals the great
+events of family life,--those critical moments when the aid of the
+_numina_ was most needed--the first days of infancy, the eras of puberty
+and of marriage, passed on in their sober and orderly ritual into the
+baptism, confirmation, and sacramental wedding of the Christian Church.
+In such ways the private religion of the Roman family had doubtless a
+real continuity in the new era, though the line of connection is
+difficult to trace. This, and many other examples of survival, the
+worship of local saints which took the place of that of local deities,
+the use of holy water and of incense as symbolic elements in worship,
+and the general resemblance of the arrangement of festivals in the
+Calendars, Roman and Christian, might be interesting matter for a
+complete course of lectures, but must be omitted here.
+
+Another point of interest, which might also be widely expanded, is the
+influence of the Roman religious _spirit_, as distinct from the outward
+form, on Christian thought and literature in the Western half of the
+Empire. The subtle transcendentalism of the Greek fathers was foreign to
+Latin Christianity; the characteristics of Roman life as reflected in
+Roman worship are plainly visible in the Latin fathers. From Minucius
+Felix onwards, the Christians who wrote in Latin, so far from being
+imaginative and dreamy, are one and all matter-of-fact; historical,
+abounding in illustration of life and conduct; ethical rather than
+speculative; legal in their cast of thought rather than philosophical;
+rhetorical in their manner of expression rather than fervent or
+poetical. They were well versed in the great literature of Rome, but
+most of them, and especially the African school (which carried Roman
+tendencies to an extreme), knew comparatively little of Greek. St.
+Augustine, for example, could not bring himself to work at Greek with
+ardour, nor could he explain why this was so.[965] Of Augustine, as the
+type of the literature of Latin Christianity, Bishop Westcott wrote with
+something of an exaggerated criticism, lamenting that he had not the
+Greek which had so large a place in the Bishop's own training. "He
+looked" (more particularly in the _de Civitate Dei_) "at everything from
+the side of law and not of freedom: from the side of God, as an
+irresponsible sovereign, and not of man, as a loving servant. In spite
+of his admiration for Plato, he was driven by a passion for system" (how
+this reminds us of the old Roman religious lawyers!) "to fix, to
+externalise, to freeze every idea into a rigid shape. In spite of his
+genius he could not shake off the influence of a legal and rhetorical
+training, which controversy called into active exercise."[966] The
+lecture from which I am quoting is an interesting one, on the work and
+character of Origen, the great Alexandrian of the third century A.D.,
+with whom Augustine is contrasted, as in an earlier age we might
+contrast Seneca with Philo; the Latin writers rhetorical, practical,
+realistic; the Greek authors idealistic and fervent, apt to see deep
+moral significance in all human life. And this is really the manner and
+mental attitude of all the famous Latin fathers: of Lactantius, the
+clear, precise Ciceronian, whose every page shows the perennial value of
+the Latin tongue; of Tertullian, the subtle and acute rhetorician, more
+gifted with imagination than his fellows; of Arnobius, another Roman
+African, the reputed teacher of Lactantius.
+
+One of the characteristics of these Latin fathers is their fondness for
+using the famous words of the old Roman religion, but in new senses.
+They inherit that Roman love for a strong technical word of pregnant
+meaning which has left us so many imperishable legacies in terminology.
+_Municipium_, _colonia_, _imperium_, _collegium_, rise in one's mind the
+moment the subject is mentioned; and a few minutes' thought will reveal
+another score of words which in various forms pervade all our modern
+European terminology. So, too, with the language of religion. These
+Latin advocates of Christian doctrine took the old words which we have
+so often dwelt on in the course of these lectures, and gave them new but
+almost equally clear and pregnant meanings. Let us glance at three or
+four of these; for such a legacy as this is no mean property of the
+Christian religion of the West.
+
+Let us take, to begin with, the greatest of all these words--_religio_.
+I have maintained throughout these lectures that the original sense of
+this word was the natural feeling of man in the presence of the
+supernatural; and though this has actually been questioned since I began
+them,[967] I see no good reason to alter my conviction. But in the age
+of Cicero and Lucretius the word begins to take on a different meaning,
+of great importance for the future. Though Cicero as a young man had
+defined _religio_ as "the feeling of the presence of a higher or divine
+nature, which prompts man to worship,--to _cura et caerimonia_,"[968]
+yet later on in life he uses it with much freedom of that _cura et
+caerimonia_ apart from the feeling. To take a single example among many:
+in a passage in his _de Legibus_ he says that to worship private or
+strange or foreign gods, "confusionem habet religionum";[969] and again
+he calls his own imaginary _ius divinum_ in that treatise a _constitutio
+religionum_, a system of religious duties.[970] In many other passages,
+on the other hand, we find both the feeling which prompts and the
+cult-acts which follow on it equally connoted by the word; for example,
+the phrase _religio sepulcrorum_ suggests quite as much the feeling as
+the ritual. So it would seem that _religio_ is already beginning to pass
+into the sense in which we still use it--_i.e._, _the feeling which
+suggests worship, and the forms under which we perform that worship_. In
+this broad sense it is also used by Lucretius, who included under it all
+that was for him the world's evil and folly, both the feeling of awe
+which he believed to be degrading, and the organised worship of the
+family and the State, which he no less firmly believed to be futile.
+"Tantum _religio_ potuit suadere malorum."[971] The fact is that in that
+age, when the old local character of the cults was disappearing, and
+when men like Posidonius, Varro, and Cicero were thinking and writing
+about the nature of the gods and kindred subjects, a word was wanted to
+gather up and express all this religious side of human life and
+experience: it must be a word without a definite technical meaning, and
+such a word was _religio_.
+
+Thus while _religio_ continues to express the feeling only or the cult
+only, if called on to do so, it gains in the age of Cicero a more
+comprehensive connotation, as the result of the contemplation of
+religion by philosophy as a thing apart from itself; and this enabled
+the early Christian writers, who knew their Cicero well, to give it a
+meaning in which it is still in use among all European nations.
+
+But there was yet to be a real change in the meaning of the word, one
+that was inevitable, as the contrast between Christianity and other
+religions called for emphasis. The second century A.D. was that in which
+the competition was keenest between various religious creeds and forms,
+each with its own vitality, and each clearly marked off from the others.
+It is no longer a question of religion as a whole, contemplated by a
+critical or a sympathetic philosophy; the question is, which creed or
+form is to be the true and the victorious religion. Our wonderful word
+again adapts itself to the situation. Each separate religious system can
+now be called a _religio_. The old polytheistic system can now be called
+_religio Deorum_ by the Christian, while his own creed is _religio Dei_.
+In the _Octavius_ of Minucius Felix, written about the end of the second
+century, the word is already used in this sense. _Nostra religio, vera
+religio_,[972] is for him the whole Christian faith and practice as it
+stood then--the depth of feeling and the acts which gave it outward
+form. The one true religion can thus be now expressed by the word. In
+Lactantius, Arnobius, Tertullian, in the third century A.D., this new
+sense is to be found on almost every page, but a single noble passage of
+Lactantius must suffice to illustrate it. "The heathen sacrifice," he
+says, "and leave all their religion in the temple; thus it is that such
+_religiones_ cannot make men good or firm in their faith. But 'nostra
+_religio_ eo firma est et solida et immutabilis, quia mentem ipsam pro
+sacrificio habet, quia tota in animo colentis est.'"[973]
+
+Here at last we come upon a force of meaning which the word had never
+before attained. _Religio_ here is not awe only or cult only, but _a
+mental devotion capable of building up character_. "The kingdom of God
+is within you." Surely this is a valuable legacy to the Christian faith
+from our hard, dry, old Roman religion.
+
+Another legacy in words is that of _pius_. Our English word "pious" has
+suffered some damage from the sanctimoniousness of a certain type of
+Puritanism; but _piety_ still remains sweet and wholesome, and, like its
+Latin original in the middle ages it seems to express one beautiful
+aspect of the Christian life better than any other word. In the old
+Roman religion _pius_ meant the man who strictly conforms his life to
+the _ius divinum_; this we know from the very definite ancient
+explanations of its contrary, _impius_. The _impius_ is the man who
+_wilfully_ breaks the _ius divinum_ and the _pax deorum_; for him no
+_piaculum_ was of avail.[974] Such a crime is the nearest approach in
+Roman antiquity to our idea of sin. _Pius_ is therefore, as we saw in
+discussing Aeneas, the man who knows the will of the gods, and so far as
+in him lies adjusts his conduct thereto, whether in the life of the
+family or as a citizen of the State. As applied to things, to a war for
+example, the word _pium_ is almost equivalent to _iustum_ or _purum_,
+_i.e._, _pium bellum_ is a war declared and conducted in accordance with
+the principles of the _ius divinum_.[975] _Pietas_ is therefore a
+virtue, that of obedience to the will of God as shown in private and
+public life, and it herein differs from _religio_, which is not a
+virtue, but a feeling. But we need not be surprised to find that in
+Lactantius _pietas_ can be used to explain _religio_; for _religio_ is
+no longer a feeling only or a cult only, but, as we saw just now, a
+mental devotion capable of building up character. In one passage he says
+that it is no true philosophy which "veram religionem, id est summam
+pietatem, non habet."[976] In another interesting chapter he shows
+plainly enough that he uses _pietas_ just as he uses _religio_, to
+express the whole Christian mental furniture.[977] He begins by
+scornfully pointing to Aeneas as the typical _pius_, and asking what we
+are to think of the _pietas_ of a man who could bind the hands of
+prisoners in order to slaughter them as a sacrifice to the shade of
+Pallas[978] (little dreaming, indeed, that Christian piety should ever
+be guilty of such slaughter in the cause of the faith); and ends by
+asking, "What, then, is _pietas_? Surely it is with those who know not
+war; who keep at peace with all men; who love their enemies and count
+all men their brethren; who can control their anger and curb all mental
+wilfulness." And once again, _pietas_ is the main ingredient in
+_iustitia_, that is, in Christian righteousness, for "pietas nihil aliud
+est quam Dei notio." Even here it is not so far removed from its old
+meaning; but in a Christian writer it can mean conformity to the will of
+God, based on a real knowledge of Him, in a sense which shows us by a
+sudden illuminating flash the deep gulf set between the old religion and
+the new.
+
+Another word, bequeathed in this case rather by the Latin language than
+the Roman religion, in which it held no strictly technical meaning, is
+_sanctus_, which has played so large a part in the terminology of the
+Catholic Church, and passed thence into the language of Puritanism for
+the living Christian, as in Baxter's famous book, _The Saints' Rest_.
+The exact meaning of _sanctus_ is extremely difficult to fix, and this
+may be why it was found to be a convenient word for a type of character
+negative rather than positive. The lawyers defined it as meaning what is
+_sancitum_ by the State,[979] without tracing it back to a time when the
+State was a religious as well as a civil entity. But there was beyond
+doubt a religious flavour in it from the beginning, as in other old
+Italian words connected with it; and thus it seems to be able to express
+a certain conjunction of religious and moral purity which finally
+brought it into the hands of the Christian writers. A single verse of
+Virgil will serve to explain what I mean. Turnus, before he rushes forth
+to meet his death at Aeneas' hand, and knowing that he is to meet it,
+asks the Manes to be good to him, "quoniam superis aversa voluntas,"
+for--
+
+  _sancta_ ad vos _anima_ atque istius nescia culpae
+  descendam magnorum haud unquam indignus avorum.[980]
+
+He goes to the shades with a conscience clear of guilt or of _impietas_;
+as the ancient scholiast interprets the word, it is equivalent to
+_incorrupta_.[981] In this sense it became one of the favourite
+superlatives to describe in sepulchral inscriptions, pagan or Christian,
+the purity of departed women and children.[982]
+
+Lastly, we have the great word _sacer_, with its compounds _sacrificium_
+and _sacramentum_. The adjective itself has no new or special
+significance, I think, in the language of the early Christians, and in
+our Teutonic languages the Roman sense of it, "that which is made over
+to God," is expressed by the word _holy_, _sacred_ being retained in a
+general sense for that which is not "common." But _sacrificium_, the act
+of making a thing, animate or inanimate, or yourself, as in _devotio_,
+over to the gods, is indeed a great legacy on which I do not need to
+dwell. _Sacramentum_, on the other hand, needs a word of explanation.
+
+_Sacramentum_ in Roman public law meant (1) a legal formula (_legis
+actio_), under which a sum of money was deposited, originally in a
+temple,[983] to be forfeited by the loser in a suit. The deposition _in
+loco sacro_ gives the word to the process, and helps us to see that it
+must mean some act which has a religious sanction. So with (2) its other
+meaning, _i.e._ the oath of obedience taken by the soldier, who was
+_iuratus in verba_, that is, sworn under a formula with a religious
+sanction attached.[984] It is tempting to suppose that it is through
+this channel that it found its way into the Christian vocabulary--the
+soldier of Christ affirming his allegiance in the solemn rites of
+baptism, marriage, or the Eucharist. It is a curious fact that it seems
+to be used in this way in the religion of Mithras,[985] which was
+especially powerful among the Roman legions of the Empire, and in which
+there was a grade of the faithful with the title of _milites_.
+_Sacramentum_ was here the word for the initiatory rites of a grade. In
+the earliest Christian writers of Latin it usually means a mystery; thus
+Arnobius writes of the Christian religion as revealing the "veritatis
+absconditae sacramenta";[986] but in another passage the idea in his
+mind seems to be that of military service. It is better, he says, for
+Christians to break their worldly contracts, even of marriage, than to
+break the _fides Christiana_, "_et salutaris militiae sacramenta
+deponere_;"[987] and Tertullian more than once attaches the same
+military meaning to it: "Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi iam tunc _cum
+in verba sacramenti spopondimus_."[988] Perhaps we may take it that the
+word, though of general significance for a religiously binding force
+produced by certain mysterious rites, had a special attraction for
+writers of the painful third century A.D., as reflecting into the
+Christian life from old Roman times something of the spirit of the duty
+and self-sacrifice of the loyal legionary. In any case we have once more
+a verbal legacy of priceless value.[989]
+
+To sum up what I have been saying, there were certain ingredients in the
+Roman soil, deposits of the Roman religious experience, which were in
+their several ways favourable to the growth of a new plant. There were
+also certain direct legacies from the old Roman religion, of which
+Christianity could dispose with profit, in the shape of forms of ritual,
+and, what was even of greater value, words of real significance in the
+old religion, which were destined to become of permanent and priceless
+value in the Christian speech of the western nations. There were also
+other points in the society and organisation of the Roman Empire which
+were of great importance for the growth of the new creed; but these lie
+outside my proper subject, and have been dealt with by Professor Gardner
+in the lecture to which I alluded at the beginning of this lecture, and
+most instructively by Sir W. M. Ramsay in more than one of his books,
+and especially in _St. Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen_.
+
+And yet, all this taken together, so far from explaining Christianity,
+does not help us much in getting to understand even the conditions under
+which it grew into men's minds as a new power in the life of the world.
+The plant, though grown in soil which had borne other crops, was wholly
+new in structure and vital principle. I say this deliberately, after
+spending so many years on the study of the religion of the Romans, and
+making myself acquainted in some measure with the religions of other
+peoples. The essential difference, as it appears to me as a student of
+the history of religion, is this, that whereas the connection between
+religion and morality has so far been a loose one,--at Rome, indeed, so
+loose, that many have refused to believe in its existence,--the _new
+religion was itself morality_,[990] but morality consecrated and raised
+to a higher power than it had ever yet reached. It becomes active
+instead of passive; mere good nature is replaced by a doctrine of
+universal love; _pietas_, the sense of duty in outward things, becomes
+an enthusiasm embracing all humanity, consecrated by such an appeal to
+the conscience as there never had been in the world before--the appeal
+to the life and death of the divine Master.
+
+This is what is meant, if I am not mistaken, by the great contrast so
+often and so vividly drawn by St. Paul between the spirit and the flesh,
+between the children of light and the children of darkness, between the
+sleep or the death of the world and the waking to life in Christ,
+between the blameless and the harmless sons of God and the crooked and
+perverse generation among whom they shine as lights in the world. I
+confess that I never realised this contrast fully or intelligently until
+I read through the Pauline Epistles from beginning to end with a special
+historical object in view. It is useful to be familiar with the life and
+literature of the two preceding centuries, if only to be able the better
+to realise, in passing to St. Paul, a Roman citizen, a man of education
+and experience, the great gulf fixed between the old and the new as he
+himself saw it.
+
+But historical knowledge, knowledge of the Roman society of the day,
+study of the Roman religious experience, cannot do more than give us a
+little help; they cannot reveal the secret. History can explain the
+progress of morality, but it cannot explain its consecration. With St.
+Paul the contrast is not merely one of good and bad, but of the spirit
+and the flesh, of life and death. No mere contemplation of the world
+around him could have kindled the fervency of spirit with which this
+contrast is by him conceived and expressed. Absolute devotion to the
+life and death of the Master, apart even from His work and teaching (of
+which, indeed, St. Paul says little), this alone can explain it. The
+love of Christ is the entirely new power that has come into the
+world;[991] not merely as a new type of morality, but as "_a Divine
+influence transfiguring human nature in a universal love_." The passion
+of St. Paul's appeal lies in the consecration of every detail of it by
+reference to the life and death of his Master; and the great contrast is
+for him not as with the Stoics, between the universal law of Nature and
+those who rebel against it; not as with Lucretius, between the blind
+victims of _religio_ and the indefatigable student of the _rerum
+natura_; not, as in the _Aeneid_, between the man who bows to the
+decrees of fate, destiny, God, or whatever we choose to call it, and the
+wilful rebel, victim of his own passions; not, as in the Roman State
+and family, between the man who performs religious duties and the man
+who wilfully neglects them--between _pius_ and _impius_; but between the
+universal law of love, focussed and concentrated in the love of Christ,
+and the sleep, the darkness, the death of a world that will not
+recognise it.
+
+I will conclude these lectures with one practical illustration of this
+great contrast, which will carry us back for a moment to the ritual of
+the old Roman _ius divinum_. That ritual, we saw, consisted mainly of
+sacrifice and prayer, the two apparently inseparable from each other. I
+pointed out that though the efficacy of the whole process was believed
+to depend on the strictest adherence to prescribed forms, whether of
+actions or words, the prayers, when we first meet with them, have got
+beyond the region of charm or spell, and are cast in the language of
+petition; they show clearly a sense of the dependence of man on the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe. There was here, perhaps, a
+germ of religious development; but it was arrested in its growth by the
+formalisation of the whole Roman religious system, and no substitute was
+to be found for it either in the imported Greek ritual, or in the more
+enlightening doctrines of exotic Greek philosophy. The prayers used in
+the ritual of Augustus' great festival, which was almost as much Greek
+as Roman in character, seem to us as hard and formal as the most ancient
+Roman prayers that have come down to us. In the most emotional moments
+of the life of a Roman of enlightenment like Cicero, when we can truly
+say of him that he was touched by true religious feeling, as well as by
+the spiritual aspirations of the nobler Greek philosophers, prayers find
+no place at all.
+
+But for St. Paul and the members of the early Christian brotherhood the
+whole of life was a continuous worship, and the one great feature of
+that worship was prayer. It has been said by a great Christian writer
+of recent times that "when the attention of a thinking heathen was
+directed to the new religion spreading in the Roman Empire, the first
+thing to strike him as extraordinary would be that a religion of prayer
+was superseding the religion of ceremonies and invocation of gods; that
+it encouraged all, even the most uneducated, to pray, or, in other
+words, to meditate and exercise the mind in self-scrutiny and
+contemplation of God."[992] And, as the same writer says, prayer thus
+became a motive power of moral renewal and _inward civilisation_, to
+which nothing else could be compared for efficacy. And more than this,
+it was the chief inward and spiritual means of maintaining that
+universal law of love, which, so far as this life was concerned, was the
+great secret of the new religion.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XX
+
+    [956] P. Gardner, _The Growth of Christianity_, 1907, p.
+    2. Cp. some remarks of Prof. Conway in _Virgil's
+    Messianic Eclogue_, p. 39 foll.
+
+    [957] The phrase "enthusiasm of humanity" is, of course,
+    that of the author of _Ecce Homo_, a most inspiring book
+    for all students of religious history, as indeed for all
+    other readers.
+
+    [958] Dobschütz on "Early Christian Eschatology," in
+    _Transactions of the Third Congress for the History of
+    Religions_, vol. ii. (Oxford, 1908), p. 320.
+
+    [959] The words are those of Mr. Glover in the last page
+    of his _Studies in Virgil_.
+
+    [960] It should be understood that these legacies, with
+    the exception of the last (the vocabulary), were only
+    taken up by the Church after the first two centuries of
+    its existence. And even the vocabulary of the early
+    Roman Church was mainly Greek (Gwatkin, _Early Church
+    History_, ii. 213), and it was not till the rise of the
+    African school of writers (Tertullian, Arnobius,
+    Augustine) that the Latin vocabulary really established
+    itself. Any real assimilation of Christian and pagan
+    forms of worship was not possible until the latter were
+    growing meaningless; then "the assimilation of
+    Christianity to heathenism from the third century is
+    matter of history" (Gwatkin, i. 269).
+
+    [961] Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 353, has
+    some interesting remarks on this point.
+
+    [962] See above, p. 211.
+
+    [963] _Growth of Christianity_, p. 144.
+
+    [964] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 308.
+
+    [965] _Confessions_, i. 14.
+
+    [966] Westcott, _Religious Thought in the West_, p. 246.
+    Gwatkin writes (vol. ii. 236) that all Augustine's
+    conceptions are shaped by law and Stoicism. Cp. p. 237.
+    So, too, of Tertullian.
+
+    [967] By W. Otto, in the _Archiv für
+    Religionswissenschaft_, vol. xii. (1909) p. 533 foll.
+
+    [968] _De Inventione_, ii. 161.
+
+    [969] _De Legibus_, ii. 10. 25.
+
+    [970] _Ib._ 10. 23.
+
+    [971] Lucretius i. 101.
+
+    [972] _E.g._ Octavius 38. 2; and again at the end of
+    that chapter.
+
+    [973] Lactantius, bk. v. (_de Iustitia_) ch. 19. I may
+    note here that the paragraph in the text where this is
+    quoted was first published in the _Transactions of the
+    Congress for the History of Religions_ (Oxford, 1908),
+    vol. ii. p. 174. I may also add that the restricted
+    sense of the word _religio_ as meaning the monastic
+    life is, of course, comparatively late. This restrictive
+    use of heathen words, from the third century onwards, is
+    the subject of some valuable remarks by Prof. Gwatkin in
+    his _Early Church History_, vol. i. p. 268 foll.
+
+    [974] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 299, and the references
+    there given.
+
+    [975] Livy i. 32, ix. 8. 6; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 476;
+    Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_, p. 56.
+
+    [976] Lactantius iv. 3 (_de vera sapientia_).
+
+    [977] _Ib._ v. (_de Iustitia_) ch. 10.
+
+    [978] _Aen._ xi. 81.
+
+    [979] Marquardt, 145, note 5.
+
+    [980] _Aen._ xii. 648.
+
+    [981] Servius, _ad Aen._ xii. 648.
+
+    [982] The original meaning of _sanctus_ as applied to
+    things, _e.g._ walls and tombs, was probably
+    "inviolable"; Nettleship, _Contributions to Latin
+    Lexicography_, _s.v._ "sanctus," who also suggests a
+    connection between the word and the attitude of the
+    Roman towards his dead: thus Cicero in _Topica 90_
+    writes of _aequitas_ as consisting of three
+    parts,--_pietas_, _sanctitas_, and _iustitia_,--meaning
+    man's relation to the gods, the Manes, and his
+    fellow-men. Nettleship also quotes _Aen._ v. 80 (_salve
+    sancte parens_), Tibull. ii. 2. 6, and other passages,
+    which show that the word was specially used of the dead
+    and their belongings. But when used of persons living,
+    as frequently in the last century B.C., it expresses a
+    certain purity of life, not without a religious
+    tincture, which could not so well be expressed by any
+    other word, owing to the original meaning being that of
+    religious inviolability. Thus Cicero uses it in the 9th
+    Philippic of his old friend Sulpicius, one of the best
+    and purest men of his time; and long before Cicero, Cato
+    had used it of an obligation at once ethical and
+    religious: "Maiores _sanctius_ habuere defendi pupillos
+    quam clientem non fallere." It is interesting to notice
+    that it was used later on of Mithras and other oriental
+    deities (Cumont, _Mon. myst. Mithra_, i. p. 533; _Les
+    Religions orientales_, p. 289, note 45); in the case of
+    Mithras, at least, this meant that his life was pure,
+    and that he wished his worshippers to be pure also.
+
+    [983] Marquardt, p. 318, note 4; Mommsen, _Strafrecht_,
+    pp. 902, 1026. See also Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_,
+    p. 56; Festus, p. 347.
+
+    [984] Greenidge, _op. cit._ p. 154.
+
+    [985] Cumont, _Mysterien von Mithras_, p. 116 of the
+    German edition. See also De Marchi, _La Religione nella
+    vita privata_, vol. ii. 114. It may be worth noting that
+    the idea of life as the service of a soldier bound to
+    obedience by his oath is found also in Stoicism; see
+    Epictetus (_Arrian_), _Discourses_, i. 14, iii. 24,
+    99-101, ii. 26, 28-30; (Crossley's _Golden Sayings of
+    Epictetus_, Nos. 37, 125, 132, 134).
+
+    [986] Arnobius, _adv. Nationes_, i. 3.
+
+    [987] _Ib._ ii. 6.
+
+    [988] Tertull., _ad Martyr._ c. 3. Cp. _de Corona
+    Militiae_, c. 11.
+
+    [989] It is curious that the word _sacerdos_ did not
+    find its way into the Christian vocabulary. Apparently
+    it had its chance; for Tertullian uses it in several
+    ways, _e.g._, "summus sacerdos" for a bishop (_de Bapt._
+    17; "disciplina sacerdotalis," _de Monog._ 7. 12; and
+    for other examples see Harnack, _Entstehung und
+    Entwickelung der Kirchenverfassung und des Kirchenrechts
+    in den zwei ersten Jahrhunderten_, 1910, p. 85). But the
+    words finally adopted for the grades of the priesthood
+    were Greek: bishop, priest, and deacon. Nevertheless,
+    the general word for the priesthood, as distinguished
+    from the laity, is Latin (_ordo_); hence "ordination"
+    and holy "orders." It is not of religious origin, but
+    taken from the language of municipal life, _ordo et
+    plebs_ being contrasted just as they were contrasted in
+    _municipia_ as senate (_decuriones_) and all
+    non-official persons. See Harnack, _op. cit._ p. 82.
+
+    [990] This is, of course, in one light, the legitimate
+    development of the union of religion and morality in the
+    Hebrew mind. "For the Israelite morality, righteousness,
+    is simply doing the will of God, which from the earliest
+    age is assumed to be ascertainable, and indeed
+    ascertained. The Law in its simplest form was at once
+    the rule of morality and the revealed will of God." "The
+    central feature of O.T. morality is its religious
+    character" (Alexander, _Ethics of St. Paul_, p. 34). In
+    the religious system we have been occupied with,
+    religion can only be reckoned as one of the factors in
+    the growth of morality; it supplied the sanction for
+    some acts of righteousness, but (in historical times at
+    least) by no means for all.
+
+    Prof. Gwatkin, in his _Early Church History_, vol. i. p.
+    54, states the relation of early Christianity to
+    morality thus: "Christ's person, not His teaching, is
+    the message of the Gospel. If we know anything for
+    certain about Jesus of Nazareth, it is that He steadily
+    claimed to be the Son of God, the Redeemer of mankind,
+    and the ruler of the world to come, and by that claim
+    the Gospel stands or falls. Therefore, the Lord's
+    disciples went not forth as preachers of morality, but
+    as witnesses of his life, and of the historic
+    resurrection which proved his mightiest claims. Their
+    morality is always an inference from these, never the
+    forefront of their teaching. They seem to think that if
+    they can only fill men with true thankfulness for the
+    gift of life in Christ, morality will take care of
+    itself." I cannot but think that this is expressed too
+    strongly, or baldly; but it is in the main in keeping
+    with the impression left on my mind by a study of St.
+    Paul. It must, however, be remembered that the Pauline
+    spirit is not exactly that of early Christianity in
+    general: see Gwatkin, vol. i. p. 98. In the _Didache_,
+    _e.g._, there is no trace of St. Paul's influence (104).
+
+    [991] In a book which had just been published when I was
+    delivering these lectures at Edinburgh (_The Ethics of
+    St. Paul_, by Archibald Alexander), I found a very
+    interesting chapter on "The Dynamic of the New Life," p.
+    126 foll. The word which for the author best expresses
+    that dynamic is _faith_, which is "the spring of all
+    endeavour, the inspiration of all heroism" (p. 150). "It
+    brings the whole life into the domain of spiritual
+    freedom, and is the animating and energising principle
+    of all moral purpose." What exactly is here understood
+    by faith is explained on p. 151 to the end of the
+    chapter, of which I may quote the concluding words:
+    "Faith in Christ means life in Christ. And this complete
+    yielding of self and vital union with the Saviour, this
+    dying and rising again, is at once man's supreme ideal
+    and the source of all moral greatness."
+
+    [992] Döllinger, _The First Age of Christianity and the
+    Church_ (Oxenham's translation), p. 344 foll.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX I
+
+ON THE USE OF HUTS OR BOOTHS IN RELIGIOUS RITUAL
+
+
+This may be taken as an addendum to Lecture II. on taboo at Rome; but
+owing to the uncertainty of the explanation given in it, I reserved it
+for an Appendix. The custom here dealt with is found both in the public
+and private worship of the Romans, and also in Greece and elsewhere, but
+has never, so far as I know, been investigated by anthropologists.
+
+On the Ides of March, at the festival of Anna Perenna, a deity explained
+as representing "the ring of the year," whose cult is not recognised in
+the ancient religious calendar, the lower population came out of the
+city, and lay about all day in the Campus Martius, near the Tiber. Ovid,
+fortunately, took the trouble to describe the scene in the third book of
+his _Fasti_, as he had witnessed it himself. Some of them, he says, lay
+in the open, _some constructed tents, and some made rude huts of stakes
+and branches, stretching their togas over them to make a shelter_.
+
+  plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas
+    potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua.
+  sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt,
+    sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est,
+  pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis,
+    desuper extentas imposuere togas.
+  sole tamen vinoque calent, annosque precantur,
+    quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt.[993]
+
+It appears also from Ovid's account that there was much drunkenness and
+obscene language; this was, in fact, a _festa_ very different in
+character from those of the Numan calendar; and that there was a magical
+element in the cult of the deity seems proved by the mysterious allusion
+to "virgineus cruor" in connection with her grove not far from this
+scene of revelry, in Martial iv. 64. 17 (cp. Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 78,
+and Columella x. 558). Tibullus describes something of the same kind at
+a rustic festival,[994] though he does not make it clear what time of
+year he is speaking of; a few lines before he had mentioned the drinking
+and leaping over the fire at the Parilia, the shepherd's festival in
+April, though I cannot feel sure that the following lines are also meant
+to refer to it:--
+
+  tunc operata deo pubes discumbet in herba,
+    arboris antiquae qua levis umbra cadit,
+  aut e veste sua tendent umbracula sertis
+    vincta, coronatus stabit et ipse calix.
+
+Here it is too much to suppose that the _umbracula_ were contrived
+to make up for the want of shade in a country so covered
+with woodland as Italy was then; and the words "_sertis vincta_"
+show that there was some special meaning in the practice. I
+think we may guess that in both instances the extemporised huts
+had some forgotten religious meaning. Yet another passage of
+Tibullus, which also describes a rural festival, alludes to a similar
+custom.[995] I have given reasons in the _Classical Review_ for
+thinking that this was a summer festival, accompanied as it was,
+like many midsummer rites all over Europe, by bonfires and
+revelry, though the usual interpretation ascribes it to the winter.[996]
+
+  tunc nitidus plenis confisus rusticus agris
+    ingeret ardenti grandia ligna foco,
+  turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni,
+    ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas.
+
+The slaves can here hardly be playing at building houses of
+twigs, like the children in Horace's _Satire_,[997] unless we are to
+suppose that Tibullus is thinking of slave children only, which
+is indeed possible; but even if that were so, how are we to
+account for the popularity of this curious form of sport?
+
+There was, however, at Rome a public summer festival,
+included in the calendar, in which we find this same custom.
+At the Neptunalia, on July 23, huts or booths were erected,
+made of the foliage of trees. "Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus
+_casae frondeae pro tabernaculis_," says Festus[998] (following Verrius
+Flaccus), where the last word is one in regular use for military
+tents. This is the only thing that is told us about this festival,
+and we may assume that even this would not have come down
+to us if it had not been a survival rigidly adhered to, _i.e._ the
+construction of shelters from the foliage of trees, instead of
+using tents, which could easily have been procured in the city.
+As the festival was in the hot month of July, we might suppose
+that shelter from the sun was the real object here; but we do
+not hear of it at other summer festivals, and the parallel practices
+I shall now mention make the rationalising explanation very
+doubtful. It is unlucky that we know hardly anything about
+the older and un-Graecised Neptunus, and nothing about his
+festival except this one fact; the comparative method is here
+our only hope.
+
+The Jewish feast of tabernacles will, of course, occur at once to every
+one; this was in the heat of the summer, and the booths were here, as at
+the Neptunalia, made of the branches of trees;[999] the explanation
+given to the Israelites was not that they were thus to shelter
+themselves from the heat, but to be reminded of their homeless
+wanderings in the wilderness, plainly an aetiological account, as in the
+case of the passover. There are distinct examples in Greece of the same
+practice, _e.g._ the [Greek: skiades] at the Spartan Carneia,[1000] and
+tents ([Greek: skênai]) in several cases, as at the mysteries of
+Andania, where the peculiar regulations for the construction of the
+tents points to a ritualistic origin almost unmistakably.[1001] But
+perhaps the most striking parallel is to be found in the famous letter
+of Gregory the Great, preserved by Bede, about the British converts to
+Christianity, who were to be allowed to use their heathen temples as
+churches:
+
+"Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere,
+debet iis etiam hac in re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die
+dedicationis, vel natalicii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic
+reliquiae ponuntur, _tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quae ex
+fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant_, et religiosis conviviis
+sollemnitatem celebrent: nec diabolo iam animalia immolent,
+et ad laudem Dei in esu suo animalia occident," etc.[1002]
+
+Why should Gregory here take the trouble to describe the
+material out of which these huts were to be made? Surely
+because the custom was one which had been described to him
+by Augustine or Mellitus as part of the heathen practice, and
+one which he was willing to condone as harmless (possibly with a
+recollection of the Jewish feast), since the Britons set great store
+by it.
+
+If these examples from Europe and Palestine are sufficient to
+suggest that there was originally a religious or mystic meaning in
+the custom, we must look for its explanation in anthropological
+research. Robertson Smith was,[1003] I think, the first to suggest a
+possible explanation of the Feast of Tabernacles, by comparing
+with it the rule, stated in Numbers xxxi. 19, that men might not
+enter their houses after bloodshed: "Do ye abide without the
+camp seven days: whosoever hath killed any person, and whosoever
+hath touched any slain, purify both yourselves and your
+captives on the third day and on the seventh day." He also
+pointed out that pilgrims are subject to the same rule, or
+taboo, in Syria and elsewhere. Since then an immense mass of
+evidence has been collected showing that all the world over
+persons in a holy or unclean state are placed under this or some
+similar restriction;[1004] and if this be the case with pilgrims and
+warriors after a battle, it may also have been so with worshippers
+at some particular festival, even if we are quite unable to recover
+the special character of the worship which produced the
+restriction.[1005] In the Feast of Tabernacles, which was a harvest
+festival, the cause seems to have been the great sanctity of the
+first-fruits, which are regarded with extreme veneration in many
+parts of the world. In the now famous festival of the first-fruits
+among the Natchez Indians of Louisiana, of which the details
+have been recorded with singular care and obvious accuracy,[1006] we
+find that the chief, the Great Sun, and all the celebrators, have
+to live in huts two miles from their village, while the corn, grown
+for the purpose in a particular spot, is sacramentally eaten. It
+is quite impossible, without further evidence, which is not likely
+ever to be forthcoming, to explain either the Greek, Roman, or
+British customs in this way; we must be content with the
+general principle that the holiness of human beings at particular
+times is liable to carry with it the practice of renouncing your
+own dwelling and living in an extemporised hut or booth. The
+tents that we hear of in the Greek rites I look upon as late
+developments of this primitive practice. The inscription of
+Andania, which is the best Greek evidence we possess, dates
+only from 91 B.C.; and by that time there would have been
+every opportunity for the rude huts to become civilised tents.
+The _casae_ made by the _vernae_ in Tibullus' poem were, I would
+suggest, a kind of unconscious survival of the same feeling and
+practice, the real religious meaning being almost entirely lost.
+
+Lastly, I will venture to suggest that the _casae_ of the Roman
+custom, made of branches at the Neptunalia and the feast of
+Anna Perenna, and of _virgae_ by the slaves on the farm, are
+a reminiscence of the earliest form of Italian dwelling, which
+survived to historical times in the round temple of Vesta, and of
+which we have examples in the hut-urns discovered in the
+necropolis at Alba.[1007] The earliest form of all was probably
+a round structure made of branches of trees stuck into the
+ground, bent inwards at the top and tied together.[1008] Just as
+bronze instruments survived from an earlier stage of culture in
+some religious rites at Rome, so, I imagine, did this ancient
+form of dwelling, which really belongs to an age previous to
+that of permanent settlement and agricultural routine. The hut
+circles of the neolithic age, such as are abundant on Dartmoor,
+were probably roofed with branches supported by a central
+pole.[1009]
+
+    [993] _Fasti_, iii. 525 foll. See _R.F._ p. 50 foll.
+
+    [994] Tibull. ii. 5. 89 foll. Mr. Mackail has pointed
+    out to me a passage in the _Pervigilium Veneris_, line
+    5, which seems to contain a hint of the same practice
+    (cp. line 43).
+
+    [995] Tibull. ii. 1. 1-24.
+
+    [996] _Classical Review_, 1908, p. 36 foll. My
+    conclusions were criticised by Dr. Postgate in the
+    _Classical Quarterly_ for 1909, p. 127.
+
+    [997] Hor. _Sat._ ii. 3. 247.
+
+    [998] Festus, ed. Müller, p. 377.
+
+    [999] Leviticus xxiii. 40-42. Cp. Plutarch, _Quaest.
+    conviv._ 4. 2. This was a feast of harvest and
+    first-fruits (Exodus xxiii. 16). Nehemiah viii. 13 foll.
+    gives a graphic account of the revival of this festival
+    after the captivity.
+
+    [1000] Athenaeus iv. 41. 8 F. Cp. Farnell, _Cults of the
+    Greek States_, vol. iv., p. 260.
+
+    [1001] Dittenberger, _Sylloge inscript._ (ed. 2), 653,
+    lines 34 foll. Cp. p. 200 (Teos).
+
+    [1002] Baeda, _Hist. eccl._ i. 30 (ed. Plummer). There
+    is a curious case of isolation in a hut in a process by
+    which the sacrificer of the _soma_ in the Vedic religion
+    becomes divine, quoted by Hubert et Mauss, _Mélanges_,
+    p. 34. This may possibly afford a clue to the mystery.
+
+    [1003] _Religion of the Semites_, notes K and N at the
+    end of the volume.
+
+    [1004] See _e.g._ Frazer, _G. B._ ed. 2, index, _s.v._
+    "Seclusion."
+
+    [1005] It has occurred to me that the shedding of blood
+    in animal sacrifice may possibly be the reason in some
+    of these rites. The last words of the passage quoted
+    above from Baeda suggest this explanation in the case of
+    the Britons. In the first-fruits festivals the "killing
+    of the corn" may be a parallel cause of taboo. See _G.
+    B._ i. 372.
+
+    [1006] Du Pratz, translated in _G. B._ ii. 332 foll.
+
+    [1007] See _e.g._ Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_,
+    p. 50 foll. Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Ancient
+    Rome_, p. 132. It is worth noting that in a passage
+    quoted by Helbig, Plutarch (_Numa_ 8) uses for some of
+    the most ancient Roman attempts at temple building the
+    same word by which he describes the booths at the feast
+    of tabernacles ([Greek: kaliades]).
+
+    [1008] Whether there was in later days any special
+    religious signification in the use of green foliage and
+    branches I will not undertake to say, but I have been
+    struck by the constant use of them in cases of
+    religious seclusion, even where the person is secluded
+    in some part of the house, and not outside it. See _e.g.
+    G. B._ ii. pp. 205-214.
+
+    [1009] Prof. Anwyl, _Celtic Religion_ (Constable's
+    series), p. 10. Mr. Baring-Gould told Mr. Anwyl that he
+    had seen in some of the Dartmoor circles central holes
+    which seemed meant for the fixing of this pole. I will
+    add here that it has occurred to me that these huts
+    must, in one sense at least, be a survival (like other
+    points of ritual), from the days of pastoral life, and
+    of the migration of the Aryans. Temporary huts are
+    characteristic of pastoral as contrasted with
+    agricultural life, and must have been used during the
+    wanderings, as by the Israelites. See Schrader,
+    _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_ (Eng.
+    Trans., London, 1890), p. 404.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX II
+
+PROF. DEUBNER'S THEORY OF THE LUPERCALIA
+(See pp. 34 and 106)
+
+
+In the _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1910, p. 481 foll., Prof.
+Deubner has published an interesting study of this puzzling festival, to
+which I wish to invite attention, though it has reached me too late for
+use in my earlier lectures.
+
+It has long been clear to me that any attempt to explain the details of
+the Lupercalia on a single hypothesis must be a failure. If all the
+details belong to the same age and the same original festival, we cannot
+recover the key to the whole ceremonial, though we may succeed in
+interpreting certain features of it with some success. Is it, however,
+possible that these details belong to _different_ periods,--that the
+whole rite, as we know it, with all the details put together from
+different sources of knowledge, was the result of an accretion of
+various features upon an original simple basis of ceremonial? Prof.
+Deubner answers this question in the affirmative, and works out his
+answer with much skill and learning.
+
+He begins by explaining the word _lupercus_ as derived from _lupus_ and
+_arceo_, and meaning a "keeper off of wolves." The _luperci_ were
+originally men chosen from two gentes or families to keep the wolves
+from the sheepfolds, in the days when the Palatine was a shepherd's
+settlement, and they did it by running round the base of the hill in a
+magical circle (if I understand him rightly). If that be so, we need not
+assume a deity Lupercus, nor in fact any deity at all, nor need we see
+in the runners a quasi-dramatic representation of wolves as
+vegetation-spirits, as Mannhardt proposed (see my _Roman Festivals_, p.
+316 foll.). This view has the advantage of making the rite a simple and
+practical one, such as would be natural to primitive Latins; and the
+etymology is apparently unexceptionable, though it will doubtless be
+criticised, as in fact it has been long ago.
+
+But in course of time, Prof. Deubner goes on, there came to be engrafted
+on this simple rite of circumambulation without reference to a deity, a
+festival of the rustic god Faunus; and now there was added a sacrifice
+of goats, which seem to have been his favourite victims (kids in Hor.
+_Odes_, iii. 18). The _luperci_, who had formerly run round the hill
+quite naked, as in many rites of the kind (see p. 491), now girt
+themselves with the skins of the goats, in order to increase their
+"religious force" in keeping away the wolves, with strength derived from
+the victims.
+
+But the _luperci_ also carried in their hands, in the festival as we
+know it, strips of the skins of the victims, with which they struck at
+women who offered themselves to the blows, in order to make them
+fertile. This, Prof. Deubner thinks, was a still later accretion. Life
+in a city had obliterated the original meaning of the rite--the keeping
+off wolves; but a new meaning becomes attached to it, presumably growing
+out of the use of the skins as magical instruments of additional force.
+Here, too, Juno first appears on the scene as the deity of women, for
+the strips were known as _amicula Iunonis_ (_R.F._ 321 and note). The
+strips may have been substituted for something carried in the hand to
+drive away the wolves; the goat, it should be noted, is prominent in the
+cult of Juno, _e.g._ at Lanuvium. The mystical meaning of striking or
+flogging has been sufficiently explained in this instance by Mannhardt
+(_R.F._ p. 320), and is now familiar to anthropologists in other
+contexts.
+
+In the period when the fertilisation of women became the leading feature
+of the rite, the State took up the popular festival, and it gained
+admittance to the religious calendar, which was drawn up for the city of
+the four regions (see above, Lect. IV., p. 106). The State was
+represented, as we learn from Ovid, by the Flamen Dialis (_Fasti_, ii.
+282).
+
+But we still have to account for some strange detail, which has never
+been satisfactorily explained in connection with the rest of the
+ceremony. The runners had their foreheads smeared with the blood of the
+victims, which was then wiped off with wool dipped in milk; after which,
+says Plutarch (_Romulus_, 21), they were obliged to laugh. These
+details, as Prof. Deubner remarks, seem very un-Roman; we have no
+parallel to them in Roman ritual, and I have remarked more than once in
+these lectures on the absence of the use of blood in Roman ceremonial. I
+have suggested that they were allowed to survive in the religion of the
+city-state, though actually belonging to that of a primitive population
+living on the site of Rome. Prof. Deubner's explanation is very
+different, and at first sight startling. These, he thinks, are Greek
+cathartic details added by Augustus when he re-organised the Lupercalia,
+as we may guess that he did from Suet. _Aug._ 31. They can all be
+paralleled from Greek religion. We know of them only from Plutarch, who
+quotes a certain Butas as writing Greek elegiacs in which they were
+mentioned; but of the date of this poet we know nothing. Ovid does not
+mention these details, nor hint at them in the stories he tells about
+the festival. (It is certainly possible that Augustus's revision may
+have been made after Ovid wrote the second book of the _Fasti_; it could
+not have been done until he became Pont. Max. in 12 B.C., and perhaps
+not till long after that, and the _Fasti_ was written some time before
+Ovid's banishment in A.D. 9.) That Augustus should insert Greek
+cathartic details in the old Roman festival is certainly surprising, but
+not impossible. We know that in the _ludi saeculares_ he took great
+pains to combine Greek with Roman ritual.
+
+The above is a mere outline of Prof. Deubner's article, but enough, I
+hope, to attract the attention of English scholars to it. Whether or no
+it be accepted in whole or part by learned opinion, it will at least
+have the credit of suggesting a way in which not only the Lupercalia,
+but possibly other obscure rites, may be compelled ultimately to yield
+up their secrets.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX III
+
+THE PAIRS OF DEITIES IN GELLIUS xiii. 23 (see page 150)
+
+
+The first paired deity mentioned by Gellius is _Lua Saturni_, also known
+as _Lua Mater_, of whom Dr. Frazer writes (p. 412), "In regard to Lua we
+know that she was spoken of as a mother, which makes it not improbable
+that she was also a wife." We are not surprised to find him claiming
+that because Vesta is addressed as Mater in the _Acta Fratr. Arv._
+(Henzen, p. 147), that virgin deity was also married. This he does in
+his lectures on Kingship (p. 222), quoting Ennius and Lactantius as
+making Vesta mother of Saturnus and Titan. No comment on this is needed
+for any one conversant with Graeco-Roman religion and literature from
+Ennius onward. The title Mater here means simply that Vesta was to her
+worshippers in a maternal position: "quamvis virginem, indole tamen
+quadam materna praeditam fuisse nuper exposuit Preunerus," says Henzen,
+quoting Preuner's _Hestia-Vesta_, an old book but a good one (p. 333).
+But to return to Lua: I freely confess that I cannot explain why she was
+styled Mater. We only know of her, apart from the list in Gellius and
+one passage of Servius, from the two passages of Livy quoted without
+comment by Dr. Frazer. The first of these (viii. 1), which may be taken
+from the pontifical books, seems to let in a ray of light on her nature
+and function. In 338 B.C. the Volscians had been beaten, and "armorum
+magna vis" was found in their camp. "Ea Luae Matri se dare consul dixit,
+finesque hostium usque ad maritimam oram depopulatus est." That is, as I
+understand the words, he dedicated the enemy's spoils to the _numen_ who
+was the enemy of his own crops.[1010] For if Lua be connected
+etymologically with _lues_, she may be the hurtful aspect of Saturnus,
+like _Tursa_ Cerfia Cerfii Martii as Buecheler explains it (_Umbrica_,
+p. 98).
+
+A curious passage of Servius may be quoted in support of this view, in
+which Luae is an almost certain correction for Lunae (see Jordan's
+edition of Preller's _Rom. Mythol._ vol. ii. p. 22). Commenting on
+Virgil's "Arboribusque satisque lues" (_Aen._ iii. 139), he writes:
+"quidam dicunt, diversis numinibus vel bene vel male faciendi potestatem
+dicatam, ut Veneri coniugia, Cereri divortia, Iunoni procreationem
+liberorum: sterilitatem horum tam Saturno quam Luae, hanc enim sicut
+Saturnum orbandi potestatem habere." Whatever Lua may originally have
+been, she seems to have been regarded as a power capable of working for
+evil in the crops and in women; if you could get her to work on your
+enemy's crops (cp. the _excantatio_, above p. 58), so much the better,
+and the better would her claim be to the title of Mater (but Dr. Frazer
+supplies us with examples of a _hostile_ spirit being called by a
+family name, _e.g._, Grandfather Smallpox, _G.B._ iii. p. 98). When the
+consul had dedicated the spoils to her he proceeded to assist her in her
+functions by ravaging the crops of the enemy; thus she became later on a
+deity of spoils. In the Macedonian triumph of B.C. 167 we find her in
+company with Mars and Minerva as one of the deities to whom "spolia
+hostium dicare ius fasque est" (Livy xlv. 33).
+
+I may add here that Dr. Frazer has another arrow in his quiver to prove
+that Saturnus was married: if Lua was not his wife (which no Roman
+asserts) certainly (he says) Ops was. He quotes a few words from
+Macrobius (i. 13. 19) in which these two are mentioned as husband and
+wife. If he had quoted the whole passage, his reader would have been
+better able to judge of the value of the writers of whom Macrobius says
+that they "crediderunt" that Ops was wife of Saturn. For it appears that
+some of them fancied that Saturnus was "a satu dictus _cuius causa de
+caelo est_"--(a desperate attempt to make the old spirit of the seed
+into a heaven-god), while Ops, whose name speaks for itself, was the
+earth. But the real companion deity to Ops was not Saturnus, but Consus.
+This has been placed beyond all reasonable doubt by Wissowa in his _de
+Feriis_ (reprinted in _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 154 foll.). See also
+my _R.F._ p. 212. The names Ops and Consus obviously refer to stored
+corn, and everything in their cult points the same way. Saturnus'
+connection with Ops is a late and a mistaken one, derived from the
+Graecising tendency, which brought Cronos and Rhea to bear on them.
+
+Next a word about Hora Quirini. As this coupling of names is followed by
+Virites Quirini, in the characteristic method explained in the text (cp.
+Cic. _Nat. Deor._ ii. 27 of Vesta, "_vis_ eius ad aras et focos
+pertinet"), it is hardly necessary to comment on it. Hora is perhaps
+connected with Umbrian Heris (cp. Buecheler, _Umbrica_, index), which
+with kindred forms means will, willingness. Thus in "Nerienem Mavortis
+et Herem" (Ennius, fragm. 70, in Baehrens, _Fragm. Poet. Lat._) we may
+see the strength and the will of Mars (cp. Herie Iunonis). Hora is also
+connected in legend with Hersilia (Ov. _Met._ 14. 829), and this helps
+to show how the Alexandrian erotic legend-making faculty got hold of
+her. But, says Dr. Frazer, Ennius regarded her as wife of Quirinus:
+"Teque Quirine pater veneror, Horamque Quirini" (fragm. 71 of the
+_Annales_). This is Dr. Frazer's interpretation of the words, but Ennius
+says nothing of conjugal relations; and even if he had, his evidence as
+to ancient Roman conceptions would be worthless. Ennius was not a Roman;
+he came from Magna Graecia; and if Dr. Frazer will read _all_ that is
+said about him, _e.g._ in Schanz's history of Roman literature, he will
+allow that every statement of such a man about old Roman ideas of the
+divine must be regarded with suspicion and subjected to careful
+criticism.
+
+Next we come to Salacia Neptuni. Of this couple Dr. Frazer says that
+Varro plainly implies that they were husband and wife, and that this is
+affirmed by Augustine, Seneca, and Servius. The accumulation of evidence
+seems strong; but Varro implies nothing of the kind (_L.L._ v. 72). He
+is indulging in fancy etymologies, and derives Neptunus from _nubere_,
+"quod mare terras obnubit ut nubes caelum, ab nuptu id est opertione ut
+antiqui, a quo nuptiae, nuptus dictus." If he had meant to make Salacia
+wife of Neptunus, this last sentence would surely have suggested it; but
+he goes on after a full stop, "Salacia Neptuni a salo." It is only the
+later writers, ignorant of the real nature of Roman religious ideas, who
+make Salacia into a wife. It is worth noting that Varro adds another
+feminine deity in his next sentence, Venilia, whom Virgil makes the
+mother of Turnus (_Aen._ x. 76); and Servius, commenting on this line,
+goes one better, and says she was identical with Salacia. Perhaps both
+were sea or water spirits, connected with Neptunus as _famulae_ or
+_anculae_ (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 19), but they are lost to us, and
+speculation is useless. In _R.F._ p. 186, I suggested an explanation of
+Salacia which I am disposed to withdraw. But for anyone wishing to study
+the treatment of old Roman _numina_ by the mythologists and philosophers
+of the Graeco-Roman period, I would recommend an attentive reading of
+the whole chapter of Augustine from which Dr. Frazer quotes a few words
+(_C.D._ vii. 22); and further a careful study of the Graeco-Roman
+methods of fabricating myths about Roman divine names, for which he will
+do well to read the passages referred to by Wissowa in _R.K._ pp. 250
+and 251, and notes.
+
+Lastly, comes Maia Volcani. Here for once we get a fact of cult, which
+is a relief, after the loose and reckless statements of non-Roman and
+Christian writers. The flamen Volcanalis sacrificed to Maia on May 1st,
+which proves that there was a real and not a fancied connection between
+Volcanus and Maia, but certainly not that they were husband and wife.
+Dr. Frazer, however, quotes Cincius "on the _Fasti_" as (ap. Macrob. i.
+12. 18) stating this, and refers us to Schanz's _Gesch. der röm. Lit._
+for information about him. In the second edition of that work he will
+find a discussion of the very doubtful question as to whether the
+Cincius he quotes is the person whom he asserts him to be, viz., the
+annalist of the second Punic War. The writer of the article "Cincius" in
+Pauly-Wissowa _Real-Encycl._ is very confident that the one who wrote on
+the _Fasti_ lived as late as the age of Augustus. But putting that
+aside, what are we to make of the fact that another annalist, L.
+Calpurnius Piso (famous as the author of the first lex de repetundis,
+149 B.C.), said that the wife of Volcanus was not Maia, but Maiestas?
+Piso was not a good authority (see above, p. 51), but he seems here to
+bring the "consort" of the fire-god into line with such expressions of
+activity as Moles, Virites, and so on; and it seems that as early as the
+second century B.C., sport and speculation with these names were
+beginning. I have quoted the whole pedantic passage from Macrobius in my
+_Roman Festivals_, p. 98, where the reader may enjoy it at leisure. I
+shall not be surprised if he comes to the conclusion that neither
+Macrobius nor his learned informers knew anything about Maia. When he
+reads that she was the mother of Mercurius, he will recollect that
+Mercurius was not a Roman deity of the earliest period, and did not
+belong to the _di indigetes_; and when he finds that she is identified
+with Bona Dea, he must not forget that that deity, as scholars are now
+pretty well agreed, was introduced at Rome from Tarentum in the age of
+the Punic Wars. The one fact we know is the sacrifice by the flamen
+Volcanalis on May 1. Someone went to work to explain this and another,
+viz. that the Ides of the month was the dedication day of the first
+temple of Mercurius (B.C. 495), and also the fact that the temple of the
+Bona Dea on the Aventine was dedicated on the Kalends. The result was an
+extraordinary jumble of fancy and myth, which has been recognised as
+such by those who have studied closely the methods of Graeco-Roman
+scholarship. The unwary, of course, are taken in. A student of these
+methods might do well to take as an exercise in criticism the three
+"specimens of Roman mythology" which Dr. Frazer says (p. 413) have
+"survived the wreck of antiquity"--the loves of Vertumnus and Pomona, of
+Jupiter and Juturna, of Janus and Cardea. In the last of these
+especially he will find one of the most audacious pieces of charming and
+wilful invention that a Latin poet could perpetrate, in imitation of
+Hellenistic love tales, and to suit the taste of a public whose
+education was mainly Greek.
+
+The above lengthy note was written before I had seen von Domaszewski's
+paper on this subject ("Festschrift für O. Hirschfeld") reprinted in
+_Abhandlungen zur röm. Religion_, p. 104 foll. cp. p. 162.) His
+explanations are different in detail from mine, but rest on the same
+general principle that the names Salacia, etc., indicate functions or
+attributes of the male deity to whom they are attached.
+
+    [1010] For the taboo on such spoils, and their
+    destruction, see M. S. Reinach's interesting paper
+    "Tarpeia," in _Cultes, mythes, et religions_, iii. 221
+    foll.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX IV
+
+(LECTURE VIII., PAGE 169 FOLL.) IUS AND FAS
+
+
+In historical times the two kinds of _ius_, _divinum_ and _humanum_,
+were strongly distinguished (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 318, who quotes
+Gaius ii. 2: "summa itaque rerum divisio in duos articulos diducitur,
+nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani"). But it is almost certain
+that there was originally no such clear distinction. The general opinion
+of historians of Roman law is thus expressed by Cuq (_Institutions
+juridiques des Romains_, p. 54): "Le droit civil n'a eu d'abord qu'une
+portée fort restreinte. Peu à peu il a gagné du terrain, il a entrepris
+de réglementer des rapports qui autrefois étaient du domaine de la
+religion. Pendant longtemps à Rome le droit théocratique a coexisté avec
+le droit civil." (See also Muirhead, _Introduction to Roman Law_, ed.
+Goudy, p. 15.) Possibly the formation of an organised calendar, marking
+off the days belonging to the deities from those which were not so made
+over to them, first gave the opportunity for the gradual realisation of
+the thought that the set of rules under which the citizen was
+responsible to the divine beings was not exactly the same as that under
+which he was responsible to the civil authorities. The distinction took
+many ages to realise in all its aspects, and is not complete even under
+the XII. Tables or later, because the sanction for civil offences
+remained in great part a divine one; on this point Jhering is certainly
+wrong (_Geist des röm. Rechts_, i. 267 foll.). As Cuq remarks (p. 54,
+note 1), one institution of the _ius divinum_ kept its force after the
+complete secularisation of law, and retains it to this day, viz. the
+oath.
+
+If there was originally no distinction between religious and civil rules
+of law, it follows that there were originally no two distinguishing
+terms for them. The earliest passage in which they are distinguished as
+_ius divinum_ and _humanum_ (so far as I know) is Cicero's speech for
+Sestius (B.C. 56), sec. 91, quoted by Wissowa, p. 319: "domicilia
+coniuncta quas urbes dicimus, _invento et divino iure et humano_,
+moenibus cinxerunt." But by all British writers on Roman law, and by
+many foreign ones, the word _fas_ is used as equivalent to the ius
+divinum, and sharply distinguished from _ius_. Thus the late Dr.
+Greenidge, in his useful work on Roman public life (p. 52 and
+elsewhere), makes this distinction; he writes of the _rex_ as the chief
+expounder of the divine law (_fas_), and of the control exercised by
+_fas_ over the citizen's life. Cp. Muirhead, ed. Goudy, p. 15 foll.,
+where Mommsen is quoted thus: "Mommsen is probably near the mark when he
+describes the _leges regiae_ as mostly rules of the _fas_." But Mommsen,
+like Wissowa in his _Religion und Kultus_, does not use the word _fas_,
+but speaks of "Sakralrecht." Sohm, on the other hand (_Roman Law_,
+trans. Ledlie, p. 15, note), compares _fas_ with Sanscrit _dharma_ and
+Greek _themis_, as meaning unwritten rules of divine origin, which
+eventually gave way before _ius_, as in Greece before [Greek: dikaion].
+(Cp. Binder, _Die Plebs_, p. 501.) But it is safer in this case to leave
+etymology alone, and to try to discover what the Romans themselves
+understood by _fas_, which is indeed a peculiar and puzzling word. (For
+its possible connection with _fari_, _effari_ (ager effatus), _fanum_,
+and _profanum_, etc., see H. Nettleship's _Contributions to Latin
+Lexicography_, s.v. "Fas.")
+
+_Fas_ was at all times indeclinable, and is rarely found even as an
+accusative, as in Virg. _Aen._ ix. 96:
+
+  mortaline manu factae immortale carinae
+  fas habeant?
+
+In the oldest examples of its use, _i.e._ in the ancient calendar QRCF,
+on March 24 and May 24, _i.e._ "quando rex comitiavit fas" (Varro,
+_L.L._ vi. 31), and QStDF on June 15, _i.e._ "Quando stercus delatum
+fas" (Varro, _L.L._ vi. 32), it is hard to say whether it is a
+substantive at all, and not rather an adverb like _satis_. So, too, in
+the antique language of the _lex templi_ of Furfo (58 B.C.) we read,
+"Utii tangere sarcire tegere devehere defigere mandare ferro oeti
+promovere referre _fasque esto_" (_liceat_ should probably be inserted
+before _fasque esto_). See _CIL._ i. 603, line 7; Dessau, _Inscript.
+Lat. selectae_, ii. 1. 4906, p. 246. In these examples _fas_ simply
+means that you may do certain acts without breaking religious law; it
+does not stand for the religious law itself. To me it looks like a
+technical word of the _ius divinum_, meaning that which it is lawful to
+do under it; thus a _dies fastus_ is one on which it is lawful under
+that _ius_ to perform certain acts of civil government, "sine piaculo"
+(Varro, _L.L._ vi. 29). _Nefas_ is, therefore, in the same way a word
+which conveys a prohibition under the divine law. By constant
+juxtaposition with _ius_, _fas_ came in course of time to take on the
+character of a substantive, and so too did its opposite _nefas_. The
+dictionaries supply many examples of its use as a substantive and as
+paralleled with _ius_, but the only one I can find that is earlier than
+Cicero is Terence, _Hecyra_, iii. 3. 27, _i.e._ in the work of a
+non-Roman.
+
+I cannot find that it is so used by Varro, where we might naturally have
+expected it. Cicero does not call his imaginary ius divinum a _fas_, but
+iura religionum, constitutio religionum (_de Legibus_ ii. 10-23, 17-32).
+_Ius_ is the word always used technically of particular departments of
+the religious law, _e.g._ ius pontificium, ius augurale, and ius fetiale
+(_CIL._ i. p. 202, is preimus ius fetiale paravit). The notion that
+_fas_ could mean a kind of code of religious law is probably due to
+Virgil's use of the word in "Quippe etiam festis quaeddam exercere
+diebus Fas et iura sinunt," _Georg._ i. 269, and to the comment of
+Servius, "id est, divina humanaque iura permittunt: nam ad religionem
+fas, ad homines iura pertinent."
+
+It is strange to find it personified as a kind of deity in the formula
+of the fetiales, used when they announced the Roman demands at an
+enemy's frontier (Livy i. 32): "Audi Iuppiter, inquit, audite Fines
+(cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat), _audiat Fas_." Whence did Livy get
+this formula? We have no record of a book of the fetiales; if this came
+from those of the pontifices, as is probable, the formula need not be of
+ancient date, and the personification of Fines also suggests a doubt as
+to the genuineness of the whole formula.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX V
+
+THE WORSHIP OF SACRED UTENSILS (page 436)
+
+
+There can be no doubt that some kind of worship was paid by the Arval
+Brethren to certain _ollae_, or primitive vessels of sun-baked clay used
+in their most ancient rites. This is attested by two inscriptions of
+different ages which are printed on pp. 26 and 27 of Henzen's _Acta
+Fratrum Arvalium_. After leaving their grove and entering the temple "in
+mensa _sacrum fecerunt ollis_"; and shortly afterwards, "in aedem
+intraverunt et _ollas precati sunt_." Then, to our astonishment, we read
+that the door of the temple was opened, and the _ollae_ thrown down the
+slope in front of it. This last act seems inexplicable; but the worship
+finds a singular parallel in the dairy ritual of the Todas of the
+Nilghiri hills.
+
+Dr. Rivers, in his work on the Todas (Macmillan, 1906, p. 453), in
+summing up his impressions of their worship, observes that "the attitude
+of worship which is undoubtedly present in the Toda mind is becoming
+transferred from the gods themselves to the material objects used in the
+service of the gods." "The religious attitude of worship is being
+transferred from the gods themselves _to the objects round which centres
+the ritual of the dairy_." These objects are mainly the bells of the
+buffaloes and the dairy vessels; and an explicit account of them, the
+reverence in which they are held, and the prayers in which they are
+mentioned, will be found in the fifth, sixth, and eighth chapters of Dr.
+Rivers' work, which, as an account of what seems to be a religion
+atrophied by over-development of ritual, is in many ways of great
+interest to the student of Roman religious experience. The following
+sentence will appeal to the readers of these Lectures:--
+
+"The Todas seem to show us how the over-development of the ritual aspect
+of religion may lead to atrophy of those ideas and beliefs through which
+the religion has been built up; and then how, in its turn, the ritual
+may suffer, and acts which are performed mechanically, with no living
+ideas behind them, may come to be performed carelessly and incompletely,
+while religious observances which involve trouble and discomfort may be
+evaded or completely neglected."
+
+Whether the worship of the _ollae_ was a part of the original ritual of
+the Brethren, or grew up after its revival by Augustus, it is impossible
+to determine. But if we can allow the dairy ritual of the Todas to
+help us in the matter, we may conclude that in any case it was not
+really primitive, and that it was a result of that process of
+over-ritualisation to which must also be ascribed the _piacula_ caused
+by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the temple, and the three
+Sondergötter Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda. (See above p. 161 foll.,
+and Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 147.)
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Acca Larentia, 67
+
+Acolytes, 177
+
+Adolenda, 162
+
+Addenda Commolenda Deferunda, 162, 490
+
+Aedes Vestae: _see_ Vesta
+
+Aediles, plebeian, 255
+
+Aemilius Paulus, 340, 362, 433
+
+_Aeneid_, the, 119, 206, 230, 250, 251;
+  as a means of understanding the spirit of the Roman religion, 254;
+  a poem of religion and morals, 409-425
+
+Aesculapius, 260
+
+_Ager paganus_: lustration, 80, 213
+  _Romanus_: lustration, 78, 100
+
+Agriculture, the economic basis of Roman life, 99;
+  festivals, _see_ Festivals
+
+Agrippa, 442, 443
+
+Alba Longa, 109, 128
+
+Alban Mount: Latin festival, 172;
+  temple of Jupiter Latiaris, 237, 238, 245
+
+Alexander, Archibald, on faith, 472
+
+Ambarvalia, procession of the, 214, 218, 442
+
+Amburbium, 214, 218, 332
+
+Amulets, 42, 59, 60, 74, 84
+
+Ancilia, 97;
+  lustration, 96, 217;
+  moving, 36
+
+Angerona, 117
+
+Animism, 65, 122, 148, 164, 287
+
+Anna Perenna: festival, 65, 105, 346;
+  Ovid's account of, 473
+
+Antoninus Pius, 429
+
+Apollo, 257, 449;
+  cult of, 268;
+  associated with Diana, 443, 446;
+  with Latona, 262;
+  the Pythian, 323;
+  temple, 443-445;
+  institution of Apolline games, 326
+
+Appius Claudius, 300
+
+Aquaelicium, ceremony of the, 50, 52
+
+_Ara_, meaning of, 146
+
+Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium 29, 230
+
+Ara Pacis of Augustus, 177, 437, 448
+
+Argei: festival, 36, 65;
+  puppets thrown into the Tiber, 54, 105, 321, 322;
+  chapels called, 321, 322
+
+Armilustrium, 97
+
+Army: lustration of, 96, 100, 215, 217
+
+Arnobius, 51, 52, 459, 461, 465
+
+Artemis, 235, 443
+
+Arval Brethren: _see_ Fratres Arvales
+
+Asclepios, 260
+
+Astrology, 396-398, 401
+
+Ateius Capito, 441
+
+Athene Polias, 234
+
+Attalus, king of Pergamus, 330
+
+Atticus, Cicero's letters to, 385
+
+Attus Navius, soothsayer, 297
+
+_Augurium canarium_, 310
+
+Augurs, 174-176, 193, 271, 276;
+  and the art of divination, 292-309;
+  in relation to the Rex, 301;
+  art strictly secret, 301;
+  compared with pontifices, 303
+  lore preserved in books, 303;
+  political importance, 305
+
+Augustus, 35, 133, 213, 344;
+  revival of religion, 428-447;
+  his connection with Virgil, 428;
+  pontifex maximus, 433;
+  restoration of temples, 433-434;
+  revival of ancient ritual, 434-436;
+  restorer of the _pax deorum_, 438
+
+Aurelius, Marcus, 456
+
+_Auspicia_, 175, 214;
+  in life of family, 299;
+  in State operations, 300;
+  indissolubly connected with _imperuim_, 301
+
+Aust, on religion of the family, 68;
+  on Roman deities, 157;
+  on prayer, 198;
+  on reaction against the _ius divinum_, 349
+
+Aventine: plebeian quarter, 255;
+  temples, 95, 147, 233, 234, 237, 244, 484
+
+Axtell, Harold L., on Fortuna, 245
+
+
+Bacchic rites, introduction of, 344-348
+
+Bailey, Cyril, cited, 400
+
+Beans, used to get rid of ghosts, 85, 107;
+  taboo on eating, 91, 98
+
+Bellona, connection with Mars, 166
+
+Bibulus, 305
+
+Binder, Dr., on the plebs, 23, 86, 242, 289, 393
+
+Birds, used in augury, 293, 296, 299, 302
+
+Birth, spirits invoked at, 83, 84, 164
+
+Blood: taboo on, 33;
+  mystic use of, 33, 34, 82;
+  not prominent in Roman ritual, 180-181;
+  consecration through, 194;
+  wine as substitute for, 196
+
+Boissier, G., 391;
+  on the _Aeneid_, 414, 427
+
+Bona Dea, 484
+
+Bouché-Leclercq, M., on divination, 310
+
+Boundary festivals: _see_ Terminalia
+
+Boundary stones, 81-82, 212;
+  sprinkled with blood of victims, 34, 82, 196
+
+_Bulla_ worn by children, 60, 74
+
+Burial places _loca religiosa_, 37, 385
+
+Bussell, F. W., cited, 366, 367
+
+
+Caesar, Julius: belief in spells, 59;
+  calendar, 95;
+  pontifex maximus, 305;
+  and the priesthood, 343
+
+Caesar-worship, 437, 438, 456
+
+Caird, Professor, 357;
+  on Reason in man, 368, 373
+
+Cakes: honey, 82;
+  sacred, 83, 130, 141, 180, 183, 184, 274, 449;
+  _see also_ Salt-cake
+
+Calendar, the ancient religious, 12, 14, 34, 38, 55, 65, 217, 225;
+    described, 94-109;
+    in relation to agricultural life, 100-102, 282, 295;
+    festivals necessarily fixed, 102;
+    a matter of routine, 103;
+    its psychological result, 104-105;
+    a document of religious law, 106;
+    exclusion of the barbarous and grotesque, 107;
+    attributed to Numa Pompilius, 108
+  Julian, 95
+
+Calpurnius Piso, L.: _see_ Piso
+
+_Camilli_ and _camillae_, 177, 195
+
+Campus Martius, 34, 447;
+  lustrum of censors, 203, 210, 215, 219
+
+Cannae, religious panic after the battle of, 319
+
+Cantorelli, on the _annales maximi_, 290
+
+Capitolium, 238, 239, 246, 339;
+  _Carmen saeculare_ sung, 444-445;
+  temples, 95, 115, 146, 203, 239, 242, 245, 254, 266, 433, 443, 447
+
+Caprotinae, Nonae, 143
+
+Cardea, 76;
+  connection with Janus, 485
+
+Caristia, 418, 457
+
+_Carmen_, meaning of, 186;
+  used at siege of Carthage, 206, 219
+  _Arvale_, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436
+  used by _Attiedii_, 187
+  _saeculare_, 431, 432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451
+  _Saliare_, 186
+
+Carmenta, 36, 122, 297
+
+Carmentalia, 98
+
+Carna, 117
+
+Carter, J. B., on cult-titles, 153;
+  on the Latins, 229-230;
+  on Castor-cult, 232, 244;
+  on Diana, 236;
+  on Fortuna, 245;
+  on Hercules, 231;
+  on Janus, 141;
+  on Juno, 144;
+  on the Manes, 386;
+  on Mars, 133;
+  on Poseidon-Neptune, 260
+
+Cassius Hemina, 349, 356
+
+Castor and Pollux, 231, 244;
+  temple, 231, 244
+
+Cato, the Censor, 121, 132, 182-184, 251, 296, 298, 340
+
+Catullus, on death, 387
+
+Censors, lustrum of the, 203, 210, 215, 219
+
+Census, 215, 218
+
+Cerealia, 100, 121, 269
+
+Ceres, 100, 121, 139, 161, 162, 260, 435, 446;
+  temple, 255, 269
+
+Cerfius, or Cerus, 158
+
+Chaldeans, 296;
+  expelled from Rome, 397, 402
+
+Charms, 59-62;
+  _see also_ Amulets
+
+Chickens, sacred, as omens, 314, 315
+
+Children: purificatory rites, 28;
+  naming of, 28-29, 42;
+  amulets and _bulla_ worn by, 42, 60, 74, 84;
+  dedication of, 204-205
+
+Christianity, early: contributions from the Roman religion, 452-467;
+  the Greek and Latin fathers compared, 458-459;
+  its relation to morality, 471
+
+Cicero, 58, 178, 296, 309;
+  on religiousness of the Romans, 249-250;
+  on Titus Coruncanius, 281-282;
+  on divination, 299, 312;
+  on interest of the gods in human affairs, 360;
+  on Stoicism, 365-368, 377;
+  on relation of man to God, 370;
+  affected by revival of Pythagoreanism, 381, 383, 389;
+  turns to mysticism, 384, 388;
+  his letters to Atticus, 385;
+  his Somnium Scipionis, 383, 386, 412;
+  belief in a future life, 389;
+  definition of _religio_, 460
+
+Claudius, Emperor, 309, 438
+
+Claudius Pulcher, P., 315
+  Quadrigarius, 39
+
+Cleanthes, hymn of, 368, 377
+
+Clusius (or Clusivius), cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Coinquenda, 162
+
+Colonia, religious rites at founding of, 170
+
+Compitalia, 61, 78, 81, 88, 102
+
+Concordia, 285
+
+Conditor, 161
+
+_Confarreatio_, marriage by, 83, 130, 274
+
+_Coniuratio_, 347, 348, 356
+
+_Consolatio_, 388
+
+Constantius, 430
+
+Consualia, 101, 139
+
+Consuls, annual ceremony at the Capitoline temple, 203, 219, 239-240
+
+Consus, 285;
+  connection with Ops, 482
+
+Convector, 161
+
+Conway, Professor, on Quirinus and Quirites, 143
+
+Cook, A. B., on Jupiter, 128, 141;
+  on Janus, 140;
+  on Quirinus and Quirites, 143
+
+Corn deities, Greek, 255, 259
+
+_Corpus Inscriptionum_, 13, 201
+
+Coruncanius, Titus, 271, 279, 281, 290
+
+Coulanges, Fustel de, on the Lar, 77
+
+Crawley, Mr., on the fatherhood of gods, 157;
+  on religion and morality, 227, 242
+
+Cremation, 382, 395, 398, 401
+
+Crooke, Mr., on luck in odd numbers, 98
+
+Cult-titles, invention of, 153
+
+Cumont, Professor, on the religion of the Romans, 2;
+  on Jupiter, 246
+
+Cunina, 159
+
+Cuq, on civil and religious law, 486
+
+_Cura et caerimonia_, Cicero's expression, 81, 104, 106, 108, 145,
+  162, 170, 270, 282, 343, 434, 460
+
+Curia, 138
+
+Curiatius, 126
+
+Cynics, the, 372
+
+
+Days, lucky and unlucky, 38-41;
+  _see also_ Dies
+
+De Marchi, on votive offerings, 201, 202
+
+Dea Dia, 146;
+  description of rites, 435-436;
+  veneration for utensils used, 436;
+  temple, 161, 436
+
+Dead: disposal of the, 45, 84, 121, 395, 401;
+  cult, 91, 102, 457, 470;
+  festivals, 40, 112, 418;
+  contrast between Lemuria and Parentalia, 107, 393-395
+
+Decemviri, 259, 317, 318, 326
+
+Decius Mus, self-sacrifice of, 206-207, 220, 286, 320
+
+Deities, Roman: _see also_ Numen _and_ Spirits;
+  sources of our knowledge of, 114-115;
+  mental conception of the Romans regarding, 115-117, 122-123,
+    139-140, 145, 147, 157, 224-225;
+  _di indigetes_, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214;
+  functional spirits with will-power, 119;
+  the four great gods, 124-134;
+  epithets of Pater and Mater applied to, 137, 155-157;
+  the question of marriage, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485;
+  fluctuation between male and female, 148-149;
+  nomenclature, 118, 149-156, 163;
+  compared with Greek gods, 158;
+  presence of, at meals, 172-173, 193;
+  introduction of new, 96, 229-242, 255-262;
+  women's, _see_ Women
+
+Delphic oracle consulted during Hannibalic war, 323-324, 326
+
+Demeter, 255;
+  supersession of Ceres by, 100
+
+Deubner, Professor, his theory of the Lupercalia, 138, 478-480
+
+_Devotio_, 206-209, 219-221;
+  formula, 207-208, 220;
+  sacrificial nature, 207, 220
+
+Di Manes: _see_ Manes
+
+Di Penates: _see_ Penates
+
+Diana: associated with Janus, 76, 125, 166;
+  connection with Artemis, 235, 443;
+  with Apollo, 443, 446;
+  with Hercules, 262;
+  functions, 234-236;
+  temples, 95, 147, 234, 237, 244
+
+_Dies comitiales_, 103
+  _endotercisi_, 181
+  _fasti_, 98, 103, 181
+  _lustricus_, 28, 42, 90
+  _nefasti_, 38, 40, 98, 103, 181
+  _postriduani_, 39, 40
+  _religiosi_, 38-40, 105
+
+Dieterich, on disposal of the dead, 401
+
+Dill, Professor, on Roman worship, 200
+
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 130, 193, 215, 234, 250
+
+Dionysus: identified with Liber, 255, 344;
+  ritual, in Greece, 344-345;
+  outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy, 344
+
+Dis, black victims sacrificed to, 440
+
+Dius Fidius, connection with Jupiter, 130, 142
+
+Divination, 56, 180;
+  a universal instinct of human nature, 292, 306;
+  connection with magic, 293, 310;
+  views on the origin of, 293;
+  formalised by State authorities, 295, 300;
+  private, 295;
+  quack diviners, 296-298;
+  _auspicia_ of family religion, 298-300;
+  public, 301;
+  duties of the Rex, 302;
+  lore preserved in books, 303;
+  divination by lightning, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309;
+  no lasting value in sphere of religion, 306;
+  a clog on progress, 307;
+  sinister influence of Etruscan divination on Rome, 307
+
+Dobschütz, on Christianity, 455
+
+Dogs: sacrifices: _see_ Sacrifices
+
+Dolabella, Cornelius, 342
+
+Döllinger, Dr., on the Flamen Dialis, 112;
+  on prayer, 468
+
+Domaszewski, von, cited, 99, 110, 154, 167;
+  definition of _numen_, 119;
+  on the cult epithets of Janus, 140;
+  on Juno, 144;
+  on evolution of _dei_ out of functional _numina_, 165
+
+Duhn, Professor von, cited, 31, 89
+
+Dynamic theory of sacrifice, 177, 184, 190, 194
+
+
+Earthquakes, expiation of, 339
+
+Eilithyia, Greek deity of childbirth, 442, 446, 449
+
+Ennius, cited, 65, 152, 183, 298, 322, 350, 351, 356
+
+Epictetus, 369, 372
+
+Epicurism, 352, 358, 360, 361, 375, 376, 381, 404, 453
+
+Epicurus, 359
+
+Epulum Iovis: _see_ Jupiter
+
+Equirria, 96, 99, 217
+
+Eschatology, Christian: preparation of the Roman mind for, 454
+
+Esquiline, 87, 395
+
+Etruscans, 17;
+  domination in Rome, 237, 239, 245, 258;
+  art of divination, 299, 304;
+  sinister influence on Rome, 307, 346, 347, 391
+
+Evil spirits, 11, 29, 75, 76, 84, 93;
+  wolf's fat as a charm against, 90
+
+_Evocatio_, 58, 206
+
+_Excantatio_, 58, 482
+
+_Extipicina_, Etruscan rite of, 180
+
+
+Fabius Pictor, 161, 261, 318, 320, 323, 326
+
+Falacer, 122
+
+Family (_familia_): origin and meaning of, 70, 86;
+  religion in the, 68, 70, 73, 92, 116, 224, 226-228, 251, 270, 274,
+    298-300;
+  description of the house, 72-73, 87;
+  its holy places, 73;
+  spirits of the household: _see_ Spirits;
+  the Lar familiaris, 77;
+  position of slaves, 78;
+  _religio terminorum_, 82;
+  marriage, 83;
+  childbirth, 83;
+  burial of the dead, 73, 92;
+  maintenance of the _sacra_, 274-275
+
+_Fanum_, meaning of, 146
+
+_Far_, sacred cakes of, 45, 83, 130, 141, 180, 274
+
+Farnell, Dr., cited, 19, 27, 160, 161, 205;
+  on the vow of the _ver sacrum_, 219;
+  on Dionysiac ritual, 345, 355
+
+Farreus, connection with Jupiter, 130
+
+_Fas_, early usage of, 487-488
+
+Fasti: _see_ Calendar
+
+Faunalia, 137
+
+Faunus, 81, 89, 297, 479;
+  connection with Lupercalia, 117
+
+_Februum_, meaning of, 210, 222
+
+Feretrius, cult-title of Jupiter: _see_ Jupiter
+
+Feriae Iovis, 129
+  Latinae, 40, 61, 172
+
+Feronia, 284, 318
+
+Ferrero, on the _Carmen saeculare_, 431, 450;
+  on the _ludi saeculares_, 440
+
+Fertility, customs to produce, 100, 106, 143, 210, 222, 479
+
+Festivals, 78-81, 97, 105;
+  agricultural, 34, 82, 98, 100, 120;
+  harvest, 98, 101, 121;
+  vintage, 100, 129;
+  of the dead: _see_ Dead;
+  Latin festival on Alban mount, 172;
+  in calendar, necessarily fixed, 95, 99, 102;
+  women's: _see_ Women
+
+Festus, 33, 61, 141, 217
+
+Fetiales, 31, 130, 143, 157, 251, 434, 488
+
+Fides, 154, 446, 450;
+  connection with Jupiter, 167
+
+Fig-tree: sprouting of, on roof of temple, 162;
+  _piacula_ offered to various deities, 436, 490
+
+Flamen Cerealis, 161, 163
+  Dialis, 32, 112, 124, 129, 193, 239, 246, 327, 342, 479;
+    insignia, 177;
+    taboos on, 33-35, 44, 45, 108, 109, 327, 342, 343
+  Martialis, 124, 131, 142, 341
+  Quirinalis, 124, 131, 134, 139, 142, 181, 197, 342, 434
+  Volcanalis, 484
+
+Flamines, 113, 122, 123, 175, 193, 280, 341, 434;
+  insignia, 177;
+  personal purity essential, 178, 195
+
+Flaminica Dialis, 135, 144;
+  insignia, 177;
+  taboos on, 35-36
+
+Flaminius, 315, 317, 338, 340
+
+Flora, 122
+
+Fons, 117, 285
+
+Forculus, the door spirit, 76
+
+Fordicidia, 100, 120, 121
+
+Fornacalia, 173
+
+Fortuna (Fors Fortuna), 201, 235, 245, 284, 297, 396, 401
+
+Forum Boarium, human sacrifices, 112, 320
+
+Fratres Arvales: Acta Fratrum Arvalium, 161, 213, 435;
+    altar, 164;
+    carmen, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436;
+    ritual of, 35, 100, 146, 149, 157, 162, 182, 191, 195, 213;
+    revived by Augustus, 434;
+    duties of the Brethren, 435;
+    worship of sacred utensils, 489-490
+  Attiedii, 157, 187, 215
+
+Frazer, Dr. J. G., his definition of religion, 8;
+  his theory of divine kingship, 19, 20, 49, 51, 52, 115, 128, 140;
+  on totemism, 25, 26;
+  on taboo, 30, 34, 47;
+  on _oscilla_, 61, 62, 67;
+  on the Parilia, 100, 222;
+  on marriage of gods, 144, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 165, 350, 481-485;
+  on cult of Jupiter, 167;
+  on appointment of _camillae_, 177, 195;
+  on Diana, 235;
+  on superstition, 264
+
+Fulgur, cult-title of Jupiter, 129
+
+Furrina, 18, 117, 122
+
+
+Gallus, Aelius, on _religiosum_, 37
+
+Games instituted to divert attention in times of trouble, 262-263;
+   Apolline, 326;
+  _see also_ Ludi
+
+Gardner, Professor E., cited, 355
+
+Gardner, Professor P., on Christianity, 452;
+  on prayers for the dead, 457;
+  cited, 465
+
+Gellius, Aulus, on the conjunction of divine names, 150-152;
+  story of Scipio, 240;
+  on religiousness of the Romans, 250
+
+Genius: the male principle of life, 30, 92, 154, 317, 332;
+  of the paterfamilias, 30;
+  doubtful identification of Hercules with, 30;
+  in combination with Hercules and Juventas, 332;
+  Juno the feminine counterpart of, 87
+
+Gennep, M. van, on taboo, 42, 44;
+  on religious ceremonies, 65, 90, 442;
+  on lustrations, 211, 212
+
+_Gentes_, 69, 259
+
+_Georgics_, the religious spirit of the, 407
+
+Ghosts, 75, 85, 91, 92, 107
+
+Gilds, trade, 230
+
+Glover, Mr., on Christianity, 456
+
+God, as represented in the _Aeneid_, 426
+
+Gods: _see_ Deities
+
+Gratitude, not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, 252, 267
+
+Greek comedy, influence on Roman religion, 351-353
+  gods, compared with Roman, 158;
+    introduced into Rome, 230-242
+  literature, 296
+  philosophy, influence on Roman religion, 357-375
+
+Greenidge, Dr., on the _auspicia_ and the _imperium_, 301
+
+Gregory the Great, 475
+
+Gwatkin, Professor, on Augustine, 469;
+  on the relation of early Christianity to morality, 471
+
+
+Haddon, Professor, on supernaturalism, 21
+
+Hades, 390, 391
+
+Hannibalic War: revival of _religio_, 315, 317;
+  Sibylline books consulted, 316-319, 329;
+  sacrifices and offerings made to deities, 318;
+  religious panic after battle of Cannae, 319;
+  human sacrifices, 320;
+  Delphic oracle consulted, 323, 324, 326;
+  outbreak of _lascivia_, 324;
+  institutio$1 $2 Apolline games, 326;
+  religious history of last years, 327-329;
+  gratitude to deities, 329;
+  the Magna Mater of Pessinus brought to Rome, 330
+
+Hardie, Professor, and the double altar in connection with funeral
+  rites, 425
+
+Hariolus, 297, 298, 311
+
+Harrison, Miss, on covering the head at sacrifices, 195
+
+Haruspices, 296, 313, 337, 338, 397;
+  history of the, 307-309
+
+Hebe, 332
+
+Heinze, on the _Aeneid_, 413-415, 419, 426, 427
+
+Heitland, Mr., on Bacchanalia, 346, 356
+
+Heracleitus, 257
+
+Hercules: associated with Diana, 262;
+  with Juno, 17;
+  in combination with Juventas and Genius, 317, 332;
+  doubtful identification with Genius, 30;
+  identified with the Greek Heracles, 230, 243;
+  Victor or Invictus, 230, 231, 236, 243, 244;
+  cult of, 231, 244;
+  festival, 243;
+  worship confined to men, 29
+
+Hermes, 260
+
+Hirtzel, Mr., cited, 426
+
+Homer, religion of, compared with that of Roman patricians, 392
+
+Honey cakes, 82
+
+Honos et Virtus, 285, 446;
+  temple, 328
+
+Horace, 81, 299, 403, 405;
+  _Carmen saeculare_, 431-432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451
+
+Hora Quirini, 482-483
+
+Horses: lustrations, 96, 215;
+  races, 97;
+  sacrifice of, _see_ Sacrifices
+
+Howerth, Ira W., his definition of religion, 8
+
+Hubert et Mauss, on magic, 64, 65;
+  on sacrifice, 190, 194, 195, 198
+
+Human sacrifice, 33, 44, 107, 112, 226, 320, 440
+
+Hut-urns, sepulchral, 87, 477
+
+Huts or booths, use of, in religious ritual, 473-477
+
+Huvelin, M., on magic, 64
+
+
+Ides, 39, 65, 95, 251, 484;
+  sacred to Jupiter, 129
+
+Iguvium: ritual, 22, 138, 181, 197;
+  lustration of the _arx_, 187, 214, 215;
+  of the people, 31, 208, 215-216
+
+Images and statues of gods, 146, 147, 165, 239, 262, 264, 336, 337;
+  statue of Athene, 355
+
+Immortality, belief in, 69, 386-387, 389, 424
+
+Imporcitor, 161
+
+_Inauguratio_ of the priest-king Numa, 174-175, 193
+
+Incense, 164, 180, 330, 458
+
+Indigetes, di, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214
+
+Indigitamenta, 76, 84, 88, 130, 138, 153, 159-161, 163, 165, 168, 281,
+  286, 291
+
+Individualism, growth of, 240, 266, 287, 340, 358, 411, 456
+
+Innocent, Bishop of Rome, 309
+
+Iron, tabooed in religious ceremonies, 32, 35, 45, 214
+
+Isis: religion, 455, 456;
+  temple, 433
+
+_Ius_, early usage of, 486-487
+  _augurale_, 296
+  _civile_, 5, 169;
+    and the _ius divinum_, 58, 276-279
+  _divinum_, 13, 24, 33, 38, 49, 68, 104, 106, 107, 128, 146, 227, 228,
+    241, 271-273, 286, 287, 296, 345;
+    and the _ius civile_, 58, 276-279;
+    ritual, 169-191, 467;
+    the pontifical books the pharmacopoeia of, 286;
+    decay and neglect, 203, 314, 327, 352, 353;
+    reaction against, 324, 340-344, 348;
+    Augustan revival, 429
+  _hospitii_, 31, 32
+  _Manium_, 387
+
+
+Janus: the door spirit, 76, 127, 146;
+  bifrons of the Forum, 77;
+  speculations regarding, 125, 140, 141;
+  cult-titles, 126;
+  worship, 183, 212;
+  connection with Cardea, 485;
+  with Diana, 76, 125, 166;
+  with Juno, 126, 135;
+  with Vesta, 140, 145;
+  temple, 126
+
+Jebb, Professor, on poetry of the Greeks, 424
+
+Jevons, Dr., 19;
+  on totemism, 26;
+  on taboo, 28, 41;
+  on magic, 48, 186;
+  on priests, 176
+
+Jews, proselytising, expelled from Rome, 139 B.C., 397, 402
+
+Jhering, von, on origin of Roman divination, 293, 294, 311
+
+Jordan, H., 13;
+  on pairing of deities, 152
+
+Junius, 315
+
+Juno, 121, 479;
+  Caprotina, 143;
+  Curitis, 144;
+  Moneta, 135;
+  Populonia, 144;
+  Regina, (of Ardea) 318,
+    (of the Aventine) 318, 329,
+    (of Veii) 135, 206, 284;
+  Sospita, 318, 354;
+  connection with Hercules, 17;
+  with Janus, 126, 135;
+  with Jupiter, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446;
+  one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237;
+  representative of female principle, 17, 87, 135, 144;
+  temples, 135, 172, 237, 328, 329, 354
+
+Junonius, cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Jupiter, 115, 118, 124, 127, 128, 141, 143, 147, 159, 183, 212;
+  difference between Jupiter and Zeus, 141;
+  connection with Diana, 76;
+  with Dius Fidius, 130, 142, 167, 450;
+  with Juno, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446;
+  with Juturna, 485;
+  with Tellus, 121;
+  with Terminus, 82;
+  Capitolinus, 120, 129, 204, 205, 237, 238, 240, 241, 318, 319, 333,
+    367;
+  Dapalis, 141;
+  Elicius, 36, 50-52, 129, 137;
+  Fagutalis, 141;
+  Farreus, 130;
+  Feretrius, 129, 433;
+  Fulgur, 129;
+  Grabovius, 187;
+  Latiaris, 237, 238;
+  Lucetius, 129;
+  Sabazius, 402;
+  Summanus, 129;
+  one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 172, 237, 336;
+  cult at Praeneste, 167;
+  cult-titles Optimus Maximus, 129, 238;
+  Ides sacred to, 129;
+  worshipped on Alban Mount, 109, 128, 172;
+  epulum Iovis, 172, 263, 268, 336, 338, 353;
+  temples, 95, 115, 129, 146, 172, 237-238, 241, 245, 246, 254, 266,
+    433, 443
+
+Juturna, 284, 285;
+  connection with Jupiter, 485
+
+Juventas, in combination with Genius and Hercules, 317, 332
+
+
+Kalends, 39, 95, 126, 135, 251, 484
+
+Kobbert, Maximilianus, on _religio_, 46
+
+Kronos, identified with Saturnus, 118
+
+
+Lactantius, 156, 165, 388, 459, 461, 462, 469
+
+Lang, Mr., 19;
+  cited in connection with the calendar of Numa, 105
+
+_Lapis_: _see_ Stones
+
+Laralia: _see_ Compitalia
+
+Larentia, Acca, 67
+
+Lar familiaris, 77, 78, 92, 251
+
+Lares compitales, 61, 117, 132, 186
+
+Latin Festival: _see_ Feriae Latinae
+
+Latins, the, 10, 23, 25, 86, 123, 130, 172, 193, 229
+
+Latona, associated with Apollo, 262
+
+Laughing, in ritual of Lupercalia, 106, 111
+
+Laurel branches carried in procession, 265
+
+Lawson, J. C., on burial and cremation, 91, 400, 401
+
+Leather, tabooed in the worship of Carmenta, 36
+
+Lecky, Mr., on Stoicism, 362, 377
+
+Lectisternium, 263-266, 268, 317-319, 327
+
+_Leges regiae_, connection with the _ius divinum_, 272
+
+Leland, C. G., 67
+
+Lemuria, 40, 85, 98, 107, 401;
+  compared with the Parentalia, 393-395
+
+Lepidus, pontifex maximus, 433, 438
+
+Liber, 158, 260, 332;
+  identified with Dionysus, 255, 344;
+  temple, 255
+
+Libera, 260;
+  identified with Persephone, 255
+
+Liberalia, 332
+
+Libitina, 159
+
+Licinius Imbrex, 151
+
+Licinius, P., pontifex maximus, 342
+
+Lightning, divination by, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309
+
+Limentinus, spirit of the threshold, 76
+
+Livius Andronicus, 328
+
+Livy, cited, 170, 174, 204, 205, 216, 217, 252, 261, 264, 269, 280,
+  300, 316, 324, 405;
+  on Bacchanalia, 346-348
+
+Lua, 165, 481, 482
+
+Lucaria, 98
+
+Lucetius, cult-title of Jupiter, 129
+
+Lucilius, 156, 183
+
+Lucretius, cited, 352, 359, 360, 376, 387, 394, 396, 403-406, 453;
+  his contempt for _superstitio_, 361, 367;
+  on Roman belief in Hades, 390;
+  his use of _religio_, 460
+
+_Lucus_, meaning of, 146
+
+_Ludi_, 44, 95, 122, 204: _see also_ Games
+  _magni_, vowed to Jupiter during Hannibalic war, 319, 333
+  _saeculares_, 34, 431, 480;
+    prayers used in, 198, 468;
+    ritual described, 438-447;
+    discovery of inscriptions, 439
+  _scenici_, 261, 263, 350
+
+Lupercalia, 20, 34, 53, 65, 106, 118, 179, 194, 210, 393;
+  whipping to produce fertility, 54, 479;
+  Prof. Deubner's theory, 137, 478-480
+
+Luperci, 34, 54, 106, 434, 479
+
+Lupercus, 478
+
+Lustrations: meaning of _lustrare_, 209-210;
+  lustration of the _ager paganus_, 80, 213;
+  of the _ager Romanus_, 78, 100;
+  of _ancilia_, 96, 217;
+  of the army, 96, 100, 215, 217;
+  of the _arx_ of Iguvium, 187, 199;
+  of cattle and sheep, 100;
+  of the city, 214, 317;
+  of the farm, 132, 212;
+  of horses, 96, 215;
+  of people, 31, 216;
+  of trumpets, 96, 215;
+  animistic conception of, 211;
+  ultimately adapted by Roman Church to its own ritual, 211, 218, 457
+
+Luthard, on Roman religion, 288
+
+
+Macrobius, cited, 28, 196, 206, 208, 219, 220, 484
+
+_Macte esto_, meaning of the phrase, 182, 183, 197, 442
+
+Magic: allied to taboo, 27, 47;
+  contagious and homoeopathic, 48;
+  and divination, 293, 309;
+  harmless, 59;
+  prayers and incantations, 185, 186, 198;
+  private, 57, 68;
+  in purificatory processes, 210;
+  and religion, 47-49, 56, 224, 253;
+  rigorously excluded from State ritual, 49, 57, 105, 107, 224;
+  sympathetic, 50, 55
+
+Magna Mater of Pessinus, brought to Rome, 330, 344, 348
+
+Maia, 165, 166;
+  connection with Volcanus, 151, 484
+
+Maiestas, 151, 484
+
+_Mana_, the positive aspect of taboo, 27, 30, 42, 48, 60
+
+Manes, 39, 50, 75, 85, 92, 102, 106, 121, 208, 320, 341, 391, 392;
+  individualisation of, 386;
+  Di Manes, 341, 386
+
+Mania, mother of the Lares, 61
+
+Manilius, his poem on astrology, 396
+
+Mannhardt, his theory of the Vegetation-spirit, 19-20, 478;
+  on laughing in ritual of the Lupercalia, 111-112
+
+Marcellus, 315, 328
+
+Marcius, Latin oracles supposed to be written by, 326
+
+Marcius Rex, praetor, 339
+
+Marcus Aurelius, 369, 429
+
+Marett, Mr., on taboo, 42, 45;
+  on _sacrificium_, 192;
+  on divination, 310
+
+Marquardt, on Roman religion, 13, 16;
+  on naming of children, 42
+
+Marriage: a religious ceremony, 83, 177, 274, 279;
+  Tellus an object of worship at, 121;
+  among deities, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485
+
+Mars, 124, 129, 147, 204, 208, 215, 246, 319;
+  various forms of his name, 131;
+  as a married god, 150-152, 166;
+  invocations to, 186, 212;
+  connection with Bellona, 166;
+  with Nerio, 150-151, 166;
+  with Quirinus, 134, 150;
+  pater, 212;
+  Silvanus, 29, 132, 142;
+  cult of, 132-134;
+  festival, 96-97;
+  temple, 133
+
+Martianus Capella, 308
+
+Masson, Dr., 357, 395;
+  on Roman fear of future torments, 391
+
+Mastarna, Etruscan name of Servius Tullus, 237, 246
+
+Masurius Sabinus, 90
+
+Matutinus, cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Meals, sacrificial, 172, 173, 193, 436;
+  epulum Iovis: _see under_ Jupiter
+
+Megalesia, 330
+
+Mens, 285
+
+Mercurius (Hermes), 260, 262, 268, 484
+
+Messor, 161
+
+Mildew, spirit of the: _see_ Robigus
+
+Minerva, one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237;
+  name Italian, not Etruscan, 234, 245;
+  associated with trade gilds, 233, 234, 236;
+  Capta, 284;
+  temples, 172, 233, 234, 244
+
+Minium, faces painted with, 82, 115, 336
+
+Minucius Felix, 461
+
+Mithras, religion of, 455, 456, 464
+
+Moirae (Parcae), 442, 446
+
+_Mola salsa_: _see_ Salt-cake
+
+Moles, 150, 154, 158
+
+Mommsen, cited, 200, 440;
+  and the religion of the Romans, 2;
+  on the _Fasti anni Romani_, 95, 96, 111;
+  on _Carmen saeculare_, 444
+
+Mucius Scaevola: _see_ Scaevola
+
+_Murus_, 94
+
+Mysticism, 380-398, 404;
+  in the form of astrology, 396, 401;
+  not native to the Roman, 454
+
+
+Neo-Pythagoreanism: _see_ Mysticism
+
+Neptunalia, 474
+
+Neptunus, 117;
+  identified with Poseidon, 118, 260;
+  connection with Salacia, 150, 483;
+  with Mercurius, 262
+
+Nerio: connection with Mars, 150-151, 166;
+  meaning of Nerio Martis, 150, 154
+
+Nettleship, Professor, on the phrase _macte esto_, 197;
+  on the character of Aeneas, 410, 427;
+  on _sanctus_, 470
+
+Nigidius Figulus, 299, 384, 397
+
+Nones, 39, 95, 251;
+  Nonae Caprotinae, 143
+
+Numa Pompilius, priest-king: Livy's account of his _inauguratio_,
+  174-175;
+  legends, 108, 115, 170, 180, 233, 322;
+  Calendar described, 92-109;
+  spurious books found in stone coffin, 349, 381
+
+Numbers, mystic, 98, 328, 334, 441, 449
+
+_Numen_, 34, 111, 250, 264, 364, 365, 367, 407;
+  meaning of the word, 118;
+  von Domaszewski's definition of, 119;
+  evolution of _dei_ out of functional _numina_, 165;
+  _see also_ Spirits _and_ Deities
+
+
+Oak-gods, 125, 129, 141, 143
+
+Oaths: connection of Castor and Pollux with, 232;
+  of Hercules, 231;
+  of Jupiter, 130;
+  taken in open air, 141-142;
+  the religious, in public life, 358, 375;
+  used by women, 244;
+  taboo on, 343, 355
+
+Oberator, 161
+
+October horse, 20, 34, 65, 106;
+  sacrifice of, 45, 105, 179
+
+Odd numbers, luck in, 98
+
+_Ollae_, worship of, 489-490
+
+Opalia, 101
+
+Opiconsiva, 101
+
+Ops, 156;
+  connection with Consus, 482;
+  with Saturnus, 482
+
+Oracles, 339, 354;
+  _see also_ Delphic oracle
+
+Orcus, 166;
+  the old name for the abode of the Manes, 391, 392;
+  sacrifice of captives to, 44
+
+Orosius, 333
+
+Orphic doctrine, 381;
+  tablets, 398
+
+Oscilla, 61, 67;
+  Dr. Frazer's theory, 61;
+  _see also_ Puppets
+
+Otto, W., on connection of _religio_ with practice of taboo, 46
+
+Ovid, on Roman gods, 22;
+  his picture of the Sementivae, 79, 80;
+  rite of pagus, 82;
+  on the Lemuria, 107, 112, 394;
+  on Janus, 125;
+  on images of gods, 147;
+  on the Robigalia, 181, 196, 197, 434;
+  on meals at sacrifices, 193;
+  on the word _februum_, 210;
+  on annual ceremony by consuls, 219;
+  on the festival of Anna Perenna, 346, 473
+
+
+Paganalia, 61, 62, 67, 102
+
+Pagus: the _familia_ in relation to, 71;
+  meaning of the word, 87;
+  festival of the Lar, 78;
+  other festivals, 79;
+  the _religio terminorum_, 81-82;
+  lustrations of the, 213, 214
+
+Pais, on Acca Larentia, 67;
+  on the Tarquinii and Mastarna, 245
+
+Palatine: _Carmen saeculare_ sung on the, 443-447, 450;
+  temple of Apollo, 443-445
+
+Pales, 122, 149
+
+Panaetius: and the Scipionic circle, 363-364, 453;
+  his theology, 365;
+  and Platonic psychology, 382, 398
+
+Pantheism, Stoic, 366-368
+
+Papirius, the consul, 314, 315, 331
+
+Parentalia, 40, 107, 387, 401, 418, 457;
+  compared with the Lemuria, 393-395
+
+Parilia, 100, 120, 193, 222, 474
+
+Pater and Mater, as applied to deities, 155-157
+
+Patricians, 259, 304;
+  religious system a monopoly of, 229
+
+Patulcius, cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Pax (deity), 446, 451
+
+_Pax deorum_, 169, 224, 261, 264, 272, 276, 286, 302, 328, 329;
+  means towards maintenance of, 171, 180, 273, 300;
+  violation of, 320;
+  re-established by Augustus, 429, 431, 433
+
+Pebble-rain, 316, 329, 332
+
+Penates, 73, 74, 86, 92, 116, 193
+
+Persephone, 255
+
+Peter, R., on Indigitamenta, 160
+
+Petronius, on ceremony of the aquaelicium, 64
+
+Philodemus, 359, 375
+
+Picus, 297
+
+_Pietas_, 174, 227, 250, 254, 387, 405, 409-412, 466;
+  meaning of, 462-463;
+  Virgil's word for religion, 412
+
+Piso, L. Calpurnius, 51-53, 484
+
+_Pius_, 63, 462;
+  see _Pietas_
+
+Plague, Sibylline books consulted at outbreak of, 261
+
+Plato, 258, 381
+
+Plautus, 151, 351-352
+
+Playwrights, their influence on Roman religion, 240, 351, 353
+
+Plebeians, 105, 170;
+  aediles, 255;
+  the Plebs as the original inhabitants of Latium, 242, 259, 268, 289;
+  emotional tendency of, 263-264;
+  opening of priesthoods to, 268, 271, 279;
+  increase of importance under the Etruscan dynasty, 275;
+  first plebeian praetor, 279;
+  pontifex maximus: _see_ Coruncanius, Titus
+
+Pliny, 51, 256;
+  on spells and charms, 53, 57, 59, 60, 65, 66, 90, 186;
+  on human sacrifice, 320;
+  on death, 388, 400
+
+Polybius, cited, 250, 253, 316, 363, 369, 390;
+  on religion, 336
+
+_Pomoerium_, 94, 214, 225, 230, 231
+
+Pomona (or Pomunus), 122, 149;
+  connection with Vertumnus, 485
+
+Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, 309
+
+Pomponius, 278, 289
+
+Pons sublicius: no iron used in building, 35;
+  Argei thrown from, 54, 105, 321
+
+Pontifex Maximus, 175, 271, 280, 341;
+  _tabula_ kept by, 283;
+  compelling power of, 342, 355
+
+Pontifices, 120, 177, 200, 341;
+  share in festivals, 106, 139;
+  the question of their origin, 180, 195, 271;
+  insignia of, 193;
+  College of, 271;
+  open to plebeians, 268, 271, 279;
+  legal side of their work, 272-276;
+  the XII. Tables, 58, 276-278, 289;
+  self-elected, 276;
+  abolition of legal monopoly, 279;
+  work of, in third century B.C., 282;
+  admission of new deities, 284;
+  compilation of annals, 285;
+  collection of religious formulae, 287;
+  the Pontifical books, 76, 159, 182, 197, 283, 285-286
+
+_Porca praecidanea_, rite of the, 121, 183, 191
+
+Portunus, 118, 122
+
+Poseidon, identified with Neptunus, 118
+
+Posidonius, 250, 365, 367, 382-384, 398
+
+Prayers, 76, 106, 126, 153, 215, 224, 225, 251;
+  at the _inauguratio_ of the priest-king Numa, 175;
+  at making of new clearing, 169, 182;
+  at sacrifices, 181-191;
+  at flowering of the pear-trees, 182;
+  when wine is offered, 182;
+  for the ceremony of lustration, 183;
+  form and manner of Roman, 185, 189, 196;
+  magical survivals in, 188-189;
+  in ritual of _Ludi saeculares_, 442, 449, 468
+
+_Precatio_, 53, 166
+
+Priests: _see_ Pontifices
+
+Processions: of _lustratio_, adapted to the ritual of the Roman
+  Church, 211, 218, 457;
+  of the _triumphus_, 217, 239-240;
+  Roman fondness for, 263;
+  _see also_ Lustrations
+
+_Procuratio_, 316, 328;
+  _fulminis_, 115
+
+_Prodigia_, 281, 316, 324, 325, 328, 338, 339, 354
+
+Promitor, 161
+
+Propertius, 22, 147, 403
+
+Proserpina, black victims sacrificed to, 440
+
+Pudor, 446
+
+_Pulvinaria_, 337, 338
+
+Punic War: _see_ Hannibalic War
+
+Puppets: Argei thrown into Tiber, 54, 105, 321;
+  oscilla, 61, 67
+
+Purification: _see_ Lustrations
+
+_Puticuli_, 395, 401
+
+Pythagoras, legend of a religious connection between Numa and, 349, 381
+
+Pythagoreanism, 349, 380-381
+
+Pythagoreans, 98
+
+
+Quindecemviri, 440, 442
+
+Quinquatrus, 217
+
+Quirinal, 134
+
+Quirinus, 94, 118, 124, 143, 147, 246;
+  identified with Mars, 134;
+  with Romulus, 135
+
+Quirites, 134, 143
+
+
+Rain-making: _see_ Aquaelicium
+
+Ramsay, Sir W. M., 465
+
+Red colouring in sacred rites and its connection with blood, 89, 177,
+  194
+
+Redarator, 161
+
+Regia, 45, 105, 106, 271, 288;
+  sacrarium Martis in, 133, 208
+
+Regifugium, 99
+
+Reinach, M. Salomon, cited, 26, 42, 114, 131, 481
+
+_Religio_, 9, 28, 30, 36, 38, 72, 76, 83, 85, 93, 104, 106, 174, 223,
+  227, 241, 248, 261, 263, 267, 270, 273, 282, 287, 294, 364, 405, 407;
+  meanings and uses of the word, 21, 37, 41, 186, 192, 198, 249, 254,
+    385, 462, 470;
+  Cicero's definition of, 460;
+  and taboo, 34, 36, 40, 46;
+  revival of, during Hannibalic war, 315, 317, 336-339
+
+_Religio Larium_, 79
+  _terminorum_, 81, 82
+
+Religion, definitions of, 7-9;
+  and magic, 47-49, 56, 224, 253;
+  and morality, 227, 242, 292, 466, 471;
+  primitive, 25-28, 63, 69;
+  real, a matter of feeling, 406
+
+Roman: a highly formalised system, 3, 63, 103-104, 200, 226, 248-249,
+  340;
+  compared with Roman law, 5;
+  a technical subject, 6;
+  its difficulties, 13;
+  aid from archaeology and anthropology, 16-20, 25;
+  primitive survivals in, 24, 30;
+  examples of real magic in, 50, 53-54;
+  a reality, 62-63, 103, 249;
+  in the family, _see_ Family;
+  of the State, 93, 105, 226-228, 270;
+  the Calendar of Numa the basis of our knowledge of, 94-109;
+  moral influence mainly disciplinary, 108, 228;
+  Greek influence, 120, 255-262, 346, 350-353;
+  Roman ideas of divinity, 115-117, 122-123, 145-164;
+  ritual of the _ius divinum_, 169-222;
+  personal purity essential in all worshippers, 178;
+  discouraged individual development, 226;
+  introduction of new deities, 96, 229-242, 255-262;
+  priesthoods limited to patrician families, 229;
+  religious instinct of the Romans, 249;
+  neglect and decay, 263-265, 287, 314, 429;
+  growth of individualism, 240, 266, 287, 340, 358, 411, 456;
+  Sibylline influence, 242, 255-262;
+  secularisation of, 270-291;
+  sinister influence of Etruscan divination, 307-309, 346;
+  _see_ Divination;
+  used for political purposes, 336;
+  attempt to propagate Pythagoreanism, 349-350, 381;
+  destitution of Romans in regard to idea of God and sense of duty,
+    357-358;
+  no remedy in Epicurism, 361;
+  arrival of Stoicism: _see_ Stoicism _and_ Mysticism;
+  belief in future torments, 390;
+  religion compared with that of Homer, 392;
+  early Christianity, 396;
+  religious feeling in Virgil's poems, 403-427;
+  Augustan revival, 428-451;
+  contributions to the Latin form of Christianity, 452-472;
+  _see also_ Prayer _and_ Sacrifice
+
+Renan, cited, 185
+
+Renel, M., cited, 26
+
+Réville, M. Jean, on the formalism of the Roman religion, 3;
+  his definition of religion, 8
+
+Rex Nemoreusis, 235
+  sacrorum, 128, 174, 175, 180, 193, 207, 229, 271, 273, 341, 434;
+    relation of the Rex to the augurs, 301-302
+
+Ridgeway, Professor, on the Flamen Dialis, 112;
+  on Janus, 140;
+  on original inhabitants of Latium, 242, 393
+
+Rivers, Dr., on the ritual aspect of religion among the Todas, 489-490
+
+Robertson Smith, Professor, 19, 26, 27, 172, 221;
+  on the Feast of the Tabernacles, 476
+
+Robigalia, 139, 196
+
+Robigus, 100, 117, 122, 146, 179, 434;
+  Ovid's version of prayer to, 197
+
+Roman Church, survival of old religious practices in the, 25, 211, 218,
+  456-458, 469
+
+Romulus, 51, 130, 135
+
+Roscher, Dr., 141
+
+
+_Sacellum_, meaning of, 146
+
+_Sacer_ and _sacramentum_, 36, 277, 464
+
+Sacred utensils, worship of, 436, 489-490
+
+Sacrifices, 29, 90, 224, 225;
+  description of the act, 179-181;
+  honorific, 172, 173;
+  piacular, 35, 172, 173, 182, 189, 191, 208, 273, 436;
+  sacramental, 141, 172;
+  vicarious, 208;
+  dynamic theory of, 177, 184, 190, 194;
+  meals in connection with, 172, 173, 193, 436;
+  mystic use of blood, 34, 82;
+  victim must be acceptable to the deity, 179;
+  women and strangers excluded from rites, 29-31;
+  prayers at, 181-191;
+  sacrifice of cakes, 82, 83, 180, 183, 184;
+  cow, 100, 120, 436;
+  dog, 181, 197, 216, 434;
+  goat, 54, 106, 179, 479;
+  horse, 34, 97, 105, 179;
+  lamb, 37, 82, 436;
+  ox, 132, 179, 212, 215, 444;
+  pig, 82, 132, 170, 179, 212, 215, 436;
+  red dog, 179, 310;
+  salt-cake, 73, 207;
+  sheep, 132, 179, 181, 212, 215, 434;
+  sow, 121, 183;
+  white heifer, 172, 177, 239;
+  wine, 82, 180, 182-184, 196;
+  _see also_ Human sacrifice
+
+_Sacrificium_, meaning of, 171, 464
+
+_Sacrum_, 171, 254
+
+_Saeculum_, the old Italian idea of a, 440
+
+St. Augustine, cited, 58, 76, 120, 149, 159, 163, 297, 430, 458;
+  on Decius, 220
+
+Sainte Beuve, on Virgil, 404
+
+St. Paul, 455, 466-468
+
+Salacia, 165;
+  connection with Neptunus, 483
+
+Salii, 40, 96, 110, 132, 133, 143, 176, 182, 217, 229, 434;
+  ritual, 97
+  Collini, 134
+  Palatini, 134
+
+Sallust, 405
+
+Salt-cake, 73, 207
+
+Salus, 154, 285
+
+_Sanctus_, meaning of, 463-464, 470
+
+Sarritor, 161
+
+Saturnalia, 81, 99, 101-103, 107, 112
+
+Saturnus, 101, 111, 118, 318;
+  identified with Kronos, 118;
+  connection with Consus, 482;
+  with Ops, 482
+
+Sayce, Professor, 155
+
+Scaevola, P. Mucius, 283
+  Q. Mucius, 73, 86, 338, 353, 371
+
+Scipio, the elder, 240, 247, 267, 340, 354;
+  receives the Magna Mater at Rome, 330
+  Aemilianus, 198, 203-204, 340;
+    his friendship with Polybius and Panaetius, 362-364, 369, 371
+
+Scott, Sir Walter, compared with Virgil, 408
+
+Sellar, Professor, on Virgil, 404, 406
+
+Sementivae, festival, 79, 89
+
+_Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus_, 347, 348, 356
+
+Seneca, 369, 378, 438, 455
+
+Septimontium, 110
+
+Servius, cited, 58, 62, 119, 120, 134, 138, 142, 143, 146, 183, 184,
+  194, 210
+  Sulpicius, 371, 387
+  Tullius, 235;
+    his Etruscan name Mastarna, 237
+
+Sibyl of Cumae, 257-258
+
+Sibylline books, 173, 242, 255-257, 261, 323;
+  consulted during the Hannibalic war, 316-319, 329;
+  used for personal and political purposes, 339
+
+Silvanus, 76, 81, 89, 132, 142
+
+Slaves, 53, 78, 395, 401, 474;
+  Greek, buried alive in the _Forum boarium_, 112, 320
+
+Sodales Titienses, 434
+
+Sol, image of, on the Palatine, 445, 447, 450
+
+Sondergötter, Usener's theory of, 161-164, 168
+
+Spells, 48, 53, 57-59, 208, 221;
+  origin of prayer in, 185, 189
+
+Spes, 285
+
+Spirits, 34, 58;
+  agricultural, 161, 251, 285;
+  dead, _see_ Ghosts;
+  of the doorway, 75-76, 92, 127;
+  evil, _see_ Evil spirits;
+  household, 11, 68, 73, 74, 77, 83, 84, 86, 92, 104, 193;
+  spring, 92;
+  water, 285;
+  woodland, 76, 81, 83, 92, 132;
+  development into _dei_, 116, 117, 119, 120, 123-124, 161, 165;
+  _see also_ Deities _and_ Numen
+
+Spolia opima, 138, 141, 288;
+  dedicated at temple of Jupiter Feretrius, 130, 433
+
+Stanley, on religion and morality, 292
+
+Statues and busts at Rome, first mention of, 340, 354;
+  _see also_ Images
+
+Stoicism, 359, 377, 381-383;
+  introduced into Rome, 362;
+  its influence on the Roman mind, 370-372, 404, 453;
+  weak points in Roman, 372-374;
+  failed to rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity," 375, 454
+
+Stones: lapis manalis, 50;
+  silex, 130;
+  stone representing Magna Mater, 330;
+  _see also_ Boundary stones
+
+Strangers, fear of, 30-32
+
+Stubbs, Bishop, 103
+
+Subrincator, 161
+
+Subterranean altar, black victims offered at, 440, 445
+
+_Suffimenta_, 441, 442, 449
+
+Sulpicius, consul 211 B.C., 337
+
+Summanus, cult-title of Jupiter, 129
+
+_Suovetaurilia_, 132, 212, 215
+
+_Superstitio_, 106, 355, 361, 405;
+  temple of Isis condemned as a centre of, 433
+
+_Supplicatio_, 262, 265, 269, 337;
+  ordered during Hannibalic war, 317, 319, 323, 325, 329
+
+
+Tabernacles, Feast of the, 475, 476
+
+Taboo, 25, 83, 223;
+  definition of, 27;
+  its ethical value, 28;
+  on children, 28;
+  on women, 29;
+  on strangers, 30-32;
+  on criminals, 32;
+  on inanimate objects, 32;
+  on places, 36;
+  on times and seasons, 38-41;
+  on iron, 35, 44, 214;
+  on leather, 36;
+  on the Flamen Dialis, 33-35, 44, 45, 108, 109, 327, 342, 343;
+  on the Flaminica Dialis, 35
+
+Tacitus, 398
+
+Tarentum, sacrifices on subterranean altar, 440, 445
+
+Tarquinii, the, 146, 237, 245
+
+Tellus (Terra Mater), 100, 120, 122, 136, 138, 139, 156, 158, 161,
+  162, 320, 435, 442, 446;
+  an object of worship at marriage, 121;
+  connection with Jupiter, 121;
+  temple, 285
+
+Tempestates, 285
+
+Temples: absence of, in earliest Rome, 146;
+  restored by Augustus, 343; Aesculapius, 260;
+  Apollo, on the Palatine, 443-445;
+  Bona Dea on the Aventine, 484;
+  Castor, 231, 244;
+  Ceres, Liber, and Libera, 255-257, 269, 344;
+  Consus, 285;
+  Dea Dia, 161;
+  Diana, on the Aventine, 95, 147, 234, 237, 244;
+  Isis, 433;
+  Janus, 126;
+  Juno Moneta, 135, 328-329;
+  Juno Sospita, 354;
+  Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, 146, 172, 237-238, 246, 254, 443;
+  Jupiter Feretrius, on the Capitol, 95, 115, 129-130, 146, 147, 203,
+    245, 266, 433;
+  Jupiter Latiaris, on the Alban Hill, 237, 238, 245;
+  Mars, 133;
+  Minerva, on the Aventine, 233, 234, 244;
+  Pales, 285;
+  Tellus, 285;
+  Vertumnus, 285;
+  Vesta, _see_ Vesta: aedes
+
+Terminalia, 34, 193, 196
+
+Terminus, 82, 117, 239
+
+Terra Mater, _see_ Tellus
+
+Tertullian, cited, 159, 163, 459, 461, 465
+
+Theodosian code, 430
+
+Tiberius, 429, 438, 447
+
+Tibicines, 180, 195, 233, 445
+
+Tibullus, cited, 22, 80, 147, 178, 403;
+  on use of huts at rural festivals, 474
+
+Time, religious or mystical conception of, 440-441, 449
+
+_Toga praetexta_, worn by priests and children, 29, 42, 50, 61, 74, 84,
+  175-177, 194-195, 436
+  _virilis_, 42
+
+Tombstones, memorial, first mention of, 341
+
+Totemism, 25-27
+
+Toutain, M., 26
+
+Tozer, Mr., on Dante, 419
+
+Trade: deities brought to Rome by, 230;
+  connection of Hercules with, 231;
+  gilds, 233
+
+Trasimene, outbreak of _religio_ after the battle of, 318
+
+Treaties, Jupiter's connection with, 130
+
+_Tripodatio_, 187, 198
+
+Tubilustrium, 96, 217
+
+Turiae, Laudatio, cited, 389
+
+Turnus, 483
+
+Tylor, Dr., 26, 49, 74, 293
+
+
+Usener, H., 19, 138, 160;
+  his theory of the Sondergötter, 161-164, 168
+
+
+Vacuna of Reate, 284, 290
+
+Valerius Antias, 52, 115, 137
+  Flaccus, C., 342-343, 355
+  Maximus, 203-204, 299, 378
+
+Varro, cited, 16, 59, 76, 79, 81, 89, 103, 120, 125, 142, 143, 149, 156,
+  159, 168, 210, 222, 235, 251, 321
+
+_Vates_, meaning of, 297-298
+
+Vedic ritual, 185
+
+Vegetation-spirit, Mannhardt's theory, 19, 20, 478
+
+Venilia, 483
+
+Venus, connection with Volcanus, 166
+
+_Ver sacrum_, 196, 204-205, 318
+
+_Verbenarius_, 31, 43
+
+Verrius Flaccus, 16, 30
+
+Vertumnus, 147, 291;
+  connection with Pomona, 485;
+  temple, 285
+
+Vervactor, 161
+
+Vesta, 73, 74, 76, 92, 116, 126, 136, 137, 140, 147, 481;
+  aedes, 39, 40, 126, 136, 146, 477;
+  penus Vestae, 36, 73, 101, 136, 442
+
+Vestal virgins, 53, 113, 120, 139, 175, 177, 194, 320;
+  at the ceremony of the Argei, 54, 55, 106, 321;
+  salt-cake baked by, 73;
+  representative of daughters of the family, 136;
+  statues of, 144
+
+_Vicus_, 71
+
+Vilicus, 78
+
+Vinalia, 100
+
+Virgil, on _religio_, 37;
+  on the Paganalia, 62, 67;
+  on _lustratio_, 80, 213, 221;
+  on the Manes, 386, 399;
+  religious feeling in his poems, 403-427, 455;
+  compared with Wordsworth, 407-408; with Scott, 408;
+  his idea of _pietas_, 409;
+  his connection with Augustus, 428;
+  see also _Aeneid_
+
+Virites, 150, 158
+
+Virtus, 446
+
+Volcanalia, 98, 101
+
+Volcanus, 118, 122, 124;
+  connection with Maia, 151, 484;
+  with Venus, 166
+
+Volturnus, 117, 118, 122, 124
+
+Vortumnus, 165, 284
+
+Vows, 188, 226, 286;
+  private, 201-202;
+  public, 200, 202-204;
+  extraordinary, 204-208;
+  see also _Devotio_ and _Evocatio_
+
+
+Waltzing, on Roman trades, 233
+
+Westcott, Bishop, on Augustine, 458
+
+Westermarck, Dr., cited, 31, 44, 123, 179;
+  on magic, 47;
+  on religion of primitive man, 63, 394;
+  on Roman prayers, 185;
+  on religion and morality, 227
+
+Williamowitz-Moellendorf, on Hercules, 243
+
+Wine, used at sacrifices, 82, 180, 182-184;
+  as a substitute for blood, 196
+
+Winter, J. G., cited, 243
+
+Wissowa, Georg, cited, 13, 14, 16-18, 33, 36, 112, 122, 146, 193, 199,
+  319, 440;
+  on _dies religiosi_, 38-40;
+  on the Argei, 54, 55, 65, 111, 321, 322;
+  on the ritual of the Salii, 97;
+  his list of _di indigetes_, 117, 139;
+  on Faunus, 118;
+  on Janus, 126, 141;
+  on Mars, 142;
+  on the Indigitamenta, 159, 161-163, 168;
+  on cult of Jupiter, 167;
+  on prayer, 198;
+  on Hercules, 243;
+  on Hebe, 332;
+  on _Carmen saeculare,_ 444, 450
+
+Wolf's fat, used as a charm against evil spirits, 83, 90
+
+Women, 264, 265;
+  taboo on, 29;
+  excluded from certain sacrificial rites, 29-30;
+  at the ceremony of the aquaelicium, 64;
+  rites to produce fertility, 54, 106, 143, 479;
+  oaths used by, 244;
+  excitement among, during Hannibalic war, 324;
+  rebellion against the _ius divinum,_ 344;
+  festivals, 143, 346, 443, 450;
+  deities, 135, 235, 272, 297, 318, 332, 479
+
+Wordsworth, compared with Virgil, 407
+
+
+Zeller, cited, 351, 356;
+  on human law and divine law, 371
+
+Zeus, 367
+
+Zosimus, cited, 309, 439, 449, 450
+
+
+
+THE END
+
+_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.
+
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+social and intellectual atmosphere and the material conditions which
+surrounded it.... There is not a dull page in the book."
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+in original authorities, will find with pleasure fresh light thrown on
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+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman People, by 
+W. Warde Fowler
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Religious Experience of the Roman People
+       From the Earliest Times to the Age of Augustus
+
+Author: W. Warde Fowler
+
+Release Date: November 6, 2007 [EBook #23349]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<h5>THE</h5>
+<h2>RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE</h2>
+<h6>OF THE</h6>
+<h1>ROMAN PEOPLE</h1>
+
+<h5>FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE<br />
+AGE OF AUGUSTUS</h5>
+
+<h6>THE GIFFORD LECTURES FOR 1909-10<br />
+DELIVERED IN EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY</h6>
+
+<h6>BY</h6>
+
+<h3>W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.</h3>
+
+<h6><small>FELLOW AND LATE SUB-RECTOR OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD<br />
+HON. D.LITT. UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER<br />
+AUTHOR OF 'THE ROMAN FESTIVALS OF THE PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC,' ETC.</small><br /><br /></h6>
+
+
+<h5>"Sanctos ausus recludere fontes"<br /><br /><br /></h5>
+
+
+<h5>MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED<br />
+ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON<br />
+1911<br /><br /></h5>
+
+
+<h5>TO</h5>
+<h3>PROFESSOR W.R. HARDIE</h3>
+<h5>AND<br />
+MY MANY OTHER KIND FRIENDS AND FRIENDLY HEARERS<br />
+IN EDINBURGH</h5>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'>vii</span></p>
+<h3>PREFACE</h3>
+
+
+<p>Lord Gifford in founding his lectureship directed that
+the lectures should be public and popular, <i>i.e.</i> not restricted
+to members of a University.  Accordingly in lecturing I
+endeavoured to make myself intelligible to a general
+audience by avoiding much technical discussion and
+controversial matter, and by keeping to the plan of
+describing in outline the development and decay of the
+religion of the Roman City-state. And on the whole I
+have thought it better to keep to this principle in publishing
+the lectures; they are printed for the most part much
+as they were delivered, and without footnotes, but at the
+end of each lecture students of the subject will find the
+notes referred to by the numbers in the text, containing
+such further information or discussion as has seemed
+desirable.  My model in this method has been the admirable
+lectures of Prof. Cumont on "les Religions
+Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain."</p>
+
+<p>I wish to make two remarks about the subject-matter
+of the lectures. First, the idea running through them is
+that the primitive religious (or magico-religious) instinct,
+which was the germ of the religion of the historical
+Romans, was gradually atrophied by over-elaboration of
+ritual, but showed itself again in strange forms from the
+period of the Punic wars onwards. For this religious
+instinct I have used the Latin word <i>religio</i>, as I have<span class='pagenum'>viii</span>
+explained in the <i>Transactions of the Third International
+Congress for the History of Religions</i>, vol. ii. p. 169 foll. I
+am, however, well aware that some scholars take a different
+view of the original meaning of this famous word, which
+has been much discussed since I formed my plan of
+lecturing. But I do not think that those who differ from
+me on this point will find that my general argument is
+seriously affected one way or another by my use of the
+word.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, while I have been at work on the lectures,
+the idea seems to have been slowly gaining ground that
+the patrician religion of the early City-state, which became
+so highly formalised, so clean and austere, and eventually
+so political, was really the religion of an invading
+race, like that of the Achaeans in Greece, engrafted on
+the religion of a primitive and less civilised population.
+I have not definitely adopted this idea; but I am inclined
+to think that a good deal of what I have said in the
+earlier lectures may be found to support it. Once only,
+in Lecture XVII., I have used it myself to support a
+hypothesis there advanced.</p>
+
+<p>I have retained the familiar English spelling of certain
+divine names, <i>e.g.</i> Jupiter (instead of Iuppiter), as less
+startling to British readers.</p>
+
+<p>I wish to express my very deep obligations to the
+works of Prof. Wissowa and Dr. J. G. Frazer, and also to
+Mr. R. R. Marett, who gave me useful personal help in
+my second and third lectures. From Prof. Wissowa and
+Dr. Frazer I have had the misfortune to differ on one or
+two points; but "difference of opinion is the salt of life,"
+as a great scholar said to me not long ago. In reading
+the proofs I have had much kind and valuable help from
+my Oxford friends Mr. Cyril Bailey and Mr. A. S. L.
+Farquharson, who have read certain parts of the work, and<span class='pagenum'>ix</span>
+to whose suggestions I am greatly indebted. The whole
+has been read through by my old pupil Mr. Hugh Parr,
+now of Clifton College, to whom my best thanks are due
+for his timely discovery of many misprints and awkward
+expressions. The loyalty and goodwill of my old Oxford
+pupils never seem to fail me.</p>
+
+<p class="quotsig">W. W. F.</p>
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 2.0em;"><span class="smcap"><small>Kingham, Oxon,</small></span></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 4.0em;"><small><i>3rd March 1911</i>.</small></span></p>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'>x-xi</span></p>
+<h3>CONTENTS</h3>
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE I</h4>
+
+<h5>INTRODUCTORY</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left">&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="cell_right"><span class="smcap">page</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Accounts of the Roman religion in recent standard works; a hard
+and highly formalised system. Its interest lies partly in this
+fact. How did it come to be so? This the main question of
+the first epoch of Roman religious experience. Roman religion
+and Roman law compared. Roman religion a technical subject.
+What we mean by religion. A useful definition applied to the
+plan of Lectures I.-X.; including (1) survivals of primitive or
+quasi-magical religion; (2) the religion of the agricultural family;
+(3) that of the City-state, in its simplest form, and in its first
+period of expansion. Difficulties of the subject; present position
+of knowledge and criticism. Help obtainable from (1) archaeology,
+(2) anthropology . . .</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>-23</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>LECTURE II</h4>
+
+<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Survivals at Rome of previous eras of quasi-religious experience.
+Totemism not discernible. Taboo, and the means adopted of
+escaping from it; both survived at Rome into an age of real
+religion. Examples: impurity (or holiness) of new-born infants;
+of a corpse; of women in certain worships; of strangers; of
+criminals. Almost complete absence of blood-taboo. Iron.
+Strange taboos on the priest of Jupiter and his wife. Holy or
+tabooed places; holy or tabooed days; the word <i>religiosus</i> as
+applied to both of these</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_24">24</a>-46</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p><span class='pagenum'>xii</span></p>
+
+<h4>LECTURE III</h4>
+
+<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Magic; distinction between magic and religion. Religious authorities
+seek to exclude magic, and did so at Rome. Few survivals of
+magic in the State religion. The <i>aquaelicium</i>. Vestals and
+runaway slaves. The magical whipping at the Lupercalia. The
+throwing of puppets from the <i>pons sublicius</i>. Magical processes
+surviving in religious ritual with their meaning lost. Private
+magic: <i>excantatio</i> in the XII. Tables; other spells or <i>carmina</i>.
+Amulets: the <i>bulla</i>; <i>oscilla</i>
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_47">47</a>-67</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>LECTURE IV</h4>
+<h5>THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Continuity of the religion of the Latin agricultural family. What the
+family was; its relation to the <i>gens</i>. The <i>familia</i> as settled on
+the land, an economic unit, embodied in a <i>pagus</i>. The house as
+the religious centre of the <i>familia</i>; its holy places. Vesta,
+Penates, Genius, and the spirit of the doorway. The <i>Lar
+familiaris</i> on the land. Festival of the Lar belongs to the
+religion of the <i>pagus</i>: other festivals of the <i>pagus</i>. <i>Religio
+terminorum.</i> Religion of the household: marriage, childbirth,
+burial and cult of the dead
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_68">68</a>-91</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>LECTURE V</h4>
+<h5>THE CALENDAR OF NUMA</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Beginnings of the City-state: the <i>oppidum</i>. The earliest historical
+Rome, the city of the four regions; to this belongs the surviving
+religious calendar. This calendar described; the basis of our
+knowledge of early Roman religion. It expresses a life agricultural,
+political, and military. Days of gods distinguished from
+days of man. Agricultural life the real basis of the calendar;
+gradual effacement of it. Results of a fixed routine in calendar;
+discipline, religious confidence. Exclusion from it of the barbarous
+and grotesque. Decency and order under an organising
+priestly authority
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_92">92</a>-113</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p><span class='pagenum'>xiii</span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE VI</h4>
+<h5>
+THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Sources of knowledge about Roman deities. What did the Romans
+themselves know about them? No personal deity in the religion
+of the family. Those of the City-state are <i>numina</i>, marking a
+transition from animism to polytheism. Meaning of <i>numen</i>.
+Importance of names, which are chiefly adjectival, marking
+functional activity. Tellus an exception. Importance of priests
+in development of <i>dei</i>. The four great Roman gods and their
+priests: Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus. Characteristics of each
+of these in earliest Rome. Juno and the difficulties she presents.
+Vesta
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_114">114</a>-144</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>LECTURE VII</h4>
+<h5>
+THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION:<br />
+GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">No temples in the earliest Rome; meaning of <i>fanum, ara, lucus,
+sacellum</i>. No images of gods in these places, until end of regal
+period. Thus deities not conceived as persons. Though masculine
+and feminine they were not married pairs; Dr. Frazer's
+opinion on this point. Examination of his evidence derived
+from the <i>libri sacerdotum</i>; meaning of Nerio Martis. Such
+combinations of names suggest forms or manifestations of a
+deity's activity, not likely to grow into personal deities without
+Greek help. Meaning of <i>pater</i> and <i>mater</i> applied to deities;
+procreation not indicated by them. The deities of the <i>Indigitamenta</i>;
+priestly inventions of a later age. Usener's theory of
+Sonderg&ouml;tter criticised so far as it applies to Rome
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_145">145</a>-168</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<h4>LECTURE VIII</h4>
+<h5>
+RITUAL OF THE IUS DIVINUM</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Main object of <i>ius divinum</i> to keep up the <i>pax deorum</i>; meaning of
+<i>pax</i> in this phrase. Means towards the maintenance of the <i>pax</i>:
+sacrifice and prayer, fulfilment of vows, lustratio, divination.
+Meaning of <i>sacrificium</i>. Little trace of sacramental sacrifice.
+Typical sacrifice of <i>ius divinum</i>: both priest and victim must be
+acceptable to the deity; means taken to secure this. Ritual of
+slaughter: examination and <i>porrectio</i> of entrails. Prayer; the
+phrase <i>Macte esto</i> and its importance in explaining Roman sacrifice.
+Magical survivals in Roman and Italian prayers; yet they
+are essentially religious
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_169">169</a>-199</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+<p><span class='pagenum'>xiv</span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE IX</h4>
+
+<h5>RITUAL (continued)</h5>
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">
+<i>Vota</i> (vows) have suggested the idea that Roman worship was bargaining.
+Examination of private vows, which do not prove this; of
+public vows, which in some degree do so. Moral elements in
+both these.  Other forms of vow: <i>evocatio</i> and <i>devotio</i>.
+</p>
+<p class="two">
+<i>Lustratio</i>: meaning of <i>lustrare</i> in successive stages of Roman experience.
+<i>Lustratio</i> of the farm and <i>pagus</i>; of the city; of the
+people (at Rome and Iguvium); of the army; of the arms and
+trumpets of the army: meaning of <i>lustratio</i> in these last cases,
+both before and after a campaign
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_200">200</a>-222</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE X</h4>
+
+<h5>THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Recapitulation of foregoing lectures. Weak point of the organised
+State religion: it discouraged individual development. Its
+moral influence mainly a disciplinary one; and it hypnotised the
+religious instinct.</p>
+<p class="two">Growth of a new population at end of regal period, also of trade and
+industry. New deities from abroad represent these changes:
+Hercules of Ara Maxima; Castor and Pollux; Minerva. Diana
+of the Aventine reflects a new relation with Latium. Question
+as to the real religious influence of these deities. The Capitoline
+temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, of Etruscan origin. Meaning
+of cult-titles Optimus Maximus, and significance of this great
+Jupiter in Roman religious experience
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_223">223</a>-247</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XI</h4>
+
+<h5>CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Plan of this and following lectures.  The formalised Roman religion
+meets with perils, material and moral, and ultimately proves
+inadequate.  Subject of this lecture, the introduction of Greek
+deities and rites; but first a proof that the Romans were a really
+religious people; evidence from literature, from worship, from
+the practice of public life, and from Latin religious vocabulary.</p>
+<p class="two">
+Temple of Ceres, Liber, Libera (Demeter, Dionysus, Persephone);
+its importance for the date of Sibylline influence at Rome.
+Nature of this influence; how and when it reached Rome. The
+keepers of the "Sibylline books"; new cults introduced by
+them. New rites: lectisternia and supplicationes, their meaning
+and historical importance
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_248">248</a>-269</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>xv</span></p>
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XII</h4>
+
+<h5>THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF
+RELIGION</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">
+Historical facts about the Pontifices in this period; a powerful
+exclusive "collegium" taking charge of the <i>ius divinum</i>. The
+legal side of their work; they administered the oldest rules of
+law, which belonged to that <i>ius</i>. New ideas of law after
+Etruscan period; increasing social complexity and its effect on
+legal matters; result, publication of rules of law, civil and
+religious, in XII. Tables, and abolition of legal monopoly of
+Pontifices. But they keep control of (1) procedure, (2) interpretation,
+till end of fourth century b.c. Publication of Fasti
+and <i>Legis actiones</i>; the college opened to Plebeians. Work of
+Pontifices in third century: (1) admission of new deities, (2)
+compilation of annals, (3) collection of religious formulae.
+General result; formalisation of religion; and secularisation of
+pontifical influence
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_270">270</a>-291</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XIII</h4>
+
+<h5>THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Divination a universal practice: its relation to magic. Want of a
+comprehensive treatment of it. Its object at Rome: to assure
+oneself of the <i>pax deorum</i>; but it was the most futile method
+used. Private divination; limited and discouraged by the State,
+except in the form of family <i>auspicia</i>. Public divination;
+<i>auspicia</i> needed in all State operations; close connection with
+<i>imperium</i>. The augurs were skilled advisers of the magistrates,
+but could not themselves take the auspices. Probable result of
+this: Rome escaped subjection to a hierarchy. Augurs and
+<i>auspicia</i> become politically important, but cease to belong to
+religion. State divination a clog on political progress. Sinister
+influence on Rome of Etruscan divination; history of the <i>haruspices</i>
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_292">292</a>-313</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XIV</h4>
+
+<h5>THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Tendency towards contempt of religious forms in third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>;
+disappears during this war. <i>Religio</i> in the old sense takes its
+place, <i>i.e.</i> fear and anxiety. This takes the form
+of reporting<span class='pagenum'>xvi</span> <i>prodigia</i>; account of these in 218 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and of the prescriptions
+supplied by Sibylline books. Fresh outbreak of <i>religio</i> after
+battle of Trasimene; <i>lectisternium</i> of 216, without distinction of
+Greek and Roman deities; importance of this. Religious panic
+after battle of Cannae; extraordinary religious measures, including
+human sacrifice. Embassy to Delphi and its result; symptoms
+of renewed confidence. But fresh and alarming outbreak
+in 213; met with remarkable skill. Institution of Apolline
+games. Summary of religious history in last years of the war;
+gratitude to the gods after battle of Metaurus. Arrival of the
+Great Mother of Phrygia at Rome.  Hannibal leaves Italy
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_314">314</a>-334</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XV</h4>
+
+<h5>AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Religion used to support Senatorial policy in declaring war (1) with
+Philip of Macedon, (2) with Antiochus of Syria; but this is not
+the old religion. Use of <i>prodigia</i> and Sibylline oracles to secure
+political and personal objects; mischief caused in this way.
+Growth of individualism; rebellion of the individual against the
+<i>ius divinum</i>. Examples of this from the history of the priesthoods;
+strange story of a Flamen Dialis. The story of the
+introduction of Bacchic rites in 186 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; interference of the
+Senate and Magistrates, and significance of this. Strange
+attempt to propagate Pythagoreanism; this also dealt with by
+the government. Influence of Ennius and Plautus, and of translations
+from Greek comedy, on the dying Roman religion
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_335">335</a>-356</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XVI</h4>
+
+<h5>GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Religious destitution of the Roman in second century b.c. in regard
+to (1) his idea of God, (2) his sense of Duty. No help from
+Epicurism, which provided no religious sanction for conduct;
+Lucretius, and Epicurean idea of the Divine. Arrival of Stoicism
+at Rome; Panaetius and the Scipionic circle. Character of
+Scipio. The religious side of Stoicism; it teaches a new doctrine
+of the relation of man to God. Stoic idea of God as Reason,
+and as pervading the universe; adjustment of this to Roman
+idea of <i>numina</i>. Stoic idea of Man as possessing Reason, and
+so partaking the Divine nature. Influence of these two ideas on
+the best type of Roman; they appeal to his idea of Duty, and
+ennoble his idea of Law. Weak points in Roman Stoicism: (1)
+doctrine of Will, (2) neglect of emotions and sympathy. It
+failed to rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity"
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_357">357</a>-379</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'>xvii</span></p>
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XVII</h4>
+
+<h5>MYSTICISM&mdash;IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE</h5>
+
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Early Pythagoreanism in S. Italy; its reappearance in last century
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span> under the influence of Posidonius, who combined Stoicism
+with Platonic Pythagoreanism. Cicero affected by this revival;
+his Somnium Scipionis and other later works. His mysticism
+takes practical form on the death of his daughter; letters to
+Atticus about a <i>fanum</i>. Individualisation of the Manes; freedom
+of belief on such questions. Further evidence of Cicero's
+tendency to mysticism at this time (45 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>), and his belief in a
+future life. But did the ordinary Roman so believe? Question
+whether he really believed in the torments of Hades. Probability
+of this: explanation to be found in the influence of
+Etruscan art and Greek plays on primitive Roman ideas of the
+dead. Mysticism in the form of astrology; Nigidius Figulus
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_380">380</a>-402</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XVIII</h4>
+
+<h5>RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Virgil sums up Roman religious experience, and combines it with
+hope for the future. Sense of depression in his day; want of
+sympathy and goodwill towards men. Virgil's sympathetic outlook;
+shown in his treatment of animals, Italian scenery, man's
+labour, and man's worship. His idea of <i>pietas</i>. The theme of
+the Aeneid; Rome's mission in the world, and the <i>pietas</i> needed
+to carry it out. Development of the character of Aeneas; his
+<i>pietas</i> imperfect in the first six books, perfected in the last six,
+resulting in a balance between the ideas of the Individual and
+the State. Illustration of this from the poem. Importance of
+Book vi., which describes the ordeal destined to perfect the <i>pietas</i>
+of the hero. The sense of Duty never afterwards deserts him;
+his <i>pietas</i> enlarged in a religious sense
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_403">403</a>-427</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XIX</h4>
+
+<h5>THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Connection of Augustus and Virgil. Augustus aims at re-establishing
+the national <i>pietas</i>, and securing the <i>pax deorum</i> by means of the
+<i>ius divinum</i>. How this formed part of his political plans.
+Temple restoration and its practical result. Revival of the
+ancient ritual; illustrated from the records of the Arval Brethren.
+<span class='pagenum'>xviii</span>
+The new element in it; Caesar-worship; but Augustus was content
+with the honour of re-establishing the <i>pax deorum</i>. Celebration
+of this in the Ludi saeculares, 17 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Our detailed knowledge
+of this festival; meaning of <i>saeculum</i>; description of the <i>ludi</i>,
+and illustration of their meaning from the <i>Carmen saeculare</i> of
+Horace. Discussion of the performance of this hymn by the
+choirs of boys and girls
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_428">428</a>-451</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<h4>LECTURE XX</h4>
+
+<h5>CONCLUSION</h5>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left"><p class="two">Religious ingredients in Roman soil likely to be utilised by Christianity.
+The Stoic ingredient; revelation of the Universal, and
+ennobling of Individual. The contribution of Mysticism; preparation
+for Christian eschatology. The contribution of Virgil;
+sympathy and sense of Duty. The contribution of Roman
+religion proper: (1) sane and orderly character of ritual, (2)
+practical character of Latin Christianity visible in early Christian
+writings, (3) a religious vocabulary, <i>e.g. religio, pietas, sanctus,
+sacramentum</i>. But all this is but a slight contribution; essential
+difference between Christianity and all that preceded it in Italy;
+illustration from the language of St. Paul
+</p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_452">452</a>-472</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+
+
+
+<h4>APPENDIX</h4>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">I.</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">On the Use of Huts or Booths in Religious Ritual</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_473">473</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">II.</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">Prof. Deubner's Theory of the Lupercalia</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_478">478</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">III.</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">The Pairs of Deities in Gellius</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_481">481</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">IV.</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">The Early Usage of the Words Ius and Fas</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_486">486</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_right"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">V.</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_center"><p class="two"><span class="smcap">The Worship of Sacred Utensils</span></p></td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_489">489</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="TOC">
+<tr>
+<td class="cell_left">INDEX</td>
+<td class="cell_right"><a href="#Page_491">491</a></td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p>
+
+<h4>LECTURE I</h4>
+
+<h3>INTRODUCTORY</h3>
+
+
+<p>I was invited to prepare these lectures, on Lord Gifford's
+foundation, as one who has made a special study of the
+religious ideas and practice of the Roman people. So far
+as I know, the subject has not been touched upon as yet
+by any Gifford lecturer. We are in these days interested
+in every form of religion, from the most rudimentary to
+the most highly developed; from the ideas of the aborigines
+of Australia, which have now become the common
+property of anthropologists, to the ethical and spiritual
+religions of civilised man. Yet it is remarkable how few
+students of the history of religion, apart from one or two
+specialists, have been able to find anything instructive in
+the religion of the Romans&mdash;of the Romans, I mean, as
+distinguished from that vast collection of races and nationalities
+which eventually came to be called by the name of
+Rome. At the Congress for the History of Religions held
+at Oxford in 1908, out of scores of papers read and
+offered, not more than one or two even touched on the
+early religious ideas of the most practical and powerful
+people that the world has ever known.</p>
+
+<p>This is due, in part at least, to the fact that just when
+Roman history begins to be of absorbing interest, and
+fairly well substantiated by evidence, the Roman religion,
+as religion, has already begun to lose its vitality, its purity,
+its efficacy. It has become overlaid with foreign rites and
+ideas, and it has also become a religious monopoly of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span>
+State; of which the essential characteristic, as Mommsen
+has well put it, and as we shall see later on, was "the
+conscious retention of the principles of the popular belief,
+which were recognised as irrational, for reasons of outward
+convenience."<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> It was not unlike the religion of the Jews
+in the period immediately before the Captivity, and it was
+never to profit by the refining and chastening influence of
+such lengthy suffering. In this later condition it has not
+been attractive to students of religious history; and to
+penetrate farther back into the real religious ideas of the
+genuine Roman people is a task very far from easy, of
+which indeed the difficulties only seem to increase as we
+become more familiar with it.</p>
+
+<p>It must be remarked, too, that as a consequence of this
+unattractiveness, the accounts given in standard works of
+the general features of this religion are rather chilling and
+repellent. More than fifty years ago, in the first book of
+his <i>Roman History</i>, Mommsen so treated of it&mdash;not indeed
+without some reservation,&mdash;and in this matter, as in so
+many others, his view remained for many years the
+dominant one. He looked at this religion, as was natural
+to him, from the point of view of law; in religion as such
+he had no particular interest. If I am not mistaken, it
+was for him, except in so far as it is connected with
+Roman law, the least interesting part of all his far-reaching
+Roman studies. More recent writers of credit and ability
+have followed his lead, and stress has been laid on the
+legal side of religion at Rome; it has been described over
+and over again as merely a system of contracts between
+gods and worshippers, secured by hard and literal formalism,
+and without ethical value or any native principle
+of growth. Quite recently, for example, so great an
+authority as Professor Cumont has written of it thus:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"Il n'a peut &ecirc;tre jamais exist&eacute; aucune religion aussi
+froide, aussi prosa&iuml;que que celle des Romains. Subordonn&eacute;e
+&agrave; la politique, elle cherche avant tout, par la
+stricte ex&eacute;cution de pratiques appropri&eacute;es, &agrave; assurer &agrave;
+l'&Eacute;tat la protection des dieux ou &agrave; d&eacute;tourner les effets<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span>
+de leur malveillance. Elle a conclu avec les puissances
+c&eacute;lestes un contrat synallagmatique d'o&ugrave; d&eacute;coulent des
+obligations r&eacute;ciproques: sacrifices d'une part, faveurs de
+l'autre.... Sa liturgie rappelle par la minutie de ses
+prescriptions l'ancien droit civil. Cette religion se d&eacute;fie
+des abandons de l'&acirc;me et des &eacute;lans de la d&eacute;votion." And
+he finishes his description by quoting a few words of the
+late M. Jean R&eacute;ville: "The legalism of the Pharisees, in
+spite of the dryness of their ritualistic minutiae, could make
+the heart vibrate more than the formalism of the Romans."<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p>
+
+<p>Now it is not for me to deny the truth of such statements
+as this, though I might be disposed to say that it is
+rather approximate than complete truth as here expressed,
+does not sum up the whole story, and only holds good for a
+single epoch of this religious history. But surely, for anyone
+interested in the history of religion, a religious system
+of such an unusual kind, with characteristics so well
+marked, must, one would suppose, be itself an attractive
+subject. A religion that becomes highly formalised claims
+attention by this very characteristic. At one time, however
+far back, it must have accurately expressed the needs and
+the aspirations of the Roman people in their struggle for
+existence. It is obviously, as described by the writers I
+have quoted, a very mature growth, a highly developed
+system; and the story, if we could recover it, of the way
+in which it came to be thus formalised, should be one of
+the deepest interest for students of the history of religion.
+Another story, too, that of the gradual discovery of the
+<i>inadequacy</i> of this system, and of the engrafting upon it,
+or substitution for it, of foreign rites and beliefs, is assuredly
+not less instructive; and here, fortunately, our records
+make the task of telling it an easier one.</p>
+
+<p>Now these two stories, taken together, sum up what
+we may call the <i>religious experience of the Roman people</i>;
+and as it is upon these that I wish to concentrate your
+attention during this and the following course, I have
+called these lectures by that name. My plan is not to
+provide an exhaustive account of the details of the Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span>
+worship or of the nature of the Roman gods: that can be
+found in the works of carefully trained specialists, of whom
+I shall have something to say presently. More in accordance
+with the intentions of the Founder of these lectures,
+I think, will be an attempt to follow out, with such detailed
+comment as may be necessary, the religious experience
+of the Romans, as an important part of their history.
+And this happens to coincide with my own inclination
+and training; for I have been all my academic life occupied
+in learning and teaching Roman history, and the
+fascination which the study of the Roman religion has
+long had for me is simply due to this fact. Whatever
+may be the case with other religions, it is impossible to
+think of that of the Romans as detached from their history
+as a whole; it is an integral part of the life and growth of
+the people. An adequate knowledge of Roman history,
+with all its difficulties and doubts, is the only scientific
+basis for the study of Roman religion, just as an adequate
+knowledge of Jewish history is the only scientific basis for
+a study of Jewish religion. The same rule must hold good
+in a greater or less degree with all other forms of religion
+of the higher type, and even when we are dealing with the
+religious ideas of savage peoples it is well to bear it steadfastly
+in mind. I may be excused for suggesting that in
+works on comparative religion and morals this principle is
+not always sufficiently realised, and that the panorama of
+religious or quasi-religious practice from all parts of the
+world, and found among peoples of very different stages
+of development, with which we are now so familiar, needs
+constant testing by increased knowledge of those peoples
+in all their relations of life. At any rate, in dealing with
+Roman evidence the investigator of religious history should
+also be a student of Roman history generally, for the facts
+of Roman life, public and private, are all closely concatenated
+together, and spring with an organic growth from
+the same root. The branches tend to separate, but the
+tree is of regular growth, compact in all its parts, and you
+cannot safely concentrate your attention on one of these<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>
+parts to the comparative neglect of the rest. Conversely,
+too, the great story of the rise and decay of the Roman
+dominion cannot be properly understood without following
+out the religious history of this people&mdash;their religious
+experience, as I prefer to call it. To take an example of
+this, let me remind you of two leading facts in Roman
+history: first, the strength and tenacity of the family as a
+group under the absolute government of the paterfamilias;
+secondly, the strength and tenacity of the idea of the State
+as represented by the <i>imperium</i> of its magistrates. How
+different in these respects are the Romans from the Celts,
+the Scandinavians, even from the Greeks! But these two
+facts are in great measure the result of the religious ideas
+of the people, and, on the other hand, they themselves react
+with astonishing force on the fortunes of that religion.</p>
+
+<p>I do not indeed wish to be understood as maintaining
+that the religion of the Roman was the most important
+element in his mental or civic development: far from it.
+I should be the first to concede that the religious element
+in the Roman mind was not that part of it which has left
+the deepest impress on history, or contributed much, except
+in externals, to our modern ideas of the Divine and of
+worship. It is not, as Roman law was, the one great contribution
+of the Roman genius to the evolution of humanity.
+But Roman law and Roman religion sprang from the same
+root; they were indeed in origin <i>one and the same thing</i>.
+Religious law was a part of the <i>ius civile</i>, and both were
+originally administered by the same authority, the Rex.
+Following the course of the two side by side for a few
+centuries, we come upon an astonishing phenomenon,
+which I will mention now (it will meet us again) as
+showing how far more interest can be aroused in our
+subject if we are fully equipped as Roman historians than
+if we were to study the religion alone, torn from the living
+body of the State, and placed on the dissecting-board by
+itself. As the State grew in population and importance,
+and came into contact, friendly or hostile, with other
+peoples, both the religion and the law of the State were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>
+called upon to expand, and they did so. But they did so
+in different ways; Roman law expanded <i>organically</i> and
+intensively, absorbing into its own body the experience
+and practice of other peoples, while Roman religion expanded
+<i>mechanically</i> and extensively, by taking on the
+deities and worship of others <i>without any organic change
+of its own being</i>. Just as the English language has been
+able to absorb words of Latin origin, through its early
+contact with French, into the very tissue and fibre of its
+being, while German has for certain reasons never been
+able to do this, but has adopted them as strangers only,
+without making them its very own: so Roman law contrived
+to take into its own being the rules and practices of
+strangers, while Roman religion, though it eventually admitted
+the ideas and cults of Greeks and others, did so
+without taking them by a digestive process into its own
+system. Had the law of Rome remained as inelastic as
+the religion, the Roman people would have advanced as
+little in civilisation as those races which embraced the faith
+of Islam, with its law and religion alike impermeable to
+any change.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> Here is a phenomenon that at once attracts
+attention and suggests questions not easy to answer.
+Why is it that the Roman religion can never have the
+same interest and value for mankind as Roman law? I
+hope that we shall find an answer to this question in the
+course of our studies: at this moment I only propose it
+as an example of the advantage gained for the study of
+one department of Roman life and thought by a pretty
+complete equipment in the knowledge of others.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time we must remember that the religion
+of the Romans is a highly technical subject, like Roman
+law, the Roman constitution, and almost everything else
+Roman; it calls for special knowledge as well as a sufficient
+training in Roman institutions generally. Each of
+these Roman subjects is like a language with a delicate
+accidence, which is always presenting the unwary with
+pitfalls into which they are sure to blunder unless they
+have a thorough mastery of it. I could mention a book<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>
+full of valuable thoughts about the relation to Paganism
+of the early Christian Church, by a scholar at once
+learned and sympathetic;<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> who when he happens to deal
+for a moment with the old Roman religion, is inaccurate
+and misleading at every point. He knew, for
+example, that this religion is built on the foundation of
+the worship of the family, but he yielded to the temptation
+to assume that the family in heaven was a counterpart
+of the family on earth, "as it might be seen in any
+palace of the Roman nobility." "Jupiter and Juno," he
+says, "were the lord and lady, and beneath them was
+an army of officers, attendants, ministers, of every rank
+and degree." Such a description of the pantheon of his
+religion would have utterly puzzled a Roman, even in
+the later days of theological syncretism. Again he says
+that this religion was strongly moral; that "the gods
+gave every man his duty, and expected him to perform
+it." Here again no Roman of historical times, or indeed
+of any age, could have allowed this to be his creed.
+Had it really been so, not only the history of the Roman
+religion, but that of the Roman state, would have been
+very different from what it actually was.</p>
+
+<p>The principles then on which I wish to proceed in
+these lectures are&mdash;(1) to keep the subject in continual
+touch with Roman history and the development of the
+Roman state; (2) to exercise all possible care and
+accuracy in dealing with the technical matters of the
+religion itself. I may now go on to explain more
+exactly the plan I propose to follow.</p>
+
+<p>It will greatly assist me in this explanation if I begin
+by making clear what I understand, for our present purposes,
+by the word <i>religion</i>. There have been many
+definitions propounded&mdash;more in recent years than ever
+before, owing to the recognition of the study of religion
+as a department of anthropology. Controversies are
+going on which call for new definitions, and it is only
+by slow degrees that we are arriving at any common
+understanding as to the real essential thing or fact for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>
+which we should reserve this famous word, and other
+words closely connected with it, <i>e.g.</i> the supernatural.
+We are still disputing, for example, as to the relation of
+religion to magic, and therefore as to the exact meaning
+to be attributed to each of these terms.</p>
+
+<p>Among the many definitions of religion which I have
+met with, there is one which seems to me to be particularly
+helpful for our present purposes; it is contributed
+by an American investigator. "<i>Religion is the
+effective desire to be in right relation to the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> Dr. Frazer's definition is
+not different in essentials: "By religion I understand a
+propitiation or conciliation of powers superior to man
+which are believed to direct and control the course of
+nature and of human life;"<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> only that here the word is
+used of acts of worship rather than of the feeling or
+desire that prompts them. The definition of the late
+M. Jean R&eacute;ville, in a chapter on "Religious Experience,"
+written near the end of his valuable life, is in my view
+nearer the mark, and more comprehensive. "Religion,"
+he says, "is essentially a principle of life, the feeling of
+a living relation between the human individual and the
+powers or power of which the universe is the manifestation.
+What characterises each religion is its way of
+looking upon this relation and its method of applying
+it."<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> And a little further on he writes: "It is generally
+admitted that this feeling of dependence upon the universe
+is the root of all religion." But this is not so
+succinct as the definition which I quoted first, and it
+introduces at least one term, <i>the individual</i>, which, for
+certain good reasons, I think it will be better for us to
+avoid in studying the early Roman religious ideas.</p>
+
+<p>"<i>Religion is the effective desire to be in right relations
+with the Power manifesting itself in the universe.</i>" This
+has the advantage of treating religion as primarily and
+essentially a <i>feeling</i>, an instinctive desire, and the word
+"effective," skilfully introduced, suggests that this feeling
+manifests itself in certain actions undertaken in order to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>
+secure a desired end. Again, the phrase "right relations"
+seems to me well chosen, and better than the "living
+relation" of M. R&eacute;ville, which if applied to the religions
+of antiquity can only be understood in a sacramental
+sense, and is not obviously so intended. "Right relation"
+will cover all religious feeling, from the most material to
+the most spiritual. Think for a moment of the 119th
+Psalm, the high-water mark of the religious feeling of
+the most religious people of antiquity; it is a magnificent
+declaration of conformity to the will of God, <i>i.e.</i> of the
+desire to be in right relation to Him, to His statutes,
+judgments, laws, commands, testimonies, righteousness.
+This is religion in a high state of development; but our
+definition is so skilfully worded as to adapt itself readily
+to much earlier and simpler forms. The "Power manifesting
+itself in the universe" may be taken as including
+all the workings of nature, which even now we most
+imperfectly understand, and which primitive man so little
+understood that he misinterpreted them in a hundred
+different ways. The effective desire to be in right relation
+with these mysterious powers, so that they might
+not interfere with his material well-being&mdash;with his flocks
+and herds, with his crops, too, if he were in the agricultural
+stage, with his dwelling and his land, or with
+his city if he had got so far in social development&mdash;this
+is what we may call the religious instinct, the origin of
+what the Romans called <i>religio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> The effective desire
+to have your own will brought into conformity to the
+will of a heavenly Father is a later development of the
+same feeling; to this the genuine Roman never attained,
+and the Greek very imperfectly.</p>
+
+<p>If we keep this definition steadily in mind, I think we
+shall find it a valuable guide in following out what I call
+the religious experience of the Roman people; and at
+the present moment it will help me to explain my plan
+in drawing up these lectures. To begin with, in the
+prehistoric age of Rome, so far as we can discern from
+survivals of a later age, the feeling or desire must have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span>
+taken shape, ineffectively indeed, in many quaint acts,
+some of them magical or quasi-magical, and possibly
+taken over from an earlier and ruder population among
+whom the Latins settled. Many of these continued,
+doubtless, to exist among the common folk, unauthorised
+by any constituted power, while some few were absorbed
+into the religious practice of the State, probably with the
+speedy loss of their original significance. Such survivals
+of ineffective religion are of course to be found in the
+lowest stratum of the religious ideas of every people,
+ancient and modern; even among the Israelites,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> and in
+the rites of Islam or Christianity. They form, as it were,
+<i>a kind of protoplasm of religious vitality</i>, from which an
+organic growth was gradually developed. But though
+they are necessarily a matter of investigation as survivals
+which have a story to tell, they do not carry us very far
+when we are tracing the religious experience of a people,
+and in any case the process of investigating them is one
+of groping in the dark. I shall deal with these survivals
+in my next two lectures, and then leave them for good.</p>
+
+<p>I am more immediately concerned with the desire
+expressed in our definition <i>when it has become more
+effective</i>; and this we find in the Latins when they have
+attained to a complete settlement on the land, and are
+well on in the agricultural stage of social development.
+This stage we can dimly see reflected in the life of the
+home and farm of later times; we have, I need hardly
+say, no contemporary evidence of it, though archaeology
+may yet yield us something. But the conservatism of
+rural life is a familiar fact, and comes home to me when
+I reflect that in my own English village the main features
+of work and worship remained the same through many
+centuries, until we were revolutionised by the enclosure
+of the parish and the coming of the railroad in the
+middle of the nineteenth century. The intense conservatism
+of rural Italy, up to the present day, has
+always been an acknowledged fact, and admits of easy
+explanation. We may be sure that the Latin farmer,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span>
+before the City-state was developed, was like his descendants
+of historical times, the religious head of a family,
+whose household deities were <i>effectively</i> worshipped by a
+regular and orderly procedure, whose dead were cared
+for in like manner, and whose land and stock were protected
+from malignant spirits by a boundary made sacred
+by yearly rites of sacrifice and prayer. Doubtless these
+wild spirits beyond his boundaries were a constant source
+of anxiety to him; doubtless charms and spells and
+other survivals from the earlier stage were in use to keep
+them from mischief; but these tend to become exceptions
+in an orderly life of agricultural routine which we may
+call <i>religious</i>. Spirits may accept domicile within the
+limits of the farm, and tend, as always in this agricultural
+stage, to become fixed to the soil and to take more
+definite shape as in some sense deities. This stage&mdash;that
+of the agricultural family&mdash;is the foundation of
+Roman civilised life, in religious as in all other aspects,
+and it will form the subject of my fourth lecture.</p>
+
+<p>The growing effectiveness of the desire, as seen in
+the family and in the agricultural stage, prepares us for
+still greater effectiveness in the higher form of civilisation
+which we know as that of the City-state. That desire,
+let me say once more, is to be in right relations with the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe. It is only in
+the higher stages of civilisation that this desire can really
+become effective; social organisation, as I shall show,
+produces an increased knowledge of the nature of the
+Power, and with it a systematisation of the means
+deemed necessary to secure the right relations. The
+City-state, the peculiar form in which Greek and Italian
+social and political life eventually blossomed and fructified,
+was admirably fitted to secure this effectiveness. It was,
+of course, an intensely <i>local</i> system; and the result was,
+first, that the Power is localised in certain spots and propitiated
+by certain forms of cult within the city wall,
+thus bringing the divine into closest touch with the
+human population and its interests; and secondly, that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>
+the concentration of intelligence and will-power within a
+small space might, and did at Rome, develop a very
+elaborate system for securing the right relations&mdash;in other
+words, it produced a religious system as highly ritualistic
+as that of the Jews.</p>
+
+<p>With the several aspects of this system my fifth and
+succeeding lectures will be occupied. I shall deal first
+with the religious calendar of the earliest historical form
+of the City-state, which most fortunately has come down
+to us entire. I shall devote two lectures to the early
+Roman ideas of divinity, and the character of their deities
+as reflected in the calendar, and as further explained
+by Roman and Greek writers of the literary age. Two
+other lectures will discuss the ritual of sacrifice and
+prayer, with the priests in charge of these ceremonies, and
+the ritual of vows and of "purification." In each of these
+I shall try to point out wherein the weakness of this
+religious system lay&mdash;viz. in attempts at effectiveness so
+elaborate that they overshot their mark, in a misconception
+of the means necessary to secure the right relations, and
+in a failure to grow in knowledge of the Power itself.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, as the City-state advances socially and politically,
+in trade and commerce, in alliance and conquest,
+we shall find that the ideas of other peoples about the
+Power, and their methods of propitiation, begin to be
+adopted in addition to the native stock. The first stages
+of this revolution will bring us to the conclusion of my
+present course; but we shall be then well prepared for
+what follows. For later on we shall find the Romans
+feeling afresh the desire to be in right relation with the
+Power, discovering that their own highly formalised system
+is no longer equal to the work demanded of it, and pitiably
+mistaking their true course in seeking a remedy. Their
+knowledge of the Divine, always narrow and limited,
+becomes by degrees blurred and obscured, and their sight
+begins to fail them. I hope in due course to explain
+this, and to give you some idea of the sadness of their
+religious experience before the advent of an age of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>
+philosophy, of theological syncretism, and of the worship
+of the rulers of the state.</p>
+
+<p>Let us now turn for a few minutes to the special
+difficulties of our subject. These are serious enough; but
+they have been wonderfully and happily reduced since I
+began to be interested in the Roman religion some twenty-five
+years ago. There were then only two really valuable
+books which dealt with the whole subject. Though I
+could avail myself of many treatises, good and bad, on
+particular aspects of it, some few of which still survive,
+the only two comprehensive and illuminating books were
+Preller's <i>R&ouml;mische Mythologie</i>, and Marquardt's volume on
+the cult in his <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>. Both of these were
+then already many years old, but they had just been reedited
+by two eminent scholars thoroughly well equipped
+for the task&mdash;Preller's work by H. Jordan, and Marquardt's
+by Georg Wissowa. They were written from
+different points of view; Preller dealt with the deities and
+the ideas about them rather than with the cults and the
+priests concerned with them; while Marquardt treated the
+subject as a part of the administration of government, dealing
+with the worship and the <i>ius divinum</i>, and claiming
+that this was the only safe and true way of arriving at the
+ideas underlying that law and worship.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> Both books are
+still indispensable for the student; but Marquardt's is the
+safer guide, as dealing with facts to the exclusion of
+fancies. The two taken together had collected and sifted
+the evidence so far as it was then available.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Corpus Inscriptionum</i> had not at that time got
+very far, but its first volume, edited by Mommsen, contained
+the ancient Fasti, which supply us with the religious
+calendar of early Rome, and with other matter throwing
+light upon it. This first volume was an invaluable help,
+and formed the basis (in a second edition) of the book I
+was eventually able to write on the <i>Roman Festivals of the
+Period of the Republic</i>. At that time, too, in the 'eighties,
+Roscher's <i>Lexicon of Greek and Roman Mythology</i> began
+to appear, which aimed at summing up all that was then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span>
+known about the deities of both peoples; this is not even
+yet completed, and many of the earlier articles seem now
+almost antiquated, as propounding theories which have not
+met with general acceptance. All these earlier articles
+are now being superseded by those in the new edition
+of Pauly's <i>Real-Encyclop&auml;die</i>, edited by Wissowa. Lastly,
+Wissowa himself in 1902 published a large volume
+entitled <i>Die Religion und Kultus der R&ouml;mer</i>, which will
+probably be for many years the best and safest guide for
+all students of our subject. Thoroughly trained in the
+methods of dealing with evidence both literary and
+archaeological, Wissowa produced a work which, though it
+has certain limitations, has the great merit of not being
+likely to lead anyone astray. More skilfully and successfully
+than any of his predecessors, he avoided the chief
+danger and difficulty that beset all who meddle with
+Roman religious antiquities, and invariably lead the
+unwary to their destruction; he declined to accept as
+evidence what in nine cases out of ten is no true evidence
+at all&mdash;the statements of ancient authors influenced by
+Greek ideas and Greek fancy. He holds in the main to
+the principle laid down by Marquardt, that we may use,
+as evidence for their religious ideas, what we are told that
+the Romans <i>did</i> in practising their worship, but must regard
+with suspicion, and subject to severe criticism, what either
+they themselves or the Greeks wrote about those religious
+ideas&mdash;that is, about divine beings and their doings.</p>
+
+<p>It is indeed true that the one great difficulty of our
+subject lies in the nature of the evidence; and it is one
+which we can never hope entirely to overcome. We have
+always to bear in mind that the Romans produced no
+literature till the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; and the documentary
+evidence that survives from an earlier age in the form of
+inscriptions, or fragments of hymns or of ancient law
+(such as the calendar of which I spoke just now), is of
+the most meagre character, and usually most difficult to
+interpret. Thus the Roman religion stands alone among
+the religions of ancient civilisations in that we are almost<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>
+entirely without surviving texts of its forms of prayer, of
+its hymns or its legends;<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> even in Greece the Homeric
+poems, with all the earliest Greek literature and art, make up
+to some extent for the want of that documentary evidence
+which throws a flood of light on the religions of Babylon,
+Egypt, the Hindus, and the Jewish people. We know in
+fact as little about the religion of the old Italian populations
+as we do about that of our own Teutonic ancestors,
+less perhaps than we do about that of the Celtic peoples.
+The Romans were a rude and warlike folk, and meddled
+neither with literature nor philosophy until they came
+into immediate contact with the Greeks; thus it was that,
+unfortunately for our purposes, the literary spirit, when at
+last it was born in Italy, was rather Greek than Roman.
+When that birth took place Rome had spread her influence
+over Italy,&mdash;perhaps the greatest work she ever accomplished;
+and thus the latest historian of Latin literature
+can venture to write that "the greatest time in Roman
+history was already past when real historical evidence
+becomes available."<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">12</a></p>
+
+<p>We have thus to face two formidable facts: (1)
+that the period covered by my earlier lectures must
+in honesty be called prehistoric; and (2) that when
+the Romans themselves began to write about it they did
+so under the overwhelming influence of Greek culture.
+With few exceptions, all that we can learn of the early
+Roman religion from Roman or Greek writers comes
+to us, not in a pure Roman form, clearly conceived as
+all things truly Roman were, but seen dimly through
+the mist of the Hellenistic age. The Roman gods, for
+example, are made the sport of fancy and the subject
+of Hellenistic love-stories, by Greek poets and their
+Roman imitators,<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> or are more seriously treated by Graeco-Roman
+philosophy after a fashion which would have been
+absolutely incomprehensible to the primitive men in whose
+minds they first had their being. The process of disentangling
+the Roman element from the Greek in the
+literary evidence is one which can never be satisfactorily<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>
+accomplished; and on the whole it is better, with Wissowa
+and Marquardt, to hold fast by the facts of the cult,
+where the distinction between the two is usually obvious,
+than to flounder about in a slough of what I can only
+call pseudo-evidence. If all that English people knew
+about their Anglo-Saxon forefathers were derived from
+Norman-French chroniclers, how much should we really
+know about government or religion in the centuries before
+the Conquest! And yet this comparison gives but a
+faint idea of the treacherous nature of the literary evidence
+I am speaking of. It is true indeed that in the last age
+of the Republic a few Romans began to take something
+like a scientific interest in their own religious antiquities;
+and to Varro, by far the most learned of these, and to
+Verrius Flaccus, who succeeded him in the Augustan
+age, we owe directly or indirectly almost all the solid
+facts on which our knowledge of the Roman worship
+rests. But their works have come down to us in a most
+imperfect and fragmentary state, and what we have of them
+we owe mainly to the erudition of later grammarians and
+commentators, and the learning of the early Christian
+fathers, who drew upon them freely for illustrations of the
+absurdities of paganism. And it must be added that
+when Varro himself deals with the Roman gods and the
+old ideas about them, he is by no means free from the
+inevitable influence of Greek thought.</p>
+
+<p>Apart from the literary material and the few surviving
+fragments of religious law and ritual, there are two other
+sources of light of which we can now avail ourselves,
+archaeology and anthropology; but it must be confessed
+that as yet their illuminating power is somewhat uncertain.
+It reminds the scrupulous investigator of those early days
+of the electric light, when its flickering tremulousness
+made it often painful to read by, and when, too, it might
+suddenly go out and leave the reader in darkness. It is
+well to remember that both sciences are young, and have
+much of the self-confidence of youth; and that Italian
+archaeology, now fast becoming well organised within<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span>
+Italy, has also to be co-ordinated with the archaeology
+of the whole Mediterranean basin, before we can expect
+from it clear and unmistakable answers to hard questions
+about race and religion. This work, which cannot possibly
+be done by an individual without <i>co-operation</i>&mdash;the secret
+of sound work which the Germans have long ago discovered&mdash;is
+in course of being carried out, so far as is at present
+possible, by a syndicate of competent investigators.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p>
+
+<p>In order to indicate the uncertain nature of the light
+which for a long time to come is all we can expect from
+Italian archaeology, I have only to remind you that one
+of the chief questions we have to ask of it is the relation
+of the mysterious Etruscan people to the other Italian
+stocks, in respect of language, religion, and art. Whether
+the Etruscans were the same people whom the Greeks
+called Pelasgians, as many investigators now hold: whether
+the earliest Roman city was in any true sense an Etruscan
+one: these are questions on the answers to which it is not
+as yet safe to build further hypotheses. In regard to
+religion, too, we are still very much in the dark. For
+example, there are many Etruscan works of art in which
+Roman deities are portrayed, as is certain from the fact
+that their names accompany the figures; but it is as yet
+almost impossible to determine how far we can use these
+for the interpretation of Roman religious ideas or legends.
+Many years ago a most attractive hypothesis was raised
+on the evidence of certain of these works of art, where
+Hercules and Juno appear together in a manner which
+strongly suggests that they are meant to represent the
+male and female principles of human life; this hypothesis
+was taken up by early writers in the <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>,
+and relying upon them I adopted it in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">15</a>
+and further applied it to the interpretation of an unsolved
+problem in the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> of Virgil.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> But since
+then doubt has been thrown on it by Wissowa, who had
+formerly accepted it. As being of Etruscan origin, and
+found in places very distant from each other and from
+Rome, we have, he says, no good right to use these works<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>
+of art as evidence for the Roman religion.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> The question
+remains open as to these and many other works of art,
+but the fact that the man of coolest judgment and most
+absolute honesty is doubtful, suggests that we had best
+wait patiently for more certain light.</p>
+
+<p>In Rome itself, where archaeological study is concentrated
+and admirably staffed, great progress has been
+made, and much light thrown on the later periods of
+religious history. But for the religion of the ancient
+Roman state, with which we are at present concerned, it
+must be confessed that very little has been gleaned.
+The most famous discovery is that recently made in the
+Forum of an archaic inscription which almost certainly
+relates to some religious act; but as yet no scholar has
+been able to interpret it with anything approaching to
+certainty.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> More recently excavations on the further
+bank of the Tiber threw a glint of light on the nature
+of an ancient deity, Furrina, about whom till then we
+practically knew nothing at all; but the evidence thus
+obtained was late and in Greek characters. We must
+in fact entertain no great hopes of illumination from
+excavations, but accept thankfully what little may be
+vouchsafed to us. On the other hand, from the gradual
+development of Italian archaeology as a whole, and, I
+must here add, from the study of the several old Italian
+languages, much may be expected in the future.</p>
+
+<p>The other chief contributory science is anthropology,
+<i>i.e.</i> the study of the working of the mind of primitive
+man, as it is seen in the ideas and practices of uncivilised
+peoples at the present day, and also as it can be traced in
+survivals among more civilised races. For the history of
+the religion of the Roman City-state its contribution
+must of necessity be a limited one; that is a part of
+Roman history in general, and its material is purely
+Roman, or perhaps I should say, Graeco-Roman; and
+Wissowa in all his work has consistently declined to
+admit the value of anthropological researches for the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>elucidation of Roman problems. Perhaps it is for this
+very reason that his book is the safest guide we
+possess for the study of what the Romans did and
+thought in the matter of religion; but if we wish to
+try and get to the original significance of those acts
+and thoughts, it is absolutely impossible in these days
+to dispense with the works of a long series of anthropologists,
+many of them fortunately British, who have
+gradually been collecting and classifying the material
+which in the long run will fructify in definite results.
+If we consider the writings of eminent scholars who
+wrote about Greek and Roman religion and mythology
+before the appearance of Dr. Tylor's <i>Primitive Culture</i>&mdash;Klausen,
+Preuner, Preller, Kuhn, and many others,
+who worked on the comparative method but with
+slender material for the use of it&mdash;we see at once what
+an immense advance has been effected by that monumental
+work, and by the stimulus that it gave to others
+to follow the same track. Now we have in this country
+the works of Lang, Robertson Smith, Farnell, Frazer,
+Hartland, Jevons, and others, while a host of students on
+the Continent are writing in all languages on anthropological
+subjects. Some of these I shall quote incidentally
+in the course of these lectures; at present I will
+content myself with making one or two suggestions as to
+the care needed in using the collections and theories of
+anthropologists, as an aid in Roman religious studies.</p>
+
+<p>First, let us bear in mind that anthropologists are apt
+to have their favourite theories&mdash;conclusions, that is, which
+are the legitimate result of reasoning inductively on the
+class of facts which they have more particularly studied.
+Thus Mannhardt had his theory of the Vegetation-spirit,
+Robertson Smith that of the sacramental meal, Usener
+that of the Sonderg&ouml;tter, Dr. Frazer that of divine
+Kingship; all of which are perfectly sound conclusions
+based on facts which no one disputes. They have been
+of the greatest value to anthropological research; but
+when they are applied to the explanation of Roman
+practices we should be instantly on our guard, ready<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>
+indeed to welcome any glint of light that we may get
+from them, but most carefully critical and even suspicious
+of their application to other phenomena than those which
+originally suggested them. It is in the nature of man
+as a researcher, when he has found a key, to hasten to
+apply it to all the doors he can find, and sometimes, it
+must be said, to use violence in the application; and
+though the greatest masters of the science will rarely try
+to force the lock, they will use so much gentle persuasion
+as sometimes to make us fancy that they have unfastened
+it. All such attempts have their value, but it behoves
+us to be cautious in accepting them. The application by
+Mannhardt of the theory of the Vegetation-spirit to
+certain Roman problems, <i>e.g.</i> to that of the Lupercalia,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">19</a>
+and the October horse,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> must be allowed, fascinating
+as it was, to have failed in the main. The application
+by Dr. Frazer of the theory of divine Kingship to the
+early religious history of Rome, is still <i>sub judice</i>, and
+calls for most careful and discriminating criticism.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">21</a></p>
+
+<p>Secondly, as I have already said, Roman evidence is
+peculiarly difficult to handle, except in so far as it deals
+with the simple facts of worship; when we use it for
+traditions, myths, ideas about the nature of divine beings,
+we need a training not only in the use of evidence in
+general, but in the use of Roman evidence in particular.
+Anthropologists, as a rule, have not been through such
+a training, and they are apt to handle the evidence of
+Roman writers with a light heart and rather a rough
+hand. The result is that bits of evidence are put
+together, each needing conscientious criticism, to support
+hypotheses often of the flimsiest kind, which again are
+used to support further hypotheses, and so on, until the
+sober inquirer begins to feel his brain reeling and his
+footing giving way beneath him. I shall have occasion
+to notice one or two examples of this uncritical use of
+evidence later on, and will say no more of it now. No
+one can feel more grateful than I do to the many leading
+anthropologists who have touched in one way or another<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>
+on Roman evidence; but for myself I try never to forget
+the words of Columella, with which a great German
+scholar began one of his most difficult investigations:
+"In universa vita pretiosissimum est intellegere quemque
+nescire se quod nesciat."<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE I</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Hist. of Rome</i> (<i>E.T.)</i>, vol. ii. p. 433.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> Cumont, <i>Les Religions orientales dans le paganisme romain</i>,
+p. 36. Cp. Dill, <i>Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western
+Empire</i>, p. 63. Gwatkin, <i>The Knowledge of God</i>, vol. ii. p. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> See some valuable remarks in Lord Cromer's <i>Modern Egypt</i>,
+vol. ii. p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Since this lecture was written this scholar has passed away,
+to the great grief of his many friends; and I refrain from mentioning
+his name.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Ira W. Howerth, in <i>International Journal of Ethics</i>, 1903,
+p. 205. I owe the reference to R. Karsten, <i>The Origin of Worship</i>,
+Wasa, 1905, p. 2, note. Cp. E. Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i> ("Evolution
+of Theology in the Greek Philosophers"), vol. i. p. 32. "That
+which underlies all forms of religion, from the highest to the lowest,
+is the idea of God as an absolute power or principle." To this
+need only be added the desire to be in right relation to it. Mr.
+Marett's word "supernaturalism" seems to mean the same thing;
+"There arises in the region of human thought a powerful impulse
+to objectify, and even to personify, the mysterious or supernatural
+something felt; and in the region of will a corresponding impulse
+to render it innocuous, or, better still, propitious, by force of
+constraint (<i>i.e.</i> magic), communion, or conciliation." See his
+<i>Threshold of Religion</i>, p. 11. Prof. Haddon, commenting on this
+(<i>Magic and Fetishism</i>, p. 93), adds that "there are thus produced
+the two fundamental factors of religion, the belief in some mysterious
+power, and the desire to enter into communication with the power
+by means of worship." Our succinct definition seems thus to be
+adequate.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> <i>The Golden Bough</i>, ed. 2, vol. i. p. 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> <i>Liberal Protestantism</i>, p. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> For <i>religio</i> as a feeling essentially, see Wissowa, <i>Religion
+und Kultus der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 318 (henceforward to be cited as <i>R.K.</i>.
+For further development of the meaning of the word in Latin
+literature, see the author's paper in <i>Proceedings of the Congress for
+the History of Religions</i> (Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 169 foll. A
+different view of the original meaning of the word is put forward by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>
+W. Otto in <i>Archiv f&uuml;r Religionswissenschaft</i>, vol. xii., 1909, p. 533
+(henceforward to be cited as <i>Archiv</i> simply). See also below,
+p. <a href="#Page_459">459</a> foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Frazer in <i>Anthropological Essays presented to
+E. B. Tylor</i>, p. 101 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, iii. p. 2. This will henceforward be cited
+as <i>Marquardt</i> simply. It forms part of the great <i>Handbuch der
+r&ouml;mischen Alterth&uuml;mer</i> of Mommsen and Marquardt, and is translated
+into French, but unfortunately not into English. I may add
+here that I have only recently become acquainted with what was, at
+the time it was written, a remarkably good account of the Roman
+religion, full of insight as well as learning, viz. D&ouml;llinger's <i>The
+Gentile and the Jew</i>, Book VII. (vol. ii. of the English translation,
+1906).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Two fragments of ancient carmina, <i>i.e.</i> formulae which are
+partly spells and partly hymns, survive&mdash;those of the Fratres Arvales
+and the Salii or dancing priests of Mars. For surviving formulae of
+prayer see below, p. 185 foll. Our chief authority on the ritual of
+prayer and sacrifice comes from Iguvium in Umbria, and is in the
+Umbrian dialect; it will be referred to in B&uuml;cheler's <i>Umbrica</i>
+(1883), where a Latin translation will be found. The Umbrian text
+revised by Prof. Conway forms an important part of that eminent
+scholar's work on the Italian dialects.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> F. Leo, in <i>Die griechische und lateinische Literatur und
+Sprache</i>, p. 328. Cp. Schanz, <i>Geschichte der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, vol. i.
+p. 54 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> Among Roman poets Ovid is the worst offender, Propertius
+and Tibullus mislead in a less degree; but they all make up for it to
+some extent by preserving for us features of the worship as it existed
+in their own day. The confusion that has been caused in Roman
+religious history by mixing up Greek and Roman evidence is incalculable,
+and has recently been increased by Pais (<i>Storia di Roma</i>,
+and <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>), and by Dr. Frazer in his
+lectures on the early history of Kingship&mdash;writers to whom in some
+ways we owe valuable hints for the elucidation of Roman problems.
+See also Soltau, <i>Die Anf&auml;nge der r&ouml;mischen Geschichtsschreibung</i>,
+1909, p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> Most welcome to English readers has been Mr. T. E. Peet's
+recently published volume on <i>The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy</i>,
+and still more valuable for our purposes will be its sequel, when it
+appears, on the Iron Age.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 142 foll.; henceforward to be cited as
+<i>R.F.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> See Virgil's <i>Messianic Eclogue</i>, by Mayor, Fowler, and
+Conway, p. 75 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> An account of this in English, with photographs, will be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span>
+found in Pais's <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>, p. 21 foll., and
+notes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> Mannhardt, <i>Mythologische Forschungen</i>, p. 72 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 156 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> <i>Lectures on the Early History of Kingship</i>, lectures 7-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> Not long after these last sentences were written, a large
+work appeared by Dr. Binder, a German professor of law, entitled
+<i>Die Plebs</i>, which deals freely with the oldest Roman religion, and
+well illustrates the difficulties under which we have to work while
+archaeologists, ethnologists, and philologists are still constantly in
+disagreement as to almost every important question in the history
+of early Italian culture. Dr. Binder's main thesis is that the
+earliest Rome was composed of two distinct communities, each
+with its own religion, <i>i.e.</i> deities, priests, and sacra; the one
+settled on the Palatine, a pastoral folk of primitive culture, and of
+pure Latin race; the other settled on the Quirinal, Sabine in origin
+and language, and of more advanced development in social and
+religious matters. So far this sounds more or less familiar to us,
+but when Dr. Binder goes on to identify the Latin folk with the
+Plebs and the Sabine settlement with the Patricians, and calls in
+religion to help him with the proof of this, it is necessary to look
+very carefully into the religious evidence he adduces. So far as I
+can see, the limitation of the word <i>patrician</i> to the Quirinal settlement
+is very far from being proved by this evidence (see <i>The
+Year's Work in Classical Studies</i>, 1909, p. 69). Yet the hypothesis
+is an extremely interesting one, and were it generally accepted,
+would compel us to modify in some important points our ideas of
+Roman religious history, and also of Roman legal history, with
+which Dr. Binder is mainly concerned.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE II</h4>
+
+<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS</h5>
+
+
+<p>My subject proper is the religion of an organised State:
+the religious experience of a comparatively civilised
+people. But I wish, in the first place, to do what has
+never yet been done by those who have written on
+the Roman religion&mdash;I wish to take a survey of the
+relics, surviving in later Roman practice and belief, of
+earlier stages of rudimentary religious experience. In
+these days of anthropological and sociological research,
+it is possible to do this without great difficulty; and if I
+left it undone, our story of the development of religion
+at Rome would be mutilated at the beginning. Also
+we should be at a disadvantage in trying to realise the
+wonderful work done by the early authorities of the
+State in eliminating from their rule of worship (<i>ius
+divinum</i>) almost all that was magical, barbarous, or, as
+later Romans would have called it, superstitious. This
+is a point on which I wish to lay especial stress in the
+next few lectures, and it entails a somewhat tiresome
+account of the ideas and practices of which, as I believe,
+they sought to get rid. These, I may as well say at
+once, are to be found for the most part surviving, as we
+might expect, <i>outside</i> of the religion of the State; where
+they survive within its limits, they will be found to have
+almost entirely lost their original force and meaning.</p>
+
+<p>Every student of religious history knows that a
+religious system is a complex growth, far more complex
+than would appear at first sight; that it is sure to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>
+contain relics of previous eras of human experience,
+embedded in the social strata as lifeless fossils. These
+only indeed survive because human nature is intensely
+conservative, especially in religious matters; and of this
+conservative instinct the Romans afford as striking an
+example as we can readily find. They clung with extraordinary
+tenacity, all through their history, to old forms;
+they seem to have had a kind of superstitious feeling that
+these dead forms had still a value as such, though all
+the life was gone out of them. It would be easy to
+illustrate this curious feature of the Roman mind from
+the history of its religion; it never disappeared; and to
+this day the Catholic church in Italy retains in a thinly-disguised
+form many of the religious practices of the
+Roman people.</p>
+
+<p>Stage after stage must have been passed by the
+Latins long before our story rightly begins; how many
+revolutions of thought they underwent, how much they
+learnt and took over from earlier inhabitants of the country
+in which they finally settled, we cannot even guess. As I
+said in the last lecture, we have no really ancient history
+of the Romans, as we have, for example, of the Egyptians
+or Babylonians; to us it is all darkness, save where a
+little light has been thrown on the buried strata by
+archaeology and anthropology. That little light, which
+may be expected to increase in power, shows survivals
+here and there of primitive modes of thought; and
+these I propose to deal with now in the following order.
+<i>Totemism</i> I shall mention merely to clear it out of the
+way; but <i>taboo</i> will take us some little time, and so will
+<i>magic</i> in its various forms.</p>
+
+<p>About totemism all I have to say is this. As I
+write, Dr. Frazer's great work on this subject has just
+appeared; it is entirely occupied with totemism among
+modern savages, true totemic peoples, with the object
+of getting at the real principles of that curious stratum
+of human thought, and he leaves to others the discussion
+of possible survivals of it among Aryans, Semites, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>
+Egyptians. He himself is sceptical about all the evidence
+that has been adduced to prove its existence in classical
+antiquity (see vol. i. p. 86 and vol. iv. p. 13). Under these
+circumstances, and seeing that Dr. Frazer has always been
+the accepted exponent of totemism in this country since
+the epoch-making works appeared of Tylor and Robertson
+Smith, it is obviously unnecessary for me either to
+attempt to explain what it is, or to examine the attempts
+to find survivals of it in ancient Italy. When it first
+became matter of interest to anthropologists it was only
+natural that they should be apt to find it everywhere. Dr.
+Jevons, for example, following in the steps of Robertson
+Smith, found plenty of totemistic survivals both in Greece
+and Italy in writing his valuable <i>Introduction to the History
+of Religion</i>; but he is now aware that he went too far in
+this direction. Quite recently there has been a run after
+the same scent in France; not long ago a French scholar
+published a book on the ensigns of the Roman army,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">23</a>
+which originally represented certain animals, and using
+Dr. Frazer's early work on totemism with a very imperfect
+knowledge of the subject, tried to prove that
+these were originally totem signs. Roman names of
+families and old Italian tribe-names are still often quoted
+as totemistic; but the Fabii and Caepiones, named after
+cultivated plants, and the Picentes and Hirpini, after
+woodpecker and wolf, though tempting to the totemist,
+have not persuaded Dr. Frazer to accept them as
+totemistic, and may be left out of account here; there
+may be many reasons for the adoption of such names
+besides the totemistic one. In the course of the last
+Congress of religious history, a sober French scholar,
+M. Toutain, made an emphatic protest against the
+prevailing tendency in France, of which the leading
+representative is M. Salomon Reinach.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> Let us pass
+on at once to the second primitive mode of thought which
+I mentioned just now, and which is not nearly so remote&mdash;speaking
+anthropologically&mdash;from classical times as
+totemism. Totemism belongs to a form of society, that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>
+of tribe or clan, in which family life is unknown in our
+sense of the word, and it is therefore wholly remote
+from the life of the ancient Italian stocks, in whose social
+organisation the family was a leading fact; but <i>taboo</i>
+seems rather to be a mode of thought common to primitive
+peoples up to a comparatively advanced stage of development,
+and has left its traces in all systems of religion,
+including those of the present day.</p>
+
+<p>By this famous word <i>taboo</i>, of Polynesian origin,
+is to be understood a very important part of what I
+have called the protoplasm of primitive religion, and one
+closely allied both to magic and fetishism. For our
+present purposes we may define it as a mysterious
+influence believed to exist in objects both animate and
+inanimate, which makes them <i>dangerous</i>, <i>infectious</i>, <i>unclean</i>,
+<i>or holy</i>, which two last qualities are often almost
+identical in primitive thought, as Robertson Smith
+originally taught us.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> What exactly the savage or semi-civilised
+mind thought about this influence we hardly
+yet know; we have another Polynesian word, <i>mana</i>,
+which expresses conveniently its positive aspect, and may
+in time help us towards a better understanding of it.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> It
+is in origin pre-animistic, <i>i.e.</i> it is not so much believed
+to emanate from a <i>spirit</i> residing in the object, as from
+some occult miasmatic quality. All human beings in
+contact with other men or things possessing this quality
+are believed to suffer in some way, and to communicate
+the infection which they themselves receive. As Dr.
+Farnell says in his chapter on the ritual of purification,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">27</a>
+"The sense-instinct that suggests all this was
+probably some primeval terror or aversion evoked by
+certain objects, as we see animals shrink with disgust
+at the sight or smell of blood. The nerves of savage
+man are strangely excited by certain stimuli of touch,
+smell, taste, sight; the specially exciting object is something
+that we should call mysterious, weird, or uncanny."</p>
+
+<p>Based on this notion of constant danger from infection,
+there arose a code of unwritten custom as rigid as that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>
+enforced by a careful physician in infectious cases at the
+present day; and thus, too, in course of time there was
+developed the idea of the possibility of <i>disinfection</i>, an
+idea as salutary as the discovery in medical science of
+effective methods for the disinfection of disease. The
+code of taboo had an obvious ethical value, as Dr.
+Jevons pointed out long ago;<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> like all discipline carried
+out with a social end in view, it helped men to realise
+that they were under obligations to the community of
+which they were a part, and that they would be visited
+by severe penalties if they neglected these duties. But
+it inevitably tended to forge a set of fetters binding and
+cramping the minds of its captives with a countless
+number of terrors; life was full of constant anxiety, of
+that feeling expressed by the later Romans in the word
+<i>religio</i>,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> which, as we shall see, probably had its origin
+in this period of primitive superstition. The only remedy
+is the <i>discovery of the means of disinfection</i>, or, as we
+commonly call it, of <i>purification</i>: a discovery which must
+have been going on for ages, and only finds its completion
+at Rome in the era of the City-state. We shall return
+to this part of the subject when we deal with the ritual
+of purification; at present we must attend to certain
+survivals in that ritual which suggest that at one time
+the ancestors of the Roman people lived under this
+unwritten code of taboo.</p>
+
+<p>Let us see, in the first place, how human beings were
+supposed to be affected by this mysterious influence
+under certain circumstances and at particular periods of
+their existence. As universally in primitive life, the newborn
+infant must originally have been taboo; for every
+Roman child needed purification or disinfection, boys on
+the ninth, girls on the eighth day after birth. This day
+was called the <i>dies lustricus</i>, the day of a purificatory
+rite; "est lustricus dies," says Macrobius, "<i>quo infantes
+lustrantur</i> et nomen accipiunt."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> In historical times the
+naming of the child was doubtless the more practically
+important part of the ceremony; though we may note<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>
+in passing that the mystic value attaching to names, of
+which there are traces in Roman usage, may have even
+originally given that part a greater significance than we
+should naturally attribute to it.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> Again, when the child
+reaches the age of puberty, it is all the world over
+believed to be in a critical or dangerous condition,
+needing disinfection; of this idea, so far as I know,
+the later Romans show hardly a trace, but we may
+suppose that the ceremony of laying aside the <i>toga</i> of
+childhood, which was accompanied by a sacrifice, was a
+faint survival of some process of purification.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> Once
+more, after a death the whole family had to be purified
+with particular care from the contagion of the corpse,<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">33</a>
+which was here as everywhere taboo; a cypress bough
+was stuck over the door of the house of a noble family
+to give warning to any passing pontifex that he was not
+to enter it;<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> and those who followed the funeral cort&egrave;ge
+were purified by being sprinkled with water and by stepping
+over fire.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> <i>Society had effectually protected itself against
+the miasma in all these cases by the discovery of the means
+of disinfection.</i></p>
+
+<p>One of the commonest forms of taboo is that on women,
+who, especially at certain periods, were apparently believed
+to be "infectious."<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> Of this belief we have very distinct
+survivals in Roman ritual, which I must here be content to
+mention only, leaving details to trained anthropologists to
+explain. We find them both in <i>sacra privata</i> and <i>sacra
+publica</i>. Cato has preserved the formula for the propitiation
+of Mars Silvanus in the private rites of the farm; it
+is to take place <i>in silva</i>, and its object is the protection of
+the cattle, doubtless those which have been turned out to
+pasture in the forest, and are therefore in danger from
+evil beasts and evil spirits. Now this <i>res divina</i> may be
+performed either by a free man or a slave, <i>but no woman
+may be present</i>, nor see what is going on.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> In <i>sacra
+publica</i> women were excluded from the cult of Hercules
+at the Ara Maxima, and were not allowed to swear by the
+name of that god; facts which are usually connected with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>
+the doubtful identification of Hercules with Genius, or the
+male principle of life.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> More conclusive evidence of taboo
+in the case of women is the fact that at certain sacrifices
+they were ordered to withdraw, both <i>mulieres</i> and <i>virgines</i>,
+together with other persons to be mentioned directly.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">39</a>
+Unfortunately we are not told what those sacrifices were;
+but it seems clear enough that there had been at one time
+a scruple (<i>religio</i>) about admitting women of any age to
+certain sacred rites. If so, it is remarkable how the good
+sense of the Roman people overcame any serious disabilities
+which might have been produced by such ideas;
+the Roman woman gained for herself a position of dignity,
+and even of authority, in her household, which had very
+important results on the formation of the character of the
+people.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Traces of the old superstition doubtless continued
+to survive in folklore; an example, interesting
+because it seems to illustrate the positive aspect of taboo
+(<i>mana</i>), may be found by the curious in Pliny's <i>Natural
+History</i>, xxviii. 78.</p>
+
+<p>Another widely-spread example of the class of ideas
+we are discussing is the belief that <i>strangers</i> are dangerous.
+Dr. Frazer tells us that "to guard against the baneful
+influence exerted voluntarily or involuntarily by strangers
+is an elementary dictate of savage prudence." You have
+to disarm them of their magical powers, to counteract "the
+baneful influence which is believed to emanate from them."<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">41</a>
+Of this feeling he has collected a great number of convincing
+illustrations. We find it also surviving in Roman
+ritual. A note, referred to above, which has come down
+to us from the learned Verrius Flaccus, informs us that at
+certain sacrifices the lictor proclaimed "<i>hostis vinctus
+mulier virgo exesto</i>," where <i>hostis</i> has its old meaning of
+stranger.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> This is, of course, merely the old feeling of
+taboo surviving in the religious ritual of the City-state, and
+is also no doubt connected with the belief that the recognised
+deities of a community could not be approached by any
+but the members of that community; but its taproot is
+probably to be found in the ideas described by Dr. Frazer.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span>
+We can illustrate it well from the ritual of another Italian
+city, Iguvium in Umbria, which, as I mentioned in a note
+to my last lecture, has come down to us in a very elaborate
+form. In the ordinance for the <i>lustratio populi</i> of that city
+the magistrate is directed to expel all members of certain
+neighbouring communities by a thrice-repeated proclamation.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">43</a>
+Such fear of strangers is not even yet extinct in
+Italy. Professor von Duhn told me that once when
+approaching an Italian village in search of inscriptions he
+was taken for the devil, being unluckily mounted on a black
+horse and dressed in black, and was met by a priest with
+a crucifix, who was at last persuaded to "disinfect" him
+with holy water as a condition of his being admitted to the
+village. But the Romans of historical times, in this as in
+so many other ways, discovered easy methods of overcoming
+these fears and scruples: we find a good example of
+this in the organised college of Fetiales, who, on entering
+as envoys a foreign territory, were fully protected by their
+sacred herbs, carried by a <i>verbenarius</i>, against all hostile
+contamination.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></p>
+
+<p>A remark seems here necessary about the apparent
+inconsistency between this feeling of anxiety about
+strangers and the well-known ancient Italian practice of
+<i>hospitium</i>, by which two communities, or two individuals,
+or an individual and a community, entered into relations
+which bound them to mutual hospitality and kindness
+in case of need:<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> a practice so widely spread and so
+highly developed that it may be considered one of the
+most valuable civilising agents in the early history of
+Italy. There is, however, no real inconsistency here. In
+the first place, the stranger who was removed on the
+occasion of solemn public religious rites may be assumed
+not to have been in possession of the <i>ius hospitii</i> with the
+Roman state, and in any case it must be doubtful whether
+that <i>ius</i> would give him the right of being present at all
+sacrificial rites. Secondly, the researches of Dr. Westermarck
+have recently, for the first time, made it clear that
+both the taboo on strangers and the very widely-spread<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>
+practice of hospitality can ultimately be traced down to
+the same root. The stranger is dangerous; but for that
+very reason it is desirable to secure his good-will at once.
+He may have the evil eye; but if so, it is as well to disarm
+him by offering him food and drink, and, when he has
+partaken of these, by entering into communion with him
+in the act of partaking also yourself. Expediency would
+obviously suggest some such remedy for the danger of his
+presence, and this would in course of time, in accordance
+with the instinct of Romans and Italians, grow into a set
+of rules sanctioned by law as well as custom&mdash;the <i>ius
+hospitii</i>.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p>
+
+<p><i>Hostis vinctus mulier virgo exesto.</i> We have noticed
+traces of taboo on women and strangers: what of the <i>vinctus</i>?
+This is, so far as I know, the only proof we have that a
+man in chains was thought to be religiously dangerous.
+I am not sure how his expulsion from religious rites is to
+be explained. It is, however, as well to note that criminals
+were in primitive societies thought to be uncanny, probably
+because the commonest of all crimes, if not the only
+one affecting society as a whole, was the breaking of taboo,
+which made the individual an outcast.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> And we may put
+this together with the fact that in the early City-state such
+outcasts were probably not kept shut up in a prison, but
+allowed to wander about secured with chains; this seems a
+fair inference from the power which the priest of Jupiter
+(<i>Flamen Dialis</i>) possessed of releasing from his chains any
+prisoner who entered his house, <i>i.e.</i> who had taken refuge
+there as in an asylum.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> Thus the fettered criminal, who
+was certainly not a citizen, might find his way to the place
+where a sacrifice was going on, and have to submit to
+expulsion together with the strangers. It is, however, also
+possible that the iron of the chains, if they were of iron,
+made him doubly dangerous; for, as we shall see directly,
+iron was taboo, and the chains of the prisoner who took
+refuge with the Flamen had to be thrown out of the house,
+no doubt for this reason, by the <i>impluvium</i>.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">49</a></p>
+
+<p>Turning to inanimate objects, which are supposed by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span>
+primitive man to be dangerous or taboo, we are met by a
+fact which will astonish anthropologists, and which I cannot
+satisfactorily explain. Blood is everywhere in the savage
+world regarded with suspicion and anxiety; there is something
+mysterious about it as containing (so they thought)
+the life, and its colour and smell are also uncanny; horses
+cannot endure it, and there are still strong men who faint
+at the sight of it. Yet at Rome, so far as I can discover,
+there was in historical times hardly a trace left of this
+anxiety in its original form of taboo; the religious law had
+effectually eliminated the various chances that might arouse
+it. No student of Roman religious antiquities seems to have
+noticed this singular fact. No anthropologist, as far as I
+know, has observed that among the many taboos to which
+the Flamen Dialis was subject, blood does not appear.
+The reason no doubt is that anthropologists are not as a
+rule Roman historians; their curiosity is not excited by a
+fact which must have some explanation in Roman religious
+history. From a single passage of Festus (p. 117) we
+learn that soldiers following the triumphal car carried
+laurel "ut quasi purgati a caede humana intrarent urbem";
+and this is the only distinct relic of the idea that I can
+find. Pliny's <i>Natural History</i>, that wonderful thesaurus
+of odds and ends, affords no help; the mystic qualities of
+blood are hardly alluded to there, and the same can be said
+of Servius' commentary on the <i>Aeneid</i>. The word blood
+is not to be found in the index to Wissowa's great work,
+of which the supreme value is its accurate record of the
+religious law and all the ceremonies of the State. I am
+constrained to believe that the priests or priest-kings who
+developed the <i>ius divinum</i> of the Roman City-state deliberately
+suppressed the superstition, for reasons which it is
+impossible to conjecture with certainty. And this guess,
+which I put forward with hesitation, is indeed in keeping
+with certain other facts of Roman life. It is doubtful
+whether human sacrifice ever existed among this people;<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">50</a>
+it is certain that the execution of citizens in civil life by
+beheading was abandoned at a very early period.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
+shedding of blood, except when a victim was sacrificed
+under the rules of sacred law, was carefully avoided; thus
+the horror of blood had a social and ethical result of value,
+instead of remaining a mere <i>religio</i> (taboo). It is true
+that in one or two rites, such as that of the October horse,
+the blood of a sacrifice seems to have been thought to
+possess peculiar powers;<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> but it is at the same time noticeable
+that this rite is not included in the old calendar, a
+fact of which a wholly satisfactory explanation has not yet
+been offered. In the Lupercalia there is a trace of the
+mystic use of blood in sacrifice, but a very faint one: to this
+we shall return later on. The two Luperci had their foreheads
+smeared with the knife bloody from the slaughter of
+the victims, but the blood was at once wiped off with wool
+dipped in milk.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> This rite is of course in the old calendar;
+it stands almost alone in its mystical character, and may
+have been taken over by the Romans from previous inhabitants
+of the site of Rome. Lastly, in the Terminalia,
+or boundary-festival of arable land in country districts, the
+boundary-stone was sprinkled with the blood of the victims,
+showing that a spirit, or <i>numen</i>, was believed to reside in
+it;<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> but I cannot find that this practice survived in the
+public sacrifices of the city. It is found only in the sacrifices
+(<i>Graeco ritu</i>) supervised by the <i>XV viri sacris faciundis</i>
+in that part of the Ludi Saeculares of Augustus which was
+concerned with Greek chthonic deities in the Campus
+Martius.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">55</a></p>
+
+<p>Yet unquestionably there had been a time when many
+inanimate objects were supposed to have a mystic or
+dangerous influence; this is sufficiently proved by the long
+list of taboos to which the unfortunate Flamen Dialis was
+even in historical times subject. He was forbidden to
+touch a goat, a dog, raw meat, beans, ivy, wheat, leavened
+bread; he might not walk under a vine, and his hair and
+nails might not be cut with an iron knife; and he might
+not have any knot or unbroken ring about his person.
+Dr. Frazer has the merit of being the first to point out the
+real meaning of this strange list of disabilities, and to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>
+explain the mystic or miasmatic origin of some of them.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">56</a>
+They need not detain us now, as they are survivals only,
+and survivals of ideas which must have been long extinct
+before Roman history can be said to begin. Almost the
+only one among them of which we have other traces is the
+taboo on iron, which must have been of comparatively late
+date, as the use of iron in Italy seems only to have begun
+about the eighth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span><a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> This is found also in the
+ritual of the Arval Brotherhood, the ancient agricultural
+priesthood revived by Augustus, and better known to us
+than any other owing to the discovery of its <i>Acta</i> in the
+site of the sacred grove between Rome and Ostia. These
+Brethren had originally suffered from the taboo on iron;
+but in characteristic fashion they had discovered that
+a piacular or disinfecting sacrifice would sufficiently atone
+for its use whenever it was necessary to take a pruning-hook
+within the limits of the grove.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> We may here also
+recall the fact that no iron might be used in the building or
+repairing of the ancient <i>pons sublicius</i>, the oldest of all the
+bridges of the Tiber.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">59</a></p>
+
+<p>Every one who wishes to get an idea of the nature of
+taboo in primitive Rome, and of the way in which it was
+got rid of, should study the disabilities of the Flamen
+Dialis, and satisfy himself of their absence, with the
+exception just mentioned, and possibly one or two more, in
+the ritual of historical Rome. Nothing is more likely
+to convince him of the way in which Roman civilisation
+contrived to leave these superstitions as mere fossils, incapable
+any longer of doing mischief by cramping the
+conscience and inducing constant anxiety. If he is disposed
+to ask why such a large number of these fossils
+should be found attached to the priesthood of Jupiter, I
+must ask him to let me postpone that question, which
+would at this moment lead us too far afield.</p>
+
+<p>I may, however, mention here that the Flaminica
+Dialis, who was not priestess of Juno as is commonly
+supposed, but assisted her husband in the cult of Jupiter,
+was also subject to certain taboos. On three occasions in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>
+the religious year she might not appear in public with her
+hair "done up," viz. the moving of the <i>ancilia</i> in March,
+the festival of the Argei in March and May, and during
+the cleansing of the <i>penus Vestae</i> in June. Also she might
+not wear shoes made from the skin of a beast that had died
+a natural death, but only from that of a sacrificial victim.
+There are traces of a <i>religio</i> about shoe-leather, I may
+remark, both in the Roman and in other religious systems.
+Varro tells us that "in aliquot sacris et sacellis scriptum
+habemus, Ne quid scorteum adhibeatur: ideo <i>ne morticinum</i>
+quid adsit." Leather was taboo in the worship
+of the almost unknown deity Carmenta. Petronius
+describes women in the cult of Jupiter Elicius walking
+barefoot; and we are reminded of the well-known rule
+which still survives in Mahommedan mosques.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> The
+original idea may have been that the skin of an animal
+not made sacred by sacrifice might destroy the efficacy of
+the worship contemplated. On the other hand, the skin
+of a duly sacrificed animal had potency of a useful kind&mdash;a
+fact or belief so widespread as to need no illustration
+here; but we shall come upon an example of it in my
+next lecture.</p>
+
+<p>Certain <i>places</i> were also affected by the idea of taboo.
+In the later religious law of the City-state the sites of
+all temples, <i>i.e.</i> all places in which deities had consented
+to take up their abode, were of course holy; but this is a
+much more mature development, though it unquestionably
+had its root in the same idea that we are now discussing.
+Such sites, as we shall see in a later lecture, were <i>loca
+sacra</i>, and <i>sacer</i> is a word of legal ritual, meaning that
+the place has been made over to the deity by certain
+formulae, accompanied with favourable auspices, under
+the authority of the State.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> But there were other
+holy places which were not <i>sacra</i> but <i>religiosa</i>; and
+the word <i>religiosum</i> here might almost be translated
+"affected by taboo." Wissowa provides us with a list of
+these places, and this and the quotations he supplies with
+it are of the utmost value for my present subject.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">62</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>
+They comprised, of course, all holy places which the
+State had not duly consecrated, and therefore some which
+hardly concern us here, such as shrines belonging to
+families and gentes, and temple-sites in the provinces of
+a later age. More to our purpose at this moment are
+the spots where thunderbolts were supposed to have fallen.
+Such spots were encircled with a low wall and called
+<i>puteal</i> from their resemblance to a well, or <i>bidental</i> from the
+sacrifice there of a lamb as a <i>piaculum</i>; the bolt was supposed
+to be thus buried, and the place became <i>religiosum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">63</a>
+So, too, all burial-grounds were not <i>loca sacra</i> but <i>loca
+religiosa</i>, technically because they were not the property
+of the state or consecrated by it; in reality, I venture to
+say, because the place where a corpse was deposited was
+of necessity taboo. Such places were <i>extra commercium</i>,
+and their sanctity might not be violated: "religiosum
+est," wrote the learned Roman Masurius Sabinus, "quod
+propter sanctitatem aliquam <i>remotum et sepositum est</i> a
+nobis."<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> So, too, the great lawyer of Cicero's time,
+Servius Sulpicius, defines <i>religio</i> as "quae propter sanctitatem
+aliquam remota ac seposita a nobis sit," where he
+is using <i>religio</i> in the sense of a thing or place to which
+a taboo attaches.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> And again, another authority, Aelius
+Gallus, said that <i>religiosum</i> was properly applied to an
+object in regard to which there were things which a man
+might not do: "quod si faciat," he goes on, "adversus
+deorum voluntatem videatur facere."<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> These last words
+are in the language of the City-state; if we would go
+behind it to that of an earlier age, we should substitute
+words which would express the feeling or scruple, the
+<i>religio</i>, without reference to any special deity. Virgil
+has pictured admirably this feeling as applied to places,
+in describing the visit of Aeneas to the site of the future
+Rome under the guidance of his host Evander (<i>Aen.</i>
+viii. 347):&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia ducit,</span>
+<span class="i0">aurea nunc, olim silvestribus horrida dumis.</span>
+<span class="i0"><i>iam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestis</i></span>
+<span class="i0"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span><i>dira loci</i>: iam tum silvam saxumque tremebant.</span>
+<span class="i0">"hoc nemus, hunc," inquit, "frondoso vertice collem,</span>
+<span class="i0">(quis deus, incertum est) habitat deus."</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>This is a passage on which I shall have to comment
+again: at present I will content myself with noting how
+accurately the poet, who of all others best understood
+the instincts of the less civilised Italians of his own day,
+has used his knowledge to express the antique feeling
+that there were places which man must shrink from
+entering&mdash;a feeling far older than the invention of legal
+<i>consecratio</i> by the authorities of a City-state.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, the principle of taboo, or <i>religio</i>, if we use
+the Latin word, affected certain times as well as places.
+Just as under the <i>ius divinum</i> of the fully-developed State
+certain spots were made over to the deities for their
+habitation and rendered inviolable by <i>consecratio</i>, so
+certain days were also appointed as theirs which the
+human inhabitants might not violate by the transaction
+of profane business. But I have just pointed out that
+the consecration of holy places in this legal fashion was
+a late development of a primitive feeling or <i>religio</i>;
+exactly the same, if I am not mistaken, was the case
+with regard to the holy days. These were called <i>nefasti</i>,
+and belong to the life of the State; but there were others,
+called <i>religiosi</i>, which I believe to have been tabooed days
+long before the State arose.</p>
+
+<p>When we come to examine the ancient religious
+calendar, it will be found that I shall not then be called
+upon to deal with <i>dies religiosi</i>, for the very good
+reason that they are not indicated in that calendar&mdash;there
+is no mark for them as <i>religiosi</i>, and some of them
+are not even <i>dies nefasti</i>, as we might naturally have
+expected.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> What, then, is the history of them? We
+may be able to make a fair guess at this by noting
+exactly what these days were; Dr. Wissowa has put
+them together for us in a very succinct passage.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> He
+begins the list with the 18th of Quinctilis (July), on
+which two great disasters had happened to Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>
+armies, the defeats on the Cremera and the Allia; and
+also the 16th, the day after the Ides, because, according
+to the legend, the Roman commander had sacrificed on
+that day with a view to gaining the favour of the gods
+in the battle. We may regard the story about the 18th
+as historical; but then we are told that <i>all</i> days following
+on Kalends, Nones, and Ides were likewise made <i>religiosi</i>
+(or <i>atri</i>, <i>vitiosi</i>, which have the same meaning) as being
+henceforward deemed unlucky by pronouncement of senate
+and pontifices;<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> thus all <i>dies postriduani</i>, as they were
+called, were put out of use, or at any rate declared
+unlucky, for many purposes, both public and private, <i>e.g.</i>
+marriages, levies, battles, and sacred rites,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> simply because
+on one occasion disaster had followed the offering of a
+sacrifice on the 16th of Quinctilis. It is difficult to
+believe that thirty-six days in the year were thus tabooed,
+by a Roman senate and Roman magistrates, in a period
+when the practical wisdom of the government was beginning
+to be a marked characteristic of the State. Some
+people, we are told, went so far as to treat the <i>fourth
+day before</i> Kalends, Nones, and Ides in the same way;
+but Gellius declares that he could find no tradition about
+this except a single passage of Claudius Quadrigarius,
+in which he said that the fourth day before the Nones of
+Sextilis was that on which the battle of Cannae was
+fought.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p>
+
+<p>I am strongly inclined to suggest that the traditional
+explanation of the tabooing of these thirty-six, or possibly
+seventy-two days was neither more nor less than an
+aetiological myth, like hundreds of others which were
+invented to account for Roman practices, religious and
+other; and this supposition seems to be confirmed as
+we go on with the list of <i>dies religiosi</i> as given by
+Wissowa. The three days&mdash;Sextilis 24, October 5,
+November 8&mdash;on which the Manes were believed to
+come up from the underworld through the <i>mundus</i> (to
+which I shall return later on) were <i>religiosi</i>;<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> so were
+those when the temple of Vesta remained open (June 7<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>
+to 15),<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> those on which the Salii performed their dances
+in March and October,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> two days following the <i>feriae
+Latinae</i> (a movable festival),<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> and the days of the
+Parentalia in February and the Lemuria in May, which
+were concerned with the cult and the memory of the
+dead.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> Now the <i>religio</i> or taboo on these days obviously
+springs either from a feeling of anxiety suggested by
+very primitive notions of the dead and of departed
+spirits; or in the case of the temple of Vesta, by some
+mystical purification or disinfection preparatory to the
+ingathering of the crops, which I noticed in my <i>Roman
+Festivals</i> (p. 152 foll.); or again in the case of the
+Salii, by some danger to the crops from evil spirits, etc.,
+which might be averted by their peculiar performances.
+In fact, all these <i>dies religiosi</i> date as such, we may be
+pretty sure, from a very primitive period before the
+genesis of the City-state, and were not recognised&mdash;for
+what reason we will not at present attempt to guess&mdash;as
+<i>religiosi</i> by the authorities who drew up the Calendar.
+Some of them appear in that calendar as <i>dies nefasti</i>,
+but not all; and I am entirely at one with Wissowa,
+whose knowledge of the Roman religious law is unparalleled
+for exactness, in believing that a <i>religio</i>
+affecting a day had nothing whatever to do with its
+character as <i>fastus</i> or <i>nefastus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">77</a></p>
+
+<p>If all these last-mentioned <i>dies religiosi</i> are such
+because ancient popular feeling attached the <i>religio</i> to
+them, we may infer, I think, that the same was really
+the case also with the <i>dies postriduani</i>. The fact that
+the authorities of the State had made one or two
+days <i>religiosi</i> as anniversaries of disasters, supplied a
+handy explanation for a number of other <i>dies religiosi</i>
+of which the true explanation had been entirely lost;
+but that there was such a true explanation, resting
+on very primitive beliefs, I have very little doubt.
+Lucky and unlucky days are found in the unwritten
+calendars of primitive peoples in many parts of the
+world. An old pupil, now a civil servant in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>
+province of Madras, has sent me an elaborate account
+of the notions of this kind existing in the minds of the
+Tamil-speaking people of his district of southern India.
+The Celtic calendar recently discovered at Coligny in
+France contains a number of mysterious marks, some of
+which may have had a meaning of this kind.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Dr.
+Jevons has collected some other examples from various
+parts of the world, <i>e.g.</i> Mexico.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> The old Roman
+superstition about the luckiness of odd days and the
+unluckiness of even ones, which appears, as we shall see,
+in the arrangement of the calendar, was probably at one
+time a popular Italian notion, not derived, as used to be
+thought, from Pythagoras and his school.</p>
+
+<p>I therefore conclude that we may add times and
+seasons to the list of those objects, animate and inanimate,
+which were affected by the practice of taboo in primitive
+Rome; and I hold that the word <i>religiosus</i>, as applied
+both to times and places, exactly expresses the feeling on
+which that practice is based. The word <i>religiosus</i> came to
+have another meaning (though it retained the old one
+as well) in historical times, and the Romans could be
+called <i>religiosissimi mortalium</i> in the sense of paying
+close attention to worship and all its details. But the
+original meaning of <i>religio</i> and <i>religiosus</i> may after all
+have been that nervous anxiety which is a special
+characteristic of an age of taboo.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> To discover the
+best methods of soothing that anxiety, or, in other words,
+the methods of disinfection, was the work of the organised
+religious life of family and State which we are going to
+study. But I must first devote a lecture to another class
+of primitive survivals.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE II</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Renel, <i>Les Enseignes</i>, p. 43 foll. For the contrary view,
+Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 490.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> On taboo in general, Jevons, <i>Introduction to the History of
+Religion</i>, ch. vi.; Robertson Smith, <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, p. 142
+foll.; Frazer, <i>Golden Bough</i> (ed. 2), i. 343; Crawley, <i>The Mystic Rose</i>,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>
+<i>passim</i>. On the relation of taboo to magic, Marett, <i>Threshold of
+Religion</i>, p. 85 foll. Lately M. van Gennep in his <i>Rites de passage</i>
+has attempted to classify and explain the various rites resulting from
+taboo.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> See the <i>Transactions of the Congress</i> (Oxford University Press),
+vol. i. p. 121 foll. M. Reinach had alleged that the gens Fabia was
+originally a totem clan, <i>Mythes et cultes</i>, i. p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Marett, <i>On the Threshold of Religion</i>, p. 137 foll. "In <i>taboo</i>
+the mystic thing is not to be lightly approached (negative aspect);
+<i>qua mana</i>, it is instinct with mystic power (positive aspect)": so Mr.
+Marett states the distinction in a private letter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> <i>Introduction</i>, ch. viii.; Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development
+of Ethical Ideas</i>, i. 233 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> See a paper by the author in the <i>Transactions of the Congress
+of the History of Religions</i>, 1908, ii. 169 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> Macrobius, <i>Sat.</i> i. 16. 36; De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella
+vita domestica</i>, i. p. 169 foll.; Samter, <i>Familienfeste der Griechen und
+R&ouml;mer,</i> p. 62 foll., where the <i>dies lustricus</i> is compared with the Greek
+&#7936;&#956;&#966;&#953;&#948;&#961;&#8001;&#956;&#953;&#945;. Unfortunately the details of the Roman rite are unknown
+to us, which seems to indicate that the primitive or magical
+character of it had disappeared. Van Gennep, <i>op. cit.</i> ch. v., reviews
+and classifies our present knowledge of this kind of rite. See also
+Crawley, <i>Mystic Rose</i>, p. 435 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Crawley, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 436; Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 403 foll. From
+this point of view Roman names need a closer examination than they
+have yet received. See, however, Marquardt, <i>Privatleben der R&ouml;mer</i>,
+pp. 10 and 81, and Mommsen, <i>R&ouml;m. Forschungen</i>, i. 1 foll. Marquardt
+must be wrong in stating (p. 10) that only the <i>praenomen</i> was
+given on the <i>dies lustricus</i>; children dying before that day usually,
+as he says on p. 82 note, have no name in inscriptions, and that
+ceremony must surely have introduced the child to the gens of its
+parents. Certainly that introduction had not to wait till the <i>toga
+virilis</i> was taken; though Tertull. <i>de Idol.</i> 16 looks at first a little
+like it. The same statement is made in the <i>Dict. of Antiq., s.v.</i>
+"nomen." Macr. <i>Sat.</i> i. 16. 36, and Fest. 120, simply speak of
+<i>nomen</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 56; De Marchi, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 176. For the
+primitive ideas about puberty, Crawley, <i>Mystic Rose</i>, ch. xiii. The
+idea of the Romans seems to have been simply that the child, who
+had so far needed special protection from evil influences (of what
+kind in particular it is impossible to say) by purple-striped toga and
+amulet (see below, p. 60), was now entering a stage when these
+were no longer needed. All notions of taboo seem to have vanished.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> Marquardt, <i>Privataltert&uuml;mer</i>, p. 337 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 714, and especially iii. 64. Other references in
+Marq. <i>op. cit.</i> p. 338, note 5, and De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>
+<i>vita domestica</i>, p. 190. For similar usages of prohibition see van
+Gennep, <i>op. cit.</i> ch. ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> Festus, p. 3, "itaque funus prosecuti redeuntes ignem supragradiebantur
+aqua aspersi, quod purgationis genus vocabant suffitionem."
+For the possibly magic influence of these elements, see
+Jevons, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 325, iii. 222 foll.; Jevons, p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 83, "mulier ad eam rem divinam ne adsit neve
+videat quomodo fiat."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 60. Dogs were also excluded (<i>ib.</i> 90);
+Gellius xi. 6. 2; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 227; Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 194, where
+the private and public taboos are compared.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "exesto." For similar taboos in Greece, Farnell in
+<i>Archiv</i> for 1904, p. 76.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> Fowler, <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 143 foll.
+Cp. Westermarck, <i>Origin, etc.</i>, vol. i. ch. xxvi., especially p. 652 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> <i>G.B.</i> i. 298 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "exesto."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> B&uuml;cheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, p. 94 foll. Cp. Livy v. 50, where it is
+said that, after the Gauls had left Rome, all the temples, <i>quod ea
+hostis possedisset</i>, were to be restored, to have their bounds laid
+down afresh (<i>terminarentur</i>) and to be disinfected (<i>expiarentur</i>).
+<i>Digest</i>, xi. 7. 36, "cum loca capta sunt ab hostibus, omnia desinunt
+religiosa vel sacra esse, sicut homines liberi in servitutem perveniunt;
+quod si ab hac calamitate fuerint liberata, quasi quodam postliminio
+reversa pristino statui restituerentur." Cp. Plutarch, <i>Aristides</i>, 20.
+A friend reminds me that Bishop Berkeley, when in Italy, had his
+bedroom sprinkled with holy water by his landlady.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> See Marquardt, p. 420, notes 5 and 6. The <i>verbenarius</i> is
+mentioned in Serv. <i>Aen.</i> xii. 120, and Pliny <i>N.H.</i> xxii. 5. For the
+disinfecting power of verbena (<i>myrtea verbena</i>) see Pliny xv. 119,
+where it is said to have been used by Romans and Sabines after the
+rape of the Sabine virgins.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> See Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 192 foll., based on the famous
+essay of Mommsen in his <i>R&ouml;mische Forschungen</i>, i. 319 foll. The
+passages quoted from Livy for the practice in early times (i. 45,
+v. 50) are not, of course, historical evidence; but we may fairly argue
+back from the more explicit evidence of later times, <i>e.g.</i> the Senatus-consultum
+de Asclepiade of 78 B.C. (<i>C.I. Graec.</i> 5879).
+</p><p>
+There is a good example of the feeling in modern Italy in a book
+called <i>In the Abruzzi</i>, by Anne Macdonell, p. 275. I have experienced
+it in remote parts of South Wales long ago. Moritz, the
+German pastor who travelled on foot in England towards the end of
+the eighteenth century, noted that even the innkeepers were constantly
+unwilling to take him in. His book was reprinted in Cassell's
+National Library some years ago.</p></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span></p><div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> See the very interesting chapter in <i>The Origin and Development
+of Moral Ideas</i>, vol. i. p. 570 foll., especially p. 590 foll. Dr.
+Westermarck aptly points out that hospitality is almost universal
+among "rude" peoples, and loses its hold as they become more
+civilised. M. van Gennep in his recently published work, <i>Les Rites
+de Passage</i>, has attempted to classify the various rites relating to
+taboo of strangers; see ch. iii., especially p. 38 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> Gellius x. 15. 8, "vinctum, si aedes eius introierit, solui
+necessum est." (In hot countries chains still usually, or in some
+degree, take the place of bolts and bars, <i>e.g.</i> in the Soudan, as I am
+told by an old pupil now in the Soudan civil service.) The regular
+Latin phrase for imprisonment is "in vincula conicere": Pauly-Wissowa,
+<i>s.v.</i> "carcer."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> Gellius, <i>l.c.</i>; Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 57, a curious passage, in which
+the release of Sinon from his bonds by King Priam is compared with
+that of the prisoner who enters the flaminia (house of the Flamen
+Dialis). That there was something in the iron which interfered with
+the religious efficacy of the Flamen seems likely; cp. the rule that
+he might wear no ring unless it were broken, and have no knot about
+his dress. But the latter restriction suggests that binding may have
+been originally the object of the taboo (cp. Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, v. 432), and
+that the iron taboo came in with the iron age. Appel, <i>de Romanorum
+precationibus</i>, p. 82, note 2, seems so to understand it. Cp. Eurip.
+<i>Iph. Taur.</i> 468, where Orestes and Pylades are unbound before
+entering the temple.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> There has been much discussion of this question; I entirely
+agree with Wissowa (<i>R.K.</i> p. 354, where references are given for the
+opposite opinion) that there is no evidence for human sacrifice in the
+old Roman religion or law, except in the rule that a condemned
+criminal was made over to a deity (<i>sacer</i>), which may have been a
+legal survival of an original form of actual sacrifice. The alleged
+sacrifice by Julius Caesar of two mutinous soldiers in the Campus
+Martius (Dio Cass. xliii. 24) is of the same nature as the sacrifice of
+captives to Orcus in <i>Aen.</i> xi. 81, <i>i.e.</i> it is outside of the civil life and
+religious law; this is shown in the latter case by the mention of
+blood in the ritual (<i>caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas</i>), and in the
+former by the beheading of the mutineers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, p. 917 foll.; Livy x. 9; Cic. <i>de Rep.</i>
+ii. 31. 65. All other methods of execution were bloodless. <i>Decollatio</i>
+remained in use in the army (as in the case just mentioned),
+but the axe disappeared from the fasces in the city with the abolition
+of kingship. As further illustration of the dislike of all bloodshed,
+cp. the rule of XII. Tables, "mulieres genas ne radunto," <i>i.e.</i> at
+funerals, Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 59, and Serv. <i>Aen.</i> iii. 67 from Varro,
+and v. 78. The gladiatorial <i>ludi</i> may have been a revival of an old
+custom akin to human sacrifice of captives in the field. See <i>Social
+Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 304, note 3.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>
+</p><p>
+We may also note in this connection that there is no distinct
+trace of the blood-feud in old Roman law; see <i>Zum &auml;ltesten Strafrecht
+der Kulturv&ouml;lker</i>, p. 38 (questions of comparative law
+suggested by Mommsen and answered by various specialists).
+Doubtless it once existed, but vanished at an early date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 242. The tail of the sacrificed horse was
+carried to the Regia, where the blood was allowed to drip on the
+sacred hearth (<i>participandae rei divinae gratia</i>), Festus, p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 311 foll., from Plutarch, <i>Rom.</i> 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> For this practice in many ancient religions, and its substitute,
+the smearing of the stone with turmeric or other red stain, see
+Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 139 foll.; Robertson Smith, <i>Semites</i>, p. 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> This is found in Zosimus ii. 1. 5; Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Bl&auml;tter</i>,
+132, and 73 note. Cp. Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 106; also a Greek rite.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> <i>G.B.</i> ed. 2, i. 241 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> The bronze and iron ages, of course, overlap; see Helbig,
+<i>Italiker in der Poebene</i>, p. 78 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> pp. 22 and 128 foll. Other examples
+are collected by Helbig, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> Dion. Hal. iii. 45; Mommsen in <i>C.I.L.</i> i. p. 177. It may
+be as well to point out that iron, like wheat in the taboos of the
+Flamen, was considered dangerous, as being a novelty. The old
+Italian grain was not true wheat but <i>far</i>, which continued to be used
+in religious rites; <i>R.F.</i> p. 304, and Marquardt, <i>Privatleben der R&ouml;mer</i>,
+p. 399 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vii. 84; Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, i. 629; Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 44.
+There are many parallels in Greek ritual.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>. Mr. Marett suggests to me a comparison
+with the <i>rongo</i> (sacred) of the Melanesians, and <i>tapu</i> as used of a
+place by them, <i>i.e.</i> set apart by a human authority; Codrington,
+<i>Melanesians</i>, p. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 408 foll.; cp. 323 and notes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> The fullest account of this will be found in Marquardt, p. 262
+foll. For the case of a man killed by lightning, see note 4 on
+p. 263; the body was not burnt but buried, and the grave became
+a <i>bidental</i>, and <i>religiosum</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> For the intricate pontifical law of burial-places see Wissowa, p.
+409. The quotation from Masurius is in Gellius iv. 9. 8, "M. Sabinus
+in commentariis quos de indigenis composuit." The word <i>sanctitas</i> is
+here used merely by way of explanation and not in a technical sense;
+for which see Marq. p. 145 and references; but it seems to have
+had a special use in the cult of the dead. (See below, p. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> Quoted by Macrobius, <i>Sat.</i> iii. 3. 8. For Sulpicius see <i>Social
+Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 118 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> Festus, p. 278. This Aelius lived at the end of the Republican
+period, and belonged to the school of Sulpicius; Schanz, <i>Gesch. der
+r&ouml;m. Lit.</i> i. pt. 2, p. 486.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> the three days on which the <i>mundus</i> was open were all
+<i>comitiales</i>, though at the same time <i>religiosi</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> pp. 376, 377.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> The authorities for the story are Verrius Flaccus, <i>ap.</i> Gell.
+v. 17, and Macrobius, <i>Sat.</i> i. 16. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> For the extent of the taboo see Gell. iv. 9. 5; Macr. i.
+16. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> Gell. v. 17. 3 foll. (<i>annalium quinto</i>).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> Festus, p. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 151.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 377, note 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> Cic. <i>ad Qu. Fratr.</i> ii. 4. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 187, 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> p. 377. Gell. iv. 9. 5 says that the <i>multitudo imperitorum</i>
+confused the <i>dies religiosi</i> and <i>dies nefasti</i>. The distinction is most
+clearly seen in the fact that on <i>dies religiosi</i> the temples were (or
+ought to be) shut, and "res divinas facere" was ill-omened (Gell., <i>ib.</i>),
+while on <i>dies nefasti</i> the latter was regular, such days being made
+over to the gods. No wonder that Gellius brands the popular
+ignorance with such words as <i>prave</i> and <i>perperam</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> See Prof. Rhys's paper read before the British Academy,
+"Notes on the Coligny Calendar," p. 33 and elsewhere.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> <i>Introduction</i>, p. 65 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> Since writing this sentence I have read the paper by W.
+Otto on "Religio and Superstitio" in <i>Archiv f&uuml;r Religionswissenschaft</i>,
+1909, p. 533 foll.; in which at p. 544 he hints at a connection
+of <i>religio</i> with the practice of taboo. With some of his conclusions,
+however, I cannot agree. The same explanation of the origin of
+<i>religio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> in an age of taboo, has also been suggested since my
+lecture was written by Maximilianus Kobbert, <i>De verborum "religio
+atque religiosus" usu apud Romanos</i>, p. 31 (K&ouml;nigsberg, 1910).</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span></p>
+
+<h4>LECTURE III</h4>
+
+<h5>ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC</h5>
+
+
+<p>Taboo, the traces of which at Rome we examined in the
+last lecture, is, as we saw, closely allied to magic, even if
+it be not, as Dr. Frazer thinks, magic in a negative form.
+We have now to see what traces are to be found of magic
+in the proper or usual sense of the word&mdash;active or positive
+magic, as we may call it. By this we are to understand
+the exercise of a mysterious mechanical power by an
+individual on man, spirit, or deity, to enforce a certain
+result. In magic there is no propitiation, no prayer.
+"He who performs a purely magical act," says Dr.
+Westermarck,<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> "utilises such mechanical power without
+making any appeal at all to the will of a supernatural
+being." Religion, on the other hand, is an attitude of
+regard and dependence; in a religious stage man feels
+himself in the hands of a supernatural power with whom
+he desires to be in right relation.</p>
+
+<p>If we accept this distinction, as I think we may
+(though one school of anthropologists is hardly disposed
+to do so), it is plain that magical practices are of a
+totally different kind from religious practices, as being
+the result of a different mental attitude towards the
+supernatural; they belong to a ruder and more rudimentary
+idea of the relation of Man to the Power
+manifesting itself in the universe. True, they have
+their origin in the same kind of human experience, in
+the difficulties man meets with in his struggle for
+existence, and his desire to overcome these; but unlike<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span>
+religion, magic is a wholly inadequate attempt to
+overcome them. This inadequacy was long ago well
+explained by Dr. Jevons.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> He showed that man in
+that early stage of his experience did not understand
+the true relation of cause and effect; that, "turned loose
+as it were among innumerable possible causes (of a given
+effect), with nothing to guide his choice, the chances
+against his making the right choice were considerable."
+As a matter of fact he usually made the wrong one, and
+is still apt to do so. There is probably more magic
+going on behind the scenes even in civilised countries,
+and more especially both in Greece and Italy, than either
+men of science or men of religion have any idea of. In
+its various forms as they are now classified,<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> <i>e.g.</i> contagious
+magic, and homoeopathic magic, the exercise of the
+mysterious will-power, real or imaginary, is to be found
+all the world over, accompanied usually with a spell or
+incantation which is believed to enforce and increase that
+power&mdash;a kind of telepathy, which seems to be the psychological
+basis, so far as there is one, of the whole system.
+In these rites the virtue resides in some action, which,
+together with the spell or incantation, enforces the desired
+result by calling out the will-power, or <i>mana</i>, if we adopt
+the convenient Melanesian word lately brought into
+use. Whatever percentage of psychological truth may
+lie at the root of such performances, it is obvious that
+they must in the main be wholly inadequate, and must
+constantly tend to pass into mere quackery and become
+discredited; and it was the special function of the religious
+organisation of early society to eliminate and discredit
+them.</p>
+
+<p>But it was a long stage in the evolution of society
+before man arrived at a better knowledge of his relation
+to the Power manifesting itself in the universe; before he
+reached the idea of a god or spirit realisable and nameable,
+and thus capable of being addressed, placated,
+worshipped. When this stage is reached, there supervenes
+almost always a strong tendency to regulate and systematise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>
+the methods of address, placation, and worship; and
+among some peoples, <i>e.g.</i> the Romans, for reasons which
+it is by no means easy to explain, this tendency is much
+stronger than among others. Wherever it has been strong,
+wherever these methods of putting oneself in right relation
+with the Power have been systematised by a central
+authority or priesthood, and thus made into religious law,
+there, as we might naturally expect, the performances and
+performers of magic have been most vigorously discountenanced
+and outlawed. The interests of religion
+and its officials are wholly antagonistic to those of magic
+and magicians. In civilised communities and in historical
+times magic is in the main individualistic, not social;
+magical ceremonies for the good of the community seem
+to be confined to races in a very early stage of development.
+The examples on which Dr. Frazer relies
+for his theory of the development of the public magician
+into a king<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> are of this primitive kind, or are mere survivals
+of magic in a higher stage of civilisation&mdash;such
+survivals as there will always be among forms and
+ceremonies, of which it is man's nature to be tenacious.
+But religion, once firmly established, invariably seeks to
+exclude magic; and the priest does his best to discredit
+the magician, as claiming to exercise mysterious
+powers outside the pale of the legally recognised methods
+of propitiation and worship. As Dr. Tylor observed
+long ago, the more civilised the race, the more apt it is to
+associate magic with men of inferior civilisation.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> In the
+Jewish law, though magic was well known to the Jews
+and privately practised, there is no recognition of it; the
+magical books attributed to Solomon were suppressed,
+according to tradition, by the pious king Hezekiah.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> So
+too at Rome, where the outward forms of religion were
+also very highly systematised, magic, as it seems to me,
+was rigorously excluded from the State ritual, though it
+continued in use in private life under certain precautions
+taken by the State; in the few genuine examples of it in
+the rites belonging to the <i>ius divinum</i> (<i>i.e.</i> those used and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>
+sanctioned for the purposes of the community), it is
+nothing more than a survival of which the magical meaning
+was unknown to the writers from whom we hear of it.</p>
+
+<p>A good example of such survivals is the curious ceremony
+of the <i>aquaelicium</i>, without doubt a genuine case of
+magical "rain-making"&mdash;one of the many inadequate and
+blundering attempts on the part of primitive man to obtain
+what he needs. Probably it may be classed under the
+head of "sympathetic magic," but the evidence as to
+what was done in the ceremony is not quite explicit
+enough to allow us to do this confidently.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> It was, of
+course, not included in the religious calendar, as it would
+be only occasionally called for, and could not be fixed
+to a day; but there is clear evidence that it was
+sanctioned by the State, for the pontifices took part in
+it, and the magistrates without the <i>toga praetexta</i>, and
+the lictors carrying the fasces reversed.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> A stone, which
+lay outside the walls near the Porta Capena, was brought
+into the city by the pontifices, so far as we can make out
+the details, and it has been conjectured that it was taken
+to an altar of Jupiter Elicius on the Aventine hard by,
+this cult-title of the god of the sky having possibly some
+relation to the technical name of the ceremony. What
+was done with the stone we unluckily do not know; but
+it has been reasonably conjectured that it was a hollow
+one, and that it was filled with water which was allowed
+to run over the edge, as a means of inducing the rain-god
+to suffer the heavens to overflow.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> It was called <i>lapis
+manalis</i>; and the epithet here can have nothing to do
+with the Manes, as in the case of another <i>lapis manalis</i>,
+of which I shall have a word to say later on, but must
+mean "pouring" or "overflowing." One or two other
+fragments of evidence point in the same direction, and
+I think we may fairly conclude that the rite was originally
+one of sympathetic magic&mdash;that as the stone overflowed,
+so the sky would pour down rain. In my <i>Roman
+Festivals</i> I have pointed out a remarkable parallel to this
+in the collections of the <i>Golden Bough</i>; in a Samoan village<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span>
+a stone represented the god of rain, and in a drought his
+priests carried it in procession and dipped it in a stream.</p>
+
+<p>This parallel I owe to Dr. Frazer's wide knowledge of
+all such practices among savage peoples. But this ever
+helpful and friendly guide, in treating of the Jupiter
+Elicius concerned in this ceremony, has gone beyond the
+evidence, and attributed to the Romans another kind of
+magic of which I believe they were quite innocent. He
+has been led to this by his theory that kings were
+developed out of successful magicians. In his lectures on
+the early history of the Kingship<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> he maintains that
+the Roman kings practised the magical art of bringing
+down lightning from heaven. "The priestly king Numa
+passed for an adept in the art of drawing down lightning
+from the sky.... Tullus Hostilius is reported to have
+met with the same end (as Salmoneus, king of Elis)
+in an attempt to draw down Jupiter in the form of
+lightning from the clouds." To support these statements
+Dr. Frazer quotes Pliny, Livy, Ovid, Plutarch, Arnobius,
+Aurelius Victor, and Zonaras&mdash;truly a formidable list
+of authorities; but without any attempt to discover where
+any of these late writers found the stories. Yet he had
+but to read Aust's admirable article "Jupiter" in the
+<i>Mythological Lexicon</i><a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> to assure himself that legends
+which cannot be traced farther back than the middle of
+the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> cannot seriously be assumed to
+be genuinely Roman. Pliny happens to mention
+Calpurnius Piso as his authority; this was the man
+who is well known in Roman history as the author of
+the first <i>lex de repetundis</i> of the year 149 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, a good
+statesman, but as an annalist much given to indulging
+a mythological fancy.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> We happen to know that he
+wrote with happy confidence about the life and habits
+of Romulus, and a story about wine-drinking which he
+attributes to that king is obviously transferred to him
+from some more historical personage. Romulus would
+not drink wine one day because he was going to be
+very busy on the next. Then they said to him, "If<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>
+we all did so, Romulus, wine would be cheap." "Nay,
+dear," he replied, "if every one drank as much as he
+wished; and that is exactly what I am doing."<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> I
+quote the story simply as a good example of the way
+in which Roman historians could deal with their kings,
+and of the absolute necessity of acquainting oneself with
+their methods before building hypotheses upon their
+statements. I hardly need to add that another of Dr.
+Frazer's authorities, Arnobius, informs us that he took
+the story from the second book of Valerius Antias, a
+later writer than Piso, whose name is a byword even
+with the uncritical Livy for shameless exaggeration and
+mis-statement.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">94</a></p>
+
+<p>But how did these writers come by such legends,
+which, as Dr. Frazer shows, are to be found also in
+Greece and in other parts of the world? Why should
+they have wished to make Roman kings into magicians?
+Rain-making we can understand at Rome,&mdash;it had a
+practical end in view, the procuring of rain for the crops,&mdash;but
+why lightning and thunder, which were so much
+dreaded that every bit of damage done by a thunderstorm
+had to be carefully expiated by a religious process?
+Rome is not in the tropics, where rain and thunder so
+often come together, and where an attempt to produce
+rain by magic might naturally include thunder, as in
+some of Dr. Frazer's examples from tropical lands. I
+entirely agree with the latest and most sober investigators
+of Roman ritual that this kind of magic is quite foreign
+to Roman ideas and practice;<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> there is no vestige of it
+in the Roman cult; these stories must have come from
+outside. And there is every probability that they came
+from Etruria, where the lore of lightning had become a
+pseudo-science, a waste of human ingenuity, for the origin
+of which we must look, as we are now beginning to
+understand, to Babylonia and the Eastern magic.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> The
+Jupiter Elicius of the Aventine had nothing to do with
+lightning; he took his cult-title from the rite of <i>aquaelicium</i>;
+but as soon as the Romans began to interest themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>
+in the Etruscan lightning-lore, of which this electrical
+magic was only a part,<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> they perverted the meaning
+of the epithet to suit their new studies, and began to
+attribute to their legendary kings powers which properly
+belonged to Etruscan or Oriental magicians. The second
+century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, when Piso wrote his <i>Annals</i>, is exactly the
+period when we should naturally expect such studies
+to come into fashion, and with such perversions of
+"history" as their consequence.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">98</a></p>
+
+<p>I go on to note one or two more examples of real
+magic in the State religion; but they are hard to find.
+Pliny tells that even in his day people believed that a
+runaway slave who had not escaped out of the city might
+be arrested by a spell uttered by the Vestal virgins.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> I
+take this to mean that any one who had lost his slave
+might get the Vestals to use the spell as a means of
+keeping the runaway within the city. The word for spell
+is here <i>precatio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> a prayer, not <i>carmen</i>, which is the
+usual word for a spell; and Pliny evidently thinks of
+it as addressed to some god. But no doubt it was
+originally at least a genuine spell, of the same kind as
+others used in private life, which we shall notice directly;
+and it implies a belief in some magical power inherent
+in the Vestals, of whom we are told that if they accidentally
+met a criminal being led to punishment they might
+secure his release.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> As the spell in this case seems to be
+telepathic, <i>i.e.</i> an exercise of will-power projected from a
+distance, it may perhaps be paralleled with certain mystical
+powers exercised by women, especially when their husbands
+are at war, among some savage peoples;<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> but we have
+no information about it beyond the passage in Pliny, and
+further guessing would be useless.</p>
+
+<p>This last is a case of genuine magic, but it is outside
+the ritual of the State, though exercised by a State
+priesthood. Within that ritual there is one other very
+curious case of what must be classed as a magical process,
+and one that has accidentally become famous. At
+the Lupercalia on February 15, the two young men<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>
+called Luperci, or, more strictly, belonging respectively as
+leaders to the two collegia of Luperci, girt themselves
+with the skins of the slaughtered victims, which were
+goats, and then ran round the base of the Palatine hill,
+striking at all the women who came near them or offered
+themselves to their blows, with strips of skin cut from the
+hides of these same victims. The object was to produce
+fertility; on this point our authorities are explicit.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> Thus
+this particular feature of the whole extraordinary ritual
+of the Lupercalia is unmistakably within the region of
+magic rather than of religion. Some potency was
+believed to work in the act of striking, though apparently
+without a spoken spell or <i>carmen</i>, such as usually accompanies
+acts of this kind; and this part of the rite,
+grotesque though it was, was allowed to survive by the
+grave religious authorities who drew up the calendar of
+religious festivals. It was probably a superstition too
+deeply rooted in the minds of the people to admit of
+being excluded; and, strange to say, it survived, in outward
+form at least, until Rome had become cosmopolitan
+and even Christian. The Lupercalia has always been
+a puzzle to students of early religion, and as each new
+theory is advanced, this strange festival is seized on for
+fresh interpretation;<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> but for our present purposes it
+must suffice to point out that we clearly find embedded
+in it a piece of genuine magic, dating beyond doubt from
+a very primitive stage of thought.</p>
+
+<p>There is one other very curious performance, occurring
+each year on the ides of May, which in my view is rather
+magical than religious, though the ancients themselves
+looked upon it as a kind of purification: I mean the
+casting into the Tiber from the <i>pons sublicius</i> of twenty-four
+or twenty-seven straw puppets by the Vestal virgins,
+in the presence of the magistrates and pontifices. Recently
+an attempt has been made by Wissowa to prove that this
+strange ceremony was not primitive, but simply a case of
+the substitution of puppets for real human victims as late
+as the age of the Punic wars.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> These puppets were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>
+called Argei, which word naturally suggests Greeks; and
+Wissowa has contrived to persuade himself not only that
+a number of Greeks were actually put to death by
+drowning in an age when everything Greek was beginning
+to be reverenced at Rome, but (still more extraordinary to
+an anthropologist) that the primitive device of substitution
+was had in requisition at that late date in order to
+carry on the memory of the ghastly deed. And the
+world of German learning has silently followed their
+leader, without taking the trouble to test his conclusions
+by a careful and independent examination of the evidence.
+It happens that this fascinating puzzle of the Argei was
+the first curiosity that enticed me into the study of the
+Roman religion, and for some thirty years I have been
+familiar with every scrap of evidence bearing on it; and
+after going over that evidence once more I can emphatically
+state my conviction that Wissowa's theory will not
+hold water for a moment. I shall return to the subject
+in a later lecture dealing with the religious history of
+the second Punic war; at present I merely express a
+belief that, whatever be the history of the accessories
+of the rite,&mdash;and they are various and puzzling,&mdash;the
+actual immersion of the puppets is the survival of a
+primitive piece of sympathetic magic, the object being
+possibly to procure rain. It is, in my opinion, quite
+impossible to resist the anthropological evidence for this
+conclusion, though we cannot really be certain about the
+object; for this evidence I must refer you to my <i>Roman
+Festivals</i>, and to the references there given.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">105</a></p>
+
+<p>This rite of the Argei, then, was a case of genuine
+magic, and exercised by a State priesthood, virgins to whom
+certain magical powers were supposed to be attached; it
+was, I think, a popular performance, like one or two others
+which are also outside the limit of the Fasti,<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> and was
+embodied in a more complicated ceremonial long after that
+calendar had been drawn up. In the ritual authorised by
+the State, with public objects in view, <i>i.e.</i> for the benefit of
+society as a whole, there is hardly a trace of anything<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>
+that we can call genuine magic apart from the examples I
+have just been explaining. There were, I need not say,
+many survivals of magical processes of which the true
+magical intent had long been lost&mdash;ancient magical deposits
+in a social stratum of religion, which I shall notice in their
+proper place. This is not peculiar to the religion of the
+Romans; it is a phenomenon to be found in all religions, even
+in those of the most highly developed type, and it is one apt
+to cause some confusion as to the true distinction between
+magic and religion.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> It is easy to find magical processes
+even in Christian worship, if we have the will to do so;
+but if we steadily bear in mind that the true test of
+magic is not the nature of an act, but the intent or volition
+which accompanies it, the search will not be an easy
+one.</p>
+
+<p>The modern French school of sociologists, which
+now has to be reckoned with in investigating the early
+history of religion, claims that magic was not originally,
+as we now see it, a matter of individual skill, but a sociological
+fact, <i>i.e.</i> it was used for the benefit of the community,
+as religion came to be in a later age. If this be true, as
+it very possibly is, we see at once how the dead bones of
+magical processes might survive, with their original
+meaning entirely lost, into an age in which higher and
+more reasonable ideas had been developed about the
+relation of Man to the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe. To take a single example from Rome, divination
+by the examination of a victim's entrails was
+originally a magical process, according to the opinion of
+most modern authorities;<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> but it ceases to be magic
+when it is used simply to determine in the State ritual
+whether in a religious process the victim is perfect and
+agreeable to the deity. In fact magical formulae, magical
+instruments, unless they are used in the true spirit of
+magic, to compel, not to propitiate a deity, are no longer
+magic, and may be passed over here. When we come to
+discuss the ritual of sacrifice and prayer, of <i>lustratio</i>, of
+vows, of divination, we may find it necessary to recall<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>
+what has here been said. On the whole, we may conclude
+that organised religious cult, from its very nature and
+object, everywhere excluded magic in the true sense of the
+word; it implies prayer and propitiation, both of which
+are absolutely inconsistent with the object and methods of
+magic. Religion is the product of a higher stage of
+social development; it is the expression of a real advance
+of human thought; and in telling the story of the
+religious experience of the Roman people we are but
+indirectly concerned with those more rude and rudimentary
+ideas which it displaced.</p>
+
+<p>But in private life, outside of the organised cult of the
+State and the family, magic was all through Roman
+history abundant, even over-abundant, and in this form I
+cannot pass it over entirely. Though the State authorities
+seem to have taken pains to exclude it rigidly from
+the public rites, and though there is little trace of it in
+the religious life of family and gens, yet there is evidence
+that it was deeply rooted in the nature of the people,
+and that they must have passed through an age in which
+it was an important factor in their social life. This fact,
+taken together with its almost complete elimination from
+the public religion, throws into relief the persistent efforts
+of the State authorities, from the framing of the old
+religious calendar to the time of the Augustan revival, to
+keep their relations with the Power clear of all that they
+believed to be unworthy or injurious. No better example
+can be found of the inherent antagonism between religion
+and magic.</p>
+
+<p>Private magic may be divided into two kinds, according
+as it was used to damage another, or only to benefit
+oneself. In the former case the State interfered to protect
+the person threatened with damage, and treated this
+kind of magic as a crime. The commonest form of it
+was that of the spell, or <i>carmen</i>, no doubt often sung, and
+accompanied by some action which would bring it under
+the head of sympathetic magic; but the spell alone is
+taken cognisance of by the State. Pliny has preserved<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>
+three words from the XII. Tables which tell their own
+tale: "qui fruges excantassit."<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> Servius, commenting on
+the line of Virgil's 8th <i>Eclogue</i>, "atque satas alio vidi
+traducere messes," writes, "magicis quibusdam artibus hoc
+fiebat, unde est in XII. Tabb. 'Neve alienam segetem
+pellexeris.'" These last words, with the verb in the second
+person, are probably not quoted exactly from the ancient
+text,<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> but they help to show us the nature of this hostile
+spell. There must have been a belief that the spirit, or
+life, or fructifying power of your neighbour's crops could
+be enticed away and transferred to your own. This is
+confirmed by a remark of St. Augustine in the <i>de Civitate
+Dei</i>;<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> after quoting the same line from Virgil, he adds,
+"eo quod hac pestifera scelerataque doctrina fructus alieni
+in alias terras transferri perhibentur, nonne in XII. Tabulis,
+id est Romanorum antiquissimis legibus, Cicero commemorat
+esse conscriptum et ei qui hoc fecerit supplicium
+constitutum?" Given the belief, the temptation can be
+well understood if we reflect that the arable land of the
+old Romans was divided in sections of a square, and that
+each man's allotment would have that of a neighbour on
+two sides at least.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> If one man's corn were found to be
+more flourishing than that of his neighbours, what more
+likely than that he should have enticed away the spirit of
+their crops? The process reminds us, as it reminded
+Pliny, of the <i>evocatio</i> of the gods of foreign communities,
+a rite which belongs to religion and not to magic, though
+it doubtless had its origin in the same class of ideas as
+the <i>excantatio</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In more general terms the old Roman law (<i>i.e.</i> originally
+the <i>ius divinum</i>) forbade the use of evil spells, as we
+see in another fragment of the Tables, "qui malum carmen
+incantassit." In later times this was usually taken as
+referring to libel and slander, but there can be no doubt
+that the carmina here alluded to were originally magical,
+and became <i>carmina famosa</i> in the course of legal interpretation.
+Cicero seems to combine the two meanings in
+the <i>de Rep.</i> (iv. 10. 2) when he says that the Tables made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>
+it a capital offence "si quis occentavisset, sive carmen
+condidisset quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri" (to
+bring shame or criminal reproach on another). In the
+later sense these carmina have a curious history, into
+which I cannot enter now.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> In the earlier sense they
+existed and flourished without doubt, in spite of the law;
+or it may be that, as the words of the Tables were interpreted
+in the new sense, the old form of offence was
+tolerated in private. "We are all afraid," says Pliny, "of
+being 'nailed' (<i>defigi</i>) by spells and curses" (<i>diris precationibus</i>).<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">114</a>
+These <i>dirae</i>, and all the various forms of
+love-charms, <i>defixiones</i>, accompanied by the symbolic
+actions which are found all the world over, lie outside my
+present subject, and are so familiar to us all in Roman
+literature that I do not need to dwell on them.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">115</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor of the common harmless kind of magic need I say
+much now. It survived, of course, alongside of the
+religion of the family and State, from the earliest times to
+the latest, as it survives at the present day in all countries
+civilised and uncivilised; and being harmless the State
+took no heed of it. Some assortment of charms and
+spells for the cure of diseases will be found in Cato's book
+on agriculture, and one or two incidentally occur in that
+of Varro.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> They performed the work of insurance against
+both fire and accident, and even such a man as Julius
+Caesar was not independent of such arts. Pliny tells us
+that after experiencing a carriage accident he used to
+repeat a certain spell three times as soon as he had taken
+his seat in a vehicle, and adds significantly, "id quod
+plerosque nunc facere scimus."<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> Such carmina were
+written on the walls of houses to insure them against
+fire.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> Pliny has a large collection of small magical delusions
+and superstitions, many of which have an interest
+for anthropologists, in the 28th book of his <i>Natural
+History</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Another kind of harmless magic, to which the Romans,
+like all Italians ancient and modern, were peculiarly
+addicted, is the use of amulets. Here there is no spell, or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>
+obvious and expressed exercise of will-power on the part
+of the individual, but the potent influence, <i>mana</i>, or whatever
+we choose to call it, resides in a material object
+which brings good luck, like the cast horse-shoe of our
+own times, or protects against hostile will-power, and
+especially against the evil eye. This curious and widely-spread
+superstition was probably the <i>raison d'&ecirc;tre</i> of most
+of the amulets worn or carried by Romans. A modern
+Italian, even if he be a complete sceptic and materialist,
+will probably be found to have some amulet about him
+against the evil eye, "just to be on the safe side."<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> A
+list of amulets, both Greek and Roman, will be found in
+the <i>Dictionary of Antiquities</i>, and in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encyclop&auml;die,
+s.v.</i> "amulet," and it is not necessary here to
+explain the various kinds in use in Italy; but I must
+dwell for a moment on one type, which had been taken
+up into the life of the family, and in one sense into that
+of the State, viz. the <i>bulla</i> worn by children, both boys
+and girls.</p>
+
+<p>The bulla was a small object, enclosed in historical
+times in a capsule, and suspended round the child's neck.
+It was popularly believed to have been originally an
+Etruscan custom,<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> and borrowed by the Romans, like so
+many other ornaments. It is, however, much more probable
+that the custom was old Italian (as indeed the
+"medicine-bag" is world-wide), and that the Etruscan
+contribution to it was merely the case or capsule, which
+was of gold where the family could afford it&mdash;gold itself
+being supposed to have some potency as a charm.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> The
+object within the case was, as Pliny tells us, a <i>res turpicula</i>
+as a rule,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> and this may remind us that a <i>fascinum</i>
+was carried in the car of the triumphator as <i>medicus
+invidiae</i>, to use Pliny's pregnant expression. The
+triumphing general needed special protection; he appeared
+in the guise of Jupiter himself, and was for the
+moment lifted above the ordinary rank of humanity.
+Some feeling of the same kind must have originally suggested
+similar means for the protection of children under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span>
+the age of puberty. They also wore the <i>toga praetexta</i>,
+which, though associated by us with secular magistrates,
+had undoubtedly a religious origin. There are distinct
+signs that children were in some sense sacred, and at the
+same time that they needed special protection against the
+all-abounding evil influences to be met with in daily life.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">123</a>
+Thus this particular form of amulet became a recognised
+institution of family life, and in due time little more than
+a mark of childhood.</p>
+
+<p>Yet another kind of charm must be mentioned here
+which was used at certain festivals, though apparently not
+at any of those belonging to the authorised calendar. At
+the Compitalia, Paganalia, and <i>feriae Latinae</i> we are told
+that small images of the human figure, or masks, or simply
+round balls (<i>pilae</i>), were hung up on trees or doorways,
+and left to swing in the wind.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> At the Compitalia the
+images had a special name, <i>maniae</i>, of which the meaning
+is lost; but inasmuch as the charms were hung up at
+cross-roads on that occasion, where the Lares compitales
+of the various properties had their shrine, it was not
+difficult to manufacture out of them a goddess, Mania,
+mother of the Lares.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> The common word for these
+figures was <i>oscilla</i>, and the fact of their swinging in the
+wind suggested a verb <i>oscillare</i>, which survives in our own
+tongue with the same meaning. Until lately it used to
+be believed that they were substitutes for original human
+sacrifices: a view for which there is not a particle of
+evidence, though it was originated by Roman scholars.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">126</a>
+Modern anthropology has found another explanation,
+which is by no means improbable. Dr. Frazer, in an
+appendix to the 2nd volume of the <i>Golden Bough</i>, has
+collected a number of examples of the practice of swinging
+<i>by human beings</i> as a magical rite; they come from many
+parts of the world, including ancient Athens, and even
+modern Calabria. He also points out that at the <i>feriae
+Latinae</i> the swingers seem to have been human beings, if
+we accept the evidence of Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "oscillantes"; thus
+we are left with the possibility that the oscilla were really<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>
+imitations of men and women, though not of human
+sacrificial victims.</p>
+
+<p>Dr. Frazer is obviously hard put to it to explain the
+original meaning and object of this curious custom. In the
+Paganalia, as described by Virgil in the second <i>Georgic</i>,<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">127</a>
+the object would seem to be the prosperity of the vine-crop.</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i15">coloni</span>
+<span class="i0">versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto,</span>
+<span class="i0">oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis,</span>
+<span class="i0">et te Bacche vocant per carmina laeta, tibique</span>
+<span class="i0">oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu.</span>
+<span class="i0">hinc omnis largo pubescit vinea fetu, etc.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">128</a></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>But here we must leave a question which is still unsolved.
+All we can say is that the old idea of substitutes for human
+sacrifice must be finally given up, and that the <i>oscilla</i>,
+whether or not they were substitutes for human swingers,
+were probably charms intended to ward off evil influences
+from the crops. I am not disposed to put any confidence
+in what Servius tells us, that this was a purification by
+means of air, just as fire and water were also purifying
+agents; this looks like the ingenious explanation of a
+later and a religious age.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">129</a></p>
+
+<p>So much, then, for magical charms and spells, and the
+survivals of them in the fully developed Roman religion.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">130</a>
+It might seem hardly worth while to spend even so much
+time on them as I have done, and I cannot deny that I
+am glad now to be able to leave them. My object has
+simply been to show how little of this kind of practice,
+which meets us on the threshold of religion, was allowed
+to survive by the religious authorities of the State; in
+other words, I wished to make clear that in our inquiries
+into the nature of the Roman religion it is really religion
+and not magic that we have to do with.</p>
+
+<p>It is really religion; it is desire, beginning already to
+be effective, to be in right relation to the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. The Romans, as I hope to
+show in the next lecture, when we can begin to know
+and feel an interest in them, had not only begun to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
+recognise this Power in various forms and functions as one
+that must be propitiated, because they were dependent on it
+for their daily needs, but to regulate and make permanent
+the methods of propitiation. What was the relation
+between this simple religion and morality&mdash;between ritual
+and conduct&mdash;is a very difficult question, to which I
+shall return later on. Dr. Westermarck has recently come
+to the conclusion that the religion of primitive man has
+no true relation to morality, that it is not apt to give a
+sanction to good action, or to develop the germs of a
+conscience. But so far as I can discern, the idea of active
+duty, and therefore the germ of conscience, must have
+been so intimately connected with the religious practice of
+the old Latin family that it is to me impossible to think
+of the one apart from the other. Surely it is in that life
+that the famous word "<i>pius</i>" must have originated, which
+throughout Roman history meant the sense of duty
+towards family, State, and gods, as every reader of the
+<i>Aeneid</i> knows. That the formalised religion of later times
+had become almost entirely divorced from morality there
+is indeed no doubt; but in the earliest times, in the old
+Roman family and then in the budding State, the whole
+life of the Roman seems to me so inextricably bound up
+with his religion that I cannot possibly see how that
+religion can have been distinguishable from his simple
+idea of duty and discipline.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE III</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Westermarck, <i>Origin etc. of Moral Ideas</i>, ii. 584.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> A useful summary of the whole subject, embodying the results
+and terminology of Tylor, Frazer, and other anthropologists, is Dr.
+Haddon's <i>Magic and Fetishism</i>, in Messrs. Constable's series, <i>Religions
+Ancient and Modern</i>. See also Marett, <i>On the Threshold of Religion</i>,
+passim.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> <i>Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship</i>, p. 89 foll. For
+an example not mentioned in the text (<i>devotio</i>) see below, p. 206 foll.
+This may have been originally practised by the Latin kings. I may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>
+here draw attention to the almost dogmatic conclusions of the modern
+French sociological school of research; <i>e.g.</i> M. Huvelin, in <i>L'Ann&eacute;e
+sociologique</i> for 1907, begins by asserting as a fundamental law,
+proved by MM. Hubert et Mauss, that magic is just as much a social
+fact as religion: "Les uns et les autres sont des produits de l'activit&eacute;
+collective" (<i>Magie et droit individuel</i>, p. 1). But M. Huvelin's paper
+is to some extent a modification of this dogma. He seeks to explain
+the fact that magic is both secret and private, not public and social,
+in historical times; and in the domain of law, with which he is
+specially concerned, he concludes that "a magical rite is only a
+religious rite twisted from its proper social end, and employed to
+realise the will or belief of an individual" (p. 46). This is the only
+form in which we shall find magic at Rome, except in so far as a few
+of its forms survive in the ritual of religion with their meaning
+changed. In early Roman law, as a quasi-religious body of rules and
+practices, there are a few magical survivals which will be found
+mentioned by M. Huvelin in this article; but they are of no importance
+for our present subject.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> <i>Primitive Culture</i>, vol. i. ch. iv. See also Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>,
+p. 36 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> See Sch&uuml;rer, <i>Jewish People in the Time of Christ</i> (Eng. trans.),
+Division II. vol. iii. p. 151 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 232; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 106. The most careful
+examination of the rite and the evidence for it is that of Aust in
+<i>Mythological Lexicon</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Iuppiter," p. 656 foll. See also M.H.
+Morgan in vol. xxxii. of <i>Transactions of the American Philological
+Association</i>, p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Tertullian, <i>de Jejun</i>. 16. Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 44, adds that the
+matrons went in the procession with bare feet and streaming hair
+(cp. Pliny xvii. 266); but this seems rather Greek than Roman in
+character, and Petronius is plainly thinking of the town (<i>colonia</i> he
+calls it) in southern Italy where the scene of Trimalchio's supper is
+laid; probably a Greek city by origin, Croton or Cumae. A translation
+of this passage will be found in Dill's <i>Roman Society from
+Nero to Marcus Aurelius</i>, p. 133. The most useful words in it for
+our purpose are "Jovem aquam exorabant."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> This suggestion was originally made by O. Gilbert, <i>R&ouml;m.
+Topographie</i>, ii. 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> p. 204 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> p. 657. The story is mixed up with Greek fables, <i>e.g.</i> that
+of Proteus, as Wissowa has pointed out, <i>R.K.</i> p. 106, note 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, vol. i. (ed. 3) p. 270
+foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> This fragment of Piso is preserved by Gellius, xi. 14. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> Wissowa, <i>l.c.</i> Aust in Roscher's <i>Lexicon</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Iuppiter," p. 657.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Cumont, <i>Religions Orientales dans le paganisme romain</i>,
+ch. 5. I shall return to this subject in my second course of lectures.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> M&uuml;ller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. ch. vii., especially p. 176 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> Cp. below, Lecture XV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 13: "Vestales nostras hodie credimus
+nondum egressa urbe mancipia fugitiva retinere in loco precationibus."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Numa</i>, 10. Virginity would increase the power of
+the spell; see Fehrle, <i>Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum</i>, p. 54 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 360 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 320, notes 6 and 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Within the last thirty years or so the Lupercalia has been
+discussed (apart from writers on classical subjects exclusively) by
+Mannhardt in his <i>Mythologische Studien</i>, p. 72 foll.; Robertson
+Smith, <i>Semites</i>, p. 459; Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 481 foll.; and
+at the moment of writing by E. S. Hartland, <i>Primitive Paternity</i>,
+i. ch. ii. <i>R.F.</i> p. 310 foll. See Appendix D.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> This view was originally stated in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s.v.</i> "Argei."
+I endeavoured to confute it in the <i>Classical Review</i>, 1902, p. 115 foll.,
+and Wissowa replied in <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 211 foll. Since
+then my conviction has become stronger that this great scholar is for
+once wrong. Ennius alluded to the Argei as an institution of Numa,
+<i>i.e.</i> as primitive (frag. 121, Vahlen, from Festus p. 355, and Varro, <i>L.L.</i>
+vii. 44), yet Ennius was a youth at the very time when Wissowa insists
+that the rite originated. Wissowa makes no attempt to explain this.
+See below, p. <a href="#Page_321">321</a> foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 111 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> the October horse, which also occurred on the Ides; see
+<i>R.F.</i> p. 241 foll.; and the festival of Anna Perenna, also on Ides
+(March 15), <i>R.F.</i> p. 50 foll. It is just possible that all the three
+festivals were originally in the old calendar, and dropped out because
+the mark of the Ides had to be affixed to the day in the first place.
+See Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 164 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Thus Messrs. Hubert et Mauss (<i>M&eacute;langes d'histoire des
+religions</i>, Preface, p. xxiv.) maintain that there is no real antinomy
+between "les faits du syst&egrave;me magique et les faits du syst&egrave;me
+religieux." There is in every rite, they insist, a magical as well as a
+religious element. Yet on the same page we find that they exclude
+magic from all organised cult, because it is not obligatory, and cannot
+(if I understand them rightly) be laid down in a code, like religious
+practice. I think it would have been simpler to consider the magical
+element in religious rites as surviving, with its original meaning lost,
+from an earlier stage of thought. M. van Gennep, in his interesting
+work <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, p. 17, goes so far as to call all religious
+<i>ceremonies</i> magical, as distinguished from the <i>theories</i> (<i>e.g.</i> animism)
+which constitute religion. This seems to me apt to bring confusion
+into the discussion; for all rites are the outward expression of thought,
+and it is by the thought (or, as he calls it, theories) that we must trace<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>
+the sociological development of mankind, the rites being used as
+indexes only. I cannot but think that (as indeed in these days is
+quite natural) this French school lays too much stress upon the
+outward acts, and that this tendency has led them to find real living
+magic where it is present only in a fossil state.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> Tylor, article "Magic" in <i>Encycl. Brit.</i>, and <i>Primitive
+Culture</i>, 1. ch. iv.; Marett, <i>Threshold of Religion</i>, 83. See below,
+p. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 17 and 18. For the singing or murmuring
+of spells in many countries, see Jevons, <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i>,
+p. 93 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Bruns, <i>Fontes Iuris Romani</i>, note on this passage.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> <i>Civ. Dei</i>, viii. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Wordsworth, <i>Fragments and Specimens of Early
+Latin</i>, p. 446, for an account of simple land measurement which will
+suffice to illustrate the point made here.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> The <i>carmina famosa</i> sung at a triumph by the soldiers had
+the same origin, but were used to avert evil from the triumphator.
+The best exposition of this is in H. A. J. Munro's <i>Elucidations of
+Catullus</i>, p. 76 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 19. For the technical sense of <i>defigere</i>,
+<i>defixio</i>, see Jevons in <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i>, p. 108 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> The most familiar examples are Virgil's eighth <i>Eclogue</i>, 95
+foll.; Ovid, <i>Met.</i> vii. 167, and elsewhere; <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 551; Horace,
+<i>Epode</i> v. 72; cp. article "Magia" in Daremberg-Saglio; Falz, <i>De
+poet. Rom. doctrina magica</i>, Giessen, 1903. There is a collection of
+Roman magical spells in Appel's <i>De Romanorum precationibus</i>, p.
+43 foll. Many modern Italian examples and survivals will be found
+in Leland's <i>Etruscan Roman Remains in Popular Tradition</i>, pt. ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 160; Varro, <i>R.R.</i> i. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxviii. 20. The following sections of this book are the
+<i>locus classicus</i> for these popular superstitions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Italian Home Life</i>, by Lina Duff Gordon, p. 230 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> Juvenal v. 164. The idea probably arose, as a passage of
+Plutarch suggests (<i>Rom.</i> 25), from the fact that the triumphator,
+whose garb was no doubt of Etruscan origin, wore the bulla.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 345, note 2, where we learn that gold was taboo
+in some Greek worships, <i>e.g.</i> at the mysteries of Andania, which
+sufficiently proves that it possessed potency. Pliny, xxxiii. 84, mentions
+cases of such potency as medicine, and among them its application
+to children who have been poisoned.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> See an article by the author on the original meaning of the
+<i>toga praetexta</i> in <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. x. (1896) p. 317.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> For the Compitalia, Macrob. i. 7. 34; Festus p. 238. For the
+Paganalia, Probus, <i>ad Georg.</i> ii. 385, assuming the <i>feriae Sementinae</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>
+there mentioned to be the Paganalia (see <i>R.F.</i> p. 294). For the
+<i>feriae Latinae</i>, Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "oscillantes."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 193, with whose view I entirely agree. We
+learn of the imaginary goddess from Varro, <i>L.L.</i> ix. 61. Pais, I may
+remark in passing, is certain that Acca Larentia was the mater
+Larum; see his <i>Lectures on Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>,
+p. 60 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> 46. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 354, note 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> ii. 380 foll. It is not certain that Virgil is describing
+the festival generally known as Paganalia, which took place early in
+January; but it seems probable from line 382 that he is thinking of
+some festival of the pagus. The <i>oscilla</i> may have been used at
+more than one.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Note that Virgil writes of masks used in rude play-acting, as
+well as of <i>oscilla</i> hung on trees, and conjoins the two as though they
+had something in common. The evidence of an engraved onyx cup
+in the Louvre, of which a cut is given in the article "Oscilla" in the
+<i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, seems to make it probable that masks worn by
+rustics on these occasions were afterwards hung by them on trees as
+<i>oscilla</i>. Some of these masks on the cup are adorned with horns,
+which may explain an interesting passage of Apuleius (<i>Florida</i>, i. 1):
+"neque enim iustius religiosam moram viatori obiecerit aut ara
+floribus redimita ... aut quercus cornibus onerata, aut fagus
+pellibus coronata," etc. See also <i>Gromatici veteres</i>, ii. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> See, however, Dr. Frazer's remarks in <i>G.B.</i> ii. p. 454. He
+thinks that the air might in this way be purged of vagrant spirits or
+baleful ghosts, as the Malay medicine man swings in front of the
+patient's house in order to chase away the disease. Cp. <i>G.B.</i> ii. 343,
+where a rather different explanation is attempted of the <i>maniae</i> and
+<i>pilae</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Magic in the old forms, or many of them, has survived not
+only into the old Roman religion, but to the present day, in many
+parts of Italy. "The peasants have recourse to the priests and the
+saints on great occasions, but they use magic all the time for everything,"
+was said by a woman of the Romagna Toscana to the late
+C.G. Leland (<i>Etruscan Roman Remains</i>, Introduction, p. 9). This
+enterprising American's remarkable book, though dealing only with a
+small region of northern Italy, deserves more consideration than it
+has received. The author may have been uncritical, but beyond
+doubt he had the gift of extracting secrets from the peasantry. He
+claims to have proved that "la vecchia religione" contains much
+that has come down direct from pre-Christian times; and the appearance
+of Mr. Lawson's remarkable book on <i>Modern Greek Folklore
+and Ancient Greek Religion</i> may tempt some really qualified investigator
+to undertake a similar work in Italy before it is too late.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE IV</h4>
+
+<h5>THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY</h5>
+
+
+<p>Some of the survivals mentioned in the last two lectures
+seem to carry us back to a condition of culture anterior
+to the family and to the final settlement on the land.
+Some attempt has recently been made to discover traces
+of descent by the mother in early Latium;<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> if this could
+be proved, it would mean that the Latins were already in
+Latium before they had fully developed the patriarchal
+system on which the family is based. However this
+may be, the first real fact that meets us in the religious
+experience of the Romans is the attitude towards the
+supernatural, or "the Power that manifests itself in the
+Universe," of the family as settled down upon the land.
+The study of religion in the family, as we know it in historical
+times, is also that of the earliest organisation of
+religion, and of the most permanent type of ancient Italian
+religious thought. Aust, whose book on the Roman
+religion is the most masterly sketch of the subject as yet
+published, writes thus of this religion of the family:<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">132</a>
+"Here the limits of religion and superstition vanish ... and
+in vain we seek here for the boundary marks of various
+epochs." By the first of these propositions he means that
+the State has not here been at work, framing a <i>ius divinum</i>,
+including religion and excluding magic; in the family,
+magic of all kinds would be admissible alongside of the
+daily worship of the family deities, and thus the family
+would represent a kind of half-way house between the age
+of magic and all such superstitions, and the age of the rigid<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>
+regulation of worship by the law of a City-state. By the
+second proposition he means that the religious experience
+of the family is far simpler, and therefore far less liable to
+change than that of the State. Greek forms and ideas of
+religion, for example, hardly penetrated into its worship:<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">133</a>
+new deities do not find their way in&mdash;the family experience
+did not call for them as did that of the State. It may be
+said without going beyond the truth that the religion of
+the family remained the same in all essentials throughout
+Roman history, and the great priesthoods of the State
+never interfered with it in any such degree as to affect its
+vitality.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">134</a></p>
+
+<p>But in order to understand the religion of the family,
+we must have some idea of what the family originally
+was. When a stock or tribe (<i>populus</i>) after migration
+took possession of a district, it was beyond doubt divided
+into clans, <i>gentes</i>, which were the oldest kinship divisions
+in Italian society. All members of a clan had the same
+name, and were believed to descend from a common
+ancestor.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> According to the later juristic way of putting
+it, all would be in the <i>patria potestas</i> of that ancestor supposing
+that no deaths had ever occurred in the gens; and,
+indeed, the idea that the gens is immortal in spite of the
+deaths of individuals is one which constitutes it as a
+permanent entity, and gives it a quasi-religious sanction.
+For primitive religion, as has been well said, disbelieves
+in death; most of the lower races believe both in a
+qualified immortality and in the non-reality or unnaturalness
+of death.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> In regard to the kinship of a clan,
+death at any rate has no effect: the bond of union never
+breaks.</p>
+
+<p>Now a little reflection will show that a clan or gens of
+this kind might be maintained intact in a nomadic state,
+or during any number of migrations; it is, in fact, manifestly
+appropriate to such a mobile condition of society,
+and expresses its natural need of union; and when the
+final settlement occurs, this body of kin will hold together
+in the process, whether or no it has smaller divisions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>
+within it. We may be certain that this was the one
+essential kin-division of the Latin stock when it settled in
+Latium, and all through Roman history it continues so,
+a permanent entity though families may die.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Every
+Roman lawyer will recognise this fact as true, and I need
+not dwell on it now.</p>
+
+<p>It is when the gens has settled upon the land that the
+family begins to appear as a fact of importance for our
+purpose. Such operations as the building of a permanent
+house, the clearing and cultivation of a piece of land, can
+best be carried out by a smaller union than the gens, and
+this smaller union is ready to hand in the shape of a
+section of the gens comprising the living descendants of a
+<i>living</i> ancestor, whether of two, three, or even four generations.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">138</a>
+This union, clearly visible to mortal eye, and
+realisable in every-day work, settles together in one
+house, tends its own cattle and sheep, cultivates its own
+land with the help of such dependants as it owns, slave or
+other, and is known by the word <i>familia</i>. This famous
+word, so far as we know, does not contain the idea of
+kinship, at any rate as its leading connotation; it is
+inseparable from the idea of land-settlement,<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> and is
+therefore essentially <i>das Hauswesen</i>, the house itself,
+with the persons living in it, free or servile, and with their
+land and other property, all governed and administered
+by the paterfamilias, the master of the household, who is
+always the oldest living male ancestor. The familia is
+thus an economic unit, developed out of the gens, which is
+a unit of kin and little more. And thus the religion of the
+familia will be a religion of practical utility, of daily work, of
+struggle with perils to which the shepherd and the tiller of
+the soil are liable; it is not the worship of an idea of kinship
+expressed in some dimly conceived common ancestor; the
+familia, as I hope to show, had no common ancestor who
+could be the object of worship, except that of the gens
+from which it had sprung. The life of the familia was a
+realisation of the present and its needs and perils, without
+the stimulus to take much thought about the past, or indeed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>
+about the future; for it, sufficient for the day was the
+evil thereof; for what had been and what was to come it
+could look to the gens to which it owed its existence.
+But in practical life the gens was not of much avail; and
+instead of it, exactly as we might expect, we find an artificial
+union of familiae, a union of which the essential thing is
+not the idea of kin, but that of the land occupied, and
+known all over Italy by the word <i>pagus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> Before I go on
+to describe the religion of the family, it is necessary to put
+the familia into its proper relation with this territorial
+union.</p>
+
+<p>The pagus is the earliest Italian administrative unit of
+which we know anything; a territory, of which the
+essential feature was the boundary, not any central
+point within the boundary. In all probability it was
+originally the land on which a gens had settled, though
+settlement produces changes, and the land of gens and
+pagus was not identical in later times. But within this
+boundary line, of which we shall hear something more
+presently, how were the component parts, the familiae of
+the gens, settled down on the land? Of the village community
+so familiar to us in Teutonic countries, there
+is no certain trace in Latium. <i>Vicus</i>, the only word
+which might suggest it, is identical with the Greek &#959;&#7990;&#954;&#959;&#987;,
+a house; later it is used for houses standing together, or
+for a street in a town. But the vicus in the country has
+left no trace of itself as a distinct administrative union
+like our village community; the vico-magistri of the
+Roman city were urban officers; and what is more important,
+we know of no religious festivals of the vicus, like
+those of the pagus, of which there are well-attested records.
+The probability then is that the unit within the pagus
+was not the village but the homestead, and that these
+stood at a distance from each other, as they do in Celtic
+countries, not united together in a village, and each housing
+a family group working its own land and owning its
+own cattle.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> The question of the amount and the tenure
+of the land of this group is a very difficult one, into which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>
+it is not necessary to enter closely here. There can,
+however, be no doubt that it possessed in its own right a
+small piece of garden ground (<i>heredium</i>), and also an
+allotment of land in the arable laid out by the settlers in
+common&mdash;<i>centuriatus ager</i>; whether the ownership of this
+was vested in the individual paterfamilias or in the gens
+as a whole, does not greatly matter for our purposes.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">142</a>
+Lastly, as it is certain that the familia owned cattle
+and sheep, we may be sure that it enjoyed the right
+of common pasture on the land not divided up for
+tillage.</p>
+
+<p>We see all this through a mist, and a mist that is not
+likely ever to lift; but yet the outlines of the picture are
+clear enough to give us the necessary basis for a study of
+the religion of the familia. The religious points, if I may
+use the expression&mdash;those points, that is, which are the
+object of special anxiety (<i>religio</i>)&mdash;lie in the boundaries,
+both of the pagus as a whole, and of the arable land of
+the familia, in the house itself and its free inhabitants,
+and in the family burying-place; and to these three may
+no doubt be added the spring which supplied the household
+with water. Boundaries, house, burying-place, spring,&mdash;all
+these are in a special sense sacred, and need constant
+and regular religious care.</p>
+
+<p>Let us begin with the house, the central point of the
+economic and religious unit. The earliest Italian house
+was little more than a wigwam, more or less round, constructed
+of upright posts connected with wattles, and with
+a closed roof of straw or branches.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> This would seem to
+have been the type of house of the immigrating people
+who settled on the tops of hills and lived a pastoral life;
+when they descended into the plains and became a settled
+agricultural people, they adopted a more roomy and
+convenient style of building, suitable for storing their
+grain or other products, and for the maintenance of a
+fire for cooking these. Whether the rectangular house,
+with which alone we are here concerned, was developed
+under Greek or Etruscan influence, or suggested independ<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>ently
+by motives of practical convenience, is matter of
+dispute, and must be left to archaeologists to decide.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">144</a></p>
+
+<p>This is the house in which the Latin family lived
+throughout historical times, the house which we know as
+the sacred local habitation of divine and human beings.
+It consisted in its simplest form, as we all know, of a
+single room or hall, the atrium, with a roof open in the
+middle and sloping inwards to let the rain fall into a
+basin (<i>compluvium</i>). Here the life of the family went on,
+and here was the hearth (<i>focus</i>), the "natural altar of the
+dwelling-room of man,"<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> and the seat of Vesta, the spirit
+of the fire, whose aid in the cooking of the food was
+indispensable in the daily life of the settlers. This sacred
+hearth was the centre of the family worship of later times,
+until under Greek influence the arrangement of the
+house was modified;<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> and we may be certain that it was
+so in the simple farm life of early Latium. In front of it
+was the table at which the family took their meals, and
+on this was placed the salt-cellar (<i>salinum</i>), and the
+sacred salt-cake, baked even in historical times in
+primitive fashion by the daughters of the family, as in all
+periods for the State by the Vestal virgins. After the
+first and chief course of the mid-day meal, silence was
+enjoined, and an offering of a part of the cake was thrown
+on to the fire from a small sacrificial plate or dish
+(<i>patella</i>).<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> This alone is enough to prove that Vesta, the
+spirit of the fire, was the central point of the whole worship,
+the spiritual embodiment of the physical welfare of
+the family.</p>
+
+<p>Behind the hearth, <i>i.e.</i> farther at the back of the <i>atrium</i>,
+was the <i>penus</i>, or storing-place of the household. <i>Penus</i>
+was explained by the learned Scaevola<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> as meaning anything
+that can be eaten or drunk, but not so much that
+which is each day set out on the table, as that which is
+kept in store for daily consumption; it is therefore in
+origin the food itself, though in later times it became also
+the receptacle in which that food was stored. This store
+was inhabited or guarded by spirits, the <i>di penates</i>, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>
+together with Vesta represent the material vitality of the
+family; these spirits, always conceived and expressed in
+the plural, form a group in a way which is characteristic
+of the Latins, and their plurality is perhaps due to the
+variety and frequent change of the material of the store.
+The religious character of the store is also well shown by
+the fact, if such it be, that no impure person was allowed
+to meddle with it; the duty was especially that of the
+children of the family,<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> whose purity and religious
+capability was symbolised throughout Roman history by
+the purple-striped toga which they wore, and secured also
+by the amulet, within its capsule the <i>bulla</i>, of which I
+spoke in the last lecture.</p>
+
+<p>Vesta and the Penates represent the spiritual side of
+the material needs of the household; but there was
+another divine inhabitant of the house, the Genius of the
+paterfamilias, who was more immediately concerned with
+the continuity of the family. Analogy with the worldwide
+belief in the spiritual double of a man, his "other-soul,"
+compels us to think of this Genius, who accompanied
+the Latin from the cradle to the grave, as
+originally a conception of this kind. The Latins had
+indeed, in common with other races, what we may call
+the breath-idea of the soul, as we see from the words
+<i>animus</i> and <i>anima</i>, and also the shadow-idea, as is proved
+by the word <i>umbra</i> for a departed spirit. But the Genius
+was one of those guardian spirits, treated by Professor
+Tylor as a different species of the same genus, which
+accompany a man all his life and help him through its
+many changes and chances;<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> and the peculiarity of this
+Latin guardian is that he was specially helpful in continuing
+the life of the family. The soul of a man is often
+conceived as the cause of life, but not often as the procreative
+power itself; and that this latter was the Latin
+idea is certain, both from the etymology of the word
+and from the fact that the marriage-bed was called <i>lectus
+genialis</i>. I am inclined to think that this peculiarity of
+the Latin conception of Genius was the result of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>
+unusually strong idea that the Latins must have had,
+even when they first passed into Italy, of kinship as
+determined not by the mother but by the father.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> It is
+possible, I think, that the Genius was a soul of later
+origin than those I have just mentioned, and developed
+in the period when the gens arose as the main group of
+kinsmen real or imaginary. I would suggest that we
+may see in it the connecting link between that group
+and the individual adult males within it; in that case
+the Genius would be that soul of a man which enables
+him to fulfil the work of continuing the life of the gens.
+We can easily imagine how it might eventually come to
+be his guardian spirit, and to acquire all the other senses
+with which we are familiar in Roman literature. With
+the development of the idea of individuality, the individuality
+of a man as apart from the kin group, the idea of
+the individuality of the Genius also became emphasised,
+until it became possible to think of it as even living on
+after the death of its companion;<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> in this way, in course
+of time, the Genius came to exercise a curious influence
+on the idea of the Manes. The history of the idea of
+Genius, and its application to places, cities, etc., is indeed
+a curious one, and of no small interest in the study of
+religion; but we must return to the primitive house and
+its divine inhabitants. There is one more of these who
+calls for a word before I pass to the land and the boundaries;
+we meet him on the threshold as we leave the
+dwelling.</p>
+
+<p>It is, of course, well known to anthropologists that the
+door of a house is a dangerous point, because evil spirits
+or the ghosts of the dead may gain access to the house
+through it. Among the innumerable customs which
+attest this belief there are one or two Roman ones, <i>e.g.</i>
+the practice of making a man, who has returned home
+after his supposed death in a foreign country, enter the
+house by the roof instead of the door; for the door must
+be kept barred against ghosts, and this man may be after
+all a ghost, or at least he may have evil spirits or miasma<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span>
+about him.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> It was at the doorway that a curious
+ceremony took place (to which I shall ask your attention
+again) immediately after the birth of a child, in order to
+prevent Silvanus, who may stand for the dangerous
+spirits of the forest, from entering in and vexing the
+baby.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> Again, a dead man, as among so many other
+peoples, was carried out of the doorway with his feet
+foremost, so that he should not find his way back; and
+the old Roman practice of burial by night probably had
+the same object.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> Exactly the same anxiety (<i>religio</i>) is
+seen in regard to the gates of a city; the wall was in
+some sense holy (<i>sanctus</i>), but the gates, through which
+was destined to pass much that might be dangerous,
+could not be thus sanctified. Was there, then, no protecting
+spirit of these doors and gates?</p>
+
+<p>St. Augustine, writing with Varro before him, finds
+no less than three spirits of the entrance to a house:
+Forculus, of the door itself; Limentinus, of the threshold;
+and Cardea, of the hinges of the door; and these Varro
+seems to have found in the books of the pontifices.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> I
+must postpone the question as to what these pontifical
+books really represented; but the passage will at least
+serve to show us the popular anxiety about the point of
+entrance to a house, and its association with the spirit
+world. Of late sober research has reached the conclusion
+that the original door-spirit was Janus, whom we
+know in Roman history as residing in the symbolic gate
+of the Forum, and as the god of beginnings, the first
+deity to be invoked in prayer, as Vesta was the last.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">157</a>
+But Janus is also wanted for far higher purposes by
+some eminent Cambridge scholars; they have their own
+reasons for wanting him as a god of the sky, as a double
+of Jupiter, as the mate of Diana, and a deity of the oak.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">158</a>
+So, too, he was wanted by the philosophical speculators of
+the last century b.c., who tried to interpret their own humble
+deities in terms of Greek philosophy and Greek polytheism.
+The poets too, who, as Augustine says, found Forculus
+and his companions beneath their notice, played strange<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
+tricks with this hoary old god, as any one may read in the
+first book of Ovid's <i>Fasti</i>. I myself believe that the
+main features of the theology (if we may use the word) of
+the earliest Rome were derived from the house and the
+land as an economic and religious unit, and I am strongly
+inclined to see in Janus bifrons of the Forum a developed
+form of the spirit of the house-door; but the question is
+a difficult one, and I shall return to it in a lecture on the
+deities of early Rome.</p>
+
+<p>So far I have said nothing of the Lar familiaris who
+has become a household word as a household deity; and
+yet we are on the point of leaving the house of the old
+Latin settler to look for the spirits whom he worships on
+his land. The reason is simply that after repeated examination
+of the evidence available, I find myself forced
+to believe that at the period of which I am speaking the
+Lar was not one of the divine inhabitants of the house.
+When Fustel de Coulanges wrote his brilliant book <i>La
+Cit&eacute; antique</i>, which popularised the importance of the
+worship of ancestors as a factor in Aryan civilisation, he
+found in the Lar, who in historical times was a familiar
+figure in the house, the reputed founder of the family; and
+until lately this view has been undisputed. But if my
+account of the relation of the family to the gens is correct,
+the family would stand in no need of a reputed founder;
+that symbol of the bond of kinship was to be found in the
+gens of which the family was an offshoot, a cutting, as it
+were, planted on the land. Still more convincing is the
+fact that when we first meet with the Lar as an object of
+worship he is not in the house but on the land. The
+oldest Lar of whom we know anything was one of a
+characteristic Roman group of which the individuals
+lived in the <i>compita</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the spots where the land belonging
+to various households met, and where there were
+chapels with as many faces as there were properties,
+each face containing an altar to a Lar,&mdash;the presiding
+spirit of that allotment, or rather perhaps of the whole
+of the land of the familia, including that on which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>
+house stood.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Thus the Lar fills a place in the private
+worship which would otherwise be vacant, that of the
+holding and its productive power. In this sense, too, we
+find the Lares in the hymn of the Arval Brethren, one of
+the oldest fragments of Latin we possess; for the spirits
+of the land would naturally be invoked in the lustration
+of the <i>ager Romanus</i> by this ancient religious gild.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">160</a></p>
+
+<p>But how, it may be asked, did the Lar find his way
+into the house, to become the characteristic deity of the
+later Roman private worship there? I believe that he
+gained admittance through the slaves of the familia, who
+had no part in the worship of the dwelling, but were
+admitted to the Compitalia, or yearly festival of which
+the Lares of the compita were the central object. Cato
+tells us that the vilicus, the head of the familia of slaves,
+might not "facere rem divinam nisi Compitalibus in
+compito aut in foco";<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> which I take to mean that he
+might sacrifice for his fellow-slaves to the Lar at the
+compitum, or to the Lar in the house, if the Lar were
+already transferred from the compitum to the house. In
+the constant absence of the owner, the paterfamilias of
+Rome's stirring days, the worship of the Lar at the compitum
+or in the house came to be more and more distinctly
+the right of the vilicus and his wife as representing
+the slaves, and thus too the Lar came to be called by the
+epithet <i>familiaris</i>, which plainly indicates that in his cult
+the slaves were included. And as it was the old custom
+that the slaves should sit at the meals of the family on
+benches below the free members (<i>subsellia</i>),<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> what more
+natural than that they should claim to see there the Lar
+whom alone of the deities of the farm they were permitted
+to worship, and that they should bring the Lar
+or his double from the compitum to the house, in the frequent
+absence of the master?<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">163</a></p>
+
+<p>The festival of the Lar was celebrated at the compitum,
+and known as Compitalia or Laralia; it took place
+soon after the winter solstice, on a day fixed by the
+paterfamilias, in concert, no doubt, with the other heads<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span>
+of families in the pagus. Like most rejoicings at this
+time of year, it was free and jovial in character, and
+the whole familia took part in it, both bond and free.
+Each familia sacrificed on its own altar, which was placed
+fifteen feet in front of the compitum, so that the worshippers
+might be on their own land; but if, as we may
+suppose, the whole pagus celebrated this rite on the same
+day, there was in this festival, as in others to be mentioned
+directly, a social value, a means of widening the
+outlook of the familia and associating it with the needs of
+others in its religious duties. This is the <i>religio Larium</i>
+of which Cicero speaks in the second book of his <i>de
+Legibus</i>, which was "posita in fundi villaeque conspectu,"
+and handed down for the benefit both of masters and men
+from remote antiquity.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">164</a></p>
+
+<p>There were other festivals in which all the familiae of
+a pagus took part. Of these we know little, and what
+we do know is almost entirely due to the love of the
+Augustan poets for the country and its life and customs;
+"Fortunatus et ille deos qui novit agrestes," wrote Virgil,
+contrasting himself with the philosopher poet whom he
+revered. Varro, in his list of Roman festivals,<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> just
+mentions a festival called Sementivae, associated with
+the sowing of the seed, and celebrated by all pagi, if we
+interpret him rightly; but Ovid has given us a charming
+picture of what must be this same rite, and places it
+clearly in winter, after the autumn sowing<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">166</a>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">state coronati plenum ad praesaepe iuvenci:</span>
+<span class="i1">cum tepido vestrum vere redibit opus.</span>
+<span class="i0">rusticus emeritum palo suspendit aratrum:</span>
+<span class="i1">omne reformidat frigida volnus humus.</span>
+<span class="i0">vilice, da requiem terrae, semente peracta:</span>
+<span class="i1">da requiem terram qui coluere viris.</span>
+<span class="i0">pagus agat festum: pagum lustrate, coloni,</span>
+<span class="i1">et date paganis annua liba focis.</span>
+<span class="i0">placentur frugum matres Tellusque Ceresque,</span>
+<span class="i1">farre suo gravidae visceribusque suis.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Ovid may here be writing of his own home at Sulmo,
+and what took place there in the Augustan age; but we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>
+may read his description into the life of old Latium, for
+rustic life is tenacious of old custom, especially where the
+economic conditions remain always the same. We may
+do the same with another beautiful picture left us by
+Tibullus, also a poet of the country, which I have recently
+examined at length in the <i>Classical Review</i>.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> The
+festival he describes has often been identified with Ovid's,
+but I am rather disposed to see in it a lustratio of the
+<i>ager paganus</i> in the spring, of the same kind as the
+famous one in Virgil's first <i>Georgic</i>, to be mentioned
+directly; for Tibullus, after describing the scene, which
+he introduces with the words "fruges lustramus et agros,"
+puts into perfect verse a prayer for the welfare of the
+crops and flocks, and looks forward to a time when (if
+the prayer succeeds) the land shall be full of corn, and
+the peasant shall heap wood upon a bonfire&mdash;perhaps
+one of the midsummer fires that still survive in the
+Abruzzi. Virgil's lines are no less picturesque;<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> and
+though he does not mention the pagus, he is clearly
+thinking of a lustratio in which more than one familia
+takes part&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis adoret.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>This is a spring festival "extremae sub casum hiemis, iam
+vere sereno"; and I shall return to it when we come to
+deal with the processional lustratio of the farm. Like
+the descriptions of Ovid and Tibullus, it is more valuable
+to us for the idea it gives us of the spirit of old Italian
+agricultural religion than for exact knowledge about
+dates and details. There was, of course, endless variety
+in Italy in both these; and it is waste of time to try and
+make the descriptions of the rural poets fit in with the
+fixed festivals of the Roman city calendar.</p>
+
+<p>Nor is it quite safe to argue back from that calendar
+to the life of the familia and the pagus, except in general
+terms. As we shall see, the calendar is based on the life
+and work of an agricultural folk, and we may by all
+means guess that its many agricultural rites existed before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>hand
+in the earlier social life; but into detail we may not
+venture. As Varro, however, has mentioned the Saturnalia
+in the same sentence with the Compitalia, we may guess
+that that famous jovial festival was a part of the rustic
+winter rejoicing. And here, too, I may mention another
+<i>festa</i> of that month, of which a glimpse is given us by
+Horace, another country-loving poet, who specially mentions
+the pagus as taking part in it. Faunus and Silvanus
+were deities or spirits of the woodland among which these
+pagi lay, and in which the farmers ran their cattle in the
+summer;<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> by Horace's time Faunus had been more or
+less tarred with a Greek brush, but in the beautiful little
+ode I am alluding to he is still a deity of the Italian
+farmer,<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> who on the Nones of December besought him to
+be gracious to the cattle now feeding peacefully on the
+winter pasture:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ludit herboso pecus omne campo</span>
+<span class="i0">cum tibi Nonae redeunt Decembres:</span>
+<span class="i0">festus in <i>pratis</i> vacat otioso</span>
+<span class="i2">cum bove pagus.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>There is one more rite of familia or pagus, or both, of
+which I must say a word before I return for a while
+to the house and its inhabitants. One of the most important
+matters for the pagus, as for the landholding
+household, was the fixing of the boundaries of their land,
+whether as against other pagi or households, or as
+separating that land from unreclaimed forest. This was
+of course, like all these other operations of the farm, a
+matter of religious care and anxiety&mdash;a matter in which
+the feeling of anxiety and awe (<i>religio</i>) brought with it, to
+use an expression of Cicero's, both <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">171</a>
+The <i>religio terminorum</i> is known to us in some detail, as it
+existed in historical times, from the Roman writers on
+<i>agrimetatio</i>; and with their help the whole subject has
+been made intelligible by Rudorff in the second volume
+of the <i>Gromatici</i>.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> We know that many different objects
+might serve as boundary marks, according to the nature of
+the land, especially trees and stones; and in the case of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>
+the latter, which would be the usual <i>termini</i> in agricultural
+land at some distance from forest, we have the religious
+character of the stone and its fixing most instructively
+brought out. "Fruits of the earth, and the bones, ashes,
+and blood of a victim were put into a hole in the ground
+by the landholders whose lands converged at the point,
+and the stone was rammed down on the top and carefully
+fixed."<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> This had the practical effect&mdash;for all Latin
+religion has a practical side&mdash;of enabling the stone to be
+identified in the future. But Ovid<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> gives us a picture of
+the yearly commemorative rite of the same nature, from
+which we see still better the force of the <i>religio terminorum</i>.
+The boundary-stone is garlanded, and an altar is built;
+the fire is carried from the hearth of the homestead by a
+materfamilias, the priestess of the family; a young son of
+the family holds a basket full of fruits of the earth, and a
+little daughter shakes these into the fire and offers honey-cakes.
+Others stand by with wine, or look on in silence,
+clothed in white. The victims are lamb and sucking-pig,
+and the stone is sprinkled with their blood, an act which
+all the world over shows that an object is holy and
+tenanted by a spirit.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> And the ceremony ends with a
+feast and hymns in honour of holy Terminus, who in
+Ovid's time in the rural districts, and long before on the
+Capitolium of Rome, had risen from the spirit sanctifying
+the stone to become a deity, closely connected with Jupiter
+himself, and to give his name to a yearly city festival on
+February 23.</p>
+
+<p>These festivals on the land were, some of them at least,
+scenes of revelry, accompanied with dancing and singing,
+as the poets describe them, the faces of the peasants
+painted red with minium,<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> according to an old Italian
+custom which survived in the case of the triumphator of
+the glorious days of the City-state. But if we may now
+return for a moment to the homestead, there were events
+of great importance to the family which were celebrated
+there in more serious and sober fashion, with rites that
+were in part truly religious, yet not without some features<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>
+that show the prevailing anxiety, rooted in the age of
+taboo, which we learnt to recognise under the word <i>religio</i>.
+Marriage was a religious ceremony, for we can hardly
+doubt that the patrician <i>confarreatio</i>, in which a cake made
+of the anciently used grain called <i>far</i> was offered to Jupiter,
+and perhaps partaken of sacramentally by bride and
+bridegroom, was the oldest form of marriage, and had its
+origin in an age before the State came into being. We
+must remember that the house was a sacred place, with
+religious duties carried on within it, and the abode of
+household spirits; and when a bride from another family
+or gens was to be brought into it, it was essential that such
+introduction should be carried out in a manner that would
+not disturb the happy relations of the human and divine
+inhabitants of the house. It was essential, too, that the
+children expected of her should be such as should be able
+to discharge their duties in the household without hurting
+the feelings of these spirits. Some of the quaint customs
+of the <i>deductio</i> of later times strongly suggest an original
+anxiety about matters of such vital interest; the torch,
+carried by a boy whose parents were both living, was of
+whitethorn (<i>Spina alba</i>), which was a powerful protective
+against hostile magic, and about which there were curious
+superstitions.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> Arrived at the house, the bride smeared
+the doorposts with wolf's fat and oil, and wound fillets of
+wool around them&mdash;so dangerous was the moment of
+entrance, so sacred the doorway; and finally, she was
+carried over the threshold, and then, and then only, was
+received by her husband into communion of fire and water,
+symbolic of her acceptance as materfamilias both by man
+and deity.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">178</a></p>
+
+<p>When the new materfamilias presented her husband
+with a child, there was another perilous moment; the
+infant, if accepted by the father (<i>sublatus</i>, <i>i.e.</i> raised from
+the earth on which it had been placed),<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> did not immediately
+become a member of the family in the religious
+sense, and was liable to be vexed by evil or mischievous
+spirits from the wild woodland, or, as they phrased it in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>
+later days, by Silvanus. I have already alluded to the
+curious bit of mummery which was meant to keep them
+off. Three men at night came to the threshold and struck
+it with an axe, a pestle, and a besom, so that "by these
+signs of agriculture Silvanus might be prevented from
+entering." The hostile spirits were thus denied entrance
+to a dwelling in which friendly spirits of household life and
+of settled agricultural pursuits had taken up their abode.
+Nothing can better show the anxiety of life in those
+primitive times, especially in a country like Italy, full of
+forest and mountain, where dwelt mischievous Brownies
+who would tease the settler if they could. But on the ninth
+day after the birth (or the eighth in the case of a girl)
+the child was "purified" and adopted into the family and
+its sacra, and into the gens to which the family belonged,
+and received its name&mdash;the latter a matter of more importance
+than we can easily realise.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> From this time till
+it arrived at the age of puberty it was protected by amulet
+and <i>praetexta</i>; the tender age of childhood being then
+passed, and youth and maiden endued with new powers,
+the peculiar defensive armour of childhood might be dispensed
+with.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">181</a></p>
+
+<p>Lastly, the death of a member of the family was an
+occasion of extreme anxiety, which might, however, be
+allayed by the exact performance of certain rites (<i>iusta
+facere</i>). The funeral ceremonies of the City-state were of
+a complicated character, and the details are not all
+of them easy to interpret. But the principle must
+have been always the same&mdash;that the dead would "walk"
+unless they had been deposited with due ceremony in the
+bosom of Mother Earth, and that their natural tendency
+in "walking" was to find their way back to the house
+which had been their home in life. Whether buried or
+burnt, the idea was the same: if burnt, as seems to have
+been common Roman practice from very early times,
+at least one bone had to be buried as representing the
+whole body. We have seen that certain precautions were
+taken to prevent the dead man from finding his way back,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>
+such as carrying him out of the house feet foremost; and
+if he were properly buried and the house duly purified
+afterwards, the process of prevention was fairly complete.
+His ghost, shade, or double then passed beneath the earth
+to join the whole body of Manes in the underworld,<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> and
+could only return at certain fixed times&mdash;such at least
+was the idea expressed in the customs of later ages. But
+if a paterfamilias or his representative had omitted <i>iusta
+facere</i>, or if the dead man had never been buried at all,
+carried off by an enemy or some wild beast, he could
+never have descended to that underworld, and was roaming
+the earth disconsolately, and with an evil will. The
+primitive idea of anxiety is well expressed in the Roman
+festival of the Lemuria in May, when the head of a household
+could get rid of the ghosts by spitting out black
+beans<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> from his mouth and saying, "With these I redeem
+me and mine." Nine times he says this without looking
+round: then come the ghosts behind him and gather up
+the beans unseen. After other quaint performances he
+nine times repeats the formula, "Manes exite paterni,"
+then at last looks round, and the ghosts are gone.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> This
+is plainly a survival from the private life of the primitive
+household, and well illustrates its fears and anxieties; but
+the State provided, as we shall see, another and more
+religious ceremony, put limitations on the mischievous
+freedom of the ghosts, and ordained the means of expiation
+for those who had made a slip in the funeral ceremonies,
+or whose dead had been buried at sea or had died in a far
+country.</p>
+
+<p>I have thus tried to sketch the life of the early Latin
+family in its relations with the various manifestations of
+the Power in the universe. We have seen enough, I
+think, to conclude that it had a strong desire to be in
+right relations with that Power, and to understand its
+will; but we may doubt whether that desire had as yet
+become very effective. The circumstances of the life of
+the Latin farmer were hardly such as to rid him of much
+of the <i>religio</i> that he had inherited from his wilder<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>
+ancestors, or had found springing up afresh within him as
+he contended with the soil, the elements, and the hostile
+beings surrounding him, animal, human, and spiritual. He
+is living in an age of transition; he is half-way between
+the age of magic and a new age of religion and duty.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE IV</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Frazer, <i>Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship</i>, lect.
+viii. Dr. Frazer finds traces of Mutterrecht only in the succession
+to the kingship of Alba and Rome, of which the evidence is of course
+purely legendary. If the legends represent fact in any sense, they
+point, if I understand him rightly, to a kingship held by a non-Latin
+race, or, as he calls it, plebeian. Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>, p. 403 foll.,
+believes that the original Latin population, <i>i.e.</i> the plebs of later
+times, lived under Mutterrecht.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> Aust, <i>Religion der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> In historical times the household deities were often represented
+by images of Greek type: <i>e.g.</i> the Penates by those of the Dioscuri.
+Wissowa, <i>Rel. und Kult.</i> p. 147, and <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>,
+p. 95 foll., and 289. See also De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella vita
+privata</i>, i. p. 41 foll. and p. 90 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> De Marchi, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 13 foll. In the ordinary and regular
+religion of the family the State, <i>i.e.</i> the pontifices, did not interfere;
+but they might do so in matters such as the succession of <i>sacra</i>,
+the care of graves, or the fulfilment of vows undertaken by private
+persons. See Cicero, <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 19. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> Mucius Scaevola, the great lawyer, defined <i>gentiles</i> as those
+"qui eodem nomine sunt, qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt, quorum
+maiorum nemo servitutem servivit, qui capite non sunt deminuti,"
+Cic. <i>Topica</i>, vi. 29. This is the practical view of a lawyer of the
+last century b.c., and does not take account of the <i>sacra gentilicia</i>,
+which had by that time decayed or passed into the care of
+<i>sodalitates</i>: Marquardt, p. 132 foll.; De Marchi, ii. p. 3 foll. The
+notion of descent from a common ancestor is of course ideal, but
+none the less a factor in the life of the gens; it crops up, <i>e.g.</i>, in
+Virgil, <i>Aen.</i> v. 117, 121, and Servius <i>ad loc.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life</i>, p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> For the alleged extinction of the gens Potitia, and the legend
+connected with it, Livy i. 7, Festus 237.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> See Marquardt, <i>Privataltert&uuml;mer</i>, p. 56, and note 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> There is, I believe, no doubt that the etymological affinities
+of the word <i>familia</i> point to the idea of settlement and not that of
+kin; <i>e.g.</i> Oscan <i>Faama</i>, a house, and Sanscrit <i>dh&acirc;</i>, to settle.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> The exact meaning and origin of the word has been much
+discussed. It is tempting to connect it with <i>pax</i>, <i>paciscor</i>, and
+make it a territory within whose bounds there is <i>pax</i>; see Rudorff,
+<i>Gromatici veteres</i>, ii. 239, and Nissen, <i>Italische Landeskunde</i>, ii.
+8 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> See Rudorff, <i>Grom. vet.</i> ii. 236 foll.; Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>,
+iii. 116 foll.; Kornemann in <i>Klio</i>, vol. v. (1905) p. 80 foll.;
+Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 1 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, iii. 22 foll.; Kornemann, <i>l.c.</i>; Roby
+in <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Agrimetatio," p. 85. The view that there
+was freehold garden land attached to the homestead gains strength
+from a statement of Pliny (<i>N.H.</i> xix. 50) that the word used in the
+XII. Tables for villa, which was the word in classical times for
+the homestead, was <i>hortus</i>, a garden, and that this was <i>heredium</i>,
+private property. See Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, iii. 23. It would
+indeed be strange if the house had no land immediately attached
+to it; we know that in the Anglo-Saxon village community
+the villani, bordarii and cotagii, had their garden croft attached to
+their dwellings, apart from such strips as they might hold from the
+lord of the manor in the open fields. See Vinogradoff, <i>Villainage
+in England</i>, p. 148. For the <i>centuriatus ager</i>, Roby <i>l.c.</i> We have
+no direct knowledge of the system in the earliest times, but it is
+almost certain that it was old-Italian in outline, and not introduced
+by the Etruscans, as stated, <i>e.g.</i>, by Deecke-M&uuml;ller, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 128.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> For Latium this is proved by the sepulchral hut-urns found
+at Alba and also on the Esquiline. One of these in the Ashmolean
+Museum at Oxford shows the construction well. See article
+"Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encyclop&auml;die</i>; Helbig, <i>Die
+Italiker in der Poebene</i>, p. 50 foll. Later there was an opening in
+the roof.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Von Duhn in <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, 1896, p. 125
+foll., and article "Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> This is Aust's admirable expression, <i>Religion der R&ouml;mer</i>,
+p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> See the author's <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>,
+p. 242.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> i. 270; Marquardt, p. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> <i>Ap. Gellium</i>, iv. 1. 17. For the sacredness of food and
+meals, see below (Lect. VIII. p. 172).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> See a paper by the author in <i>Classical Rev.</i> vol. x. (1896)
+p. 317, and references there given. Cp. the passage of Servius
+quoted above (<i>Aen.</i> i. 730), where a boy is described as announcing
+at the daily meal that the gods were propitious. For the purity
+necessary I may refer to Hor. <i>Odes</i>, iii. 23 <i>ad fin.</i>, "Immunis aram
+si tetigit manus," etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> <i>Primitive Culture</i>, i. 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> The feminine counterpart of Genius was Juno, of which more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>
+will be said later on. Each woman had her Juno; but this "other-soul"
+has little importance as compared with Genius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> See J. B. Carter in Hastings' <i>Dict. of Religion and Ethics</i>,
+i. 462 foll. For Genius in general, Birt in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> s.v.;
+Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 154 foll.; Stewart, <i>Myths of Plato</i>, p. 450, for the
+connexion of souls with ancestry.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> See the fifth of Plutarch's <i>Quaestiones Romanae</i>, and Dr.
+Jevons' interesting comments in his edition of Phil. Holland's
+translation, pp. xxii. and xxxv. foll. Cp. the throwing the fetters of
+a criminal out by the roof of the Flamen's house.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> <i>Civ. Dei</i>, vi. 9. These are deities of the Indigitamenta;
+see below, p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> De Marchi, <i>La Religione</i>, etc. i. 188 foll.; Marquardt,
+<i>Privatleben der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 336, "la porte est la limite entre le
+monde &eacute;tranger et le monde domestique" (A. van Gennep, <i>Rites
+de passage</i>, p. 26, where other illustrations are given).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> See below, Lect. XII. p. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 96; Aust, <i>Rel. der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 117;
+Roscher in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> s.v. "Janus"; J. B. Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>,
+p. 13. Cp. Von Domaszewski in <i>Archiv</i>, 1907, p. 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Frazer, <i>Lectures on the Early History of Kingship</i>, p. 286
+foll.; A. B. Cook in <i>Classical Review</i>, 1904, p. 367 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> <i>Gromat. vet.</i> i. 302, line 20 foll., describes the chapels, but
+without mentioning the Lares. Varro (<i>L.L.</i> vi. 25) supplies the
+name: "Compitalia dies attributus Laribus Compitalibus; ideo ubi
+viae competunt tum in competis sacrificatur." Cp. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+p. 148. But the nature of the land thus marked off is not clear
+to me, nor explained (for primitive times) by Wissowa in <i>Real-Encycl.</i>,
+<i>s.vv.</i> "Compitum" and "Compitalia."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> "Enos Lases juvate." See Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 26
+foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 5. Cp. Dion. Hal. iv. 13. 2. In Cato 143 the
+vilica is to put a wreath on the focus on Kalends, Nones and Ides,
+and to pray to the Lar familiaris pro copia (at the compita?).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> The controversy about the Lar may be read in the <i>Archiv
+f&uuml;r Religionswissenschaft</i>, 1904, p. 42 foll. (Wissowa), and 1907,
+p. 368 foll. (Samter in reply). De Marchi (<i>La Religione</i>, etc. i. 28
+foll.) takes the same view as Samter, who originally stated it in his
+<i>Familienfesten</i>, p. 105 foll., in criticism of Wissowa's view. See also
+a note by the author in the <i>Archiv</i>, 1906, p. 529.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 148; the details as to the altar occur in
+<i>Gromatici vet.</i> i. 302. It was on this occasion that <i>maniae</i> and
+<i>pilae</i> were hung on the house and compitum ("pro foribus," Macr. i.
+7. 35); see above, p. 61. For the <i>religio Larium</i>, Cic. <i>de Legg.</i>,
+ii. 19 and 27. That the Compitalia was an old Latin festival is
+undoubted; but as we are uncertain about the exact nature of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span>
+earliest form of landholding, we cannot be sure about the nature of
+the compita in remote antiquity. The passage from the <i>Gromatici</i>
+(Dolabella), quoted above, refers to the <i>fines templares</i> of <i>possessiones</i>,
+<i>i.e.</i> the boundaries marked by these chapels in estates of
+later times. See Rudorff in vol. ii. p. 263; Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa,
+<i>s.v.</i> "Compitum."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 26. I have discussed this passage in <i>R.F.</i>
+p. 294; it is still not clear to me whether Varro is identifying his
+Paganicae with the Sementivae, but on the whole I think he uses
+the latter word of a city rite (<i>dies a pontificibus dictus</i>), and the
+former of the country festivals of the same kind.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, i. 663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> <i>Cl. Rev.</i>, 1908, p. 36 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> i. 338 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> See my discussion of Faunus in <i>R.F.</i> p. 258 foll. I am still
+unable to agree with Wissowa in his view of Faunus (<i>R.K.</i> p. 172 foll.).
+I may here mention a passage of the gromatic writer Dolabella
+(<i>Gromatici</i>, i. 302), in which he says that there were three Silvani
+to each <i>possessio</i> or large estate of later times: "S. domesticus,
+possessioni consecratus: alter agrestis, pastoribus consecratus: tertius
+orientalis, cui est in confinio lucus positus, a quo inter duo pluresque
+fines oriuntur." Faunus never became domesticated, but he belongs
+to the same type as Silvanus. Von Domaszewski, in his recently
+published <i>Abhandlungen zur r&ouml;m. Religion</i>, p. 61, discredits the
+passage about the three Silvani, following a paper of Mommsen.
+But his whole interesting discussion of Silvanus shows well how
+many different forms that curious semi-deity could take.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> <i>Odes</i>, iii. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> Cic. <i>de Inventione</i>, ii. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> pp. 236-284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> 325, condensed from Siculus Flaccus (<i>Gromatici</i>, i. 141).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, ii. 641 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, etc., p. 138; Robertson Smith,
+<i>Semites</i>, p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Tibullus ii. 1. 55; Virg. <i>Ecl.</i> vi. 22, x. 27, and
+Servius on both these passages. Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxxiii. 111; and cp.
+below, p. 177. For primitive ideas about the colour red see Jevons,
+<i>Introd.</i> pp. 67 and 138; Samter, <i>Familienfeste</i>, p. 47 foll. Cp. also
+the very interesting paper of von Duhn in <i>Archiv</i>, 1906, p. 1 foll.,
+esp. p. 20: "Es soll eben wirklich pulsierendes kraftvolles Leben zum
+Ausdruck gebracht werden." His conclusions are based on the widespread
+custom of using red in funerals, coffins, and for colouring the
+dead man himself: the idea being to give him a chance of new
+life&mdash;which is what he wants&mdash;red standing for blood.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> I am not sure that I am right in calling this whitethorn.
+For the qualities of the <i>Spina alba</i> see Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, vi. 129 and
+165, "Sic fatus spinam, quae tristes pellere posset A foribus nexas,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>
+haec erat alba, dedit." In line 165 he calls it <i>Virga Janalis</i>. See
+also Festus, p. 289, and Serv. <i>ad Ecl.</i> viii. 29; B&uuml;cheler, <i>Umbrica</i>,
+p. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> The details are fully set forth in Marquardt, <i>R&ouml;m. Privataltert&uuml;mer</i>,
+p. 52 foll. The religious character of <i>confarreatio</i> and its
+antiquity are fully recognised by Westermarck, <i>History of Human
+Marriage</i>, p. 427. Some interesting parallels to the smearing of
+the doorposts from modern Europe will be found collected in
+Samter, <i>Familienfeste</i>, p. 81 foll. The authority for the wolf's fat
+was Masurius Sabinus, quoted by Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 142 (cp. 157),
+who adds from the same author, "ideo novas nuptas illo perungere
+postes solitas, ne quid mali medicamenti inferretur." The real
+reason was, no doubt, that it was a charm against evil <i>spirits</i>, not
+against poison; but it is worth while to quote here another passage
+of Pliny (xx. 101), where he says that a squill hung <i>in limine
+ianuae</i> had the same power, according to Pythagoras. Some may
+see a reminiscence of totemism in the wolf's fat: in any case the
+mention of the animal as obtainable is interesting.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>, p. 6 foll. The idea is that the
+child comes from mother earth, and will eventually return to her.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> For Roman names Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 7 foll., and
+Mommsen, <i>Forschungen</i>, i. <span class="smcap">I</span> foll., are still the most complete
+authorities. For the importance of the name among wild and semi-civilised
+peoples, Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 403 foll.; Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture</i>,
+ii. 430 foll. All these ceremonies of birth, naming, and initiation
+(puberty) have recently been included by M. van Gennep in what
+he calls <i>Rites de passage</i> (see his book with that title, which
+appeared after these lectures were prepared, especially chapters v.
+and vi.). In all these ceremonies he traces more or less successfully
+a sequence of rites of separation (<i>i.e.</i> from a previous condition),
+of margin, where the ground is, so to speak, neutral, and of
+"aggregation," when the subject is introduced to a new state or
+condition of existence. If I understand him rightly, he looks on
+this as the proper and primitive explanation of all such rites, and
+denies that they need to be accounted for animistically, <i>i.e.</i> by
+assuming that riddance of evil spirits, or purification of any kind,
+is the leading idea in them. They are, in fact, quasi-dramatic
+celebrations of a process of going over from one status to another,
+and may be found in connection with all the experiences of man in
+a social state. But the Roman society, of which I am describing
+the religious aspect, had beyond doubt reached the animistic stage
+of thought, and was in process of developing it into the theological
+stage; hence these ceremonies are marked by sacrifices, as marriage,
+the <i>dies lustricus</i> (see De Marchi, p. 169, and Tertull. <i>de Idol.</i> 16)
+most probably, and puberty (<i>R.F.</i> p. 56). I do not fully understand
+how far van Gennep considers sacrifice as marking a later stage in
+the development of the ideas of a society on these matters (see his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>
+note in criticism of Oldenburg, p. 78); but I see no good reason
+to abandon the words purification and lustration, believing that
+even if he is right in his explanation of the original performances,
+these ideas had been in course of time engrafted on them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> In historical times the <i>toga pura</i> was assumed when the
+parents thought fit; earlier there may have been a fixed day (<i>R.F.</i>
+p. 56, "Liberalia"). In any case there was, of course, no necessary
+correspondence between "social and physical puberty"; van Gennep,
+p. 93 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 191; J. B. Carter in Hastings' <i>Dict.
+of Religion and Ethics</i>, i. 462 foll.; Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>,
+p. 77. The whole question of the so-called cult of the dead at
+Rome calls for fresh investigation in the light of ethnological
+and archaeological research. The recent work of Mr. J. C. Lawson,
+<i>Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion</i>, seems to
+throw grave doubt on some of the most important conclusions of
+Rohde's <i>Psyche</i>, the work which most writers on the ideas of the
+Greeks and Romans have been content to follow. Mr. Lawson
+seems to me to have proved that the object of both burial and
+cremation (which in both peninsulas are found together) was to
+secure dissolution for the substance of the body, so that the soul
+might not be able to inhabit the body again, and the two together
+return to annoy the living (see especially chapters v. and vi.). But
+his answer to the inevitable question, why in that case sustenance
+should be offered to the dead at the grave, is less satisfactory
+(see pp. 531, 538), and I do not at present see how to co-ordinate
+it with Roman usage. But I find hardly a trace of the belief that
+the dead had to be placated like the gods by sacrifice and prayer,
+except in <i>Aen.</i> iii. 63 foll. and v. 73 foll. In the first of these
+passages Polydorus had not been properly buried, as Servius
+observes <i>ad loc.</i> to explain the nature of the offerings; the second
+presents far more difficulties than have as yet been fairly faced.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> For recent researches about beans as tabooed by the
+Pythagoreans and believed to be the food of ghosts, see Gruppe,
+<i>Mythologische Literatur</i>, p. 370 (Samter and W&uuml;nsch). Cp. <i>R.F.</i>,
+p. 110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> Ov. <i>Fasti</i>, v. 421 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 107.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p>
+
+<h4>LECTURE V</h4>
+
+<h5>THE CALENDAR OF NUMA</h5>
+
+
+<p>The religion of the household had two main characteristics.
+First, it was a perfectly natural and organic growth,
+the result of the Roman farmer's effective desire to put
+himself and his in right relations with the spiritual powers
+at work for good or ill around him. His conception of
+these powers I shall deal with more fully in the next
+lecture; but I have said enough to prove that it was not
+a degrading one. The spirits of his house and his land
+and his own Genius were friendly powers, all of them of
+the greatest importance for his life and his work, and their
+claims were attended to with regularity and devotion.
+From Vesta and the Penates, the Lar, the Genius, the
+Manes, and the spirits of the doorway and the spring,
+there was nothing to fear if they were carefully propitiated;
+and as his daily life and comfort depended on this
+propitiation, they were really divine members of the
+<i>familia</i>, and might become, and perhaps did become, the
+objects of real affection as well as worship. In this well-regulated
+practical life of the early agricultural settlers,
+with its careful attention to the claims of its divine
+protectors, we may perhaps see the germs of a real religious
+expression of human life.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, there was doubtless at the same time
+constant cause for anxiety. Beyond the house and the
+land there were unreclaimed spirits of the woodland
+which might force an entrance into the sacred limits
+of the house; the ghosts of the dead members were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>
+constantly wishing to return; the crops might be attacked
+by strange diseases, by storms or drought, and man himself
+was liable to seasonal disease or sudden pestilence. The
+cattle and sheep might stray into the remote forest and
+become the prey of evil beasts, if not of evil spirits. How
+was the farmer to meet all these troubles, caused, as he
+supposed, by spirits whose ways he did not understand?
+How were they to be propitiated as they themselves would
+wish? How were the omens to be interpreted from which
+their will might be guessed? How were the proper times
+and seasons for each religious operation to be discovered?
+If my imagination is not at fault, I seem to see that the
+Latin farmer must have had to shift for himself in most
+of his dealings with the supernatural powers about him;
+<i>religio</i>, the sense of awe and of dependence, must have
+been constantly with him. But even here we may see, I
+think, a possible germ of religious development; for without
+this feeling of awe religious forms tend to become
+meaningless: lull <i>religio</i> to sleep, and the forms cease to
+represent effectively man's experience of life. We have
+to see later on how this paralysis of the religious instinct
+did actually take place in early Roman history.</p>
+
+<p>For we now have to leave the religion of the household,
+and to study that of the earliest form of the City-state.
+We have enjoyed a glint of light reflected from later
+times on the religion of the early Roman family, and are
+about to enjoy another glint&mdash;nay, a gleam of real light,
+and not merely a reflected one&mdash;which the earliest
+religious document we possess casts on the religion of the
+City-state of Rome. Between the two there is a long
+period of almost complete darkness. We know hardly
+anything as yet, and it is not likely that we shall ever
+know anything definite, about the stages of development
+which must have been passed before Rome became the
+so-called city of the Four Regions, when her history may
+be said really to begin. The pagus hardly helps us here;
+it was not an essential advance on the family, and its
+religion was comprehensive, not intensive. Each pagus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>
+however, seems to have had within its bounds an <i>oppidum</i>,
+or stronghold on a hill; and such oppida were the seven
+<i>montes</i> of early Rome, which, with the pagi belonging to
+them, survived in name to the end of the Republic, with
+some kind of a religious festival uniting them together,
+about which we have hardly any knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> This looks
+like a stage in the process of change from farm to city,
+and it has generally been believed to mark one. Unfortunately
+nothing to our purpose can be founded on it.
+We must be content with the undoubted fact that about
+the eighth or seventh century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> the site of Rome was
+occupied and strengthened as a bulwark against the
+Etruscan people who were pressing down from the north
+upon the valley of the Tiber;<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> we may take it that the
+old central fortress of Latium, on the Alban hill, was not
+in the right position for defence, and that it was seen to
+be absolutely necessary to make a stronghold of the
+position offered by the hills which abut on the river twenty
+miles above its mouth&mdash;the only real position of defence
+for the Latin settlements in its rear. Here an <i>urbs</i> was
+made with <i>murus</i> and <i>pomoerium</i>, <i>i.e.</i> material and spiritual
+boundaries, taking in a space sufficient to hold the
+threatened rural population with their flocks and herds,
+with the river in the front and a common citadel on the
+Capitoline hill, and including the Palatine, Quirinal,
+Esquiline, Caelian and Aventine hills, though the last
+named remained technically outside the pomoerium.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">187</a></p>
+
+<p>It is to this city that our earliest religious document,
+the so-called Calendar of Numa, belongs. That calendar
+includes the cult of Quirinus on the hill which still bears
+his name, and that hill was an integral part of the city as
+just described. On the other hand, it tells us nothing of
+the great cult of the <i>trias</i> on the Capitoline&mdash;Jupiter,
+Juno, Minerva&mdash;which by universal tradition was instituted
+much later by the second Tarquinius, <i>i.e.</i> under an Etruscan
+dynasty; nor does Diana appear in it, the goddess who
+was brought from Latium and settled on the Aventine
+before the end of the kingly period. We have, then, a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>
+<i>terminus ex quo</i> for the date of the calendar in the inclusion
+in the city of the Quirinal hill, and a <i>terminus
+ad quem</i> in the foundation of the Diana temple on the
+Aventine.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> We cannot date these events precisely; but
+it is sufficient for our purpose if it be taken as proved
+that the Fasti belong to the fully developed city, and yet
+were drawn up before that conquest by the Etruscans
+which we may regard as a certainty, and which is
+marked by the foundations of Etruscan masonry which
+served to support the great Capitoline temple. And this
+is also borne out by the undoubted fact that the calendar
+itself shows no trace of Etruscan influence. But I must
+now go on to explain exactly what this calendar is.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Fasti anni Romani</i> exist chiefly on stone as inscriptions,
+and date from the Early Empire, between 31 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> and
+<span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 51. They give us, in fact, the calendar as revised by
+Caesar; but no one now doubts that Mommsen was right in
+detecting in these inscriptions the skeleton of the original
+calendar which the Romans ascribed to Numa.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> This is
+distinguished from later additions by the large capital
+letters in which it is written or inscribed in all the fragments
+we possess; it gives us the days of the month with
+their religious characteristics as affecting state business,
+the names of the religious festivals which concern the
+whole state, and the Kalends, Nones, and Ides in each
+month. Excluding these last, we have the names, in a
+shortened form, of forty-five festivals; and these festivals,
+thus placed by an absolutely certain record in their right
+place in each month and in the year, must be the foundation
+of all scientific study of the religious practice of the
+Roman state, taken together with certain additions in
+smaller capitals, and with such information about them as
+we can obtain from literary sources.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">190</a></p>
+
+<p>The smaller capitals give us such entries as <i>feriae
+Iovi</i>, <i>feriae Saturno</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the name of a deity to whom
+a festival was sacred, the foundation days of temples,
+generally with the name of the deity in the dative and
+the position of the temple in the city, and certain <i>ludi</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>
+and memorial days, which belong to a much later age
+than the original festivals. But the names of those
+which are inscribed in large letters bear witness beyond all
+question to their own antiquity; for among them there is
+not one which has anything to do, so far as we know, with
+a non-Roman deity, and we know that foreign deities
+began to arrive in Rome before the end of the kingly
+period. Here, then, we have genuine information about
+the oldest religious doings of the City-state, in what
+indeed is, as Mommsen said, the most ancient source of
+our knowledge about Roman antiquity generally.</p>
+
+<p>The first point we notice in studying this calendar
+(putting aside for the present the question as to the
+agency by which it was drawn up) is this: it exactly
+reflects a transition from the life of a rural population
+engaged in agriculture, to the highly-organised political
+and military life of a City-state. In other words, the
+State, whose religious needs and experience it reflects,
+was one whose economic basis was agriculture, whose
+life included legal and political business, and whose
+activity in the season of arms was war.</p>
+
+<p>This last characteristic is discernible chiefly, if not
+entirely, in the months of March and October; and the
+former of these bears the name of the great deity, who,
+whatever may have been his origin or the earliest conception
+of him, was throughout Roman history the god of
+war. All through March up to the 23rd the Salii, the warlike
+priests of Mars, were active, dancing and singing those
+hymns of which an obscure fragment has come down to
+us, and clashing and brandishing the sacred spears and
+shields of the god (<i>ancilia</i>).<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> On the 19th these ancilia
+were lustrated&mdash;a process to which I shall recur in
+another lecture; and on the 23rd we find in the
+calendar the festival Tubilustrium, which suggests the
+lustration of the trumpets of the host before it took the
+field. On the 14th of March,<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> and also on the 27th of
+February, we find Equirria in the calendar, which must be
+understood as lustrations of the horses of the host, accom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>panied
+with races. If we may take the ancilia as symbolising
+the arms of the host, we see in the festivals of this
+month a complete religious process preparing the material
+of war for the perils inevitably to be met with beyond
+the <i>ager Romanus</i>, whether from human or spiritual
+enemies; and that the warriors themselves were subjected
+to a process of the same kind we know from the
+historical evidence of later times.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> Now in October,
+when the season of arms was over, we find indications
+of a parallel process, which Wissowa was the first to
+point out clearly, but without fully recognising its
+religious import.<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> It was not so much thanksgiving
+(<i>Dankfest</i>) after a campaign that was necessary on the
+return of the army, as purification (or disinfection) from
+the taint of bloodshed, and from contact with strange
+beings human and spiritual.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> On October 15, the Ides,
+there was a horse-race in the Campus Martius, with a
+sacrifice of the winning horse to Mars with peculiar
+primitive ritual; this, however, for some reason which I
+shall presently try to discover, was not embodied in the
+calendar under any special name. On the 19th, however,
+we find the entry <span class="smcap">Armilustrium</span>, which tells its own tale.
+The Salii, too, were active again in these days of October,
+and on the day of the Armilustrium, as it would seem,
+put their shields away (<i>condere</i>) in their <i>sacrarium</i>
+until the March following. As Wissowa says, the ritual
+of the Salii is thus a symbolic copy of the procedure of
+war.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> From these indications in the calendar, helped
+out by information drawn from the later entries and from
+literary evidence, we see quite plainly that we are dealing
+with the religion of a state which for half the year is
+liable to be engaged in war. Rome was, in fact, a frontier
+fortress on the Tiber against Etruscan enemies; she is
+destined henceforward to be continually in arms, and she
+has already expressed this great fact in her religious
+calendar.</p>
+
+<p>The legal and political significance of the calendar consists
+in the division of the days of the year into two great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>
+groups, <i>dies fasti</i> and <i>nefasti</i>: the former are those on
+which it is <i>fas</i>, <i>i.e.</i> religiously permissible, to transact civil
+business, the latter those on which it would be <i>nefas</i> to
+do so, <i>i.e.</i> sacrilege, because they are given over to the
+gods. We need not, indeed, assume that these marks F
+and N descend in every case from the very earliest times
+into the pre-Julian calendar, or that the few days which
+have other marks stood originally as we find them;
+but of the primitive character of the main division we
+can have no doubt. In the calendar as we have it 109
+days belong to the divine, 235 to the human inhabitants
+of the city. All but two of the former are days of odd
+numbers in the month, and it is reasonable to suppose
+that these two exceptions were later alterations. The
+belief that odd numbers are lucky is a very widely-spread
+superstition, and we do not need to have recourse to
+Pythagoras to explain it; in this rule, as in others, <i>e.g.</i>
+their taboo on eating beans, the Pythagoreans were only
+following a native prejudice of southern Italy. "The
+idea of luck in odd numbers," says Mr. Crooke,<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> writing
+of the Hindus, "is universal." Thus the simpler odd
+numbers, three, five, seven, and nine, all recur constantly
+in folklore; and the result is visible in this calendar.
+Where a festival occupies more than one day in a
+month, there is an interval between the two of one or
+three days, making the whole number three or five.
+Thus Carmentalia occur on 11th and 15th January, and
+the Lemuria in May are on the 9th, 11th, and 13th; the
+Lucaria in July on 19th and 21st. In some months, too,
+<i>e.g.</i> August and December, perhaps also July and
+February, there seem to be traces of an arrangement
+by which festivals which probably had some connection
+with each other are thus arranged; <i>e.g.</i> in August six
+festivals, all concerned in some way with the fruits of
+the earth and the harvest, occur on the 17th, 19th, 21st,
+23rd, 25th, and 27th. It has recently been suggested<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">198</a>
+that these are arranged round one central festival, which
+gives a kind of colouring to the others, as the Volcanalia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span>
+in August, the Saturnalia in December. But the reasons
+von Domaszewski gives for the arrangement, and the
+further speculation that where it does not occur we may
+find traces of an older system, as yet unaffected by the
+so-called Pythagorean prejudice, do not seem to me
+satisfactory. We may be content with the general
+principle as I have stated it, and note that while religious
+duties <i>must</i> be performed on days of odd number, civil
+duties were not so restricted: the days belonging to the
+gods, which were, so to speak, taboo days, were more
+important than those belonging to men. There are, as
+I have said, but two days marked in the large letters
+as festivals, which are on days of even number, 24th
+February and 14th March, the Regifugium and the
+second Equirria; and about these we know so little that
+it is almost useless to speculate as to the reason for their
+exception from the rule. Two others, 24th March and
+24th May, were partly the property of the gods and
+partly of men, and are marked QRCF (<i>quando rex
+comitiavit fas</i>); but the sense in which they partially
+belonged to the gods is not the same as in the case of
+sacrificial festivals.</p>
+
+<p>This calendar thus shows obvious signs of both military
+and political development; in other words, its witness to
+the religious experience of the Romans proves that they
+had successfully adjusted the forms and seasons of their
+worship to the processes of government at home and of
+military service in the field. But the most conspicuous
+feature in it is the testimony it bears to the agricultural
+habits of the people&mdash;to the fact that agriculture and not
+trade, of which there is hardly a trace, was the economic
+basis of their life. At the time when it was drawn up,
+the Romans must have been able to subsist upon the
+<i>ager Romanus</i>, though, as we shall see later on, it was
+probably not long before they began commercial relations
+with other peoples; for their food, which was almost
+entirely vegetarian, and their clothing, which was entirely
+of wool and leather,<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> they depended on their crops,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>
+flocks, and herds; and the perils to which these were
+liable remain for the State, as for the farming household,
+the main subject of the propitiation of the gods, the main
+object of their endeavours to keep themselves in right
+relation with the Power manifest in the universe.</p>
+
+<p>We can trace the series of agricultural operations in
+the calendar without much difficulty all through the year.
+The Roman year, we must remember, began with March,
+and March, as we have seen, had under the military
+necessities of the State become peculiarly appropriated
+to the religious preparation of the burgher host for warlike
+activity. But the festivals of April, when crops
+were growing, cattle bringing forth young or seeking
+summer pasture, all have direct reference to the work of
+agriculture.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> At the Fordicidia, on the 15th, pregnant
+cows were sacrificed to the Earth-goddess, and their
+unborn calves burnt, apparently with the object of procuring
+the fertility of the corn; and the Cerealia on the
+19th, to judge by the name, must have had an object of
+the same kind, though the supersession of Ceres by the
+Greek Demeter had obscured this in historical times.
+The Parilia on the 19th, recently illuminated by Dr.
+Frazer,<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> was a lustration of the cattle and sheep before
+they left their winter pasture to encounter the dangers of
+wilder hill or woodland, and may be compared with the
+lustratio of the host before a campaign. On the 23rd the
+Vinalia tells its own tale, and shows that the cultivation
+of the vine was already a part of the agricultural work.
+On the 25th the spirit of the red mildew, Robigus, was
+the object of propitiation, at the time when the ear was
+beginning to be formed in the corn, and was particularly
+liable to attack from this pest.</p>
+
+<p>The religious precautions thus taken in April were not
+renewed in May; but at the end of that month of ripening
+the whole of the <i>ager Romanus</i> was lustrated by the
+Fratres Arvales. This important rite, for some reason
+which we cannot be sure of, was a movable feast, left to
+the discretion of the brethren, and therefore does not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>
+appear in the calendar. In June the sacred character of
+the new crops, now approaching their harvest, becomes
+apparent; the <i>penus Vestae</i>, the symbolic receptacle of the
+grain-store of the State, after remaining open from the 7th
+to the 15th, was closed on that day for the rest of the
+year, after being carefully cleansed: the refuse was religiously
+deposited in a particular spot. Thus all was
+made ready for the reception of the new grain, which, as
+is now well known, has a sacred character among primitive
+peoples, and must be stored and eaten with precaution.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">202</a>
+This was the chief religious work of June; in July, the
+month when the harvest was actually going on, the
+festivals are too obscure to delay us; they seem to have
+some reference to water, rain, storms, but it is not clear
+to me whether the object was to avert stormy weather
+during the cutting of the crops, or, on the other hand, to
+avert a drought in the hottest time of the year. The
+true harvest festivals begin in August; the Consualia on
+21st and Opiconsiva on 25th both seem to suggest the
+operation of storing up (<i>condere</i>) the grain, and between
+them we find the Volcanalia, of which the object was
+perhaps to propitiate the fire-spirit at a time when the
+heat of the sun might be dangerous to the freshly-gathered
+crops.</p>
+
+<p>After the crops were once harvested, ploughing and
+sowing chiefly occupied the farming community until
+December; and as these operations were not accompanied
+by the same perils which beset the agriculturist in spring
+and summer, they have left no trace in the calendar.
+Special religious action was not necessary on their behalf.
+It is not till the autumn sowing was over, and the workers
+could rest from their labours, that we find another set of
+festivals, of which the centre-point is the Saturnalia on the
+17th, Saturnus being the deity, I think, both of the operation
+of sowing and of the sown seed, now reposing in the
+bosom of mother earth.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> A second Consualia on the
+15th, and the Opalia on the 19th, like the corresponding
+August festivals, seem to be concerned with the housed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>
+grain harvested in the previous August; I am disposed
+to think that in all three we should see not only the
+natural rejoicing after the labours of the autumn, but the
+opening of the granaries and, perhaps, the first eating of
+the grain. For on the Saturnalia there was a sacrifice at
+Saturnus' altar, followed by a feast, which was afterwards
+Graecised, but doubtless originally represented the primitive
+feasting of the farm, in which the whole familia took
+part. This brings us practically to the end of the agricultural
+year as represented in the calendar; for spring
+sowing was exceptional, the joyful feasts of pagus and
+compitum are not to be found in our document, and the
+month of February is specially occupied with the care
+and cult of the dead (<i>Manes</i>).</p>
+
+<p>At this point I wish to notice one or two results of
+the adoption of a religious calendar such as I have been
+describing, which are more to the purpose of these lectures
+than some of the details I have had to point out. First,
+let us remember that agricultural operations necessarily
+vary in date according to the season, and that most of
+the rural festivals of ancient Italy were not fixed to a
+particular day, but were <i>feriae conceptivae</i>, settled perhaps
+according to the decision of some meeting of heads of
+families or officers of a pagus. That this was so we may
+conjecture from the fact that those which survived into
+historical times, <i>e.g.</i> Compitalia and Paganalia, and were
+celebrated in the city, though not as <i>sacra pro populo</i>,<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">204</a>
+were of varying date. But all the festivals of the calendar
+were necessarily fixed, and the days on which they were
+held were made over to the gods. Now by being thus
+fixed they would soon begin to get out of relation to
+agricultural life; just as, if the harvest festivals of our
+churches were fixed to one day throughout the country,
+the meaning of the religious service would sooner or later
+begin to lose something of its force. And how much the
+more would this be so if the calendar itself, from ignorance
+or mismanagement, began to get out of relation with
+the true season, as in course of time was frequently the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>
+case? When once under such circumstances the meaning
+of a religious rite is lost, where is its psychological efficacy?
+In the life of the old Latin farmer, as we saw, his religion
+was a reality, an organic growth, coincident at every point
+with the perils he encountered in his daily toil; here, in
+the City-state, it must from the beginning have had a
+tendency to become an unreality, and it ended by becoming
+one entirely. Some of the old rites may have attached
+new meanings to themselves; it is possible, for example,
+that beneath the military rites of March there was an
+original agricultural significance; the Saturnalia became
+a merry mid-winter festival for a town population. But
+a great number wholly lost meaning, and were so forgotten
+or neglected in course of time that even learned
+men like Varro do not seem to have been able to explain
+them. The only practical question about them for the
+later Romans was whether their days were <i>dies fasti</i> or
+<i>nefasti</i> or <i>comitiales</i>,&mdash;what work might or might not be
+done on them.</p>
+
+<p>Another point, closely connected with the last, and
+tending in the same direction, is that such a calendar as
+this implies rigidity and routine in religious duties. A
+well-ordered city life under a strong government must, of
+course, be subject to routine; law, religious or civil, written
+or unwritten, forces the individual into certain stereotyped
+ways of life, subjects him to a certain amount of
+wholesome discipline. The value of such routine to an
+undisciplined people has been well pointed out by Bishop
+Stubbs, in writing of the effect of the rule of the Norman
+and Angevin kings on the English people,<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> where it was
+also a religious as well as a legal discipline that was at
+work. In neither case was it the ignorant and superstitious
+routine of savage life, which of late years we have
+had to substitute for old fancies about the freedom of the
+savage; it is the willing obedience of civilised man for
+his own benefit. But if it means a routine of religious
+rites which are beginning to lose their meaning; if the
+relation between them and man's life and work is lost;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>
+and lastly, if, as was probably the case, the Fasti were
+not published, but remained in the hands of a priesthood
+or an aristocracy,<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">206</a>&mdash;then there is serious loss as well as
+gain. You begin sooner or later to cease to feel your
+dependence on the divine beings around you for your
+daily bread, to get out of right relation with the Power
+manifesting itself in the universe.</p>
+
+<p>But, in the third place, we must believe that at first,
+and indeed perhaps for ages, this very routine had an
+important psychological result in producing increased comfort,
+convenience, and confidence in the Roman's relations
+with the divine inhabitants of his city. A certain number
+of deities have taken up their abode within the walls of
+the city, and are as much its inhabitants, its citizens, as
+the human beings who live there; and all the relations
+between the divine and human citizens are regulated now
+by law, by a <i>ius divinum</i>, of which the calendar is a very
+important part. <i>Religio</i>, the old feeling of doubt and
+scruple, arising from want of knowledge in the individual,
+is still there; it is, in fact, the feeling which has given rise
+to all this organisation and routine, the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>,
+as Cicero phrases it. But it must be already
+losing its strength, its life; it was, so to speak, a constitutional
+weakness, and the <i>ius divinum</i> is already
+beginning to act on it as a tonic. Doubt has passed
+into fixed usage, tradition has given place to organisation.
+Time, place, procedure in all religious matters, are guaranteed
+by those skilled in the <i>ius divinum</i>; they know
+what to do as the festival of each deity comes round, and
+at the right time and place they do it with scrupulous
+attention to every detail. Thus the organisation of which
+the calendar is our best example would have as its first
+result the destruction of fear and doubt in the mind of
+the ordinary Roman; it would tend to kill, or at least
+to put to sleep, the <i>religio</i> which was the original motive
+cause of this very organisation. As the State in our own
+day has a tendency to relieve families of such duties as
+the care and education of children, so the State at Rome<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>
+relieved the family of constant anxiety about matters in
+which they were ever in danger from the spirit-world.
+The State and its authorities have taken the whole responsibility
+of adjusting the relations of the human and
+divine citizens.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">207</a></p>
+
+<p>Entirely in keeping with this psychological result of
+the calendar is the fact, to which I have already alluded,
+that it supplies us with hardly any evidence of the existence
+of magic, or of those "beastly devices of the heathen"
+which may roughly be included under that word; to use
+the language of Mr. Lang, we find none of those "distressing
+vestiges of savagery and barbarism which meet us in
+the society of ancient Greece." It is true enough that we
+do not know much about what was done at the various
+festivals of the calendar, but what we do know, with one
+or two exceptions, suggests an idea of worship as clean
+and rational as that of the Homeric poems, which stands
+in such striking contrast to that reflected in later Greek
+literature.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> When we do read of any kind of grossness
+in worship or the accompanying festivities, it is almost
+always in the case of some rite which is <i>not</i> among those
+in the Fasti. Such was the old festival of Anna Perenna
+in March, where the plebs in Ovid's time spent the day
+in revelry and drinking, and prayed for as many years of
+life as they could drink cups of wine. Such again was
+that of the October horse, when after a chariot-race in
+the Campus the near horse of the winning team was
+sacrificed, and his tail carried in hot haste to the Regia,
+where the blood was allowed to drip on the sacred
+hearth; while the head was the object of a fight between
+the men of the Via Sacra and those of the Subura.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> We
+may perhaps include in the list the ritual of the Argei, if
+it was indeed, as I believe, of great antiquity;<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> on May
+15, as we have seen, twenty-seven puppets of reeds or
+straw were thrown into the Tiber from the <i>pons sublicius</i>,
+possibly with the object of procuring rain for the growing
+crops. Let us also note that <i>dies religiosi</i> were not
+marked in the Fasti, <i>i.e.</i> days on which some uncomfort<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>able
+feeling prevailed, such as the three days on which
+the <i>mundus</i> was open to allow the Manes to come up
+from their shadowy abode below the earth; with the
+character of such days as "uncanny" the calendar has
+simply nothing to do. It is a document of religious law,
+not of <i>superstitio</i>, a word which in Roman usage almost
+invariably means what is outside that religious law, outside
+the <i>ius divinum</i>; and it is a document of <i>religio</i>
+only so far as it is meant to organise and carry out the
+<i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, the natural results of that feeling
+which the Romans called <i>religio</i>. It stands on exactly
+the same footing as the Law of the Israelites, which
+supplied them in full detail with the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>,
+and rigidly excluded all foreign and barbarous rites and
+superstitions.</p>
+
+<p>I do not, of course, mean to say that the State did
+not recognise or allow the festivals which are not marked
+in the calendar; the pontifices and Vestals were present
+at the ceremony of the Argei, and the Regia was the
+scene of a part of that of the October horse. But those
+who drew up the calendar as the fundamental charter
+of the <i>ius divinum</i> must have had their reasons for the
+selection of forty-five days as made over to the deities
+who were specially concerned with the State's welfare.
+And on these days, so far as we know, there was a
+regular ordered routine of sacrifice and prayer, with
+but little trace of the barbarous or grotesque. The
+ritual of the Lupercalia is almost a solitary exception.
+The Luperci had their foreheads smeared with the blood
+of the victims, which were goats, and then this was
+wiped off with wool dipped in milk; after this they
+were obliged to laugh, probably as a sign that the
+god (whoever he was) was in them, or that they were
+identified with him.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> They then girt themselves with
+the skins of the victims and ran round the ancient
+pomoerium, striking at any women they met with
+strips of the same victims in order to produce fertility.
+This was perhaps a rite taken over from aboriginal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>
+settlers on the Palatine, and so intimately connected with
+that hill that it could not be omitted from the calendar.
+The ritual of the three days of Lemuria in May, when
+ghosts were expelled from the house, as Ovid describes
+the process, by means of beans,<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> seems also to have
+been a reminiscence of ideas about the dead more
+primitive than those which took effect in the more
+cheerful Parentalia of February: here again we may
+perhaps see a concession to the popular tradition and
+prejudice of a primitive population. On the other hand,
+the revelry of the Saturnalia in December, of which Dr.
+Frazer has made so much in the second edition of the
+<i>Golden Bough</i>,<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> is nothing more than the licence of the
+population of a great cosmopolitan city, an out-growth,
+under Greek influence, from the rude winter rejoicings
+of the farmer and his <i>familia</i>; and for his conjecture
+that a human victim was sacrificed on this occasion in
+ancient Rome there is simply no evidence whatever.
+There is, indeed, not a trace of human sacrifice at Rome
+so long as the <i>ius divinum</i> was the supreme religious
+law of the State; in the whole Roman literature of the
+Republic hardly anything of the kind is alluded to;<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">214</a>
+it is only when we come to an age when the taste for
+bloodshed was encouraged by the shows of the amphitheatre,
+and when the blood-loving religions of the East
+were pressing in, that we hear of human sacrifice, and
+then only from Christian writers, who would naturally
+seize on anything that came to hand to hold up paganism
+to derision, without inquiring into the truth or the history
+of the alleged practice.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">215</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus we may take it as highly probable that those
+who drew up the calendar had the deliberate intention
+of excluding from the State ritual, as far as was possible,
+everything in the nature of barbarism and magic. For
+the religious purposes of a people occupied in agriculture
+and war, and already beginning to develop some idea
+of law and order, there was no need of any religious
+rites except such as would serve, in decency and order,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>
+to propitiate the deities concerned with the fertilisation
+of man, beast, and crop, and with the safety and efficacy
+of the host in its struggle with the enemies of the city.
+The Roman people grew up, in their city life as in the
+life of the family, in self-restraint, dignity, and good order,
+confident in the course of <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, itself decent
+and stately, if soulless, which the religious authorities
+had drawn up for them.</p>
+
+<p>We should naturally like to know something about
+those authorities, who thus placed the religion of the State
+on a comparatively high level of ritualistic decency, if not
+of theological subtlety. The Romans themselves attributed
+the work to a priest-king, Numa Pompilius, and probably
+their instinct was a right one. Names matter little in such
+matters; but there is surely something in the universal
+Roman tradition of a great religious legislator, something
+too, it may be, in the tradition that he was a Sabine,
+a representative of the community on the Quirinal which
+had been embodied in the Roman city before the calendar
+was drawn up, and of the sturdy, serious stock of central
+Italy, which retained its <i>virtus</i> longer than any other
+Italian people.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> We are quite in the dark as to all
+this, unless we can put any kind of confidence in the
+traditional belief of the Romans themselves. But there
+is one point on which I should like to make a suggestion&mdash;a
+new one so far as I know. Numa was said
+to have been the first Flamen Dialis; but that is
+absolutely impossible, for the ancient taboos on that
+priesthood would have made it impossible for him to
+become supreme legislator. Evidently this Flamen,
+who could hardly leave his own house, might never
+leave the city, and was at every turn hedged in by
+restrictions on his activity, was a survival of those
+magician-kings who make rain and do other useful
+things, but would lose their power if they were exposed
+to certain contingencies; the number of possible contingencies
+increases till the unfortunate owner of the
+powers becomes powerless by virtue of the care so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>
+painfully taken of him.<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> The priest of Jupiter and
+his taboos carry us back, beyond a doubt, into the
+far-away dim history of primitive Latium. By the
+time the eternal city was founded on the Tiber, he
+must have been already practically obsolete. My suggestion
+is that he is the representative in the Roman
+religious system of another and more primitive system
+which existed in Latium, probably at Alba, where Jupiter
+was worshipped on the mountain from time immemorial.
+When the strength of Latium was concentrated at the
+best strategical point on the Tiber, the priest of Jupiter
+was transferred to the new city, because he was too
+"precious" to be left behind, though even then a relic
+of antiquity. There he became what he was throughout
+Roman history, a practically useless personage, about
+whom certain sacred traditions had gathered, but placed
+in complete subjection to the new legal and religious
+king, and afterwards to the Pontifex maximus.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">218</a></p>
+
+<p>If there be any truth in this&mdash;and I believe it to
+be a legitimate inference from the legal position of
+this Flamen, and his permanent state of taboo&mdash;then
+I think we may see a great religious change in the era
+of the "calendar of Numa." Inspired with new ideas
+of the duty and destiny of the new city of the four
+regions, a priest-king, doubtless with the help and advice
+of a council, according to the true Roman fashion, put
+an end for ever to the reign of the old magician-kingship,
+but preserved the magician-king as a being still capable
+of wonder-working in the eyes of the people. As religious
+law displaced magic in the State ritual, so the new kings,
+with their collegia of legal priests, pontifices and augurs,
+neutralised and gradually destroyed the prestige of the
+effete survivor of an age of barbarism.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE V.</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> Kornemann, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 87; Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>,
+p. 230 foll.; Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, iii. p. 790, note 1. For the festival<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span>
+of the Septimontium, Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 24; Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 69;
+Fowler, <i>R.F.</i> p. 265 foll. This festival does not appear in the
+calendar, as not being "feriae populi, sed montanorum modo" (Varro,
+<i>l.c.</i>). There are some interesting remarks on the relation between
+agricultural life and the origin of towns in von Jhering's <i>Evolution
+of the Aryan</i> (Eng. trans.), p. 86 foll., with special reference to
+Rome.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> Von Duhn in <i>J.H.S.</i> xvi. 126 foll. The latest research
+(Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s.v.</i> "Etrusker," p. 747) concludes that
+the arrival of the Etruscans on the west coast of Italy cannot be
+safely put earlier than the eighth century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> H&uuml;lsen-Jordan, <i>Rom. Topogr.</i> iii. 153. In a brief but
+masterly paper in the publications of the <i>American School at Rome</i>,
+1908, p. 173 foll., J. B. Carter deals with the whole problem of
+the pomoerium and the pre-Servian city.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> In <i>C.I.L.</i> i.<sup>2</sup>, p. 297 foll. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 14 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> See the Fasti in <i>R.F.</i> p. 21 foll.; or in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>, at end
+of the book.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 38 foll. Marindin's article "Salii," <i>Dict. of Antiqq.</i>, is
+very useful and sensible. There is little doubt that the dress and
+armour of the Salii represented that of the primitive Latin warrior,
+calculated to frighten away evil spirits as well as enemies, and that
+their dances in procession had some object of this kind. It is
+noticeable that there were two gilds or collegia of them belonging
+to the Palatine and Quirinal cities respectively; and they are also
+found at Tibur, Alba, Lanuvium, and other Latin cities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Or 15th (Ides), according to the conjecture of Wissowa; see
+<i>R.F.</i> p. 44 and <i>R.K.</i> p. 131. It is almost incredible that this should
+originally have been on a day of even number, contrary to the
+universal rule of the Fasti.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> See below, p. 212 foll., for further consideration of this so-called
+purification.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> p. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> See below, p. 217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> p. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> <i>Popular Religion and Folklore of India</i>, ii. 51. For the
+sacredness of the number three and its multiples, see Diels, <i>Sibyllinische
+Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 40 foll.; but he limits it too much to chthonic
+religious ritual. See also H. Usener, "Dreizahl," in <i>Rheinisches
+Museum</i>, vol. 58, pp. 1 foll., 161 foll., and 321 foll. There is a
+summary of the results of these papers in Gruppe's <i>Mythologische
+Literatur</i>, 1898-1905, p. 360 foll. I may also refer to my friend
+Prof. Goudy's very interesting <i>Trichotomy in Roman Law</i> (Oxford,
+1910), p. 8 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> By von Domaszewski in <i>Archiv</i> for 1907, p. 333 foll. The
+learned author's reasoning is often based on mere hypotheses as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>
+to the meaning of the festivals or the gods concerned in them, and
+his ideas as to the agricultural features of the months July, August,
+December seem to me doubtful; but the paper is one that all
+students of the calendar must reckon with.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, pp. 459 and 569 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> For the festivals mentioned in the following paragraphs see
+<i>R.F.</i>, <i>s.v.</i>, and Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>, section 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> "St. George and the Parilia," in <i>Revue des &eacute;tudes ethnographiques
+et sociologiques</i> for Jan. 1908. I owe my knowledge of
+this admirable study to the kindness of its author.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> ii. 318 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 64, says, "Ab <i>satu</i> dictus Saturnus." And
+in Augustine (<i>Civ. Dei</i>, vi. 8) he is quoted as holding the opinion
+"quod pertineat Saturnus ad semina, quae in terram de qua
+oriuntur iterum recidunt." He was probably the <i>numen</i> of the seed-sowing
+(Saeturnus), and as his festival comes after the end of
+sowing, we may presume that he was the <i>numen</i> of the sown as
+well as of the unsown seed. In the article "Saturnus" in Roscher's
+<i>Lexicon</i>, which has appeared since the above note was written,
+Wissowa provisionally accepts Varro's etymology.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> Festus, p. 245a, "Publica sacra quae publico sumptu
+pro populo fiunt, quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curiis, sacellis." See
+article "Sacra" in <i>Dict. of Antiqq.</i> ii. 577.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> "Routine is the only safeguard of a people under a perfect
+autocracy" (<i>Select Charters</i>, Introduction, p. 19).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> The annalists believed that the publication first took place
+in the year 304 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>: Livy ix. 46. Mommsen (<i>Chronologie</i>, p. 31)
+thought it possible that it had already been done by the Decemvirs
+in one of the two last of the XII. Tables, but again withdrawn.
+The object of keeping the Fasti secret was, of course, to control the
+times available for legal and political business.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> This paragraph is abridged from a passage in the author's
+paper in the <i>Hibbert Journal</i> for 1907, p. 848.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> See <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i> (Oxford, 1908), p. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 241 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> Wissowa holds that it dates from the third century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>:
+Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Argei." I endeavoured to refute
+this view in the <i>Classical Review</i> for 1902, p. 115 foll., and Dr.
+Wissowa criticised my criticism in his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>,
+p. 222. It is dealt with at length in <i>R.F.</i> p. 111 foll. See below,
+p. 321 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> This is not exactly the view expressed in <i>R.F.</i> p. 315 foll.,
+where I was inclined to adopt that of Mannhardt that the laughing
+symbolised the return to life after sacrificial death. I am now
+disposed to think of it as parallel with the ecstasy of the Pythoness
+and other inspired priests, or the shivering and convulsive movements
+which denote that a human being is "possessed" by a god<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>
+or spirit. See Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 174. Mannhardt's view
+seems, however, to gain support from Pausanias' description of the
+ordeal he underwent himself at the cave of Trophonius, after which
+he could laugh again: Paus. ix. 39. See also Miss Harrison,
+<i>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion</i>, p. 580. Deubner in
+<i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 501.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 109; Ov. <i>Fasti</i>, v. 421 foll. Ovid's account is of
+a private rite in the house, as elsewhere he tells us of things done
+by private persons on festival days. We do not know whether
+there was any public ritual for these days. For further discussion
+of the contrast between the two festivals of the dead, see below,
+Lect. XVII. p. 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> <i>G.B.</i> iii. 138 foll. The attempt to connect the so-called
+Saturnalia of the army of the Danube in the third century a.d. with
+the early practice of Roman Saturnalia seems to me to fail entirely,
+even after reading Prof. Cumont's paper in the <i>Revue de philologie</i>,
+1897, p. 133 foll. I should imagine that Cumont would now
+admit that the Saturn who was sacrificed on the Danube as described
+in the <i>Martyrdom of St. Dasius</i> must have been of Oriental origin,
+and that the soldiers concerned were in no sense Roman or Italian.
+For the hellenisation of the Saturnalia, see Wissowa in Roscher's
+<i>Lexicon</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Saturnus," p. 432. Wissowa, I may note, does not
+believe in the accuracy of the account of the "Martyrdom."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> Nothing, that is, in the regular ritual of the Roman State&mdash;except
+in so far as the killing of a criminal who was <i>sacer</i> to a god
+can be so regarded; and the only instance of any kind that can be
+quoted is that of the two pairs of Gaulish and Greek men and
+women who in the stress of the second Punic war and afterwards were
+buried alive, as it was said, in the Forum Boarium. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+p. 355 and notes. I shall return to this in Lecture XIV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> The earliest mention of the slaying of a victim (<i>bestiarius</i>) to
+Jupiter is in Minucius Felix, <i>Octav.</i> 22 and 30, <i>i.e.</i> towards the end
+of the second century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> or even later. Cp. Tertull. <i>Apol.</i> 9,
+Lactantius i. 21. I do not go so far as to say with Wissowa
+(p. 109, note 3) that this story is "ganz gewiss apokryph," but
+I take it as simply a case of degeneracy under the influence of the
+amphitheatre and of Orientalism.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> For Numa see Schwegler, <i>Rom. Gesch.</i> i. 551 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> See Dr. Frazer's most recent account of this subject, in his
+<i>Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship</i>, chaps, iii.-v. Prof.
+Ridgeway's idea that the Flamen Dialis was really a Numan
+institution is of course simply impossible, and the arguments he
+founds on it fall to the ground. Ovid, probably reflecting Varro,
+speaks of the Flamen Dialis as belonging to the Pelasgian religion,
+which at least means that he was aware of the extreme antiquity
+of the office; <i>Fasti</i>, ii. 281. Dr. D&ouml;llinger (<i>The Gentile and the
+Jew</i>, vol. ii. p. 72) with his usual insight was inclined to see in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>
+this Flamen the "ruins of an older system of ceremonial
+ordinances."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> He was <i>sui iuris</i> (Gaius i. 130), as soon as he was chosen
+or taken (<i>captus</i>) by the Pontifex maximus; but he was subject
+to the authority of the P.M., like all the other flamines and the
+Vestals. See Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 438; Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iv. 16.
+</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE VI</h4>
+
+<h5>THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP</h5>
+
+<p>
+We must now turn our attention to what is the most
+difficult part of our subject, the ideas of the early Romans
+about "the Power manifesting itself in the universe." In
+my first lecture I indicated in outline what the difficulties
+are which beset us all through our studies; they are in
+no part of it so insurmountable as in this. Material fails
+us, because there was no contemporary literature; because
+the Romans were not a thinking people, and probably
+thought very little about the divine beings whom they
+propitiated; and again, because comparative religion, as it
+is called, is of scant value in such a study. We have to
+try and get rid of our own ideas about God or gods, to
+keep our minds free of Greek ideas and mythology, and,
+in fact, to abstain from bringing the ideas of any other
+peoples to bear upon the question until we are pretty sure
+that we have some sort of understanding of those Roman
+ideas with which we are tempted to compare them. The
+first duty of the student of any system of religion is to
+study that religion in and by itself. As M. S. Reinach
+observed in an address at the Congress for the History of
+Religions at Oxford, it is time that we began to attend to
+differences as well as similarities; and this can only be
+done by the conscientious use of such materials as are
+available for the study of each particular religion.
+</p><p>
+The only materials available in the case of the earliest
+Rome are (1) the calendar which I was explaining in the
+last lecture, which gives us the names of the festivals of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>
+religious year; (2) the names of the deities concerned in
+these festivals, so far as we know them from later
+additions to the calendar, from Roman literature, and from
+evidence, chiefly epigraphical, of the names of deities
+among kindred Italian peoples; (3) the fragments of
+information, now most carefully collected and sifted, about
+what the Romans did in the worship of their deities.
+The names and order of the festivals, the names of
+the deities themselves, the cult, or detail of worship,
+including priesthoods and holy places,&mdash;these are the only
+real materials we possess, and our only safe guides. To
+trust to legends is fatal, because such legends as there
+were in Italy were never written down until the Greeks
+turned their attention to them, colouring them with their
+own fancy and with reminiscences of their own mythology.
+For example, no sane investigator would now make use of
+the famous story told by Ovid and Plutarch about Numa's
+interview with Jupiter, and the astute way in which he
+deceived the god, as an illustration of the Roman's ideas
+of the divine; we know that it can be traced back to the
+greatest liar among all Roman annalists,<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> that it was in
+part derived from a Greek story, and in part invented to
+explain a certain piece of ritual, the <i>procuratio fulminis</i>.
+Even what was done in the cult must be handled with
+knowledge and discretion. Dr. Frazer has a theory that
+the Roman kings personated Jupiter, and uses as evidence
+of this the fact that in the triumph the triumphator was
+dressed after the fashion of the statue of the god in the
+Capitoline temple, with his face reddened with <i>minium</i>:
+forgetting that the temple, its cult and its statue, all date
+from the very end of the period of the kingship, and were
+the work of an Etruscan monarch, almost beyond doubt.
+There may be truth in his theory, but this is not the way
+to prove it; this is not the way to arrive at a true
+understanding of Roman religious ideas.
+</p><p>
+What did the old Romans know about the nature of
+the objects of their worship? All religion is in its
+development a process of gaining such knowledge: if it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>
+makes no progress it is doomed. It is because the Jews
+made such wonderful progress in this path, in spite of
+formalism and backsliding, that they were chosen to produce
+a Teacher whose life and doctrine revealed the will and
+the nature of His Father for the eternal benefit of mankind.
+The fear of the Lord is imperfect knowledge, it is
+but the beginning of wisdom; but it could become, in a
+Jew like St. Paul, the perfect knowledge of His will. It
+may seem absurd to think of two such religions as the
+Jewish and the Roman side by side; but the absurdity
+vanishes when we begin to understand the humble beginnings
+of the Jewish religion as scientific research has
+already laid it bare. Knowledge of the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe is open to all peoples alike, and some
+few have made much progress in it beside the Jews. The
+Romans were not among these, at any rate in all the
+later stages of their history; but we have to ask how far
+they got in the process, and later on again to ask also
+why they could go no farther.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">220</a>
+</p><p>
+We have seen how one great forward step in the
+attainment of this knowledge was made in the religion of
+the household, when the house had become a kind of
+temple, being the dwelling of divine as well as human
+beings, and when the cultivated land had been separated
+by a sacred boundary from the mountain or forest beyond,
+with their wild and unknown spiritual inhabitants. We
+met, however, with nothing in the house or on the land
+that we can properly call a god, if we may use that word
+for the moment in the sense of a personality as well as a
+name, and a personality perfectly distinct from the object
+in which it resides. Vesta seems to be the fire, Penates
+the store, or at least spirits undistinguishable from the
+substance composing the store. But inasmuch as the
+farmer knew how to serve these spirits and address them,
+looking upon them as friends and co-habitants of his own
+dwelling, we may go so far as to guess that they were
+somewhat advanced in their career as spirits, and might
+possibly develop into powers of a more definite kind, if<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span>
+not into gods, real <i>dei</i> conceived as persons.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> In other
+words&mdash;for it is better to keep as far as we can to the
+subjective or psychological aspect of them&mdash;the Roman
+might realise the Power better by getting to think of his
+nameless spirits as <i>dei</i> at work for his benefit if rightly
+propitiated. There are some signs in the calendar and
+the other sources I mentioned just now that such a process
+had been going on before the State arose; and it is certain
+that the whole field of divine operation had been greatly
+widened by that time, as we might expect from the
+enlarged sphere of man's experience and activity.
+</p><p>
+The deities originally belonging to the city of the four
+regions, <i>i.e.</i> to the city of the calendar of Numa, were
+known to Roman antiquarians as <i>di indigetes</i>, in contradistinction
+from the <i>di novensiles</i> or imported deities, with
+which at present we have nothing to do. On the basis of
+the calendar, and of the names of the most ancient
+priesthoods attached to particular cults, the Rex and the
+Flamines, Wissowa (<i>R.K.</i> p. 16) has constructed a list of
+these <i>di indigetes</i> which may be accepted without any
+further reservation than he himself applies to it. They are
+thirty-three in number, but in two cases we have groups
+instead of individuals, viz. the Lares and the Lemures:
+the plurality of the Lares (<i>compitales</i>) we have already
+explained, and the Lemures, the ghosts of departed
+ancestors, we may also for the present leave out of account.
+Others are too obscure to help us, <i>e.g.</i> Carna, Angerona,
+Furrina, Neptunus, Volturnus,<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> except in so far as their
+very obscurity, and the neglect into which they and
+their cults fell in later times, is proof that they were not
+thought of as lively personal deities. Then, again, there
+are others whose names are suggested by certain festivals,
+Terminus, Fons, Robigus, who seem to be simply survivals
+from the animistic period&mdash;spirits inherent in the
+boundary-stone, the spring, or the mildew, and incapable
+of further development in the new conditions of city
+life. Faunus, the rural semi-deity, perhaps representing a
+group of such beings, appears in the list as the deity of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>
+the Lupercalia; but this is a point in which I cannot
+agree with Wissowa and the majority of modern
+authorities.<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">223</a>
+</p><p>
+We are struck, as we examine the list further, by the
+adjectival character of many of the names&mdash;Neptunus,
+Portunus, Quirinus, Saturnus, Volcanus, Volturnus: these
+are not proper names, but clearly express some character
+or function exercised by the power or <i>numen</i> to whom the
+name is given. Saturnus is the most familiar example;
+the word suggests no personality, but rather a sphere of
+operations (whether we take the name as referring to
+sowing or to seed maturing in the soil) in which a certain
+<i>numen</i> is helpful. Saturnus, Volcanus, Neptunus were
+indeed identified later on with Greek gods of a ripe
+polytheistic system, and have thus become quite familiar
+to us, far too familiar for a right understanding of early
+Roman ideas. We might naturally expect that the
+identification of Saturnus with Kronos, of Neptunus with
+Poseidon, would give us some clue to the original Roman
+conception of the <i>numen</i> thus Graecised, but it is not so.
+Neptunus may have had some connection with water, rain,
+or springs, but we have no real proof of it, and it is
+impossible to say why Saturnus became Kronos.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> The
+only certain result that we can win from the study of
+these adjectival titles is that they represent a transition
+between animism and polytheism, a transition exactly
+expressed by the one word <i>numen</i>.
+</p><p>
+<i>Numen</i> is so important a word in the Roman religion
+that it is necessary to be perfectly clear as to what was
+meant by it. It must be formed from <i>nuere</i> as <i>flumen</i> from
+<i>fluere</i>, with a sense of activity inherent in the verb. As
+<i>flumen</i> is that which actively flows, so <i>numen</i> is that which
+actively does whatever we understand by the word <i>nuere</i>;
+and so far as we can determine, that was a manifestation
+of will. <i>Adnuere</i> is to consent, to give your good will to
+some act proposed or completed, and is often so used of
+Jupiter in the <i>Aeneid</i>. <i>Nuere</i> should therefore express a
+simple exercise of will-power, and <i>numen</i> is the being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>
+exercising it. In time it came to be used for the will of
+a god as distinct from himself, as in the fourth
+<i>Aeneid</i> (269)&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ipse deum tibi me claro demittit Olympo</span>
+<span class="i0">regnator, caelum ac terras qui numine torquet.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Or in the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> (47)&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">concordes stabili fatorum numine Parcae,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>where Servius explains it as "potestate, divinatione, ac
+maiestate." But beyond doubt this use is a product of
+the literary age, and the word originally indicated the
+being himself who exercised the will&mdash;a sense familiar to
+us in the opening lines of the <i>Aeneid</i> ("quo numine laeso")
+and in innumerable other passages. Thus von Domaszewski
+in his collected papers (p. 157) is undoubtedly
+right in defining a <i>numen</i> as a being with a will&mdash;"ein
+wollendes Wesen"; though his account of its evolution, and
+of the way in which in its turn it may produce a <i>deus</i>, may
+be open to criticism.
+</p><p>
+The word thus suggests that the Roman divine beings
+were functional spirits with will-power, their functions
+being indicated by their adjectival names. Proper names
+they had not as a rule, but they are getting cult-titles
+under the influence of a priesthood, which titles may in
+time perhaps attain to something of the definiteness of
+substantival names. This indeed could hardly have been
+so in the mind of the ordinary Roman even at a later age;
+and it is quite possible that if an intelligent Greek traveller
+of the sixth century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> had given an account of the gods
+of Rome,<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">225</a> he would have said, as Strabo said of an Iberian
+people in the time of Augustus, that they were without
+gods, or worshipped gods without names. But the name,
+even as a cult-title, is of immense importance in the
+development of a spirit into a deity, and in most cases, at
+any rate at Rome, it was the work of officials, of a state
+priesthood, not of the people. To address a deity rightly
+was matter of no small difficulty: how were you to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>
+know how he would wish to be addressed? Servius tells
+us that the pontifices addressed even Jupiter himself thus:
+"Iupiter optime maxime, <i>sive quo alio nomine te appellari
+volueris</i>." On the other hand, in the same comment he
+tells us that "iure pontificio cautum est, ne suis nominibus
+di Romani appellarentur, ne exaugurari possent," <i>i.e.</i> lest
+they should be enticed away from the city by enemies.
+This last statement seems indeed to me to be a doubtful
+one,<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> but it will serve to illustrate the nervousness about
+divine names, of which there is no doubt whatever. We
+know for certain that those religious lawyers the pontifices
+were greatly occupied with the task of drawing up lists of
+names by which <i>numina</i> should be invoked,&mdash;formularising
+the ritual of prayer, as we shall see in another lecture;
+and this must have become at one time almost a craze
+with them, to judge by the lists of Indigitamenta preserved
+in their books, to which Varro had access, and which were
+copied from him by St. Augustine.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> But after all it
+needed the stimulus given by actual contact with a polytheistic
+system to turn a Roman numen into a full-fledged
+personal deity: the pontifices might carry the process
+some way, but they never could have completed it themselves
+without the help of the Greeks.
+</p><p>
+One deity seems to stand alone in the list&mdash;Tellus or
+Terra Mater, Mother Earth.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> We are coming directly to
+the great deity of the heaven, and we might naturally
+expect that an agricultural folk would be much concerned
+with her who is his counterpart among so many peoples.
+She does not give her name to any of the festivals of the
+calendar; but at one of them, the Fordicidia in April, at
+a time when the earth is teeming with mysterious power,
+and when the festivals are of a peculiarly agricultural
+character, she has her own special sacrifice&mdash;a pregnant
+cow, whose young are torn from her womb, burnt by the
+<i>Virgo vestalis maxima</i>, and their ashes used in certain
+mystic rites, <i>e.g.</i> at the Parilia which followed on the
+21st.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> She seems to have had her function in human
+life as well; but about this we are much in the dark in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>
+spite of Dieterich's attempts to elucidate it in his <i>Mutter
+Erde</i>.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> Whether she played a part at the birth of a
+child we cannot be sure; but at marriage there is little
+doubt that she was originally an object of worship, though
+in later days she gave way before Ceres and Juno.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> And
+as at death the body was laid in her embrace, we are not
+surprised to find her prominent here also: she was the
+home of the dead whether buried or burnt, and of the
+whole mass of the Manes. We shall presently see how
+a Roman commander might devote himself and the whole
+army of the enemy to Tellus and the Manes; and it is interesting
+to find that a similar formula of <i>devotio</i>, of later
+date, combines Tellus with Jupiter, the speaker touching
+the ground when he mentions her name, and holding his
+hands upwards to heaven when he names the god.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> Very
+curious, too, is the rite of the <i>porca praecidanea</i>, which in
+historical times was offered to Ceres as well as Tellus
+immediately before harvest; in case a man had wittingly
+or unwittingly omitted to pay the proper rites (<i>iusta
+facere</i>) to his own dead, it was his duty to make this offering,
+lest as a result of the neglect the earth-power should
+not yield him a good harvest.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> Originally, we need
+hardly doubt, Tellus was alone concerned in this; but
+Ceres, who at all times represented rather the ripening
+and ripened corn than the seed in the bosom of the
+earth, gradually took her place beside her, and the idea
+gained ground that the offering was more immediately
+concerned with the harvest than with the Manes.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">234</a>
+When Cato wrote his book on agriculture, he included in it
+the proper formula for this sacrifice, without any indication
+that Tellus or the Manes had any part in the business.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">235</a>
+Tellus was not a deity whose life would be vigorous
+in a busy City-state destined gradually to lose its agricultural
+outlook; there the supply of grain, from whatever
+quarter it might come, was a far more important matter
+than the process of producing it, and it was natural that
+Ceres and her April festival should become more popular
+than Tellus and her Fordicidia, and that the Cerealia should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>
+eventually develop into <i>ludi</i> of no less than eight days'
+duration. Yet Tellus survived in such forms as that of
+the <i>devotio</i>; and even under the Empire we find her as
+Terra on sepulchral monuments, <i>e.g.</i>&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1">ereptam viro et matri mater me Terra recepit,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>or</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1">terra mater rerum quod dedit ipsa teget.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>And there is a curious story, noticed by Wissowa and
+by Dieterich after him, that on the death of Tiberius
+the plebs shouted not only "Tiberius in Tiberim," but
+"Terram matrem deosque Manes," in order that his lot
+might be among the <i>impii</i> beneath the earth.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">236</a>
+</p><p>
+So far we have met with nothing to suggest that the
+Roman idea of divinity had passed much beyond an
+advanced type of animism; we have found little or no
+trace of personal deities of a polytheistic cast. There is,
+however, a fact of importance now to be considered,
+which has some bearing upon this difficult subject.
+Some of the <i>numina</i> of the calendar had special priests
+attached to their cults; <i>e.g.</i> among those I have already
+mentioned, Volcanus, Furrina, Portunus, and Volturnus,
+to which we may now add Pales, Flora, Carmenta,
+Pomona, and a wholly unknown deity, Falacer. These
+nine all had flamines, a word which is generally derived
+from <i>flare</i>, <i>i.e.</i> they were the kindlers of the sacrificial
+fire.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> Sacrificing priests they undoubtedly always were,
+each limited to the sacrificial rites of a particular cult,
+unless authorised by religious law to undertake those of
+some other deity whose name he did not bear, and who
+was destitute, like Robigus, of a priest of his own.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> We
+have no certain evidence that all these flamines were
+of high antiquity; but those attached to deities of the
+calendar were probably of earlier origin than that
+document, and as we have no record of the creation of
+a new flaminium in historical times until the era of
+Caesar-worship, it is fair to conclude that the others I
+have mentioned were not younger.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>
+</p><p>
+Now what bearing has this fact on the question as to
+how the early Romans conceived the objects of their
+worship? There are, of course, so-called priests all the
+world over, even among the lowest fetishistic and animistic
+peoples, who exercise power over the various kinds
+of spirits by potent charms and spells; these should
+rather be called wizards, medicine-men, magicians, and
+so on.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> But the flamines as we know them were not
+such; they were officials of a State, entrusted with the
+performance of definite ritualistic duties, more particularly
+with sacrifice, and therefore, as we may assume from
+universal Roman practice so far as we know it, also with
+prayer. If they did not actually slay the victims themselves&mdash;and
+in historical times this was done by an
+assistant&mdash;they superintended the whole process and
+were responsible for its correct performance.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> Does the
+existence of such priests come into relation with the
+development of the idea of a <i>deus</i> out of a numen or a
+spirit? What is the influence of the sacrificing priest on
+the divinity whom he serves? This last is a question to
+which it is not easy to find a ready answer; the history
+of priesthood, and of the moral and intellectual results
+of the institution, has yet to be written. Even Dr.
+Westermarck, in his recently published great work on
+the development of moral ideas, has little to say of it.
+It is greatly complicated by the undoubted fact that
+among many peoples, perhaps to some extent even among
+the Latins, the earliest real priests had a tendency to
+personate the deity themselves, to be considered as the
+deity, or in some sense divine.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> But in regard to Roman
+priests we may, I think, go at least as far as this.
+When a spirit was named and localised as a friendly
+being at a particular spot within the walls of the city,
+which is made over to him, and where he has his <i>ara</i>;
+when the ritual performed at this spot is laid down in
+definite detail, and undertaken by an individual appointed
+for this purpose by the head of the community with
+solemn ceremony; then the spirit, hitherto but vaguely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>
+conceived, must in course of time become individualised.
+The priestly if not the popular conception of him is fixed;
+there is now no question who he is or how he should be
+called; "quis deus incertum est"<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> can no longer be said
+of him. Once provided with a flamen and an ordered
+cult of sacrifice and prayer, I conceive that he had
+now in him the possibility of turning into a <i>deus</i>
+personally conceived, if he came by the chance.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> A
+few did get the chance; others did not; Volcanus, for
+example, became a god after the model of the Greek
+Hephaestus, while Volturnus remained a numen and
+made no further progress, though he was doubtless
+ready to "take" the Graecising epidemic when it came.
+I do not say that he or any other numen was the better
+for the change. But I must not now pursue the story of
+this strange double fate of the old Roman deities; I have
+perhaps said enough to show that city life, with its priesthoods
+and its ordered ritual, had some appreciable effect
+on the deities who were admitted to it.
+</p><p>
+Among these deities there were four of whom I have
+as yet said nothing at all, though they are the most
+famous of all the divine inhabitants of Rome. I have
+mentioned nine flamines; there were in all twelve, and
+besides these there was in historical times a priest known
+as the <i>rex sacrorum</i>, the republican successor to some of
+the religious functions of the civil king. This rex, and
+the three <i>flamines maiores</i>, so called in contra-distinction
+to the other nine, were specially attached to the cults of
+Janus, Jupiter (<i>Flamen Dialis</i>), Mars (<i>Flamen Martialis</i>),
+and Quirinus (<i>Flamen Quirinalis</i>). I have kept these
+deities apart from the others already mentioned, not only
+because their priests stand apart from the rest, but because
+they themselves seem from the first to have been more
+really gods (<i>dei</i>); Quirinus is the only one who has an
+adjectival name. Two of them, Jupiter and Mars, remained
+throughout Roman history of real importance to
+the State, and in Jupiter there were at least some germs
+of possible development into a deity capable of influencing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>
+conduct and enforcing morality. Of Janus this cannot
+possibly be said; and as he is historically the least
+important of the four, I will begin by saying a few words
+about him as a puzzle and a curiosity only.
+</p><p>
+Janus, ever since he ceased to be an intelligible deity,
+has been the sport of speculators; and this happened
+long before the Roman religion came to an end. In the
+last century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> philosophic writers about the gods got
+hold of him, and Varro tells us that some made him out
+to be the heaven, others the universe (<i>mundus</i>).<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> Ovid
+amused himself with this uncertainty of the philosophers,
+and in the first book of his <i>Fasti</i> "interviewed" the god,
+whose answers are unluckily of little value for us.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> At
+various times and in different hands Janus has been pronounced
+a sun-god, a heaven-god, a year-god, a wind-god;
+and now a Cambridge school of speculators, to whose
+learning I am in many ways indebted, has claimed him
+as an oak-god, the mate of Diana, the Jupiter of aboriginal
+Latium, and so on.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> We have fortunately long left
+behind us the age when it was thought necessary to
+resolve the Greek and Roman gods into personifications
+of natural phenomena, and to try to explain all their
+attributes on one principle; but my learned friends at Cambridge
+have of late been showing a tendency to return to
+methods not less dangerous; they hanker, for example, after
+etymological evidence, which in the case of deities is almost
+sure to be misleading unless it is absolutely certain, and
+supported by the history of the name. This is unluckily
+not the case with Janus; his etymology is matter of
+dispute,<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> and he is therefore open, and always will be so,
+to the inquirer who is hunting a scent, and more concerned
+to prove a point than to discover what the early
+Romans really thought about a god. In this lecture I am
+but humbly trying to do this last, and I may therefore
+leave etymology, with the mythology and philosophy of a
+later age, and confine myself to such facts of the cult of
+Janus as are quite undisputed. They will admit of being
+put together very shortly.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>
+</p><p>
+The first and leading fact is that Janus was the first
+deity to be addressed in all prayers and invocations; of
+this we have abundant evidence, as also of the corresponding
+fact that Vesta came last.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> Secondly, we know
+that he was the object of worship on the Kalends of
+January, and probably of every month, and that the
+sacrificing priest was in this case the <i>rex sacrorum</i>.
+Thirdly, we know that he had no temple until the year
+260 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, but that he was associated with the famous
+gateway at the north-east end of the Forum&mdash;not a gate
+in the wall, but a symbolic entrance to the heart of the
+city, as the round temple of Vesta at the opposite end,
+with its eternal fire, was symbolic of the common life of
+the community. Fourthly, we know a few cult-titles of
+Janus, among them Clusius (or Clusivius), and Patulcius,
+in which the connection with gates is obvious; Junonius,
+which may have originated in the fact that Juno also
+was worshipped on the Kalends; Matutinus, which seems
+to be a late reference to the dawn as the opening or gate
+of the day, and Quirinus, which last is also almost
+certainly of late origin. Clusius and Patulcius are
+genuine old titles, if the text of the Salian hymn is
+rightly interpreted; so too is another, Curiatius, for it
+was used of the god only as residing in an ancient gateway
+near the Subura called the <i>tigillum sororium</i>.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">249</a>
+These are all the most important facts we have to go
+upon; the double head of Janus on the earliest Roman
+<i>as</i> is of uncertain origin, and Wissowa seems to have
+conclusively shown that this representation was not
+admitted to the gate called Janus Geminus until towards
+the close of the republican period.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> The connection of
+the god with the fortress on the hill across the Tiber,
+which still bears his name, admits of no quite satisfactory
+explanation.
+</p><p>
+Now if we recall the fact that the entrance to the
+house and the entrance to a city were points of great
+moment, and the cause of constant anxiety to the early
+Italian mind, we may naturally infer that they would be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>
+in the care of some particular numen, and that his
+worship would be in the care of the head of the family or
+community&mdash;in the case of the city, in the care of the
+<i>rex</i>, whose duties of this kind were afterwards taken
+over by the priest called <i>rex sacrorum</i>. The fact that
+the word for an entrance was <i>ianus</i> confirms this conjecture;
+Janus was perhaps the spirit guarding the
+entrance to the real wall of the earliest city, but when
+the city was enlarged in the age from which the calendar
+dates, a symbolic gateway was set up where you entered
+the forum from the direction of Latium, answering to
+the symbolic hearth in the <i>aedes Vestae</i>, and this very
+naturally took the name of the deity associated with
+entrances. Two other <i>iani</i> probably existed in the forum,
+and the name was later on transferred as a substantive to
+similar objects in Roman colonies, while a feminine form,
+<i>ianua</i>, came to be used for ordinary house entrances.<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">251</a>
+Whether there ever was a cult of the god at the real
+gateway of a city we do not know; there was none at
+the symbolic gateway of Rome, which was in no sense a
+temple. But the idea of entrance stuck to the old spirit
+of the doorway long after the reconstruction of the city,
+and the rex now sacrifices to him on the entrance-day of
+each month, and more particularly on the entrance-day
+of the month which bears his name and is the beginning
+of the natural year after the winter solstice. This is the
+best account to be had of the original Janus,<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> a deity, let
+it be remembered, of a simple agricultural and warlike
+people, without literature or philosophy. But it is not
+difficult to see how, when philosophy and literature did at
+last come in a second-hand form to this people, they
+might well have overlaid with cobwebs of story and
+speculation a deity for whom they had no longer any
+real use, who was best known to them by the mysterious
+double-head on the <i>as</i> and the gateway, and for whom
+they could find no conclusive parallel among the gods of
+Greece.
+</p><p>
+Next in order of invocation to Janus came Jupiter,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>
+and his priest, the Flamen Dialis, was likewise the
+second in rank, according to ancient rule, after the <i>rex
+sacrorum</i>. Unlike Janus, Jupiter (to use the spelling
+familiar in England) was at all times a great power for
+the Roman people, and one who could be all the more
+valued because he was intelligible. No one doubted then,
+and no one doubts now, that he was the god of the light
+and of heaven, <i>Diovis pater</i>, or rather perhaps the heaven
+itself<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> with all its manifestations of rain and thunder, of
+blessing and damage to the works of man; the common inheritance
+of the Italian peoples, dwelling and worshipped
+in their woods and on their hills; and, as we know now,
+also the common inheritance of all Aryan stocks, the
+"European Sky-god," as Mr. A. B. Cook has traced him
+with learning and ingenuity from the Euxine to Britain.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">254</a>
+</p><p>
+Jupiter must have had a long and important
+history in Latium before the era of the Roman City-state;
+Dr. Frazer has seen this, and set it forth in his
+lectures on the early history of the kingship, though
+basing his conclusions on evidence much of which will
+not bear a close examination.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> The one substantial proof
+of it lies in the unique and truly extraordinary character
+of the taboos placed on his flamen, and to some extent
+on the flamen's wife, by the Roman <i>ius divinum</i>. Even
+if we suppose that some of these may have been later
+inventions of an ecclesiastical college like the pontifices
+(and this is hardly probable), many of them are obviously
+of remote antiquity, and can only have originated at a
+time when the magical power of the man responsible for
+the conduct of Jupiter was so precious that it had to be
+safeguarded in these many curious ways. I have already
+suggested that the scene of the early paramount importance
+of Jupiter and his flamen, in that age perhaps a
+king of some kind, was Alba Longa, which by universal
+tradition was the leading city of Latium before Rome
+rose to importance, and where the sky-god was worshipped
+on his holy mountain as the religious centre of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>Latium from the earliest times. I have also suggested
+that when the new warlike city on the Tiber took the
+place of Alba, the worship was transferred thither, but
+lost its strength in the process, and that the flamen was
+little more than a survival even in the most primitive
+period of what we may call for the moment Roman
+history. This can be accounted for by the fact that the
+traditions of primitive Rome were connected much more
+closely with Mars than with Jupiter. Not till Etruscan
+kings founded the great temple on the Capitol, which was
+to endure throughout all later ages of Roman dominion,
+did the sky-god become the supreme guardian deity of
+his people, under the titles of Optimus Maximus, the best
+and greatest of all her deities.
+</p><p>
+But Jupiter was there; and we know certain facts of
+his cult which give us a pretty clear idea of what the
+Romans of the pre-Etruscan period thought about him.
+In the calendar all Ides belonged to him, were <i>feriae
+Iovis</i>;<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> he seems to be the source of light, whether of
+sun or moon, for neither of which the Romans had any
+special divinity; in the hymn of the Salii he is addressed
+as Lucetius, the giver or source of light. The festivals of
+the vintage belonged to him, since the production of wine
+specially needed the aid of sun and light, and his flamen
+was employed in the cult on these occasions.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> When
+rain was sorely needed, the aid of the sky-god was sought
+under the cult-title Elicius, and as Fulgur or Summanus<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">258</a>
+he was the Power who sent the lightning by day and by
+night. The ideas thus reflected in the Roman cult were
+common to all Italian peoples of the same stock; everywhere
+we find him worshipped on the summits of hills,
+and in woods of oak, ilex, or beech,<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> where nothing but
+the trees he loved intervened between the heaven and
+the earth.
+</p><p>
+His oldest cult at Rome was on the Capitoline hill,
+but at all times quite distinct from that which became so
+famous afterwards; he was known here as Feretrius, a
+cult-title of which the meaning is uncertain,<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">260</a> and here, so
+far as we can guess, there must have been an ancient oak<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span>
+regarded either as the dwelling of the numen or as the
+numen himself, upon which Romulus is said to have hung
+the <i>spolia opima</i> taken from the king of the Caeninenses;<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">261</a>
+here we may see the earliest trace of the triumphal procession
+that was to be. Doubtless an <i>ara</i> was here from the
+first, and then followed a tiny temple, only fifteen feet
+wide as Dionysius describes it from personal knowledge
+in the time of Augustus,<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> who restored it. There was no
+image of the god, but in the temple was kept a <i>silex</i>,
+probably a stone celt believed to have been a thunderbolt;<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">263</a>
+this stone the Fetiales took with them on their
+official journeys, and used it in the oath, <i>per Iovem lapidem</i>,
+with which they ratified their treaties. As the Romans
+thought of Jupiter, not as a personal deity living in the
+sky like Zeus, but rather as the heaven itself, so they
+could think of him as immanent in this stone, <i>Iuppiter
+lapis</i>. And the use of the flint in treaty-making suggests
+another aspect of the god, which he retained in one way
+or another throughout Roman history; it is his sanction
+that is called in to the aid of moral and legal obligations,
+resulting from treaties, oaths, and contracts such as that
+of marriage. As Dius Fidius he was invoked in the
+common Roman oath <i>medius fidius</i>; as Farreus (if this
+were an old cult-title) he gave his sanction to the solemn
+contract entered into in the ancient form of marriage by
+<i>confarreatio</i>, where his flamen had to be present, and
+where in all probability the cake of <i>far</i> was eaten as a
+kind of sacrament by the parties to the covenant.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> In
+much of this it is tempting to see, as we can see nowhere
+else in the Roman religion, faint traces of a feeling about
+the heaven-god brought from a remote pastoral life under
+the open sky, where neither forest nor mountain intervened
+to shelter man from the great Presence;<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> and it is also
+tempting to think that there was here, even for Latins
+who had learnt to worship Jupiter under the form of
+stocks and stones in the land of their final settlement,
+some chance of the development of a deity "making for
+righteousness."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>
+</p><p>
+Third and fourth in the order of invocation came Mars
+and Quirinus, and the same order held good for their
+flamines. These two priests may have been subject to
+some of the taboos which restricted the Flamen Dialis;<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">266</a>
+they too, that is, may have been to some extent precious,
+and have been endowed in a lost period of history with
+magical powers; but if so, the memory and importance of
+such disabilities was rapidly forgotten in the City-state,
+and they were early allowed to fill civil offices, a privilege
+which the Dialis did not attain till the second century
+<span class="smcap">b.c.</span><a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> Of the sacrificial duties of the Martialis we know
+nothing for certain, and can get no help from him as to
+the ideas of the early Romans about their great deity
+Mars.
+</p><p>
+Mars is in some ways the most interesting of all the
+Roman deities; but except as the familiar war-god of
+Roman history he remains a somewhat doubtful conception.
+Like Jupiter and Janus he has attained to a real
+name; but of that name, which in various forms is still so
+often on our lips, no convincing account has ever been
+given. Comparative mythology used to be much occupied
+with him, and he has been compared with Indra,
+Apollo, Odin, and others. But as M. Reinach said, it is
+time to attend more closely to differences; and Mars
+seems to stand best by himself, as a genuine Italian
+religious conception. His name is found all over ancient
+Italy in various forms&mdash;Mavors, Mamers, Marmor, and
+as Cerfus Martius at Iguvium. His wild and warlike
+character, his association with the wolf and the
+spear, seem to suggest the struggle for existence that
+must have gone on among the tribes that pushed down
+into a peninsula of rugged mountain and dense forest,
+abounding with the wolves which are not yet wholly extinct
+there. Whether or no his antecedents are to be found in
+other lands, we shall not be far wrong in assuming that
+the Roman Mars was the product of life and experience
+in Italy, and Italy only.
+</p><p>
+There is an excellent general account of him in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span>
+Roscher's article in his <i>Lexicon</i>, which, like that on Janus,
+has the advantage of being the result of a second elaborate
+study, free from the enticements of the comparative
+method. What we know for certain about his cult at
+Rome in early times can be very briefly stated. First,
+we have the striking fact that he is conspicuous, together
+with the Lares, in the <i>carmen</i> which has come down to
+us as sung by the Arval Brethren in their lustration of
+the cultivated land of the Roman city:<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> "Neve luerve
+Marmor sins incurrere in pleores, satur fu fere Mars!"
+One is naturally inclined to ask how this wild and warlike
+spirit can have anything to do with cultivation and
+crops. But there is no mistake; the connection is confirmed
+by the fact that he is also the chief object of invocation
+in the private <i>lustratio</i> of the farm, which Cato has preserved
+for us.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> In each case the victims are the same,
+the <i>suovetaurilia</i> of ox, sheep, and pig, the farmer's
+most valuable property. Again, let us remember that the
+month which bears his name is that not only of the
+opening of the war season, but of the springing up of vegetation,
+and that the dances and singing of the Salii at this
+time may probably have been meant, like similar performances
+of savage peoples,<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> to frighten away evil demons
+from the precious cultivated land and its growing produce,
+and to call on the Power to wake to new life. The clue
+to the mystery is perhaps to be found in the cult-title
+Silvanus which we find in the prayer set down by Cato as
+proper for the protection of the cattle when they are on
+their summer pasture (<i>in silva</i>): "Marti Silvano in silva
+interdius in capita singula boum facito."<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> We know that
+wealth in early Italy consisted chiefly of sheep and cattle;
+we know that these were taken in the warm months, as
+they still are, into the forest (<i>saltus</i>) to feed;<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> and from
+this passage of Cato we know that Mars was there. It is
+only going one step farther if we conjecture that Mars,
+like Silvanus, who may have been an offshoot of his own
+being, was for the early settler never a peaceful inhabitant
+of the farm or the dwelling, but a spirit of the woodland<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span>
+of great importance for the cattle-owner, and of great
+importance, too, in all circumambulation of the boundaries
+which divided the woodland from the cultivated land.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">273</a>
+</p><p>
+But with conjecture I deal on principle but sparingly.
+It is time to turn to the Mars of the City-state of Rome;
+and it is at once interesting to find that until the age of
+Augustus, who introduced a new form of Mars-worship,
+he had no temple within the walls, and even outside only
+two <i>fana</i>, one an altar in his own field the Campus
+Martius, the other a temple dedicated in 388 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> outside
+the Porta Capena. "He was always worshipped outside
+the city," says Dr. J. B. Carter in his <i>Religion of Numa</i>,
+"as a god who must be kept at a distance." Should we
+not rather say that the god was unwilling to come within
+those sacred boundaries encircling the works of man? So
+stated, we may see in this singular fact a reminiscence of
+the time when Mars was really the wild spirit of the
+"outland," where wolves and human enemies might be
+met with; he was perhaps in some sense a <i>hostis</i>, a
+stranger, like the many other deities originally strange to
+Rome who, until the second Punic war, were never
+allowed to settle within the sacred precincts.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> In one
+sense, however, Mars was actually resident in the very
+heart of the city. In a <i>sacrarium</i> or chapel of the regia,<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">275</a>
+the ancient dwelling of the king, were kept the spears and
+shields which the Salii carried in their processions in
+March and October; and that the deity was believed to
+be there too must be inferred from the fact, if it be
+correctly stated by Servius, that the consul who was about
+to take the field entered the chapel and shook these
+spears and shields together, saying, "Mars vigila." I am,
+however, rather disposed to think that this practice belongs
+to a time when Mars was more distinctly recognised as a
+god of war, and when the weapons of the Salii were
+thought of rather as symbols of his activity than as
+objects in which he was immanent.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">276</a>
+</p><p>
+These are the salient facts in the oldest cult of Mars,
+and they are entirely in keeping with all we know of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>
+early history and economy of the Roman people&mdash;a people
+economically dependent on agriculture, and especially on
+cattle-breeding, living in settlements in the midst of a
+wilder country, and constantly liable to the attacks of
+enemies who might raid their cattle and destroy their
+crops. I do not see in him only a deity of agriculture, or
+only a god of war; in my view he is a spirit of the
+wilder regions, where dwell the wolf and woodpecker
+which are connected with him in legend: a spirit who
+dwells on the outskirts of civilisation, and can with profit
+be propitiated both for help against the enemies beyond,
+and for the protection of the crops and cattle within, the
+boundaries of human activity.
+</p><p>
+Fourth in invocations came Quirinus, and fourth in
+order of precedence was his flamen. But of Quirinus I
+need say little; there is, on the whole, a consensus of
+opinion that he was a form of Mars belonging to the
+community settled on the hill that still bears his name.
+The most convincing proof of his identity with Mars
+(though identity is doubtless too strong a word) lies in
+the well-known fact that there were twelve Salii Collini,
+<i>i.e.</i> belonging to the Collis Quirinalis, occupied with the
+cult of Quirinus, answering to the twelve Salii Palatini of
+the cult of Mars. "Quid de ancilibus vestris," Camillus
+says in Livy's glowing rhetoric, "Mars Gradive (the particular
+cult-title of the warlike Mars), tuque Quirine
+pater?"<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> Now the Quirinal was, of course, <i>within</i> the
+walls, and the Romans who identified the two deities noted
+this point of contrast with the Mars-cult; for Servius
+writes, "Quirinus est Mars qui praeest paci et <i>intra civitatem</i>
+colitur, nam belli Mars <i>extra civitatem</i> templum habet."
+In keeping with this is the use of the word Quirites of the
+Romans in their civil capacity; but unluckily we are
+altogether uncertain as to the etymology and history of
+both Quirites and Quirinus.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> And as Quirinus never
+became, like Mars, an important property of the Roman
+people, but was speedily obscured and only revived by
+the legend of late origin which identified him with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>
+Romulus, he is not of importance for my subject, and I
+may leave him to etymologists and speculators.
+</p><p>
+There is one other deity of whom I might naturally
+be expected to say something; I mean Juno. But our
+familiarity with Juno in Roman literature must not be
+allowed to lead us into believing too rashly that she was
+one of those great <i>numina</i> of the early Roman State with
+whom I have just been dealing. She had no special
+festival in the calendar;<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> her connection with the Kalends
+she shared, as we have seen, with Janus. She had no
+special priest of her own; for in spite of all assertions
+that the flaminica Dialis was attached to her cult, I am
+convinced that I was right some years ago in maintaining
+that this is an error, though a natural one.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> It cannot
+be proved that she had any ancient temple in the city;
+for the oldest known to us as strictly indigenous, that of
+Juno Moneta on the arx, was not dedicated till 344 <i>b.c.</i>,
+and we do not know that there was an older altar on the
+same spot.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> Assuredly Rome was not in early times a
+great centre of the Juno cult, as were some of the cities in
+her neighbourhood, <i>e.g.</i> Lanuvium, Falerii, and Veii;<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> and
+the gradual establishment of her position as a truly Roman
+goddess may be explained by her appearance in the trias
+of deities in the Capitoline temple at the end of the regal
+period, and by the removal to Rome of Juno Regina of
+Veii still later, after the destruction of that city.
+</p><p>
+What, then, was Juno originally to the Roman religious
+mind? There is no more difficult question than this in
+our whole subject; as we probe carefully in those dark
+ages she baffles us continually. Undoubtedly she was
+a woman's deity, and we may aptly say of her "varium et
+mutabile semper femina." The most singular fact we know
+about her cult is that women used to speak of their Juno
+as men spoke of their Genius;<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> and it is not by any
+means impossible that this may be the clue to the original
+Italian conception of her.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> In that case we should have
+to explain her appearance as a well-defined goddess in so
+many Latin towns, as the anthropomorphising result of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>
+that penetration of Greek ideas into Latium from the
+south, of which I shall have something to say later on.
+Such ideas, when they reached Rome, may have produced
+the notion that she was the consort of Jupiter, for which I
+must confess that I can find no sufficient evidence in the
+early cult of either.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> But I must here leave her, for in
+truth she does not belong to this lecture; and it would
+need at least one whole lecture to discuss her adequately
+in all her later aspects. The latest German discussion of
+her occupied sixty closely printed pages; and instructive
+as it was in some ways, arrived at the apparently impossible
+conclusion that she was a deity of the earth.
+</p><p>
+Last in the order of invocation, even to the latest days
+of Rome, came Vesta, "the only female deity among the
+highest gods of the most ancient State,"<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> for Juno can
+hardly be reckoned among them, and Tellus had no
+special cult or priesthood of her own. We have already
+noticed Vesta as the religious centre of the house, making
+it into a <i>home</i> in a sense almost more vivid than that in
+which we use the sacred word. Through all stages of
+development from house to city this religious centre must
+have been preserved, and in the Rome of historical times
+Vesta was still there, inherent in her sacred hearth-fire,
+which was tended by her six virgin priestesses, and
+renewed on the Roman New Year's day (March 1) by the
+primitive method of friction.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> The Vestals beyond doubt
+represented the unmarried daughters of the primitive
+Latin family, and the <i>penus Vestae</i>, a kind of Holy of
+Holies of the Roman State, recalled the <i>penus</i> or store-closet
+of the agricultural home; this <i>penus</i> was cleansed
+on June 15 for the reception of the first fruits of the
+harvest, and then closed until June 7 of the following
+year.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> These and other simple duties of the Vestals, all
+of them traceable to the old life on the farm, together
+with their own sex and maidenhood, preserved this beautiful
+cult throughout Roman history from all contamination.
+Vesta in her <i>aedes</i>, a round dwelling which was never a
+temple in the technical sense, was represented by no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>
+statue, and her title of Mater never suggested to the true
+Roman worshipper anything but her motherly grace and
+beneficence.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> Far more than any other cult, that of Vesta
+represents the reality and continuity of Roman religious
+feeling; and the remains of her latest dwelling, and the
+statues of her priestesses with no statue of herself among
+them, may still give the visitor to the Forum some dim
+idea of the spirit of Roman worship.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">290</a>
+</p><h5>
+NOTES TO LECTURE VI
+</h5>
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> Arnobius (v. 155) fortunately mentions that this story came
+from the second book of Valerius Antias, whose bad reputation is
+well known. It was plainly meant to account for the cult-title of
+Jupiter Elicius, and the origin of the <i>procuratio fulminis</i>, and
+was invented by Greeks or Graecising Romans at a time (2nd
+century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>) when all reverence for the gods had vanished as completely
+as in Greece. Yet Dr. Frazer writes of Numa as "an adept
+at bringing down lightning from heaven" (<i>Early History of Kingship</i>,
+p. 204).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> On this subject, the evolution of the knowledge of God, I may
+refer to Professor Gwatkin's <i>Gifford Lectures</i> of 1904-5, published by
+Messrs. T. &amp; T. Clark, Edinburgh.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> The meaning of <i>deus</i> is well put by Mr. C. Bailey in his sketch
+of <i>Roman Religion</i> (Constable &amp; Co.), p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> Guesses can be made about these, but little or nothing is to be
+learnt from them to help us in this lecture.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> I adhere to what was said in <i>R.F.</i> p. 312 foll. We do not
+know, and probably never shall know, the original deity concerned in
+that festival. The ritual is wholly unlike that of the <i>rustica Faunalia</i>
+(<i>R.F.</i> p. 256 foll.). I believe that it dates from a time anterior to
+the formation of real gods&mdash;possibly from an aboriginal people who
+did not know any. (I am glad to see this view taken in the latest
+summary of German learning on this subject, <i>Einleitung in die
+Altertumswissenschaft</i>, by Gaercke and Norden, vol. ii. p. 262.)
+At the moment of printing an interesting discussion of the Lupercalia,
+by Prof. Deubner, who treats it as a historical growth, in which are
+embodied ideas and rites of successive ages, has appeared in <i>Archiv</i>
+(1910, p. 481 foll.). See Appendix B.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 170 and 250 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Strabo, p. 164. Cp. Usener, <i>G&ouml;tternamen</i>, p. 277, whose
+comment is, "Die G&ouml;tter aller dieser St&auml;mme waren 'namenlos,'
+weil sie nicht mit Eigennamen sondern durch Eigenschaftsworte<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>
+benannt wurden. F&uuml;r einen griechischen Reisenden vorchristlicher
+Zeit waren sie nicht fassbar." Arnobius iii. 43, Gellius ii. 28. 2
+are good passages for the principle. The latter alludes to the anxiety
+of <i>veteres Romani</i> on this point, "ne alium pro alio nominando falsa
+religione populum alligarent." Hence the formulae "si deus si dea,"
+or "sive quo alio nomine fas est nominare," Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 351;
+"quisquis es," <i>Aen.</i> iv. 576. See also Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>,
+184 foll.; Dieterich, <i>Eine Mithrasliturgie</i>, p. 110 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> ii. 351. I am inclined to think it is only an inference
+from the want of substantival names in so many Roman deities;
+surely, it would be argued, the pontifices must have had some reason
+for this. It is contradicted by the fact that in such ancient formulae
+as that of the <i>devotio</i> (Livy viii. 9) the great gods are called by their
+own names, though the army was in the field and in presence of the
+enemy. There was, however, an old idea that the name of the special
+tutelary god of the city was never divulged, lest he should become
+<i>captivus</i>, and that the true name of the city itself was unknown; see
+Macrob. iii. 9. 2 foll. I believe that these ideas were encouraged by
+the pontifices, but were not founded on fact.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> For the Indigitamenta see below, p. 159; <i>R.F.</i> p. 341; R. Peter's
+able article in <i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> Scholars do not seem to me to have
+reckoned sufficiently with the tendency of a legal priesthood, devoted
+to the strict maintenance of religious minutiae, to elaborate and
+organise the material for god-making which was within their reach.
+To judge by the elaboration of the ritual at Iguvium, the same
+tendency must have existed in other kindred Italian communities,
+both to develop ritualistic priesthoods, and through them to elaborate
+the ritual. This is, I think, the weak point of Usener's reasoning in
+his <i>G&ouml;tternamen</i>, and as applied to Roman deities it is the weak
+point of an interesting article by von Domaszewski, reprinted in his
+<i>Abhandlungen zur r&ouml;m. Religion</i>, p. 155 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> The best account of Tellus is in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 159 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 71; Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 631 foll. This was a festival of the
+populus as a whole, and also of each Curia, like the Fornicalia in
+February. Both were clearly agricultural in origin, though the Curia
+as we know it was probably an institution of the city. I must own
+that I am quite uncertain as to what the thing was which was originally
+meant by the word Curia; my friend Dr. J. B. Carter may have
+something to say on the subject in his book on the Roman religion in
+the Jastrow series.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>, pp. 11 and 73 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> iv. 166, "prima et Tellus et pronuba Iuno Dant
+signum"; commenting on which Servius wrote, "quidam sane etiam
+Tellurem praeesse nuptiis tradunt; nam et in auspiciis nuptiarum
+invocatur: cui etiam virgines, vel cum ire ad domum mariti coeperint,
+vel iam ibi positae, diversis nominibus vel ritu sacrificant." There is
+little doubt that Tellus is frequently concealed under the names of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span>
+Ceres, Dea Dia, etc. For Ceres and Juno in marriage rites, see
+Marquardt, <i>Privatleben</i>, p. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> See below, p. 206 foll.; Macrob. iii. 9. 11; Deubner in
+<i>Archiv</i>, 1905, p. 66 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> See De Marchi, <i>La Religione</i>, <i>etc.</i>, i. p. 188 and reff. (The
+reference to Gellius should be iv. 6. 7, not iv. 67.) Like some other
+operations of the Roman religion, this became a form, and was used
+as a kind of insurance, whether or no there had been any omission;
+Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> That Ceres represented the <i>fructus</i> is shown by the fact that
+in the XII. Tables the man who raided a field of standing corn at
+night was made <i>sacer</i> to her; Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xviii. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 134. De Marchi, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 135. Janus, Jupiter,
+and Juno are concerned in this rite, Ceres coming last. Varro has
+preserved the part of Tellus for us: "quod humatus non sit, heredi
+porca praecidanea suscipienda Telluri et Cereri, aliter familia non pura
+est" (<i>ap. Nonium</i>, p. 163).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> The verses are quoted by Dieterich, <i>Mutter Erde</i>, p. 75,
+among others from Buecheler's <i>Anthology of Roman Epitaphs</i>, Nos.
+1544 and 1476. The story is told in Suetonius' <i>Life of Tib.</i> c. 75,
+and again of Gallienus by Aurelius Victor (<i>Caes.</i> c. 33).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> Marquardt, p. 326, who notes that the Romans themselves
+derived the word from <i>filum</i>, a fillet; <i>e.g.</i> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 84, "quod
+in Latio capite velato erant semper, ac caput cinctum habebant <i>filo</i>."
+Modern etymologists equate the word with <i>Brahman</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> Thus the Flamen Quirinalis sacrificed at the Robigalia, <i>R.F.</i>
+p. 89, and with the Pontifices and Vestals took part in the Consualia,
+Marq. 335.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> We may note here that the most general Latin name for a
+priest was <i>sacerdos</i>, which seems to have excluded all magic, etc.; it
+means an office sanctioned by the State. On the general question of
+the origin of priesthood see Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, <i>etc.</i>, ch. xx., with
+whose explanations, however, I cannot entirely agree. I should
+prefer to keep the word priest for an official who sacrifices and prays
+to his god. In this view I am at one with E. Meyer, <i>Geschichte des
+Altertums</i>, i.<sup>2</sup> p. 121 foll. God and priest go together as permanent,
+regular in function, and entrusted by a community with certain
+duties.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> Marquardt, p. 180; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 427. The popa or
+victimarius is seen in many artistic representations of sacrifice, <i>e.g.</i>
+Schreiber, <i>Atlas of Classical Antiquities</i>, plate xvii. figs. 1 and 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> Jevons, ch. xx.; Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> i. 245 foll., and <i>Lectures on
+Early History of Kingship</i>, Lectures ii. and v.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> In a valuable paper in his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i> (p. 284)
+Wissowa says that "personal conception of deity is absolutely strange
+to the old Roman religion of the <i>di indigetes</i>." I believe this to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>
+essentially true; but my point is that localisation and ritual prepared
+the way for the reception of Greek ideas of personality. The process
+had already begun in the religion of the house; but it was not likely
+there to come in contact with foreign germs. When Janus and Vesta,
+who were in every house (Wissowa, p. 285), were localised in certain
+points in a city, they would be far more likely to acquire personality,
+if such an idea came in their way, than in the worship of the family.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, vii. 28, "quem alii caelum, alii dixerunt esse
+mundum." Dr. Frazer, citing this passage (<i>Kingship</i>, p. 286) in
+support of his view that Janus was a duplicate of Jupiter, has omitted
+to notice that some theorisers fancied he was the <i>universe</i>, which by
+itself is enough to betray the delusive nature of this kind of theological
+speculation. Varro elsewhere gives us a clue to the liability of Janus
+to be exalted in this unnatural fashion, <i>L.L.</i> vii. 27, "divum deo" (in the
+Salian hymn), if this be taken as referring to Janus, as it may be,
+comparing Macrob. i. 9. 14. But this is easily explained by the
+position of Janus in prayers; cp. Cic. <i>Nat. Deor.</i> ii. 27. 67, "cum in
+omnibus rebus vim haberent maximam prima et extrema, principem in
+sacrificando Ianum esse voluerunt." The phrase "Deorum" or "Divum
+deus" is indeed remarkable, and unparalleled in Roman worship; but
+no one acquainted with Roman or Italian ritual will for a moment
+suspect it of meaning "God of gods" in either a Christian or metaphysical
+sense. I shall have occasion to notice the peculiar use of
+the genitive case and of genitival adjectives in worship later on. See
+below, p. 153 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, i. 89 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 281 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Frazer, <i>l.c.</i> (a page of which every line appears to me to be
+written under a complete misapprehension of the right methods of
+research into the nature of Roman gods); A. B. Cook, <i>Classical
+Review</i>, vol. xviii. 367 foll.; Professor Ridgeway, <i>Who were the Romans?</i>
+p. 12, where, among other remarkable statements, Janus is confidently
+said to have been introduced at Rome by the Sabine Numa, and
+therefore to have been a Sabine deity, an assumption quite irreconcilable
+with those of Dr. Frazer and Mr. Cook. In striking contrast
+with such speculations is a sensible paper on Janus in M. Toutain's
+<i>&Eacute;tudes de mythologie et d'histoire</i>, p. 195 foll. (Paris, 1909).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Dr. Frazer is aware of this; see his <i>Kingship</i>, p. 285, note 1.
+See also Roscher in <i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Janus," p. 45 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> For the evidence for this and the following facts, see Roscher's
+article just cited, or Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 91 foll.; cp. <i>R.F.</i> p. 280 foll. The
+cult epithets of Janus are thus explained by von Domaszewski,
+<i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 223, note 1, "Bei Ianus tritt regelm&auml;ssig der
+Begriff des Wesens hinzu, dessen Wirkung er von Anfang an
+bestimmt, so I. Consevius der Anfang der in Consus wirkenden Kraft,
+und in derselbe Weise I. Iunonius, Matutinus," etc. This is reasonable,
+but it does not suit with I. Patulcius-Clusius, and I cannot accept
+it with confidence at present.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> Roscher, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 284 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> Festus, p. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> It is due to the good sense and learning of Dr. Roscher; he
+had previously, when working on the old methods, tried to prove that
+Janus was a "wind-god" (<i>Hermes der Windgott</i>, Leipzig, 1878); but
+a more searching inquiry into the Roman evidence, when the prepossessions
+had left him which the comparative method is so likely to
+produce, brought him to the view I have explained in outline, which
+has been adopted in the main by Wissowa, Aust, and J. B. Carter, as
+well as by myself in <i>R.F.</i> The last word about so puzzling a deity
+can of course never be said; but if we indulge in speculations about
+him we must use the Roman evidence with adequate knowledge of
+the criticism it needs.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> This difference between Zeus and Jupiter has been pointed
+out by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 100; Jupiter stands for the heaven even in
+classical Latin literature, as we all know.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> See his papers in the <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. xvii. 270 and
+xviii. 365 foll., and in <i>Folklore</i>, vol. xv. 301; xvi. 260 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> <i>Kingship</i>, p. 196 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> Macrobius i. 15. 14. In historical times a white victim,
+<i>ovis idulis</i>, was taken to the Capitol by the <i>via sacra</i> in procession
+(Ov. <i>Fasti</i>, i. 56. 588). Festus says that some derived the term <i>via
+sacra</i> from this procession (p. 290); and to this Horace may be alluding
+in <i>Ode</i> iii. 30. 8, "dum Capitolium Scandet cum tacita virgine
+pontifex."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> pp. 86, 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> No doubt Jupiter was specially connected with the oak, as Mr.
+Cook has shown with great learning in the paper cited above, note
+36; but at Rome he had an ancient shrine among beeches, and was
+known as I. Fagutalis: Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 152; Paulus 87. For I.
+Viminalis, see <i>R.F.</i> p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> See Aust's article "Jupiter" in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> p. 673.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> Aust gives a cut of a coin of the consul Claudius Marcellus
+(223 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>) dedicating <i>spolia opima</i> in this little temple, according to
+the ancient fashion, supposed to be initiated by Romulus, Livy i. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Dionys. Hal. ii. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> See De Marchi's careful investigation, <i>La Religione</i>, <i>etc.</i>, i.
+p. 156 foll.; Gaius i. 112. The cult-title should indicate that the god
+was believed to be immanent in the cake of <i>far</i>, rather than that it
+was offered to him (so I should also take I. Dapalis, though in later
+times the idea had passed into that of sacrifice, Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 132), and
+if so, the use of the cake was sacramental; cp. the rite at the Latin
+festival, <i>R.F.</i> p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> There are distinct traces of a practice of taking oaths in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>
+open air, <i>i.e.</i> under the sky; of Dius Fidius, unquestionably a form
+of Jupiter, Varro says (<i>L.L.</i> v. 66), "quidam negant sub tecto per
+hunc deiurare oportere." Cp. Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 28; <i>R.F.</i> p.
+138. For the conception of a single great deity as primitive, see
+Lang, <i>The Making of Religion</i>, ch. xii.; Flinders Petrie, <i>Religion of
+Egypt</i> (in Constable's shilling series), ch. i.; Ross, <i>The Original
+Religion of China</i>, p. 128 foll.; Warneck, <i>Die Lebenskr&auml;fte des Evangeliums</i>,
+p. 20 (of the Indian Archipelago). The last reference I
+owe to Professor Paterson, of Edinburgh University.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 552, "more enim veteri sacrorum neque
+Martialis flamen neque Quirinalis omnibus caerimoniis tenebantur
+quibus flamen Dialis, neque diurnis sacrificiis distinebatur." It is,
+however, possible that under the word <i>caerimonia</i> Servius is not here
+including taboos, but active duties only.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> See my paper, "The Strange History of a Flamen Dialis," in
+<i>Classical Review</i>, vol. vii. p. 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 141; Henzen, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> iii. 123, note 3; <i>R.F.</i> p. 40, for further examples.
+It may be worth while to point out here that the coupling of
+all farm animals except goats took place in spring or early summer;
+Varro, <i>R.R.</i> ii. 2 foll. Isidorus (<i>Orig.</i> v. 33), who embodies Varro
+and Verrius to some extent, derived the name Mars from <i>mares</i>,
+because in the month of March "cuncta animalia ad mares
+aguntur."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> I prefer, with De Marchi, to take Silvanus here as a cult-title,
+though we do not meet with it elsewhere; see <i>La Religione</i>, <i>etc.</i>,
+p. 130 note; but Wissowa, who has a prejudice against the view
+that Mars was connected with agriculture, insists on taking Marti
+Silvano as a case of asyndeton, <i>i.e.</i> as two deities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 36, "quos agros non colebant propter
+silvas aut id genus, ubi pecus possit pasci, et possidebant, ab usu
+salvo saltus nominarunt."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 141. Mars is there invoked as able to keep off
+(<i>averruncare</i>) evil influences and to make the crops grow, etc.; he has
+become in the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> a powerful deity in the actual processes
+of husbandry, just as he became in the city a powerful deity of
+war. But as he was not localised either on the farm or in the city, I
+prefer to think that he was originally conceived as a Power outside
+the boundary in each case, but for that very reason all the more to be
+propitiated by the settlers within it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> See below, p. 235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> So Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 131. Cp. <i>R.F.</i> p. 39, note 4. Deubner in
+<i>Archiv</i>, 1905, p. 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Servius, commenting on line 3 of <i>Aen.</i> viii. (<i>utque impulit arma</i>)
+writes: "nam is qui belli susceperat curam, sacrarium Martis ingressus,
+primo ancilia commovebat, post hastam simulacri ipsius,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
+dicens, Mars vigila." The mention of a statue shows that this
+account belongs to a late period. But Varro seems to have stated
+that there was originally only a spear; see a passage of Clement of
+Alexandria in the fragments of the <i>Ant. rer. div.</i>, Agahd, p. 210,
+to which Deubner (<i>l.c.</i>) adds Arnobius vi. 11. Deubner calls this
+spear a fetish, which is not the right word if the deity were immanent
+in it in the sense suggested by "Mars vigila." See above,
+p. 116. If Servius correctly reports the practice, it must be compared
+with the clashing of shields and spears by the Salii, which may
+thus have had a positive as well as negative object.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Livy v. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> Mr. A. B. Cook (<i>Classical Review</i>, 1904, p. 368) has tried to
+connect both names with the Greek word &#960;&#961;&#8150;&#957;&#959;&#987;, and Professor
+Conway, quoted by him, is inclined to lend the weight of his great
+authority to the conjecture. Thus Quirinus would be an oak-god,
+and Quirites oak-spearmen. We must, however, remember that Mr.
+Cook is, so to speak, on an oak scent, and his keenness as a hunter
+leads him sometimes astray. One is a little perplexed to understand
+why Jupiter, Janus, Mars, and Quirinus should all be oak-gods (and
+all in origin identical as such!). On the other hand, it is fair to note
+that the original spear was probably of wood, with the point hardened
+in the fire, like the <i>hasta praeusta</i> of the Fetiales: Festus, p. 101. If
+<i>quiris</i> has really anything to do with oaks, it would be more natural
+to explain the two words as springing from an old place-name, Quirium,
+as Niebuhr did long ago, and to derive that again from the oaks
+among which it may have stood. But I am content to take <i>quiris</i> as
+simply a spear, as Buecheler did; see Deubner, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 76. Since
+the above was written, the article "Quirinus" by Wissowa in the
+<i>Myth. Lex.</i> has appeared. Naturally it does not add anything to our
+knowledge; but Wissowa holds to the opinion that the most probable
+derivation of the name Quirinus is from Quirium, possibly the name
+of the settlement on the Quirinal; and compares <i>Q. pater</i> (<i>e.g.</i> Livy
+v. 52. 7) with the <i>Reatinus pater</i> of <i>C.I.L.</i> ix. 4676.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> The Nonae Caprotinae (July 7), the day when women sacrificed
+to Juno Caprotina under a wild fig-tree in the Campus Martius,
+is not known to us except from Varro. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 178, where
+(note 8) is a suggestion that the festival had to do with the <i>caprificatio</i>,
+or method of ripening the figs, which Dr. Frazer has expanded
+in his <i>Lectures on Kingship</i>, p. 270, believing the process to be
+that of fertilisation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. ix. p. 474 foll. The same view has
+recently been taken independently by W. Otto in <i>Philologus</i>, 1905,
+pp. 215 foll., 221. It is perfectly clear that the monthly sacrifice to
+Juno was the duty of the wife of the <i>rex sacrorum</i>; a pontifex minor
+is also mentioned (Macrob. i. 15. 19).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 114.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> See Ihm's article "Iunones" in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> vol. ii. 615;
+Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> ii. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> Dr. J. B. Carter tells me that he has abandoned this explanation
+of the evolution of Juno. On the other hand, von Domaszewski
+seems in some measure to accept it (<i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 169 foll.),
+when he says that "similar functions, when exercised by different
+<i>numina</i>, can eventually produce a god. <i>Auf diese Weise ist Iuno
+geworden.</i>" He means that the creative power is called Juno in a
+woman, or in a people (Iuno Populonia), or in the curiae (Iuno Curitis),
+and that an independent deity, Juno <i>par excellence</i>, emerges from all
+these. But so far I cannot follow him.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> There is no real evidence from purely Roman sources of this
+fancied conjugal or other relation, if we exclude that of the alleged
+cult of Juno by the Flaminica Dialis. This has been well seen and
+expressed by W. Otto, <i>l.c.</i> p. 215 foll.; see also <i>Classical Review</i> as
+quoted above. As we shall see in the next lecture, Dr. Frazer is
+much concerned to show that Jupiter and Juno are actually a married
+pair, and consequently he will have nothing to do with my opinion on
+this point: <i>Early History of Kingship</i>, p. 214 foll., and <i>Adonis,</i> <i>Attis,</i>
+<i>Osiris</i>, ed. 2, p. 410, note 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> Festus, p. 106; Macrob. i. 12. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> I have discussed the Vestalia and the nature of Vesta and her
+cult in <i>R.F.</i> p. 145 foll. See also Marquardt, p. 336 foll., and Wissowa,
+<i>R.K.</i> p. 141 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, vi. 296, says that he had been stupid enough to
+believe that there was a statue in the <i>aedes Vestae</i>, but found out his
+mistake:&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">esse diu stultus Vestae simulacra putavi;</span>
+<span class="i1_5">mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>
+The passage is interesting as showing how natural it was for a Roman
+of the Graeco-Roman period to suppose that his deities must be
+capable of taking iconic form. For anthropomorphic representations
+of Vesta in other places and at Pompeii, see Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte
+Abhandlungen</i>, p. 67 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> See Lanciani, <i>Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, p.
+223 foll. The statues of the <i>virgines vestales maximae</i>, discovered
+in the Atrium Vestae, all belong to the period of the Empire. They
+are now in the museum of the Baths of Diocletian.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE VII</h4>
+
+<h5>THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS</h5>
+
+
+<p>In the last lecture we interrogated the calendar as to the
+deities whose festivals are recorded in it, with the aid of
+what we know of the most ancient priesthoods attached to
+particular cults. The result may be stated thus: we
+found a number of impersonal <i>numina</i>, with names of
+adjectival form, such as Saturnus, Vertumnus, and so on;
+others with substantival names, Tellus, Robigus, Terminus;
+the former apparently functional deities, concerned in the
+operations of nature or man, and the latter spirits immanent
+in objects&mdash;Mother Earth herself, a stone, the
+mildew, or (like Janus and Vesta) the entrance and the
+hearth-fire of human dwellings or cities. Lastly, we found
+from the evidence, chiefly of the priesthoods, that certain
+more important divinities stand out from the crowd of
+spirits, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and Vesta; and we
+found some reason to think that these, and possibly a few
+of the others, by becoming the objects of priestly <i>cura</i> and
+<i>caerimonia</i> at particular spots in the city, were not unlikely
+to become also in some sense personal deities, to acquire a
+quasi-human personality, if they came by the chance. In
+the present lecture I must go rather more closely into such
+evidence as we possess bearing on the mental conception
+which these early Romans had formed of the divine beings
+whom they had admitted within their city.</p>
+
+<p>And, first, we must be quite clear that in those early
+ages there was nothing in Rome which we can call a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>
+temple, as we understand the word; nor was there any
+such representation of a deity as we can call an image or
+<i>eidolon</i>. The deities were settled in particular spots of
+ground, which were made <i>loca sacra</i>, <i>i.e.</i> handed over to the
+deity by the process of <i>consecratio</i> authorised by the <i>ius
+divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> It was matter of no moment what might be
+erected on this bit of ground; there might be a rude
+house like that of Vesta, round in shape like the oldest
+Italian huts; there might be a gateway like that of Janus;
+or the spot might be a grove, or a clearing within it (<i>lucus</i>),
+as in the case of Robigus or the Dea Dia of the Arval
+Brethren. All such places might be called by the general
+name <i>fanum</i>; and as a rule no doubt each <i>fanum</i> contained
+a <i>sacellum</i>, <i>i.e.</i> a small enclosure without a roof,
+containing a little altar (<i>ara</i>). These "altars" may at
+first have been nothing more than temporary erections of
+turf and sods; permanent stone altars were probably a
+later development. Servius tells us that in later times it
+was the custom to place a sod (<i>caespes</i>) on the top of such
+a stone altar, which must be one of the many survivals in
+cult of the usages of a simpler age.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">292</a></p>
+
+<p>With such spots as these we cannot associate anything
+in the nature of an image of the deity established there;
+and we have every reason to believe that no such thing
+was known at Rome until the Etruscan temple of the
+Capitoline trias was built near the end of the regal period.
+Varro expressly declared that the Romans remained for
+more than 170 years without any images of their gods,
+and added that those who first introduced such images
+"civitatibus suis et metum dempsisse et errorem addidisse."<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">293</a>
+What he had in his mind is clear; he had indeed no
+direct knowledge of those early times, but he is thinking
+of a definite traditional date in the kingly period&mdash;the
+last year of the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, who, according
+to Varro's own account, built the temple on the
+Capitol and placed in it a statue of Jupiter.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> That was
+the oldest image of which he knew anything; and, as
+Wissowa has remarked, his belief is entirely corroborated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span>
+by the fact that in every single case in which the image of
+a god has any part in his cult, it is always either this
+Capitoline Jupiter or some deity of later introduction and
+non-Roman origin. It is also borne out by another significant
+and interesting fact&mdash;that the next image to be
+introduced, that of Diana in the temple on the Aventine,
+was a copy of the &#958;&#8001;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#957; of Artemis at Massilia, itself a
+copy of the famous one at Ephesus.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> Let us note that
+these two earliest statues were placed in roofed temples
+which were the dwelling-places of gods in an entirely new
+sense; so far no Roman deity of the city had been so
+housed, because he could not be thought of in terms of
+human life, as visible in human form and needing shelter.
+But this later and foreign notion of divinity so completely
+took possession of the minds of the Romans of the cosmopolitan
+city that Varro is the only writer who has preserved
+the tradition of the older way of thinking. In the religion
+of the family Ovid indeed has charmingly expressed it,
+perhaps on the authority of some lost passage of Varro<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">296</a>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ante focos olim scamnis considere longis</span>
+<span class="i1">mos erat, et mensae credere adesse deos.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Tibullus in one passage has mentioned what seems to be
+some rude attempt to give outward shape and form to an
+ancient pastoral deity<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">297</a>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">lacte madens illic suberat Pan ilicis umbrae</span>
+<span class="i1">et facta agresti lignea falce Pales.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>And Propertius hints at a like representation of Vertumnus,
+the garden deity. But without some corroborative evidence
+it is hardly safe to take these as genuine examples
+of early iconic worship.</p>
+
+<p>Thus we may take it as certain that even the greater
+deities of the calendar, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and
+Vesta, were not thought of as existing in any sense in
+human form, nor as personal beings having any human
+characteristics. The early Romans were destitute of
+mythological fancy, and as they had never had their
+deities presented to them in visible form, could hardly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span>
+have invented such stories about them as sprang up in a
+most abundant crop when Greek literature and Greek art
+had changed their mental view of divinity. Roman
+legends were occupied with practical matters, with kings
+and the foundation of cities; and even among these it is
+hardly possible to detect those which may be really
+Roman, for they are hidden away, like rude ancient
+frescoes, under the elaborate decorations of the Greek
+artists, who seized upon everything that came to hand,
+including the old deities themselves, to amuse themselves
+and win the admiration of their dull pupils at Rome.
+He who would appreciate the difficulty of getting at the
+original rude drawings must be well acquainted with the
+decorative activity of the Alexandrian age.</p>
+
+<p>Thus we might well presume <i>a priori</i> that the old
+Roman gods were not conceived as married pairs, nor as
+having children; and this is indeed the conclusion at
+which we have arrived after half a century or more of
+most careful and conscientious investigation by a series
+of German scholars. But quite recently in this country
+the contrary view has been put forward by an author of
+no less weight than Dr. Frazer; and another eminent
+Cambridge scholar, Mr. A. B. Cook, evidently inclines to
+the same view. I should in any case be reluctant to
+engage in controversy with two valued personal friends;
+but it is just possible that in what follows I may be able
+to throw some faint light on the evolution of the idea of
+marriage among divine beings; and on the strength of
+this I am content for the moment to be controversial. Dr.
+Frazer's arguments, with strictures on my opinions, will be
+found in an appendix to his book on <i>Adonis</i>, <i>Attis</i>, <i>Osiris</i>,
+2nd edition.</p>
+
+<p>In pure animism the spirits are nameless; when their
+residence and functions are more clearly recognised they
+acquire names, and these names are naturally masculine
+or feminine among peoples whose language is not genderless,
+as was the case with the Sumerians of Babylonia.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">298</a>
+This would seem to be the first step on the path to a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>
+personal conception of divinity. But there are signs that
+the Romans had not got very far on this path when we
+begin to know anything about their religion. I have
+already alluded to the formula "Sive deus sive dea," which
+occurs in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales, in the formula
+given by Cato for making a new clearing, and elsewhere;<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">299</a>
+and indeed there seems to have been always some uncertainty
+about the sex of one or two well-known deities,
+such as Pales and Pomonus or Pomona.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">300</a> It is not,
+therefore, <i>a priori</i> probable that the process of personalisation
+(if I may coin the word) should have proceeded, at
+the period we are treating of, so far as to ascribe to these
+named deities of both sexes the characteristics of human
+beings in social life and intercourse. Yet Varro, as Dr.
+Frazer points out, is quoted by St. Augustine as saying
+that his ancestors (that is, as Augustine adds), "veteres
+Romanos," believed in the marriage of gods and in their
+procreative power.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">301</a> If Varro wrote "maiores meos," as
+he seems to have done, of whom was he really thinking?
+Was Augustine's comment based on the rest of Varro's
+text, or was he jumping to a conclusion which would
+naturally serve his own purpose? Varro, of course, was
+not a Roman, but from Reate in the Sabine country.
+But even if he were thinking of Rome, how far back
+would his knowledge extend? The Romans had known
+Greek married gods for three or four centuries before his
+time, and he may quite well be thinking of these. Of
+the <i>di indigetes</i> of an earlier period he could hardly know
+more than we do ourselves; his only sources of information
+were the facts of the cult and the books of the pontifices.
+The facts of the cult, so far as he and others have
+recorded them, suggest no pairing of deities, no "sacred
+marriage."<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> The pontifical books, which contained rules
+and formulae for the proper invocation of deities by their
+right names, do indeed seem to have suggested a certain
+conjunction of male and female divine names; and it is
+just possible that this is what Varro had in his mind
+when he wrote the passage seized upon by Augustine.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>
+I will proceed at once to examine this evidence, as it is
+incidentally of great interest in the history of Italian
+religion; and Dr. Frazer will probably allow that his
+conclusion must stand or fall by it.</p>
+
+<p>The evidence to which I allude is preserved in the
+13th book of the <i>Noctes Atticae</i> of Aulus Gellius (ch.
+xxiii.), and extracted from "libri sacerdotum populi
+Romani," as "comprecationes deorum immortalium";
+these also occur, he says, in <i>plerisque antiquis orationibus</i>,
+<i>i.e.</i> in the invocations to the gods made by the orator
+at the beginning or end of his speech.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> Among
+these Gellius found the following conjunctions of divine
+names: Lua Saturni, Salacia Neptuni, Hora Quirini,
+Virites Quirini, Maia Volcani, Herie Iunonis, Moles
+Martis, and Neriene Martis, or Nerio Martis. Now among
+these conjunctions there are three which obviously do not
+express pairs of deities, married or other, viz. Virites Quirini,
+Moles Martis, and Herie Iunonis; the first two of which
+plainly mean the strength or force of Quirinus and Mars,
+and the third conjoins two female names. The question
+is whether the others are to be understood as giving us
+the names of the "wives" of Saturnus, Neptunus, Quirinus,
+Volcanus, and Mars. The fact that these are associated
+with others which cannot mean anything of the kind is
+itself against this conclusion; but I have carefully examined
+each pair by the light of such stray information
+about them as we possess, and have failed to find anything
+to suggest Dr. Frazer's emphatic conclusion that
+these are married pairs. I should be tedious if I were to
+go through the evidence in detail in a lecture like this;
+but I will take the pair which Gellius himself discusses,
+and on which Dr. Frazer chiefly relies, Neriene or Nerio
+Martis: it is the pair about which we know most, and in
+every way is the most interesting of the set.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">304</a></p>
+
+<p>After giving the list of names, Gellius goes on to
+express his own opinion that <i>Nerio Martis</i> means (like
+<i>Moles Martis</i>) the <i>virtus</i> or <i>fortitudo</i> of Mars, <i>Nerio</i> being
+a Sabine word meaning strength or courage;<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> and a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span>
+little further he sums up his view thus: "Nerio igitur
+Martis vis et potentia et maiestas quaedam esse Martis
+demonstratur." This seems to fit in very comfortably
+with what can be guessed of the meaning of two of the
+other pairs, Virites Quirini and Maia Volcani: Maia was
+explained by another Roman scholar as equivalent to
+Maiestas.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">306</a></p>
+
+<p>But Gellius goes on to quote three passages from old
+Latin authors in which Nerio (or Neria) appears positively
+as the wife of Mars; and again concludes that there
+was also a tradition that these two were <i>coniuges</i>. Of
+these passages we luckily have the context of one, for it
+occurs in the <i>Truculentus</i> of Plautus: turning this out
+(line 515) we find that a rough soldier, arriving at
+Athens, salutes his sweetheart with the words "Mars
+peregre adveniens salutat Nerienen uxorem suam"&mdash;words
+which Plautus must have adapted from his Greek
+original in such a way as to make them intelligible to a
+Roman audience. Gellius says that he had often heard
+a learned friend blame Plautus for thus putting a false
+notion about Mars (that he had a wife) into the mouth of
+his soldier&mdash;"nimis comice"&mdash;merely to produce a comic
+effect. But, he adds, there was some justification for it;
+for if you read the third book of the annals of Gellius
+(a namesake who lived in the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>) you
+will find that he puts into the mouth of Hersilia, pleading
+for peace before Ti. Tatius, words which actually make
+Nerio the wife of Mars: "De tui, inquit, coniugis consilio,
+Martem scilicet significans." Little, I fear, can be
+said to the credit of this Gellius;<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> he lived in an age
+when annalists were many and inventive, and long after
+the Romans had grown accustomed to Greek ideas of
+the gods; but we may take this passage as evidence of
+what may have been in his day a popular idea of Mars
+and his consort. Lastly, Aulus Gellius quotes a brace of
+lines from one Licinius Imbrex, an old comic writer of
+the same century, who, in a <i>fabula palliata</i> called Neaera,
+wrote:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span>&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">nolo ego Neaeram te vocent, aut Nerienem,</span>
+<span class="i0">cum quidem Marti es in connubium data.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The real question is whether these passages from comic
+writers and an annalist of no reputation combine to prove
+that there was an ancient popular idea of Mars as a
+married god; as to the priestly view of the matter they
+can, of course, prove nothing. It seems to me that Dr.
+Frazer is entitled to argue that in the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>
+such a popular idea existed,<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> which the Roman state
+religion did not recognise, and which Aulus Gellius, as
+we have seen, could not agree with. I do not, however,
+think him entitled to go farther, and to infer that this was
+an idea of divinity native to Italy or of very old standing.
+Is it not much simpler to suppose, with a cool-headed
+scholar whom Dr. Frazer is willing to follow when it suits
+his turn, that pairs or conjunctions of this kind, the true
+meaning of which I hope to explain directly, were easily
+mistaken by the vulgar mind for married god and goddess?<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">309</a>
+In those degenerate days of the Roman religion,
+after the war with Hannibal, to which these writers
+belong&mdash;and all are later than Ennius, the first to make
+mischief by ridiculing the gods&mdash;nothing could be easier
+than to take advantage of what looked like married life
+to invent comic passages to please a Roman audience,
+now consisting largely of semi-educated men who had
+lost faith in their own religion, and of a crowd of smaller
+people of mixed descent and nationality. Such passages,
+in fact, cannot safely be used as evidence of religious
+ideas, apart from the tendencies of the age in which they
+were written. Had there really been religious beliefs,
+rooted in the old Roman mind, about the wedded life
+of gods and goddesses, it would even then have been
+dangerous to use them mockingly in comedy. And once
+more, had there been such genuinely Roman ideas, why,
+in an age that made for anthropomorphism, did they not
+find their way into the Roman Pantheon,&mdash;why did they
+survive only in literary allusions, to the bewilderment of
+scholars like Aulus Gellius?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The real explanation of these curious conjunctions of
+masculine and feminine names is, I think, not very hard
+to come by. Let us remember, in the first place, that
+they were found in the books of the priests, and that
+they belonged to forms of prayer&mdash;<i>comprecationes deorum
+immortalium</i>; in other words, they do not represent
+popular ideas of the deities, but ritualistic forms of invocation.
+As such they may indeed no doubt be regarded
+as expressing, or as growing out of, a popular way of
+thinking of the Power manifesting itself in the universe;
+but they are themselves none the less, like those strange
+lists of divine names called <i>Indigitamenta</i>, with which I
+shall deal directly, the creations of an active professional
+priesthood, working upon the principle that every deity
+must be addressed in precisely the correct way and no
+other, and accounting the name of the deity, as indicating
+his or her exact function, the most vitally important thing
+in the whole invocation. I have already pointed out how
+difficult the early Latin must have found it to discover
+how to address the <i>numina</i> at work around him, and I
+shall return to the subject in another lecture; at present
+all I want to insist upon is that the priests of the City-state
+relieved him of this anxiety, and indeed must have
+carried the work so far as to develop a kind of science
+of divine nomenclature. Every one who has studied the
+history of religions knows well how strong the tendency
+is, when once invocation has become ritualised, for the
+names and titles of the objects of worship to abound and
+multiply. The Roman Church of to-day still shows this
+tendency in its elaborate invocation of the Virgin.</p>
+
+<p>With the old Romans the common method of elaboration
+lay in the invention of cult-titles, of which the different
+kinds have been distinguished and explained by Dr.
+J. B. Carter in his treatise "de Deorum Romanorum
+cognominibus."<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> Most of them are suggestive of function
+or character, as, <i>e.g.</i>, Janus Patulcius Clusivius, or
+Jupiter Lucetius, Ops Opifera; sometimes they doubled
+the idea, as in Aius Locutius, or Anna Perenna, or Fors<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>
+Fortuna; and in one or two cases they seem to have
+combined two deities together in rather puzzling conjunctions,
+which usually, however, admit of some possible
+explanation, as Janus Junonius, or Ops Consiva (<i>i.e.</i> Ops
+belonging to Consus).<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> In the Iguvian ritual, which is
+the highly-elaborated work of a priesthood as active as
+the Roman, we find combinations of not less than four
+names:<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> Cerfe Martie, Praestita Cerfia Cerfi Martii, Tursa
+Cerfia Cerfi Martii, which may perhaps be rendered
+"Spirit of Mars, protecting (female) spirit of the (male)
+spirit of Mars, fear-inspiring (female) spirit of the (male)
+spirit of Mars."</p>
+
+<p>Such strange multiple combinations as these suggest
+that expressions like Moles Martis or Virites Quirini are
+only another form of the usual cult-title, expressing adoration
+of the power of the deity addressed; and it is only
+reasonable to explain the others of the same group on the
+same principle. As we have seen, Roman scholars themselves
+explained Nerio Martis as equivalent to Virtus
+Martis; Herie Iunonis probably means something of the
+same kind; the others are not so easily explained, and
+guesswork about them is unprofitable. But I hope I
+have said enough to show that there is absolutely no good
+ground for supposing that these combinations of names in
+nominative and genitive indicate a relationship of any
+kind except a qualitative one. Abstract qualities, let us
+note, are usually feminine in Latin, and I think it is not
+improbable that abstractions such as Fides and Salus,
+which were deified at a very early period at Rome, may
+have reached divinity by attachment to some god from
+whom they subsequently became again separated.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">313</a> And
+lastly, we can trace the same tendency to combine names
+and ideas together far down the course of Roman history;
+witness the combination of Genius with cities, legions,
+gods, etc., as well as with the individual man, and again
+such expressions as Pietas Legionis, by analogy with
+which von Domaszewski, wrongly as I think, would
+explain those we have been discussing.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">314</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>Before leaving this complicated and cloudy system of
+divine nomenclature, it is as well to ask the question once
+more, even if we cannot answer it, whether if left to itself
+it might have developed into a polytheistic system of
+personal deities. I will give my own opinion for what it
+is worth. I do not think that such a result could have
+been reached without the magic touch of the Greek poet
+and artist, or the arrival of Greek deities and their images
+in Latium. Professor Sayce, in his Gifford lectures on the
+religion of Babylonia, has shown how the non-Semitic
+Sumerians knew only of spirits and demons until the
+Semite arrived in the Persian Gulf with his personal gods
+of both sexes;<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> and I gather that he does not suppose
+that without such immigration the Sumerian ideas of
+divinity could have become personalised. The question is
+not exactly the same at Rome; for there the spirit world
+had passed into the hands of an organised priesthood
+occupied with ritual, and especially with its terminological
+aspect; and the chance of personalisation, if it were there
+at all, lay in the importance of the functional name. But
+the question is after all beside the mark; we shall see
+what happened when the Greeks arrived. We may be
+content at present to note the fact that they found the
+functional terminology sufficiently advanced to take advantage
+of it, and to revolutionise the whole Roman
+conception of the divine.</p>
+
+<p>Dr. Frazer gives me an opportunity of adverting to
+another point bearing on the question we are discussing,&mdash;the
+way in which the old Roman thought of his deities.
+"It is difficult," he says,<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> "to deny that the epithets
+Pater and Mater, which the Romans bestow on so many
+of their gods, do really imply paternity and maternity;
+if this implication be admitted, the inference appears to
+be inevitable that these divine beings were supposed to
+exercise sexual functions, etc." In a footnote he adds a
+number of formidable-looking references, meant, I suppose,
+to prove this point. I have closely examined these
+passages; what they do prove is simply that many deities<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>
+were called Pater and Mater. Not one even suggests that
+paternity and maternity were in such cases to be understood
+literally and, so to speak, physically. The two
+that come nearest to what he is looking for are those
+from Varro and Lactantius. Varro says<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">317</a> that Ops was
+called Mater because she was identical with Terra, who
+was, of course, Terra Mater: "Haec enim&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">'terris gentes omnes peperit et resumit denuo,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>quae dat cibaria,' ut ait Ennius."<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> It is clear, then, that
+neither Varro nor Ennius understood this title of Ops and
+Terra in Dr. Frazer's sense of the word. The quotation
+from the early Christian father Lactantius, which contains
+three well-known lines of Lucilius, might possibly
+deceive those who neglect to turn it out and read the context;
+there we find at once that not even Lactantius
+could attribute to these epithets the meaning which Dr.
+Frazer wishes to put on them. He would have been as
+glad to do so as Dr. Frazer himself, though for a very
+different reason; but what he actually wrote is this:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"Omnem Deum qui ab homine colitur, necesse est
+inter solennes ritus et precationes patrem nuncupari, non
+tantum honoris gratia, verum etiam rationis; quod et
+antiquior est homine, et quod vitam, salutem, victum
+praestat, ut pater. Itaque ut Iuppiter a precantibus pater
+vocatur, etc."<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">319</a></p>
+
+<p>Dr. Frazer's quotation begins with this last sentence;
+it is a pity that he did not read the context. If he had
+read it, his candour would have compelled him to confess
+that not even a Christian father, with a keen sense of
+what was ridiculous or degrading in the pagan religion,
+understood the fatherhood of the gods as he wishes to
+understand it.</p>
+
+<p>But I am wasting time in pressing this point. Dr.
+Frazer would hardly have used such an argument if he
+had not been hard put to it. The figurative use of human
+relationships is surely a common practice, when addressing
+their deities, of all peoples who have reached the stage<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>
+of family life. As another distinguished anthropologist
+says: "The very want of an object tends to supply
+an object through the imagination; and this will be
+either the vital energy inherent in things, or the reflex
+of the human father, who once satisfied his needs (<i>i.e.</i>
+of the worshipper). So, in Aryan religions, the supreme
+god is father, &#918;&#949;&#8058;&#962; &#960;&#945;&#964;&#7969;&#961;, Diespiter, Marspiter. Ahura-Mazda
+is a father.... Another analogy shows the
+relationship of brother and friend, as in the case of
+Mithra."<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">320</a> The Romans themselves were familiar from
+the first with such figurative use of relationship, as was
+natural to a people in whom the family instinct was so
+strong; we have but to think of the <i>pater patratus</i> of the
+Fetiales,<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> of the Fratres Arvales, or the Fratres Attiedii of
+Iguvium. What exactly they understood by Pater and
+Mater when applied to deities is not so easy to determine:
+we have not the necessary data. They were never applied,
+I believe, to imported deities, <i>di novensiles</i>; always to
+<i>di indigetes</i>, those on whom the original Roman stock
+looked as their fellow-citizens and guardians. And we
+shall not be far wrong if we conclude that in general
+they imply the dependence of the human citizen upon his
+divine protector, and thus bring the usage into line with
+that of other Aryan peoples. Behind this feeling of
+dependence there may have been the idea, handed down
+from remote ages, that Father Sky and Mother Earth
+were in a sense the parents of all living things; but there
+is nothing in the Roman religion to suggest that the two
+were thought of as personally uniting in marriage or a
+sexual act.</p>
+
+<p>I will sum up this part of the discussion by translating
+an admirable passage in Aust's book on the Roman
+religion, with which I am in cordial agreement<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">322</a>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"The deities of Rome were deities of the cult only.
+They had no human form; they had not the human heart
+with its virtues and vices. They had no intercourse with
+each other, and no common or permanent residence; they
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>enjoyed no nectar and ambrosia ... they had no children,
+no parental relation. They were indeed both male
+and female, and a male and female deity are often in close
+relations with each other; but this is not a relation of
+marriage, and rests only on a similarity in the sphere of
+their operations.... These deities never become independent
+existences; they remain cold, colourless conceptions,
+<i>numina</i> as the Romans called them, that is,
+supernatural beings whose existence only betrays itself in
+the exercise of certain powers."</p>
+
+<p>They were, indeed, cold and colourless conceptions as
+compared with the Greek gods of Olympus, whose warmth
+and colour is really that of human life, of human passions;
+but the one remarkable and interesting thing about these
+Roman and Italian numina is the life and force for good
+or evil which is the very essence of their being. The
+puzzling combinations we have just been studying are
+quite enough to illustrate this character. Moles, Virites,
+Nerio, and perhaps others too, seem to mean the strength
+or force inherent in the numen; Cerfius, or Cerus, as the
+Latins called it, Liber, Genius, all are best interpreted as
+meaning a functional or creative force. Jupiter is the sky
+or heaven itself, with all its manifestations of activity;
+Tellus is Mother Earth, full of active productive power.
+At the bottom of these cold and colourless conceptions
+there is thus a real idea of power, not supernatural but
+rather natural power, which may both hurt and benefit
+man, and which he must attempt to enlist on his side.
+This enlistment was the task of the Roman priesthood
+and the Roman government, and so effectually was it
+carried out that the divine beings lost their vitality in
+the process.</p>
+
+<p>We shall be better able to follow out this curious fate
+of the Roman deities in later lectures; here I wish to note
+one other aspect of the Roman idea of divinity, which
+will help to explain what I have just been saying about
+the life and force inherent in these numina.</p>
+
+<p>In most cursory accounts of the Roman religion it has
+been the practice to lay particular stress upon an immense<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>
+number of "gods," as they used to be called, each of
+which is supposed to have presided over some particular
+act or suffering of the Roman from the cradle to the
+grave&mdash;from Cunina, the "goddess" of his cradle, to
+Libitina who looked after his interment. I have as yet
+said nothing about all these. I will now briefly explain
+why I have not done so, and why I hesitate to include
+them, at any rate in the uncompromising form in which
+they are usually presented, among the genuine religious
+conceptions of the earliest period. Later on I shall have
+further opportunity of discussing them; at the end of
+this lecture I can only sum up the results of recent
+research into this curious cloud of so-called deities.</p>
+
+<p>We know of them mainly, but not entirely, from
+Tertullian, and the <i>de Civitate Dei</i> of St. Augustine.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">323</a>
+These scholarly theologians, wishing to show up the
+absurdity of the heathen religions, found a mine of
+material in the great work of Varro on the Roman religious
+antiquities; and though they found him by no means so
+elegant a writer as Cicero, they studied him with pains,
+and have incidentally added immensely to our knowledge
+both of Varro himself and of the Roman religion. St.
+Augustine tells us that it was in the last three books of
+his work that Varro treated of the Roman deities, and
+that he divided them under the heads of <i>di certi</i>, <i>di incerti</i>,
+and <i>di selecti</i>. In the first of these he dealt chiefly with
+those with which we are now concerned: they were <i>certi</i>
+because their names expressed their supposed activity
+quite clearly.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> We know for certain that Varro found
+these names in the books of the pontifices, and that they
+were there called Indigitamenta:<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">325</a> a word which has been
+variously interpreted, and has been the subject of much
+learned disputation. I believe with Wissowa that it means
+"forms of invocation," <i>i.e.</i> the correct names by which gods
+should be addressed.</p>
+
+<p>Thus these lists of names come down to us at third
+hand: Varro took them from the pontifical books, and
+the Christian fathers took them from Varro. It is obvious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>
+that this being the case they need very careful critical
+examination; and till recently they were accepted in full
+without hesitation, and without reflection on such questions
+as, <i>e.g.</i>, whether they are psychologically probable, or
+whether they can be paralleled from the religious experience
+of other peoples. Some preliminary critical attempts
+were made about fifty years ago in this direction,<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> but the
+first thoroughgoing examination of the subject was published
+by R. Peter in the article "Indigitamenta" in
+Roscher's <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>. This most industrious
+scholar, though his interpretation of the word Indigitamenta
+is probably erroneous,<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> was the first to reach the
+definite conclusion that the lists are not really primitive,
+and do not, as we have them, represent primitive religious
+thought. It was after a very careful study of this article,
+which is long enough to fill a small volume, that I wrote
+in my <i>Roman Festivals</i> of the Indigitamenta as "based
+on"&mdash;not actually representing, I might have added&mdash;"old
+ideas of divine agency, now systematised by something
+like scientific terminology and ordered classification
+by skilled legal theologians"; and as "an artificial priestly
+exaggeration of a primitive tendency to see a world of
+nameless spirits surrounding and influencing all human
+life."<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">328</a></p>
+
+<p>I was not then specially concerned with the Indigitamenta,
+and only alluded to them in passing. But before
+my book was published there had already appeared a
+most interesting work on the names of deities (<i>G&ouml;tternamen</i>)
+by H. Usener, a brilliant investigator, which
+drew fresh attention to the subject. Usener found in
+mediaeval records of the religion of the heathen Lithuanians
+what seemed to be a remarkable parallel with this
+old Roman theology, and he also compared these records
+with certain facts in what we may call the pre-Olympian
+religious ideas of the Greeks. "The conclusion which
+he draws," writes Dr. Farnell<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">329</a>&mdash;and I cannot state it
+better&mdash;"is that the Indo-Germanic peoples, on the way to
+the higher polytheism, passed through an earlier stage<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>
+when the objects of cult were beings whom he designated
+by the newly-coined words 'Augenblickg&ouml;tter' and
+'Sonderg&ouml;tter'" (gods of momentary or limited function).
+He went further than this, and claimed that the
+anthropomorphic gods of Greece and Italy, of the Indo-Iranians,
+Persians, and Slavs, were developed out of
+these spirits presiding over special functions and particular
+moments of human life; but with this latter part of his
+theory I am not now concerned. What we want to know
+now is whether in writing thus of the Roman Indigitamenta
+Usener was using a record which really represents an early
+stage of religious thought in Italy; and I may add that we
+should be glad to know whether his Lithuanian records
+are also to be unhesitatingly relied on.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">330</a> As regards
+Greece, Dr. Farnell has criticised his theories with considerable
+effect.</p>
+
+<p>The most recent contribution to the discussion of the
+Roman part of the subject is that of Wissowa, who in
+1904 published a paper on "True and False Sonderg&ouml;tter
+at Rome";<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> this is a piece of most valuable and
+weighty criticism, but extremely difficult to follow and
+digest. I here give only the main results of it. Wissowa
+takes two genuine examples of Sonderg&ouml;tter which have
+come down to us from other sources, and more directly than
+those mentioned above: the first from Fabius Pictor, the
+oldest Roman historian,<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> and the other from the Acta
+Fratrum Arvalium.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> Fabius said that the flamen
+(Cerealis?), when sacrificing to Tellus and Ceres, also
+invoked the following deities: Vervactor, for the first
+ploughing, as Wissowa interprets it; Redarator, for the
+second ploughing; Imporcitor, for the harrowing; Insitor,
+for the sowing; Oberator, for the top-dressing; Occator,
+Sarritor, Subrincator, Messor, Convector, Conditor, Promitor,
+for subsequent operations up to the harvest and
+actual distribution of the corn for food. Secondly, in the
+Acta of the Arval Brethren we find, on the occasion of a
+<i>piaculum</i> caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof
+of the temple of Dea Dia, at the end of a long list of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>
+deities invoked, and before the names of the <i>divi</i> of the
+Imperial families, the names of three Sonderg&ouml;tter,
+Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda, and on another occasion,
+Adolenda and Coinquenda; these seem beyond
+doubt to refer to the process of getting the obnoxious
+tree down from the roof, of breaking it up, and burning it.</p>
+
+<p>In both these examples, which have come down to us
+more directly than the lists in the Fathers, Wissowa sees
+assistant or subordinate deities (if such they can be called)
+grouped around a central idea, that of the main object
+of sacrifice in each case;<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">334</a> these are the result of the <i>cura</i>
+and <i>caerimonia</i> supervised and over-elaborated by pontifical
+law and ritual. It is, I may add on my own account,
+most unlikely, and psychologically almost impossible, that
+any individual farmer should have troubled himself to
+remember and enumerate by name twelve deities
+representing the various stages of an agricultural process;
+and Cato, in fact, says nothing of such ritual. It was the
+flamen of the City-state, who, when sacrificing to Tellus
+and Ceres before harvest,<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> pictured, or recalled to mind,
+the various processes of a year of what we may call high
+farming rather than primitive, under the names of deities
+plainly invented out of the words which express those
+processes&mdash;words which themselves are certainly not all
+antique. And in the second example, which dates from
+the second century <span class="smcap">a.d.</span>, we see that the process of
+destroying the intruding fig-tree is represented in ritual
+in exactly the same curious way: the names of the deities,
+Deferunda and the rest, being invented for the occasion
+out of the words which express the several acts of the process
+of destruction. These Arval Brethren of the second
+century inherited the traditions of their predecessors of an
+earlier age, and carried out the work of amplification in
+their invocations by pedantically imitating the pontifices
+of five or six centuries earlier. They held, in a way which
+to us is ludicrous, to the old notion that you should try
+and cover as much ground as possible in worship, and to
+cover it in detail, so that no chance might be missed of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>
+securing the object for which you were taking so much
+trouble.</p>
+
+<p>Now to return to Varro and his lists of names. What
+is Dr. Wissowa's conclusion about these, after examining
+the two examples of Sonderg&ouml;tter which have not come
+down to us through so much book-learning as the rest?</p>
+
+<p>Varro's <i>di certi</i>, he says<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">336</a>&mdash;and I think there is
+no doubt that he is right&mdash;included the name of every
+deity, great or small, of which he could feel sure that
+he knew something, as he found it in the books of the
+pontifices; and the part of those books in which he
+found these names, known as Indigitamenta, probably
+contained formulae of invocation, <i>precationum carmina</i>,<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">337</a>
+of the same kind as the <i>comprecationes deorum immortalium</i>
+from which Gellius quoted the pairs of male and
+female deities which we discussed above. Varro arranged
+all these names in groups of principal and subordinate
+or assistant deities, the latter amplifying in detail the
+meaning and scope of the former, as we have just seen;
+and of this grouping some traces are still visible in the
+accounts of Augustine and Tertullian. But the good
+Fathers tumbled the whole collection about sadly in
+their search for material for their mockery, having no
+historical or scientific object in view; with the result
+that it now resembles the bits of glass in a kaleidoscope,
+and can no longer be re-arranged on the original Varronian
+plan. The difficulty is increased by the etymologies
+and explanations which they offer of the divine names,
+which, as a rule, are even more absurd than the divinities
+themselves.<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">338</a></p>
+
+<p>But, in the last place, the question must be asked
+whether these Sonderg&ouml;tter of the real kind, such, for
+example, as those twelve agricultural ones invoked by the
+flamen at the Cereale sacrum, had their origin in any
+sense in popular usage or belief. At the end of his
+paper Wissowa emphatically says that he does not believe
+it. For myself, I would only modify this conclusion so
+far as this: they must, I think, have been the theological,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>
+or perhaps rather the ritualistic outcome, of a psychological
+tendency rooted in the popular mind. I have already
+noticed that curious bit of folklore in which three spirits
+of cultivation were invoked with a kind of acted parable
+at the birth of a child;<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">339</a> and I cannot regard this custom
+as a piece of pontifical ritualism, though the names may
+have been invented by the priests to suit the practice.
+The old Roman seems to have had a tendency to ascribe
+what for want of a better word we may call divinity, not
+only to animate and inanimate objects, but to actions and
+abstractions; this, I take it, is an advanced stage of
+animism, peculiar, it would seem, to a highly practical
+agricultural people, and it is this stage which is reflected
+in the ritualistic work of the priests. They turned dim
+and nameless powers into definite and prehensible deities
+with names, and arranged them in groups so as to fall
+in with the life of the city as well as the farm. What was
+the result of all this ingenuity, or whether it had any
+popular result at all, is a question hardly admitting of
+solution. What is really interesting in the matter, if
+my view is the right one, is the curious way in which
+the early Roman seems to have looked upon all life
+and force and action, human or other, as in some sense
+associated with, and the result of, divine or spiritual
+agency.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE VII</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> For <i>loca sacra</i> and <i>consecratio</i> see Marquardt, p. 148 foll.;
+Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 400.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> Serv. <i>ad Aen.</i> xii. 119, "Romani moris fuerat cespitem arae
+super imponere, et ita sacrificare." Cp. some valuable remarks of
+Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 23. The altar of the Fratres was
+in front of their grove; they used also a movable one (<i>foculus</i>)
+of silver, but <i>cespiti ornatus</i> (<i>ib.</i> p. 21): this was for the preliminary
+offering of wine and incense (Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 351).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> In Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 31; Agahd's edition of the fragments of
+Varro's <i>Ant. rer. div.</i> p. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 23; Agahd, p. 159. See Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte
+Abhandlungen</i>, p. 280 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> Strabo iv. 180.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, vi. 305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> Tibull. ii. 5. 27. The lines of Propertius are iv. (v.) 2. 59,
+"Stipes acernus eram, properanti falce dolatus, Ante Numam grata
+pauper in urbe deus." The question is whether these are genuine
+examples of the natural evolution of a "stock or stone" into something
+in the nature of an anthropomorphic image of a deity, or
+whether they are the result of the introduction of Greek statues acting
+on the popular mind in rustic parts of Italy. The passages, so far
+as I know, stand alone, and we have no means of deciding whether
+the anthropomorphic tendency was native or foreign. Vortumnus
+was, however, undoubtedly of Etruscan origin; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 233.
+The subject of iconic development of this kind is well summarised in
+E. Gardner's little volume on <i>Religion and Art in Ancient Greece</i>,
+ch. i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> See Sayce, <i>Gifford Lectures on the Religions of Egypt and
+Babylonia</i>, p. 302. An interesting paper on the evolution of <i>dei</i> at
+Rome out of functional <i>numina</i> will be found in von Domaszewski's
+<i>Abhandlungen zur r&ouml;m. Religion</i>, p. 155 foll., based on Usener's
+theory of Sonderg&ouml;tter. It is ingenious and imaginative, but in
+my view does not square with the facts as far as we know them.
+His stages are: (1) momentary function of <i>numina</i>, <i>e.g.</i> lightning;
+(2) elevation of this into a permanent power or function; (3) consequent
+limitation of the numen to a special well-marked function;
+(4) elevation of the numen to a <i>deus</i>, conceived in the likeness of
+man, and male or female, because man cannot think of power
+otherwise than on the analogy of male or female creative energy.
+Lastly, when the <i>deus</i> is complete, the functions of the former
+numen become attributes or qualities, traces of which we find in the
+pairs of deities in Gellius, xiii. 23, which are discussed later on in
+this lecture. Some of these, of course, eventually became separate
+deities&mdash;Salacia, Maia, Lua. As I cannot accept the view that
+the earliest Roman idea of the supernatural is to be found in
+<i>comprecationes</i> of a comparatively late period, <i>i.e.</i> in the so-called
+Indigitamenta, this charmingly symmetrical account has no charm
+for me beyond its symmetry.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> pp. 144, 146; Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 139; <i>C.I.L.</i>
+vi. 110 and 111. Other references are given by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+p. 33, note 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> For Pales, <i>R.F.</i> p. 80 note; for Pomona, Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> The passage runs thus (Aug. <i>C.D.</i>. iv. 32): "Dicit enim
+(Varro) de generationibus deorum magis ad poetas quam ad
+physicos fuisse populos inclinatos, et ideo et sexum et generationes
+deorum maiores suos (id est veteres credidisse Romanos) et eorum
+constituisse coniugia." There is an amusing passage in Lactantius,
+i. 17 (<i>de Falsa Religione</i>), which Dr. Frazer might read with
+advantage. It begins, "Si duo sunt sexus deorum, sequitur
+concubitus." Then he goes on mockingly to argue that the gods<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>
+must have houses, cities, lands which they plough and sow, which
+proves them mortal. Finally he takes the whole series of inferences
+backwards, finishing with "si domibus carent, ergo et
+concubitu. Si concubitus ab his abest, et sexus igitur foemineus,"
+etc. All this, he means, can be inferred from the fact that gods
+are of both sexes; but that they have <i>concubitus</i> can no more be
+inferred from his argument than that they plough and sow.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> Dr. Frazer conjectures a sacred marriage of Jupiter and Juno
+under the forms of Janus and Diana, in <i>Kingship</i>, p. 214; but
+he is well aware that it is pure guesswork. There was, indeed,
+at Falerii such a marriage of Juno with an unknown deity (Ovid,
+<i>Amores</i>, iii. 13), of which, however, we do not know the history.
+Falerii was one of those cities, like Praeneste, where Etruscan,
+Greek, and Latin influences met. The "Orci nuptiae" on which
+Frazer lays stress was simply the Greek marriage of Pluto and
+Proserpine: "Orci coniux Proserpina," Aug. <i>C.D.</i> vii. 23 and 28,
+Agahd, p. 152. Wissowa shows this conclusively, <i>R.K.</i> p. 246.
+Orcus was Graecised as Plutus, but was himself totally without
+personality.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> Dr. Frazer wrongly translates this as "ancient prayers"
+(p. 411), adding "the highest possible authority on the subject."
+<i>Oratio</i> is never used in this sense until Christian times: the word
+is always <i>precatio</i>. All scholars are agreed that what is meant
+is invocations to deities in old speeches, such as occur once or twice
+in Cicero (<i>e.g.</i> at the end of the <i>Verrines</i>); cp. Livy xxix. 15. As the
+recording of speeches cannot be assumed to have begun before the
+third century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, this does not carry us very far back. That
+century is also the age in which the pontifices were probably most
+active in drawing up <i>comprecationes</i>; see below, p. 285 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> See Appendix B at end of volume.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> Cp. Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 850, "<i>forti</i> sacrificare deae." In <i>R.F.</i>
+p. 60 foll., I have criticised the attempts, ancient and modern, to
+make this Nerio the subject of myths.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> Macrob. i. 12. 18. This word Maiestas shows the doubtful
+nature of these feminine names, and probably betrays the real
+meaning of Maia. I may mention here that Bellona instead of
+Nerio is ascribed as wife to Mars by Seneca ap. Aug. <i>C.D.</i> vi. 10;
+also Venus to Volcanus instead of Maia. Neither have any connection,
+so far as we know, with the gods to whom Seneca ascribes
+them as wives: Venus-Vulcan is, of course, Greek. Both Augustine
+and Dr. Frazer might with advantage have abstained from citing
+Seneca on such a point: as a Spaniard by birth he was not likely
+to know much about technical questions of Roman ritual.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, i. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> In the Graeco-Roman age Mars seems to have been rather a
+favourite subject of myth-making; see Usener's article on Italian
+myths in <i>Rhein. Mus.</i> vol. xxx.; Roscher in <i>Myth. Lex.</i> for works<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>
+of Graeco-Etruscan art in which he appears in certain mythical
+scenes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> H. Jordan, quoted in <i>R.F.</i> p. 61 note. I relegate to an
+appendix what needs to be said about the other pairs of deities
+mentioned by Gellius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> Leipzig, 1898, p. 7 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 168. Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> See Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 22 and 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> So Fides is usually explained, as originally belonging to
+Jupiter (Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 103 foll.); but a different view is taken
+by Harold L. Axtell in his work on the <i>Deification of Abstract Ideas
+at Rome</i> (Chicago, 1907), p. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> In the Festschrift f. O. Hirschfeld, p. 243 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> <i>Religion of the Babylonians</i>, introductory chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 412.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> <i>L.L.</i> v. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> This fragment is No. 503 in Baehrens, <i>Fragm. Poet. Rom.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> Lactantius, <i>Div. inst.</i> iv. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life</i>, p. 256; Farnell, <i>Evolution of
+Religion</i>, p. 180; von Domaszewski, <i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 166, "Man
+ruft sie an im Gebete als pater und mater zum Zeichen der
+Unterwerfung unter ihren Willen, wie der Sohn dem Gebote des
+paterfamilias sich f&uuml;gt. Der sittlich strenge Gehorsam, der das
+Familienleben der R&ouml;mer beherrscht, die pietas, ist der Sinn der
+r&ouml;mischen religio." Cp. also Appel, <i>de Rom. precationibus</i>, pp.
+102-3, who thinks that they regarded the gods "velut patriarchas
+sive patres familias." He quotes Preller-Jordan i. 55 and Dieterich,
+<i>Eine Mithrasliturgie</i>, p. 142 sq. So too with mater&mdash;"velut mater
+familias."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> The expression seems to mean "a father made for the
+purpose of the embassy." Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 477, note 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> p. 19. This was written, it may be noted, several years
+after Aust had thoroughly investigated the cult of Jupiter for his
+article in the <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>; in which cult, if anywhere, one
+may be tempted to see evidence of a personal conception of deities.
+As Dr. Frazer has referred to the cult of Jupiter at Praeneste,
+to which I referred him as evidence of a possibly personal conception
+of the god in that Latin city, I may say here that I adhere to what
+I said about this in <i>R.F.</i> p. 226 foll.; no piece of antique cult has
+occupied my attention more than this, and I have tried to lay open
+every source of confirmation or criticism. Wissowa has expressed
+himself in almost exactly the same terms in <i>R.K.</i> p. 209: we
+arrived at our conclusions independently.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> Tertullian, <i>ad Nationes</i> 11, and <i>de Anima</i>, 37 foll.; Aug.
+<i>de Civ. Dei</i>, iv. <i>passim</i>, and especially ch. xi.; R. Peter compiled
+a complete list (<i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Indigitamenta," p. 143) from these
+and other sources.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> Aug. <i>C.D.</i> vii. 17. That this was what Varro meant by
+<i>di certi</i> was first affirmed by Wissowa in a note to his edition of
+Marquardt, p. 9; it has been generally accepted as the true account.
+A full discussion will be found in Agahd's edition of the fragments
+of Varro's work, p. 126 foll.; cf. Peter's article quoted above, and
+Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 61 and 65. A somewhat different view is given
+in Domaszewski's article in <i>Archiv</i> for 1907, p. 1 foll., suggested
+by Usener's <i>G&ouml;tternamen</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> The evidence for this will be found in Marquardt's note
+4 on p. 9. I have no doubt that Wissowa is right in explaining
+Indigitamenta as "Gebetsformeln," formulae of invocation; in which
+the most important matter, we may add, would be the name of
+the deity. See his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 177 foll. The
+Indigitamenta contained, as one section, the invocations of <i>di certi</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> Chiefly by Ambrosch in his <i>Religionsb&uuml;cher der R&ouml;mer</i>.
+Peter's article contains a useful account of the whole progress of
+research on this subject.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> <i>Lex.</i> p. 137; it was that of his master Reifferscheid. Cp.
+Wissowa, <i>op. cit.</i> (<i>Ges. Abhandl.</i> p. 306 foll.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> pp. 191, 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> "The place of the Sonderg&ouml;tter in Greek Polytheism,"
+printed in <i>Anthropological Essays addressed to E. B. Tylor</i>, p. 81.
+Usener's discussion of the Roman and Lithuanian Sonderg&ouml;tter is
+in his <i>G&ouml;tternamen</i>, p. 73 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> Wissowa writes (<i>Ges. Abhandl.</i> p. 320 note) that he has
+reason to believe that a great number of the Lithuanian Sonderg&ouml;tter
+only became such through the treatment of the subject by the
+mediaeval writers on whom Usener relied!</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> <i>Ges. Abhandl.</i> p. 304 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> Servius (Interpol.) <i>ad Georg.</i> i. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 147; <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 2099 and 2107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 323 foll.; for <i>famuli</i> and <i>anculi divi</i>, Henzen,
+<i>op. cit.</i> p. 145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> See above, p. 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> p. 312; cp. 320, where he further asserts his belief that
+Varro is responsible himself for the creation of a great number of
+these Sonderg&ouml;tter, owing to his extreme desire to fix and define
+the function of every deity in relation to human life; just as the
+mediaeval writers Laskowski and Pretorius may have created many
+Lithuanian Sonderg&ouml;tter. As I am not quite clear on this point,
+I have not mentioned it in the text.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 314, note 1. See above, note 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">338</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> Vaticanus, "qui infantum vagitibus praesidet"; <i>Rusina</i>
+from <i>rus</i>; <i>Consus</i> from <i>consilium</i>, etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">339</span></a> See above, p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE VIII</h4>
+
+<h5>RITUAL OF THE <i>IUS DIVINUM</i></h5>
+
+
+<p>I have already frequently mentioned the <i>ius divinum</i>,
+the law governing the relations between the divine and
+human inhabitants of the city, as the <i>ius civile</i> governed
+the relations between citizen and citizen.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">340</a> When we
+examined the calendar of Numa, we were in fact examining
+a part of this law; we began with this our studies of
+the religion of the Roman city-state, because it is the
+earliest document we possess which illuminates the dark
+ages of city life, so far as religion is concerned. The
+study of the calendar naturally led us on to consider the
+evidence it yields, taken together with other sources of
+information, as to the nature of the deities for whose
+worship it fixes times and seasons, or, more accurately,
+the amount of knowledge to which the Romans had
+attained about their divine beings. But we must now
+return to the <i>ius divinum</i>, and study it in another aspect,
+for which the calendar itself does not suffice as evidence.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the simplest way of explaining this <i>ius</i> is to
+describe it as laying down the rules for the maintenance
+of right relations between the citizens and their deities;
+as ordaining what things are to be done or avoided in
+order to keep up a continual <i>pax</i>, or quasi-legal covenant,
+between these two parties. The two words <i>ius</i> and <i>pax</i>,
+we may note, are continually meeting us in Roman
+religious documents. In a prayer sanctioned by the
+pontifices for use at the making of a new clearing, we
+read: "Si deus, si dea sit cuius illud sacrum est, <i>ut tibi</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>
+<i>ius siet</i> porco piaculo facere illiusce sacri coercendi ergo,"<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">341</a>
+<i>i.e.</i> "O unknown deity, whether god or goddess, whose
+property this wood is, let it be legally proper to sacrifice
+to thee this pig as an expiatory offering, for the sake of
+cutting down trees in this wood of thine." "Pacem
+deorum exposcere" (or "petere") is a standing formula, as
+all readers of Virgil know;<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">342</a> and it occurs in many other
+authors and religious documents. When Livy wants to
+express the horror of the old patrician families at the
+idea of plebeians being consuls&mdash;men who had no knowledge
+of the <i>ius divinum</i> and no right to have any&mdash;he
+makes Appius Claudius exclaim, "Nunc nos, tanquam
+iam nihil pace deorum opus sit, omnes caerimonias
+polluimus."<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">343</a> How can we maintain our right relations
+with the gods, if plebeians have the care of them?</p>
+
+<p>Thus it is not going too far to describe the whole
+Roman religion of the city-state as a <i>Rechtsverkehr</i>,<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">344</a>
+a legal process going on continually. When a <i>colonia</i>
+was founded, <i>i.e.</i> a military outpost which was to be a
+copy in all respects of the Roman State, it was absolutely
+essential that its <i>ius divinum</i> should be laid down; it
+must have a religious charter as well as a civil one.
+Even at the very end of the life of the Republic, when
+Caesar founded a colony in Spain, he ordained that,
+within ten days of its first magistrates taking office, they
+should consult the Senate "quos et quot dies festos esse
+et quae sacra fieri publice placeat et quos ea sacra facere
+placeat," <i>i.e.</i> as to the calendar, the ritual, and the priesthood.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">345</a>
+The Romans, of course, assumed that Numa, their
+priest-king, had done the same thing for Rome; Livy
+describes him as ordaining a pontifex to whom he entrusted
+the care of all these matters, with written rules to
+follow.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">346</a> This was the imaginary religious charter of the
+Roman State. Without it the citizen, or rather his
+official representative, would not know with the necessary
+accuracy the details of the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>; without
+it, too, the deities could not be expected to perform their
+part of advancing the interests of the State, and indeed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>
+as I think we shall find, could not be expected to retain
+the strength and vitality which they needed for the work.
+Support was needed on each side; the State needed the
+help of the gods, and the gods needed the help of the
+State's care and worship.</p>
+
+<p>The ways and means towards the maintenance of this
+<i>pax</i> were as follows. First, the deities must be duly
+placated, and their powers kept in full vigour, by the
+ritual of sacrifice and prayer, performed at the proper
+times and places by authorised persons skilled in the
+knowledge of that ritual. Secondly, there must be an
+exact fulfilment of all vows or solemn promises made
+to the deities by the State or its magistrates, or by such
+private persons as might have made similar engagements.
+Thirdly, the city, its land and its people, must
+be preserved from all evil or hostile influences, whether
+spiritual or material or both, by the process broadly known
+as <i>lustratio</i>, which we commonly translate <i>purification</i>.
+Lastly, strict attention must be paid to all outward signs
+of the will of the gods, as shown by omens and portents
+of various kinds. This last method of securing the <i>pax</i>
+became specially prominent much later in Roman history,
+and I prefer to postpone detailed discussion of it for
+the present; but the other three we will now examine,
+with the help of evidence mainly derived from facts of
+cult, not from the fancies of mythologists.</p>
+
+<p>First, then, I take sacrifice, dealing only with the
+general principles of sacrificial rites, so far as we can discern
+them in the numerous details which have come down to
+us. The word <i>sacrificium</i>, let us note, in its widest sense,
+may cover any religious act in which something is made
+<i>sacrum</i>, <i>i.e.</i> (in its legal sense) the property of a deity;<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">347</a>
+I am not now concerned to conjecture what exactly may
+have been the meaning of this immortal word before it
+was embodied in the <i>ius divinum</i>. "Sacrificium" is limited
+in practical use by the Romans themselves to offerings,
+animal or cereal, made on the spot where the deity had
+taken up his residence, or at some place on the boundary of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span>
+land or city (<i>e.g.</i> the gate) which was under his protection,
+or (in later times at least) at a temporary altar erected
+during a campaign. Thus it was as much a sacrificium
+when the paterfamilias threw at each meal a portion of
+the food into the fire, the residence of Vesta, as when the
+consul offered a victim to Mars on the eve of a battle.</p>
+
+<p>Sacrifices have generally been divided into the three
+classes of (1) honorific, where the offering is believed to be
+in some sense a gift to the deity; (2) piacular, or sin-offerings,
+where the victim was usually burnt whole, no
+part being retained for eating (though this was not the
+case at Rome); (3) sacramental sacrifices, where the
+worshippers enter into communion with the deity by
+partaking of the sacred offering together with him.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">348</a> The
+two former are constant and typical in the Roman
+religion; but traces of the sacramental type, which
+Robertson Smith believed to be the oldest, are also
+found, and it will clear the ground if I refer to them at
+once. By far the most interesting example is that of the
+Latin festival on the Alban mount, where the flesh of
+the victim, a white heifer that had never felt the yoke,
+was partaken of by the deputies of all the cities of the
+Latin league, great importance being attached to the due
+distribution.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">349</a> Here the Latin race "yearly acknowledges
+its common kinship of blood, and seals it by
+partaking in the common meal of a sacred victim," thus
+entering into communion with Jupiter, the ancient god of
+the race, and with each other, by participation in the flesh
+of the sacred animal. "This common meal is perhaps a
+survival from the age when cattle were sacred animals,
+and were never slain or eaten except on the solemn
+annual occasions when the clan or race renewed its
+kinship and its mutual obligations by a solemn sacrament."
+It is tempting to compare with this great
+sacrament the <i>epulum Iovis</i> on the Ides of September, the
+dedication-day of the Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno,
+and Minerva, which three deities seem to have been
+present in visible form to share the meal with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span>
+magistrates and senate.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">350</a> But we have not yet arrived
+at the age when this temple was built, and we have no
+evidence enabling us to carry the rite back in any form
+to the pre-Etruscan period. There are, however, faint
+indications that the old Italians believed the deities to be
+in some sense present at their meals, though not in visible
+form; and at one festival, the Fornacalia, which was a
+concern not of the State as a whole, but of the thirty
+<i>curiae</i> into which it was divided,<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">351</a> there seems to be no
+doubt that a common meal took place in which the gods
+were believed to have a part, or at any rate to be present
+though invisible. Yet the <i>ius divinum</i> of the Roman
+State assuredly did not encourage this kind of sacrament;
+for in the regular round of State festivals, in which we
+cannot include even the <i>feriae Latinae</i>, the sacrifices, so
+far as we are informed, were all honorific or piacular. If
+I am not mistaken, the idea of participation by the
+people in solemn sacred rites was discouraged by the
+Roman priesthood; in the <i>ius divinum</i> the line drawn
+between <i>sacrum</i> and <i>profanum</i> was clear; scenes of
+gluttony or revelry, like the Greek hecatombs, were
+eliminated from the <i>sacra publica</i>, as I have already
+pointed out. Not till the advent of the Sibylline books
+and the <i>Graecus ritus</i> did the people take an active part
+in the State religion; their duty was merely to abstain
+from disturbance during the performance of sacred rites.
+"Feriis iurgia amovento" is the only reference in Cicero's
+imaginary sketch of the <i>ius divinum</i> to the conduct of
+the citizen on festival days.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">352</a>[352] Within the family, the
+curia, the gens, there might be direct and active participation
+in daily or yearly ceremonies, but it was an essential
+principle of the life of the city-state that its business,
+religious as well as civil, should be carried out for the
+citizens by officials specially appointed.</p>
+
+<p>In the typical and organised worship of the State, <i>i.e.</i>
+sacrifice honorific and piacular, sanctioned by the <i>ius
+divinum</i>, the utmost care was taken that the whole procedure
+should be in every sense acceptable to the deity;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span>
+that nothing <i>profanum</i> should cross the threshold of
+the divine; hence it was quiet, orderly, dignified. The
+feeling that communication with the deity invoked was
+impossible save under such conditions was very strong
+in the Roman mind, stronger perhaps than with any
+other people whose religious practice is known to us;
+and the sense of obligation and duty, <i>pietas</i>, as they called
+it, was thus very early developed, and of infinite value to
+the State in its youth. This is entirely in keeping with
+what we have learnt in the last two lectures of the ideas
+of the Romans about the nature of their deities, and throws
+additional light on those ideas. They did not as yet
+know too much about the divine beings and their powers
+and wishes; familiarity had not yet bred contempt;
+<i>religio</i>, as we saw, was still strong among them&mdash;the
+feeling of awe that is likely to diminish or disappear when
+you have your god before you in the form of an idol. It
+is a principle of human nature that where knowledge is
+imperfect, care must be taken to be on the safe side; this
+is true of all practical undertakings, and as the religion of
+the Romans was that of a practical people with a practical
+end in view, it was particularly true of them.</p>
+
+<p>First then, in order that the worship might be entirely
+acceptable to the deity invoked, it was essential that the
+person who conducted it should be also acceptable. At
+the head of the whole system was the rex, who was
+priest as well as king. We do not know, of course,
+exactly how the rex was appointed; but in the case of
+the typical priest-king Numa, Livy has described his
+<i>inauguratio</i> in terms of the <i>ius divinum</i> of later times for
+the appointment of priests, and we may take it as fairly
+certain that the same principle held good from the earliest
+times.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">353</a> After being summoned (so the story ran) from
+the Sabine city of Cures by the Senate, he consulted the
+gods about his own fitness. He was then conducted by
+the augur to the arx on the Capitol, and sat down on a
+stone facing the south. The augur took his seat on his
+left hand (the lucky side) with veiled head, holding the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>
+<i>lituus</i><a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">354</a> of his office in his right hand, with which, after
+a prayer, he marked out the <i>regiones</i> from east to west,
+the north being to the left, the south to the right, and
+silently noted some object in the extreme distance of the
+<i>ager Romanus</i>, as the farthest point where the appearance
+of an omen might be accepted. Then, passing the <i>lituus</i>
+to his left hand, he laid his right on the head of Numa,
+and uttered this prayer: "Father Jupiter, if it be thy will
+(<i>fas</i>) that this Numa Pompilius, on whose head my hand
+is laid, be king of Rome, I pray thee give us clear token
+within the limits which I have marked out." Then he
+said aloud what auspicia he sought for (<i>i.e.</i> whether of
+birds, lightning, or what); and when they appeared, Numa
+descended as rex from the citadel. This process was
+called <i>inauguratio</i>; it is attested for the confirmation of
+the election of the three flamines maiores, the rex, and
+the augurs, in historical times,<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">355</a> whatever was the method
+of that election, and without it the priest was not believed
+to be acceptable to the gods. It is not mentioned by
+Roman writers in connection with the Pontifices or the
+Vestals; if this be not merely from dearth of evidence, it
+is not easy to account for, unless the reason were that
+neither body was specially concerned with sacrifice. But
+the principle is perfectly clear&mdash;that the person who is to
+represent the community in worship must be one of whom
+the <i>numina</i> openly express approval.</p>
+
+<p>A priest, <i>sacerdos</i>, is thus a person set apart by special
+ritual for the service of the <i>sacra populi Romani</i>. The
+rex no doubt himself made the selection and supervised
+the inauguratio of the other priests at whose head he was.
+When the kingship came to an end, his powers of this
+kind passed to the pontifex maximus; and it may be as
+well to add at once that his sacrificial powers, though they
+were in a special sense inherited by a priest who took his
+title, the <i>rex sacrorum</i>, passed with the civil power to all
+magistrates <i>cum imperio</i>, who wore the <i>toga praetexta</i>
+symbolic of priestly function, and had the right of presiding
+at sacrificial rites both at home and in the field.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span>
+Thus magistrate and priest, though quite distinct under
+the Republic from the point of view of public law, have
+certain characteristics in common as deriving from a
+common source in the powers of the rex.<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">356</a></p>
+
+<p>But to return to the period of Numa and the calendar:
+it was not only necessary that the priest should be acceptable
+to the gods, but that he should be marked off from
+the rest of the community as being dedicated to their
+service. As Dr. Jevons says,<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">357</a> in all early religions
+priests are marked off from other worshippers, partly by
+what they do, and partly by what they may not do; and
+what he means is (1) that the priest originally was the
+person who alone could slay a victim; (2) that in consequence
+of his sacredness he was subject to a great
+number of restrictions. I have already spoken of these
+restrictions or priestly taboos in my second lecture; and
+as I believe that in the period we are now dealing with
+they were little more than a survival, I shall not return to
+them now. But of the outward insignia, which marked
+off the priest as alone entitled to perform the essential
+act of worship, the sacrifice, and which bring him out of
+the region of the <i>profanum</i> into that of <i>sacrum</i>, I must
+say a few words before going farther.</p>
+
+<p>In historical times the actual slaying of the victim
+was done by subordinates, <i>popae</i>, <i>victimarii</i>, etc.; but
+there is no doubt whatever that it was originally the work
+of the priest, for he seems at all times to have used one
+gesture which is clearly symbolic of it,<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">358</a> and there are
+traces also of a practice of wearing the toga in such a
+way as to leave the right arm free for the act.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">359</a> That
+toga, or any other special robe worn by the priest, was
+always in whole or part red or purple. The purple-edged
+<i>toga praetexta</i> was worn both by priests and
+magistrates, and by children under age; and I think
+there is good reason to believe that in all these cases the
+original idea was the same&mdash;that they took part, directly
+or indirectly, as primary or secondary agents in sacrificial
+acts. The Salii and the augurs wore the <i>trabea</i>, which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>
+was of purple or red, or both; the flamines had a special
+robe about the colour of which we are not informed, but
+the Flaminica Dialis wore a purple garment called <i>rica</i>,
+and a red veil called <i>flammeum</i>, which was also worn by
+the bride in the religious ceremony of marriage. Whether
+we are to see in this prevalence of red or purple any
+symbolism of the shedding of blood in sacrifice I cannot
+be sure, but the inference is a tempting one, and has been
+put forward with confidence by some recent investigators.
+It is worth noting that the Vestals, who did not sacrifice
+animals, wore white only.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">360</a> If the red colour has anything
+to do with blood-shedding, it is probably more
+than merely symbolic; it may mean that the sacrificing
+priest partakes of that life and strength which he passes
+on to the god through the blood, that is the life, of the
+victim.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">361</a></p>
+
+<p>The Roman priests had also other insignia, of which
+the original meaning is less evident. The Flamen Dialis,
+and probably all the flamines, wore a cap with an olive-twig
+fastened to the top of it; this is well shown in
+the sculptures of the Ara Pacis of Augustus.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">362</a> The
+flaminicae had a head-dress called <i>tutulus</i>, which consisted
+in part, at least, of a purple fillet or ribbon. The
+flamines, when actually sacrificing, wore a <i>galerus</i>, or
+hood of some kind made of the skin of a victim, and
+the Flamen Dialis in particular wore one made of the
+skin of a white heifer sacrificed to Jupiter.<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">363</a> In these
+various ways all priests were outwardly shown to be
+holy men, <i>sacerdotes</i>, marked off from the <i>profanum
+vulgus</i>. Only for the pontifices we have no information
+as to a special dress, just as we also have none as to
+their inauguratio.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">364</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus there is no question that the priests were chosen
+and separated from the people in such a way as to meet
+with the approval of the gods; and even the acolytes,
+<i>camilli</i> and <i>camillae</i>, boys and girls who frequently
+appear in sacrificial scenes on monuments, wore the <i>toga
+praetexta</i>, and, in order to be acceptable, must be the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span>
+children of living parents.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">365</a> This rule has lately been
+the subject of a discussion by Dr. Frazer, on which he
+has brought to bear, as usual, a great range of learning.
+He regards the restriction not so much as a matter
+of good omen, <i>i.e.</i> of freedom from contamination
+by the death of a parent, but as pointing to a notion
+that they were "fuller of life and therefore luckier than
+orphans."<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">366</a> Whether or no this explanation is the
+right one, it is quite consistent, as we shall see directly,
+with the general idea of sacrifice at Rome, and the
+learning by which it is supported is in any case of interest
+and value.</p>
+
+<p>There is abundant evidence from historical times that
+all worshippers, and therefore <i>a fortiori</i> all priests, when
+sacrificing, had to be personally clean and free from
+every kind of taint; a rule which also held good for the
+utensils used in the worship, which in many cases at least
+were of primitive make and material, not such as were
+in common use.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">367</a> The need of personal purity is well
+expressed by Tibullus in his description of a rural
+festival<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">368</a>:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">vos quoque abesse procul iubeo, discedat ab aris</span>
+<span class="i1">cui tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus.</span>
+<span class="i0">casta placent superis: pura cum veste venite</span>
+<span class="i1">et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>These lines indicate an approach at least to the idea
+of mental as well as material purity; and Cicero in his <i>ius
+divinum</i> in the <i>de Legibus</i><a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">369</a> actually reaches that idea:
+"caste iubet lex adire ad deos, animo videlicet, in quo
+sunt omnia: nec tollit castimoniam corporis," etc. But
+this is the language of a later age, and does not reflect
+the notions of the old Roman, but rather those of the
+religious philosophy of the Greek. The personal purity
+which the Roman rule required was a survival from a
+set of primitive ideas, closely connected with taboo,
+which we are only now beginning to understand fully.
+They are common to all or almost all peoples who have
+made any progress in systematising their sacrificial<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>
+worship. As Dr. Westermarck has recently expressed
+it,<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">370</a> "they spring from the idea that the contact of a
+polluting substance with anything holy is followed by
+injurious consequences. It is supposed to deprive a
+deity or holy being of its holiness.... So also a sacred
+act is believed to lose its sacredness by being performed
+by an unclean individual." And in the next sentence he
+goes still farther back in the history of the belief, pointing
+out that a polluting substance is itself held to contain
+mysterious energy of a baneful kind. But I must leave
+this interesting subject now; the story of the evolution
+of the habit of cleanliness from these ancient ideas will
+be found in the thirty-ninth chapter of his <i>Origin and
+Development of Moral Ideas</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Coming next to the act of sacrifice itself, it is needless
+to say that the victim must be as exactly fitted to please
+the deity&mdash;if that be the right way to express the
+obligation&mdash;as the priest who sacrificed it. It must be
+of the right kind, sex, age, colour; it must go willingly
+to the slaughter, adorned with fillets and ribbons (<i>infulae</i>,
+<i>vittae</i>), in order to mark it off from other animals as
+holy; in the case of oxen, we hear also of the gilding
+of the horns, but this must have been costly and unusual.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">371</a>
+All these details were doubtless laid down in the <i>ius
+divinum</i>, and in later times, when the deities dwelt in
+roofed temples, they were embodied in the <i>lex</i> or charter
+of each temple.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">372</a> I do not need to go into them here
+minutely; for my present purpose, the elucidation of the
+meaning which the Romans attached to sacrificial worship,
+it will be sufficient to point out that all victims, so far
+as we know, were domestic animals, and in almost all
+cases they were valuable property (<i>pecunia</i>), such as
+belonged to the stock of the Latin farmer, ox, sheep, pig,
+varying according to age and sex. Goats were used at
+the Lupercalia, and a horse was sacrificed to Mars, as we
+have seen, on October 15, and at the Robigalia in April
+a red dog was offered to the spirit of the mildew. But
+though time forbids me to explain all these rules, a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>
+careful study of the evidence for them is most useful
+for any one who wishes to understand the influence of
+the <i>ius divinum</i> on the mind of the early Roman. In
+the family what rules were needed were matter of
+tradition; deities were few, and offerings limited. But
+in the city-state it was very different; here even the <i>di
+indigetes</i> were many, with diverse wishes and likings as
+well as functions: how were these to be ascertained and
+remembered at the right moment? Here, as in all methods
+of securing the <i>pax deorum</i>, a central supervising authority
+was needed, in whose knowledge and wisdom the whole
+community had confidence; and he was found in the rex,
+as is clearly shown in the whole traditional account of the
+priest-king Numa. Very naturally tradition also ascribed
+to Numa the institution of the pontifices, whom the
+historical Romans knew as succeeding the rex in the
+supervision of religious law.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">373</a></p>
+
+<p>If all went well, the victim going willingly and no ill
+omen supervening, the actual slaughter followed at the
+altar. During the whole operation silence was enjoined;
+the priests' heads were veiled with the folds of the
+toga;<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">374</a> pipers (<i>tibicines</i>) continued to play, in order
+that no unlucky sound or word might be heard
+which would make it necessary to start afresh with
+another victim (<i>instauratio</i>). Immediately before the
+slaughter the victim was made holier than ever by
+sprinkling upon it fragments of sacred cake made of <i>far</i>
+(<i>immolatio</i>), and by pouring on it libations of wine from
+a <i>foculus</i> or movable altar containing this holy condiment,
+together with incense if that were used in the rite. As
+soon as it was dead, the internal organs were examined
+to make sure that there was no physical defect or
+abnormal growth, for it was, of course, quite as necessary
+that the animal should be "purus" within as without;
+this was the only object of the examination, until the
+Etruscan art of <i>extipicina</i> made its way to Rome. What
+became of the blood we are not told; I have already
+remarked that blood has curiously little part in Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>
+ritual and custom.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">375</a> But the <i>exta</i>, <i>i.e.</i> internal organs of
+life, were separated from the rest of the carcase, and
+carefully cooked in holy vessels, before being laid upon
+the altar (<i>porrectio</i>), together with certain slices of flesh
+called <i>magmenta</i>, or increase-offerings, while the rest of
+the flesh, which had now lost its holiness, was retained
+for the use of the priests.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">376</a> The time occupied in
+the actual slaughter and inspection of the organs was not
+long; but the cooking of these must have been often a
+lengthy process. Ovid tells us how on April 25 he met
+the Flamen Quirinalis carrying out the exta of a dog and
+a sheep, which had been sacrificed at Rome to Robigus
+that morning, in order to lay them on the altar of that
+deity at the fifth milestone on the Via Claudia.<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">377</a> Certain
+days in the calendar, called <i>endotercisi</i>, which were <i>nefasti</i>
+in morning and evening, were <i>fasti</i> in the middle of the
+day, between the slaying of a victim and the placing of
+its exta on the altar (<i>inter hostiam caesam et exta porrecta</i>).<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">378</a></p>
+
+<p>I have so far purposely omitted one important detail&mdash;the
+prayer which, so far as we know, invariably
+accompanied the sacrifice. It is not absolutely certain
+at what moment of the rite it was said at Rome; in
+the ritual of Iguvium we find it occurring immediately
+before the placing of the exta on the altar;<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">379</a> but as that
+ritual is a processional one, concerned with sacrifices at
+several spots, the two chief parts of the rite, the slaughter
+and the <i>porrectio</i>, probably followed closely on one
+another. We may perhaps guess that where these two
+parts were separated by a considerable interval, as in the
+majority of Roman festivals, the prayer was said by the
+priest also at the moment of <i>porrectio</i>. The prayer is
+so important a detail as to need separate handling&mdash;important
+because it helps us to interpret the ideas of
+the Romans about their sacrifices, and the attitude in
+which they conceived themselves as standing towards
+the deities whom they thus approached. I propose to
+occupy the rest of this lecture in considering this most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>
+interesting topic. I wish first to draw attention to a
+particular feature, or rather expression, which occurs in
+the authentic wording of certain prayers which we are
+lucky enough to possess, because I think it throws some
+light on the meaning which the Romans attached to the
+sacrifice it accompanied; and secondly, to consider the
+character of Roman prayers generally, in view of a
+question now being largely discussed, <i>i.e.</i> whether prayer
+is a development from spell or charm, belonging in its
+origin to the region of magic.</p>
+
+<p>We have various forms of prayer surviving in Roman
+literature: some of them are versified by the poets, and
+therefore give us a general impression of the contents
+without the actual and genuine wording; we have also
+two fragments of ancient <i>carmina</i> which have the form
+of prayers, those of the Salii and the Fratres Arvales;
+and we have certain forms used on special occasions, such
+as the <i>evocatio</i> of the gods of a hostile community, or the
+formulae of vows (<i>vota</i>) which I must postpone to the
+next lecture. But the only unquestionably genuine old
+Roman prayers used at sacrifice, taken from the books of
+the pontifices and preserved word for word, are those
+which Cato embodied in his treatise on agriculture in
+the second century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, as proper to be used with sacrifice
+on certain occasions in the agricultural year.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">380</a> It
+is here that we meet with the phrase, familiar in another
+form to all Latin scholars, on which I wish to lay stress
+now. It occurs in all the four forms of prayer which
+Cato copied down. The first is at the time of the flowering
+of the pear-trees, on behalf of the oxen: "Iuppiter
+dapalis, quod tibi fieri oportet in domo familia mea
+culignam vini dapi eius rei<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">381</a> ergo, <i>macte hac illace dape
+polucenda esto</i>." And again, when the wine is offered:
+"Iuppiter dapalis, <i>macte istace dape polucenda esto. Macte
+vino inferio esto</i>." So in the piacular sacrifice when a
+clearing is made, the unknown deity is addressed in the
+last words of the prayer thus: "harum rerum ergo <i>macte
+hoc porco piaculo immolando esto</i>." We find this <i>macte esto</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>
+again in the prayer for the ceremony of lustratio, at the
+end of the formula: "<i>macte hisce suovetaurilibus lactentibus
+immolandis esto</i>." In the rite of the <i>porca praecidanea</i>,
+to which I have already referred, the instruction for
+the invocation of Jupiter runs: "<i>Fertum</i> (<i>i.e.</i> a kind of
+cake) <i>Iovi obmoveto et mactato sic, Iuppiter, te hoc ferto</i>
+obmovendo bonas preces precor, uti sies volens propitius
+mihi liberisque meis domo familiaeque meae <i>mactus hoc
+ferto</i>." Janus gets another kind of cake (<i>strues</i>) and a
+wine-offering, and is addressed in the same way. Then
+we read, "Iovi fertum obmoveto <i>mactatoque item</i>, ut
+prius feceris."</p>
+
+<p>What is the real meaning of this phrase <i>macte esto</i>,
+which must surely have been in universal use at sacrifices,
+not only at private rites like those of Cato, since it came
+to be used in common speech of congratulation or felicitation,
+e.g. <i>macte virtute esto</i>?<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">382</a> Servius in commenting
+on Virgil has made it sufficiently clear. He explains it
+as <i>magis aucte</i>, and connects it with <i>magmentum</i>, increase-offering,
+<i>quasi magis augmentum</i>, and adds that when
+the victims had been slain and their exta placed on the
+altar, they were said to be <i>mactatae</i>. So, too, in another
+comment he seems to connect the word with the victim
+rather than with the deity. But he is quite clear as to
+the meaning of the word, as signifying an increase or
+addition of some kind; and though his etymology is wrong,
+we may be sure that he was right in this respect, for it is
+beyond doubt built on a base, <i>mac</i> or <i>mag</i>, which produced
+<i>magnus</i>, <i>maius</i>, <i>maiestas</i>, and so on. "Macte nova virtute
+puer" means "Be thou increased, strengthened in <i>virtus</i>";
+a fragment of Lucilius (quoted by Servius) brings this
+out well, "<i>Macte inquam virtute simulque his viribus
+esto</i>," and another from Ennius, "Livius inde redit magno
+<i>mactatus</i> triumpho."<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">383</a> We might almost translate it in
+these passages by "glorified"; but it most certainly
+includes the meaning of "strengthened" or "increased
+in might."</p>
+
+<p>Now in the formulae of Cato we have seen that it is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>
+applied to the deity and not to the victim; this naturally
+did not occur to Servius, whose mind was occupied rather
+with Virgil and the literary use of the word than with the
+original use and meaning of the language of prayer. Undoubtedly
+he has made a mistake here, which Cato's piety
+has enabled us to detect. It was, in fact, the deity whose
+strength was to be increased by the offerings; so much
+at least seems to me to be beyond doubt. There is,
+indeed, no certain trace in the ritual, or in Roman literature,
+that the gods were supposed to consume the exta,
+or the cakes and wine offered them; that primitive
+notion must have been excluded from the <i>ius divinum</i>.
+But instead of it we find the more spiritual idea that by
+placing on the altar the organs of the life of the victim,
+with ancient forms of sacred cake and offerings of wine,
+the vitality of the deity, his power to help his worshippers,
+to make the corn grow and the cattle bring forth
+young, to aid the State against enemies, or what not, was
+really increased in this semi-mystic way. Let us remember
+that the Roman numina were powers constantly at
+work in their own sphere; they are the various manifestations
+of the one Power as conceived in immediate relation
+to man and his wants; they are sometimes addressed in
+prayer, as we have seen, by additional titles which suggest
+their strength and vitality: Virites Quirini, Nerio Martis,
+Moles Martis, Maia or Maiestas Volcani. What, then,
+could be more natural than that the Roman should call upon
+his divine fellow-citizen to accept that which, according
+to ancient tradition and practice, will keep up his strength,
+and at the same time increase his glory and his goodwill
+towards his worshippers? This is, then, the idea which I
+believe to have been at the root of Roman sacrificial
+ritual, and it seems to confirm the dynamic theory of
+sacrifice recently propounded by some French anthropologists,
+<i>i.e.</i> that a mystic current of <i>religious force</i>
+passed through the victim, from priest to deity, and
+perhaps back again.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">384</a> I believe that we have here a
+transitional idea of the virtue of sacrifice&mdash;an idea that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>
+bridges over the gulf between the crude notion that the
+gods actually partake of the offering, and the later more
+spiritual view that the offering is an honorary gift "to the
+glory of God." It seems also to be found in the Vedic
+religion. Dr. Farnell writes: "In the Vedic ritual we
+find a pure and spiritual form of prayer; yet a certain
+spell-power may attach even to the highest types, for we
+find not infrequently the conception that not only the
+power of the worshipper, but the power of the deity also
+is nourished and strengthened by prayer, and the prayer
+itself is usually accompanied by a potent act (such as that
+of sacrifice). "May our prayers increase Agni": "The
+prayers fill thee with power and strengthen thee, like
+great rivers the Sindhu."<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">385</a></p>
+
+<p>I must now turn to the form and manner of Roman
+prayers, in order to gain further light on the question as
+to the mental attitude of the worshipper towards the
+deity invoked. Of late years there has been a strong
+tendency to find the origin of prayer in spell; or, in other
+words, to discover a bridge between that mental attitude
+which believes that a deity can be forced into a certain
+course of action by magical formulae, and the humble
+attitude of the petitioner in prayer, which assumes that
+the power of the deity altogether transcends that of his
+worshipper. The evidence of Roman prayers is, I think,
+of considerable value in dealing with this question; but
+it needs to be carefully studied and handled. The general
+impression conveyed by those who have written on the
+subject is that Roman prayers were dull, dry formulae,
+which were believed to have a constraining influence on
+the deity simply as formulae, if they were repeated with
+perfect precision the right number of times. Dr. Westermarck,
+for example, has no shadow of a doubt about this;
+quoting Renan, he says that "in the Roman, as in the
+majority of the old Italian cults, prayer is a magic
+formula, producing its effect by its own inherent quality."
+And again, he writes that the Romans were much more
+addicted to magic than to religion; "they wanted to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>
+compel the gods rather than to be compelled by them.
+Their <i>religio</i> was probably near akin to the Greek &#954;&#945;&#964;&#7937;&#948;&#949;&#963;&#956;&#959;&#987;,
+which meant not only an ordinary tie, but also a magic
+tie or knot or a bewitching thereby."<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">386</a> I need not stop to
+point out the misconception of the word <i>religio</i> which
+suggested the whole of this passage; the supposed derivation
+from <i>ligare</i> was quite enough to suggest magic to
+those who are on the trail of it.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">387</a> Let us go on to
+examine the prayers themselves; I think we shall find
+that though there is much truth in the common view of
+them, it is not quite the whole truth.</p>
+
+<p>The oldest Roman prayers we possess are usually
+called hymns, because the Latin word for them was
+<i>carmen</i>, viz. the <i>Carmen Saliare</i>, which is too obscure
+and fragmentary to be of use to us, and the <i>Carmen</i> of
+the Arval Brethren, which is preserved on stone and is
+quite intelligible.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">388</a> The word <i>carmen</i>, let us notice, was
+used by the old Romans for any kind of metrical formula,
+whether hymn, prayer, or spell. Pliny, when writing of
+magic and incantations, plainly includes prayer among
+them;<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">389</a> and Dr. Jevons has recently pointed out that
+singing, and especially singing in a low voice or muttered
+tones, is a characteristic of magic not only in Greece and
+Rome, but in many parts of the world at the present day.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">390</a>
+The evidence of the word is thus strongly in favour of the
+view that these ancient <i>carmina</i> of Roman worship were
+really spells; and the <i>Carmen Arvalium</i> itself does not
+contradict it. After an elaborate sacrificial ceremonial
+the priests, using a written copy of the <i>carmen</i> (<i>libellis
+acceptis</i>), danced in triple rhythm (<i>tripodaverunt</i>) while
+they sang it; it consisted of six clauses, each repeated
+three times. "<i>Enos Lases iuvate! Neve luerve Marmar
+sins incurrere in pleores! Satur fu fere Mars, limen sali,
+sta berber! Semunes alternei advocapit cunctos! Enos
+Marmar iuvato! Triumpe!</i>" With the precise interpretation
+of these words I am not now concerned; but
+they obviously contain invocations to the Lares and Mars,
+which may be either petitions or commands, and which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>
+perhaps are really on the borderland between the two; and
+as thrice repeated, and accompanied with dancing and
+gesticulation, they seem certainly to belong rather to the
+region of magic than of religion proper.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to compare with this <i>carmen</i> the
+prayers of the guild of brethren (<i>Attiedii</i>) at Iguvium;
+these are the best preserved of all old Italian prayers,
+and though not Roman, are the product of the same race.
+In the lustratio of the <i>arx</i> (<i>Ocris Fisius</i>) of Iguvium we
+find three several deities invoked, with elaborate sacrificial
+ritual, at three gates, and a long prayer addressed to each
+deity, thrice repeated, as in the <i>Carmen Arvale</i>. It is to
+be said under the breath (<i>tacitus precator totum</i>, vi. A. 55),
+which was a common practice also at Rome, and is believed
+to be characteristic of the magical spell;<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">391</a> and
+except in the case of the first prayer, which is addressed
+to the chief deity Jupiter Grabovius, it is accompanied
+by some kind of dancing or rhythmical movement (<i>tripodatio</i>).<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">392</a>
+Thus in outward form this ritual seems to show
+but little advance on the Roman prayer of the Arvales,
+and indeed it may in substance go back to a time as
+remote as that in which the latter had its origin. But
+when we examine the matter of the prayer, we find that
+it is cast in the language of petition beyond all doubt&mdash;if
+it be rightly interpreted, as we may believe it is:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"Te invocavi invoco divum Grabovium pro arce Fisia,
+pro urbe Iguvina, pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine:
+<i>volens sis, propitius sis</i> arci Fisiae, urbi Iguvinae, arcis
+nomini, urbis nomini. Sancte, te invocavi invoco divum
+Grabovium. Sancti fiducia te invocavi invoco divum
+Grabovium. Dive Grabovie te hoc bove opimo piaculo
+pro arce Fisia, etc. Dive Grabovi, illius anni quiquomque
+in arce Fisia ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina ritus debiti
+omissi sunt, pro nihilo ducito. Dive Grabovi, quicquid
+tui sacrificii vitiatum est, peccatum est, peremptum est,
+fraudatum est, demptum est, tui sacrificii visum invisum
+vitium est, dive Grabovi, quicquid ius sit, hoc
+bove opimo piaculo piando.... Dive Grabovi, piato<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>
+arcem Fisiam, piato urbem Iguvinam. Dive Grabovi,
+piato arcis Fisiae, urbis Iguvinae, nomen, magistratus,
+ritus, viros, pecora, fundos, fruges: piato, <i>esto volens propitius
+pace tua</i> arci Fisiae, etc. Dive Grabovi, salvam
+servato arcem Fisiam salvam servato urbem Iguvinam ....
+Dive Grabovi, te hoc bove opimo piaculo pro arce Fisia,
+pro urbe Iguvina, pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine,
+Dive Grabovi, te invocavi."<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">393</a></p>
+
+<p>That in this prayer, and the others which accompany
+it, exactness of wording was believed to be essential, as
+in the ritual which preceded it exactness of performance,
+there is no doubt; for at the end of the whole document
+(vi. B. 48) we find that if there had been any slip in the
+ritual, the Brethren had to go back to the first gate and
+begin all over again. There is plainly present the idea,
+surviving from an age of magic, that the deities had strong
+feelings about the right way of invocation, and would not
+respond to the performance unless those feelings were
+understood and appealed to; that they would miss something
+and decline to do their part. Yet are we justified
+in going on to assume that they were bound, as by a
+solemn contract, to perform their part, if there were no
+slip in the ritual? I confess it is difficult for me to take
+this further step, in view of the language of the prayers,
+which is so clearly that of petition, nay, of humble petition.
+We are not dealing here with <i>vota</i>, to which I shall come
+in the next lecture, and in which there is a kind of legal
+contract between the man and the god&mdash;the former
+undertaking to do something pleasing to the deity, if the
+latter shall have faithfully performed what is asked of him.
+These <i>vota</i>, so abundant in historical times, are really
+responsible for the idea that Roman prayer is simply a
+binding formula&mdash;a magical spell, let us say, which in
+the hands of a city priesthood has become a quasi-legal
+formula. But these prayers are not <i>vota</i>; they do not
+contain any language which betrays the notion of binding
+the deity. They seem to me to mark a process of transition
+between the age of spell and magic and the age<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>
+of prayer and religion; they retain some of the outward
+characteristics of spell, but internally, <i>i.e.</i> in the
+spirit in which they were intended, they have the real
+characteristics of prayer.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">394</a> The numina to whom
+they were addressed were powerful spirits, unknown,
+unfamiliar, until their wishes were discovered by the
+organised priesthood which handed down these forms of
+petition.</p>
+
+<p>To return to Rome, and to the prayers in Cato's book,
+to which I referred just now when discussing the word
+<i>macte</i>. Attempts have been made to prove that these
+were originally written in metre;<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">395</a> and this is quite possible.
+If so, it only means that they retained the outward form
+of the primitive spell; it must not lead us on to fancy
+that the sacrifice which accompanied the prayer was a
+magical act, or that the whole process was believed to
+compel the deity. No doubt there was believed to be
+efficacy in the exact repetition, as is shown by the
+directions for piacular sacrifices in case of error of any
+kind.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">396</a> But the language is the language of prayer, not
+of compulsion, nor even of bargaining: "Eius rei ergo
+te hoc porco piaculo immolando bonas preces precor, ut sies
+volens propitius mihi, domo familiaeque meis."<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">397</a> "Mars
+pater, te precor quaesoque uti sies volens propitius mihi,
+domo," etc.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">398</a> No amount of vain repetition or scruple
+can deprive this language of its natural meaning. The
+god is powerful in his own sphere of action, and man has
+no control over him; man is fully recognised as liable to
+misfortune unless the god helps him; but he can worship
+in full assurance of faith that his prayer will be answered,
+if it be such as the authorities of the State have laid down
+as the right wording, and if the ritual accompanying it is
+equally in order. The faith is, indeed, thus founded upon
+man's devices rather than the god's good-will as such; it
+is a belief in the State and its authorities and <i>ius divinum</i>,
+which is conceived, not indeed as constraining the deity,
+but as calling upon him (<i>invocare</i>) to perform his part, in
+formulae which he cannot well neglect, simply because it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>
+would be unreasonable to do so, contrary to his nature as
+a deity of the Roman State and its <i>ager</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It is obvious in all this sacrificial ritual that the officiating
+person or persons were expected to observe the
+traditional forms with the utmost care and exactness.
+Any slip or omission was, in fact, a <i>piaculum</i>, or <i>sacrum
+commissum</i>&mdash;terms of the <i>ius divinum</i> which seem to
+suggest, if I may use the expression, the obverse side of
+holiness. It is now well known that cleanness and uncleanness,
+holiness and its opposite, can be expressed in
+religious vocabulary by the same terms, for in both cases
+there is something beyond the ordinary, something
+dangerous, uncanny; thus we are not surprised to find
+that such words as I have just mentioned can be used to
+express some kind of impurity caused by a breach of
+ritual as well as that ritual itself. If we accept the latest
+theory of sacrifice, <i>i.e.</i> the dynamic theory, as it is called,
+we explain this intense nervousness about a ritualistic
+flaw as occasioned by the consciousness of a breach in
+the current of "religious force" (the expression is that of
+Messrs. Hubert and Mauss<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">399</a>), which must pass in regular
+sequence from the sacrificer through the victim to the
+deity, or vice versa. If this is the true explanation&mdash;and
+at present it may be said to hold the field&mdash;then the
+extreme exactness of the Roman ritual was a survival
+from an age when this strange feeling was a reality; but
+no more than a survival, for, so far as I can discover, the
+Roman idea was rather that the deity to whom the ritual
+was addressed was in some way offended by the omission.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">400</a>
+The dynamic notion is lost, if it ever were there,
+and its place has been taken by one that we may perhaps
+call theological. But however that may be, the culprit
+was regarded as in a state of sin or impurity, "un &ecirc;tre
+sacr&eacute;," and had to get rid of this sin or impurity by
+another sacrifice before the whole ritual could be started
+afresh (<i>instaurare</i>).</p>
+
+<p>According to the "dynamic" theory of sacrifice, we
+might naturally expect that the victim, as being destined<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>
+to carry away the unholiness (or whatever we choose to
+call it) of the culprit, would be burnt whole, not offered
+to the deity in the form of exta, or eaten by the sacrificers.<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">401</a>
+But this does not seem to have been the case in
+the Roman practice; in all the examples of <i>piacula</i> of
+which we have details, the exta are laid on the altar as in
+the typical sacrifice.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">402</a> The inference seems to be that the
+theological idea of sacrifice had established itself completely
+ever since the formation of the <i>ius divinum</i>; the
+victim is not a scapegoat in any sense, but really an
+expiatory offering; and not only does the sacrificer yield
+up something of value, but he offers it to increase the
+strength of the deity as well as to appease his anger.</p>
+
+<p>A curious point may be noticed in the last place.
+The practical Roman mind seems to have invented a
+kind of sacrificial insurance, by which a piacular sacrifice
+might be offered beforehand to atone for any omission in
+the ritual which was to follow. Thus the Fratres Arvales,
+if they had to take an iron implement into their sacred
+grove, offered a piaculum before as well as after this
+breach of religious rule.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">403</a> Again, the <i>porca praecidanea</i>,
+which I have already mentioned as offered before harvest,
+was an example of the same system of insurance; for the
+first cutting of the corn was a sacred rite, and one in
+which it was easy to take a false step. Writing of this,
+Gellius says in general terms that <i>hostiae praecidaneae</i> are
+those which are offered the day before <i>sacrificia solennia</i>.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">404</a></p>
+
+<p>The term "piacular sacrifice" (<i>piaculum</i>) had a wide
+range of meaning, apart from the examples here given.
+With one important form of it I shall deal in the next
+lecture:<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">405</a> others we shall come across later on.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE VIII</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">340</span></a> See Appendix C.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">341</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 139, where the language suggests that as the
+deity was unknown, the <i>ius</i> of the religious act was also uncertain,
+<i>i.e.</i> the ritual was not laid down. De Marchi translates (<i>La Religione</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>
+<i>nella vita domestica</i>, i. 132) "sia a te fatto il debito sacrificio," etc.,
+which sufficiently expresses the anxiety of the situation. Keil reads
+here "ut tibi ius <i>est</i>," and gives no variant in his critical note; but
+the words just below, "uti id recte factum siet," seem to me to
+suggest the subjunctive. In any case there is no doubt about
+<i>ius</i>. In <i>Tab. Iguv.</i> vi. A. 28 (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 58) Buecheler translates
+the Umbrian <i>persei mersei</i> by "quicquid ius sit," and compares this
+passage of Cato, together with Gellius i. 12. 14, where the phrase is
+used of the duties of a Vestal under the <i>ius divinum</i> in the formula
+used by the Pontifex Maximus, <i>cum virginem capiat</i>: "Sacerdotem
+Vestalem, quae sacra faciat, quae ius siet sacerdotem Vestalem facere
+pro pop. Rom." etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">342</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> <i>Aen.</i> iv. 56, x. 31 ("si sine pace tua atque invito numine,"
+etc.). Cp. <i>Tab. Iguv.</i> vi. 30, 33, etc. (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 59), "esto volens
+propitiusque pace tua arci Fisiae."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">343</span></a> Livy vi. 41 <i>ad fin.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">344</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 318, and p. 319 for the illustrations that
+follow. Cp. Cicero, <i>Part. Or.</i> xxii. 78, where <i>religio</i> is explained as
+"iustitia erga deos."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">345</span></a> <i>Lex Coloniae Genetivae</i>, cap. 64; <i>C.I.L.</i> ii., supplement No.
+5439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">346</span></a> Livy i. 20. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">347</span></a> This follows from the definition in Festus, p. 321, and in
+Macrobius iii. 3. 2. This last is quoted from Trebatius <i>de religionibus</i>:
+"sacrum est quicquid est quod deorum habetur." In common
+use <i>sacrificium</i> seems to be reserved for animal sacrifice, but the verb
+<i>sacrificare</i> is not so limited. Festus, p. 319: "mustum quod Libero
+sacrificabant pro vineis ... sicut praemetium de spicis, quas primum
+messuissent, sacrificabant Cereri." It has been suggested to me by
+Mr. Marett that the termination of the word <i>sacrificium</i> may have
+reference to the use of <i>facere</i> for animal sacrifice, as in Greek &#8165;&#7953;&#950;&#949;&#953;&#957;,
+&#7956;&#961;&#948;&#949;&#953;&#957;, &#948;&#961;&#8118;&#957;; but on the whole I doubt this. <i>Facere</i> and <i>fieri</i> are in
+that sense, I think, euphemisms, occasioned by the mystic character
+of the act (examples are collected in Brissonius <i>de formulis</i>, p. 9).
+<i>Rem divinam facere</i> seems to be the general expression, as in Cato,
+<i>R.R.</i> 83; or the particular victim is in the ablative, <i>e.g. agna Iovi
+facit</i> (Flamen Dialis) in Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 16; cp. Virg. <i>Ecl.</i> iii. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">348</span></a> This classification, originally due to R. Smith, article "Sacrifice"
+in <i>Encycl. Brit.</i>, ed. 10, has lately been criticised by Hubert et
+Mauss, in <i>M&eacute;langes d'histoire des religions</i>, p. 9 foll.; but it is
+sufficiently complete for our purposes. At the same time it is well to
+be aware that no classification of the various forms of sacrifice can
+be complete at present; that which these authors prefer, <i>i.e.</i> constant
+and occasional sacrifices, is, however, a useful one.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">349</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 95 foll. Cp. Robertson Smith, <i>Rel. of Semites</i>,
+Lect. VIII.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">350</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 217 foll.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">351</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 302 foll. Meals in connection with sacrifice are also
+found at the Parilia (<i>R.F.</i> p. 81, and Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 743 foll.) and
+Terminalia (Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, ii. 657); but in both cases Ovid seems to be
+describing rustic rites; nor is it certain that the meal was really
+sacramental. What does seem proved is that the old Latins and
+other Italians believed the deities of the house to be present at their
+meals&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ante focos olim scamnis considere longis</span>
+<span class="i1">mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos (<i>Fasti</i>, vi. 307),</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>
+and thus the idea was maintained that in some sense all meals had a
+sacred character, <i>i.e.</i> all in which the members of a <i>familia</i> (see
+above, p. 78), or of <i>gens</i> or <i>curia</i>, met together. Cp. R. Smith, <i>op. cit.</i>
+p. 261 foll. We may remember that the Penates were the spirits of
+the food itself, not merely of the place in which it was stored; it had
+therefore a sacred character, which is also shown by the sanctification
+of the firstfruits (<i>R.F.</i> pp. 151, 195). (The <i>cenae collegiorum</i>,
+dinners of collegia of priests, were in no sense sacrificial meals; see
+Marquardt, p. 231, note 7; Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> pp. 13, 39, 40.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">352</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 8. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">353</span></a> Livy i. 18. For constitutional difficulties in this passage, see,
+<i>e.g.</i>, Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">354</span></a> For this and the augurs generally, see Lecture XII.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">355</span></a> The passages are collected by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 420, note 3.
+There is no doubt about the inauguratio of the three great flamines and
+the rex sacrorum, who were all specially concerned with sacrifice, and
+of the augurs, who would obviously need it in order to perform the
+same ceremony for others&mdash;as a bishop needs consecration for the
+same reason. As regards the pontifices, Dionysius (ii. 73. 3) clearly
+thought it was needed for them, and we might a priori assume that
+one who might become a pontifex maximus would need it; but
+Wissowa discounts Dionysius' opinion, and I am unwilling to differ
+from him on a point of the <i>ius divinum</i>, of which he is our best
+exponent. If he is right, it may be that the three <i>flamines maiores</i>,
+who were reckoned in strict religious sense as above the pontifices,
+including their head (Festus, p. 185), needed "holiness" more than
+any pontifex, and so with the augurs. The insignia of the pontifices,
+as well as many historical facts, show that the pontifices were competent
+to perform sacrifice in a general sense (Marq. p. 248 foll.); but it is
+possible that they never had the right, like the flamines, actually to
+slay the victim. I do not feel sure that the <i>securis</i> was really one of
+their symbols, though Horace seems to say so in <i>Ode</i> iii. 23. 12. The
+whole question needs further investigation. It may be found that
+the essential distinction between the pontifices and magistrates <i>cum
+imperio</i> on the one hand, and the flamines on the other, is to be
+sought in the ideas of holiness connected with the shedding of
+blood in sacrifice. The flamen is permanently holy, having charge
+of constant sacrifices; <i>e.g.</i> the Dialis had duties every day. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>
+is the duly sanctified guide for all rites within his own religious
+range.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">356</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 339, 410 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">357</span></a> The whole subject of the preparation of the sacrificer for his
+work, and of the steps by which he becomes separated from the profane,
+is well treated by Hubert et Mauss, <i>M&eacute;langes d'histoire des
+religions</i>, p. 23 foll. The reference to Dr. Jevons is <i>Introduction</i>,
+ch. xx. p. 270 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">358</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> xii. 173; Virgil wrote "dant fruges manibus
+salsas, et tempora ferro Summa notant pecudum"; to which Servius
+adds that the symbolic movement was a (pretended) cut from head
+to tail of the victim. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">359</span></a> Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl., s.v.</i> "cinctus Gabinus."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">360</span></a> Marquardt, p. 340. The Vestals were never, so far as we
+know, directly concerned in animal sacrifice.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">361</span></a> See below, p. 190. For the colour of the garments, and the
+explanation referred to, see Samter, <i>Familienfeste</i>, p. 40 foll.; Diels,
+<i>Sibyllinische Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 70; and cp. von Duhn's paper, "Rot und
+Tot" in <i>Archiv</i>, 1906, p. 1 foll. That red colouring was used in
+various ways in sacred and quasi-sacred rites there is no doubt (see
+above, p. 89, note 46); but whether it can be always connected with
+bloodshed is by no means so certain (Rohde, <i>Psyche</i>, i. 226). In the
+case of women it is at least hard to understand. The idea of consecration
+through blood, which is very rare in Roman literature, comes out
+curiously in the words which Livy puts into the mouth of Virginius
+after the slaughter of his daughter (iii. 48): "Te Appi tuumque
+caput sanguine hoc consecro" (<i>i.e.</i> to a deity not mentioned).
+The sentence to which this note refers was written before
+the appearance of Messrs. Hubert et Mauss' essay on sacrifice
+(<i>M&eacute;langes d'histoire des religions</i>, pp. 1-122). The theory there
+developed, that the victim is the intermediary in all cases between the
+sacrificer and the deity, and that the <i>force religieuse</i> passes from
+one to the other in one direction or another, does not essentially differ
+from the words in the text; but the French savants would, I imagine,
+prefer to look on the insignia in a general sense as bringing the person
+wearing them within the region of the <i>sacrum</i>, the force of which
+would react on him still more strongly after the destruction of the
+victim (see p. 28 foll.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">362</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Roman Sculpture</i> by Mrs. Strong, Plates xi. and xv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">363</span></a> For this and other insignia see Marquardt, p. 222 foll. The
+question is under discussion whether some of these insignia are not
+old Italian forms of dress (see Gruppe, <i>Mythologische Literatur</i>,
+1898-1905, p. 343). For the wearing of the skin of a victim, which
+meets us also at the Lupercalia (<i>R.F.</i> p. 311), see Robertson Smith,
+<i>Semites</i>, p. 416 foll.; Jevons, <i>Introduction</i>, p. 252 foll.; Frazer, <i>G.B.</i>
+iii. 136 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">364</span></a> They, of course, wore the <i>praetexta</i> when performing religious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>
+acts. Cp. the Fratres Arvales, who laid aside the <i>praetexta</i> after
+sacrificing. Henzen, <i>Acta Fr. Arv.</i> pp. 11, 21, and 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">365</span></a> Serv. <i>Aen.</i> xi. 543. The <i>camillae</i> assisted the <i>flaminicae</i>,
+Marquardt, p. 227. This is one of the most beautiful features of the
+stately Roman ritual, and has been handed on to the Roman Church.
+It was, of course, derived from the worship of the household (see
+above, p. 74).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">366</span></a> <i>Adonis, Attis, Osiris</i>, p. 413 foll. Dr. Frazer is criticising
+Dr. Farnell, who had touched on the subject in the <i>Hibbert Journal</i>
+for 1907, p. 689, and had taken the more obvious view that death in
+a family disqualified for actions requiring extreme holiness.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">367</span></a> The passages are collected in Marquardt, p. 174 foll.; we may
+notice in particular Livy xlv. 5. 4, where, though only the washing of
+hands is referred to, we have the important statement that "omnis
+praefatio sacrorum," <i>i.e.</i> the preliminary exhortation of the priest,
+enjoined <i>purae manus</i>. Livy must be using the language of Roman
+ritual, though he is not speaking here of a Roman rite. For the
+material of sacred utensils see Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">368</span></a> Tibullus ii. 1. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">369</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 10. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">370</span></a> Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, ii.
+352 foll.; consult the index for further allusions to the subject. Cp.
+Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, Lecture III. [Fehrle, <i>Die kultische
+Keuschheit im Altertum</i> (Giessen, 1910), has reached me too late
+for use in this chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">371</span></a> Full details, with the most important references quoted in
+full, are in Marquardt, p. 172 foll.; but some of the latter are
+applicable only to the Graeco-Roman period.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">372</span></a> So we may gather from the Lex Furfensis of 58 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span> (<i>C.I.L.</i>
+ix. 3513), and that of the Ara Augusti at Narbo of <span class="smcap">a.d.</span> 12 (<i>C.I.L.</i>
+xii. 4333).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">373</span></a> The real origin of the pontifices and their name is unknown
+to us. If they took their name from the bridging of the Tiber, as
+Varro held (<i>L.L.</i> v. 83) and as the majority of scholars believe (see
+O. Gilbert, <i>Rom. Topographie</i>, ii. 220, note), the difficulty remains
+that they are found in such a city as Praeneste, where there was no
+river to be bridged, and where they could not well have been merely
+an offshoot from the Roman college; see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 432, note.
+Nor can we explain how they came to be set in charge of the <i>ius
+divinum</i>; and where there are no data conjecture is useless.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">374</span></a> The covering of the head (<i>operto capite</i>, as opposed to
+<i>aperto capite</i> of the <i>Graecus ritus</i>) is usually explained as meant to
+shut out all sounds belonging to the world of the <i>profanum</i>; and
+the playing of the tibicines is interpreted in the same way. Hubert
+et Mauss explain the covered head differently: "le rituel romain
+prescrivit g&eacute;n&eacute;ralement l'usage du voile, signe de s&eacute;paration et
+partant de cons&eacute;cration" (p. 28). Miss Harrison, <i>Prolegomena to</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>
+<i>the Study of Greek Religion</i>, p. 522, also holds that it is the outward
+sign of consecration; cp. S. Reinach, <i>Cultes, mythes, et religions</i>, i.
+300 foll. The fact, noted by Miss Harrison, that in Festus's
+account of the <i>ver sacrum</i> (p. 379, ed. M&uuml;ller) the children expelled
+were veiled, seems to point to the idea of dedication&mdash;unless, indeed,
+<i>velabant</i> here means that they blindfolded them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">375</span></a> The wine was poured over the altar as well as on the victim,
+which suggests a substitution for blood; Arnobius vii. 29 and 30;
+Dion. Hal. vii. 72. I cannot find that any one of the many utensils
+used in sacrifice were for pouring out blood. Blood was, however,
+poured on the stone at the Terminalia (<i>R.F.</i> pp. 325-326); but the rite
+here described by Ovid seems to be a rural one, outside the <i>ius
+divinum</i>. In the sacrifice of victims to Hecate in Virg. <i>Aen.</i> vi.
+243 foll., which cannot be <i>ritus Romanus</i>, the warm blood is collected
+in <i>paterae</i>; but nothing is said of what was done with it, nor does
+Servius help. Cp. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 106. In Lucretius v. 1202, "aras
+sanguine multo spargere quadrupedum," the context shows that the
+ritual alluded to is not old Roman. In Livy's description of the
+"occulti paratus sacri" of the Samnites (ix. 41), we find "<i>respersae
+fando nefandoque sanguine arae</i>, et dira exsecratio ac furiale carmen."
+Livy seems to think of this blood-sprinkling, whether the blood be
+human or animal, as unusual and horrible. Ancient, no doubt, is the
+practice, recorded in the <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> (see Henzen, pp. 21 and
+23), of using the blood in a religious feast, in the process of cooking:
+"porcilias piaculares epulati sunt et sanguem." (There is a mention
+of the pouring of blood in an inscription from Lusitania in <i>C.I.L.</i> ii.
+2395.) For the use of wine as a substitute for blood, see the
+recently published work of Karl Kircher, "Die sakrale Bedeuting
+des Weines," in <i>Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche, etc.</i>, p. 82 foll.,
+where, however, the subject is not worked out.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">376</span></a> According to L&uuml;bbert (<i>Commentarii pontificales</i>, p. 121 foll.)
+<i>magmentum</i> is the same as <i>augmentum</i>, which word is also found
+(Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 112). Festus, p. 126, "magmentum magis augmentum";
+Serv. <i>Aen.</i> iv. 57, to which passage I shall return.
+For the equivalent in the Vedic ritual of the cooking and offering
+of the exta, see Hubert et Mauss, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 60 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">377</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">378</span></a> <i>ib.</i> p. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">379</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 60, 69, etc. Of course the prayer
+might be said while other operations were going on. For the constant
+connection of prayer and sacrifice, see Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 10,
+"quippe victimam caedi sine precatione non videtur referre aut deos
+rite consuli." If Macrobius is right (iii. 2. 7 foll.) in asserting that
+the prayer must be said while the priest's hand touches the altar,
+one may guess that this was done at the same time that the exta
+were laid on it. Ovid saw the priest at the Robigalia offer the exta
+and say the prayer at the same time (<i>Fasti</i>, iv. 905 foll.), but does<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span>
+not mention the hand touching the altar. For this see Serv. <i>Aen.</i> vi.
+124; Horace, <i>Ode</i> iii. 23. 17, and Dr. Postgate on this passage in
+<i>Classical Review</i> for March 1910.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">380</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 132, 134, 139, and 141. That these formulae
+were taken from the books of the pontifices is almost certain, not
+only from the internal evidence of the prayers themselves, but
+because Servius (Interpol.) on <i>Aen.</i> ix. 641 quotes the words:
+"macte hoc vino inferio esto," which occur in 132, introducing them
+thus: "et in pontificalibus sacrificantes dicebant deo...."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">381</span></a> The verb is omitted here for some ritualistic reason, as in
+the Iguvian prayers (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 55).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">382</span></a> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> ix. 641, "macte nova virtute puer, sic itur ad
+astra," etc., and many other passages. The verb <i>mactare</i> acquired
+a general sense of sacrificial slaying, as did also <i>immolare</i>, though
+neither had originally any direct reference to slaughter. The best
+account I find of the word is in H. Nettleship's <i>Contributions to
+Latin Lexicography</i>, p. 520. He takes <i>mactus</i> as the participle of
+a lost verb <i>maco</i> or <i>mago</i>, to make great, increase, equivalent to
+<i>augeo</i>, which is also a word of semi-religious meaning, as Augustus
+knew. Nettleship quotes Cicero <i>in Vatinium</i>, 14, "puerorum extis
+deos manes mactare."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">383</span></a> Baehrens, <i>Fragm. Poet. Lat.</i> 180; Lusilius fragm. 143;
+Nonius, 341, 28 has "versibus."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">384</span></a> It may possibly be objected that some of the deities were
+powerful for evil as well as good, <i>e.g.</i> Robigus, the spirit of the red
+mildew, and that the power of such a deity was not to be encouraged
+or increased. But all such deities (and I cannot mention another
+besides Robigus) were of course conceived as able to restrain their
+own harmful function; they were not invoked to go away and leave
+the ager Romanus in peace, but to limit their activity in the land
+where they had been settled for worship. We have no prayer to
+Robigus (or Robigo, feminine, as Ovid has it) except that which
+Ovid somewhat fancifully versified after hearing the Flamen
+Quirinalis say it (<i>Fasti</i>, iv. 911 foll.), in which of course the word
+<i>macte</i> does not occur. As the victim was a dog, an uneatable one,
+it is possible that the ritual was not quite the usual one. But the
+language of the prayer is interesting and brings out my point:
+</p>
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">aspera Robigo, parcas Cerialibus herbis.</span>
+<span class="i1">vis tua non levis est;...</span>
+<span class="i0">parce precor, scabrasque manus a messibus aufer</span>
+<span class="i1">neve noce cultis: posse nocere sat est.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>
+It concludes by praying Robigo to direct her strength and attention
+to other objects, <i>gladios et tela nocentia</i>; but this is the poet's
+fancy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">385</span></a> <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 212, quoting <i>Vedic Hymns</i>, pt. ii.
+pp. 259 and 391.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">386</span></a> <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, vol. ii. p. 585
+foll.; cp. 657. See also Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">387</span></a> See above, p. 9. <i>Religio</i> in the sense of an obligation to perform
+certain ritualistic acts is in my view a secondary and later use
+of the word. See <i>Transactions of the Congress of Historical Religion
+for 1908</i>, vol. ii. p. 169 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">388</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 26 foll.; <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 2104, 32
+foll.; Buecheler und Riese, <i>Carmina Lat.</i>, epigr. pars ii., no. 1.
+All surviving Roman prayers are collected in Appel's <i>De Romanorum
+precationibus</i>, Giessen, 1909.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">389</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 10 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">390</span></a> In <i>Anthropology and the Classics</i>, p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">391</span></a> Cp. Tibullus ii. 1. 84, "vos celebrem cantate deum pecorique
+vocate, Voce palam pecori, clam sibi quisque vocet." This murmuring
+was certainly characteristic of Roman magic; see Jevons, p. 99,
+and especially the reference to a Lex Cornelia, which condemned those
+"qui susurris magicis homines occiderunt" (Justinian, <i>Inst.</i> iv. 18. 5).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">392</span></a> On the nature of this <i>tripodatio</i> see Henzen, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 33.
+Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, p. 69, gives the Umbrian verb a different
+meaning, though he translates it <i>tripodato</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">393</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 13 and 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">394</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>, 333, inclines to the belief that prayer had a
+legal binding force upon the deity; but he does not cite any text which
+confirms this view, and is arguing on general grounds. I gather
+from the language of Aust (<i>Religion der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 30) that he
+thinks there was a germ which might have developed into a more
+truly religious attitude towards the gods, if it had not been killed by
+priestly routine and quasi-legal formulae. With this opinion I am
+strongly inclined to agree. Cp. the story of Scipio Aemilianus
+audaciously altering and elevating the formula dictated by the priest
+in the censor's lustratio (Val. Max. iv. 1. 10), to which I shall return
+in the proper place.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">395</span></a> Westphal, quoted by De Marchi, <i>La Religione, etc.</i>, i. p. 133,
+note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">396</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, ch. 141 <i>ad fin.</i> The prayer in the Acta of the
+Ludi Saeculares to the Moirae is an imitation of old prayers. See
+below, p. 442.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">397</span></a> <i>ib.</i> ch. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">398</span></a> <i>ib.</i> ch. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">399</span></a> Hubert et Mauss, <i>M&eacute;langes d'histoire des religions</i>, p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">400</span></a> So Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 141, "si minus in omnes litabit, sic verba
+concipito; Mars pater, quod tibi illuc porco neque satisfactum est,
+te hoc porco piaculo." (The word for the slaughter is here
+euphemistically omitted; De Marchi, p. 134.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">401</span></a> Hubert et Mauss, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 55 foll.; Leviticus vi. I doubt
+whether the theory of the learned authors will hold good generally
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>on this point.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">402</span></a> Marquardt, p. 185, asserted the contrary, but cited no evidence
+except Serv. <i>Aen.</i> vi. 253, which does not prove the practice
+of the holocaust to be really Roman. Wissowa's exactness is well
+illustrated in his detection of this error; see <i>R. K.</i> p. 352, note 6.
+Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 135, leaves no doubt on the question
+possible.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">403</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr. Arv.</i> p. 131. See above, p. 35.
+Festus, p. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">404</span></a> Gellius iv. 6. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">405</span></a> <i>i.e.</i> lustratio. That this was a form of piaculum is clear
+from the use of the word <i>pihaklu</i> of the victim in the lustratio of the
+arx of Iguvium, <i>e.g.</i> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, index, 5, v.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE IX</h4>
+
+<h5>RITUAL&mdash;<i>continued</i></h5>
+
+
+<p>In the last lecture we found that the magical element in
+the Roman ritual is exaggerated by recent writers. But
+it has also long been the practice to describe that ritual
+as a system of bargaining with the gods: as partaking of
+the nature of a legal contract. "The old Roman worship
+was businesslike and utilitarian. The gods were partners
+in a contract with their worshippers, and the ritual was
+characterised by the hard formalism of the legal system of
+Rome. The worshipper performed his part to the letter
+with the scrupulous exactness required in pleadings before
+the praetor."<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">406</a> This is an excellent statement of a view
+very generally held, especially since Mommsen, whose
+training in Roman law made him apt to dwell on the
+legal aspects of Roman life, wrote the famous chapter in
+the first volume of his history. I now wish to examine
+this view briefly.</p>
+
+<p>No doubt it was suggested by the necessary familiarity
+of the Roman historian with <i>vota publica</i>, the vows so
+frequently made on behalf of the State by its magistrates,
+in terms supplied by the pontifices, and dictated by them
+to the magistrate undertaking the duty. Some few of
+these formulae have survived, and it may certainly be said
+of them that they are analogous to legal formulae, and
+express the quasi-contractual nature of the process. Such
+legalised religious contracts seem to be peculiar to Rome;
+they are curiously characteristic of the Roman genius for
+formularisation, which in course of time had most important<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span>
+effects in the domain of civil law. But the vow as such
+is, of course, by no means peculiar to Rome; it is familiar
+in Greek history, and is found in an elementary form
+among savages at the present day.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">407</a> But at Rome both
+in public and private life it is far more frequent and
+striking than elsewhere. This is a phenomenon that calls
+for careful study; and we must beware that we are not
+misled by quasi-legal developments into missing the real
+significance of it from the point of view of morality and
+religion.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>vota privata</i>, which include vows and offerings
+made to deities by private individuals, had never been
+adequately examined till De Marchi wrote his book on
+the private religion of the Romans; nor could they have
+been so examined until the <i>Corpus Inscriptionum</i> was
+fairly well advanced. There the material is extraordinarily
+abundant, but it is, of course, almost entirely of
+comparatively late date, and the great majority of votive
+inscriptions belong to the period of the Empire. Yet it
+is quite legitimate to argue from this to an origin of this
+form of worship in the earliest times, and we have enough
+early evidence to justify the inference. Among the oldest
+Latin inscriptions are some found on objects such as cups
+or vases, showing that the latter were votive offerings to a
+deity: thus we have <i>Saeturni poculum, Kerri poculum</i>, and
+other similar ones which will be found at the beginning of
+the first volume of the <i>Corpus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">408</a> They give only the
+name of the deity as a rule, and do not tell us why the
+object was offered to him; but they must have been
+thank-offerings for some supposed blessing. In one case,
+not indeed at Rome, but not far away at Praeneste, we
+have proof of this; for a mother makes a dedication to
+Fortuna <i>nationu cratia</i>, which plainly expresses gratitude
+for good luck in childbirth;<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">409</a> and this inscription is one of
+the oldest we possess. Nor do they tell us whether there
+was a previous vow or promise of which the offering is the
+fulfilment. But in the majority of inscriptions of late date
+the familiar letters V.S.L.M. (<i>votum solvit lubens merito</i>)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>
+betray the nature of the transaction, and it is not unreasonable
+to guess that there was usually a previous undertaking
+of some kind, to be carried out if the deity were gracious.</p>
+
+<p>But these private <i>vota</i> were not, strictly speaking, legal
+transactions, supposed to bind both parties in a contract,
+as we shall see was to some extent the case with the <i>vota
+publica</i>. They could not have needed the aid of a pontifex,
+or a solemn <i>voti nuncupatio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> statement of the promise;
+they were rather, as De Marchi asserts,<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">410</a> spontaneous
+expressions of what we may call religious feeling; and it
+may be that he is right in maintaining that throughout
+Roman history they remained as expressions of the
+religious sense and of the better feeling of the lower
+classes. The practice implies three conceptions: (1) of
+the deity as really powerful for good and evil; (2) of the
+gift, a work of supererogation, as likely to please him;
+(3) of the grateful act and feeling as good in themselves.
+Surely there must have been in this practice a germ of
+moral development; I am surprised that Dr. Westermarck
+has not mentioned in his chapter on gratitude the extraordinary
+abundance of Roman votive offerings and inscriptions.
+Doubtless there lies at the root of it the idea of
+<i>Do ut des</i>, or rather of <i>Dabo ut des</i>; doubtless also it
+could be turned to evil purposes in the form of <i>devotio</i>,
+when promises were made to a deity on condition that he
+killed or injured an enemy; but in the ordinary and
+common example it is impossible to deny that the final
+act, the performance of the vow, must have been accompanied
+by a feeling of gratitude. The merest recognition
+of a supposed blessing is of value in moral development.</p>
+
+<p>But it is in the <i>vota publica</i> that we undoubtedly find
+something in the nature of a bargain&mdash;covenant would be
+a more graceful word&mdash;with a deity in the name of the
+State. Even here, however, the impression is rather produced
+by the use of legal terms and the formularisation of
+the process, than by any assumed attitude of contempt
+towards, or even of equality with, the deity concerned.
+There is no trace in early Roman religious history of any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span>
+tendency to abuse or degrade the divine beings if they
+did not perform their part, such as is well known in
+China,<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">411</a> or even, strange to say, occasionally met with in
+the southern Italy of to-day; the attitude towards the
+deity in cult (though not invariably in the later Graeco-Roman
+literature) was ever respectful, as it was towards
+the magistrates of the State. The farthest the Romans
+ever went in condemning their gods was when misfortune
+persuaded them that they were become indifferent or useless;
+then they began to neglect them, and to turn to
+other gods, as we shall see in subsequent lectures.</p>
+
+<p>The public <i>vota</i> were of two kinds: the ordinary, or
+regularly recurring, and the extraordinary, which were
+occasioned by some particular event. Of the ordinary,
+the most familiar is that undertaken by the consul, and no
+doubt in some form by the Rex in the days of the kingship,
+for the benefit of the State on the first day of the official
+year. Accompanied by the Senate and a crowd of people,
+the consuls went up to the Capitoline temple, and performed
+the sacrifice which had been vowed by their predecessors
+of a year before; after which they undertook a new
+<i>votum</i>, "<i>pro reipublicae salute</i>."<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">412</a> We have not the
+formula of this vow, and cannot tell what resemblance it
+bore to a bargain; but the ceremony itself must have been
+most impressive, and calculated to remind all who were
+present of the greatness and goodwill of the supreme
+deity who watched over the interests of the State. So
+too at the <i>lustrum</i> of the censors, which took place in the
+Campus Martius every five years, it is almost certain that
+the <i>votum</i> of the predecessors in office was fulfilled by a
+sacrifice, and a new one undertaken. Here again we are
+without the formula, but that there was one we know from
+a very interesting passage of Valerius Maximus. He tells
+us that Scipio Aemilianus, when as censor he was conducting
+this sacrifice, and the <i>scriba</i> (on behalf of the pontifex?)
+was dictating to him the <i>solemne precationis carmen ex
+publicis tabulis</i>, in which the immortal gods were besought
+to make the prosperity of the Roman State "better and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>
+greater," had the audacity to interrupt him, saying that
+the condition of the State was sufficiently good and great:
+"itaque precor ut eas (res) perpetuo incolumes servent."
+This change, Valerius says, was accepted, and the formula
+altered accordingly in the <i>tabulae</i>.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">413</a> This story, which is
+probably genuine and is quite characteristic of Scipio,
+must convince an impartial mind that in this votive ceremony
+there was enough truth and dignity to suggest a
+real advance in religious thought, so far at least as the
+State was concerned.</p>
+
+<p>The extraordinary <i>vota</i> were innumerable. They were
+occasioned by dangers or misfortunes of various kinds, the
+magistrate undertaking to dedicate something to the god
+concerned if the State should have come safely through
+the peril. Many temples had their origin in this practice;<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">414</a>
+we meet also with <i>ludi</i>, special sacrifices, or a tithe of the
+booty taken in war. In two or three cases Livy has
+copied the formula from the <i>tabulae</i> of the pontifices;
+thus before the war with Antiochus in 191 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, the
+consul recited the following words after the pontifex
+maximus: "Si duellum quod cum Antiocho rege sumi
+populus iussit, id ex sententia senatus populique Romani
+confectum erit; tum tibi Iuppiter populus Romanus ludos
+magnos dies decem continuos faciet ... quisquis magistratus
+eos ludos quando ubique faxit, hi ludi recte facti,
+donaque data recte sunto."<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">415</a> This document dates from
+the days of the decay of the Roman religion, and is, of
+course, modernised by Livy; but it may give an idea of
+what is meant by writers who speak of an element of
+bargain or covenant in these <i>vota</i>. Still more elaborate,
+and probably more antique, is the famous formula of the
+vow of the <i>ver sacrum</i> in the darkest hour of the war with
+Hannibal.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">416</a> This very curious rite, which proves beyond
+question the devotion of the Italian stocks to the principle
+of the <i>votum</i>, consisted of a promise to dedicate to Mars
+or Jupiter all the valuable products of a single spring,
+including the male children born at that time; to this the
+Romans had recourse for the last time in 217 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>
+Livy has fortunately preserved the words of the vow.
+These, with the exception of the dedication of the children,
+which is judiciously omitted, probably stand much as they
+had come down from a remote antiquity. The <i>votum</i> is put
+in the form of a <i>rogatio</i> to the people, without whose
+sanction it could not be put in force; are they willing to
+dedicate to Jupiter all the young of oxen, sheep, or pigs
+born in the spring five years after date, if the State shall
+have been preserved during those years from all its
+enemies? The curious feature of the document is, not
+that it binds the deity to any course of action, but that it
+secures the individual Roman against his anger in case of
+any chance slip in his part of the process, and the people
+against any evil consequences arising from such a slip or
+from misdoing on the part of an individual. "Si quis
+clepsit, ne populo scelus esto neve cui cleptum erit: si atro
+die faxit insciens, probe factum esto."<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">417</a> Of this formula
+a recent writer of great learning and ability has written
+thus: "The well-known liturgical archive containing
+Rome's address to Jupiter in the critical days of the Hannibalic
+war is a wary and cleverly drawn legal document,
+intended to bind the god as well as the State."<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">418</a> He is
+no exception to the rule that those who have not habitually
+occupied themselves with the Roman religion are
+liable to misinterpret its details. This is not an address
+to Jupiter, nor is there any sign in it that the god was
+considered as bound to perform his part as in a contract;
+the covenant is a one-sided one, the people undertaking
+an act of self-renunciation if the god be gracious to them,
+and thereby going far to assure themselves that he will so
+be gracious. And the legal cast of the language, which
+seems so apt to mislead the unwary,<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">419</a> is only to be found
+in the clauses which guarantee the people against the contingency
+of the whole vow being ruined by the inadvertence
+or the rascality of an individual; surely a very
+natural and inevitable <i>caveat</i>, where for once the whole
+people, and not only their priests or magistrates, were
+concerned in the transaction.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span></p>
+
+<p>A curious form of the <i>votum</i>, which, however, I can
+only mention in passing, is that addressed to the gods of
+a hostile city, with a view to induce them to desert their
+temples and take up their abode at Rome; this is the
+process called <i>evocatio</i>, which was successfully applied at
+the siege of Veii, when Juno Regina consented to betray
+her city.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">420</a> Macrobius, commenting on Virgil's lines
+(<i>Aen.</i> ii. 351),</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis</span>
+<span class="i0">di quibus imperium hoc steterat,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>has preserved the <i>carmen</i> used at the siege of Carthage.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">421</a>
+It is cast in the language of prayer: "Si deus si dea est
+cui populus civitasque Carthaginiensis est in tutela ... precor
+venerorque veniamque a vobis peto ut vos populum
+civitatemque Carthaginiensem deseratis," etc.; but it ends
+with a vow to build temples and establish <i>ludi</i> in honour
+of these deities if they should comply with the petition.
+It is worth noting here that it was, of course, impossible
+to make a bargain with strange or hostile gods, or in any
+way to force their hand; the promise is entirely one-sided;
+and I am inclined to think that in dealing with his
+own gods the mental attitude of the Roman was much the
+same, though his faith in them was undoubtedly greater.</p>
+
+<p>This is the proper place to mention another very
+curious rite, closely allied to the <i>votum</i>, but differing
+from it in one or two important points, which is almost
+peculiar to the Romans and most characteristic of them;
+I mean the <i>devotio</i> of himself on the field of battle by
+a magistrate <i>cum imperio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">422</a> The famous example,
+familiar to us all, is that of Decius Mus at the battle
+of Vesuvius in the great Latin war<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">423</a> (340 <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>): the
+same story is told of his son in a war with Gauls and
+Samnites, and of his grandson in the war with Pyrrhus.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">424</a>
+The historical difficulties of these accounts do not concern
+us now; by common consent of scholars the method and
+formula of the <i>devotio</i> are authentic, and the rite must
+have had its origin in remote antiquity.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The story runs<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">425</a> that Decius, at whose preliminary
+sacrifice before the battle with the Latins the liver of the
+victim had been found imperfect, while that of his
+colleague was normal, perceived that his wing of the
+army was giving way. He therefore resolved to
+sacrifice himself by <i>devotio</i>, and called on the pontifex
+maximus, who was present, to dictate for him the correct
+formula. He was directed to put on the toga praetexta,
+to wear it with the cinctus Gabinus, to veil his head with
+it, to touch his chin with his hand under the folds of
+the robe, and to stand upon a spear. He then repeated
+after the pontifex the following formula: "Iane, Iuppiter,
+Mars pater, Quirine, Bellona, Lares, divi Novensiles, di
+Indigetes, divi quorum est potestas nostrorum hostiumque,
+diique Manes, vos precor, veneror, veniam peto feroque, uti
+populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriamque prosperetis,
+hostesque populi Romani Quiritium terrore formidine
+morteque adficiatis. Sicut verbis nuncupavi, ita pro
+re publica Quiritium, exercitu legionibus auxiliis populi
+Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium <i>mecum</i>
+deis Manibus Tellurique devoveo" (Livy ix. 9). He
+then mounted his horse and rode into the midst of the
+enemy to meet his death. The Latins were seized with
+panic and the Romans were victorious.</p>
+
+<p>Here the vow is made and fulfilled almost at the
+same moment,&mdash;<i>the fulfilment takes place before the
+gods have done their part</i>. Here too the offering made
+is the life of a human being which brings the act within
+the domain of sacrifice. Its sacrificial nature is obvious
+in all the details.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">426</a> The dress is that of the sacrificing
+priest or magistrate;<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">427</a> Decius was therefore priest and
+victim at the same time, and the two characters seem
+to be combined in the symbolic touching of the chin,
+which has been rightly explained,<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">428</a> I think, as analogous
+to the laying on of hands in the consecratio of the Rex,
+as we saw it in the case of Numa, and perhaps to the
+<i>immolatio</i> of a victim by sprinkling the <i>mola salsa</i> on
+its head; where the object of consecration is made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
+holy by contact with holy things.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">429</a> The standing on
+the spear is difficult to explain; it may have been a
+symbolic dedication to Mars, whose spear or spears, as
+we have seen, were kept in the Regia.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">430</a></p>
+
+<p>The formula contains certain points of great interest.
+Firstly, it is not only the Roman gods of all sorts and
+conditions who are invoked, but those of the enemy
+also, or, in vague language, those who have power over
+both Romans and Latins.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">431</a> Secondly, it begins with
+a prayer combined with a curse upon the enemy: in
+which respect it resembles the prayer at the <i>lustratio
+populi</i> at Iguvium<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">432</a> (which I shall mention again directly)
+and to a later type of <i>devotio</i> used at the siege of Carthage
+and preserved by Macrobius.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">433</a> Thirdly, in spite of this
+religious aspect of the formula, it ends with what can
+only be called a magical spell. By the act of self-sacrifice,
+which is the potent element in the spell, Decius
+exercises magical power over the legions of the enemy,
+and devotes them with himself to death,&mdash;to the Manes
+and Mother Earth.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">434</a></p>
+
+<p>The story suggests to me that the rite had been at
+one time well known; the pontifex maximus was ready
+with the instructions and formula. It was a survival
+from an age of magic, but the priests have given it a
+religious turn, and the language of the first part is quite
+as much that of prayer as is the language of the collect
+to be said in time of war which still disfigures the Anglican
+prayer-book.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">435</a> What is still more remarkable is that it
+has not only a religious but an ethical character. The
+idea of service to the State is here seen at its highest
+point. The sacrifice is a vicarious one.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">436</a> Livy significantly
+adds that a private soldier might be chosen by
+the commander to represent him, and that if this man
+were not killed by the enemy an image seven feet long
+must be buried in the earth and a piacular sacrifice
+offered.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">437</a> Later on it would seem that instead of
+sacrificing himself, the consul might implore the gods
+to accept the hostile army or city as his substitutes: "eos<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>
+<i>vicarios</i> pro me fide magistratuque meo pro populi
+Romani exercitibus do devoveo, ut me exercitumque
+nostrum ... bene salvos siritis esse."<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">438</a> The idea here,
+and indeed in the <i>devotio</i> of Decius, bears some analogy
+to that which lies at the root of the old Roman practice,
+of making a criminal <i>sacer</i> to the deity chiefly concerned
+in his crime; when this was done, any man might kill
+him, and he was practically a victim offered as <i>vicarius</i>
+for the Roman people, who had been contaminated by
+his deed.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">439</a></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>But I must now pass on the last kind of ritual to be
+explained in these lectures, and far the most impressive
+of all, that of <i>lustratio</i>, or the purification, as it is
+commonly called, of land, city, human beings, or even
+inanimate objects, by means of a solemn procession
+accompanied with sacrifice.</p>
+
+<p>So important a part did these processional rites play
+in the public life of the Roman people,&mdash;so characteristic
+are they too of the old Roman habit of thought and
+action, that they have given a wonderful word to the
+Latin language. <i>Lustrare</i> has many meanings; but
+the one which is immediately derived from the rites I
+speak of, that of slow processional movement, is the
+most beautiful and impressive of them all. When
+Aeneas first sees Dido in all her stately beauty, he
+says:<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">440</a></p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">in freta dum fluvii current, <i>dum montibus umbrae</i></span>
+<span class="i0"><i>lustrabunt convexa</i>, polus dum sidera pascet,</span>
+<span class="i0">semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque manebunt,</span>
+<span class="i0">quae me cunque vocant terrae.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>"So long as the cloud-shadows move slowly over the
+hollows of the hills." Here in Scotland you must have
+all seen this procession of the shadows, as I have watched
+it when fishing in Wales; let us always associate it with
+the magic of a poet of nature as well as with the religious
+processions of his people.</p>
+
+<p><i>Lustrare</i>, <i>lustratio</i>, are words which, as I think, belong<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>
+to an age of religion, that is, according to our formula,
+of effective desire to be in right relation with the Power
+manifesting itself in the Universe. In other processes
+which are usually called purificatory, magic seems to
+survive: the word <i>februum</i>, from which comes the name
+of our second month, meant an object with magical
+potency, such as water, fire, sulphur, laurel, wool, or the
+strips of the victims sacrificed at the Lupercalia,
+and the verb <i>februare</i> meant to get rid of certain unwholesome
+or miasmatic influences by means of these
+objects.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">441</a> What was the really primitive idea attached
+to these words need not concern us now; but Varro, and
+Ovid following him, explicitly explain them as meaning
+<i>purifying</i> agents and processes,<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">442</a> from which we may
+infer that they had a magical power to produce certain
+desired conditions, or to protect from evil influences, like
+charms and amulets. But <i>lustrare</i> and <i>lustratio</i> seem
+to belong to an age when the thing to be driven or
+kept away is rather spiritual mischief, and when the
+means used are sacrifices and prayers, with processional
+movement.</p>
+
+<p>What is the original meaning of the word <i>lustrare</i>?
+It seems to be a strong form of <i>luere</i>; and <i>luere</i> is
+explained by Varro as equivalent to <i>solvere</i>.<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">443</a> The word
+<i>lustrum</i>, he says, <i>i.e.</i> the solemn five-yearly ceremony in
+the Campus Martius, is derived from <i>luere</i> in the sense
+of <i>solvere</i>, to pay; because every fifth year the contract-moneys
+for the collection of taxes and for public undertakings
+were paid into the treasury through the censors.
+Servius,<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">444</a> doubtless following him, explains such expressions
+as <i>peccata luere</i>, <i>supplicium luere</i>, on the same principle&mdash;in
+the sense of payment, just as we speak of paying the
+penalty. We might thus be tempted to fancy that the
+root-idea of <i>lustrare</i> is to perform a duty and so get rid
+of it, as we do in paying for anything we buy; but this
+would be to misapprehend the original meaning of the
+word as completely as Varro did when he explained
+<i>luere</i> by reference to the payments of contractors. Varro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>
+and Servius do, however, suggest the right clue; they
+see that the idea lurking in the word is that of getting
+rid of something, but they understand that something
+in the light, not of primitive man's intelligence, but of
+the duty of man in a civilised State. What exactly it
+was that was to be got rid of is a more difficult question;
+but all that we have so far learnt about the early religious
+ideas of the Romans strongly suggests that they were in
+what we may call an advanced <i>animistic</i> stage of religious
+ideas, and that whatever may have been the notion of
+their primitive ancestors, they themselves, in these rites
+as we know them, saw the means of getting rid of and
+so keeping away hostile spirits. A French sociologist,
+M. van Gennep, whose book <i>Les Rites de passage</i> I have
+read with great interest, has kindly written me a long
+letter in which he insists that this animistic interpretation of
+<i>lustratio</i> is really superfluous, and that the idea of separation
+alone, <i>i.e.</i> of separation between sacred and profane,
+without any reference to spirits or <i>dei</i>, is a fully sufficient
+explanation. So no doubt it may be among many savage
+peoples; but he would probably allow that as a people
+advances from one stage of superstition to another,
+while it retains in outline the scheme of its rites, it will
+apply new meanings to them in keeping with the changes
+in its mental attitude. This is one of the most interesting
+processes with which modern research has been occupied;
+we are now familiar with the adoption of pre-Christian
+ceremonies, with a complete change of meaning, in the
+ritual of the Christian Church. These very processions
+of <i>lustratio</i>, which had already been once metamorphosed
+in an animistic period, were seized upon by the Roman
+Church with characteristic adroitness, adapted to its ritual,
+and given a new meaning; and the Catholic priest still
+leads his flock round the fields with the prayers of the
+<i>Litania maior</i> in Rogation week, begging a blessing on
+the flocks and herds, and deprecating the anger of the
+Almighty.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">445</a></p>
+
+<p>But let us now pass briefly in review the more important<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>
+of these rites of lustration and compare them with each
+other; we shall find the essential features the same in
+all of them.</p>
+
+<p>The first permanent difficulty of new settlers in Latium
+was to mark off their cultivated land from the forest or
+waste land beyond it, and so, as M. van Gennep would
+phrase it,<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">446</a> to make a margin of separation between the
+sacred and the profane, within which the sacred processes
+of domestic life and husbandry might go forward, undisturbed
+by dangers&mdash;human, spiritual, or what not&mdash;coming
+from the profane world without. The boundary was
+marked out in some material way, perhaps by stones (<i>cippi</i>)
+or posts, placed at intervals;<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">447</a> and thus "a fixed piece
+of ground is appropriated by a particular social group, so
+that if any stranger penetrated it he would be committing
+a sacrilege as complete as he would if he trespassed in
+a sacred grove or a temple." This boundary-line was
+made sacred itself by the passage round it (<i>lustratio</i>)
+at some fixed time of the year, usually in May,
+when crops were ripening and especially liable to be
+attacked by hostile influences, of a procession occupied
+with sacrifice and prayer. The two main features of
+the rite, as formulated by Cato in his treatise on agriculture,
+are&mdash;1, the procession of the victims, ox, sheep, and
+pig (<i>suovetaurilia</i>), the farmer's most valuable property;
+2, the prayer to Mars pater, after libations to Janus and
+Jupiter, asking for his kindly protection of the whole
+<i>familia</i> of the farm, together with the crops of all kinds
+and the cattle within the boundary-line.<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">448</a> We are not
+expressly told that this procession followed the boundary
+throughout, but the analogy of other lustrations forbids
+us to doubt it; and thus the rite served the practical
+purpose of keeping it clear in the memory,&mdash;a matter
+of the utmost importance, especially for the practical
+Roman. In Cato's formula the farmer's object is to
+ward off disease, calamity, dearth, and infertility; and it
+is Mars who is invoked, <i>i.e.</i> a great god who has long
+ago emerged from the crowd of impersonal spirits; but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>
+we may safely believe that the primitive farmer used
+other language, addressing the spirits of disease and
+dearth themselves; and we may guess, if we will, that
+again before that there was no invocation or sacrifice at
+all, but that the object was only to mark the boundary
+between land civilised and sacred and land uncivilised
+and profane.</p>
+
+<p>As we have seen, the farms and homesteads of the
+early Latins were grouped together in associations called
+<i>pagi</i>; and we can hardly doubt that these were subjected
+to the same process of <i>lustratio</i> as the farms themselves.
+We have no explicit account of a circumambulation in
+this case, but we have in the later poets several charming
+allusions to a <i>lustratio pagi</i>, and it is of a rite of this kind
+that Virgil must have been thinking when he wrote the
+beautiful passage in the first Georgic beginning "In
+primis venerare deos";<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">449</a> and the lines</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">terque novas circum felix eat hostia fruges,</span>
+<span class="i0">omnis quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes, etc.,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>clearly imply a procession with the object of keeping
+away harmful influences from the crops at a critical time.
+And when the city-state came into being we may be
+equally sure that its <i>ager</i>, so long at least as it was small
+enough to admit of such a processional ritual, was
+lustrated in the same way. In historical times this <i>ager</i>
+had become too extensive, and there is no procession
+to be found among the duties of the Fratres Arvales as
+we know them when they were revived by Augustus;
+but we have not, of course, the whole of the "acta" of
+the Brethren, and even if we had, it would not be likely
+that we should find any trace of a practice which must
+have been dropped in course of time as the Roman
+territory increased. Let us go on to the beginnings of
+the city, where we shall find the same principle and
+practice applied in striking fashion.</p>
+
+<p>As it was necessary to protect the homestead and its
+land by a sacred boundary, so the city had to be clearly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>
+marked off from all that was outside of it. Its walls
+were sacred, or, strictly speaking, a certain imaginary
+line outside of them called the <i>pomoerium</i> was sacred.
+This is well shown in the traditional method of founding
+a city even in historical times, <i>e.g.</i> a <i>colonia</i>, as described
+by Varro, Servius, and Plutarch.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">450</a> A white ox and a
+white cow were harnessed to a plough, of which the
+share must be made of bronze&mdash;a rule which shows at
+once the antiquity and the religious character of the
+rite, for iron, as we saw, was taboo in most religious
+ceremonies. A rectangular furrow was drawn where the
+walls of the city were to be; the earth was turned
+inwards to mark the future line of the wall, and the
+furrow represented the future <i>pomoerium</i>. When the
+plough came to the place where there was to be a gate,
+it was lifted over it, and the ploughing resumed beyond
+it. This probably meant, as Plutarch expressed it, that
+the walls (or rather the <i>pomoerium</i>), were sacred while the
+gates were profane; had the gates been holy, scruple
+would necessarily have been felt about the passage in
+and out of them of things profane. Thus the <i>pomoerium</i>
+was a boundary line between the sacred and the profane,
+like that of the farm; but in historical times it acquired
+a more definite religious meaning, for within it there
+could only dwell those deities who belonged to the city
+and its inhabitants, <i>i.e.</i> the <i>di indigetes</i>, and who were
+recognised as its divine inhabitants.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">451</a> And only within its
+limits could the <i>auspicia</i> of the city be taken.</p>
+
+<p>We should naturally expect that this sacred boundary
+would have its holiness secured or revived by an annual
+<i>lustratio</i> like that of the farm and <i>pagus</i>; and so no
+doubt it was. But the memory of this survives only in
+the word <i>amburbium</i>, which, on the analogy of <i>ambarvalia</i>,
+must mean a rite of this processional kind. Luckily
+we have definite knowledge of the real <i>lustratio</i> of a
+city in those ritualistic inscriptions of Iguvium which I
+have more than once referred to.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">452</a> It is the <i>lustratio</i>
+of the <i>arx</i>, the citadel of Iguvium, which we may guess<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>
+to have been the original <i>oppidum</i> or germ of the
+historical city. The details are complex, and show clear
+traces of priestly organisation; but the main features
+stand out unmistakably. A procession goes round the
+<i>arx</i> (<i>ocris Fisia</i>), with the <i>suovetaurilia</i>&mdash;ox, sheep, and
+pig&mdash;as in the Latin <i>lustratio</i>; at each gate it stops,
+while sacrifice and prayer are offered on behalf of the
+citadel, the city, and the whole people of Iguvium.
+There were three gates, and each of them is the scene
+of sacrifice and prayer, because they are the weak points
+in the wall, and they need to be strengthened by annual
+religious operations; such at least is the most obvious
+explanation. Whether the Fratres Attiedii would have
+been able to explain it thus we may doubt; neither in
+the sacrificial ritual nor in the prayers, as recorded in
+the inscription, do we find any clear trace of a distinction
+between the sacred and the profane, or of the idea of a
+hostile spiritual world outside the sacred boundary. So
+far as we can judge from the prayers, the object is really
+a religious one, to implore the deities of the city to
+preserve it and all within it. The language of these
+prayers hardly differs from that in which a Christian
+Church of to-day asks for a blessing on a community.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">453</a></p>
+
+<p>So far I have been speaking of the permanent separation
+of land or city by a sacred boundary line from the
+profane world without. But human beings <i>en masse</i>
+might be subjected to the same process&mdash;an army, for
+example, at the opening of the season of war; and so,
+too, might its appurtenances&mdash;horses, arms, and trumpets.
+In the account of the census and <i>lustrum</i> in the Campus
+Martius given by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who passed
+some years in Rome in the time of Augustus, we find
+the <i>suovetaurilia</i> driven three times round the assembled
+host and sacrificed to Mars. This was doubtless the
+early form of the political census, which had a military
+meaning and origin. But we have a more exact and
+reliable account of a similar rite in the Iguvian documents,
+which contain instructions for the <i>lustratio</i> of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>
+people apparently before a campaign.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">454</a> So far as we
+can gather from the Umbrian text, the male population
+was assembled in a particular spot in its military
+divisions, and round this host a procession went three
+times; at the end of each circuit there was sacrifice
+and prayer to Mars and two female associates of his
+power, the object of which, as we can read in the words
+of the prayer, was to bless the people of Iguvium and
+to curse its enemies, who were to be confounded and
+frightened and paralysed.</p>
+
+<p>Here religion of a rude sort has been superimposed
+on the originally magical ceremonial. For the idea
+must have been that by drawing a "magic circle"
+around the host, which might have to march against
+enemies living far beyond the pale of the <i>ager Romanus</i>
+(or Iguvinus), where hostile magical influences might
+be brought to bear against them, they were in some
+mysterious way marked off, rendered "holy," and so
+protected against the wiles of the enemy. A later and
+animistic age would think of them as needing protection
+against hostile spirits, of whose ways and freaks they
+were of course entirely ignorant. Of these primitive
+ideas about the danger of entering hostile territory and
+of leaving your own, Dr. Frazer has collected some
+examples in his <i>Golden Bough</i> (i. 304 foll.), both from
+savage tribes and from Greek usage. A single parallel
+from the pen of a Roman historian, which Dr. Frazer
+has not mentioned, may suffice us here. Livy tells us
+that the method in Macedonia was to march the whole
+host in spring between the severed limbs of a dog:<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">455</a> the
+principle is here the same as in Italy, but the method
+differs slightly. In each case some mysterious influence
+is brought to bear on the whole army without exception;
+but in the one case a line is drawn round it, in the other
+it passes through the parts of an object which must have
+been supposed to be endowed with magical power.</p>
+
+<p>And once more, in spring before the season of
+arms, all the belongings of the host were subjected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>
+to some process of the same kind. I have alluded
+to this in my lecture on the calendar, and need not
+now reproduce the evidence of the Equirria at the end of
+February and on March 14, or of the Quinquatrus on
+March 19, when the <i>lustratio</i> took place of the shields
+(<i>ancilia</i>) of the Salii, the war-priests of Mars, and the
+Tubilustrium on March 23, which tells its own tale.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">456</a>
+But I may recall the fact that the calendar supplies us
+also with evidence that on the return of the host to
+their own territory all these lustrations had to be
+repeated in order to rid men, horses, arms, and trumpets
+of such evil contagion as they might have contracted
+during their absence. It may be that one special object
+of lustration after the return of an army was to rid it,
+with all belonging to it, of the taint of bloodshed, just
+as the Jewish warriors and their captives were purified
+before re-entering the camp.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">457</a> But in the Roman pontifical
+law this idea is hardly discernible, and the only trace I
+can find of it is a statement of Festus that the soldiers
+who followed the general's car in a triumph wore laurel
+wreaths "ut quasi purgati a caede humana intrarent
+urbem."<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">458</a> I may add here that the passage of a
+triumphing army through the Porta triumphalis, which
+was probably an isolated arch in the Campus Martius
+just outside the city wall,<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">459</a> most likely had as its original
+meaning the separation of the host from the profane
+world in which it had been moving; and the triumphal
+arches of later times, which were within the city, were
+thus developed architecturally from an origin which belongs
+to the region of magic.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">460</a> To the same class of ideas, if
+I am not much mistaken, belongs the familiar Italian
+practice of compelling a surrendered army to pass under
+the yoke. As Livy explains this when he first mentions
+it, it was symbolical of subjection: "ut exprimatur
+confessio subactam domitamque esse gentem";<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">461</a> and
+this was no doubt the idea in the minds of the historical
+Romans. But it may well have been that it had its
+root in a process which was supposed to deprive the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>
+conquered enemy of all dangerous contagion&mdash;to separate
+them from their own land and people before they came
+into peaceful contact with their conquerors.</p>
+
+<p>A last word before I leave this part of my subject.
+Though it is interesting to try to get at the root-idea
+of these processes of <i>lustratio</i>, we must remember
+that in the Rome of history they had lost not only such
+magical meaning as they ever had, but also much of
+the religious meaning which in course of time was superimposed
+upon it. The sacrifices and the prayers
+remained, but the latter were muttered and unheard
+by the people. And except in the country districts these
+ceremonies were more and more absorbed, as time went
+on, into the social, military, and political life of the
+community, as <i>e.g.</i> the lustration of the host became a
+political census; or they tended to disappear altogether,
+like the <i>ambarvalia</i> and perhaps the <i>amburbium</i>. They
+grew up in the religious experience of the Romans,
+beginning with its very earliest and quasi-magical forms;
+but they came at last to represent that experience no
+longer, and when we meet with them in historical times
+it is impossible to ascribe to them any real influence
+on life and conduct. <i>Lustratio</i> never in pagan Italy
+developed an ethical meaning as <i>catharsis</i> did in Greece.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">462</a>
+But meaningless as they were, the stately processions
+remained, and could be watched with pride by the
+patriotic Roman all through the period of the Empire,
+until the Roman Church adapted them to its own ritual
+and gave them, as we saw, a new meaning. As the
+cloud-shadows still move slowly over the hollows of the
+Apennines, so does the procession of the patron saint pass
+still through the streets of many an Italian city.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">463</a></p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE IX</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">406</span></a> Dill, <i>Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire</i>,
+p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">407</span></a> See Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, ii.
+615 foll.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">408</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> i. Nos. 43 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">409</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> xiv. 2863. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 224, and Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 209.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">410</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> vol. i. p. 252; cp. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">411</span></a> See Sir Alfred Lyall's <i>Asiatic Studies</i>, Series I. ch. vi. No
+one would call the vow of Aeneas, in <i>Aen.</i> vi. 69, a bargain with
+Apollo and the Sibyl.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">412</span></a> Marquardt, p. 266; Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i.<sup>2</sup> 594 foll. The
+ceremony is best described by Ovid, <i>Ex Ponto</i>, iv. 9. 5 foll. He is
+addressing the consul of the year from his place of exile:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">at cum Tarpeias esses deductus in arces,</span>
+<span class="i1">dum caderet iussu victima sacra tuo,</span>
+<span class="i0">me quoque secreto grates sibi magnus agentem</span>
+<span class="i1">audisset media qui sedet aede deus.</span>
+<span class="i15">(II. 28 foll.)</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">413</span></a> Valerius Maximus iv. 1. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">414</span></a> A list of these is given in Aust, <i>De aedibus sacris populi
+Romani</i> (Marpurg, 1889). A valuable work, which will be of service
+to us later on.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">415</span></a> Livy xxxvi. 2. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">416</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxii. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">417</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> sec. 6. The meaning is that if any one has stolen an
+animal which was intended to be dedicated, no blame attaches to the
+person so robbed; and that if a man performs his dedication on a
+day of ill omen unwittingly, it will hold good none the less.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">418</span></a> Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">419</span></a> The fact that words like <i>reus</i> and <i>damnatus</i> were applied
+respectively to persons who had made a vow and to those who had
+performed it, <i>i.e.</i> as being liable like a defendant, and then released
+from that position by a verdict or sentence (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+p. 320), is of course significant of the idea of the transaction in the
+mind of the Roman, who, as Macrobius says (iii. 2. 6) <i>se numinibus
+obligat</i>, as an accused person is <i>obligatus</i> to the authorities of the
+State (Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, 189 foll.). It is the natural tendency
+of the Roman mind to give all transactions a legal sanction; but it
+does not thence follow that the original idea was really thought of as
+a contract, and we have only to reflect that the final act was a thank-offering
+to see the difference between the civil and the religious
+process.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">420</span></a> Livy v. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">421</span></a> Macr. iii. 9, 6. He says that he found it in the fifth book of
+<i>Res reconditae</i> by one Sammonicus Serenus, and that the latter had
+himself found it "in cuiusdam Furii vetustissimo libro."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">422</span></a> On this subject see article "Devotio" in Pauly-Wissowa.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">423</span></a> Livy viii. 10, "licere consuli dictatori praetori...." Cp.
+Cic. <i>de Nat. deorum</i>, ii. 10, "at vero apud maiores tanta religionis vis
+fuit, ut quidam imperatores etiam se ipsos dis immortalibus capite
+velato certis verbis pro republica devoverent."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">424</span></a> See M&uuml;nzer's article "Decii" in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>;
+Soltau, <i>Die Anf&auml;nge der r&ouml;m. Geschichtschreibung</i>, p. 48 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">425</span></a> Livy viii. 9 foll.; Dio Cassius, fragment, xxxv. 6; Ennius,
+<i>Ann.</i> vi. 147, Baehrens. The latter fragment is the oldest reference
+to the event which we possess, and just sufficient to confirm Livy's
+account: "Divi hoc audite parumper, ut pro Romano populo prognariter
+armis certando prudens animum de corpore mitto."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">426</span></a> It is worth remarking that the sacrificial aspect struck St.
+Augustine. In <i>Civ. Dei</i>, v. 18, he writes: "Si se occidendos certis
+verbis quodam modo consecrantes Decii devoverunt, ut illis cadentibus
+et iram deorum sanguine suo placantibus Romanus liberaretur
+exercitus," and goes on to compare the Decii with Christian martyrs.
+I am indebted for this reference to Mayor's note on Cicero, <i>de Nat.
+deor.</i> ii. 3. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">427</span></a> See above, p. 176; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 352, note 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">428</span></a> By Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1905, p. 69 foll. This touching of the
+chin seems to be an example of that personal contact which makes
+a man or thing holy; see, <i>e.g.</i>, Westermarck, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 586. Decius
+makes himself holy for the sacrifice (as victim) by touching (as priest)
+the only part of his person which was exposed. For the magic touch
+of the hand see O. Weinrich, <i>Antike Heiligungsw&uuml;nder</i>, p. 63 foll., and
+Macrobius iii. 2. 7, for the touching of the altar by a sacrificing priest.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">429</span></a> See above, p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">430</span></a> This is Deubner's explanation, which he elaborates at length
+by examples of the worship of the spear or sword among various peoples.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">431</span></a> This is peculiar to the formula in Livy viii. 9. Is it possible
+that it may have some reference to the fact that the Romans were
+fighting their own kin, the Latins?</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">432</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 22 and 102: "hastatos inhastatos
+completo timore tremore, fuga formidine, nive nimbo, fragore furore,
+senio servitio," where, however, the translator from the Umbrian is
+assisted by the Latin formulae we are discussing.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">433</span></a> Macrobius iii. 9. 10, "exercitum quem ego me sentio dicere
+fuga formidine terrore compleatis," etc. This is of comparatively
+late origin, as it is addressed to Dis pater, who only became a Roman
+deity in 249 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> (Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 257). The interesting feature
+in this <i>devotio</i>, used at the siege at Carthage, is that it is not himself
+whom the commander devotes&mdash;the common sense of the Romans
+had got beyond that&mdash;but the enemy as substitutes for himself.
+"Eos vicarios pro me fide magistratuque meo pro populo Romano
+exercitibus do devoveo, ut me meamque fidem imperiumque legiones
+exercitumque nostrum bene salvos siritis esse." Thus the enemy is
+made the victim, and this is why the only gods invoked are the Di
+Inferi, Dis pater, Veiovis, Manes, while in the older formula it is the
+gods of Romans and Latins. Pacuvius in a praetextata called <i>Decius</i>
+wrote: "Lue patrium hostili fusum sanguen sanguine" (Ribbeck,
+p. 280). This is the language Ennius used before him of the sacrifice<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span>
+of Iphigenia: "ut hostium eliciatur sanguis sanguine," where, however,
+the word <i>eliciatur</i> shows that it is magic. The curious thing in this
+last passage is that the parallel passage in the Euripidean <i>Iph. in
+Aul.</i> (1486) does not suggest magic. Is the idea Italian? The
+curse (for such it really is) is to be witnessed by Tellus and Iuppiter,
+and the celebrant points down and up respectively in invoking them,
+as also in the <i>devotio</i> of Curtis in the Forum (Livy vii. 6), which
+was an abnormal <i>procuratio prodigii</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">434</span></a> Cp. the language used by Livy of the second Decius (x. 29):
+"prae se agere formidinem ac fugam ... contacturum funebribus
+diris signa tela arma hostium." For spells or curses of this kind see
+Westermarck i. 563: a curse is conveyable by speech, especially if
+spoken by a magistrate or priest. "Among the Maoris the anathema
+of the priest is regarded as a thunderbolt that an enemy cannot
+escape." See also Robertson Smith, <i>Semites</i>, p. 434, for the Jewish
+ban, by which impious sinners, or enemies of the city and its God,
+were devoted to destruction. He remarks that the Hebrew verb to
+ban is sometimes rendered "consecrate": Micah iv. 13; Deut. xiii.
+16; and Joshua vi. 26 (Jericho), which exactly answers to the
+consecratio of Carthage. For curses conveyable by sacrifices, as in
+all the cases I have mentioned, see Westermarck ii. 618 foll. 624,
+and the same author's paper on conditional curses in Morocco, in
+<i>Anthropological Essays</i>, addressed to E. B. Tylor, p. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">435</span></a> "Abate their pride, assuage their malice, and confound their
+devices." I well remember hearing this read in church throughout
+the Crimean war.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">436</span></a> "Pro republica Quiritium," in the formula quoted above.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">437</span></a> Livy viii. 10 <i>ad fin</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">438</span></a> See above, note 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">439</span></a> See Marquardt, p. 276 and notes; Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>,
+900 foll. The subject has generally been treated from the legal
+point of view rather than the religious; but from the religious point
+of view it has generally been assumed that the sacrifice was to appease
+the god. So no doubt it was; but I venture also to conjecture that the
+victim was <i>vicarius</i> for the contamination of the community. On the
+subject generally Westermarck's two chapters on human sacrifice and
+blood-revenge (xix. and xx. in vol. i.) are extremely well worth reading.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">440</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> i. 607 foll. Cp. <i>Aen.</i> iii. 429&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">praestat Trinacrii metas lustrare Pachyni</span>
+<span class="i0">cessantem, longos et circumflectere cursus,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>where the slow movement and circuitous course of a lustratio must
+have been in Virgil's mind. The movement round an object for
+lustral purposes is seen in <i>Aen.</i> vi. 229, "idem ter socios pura circumtulit
+unda," where Servius explains <i>circumtulit</i> by <i>purgavit</i>. As early
+as Livius Andronicus (second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>) we find "classem lustratur"
+of fishes swimming round a fleet (Ribb. <i>Trag. Fragmenta</i>, p. 1).<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">441</span></a> Marquardt, p. 324, for the <i>februa</i> of the Luperci, <i>R.F.</i> p. 320
+foll., and the explanations there given. More will be found alluded
+to in Van Gennep, <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, p. 249. To my mind none
+are quite convincing. The Romans believed that blows with these
+<i>februa</i> (strips of the victim's skin) made women fertile; they were
+therefore clearly magical implements, but beyond this we do not
+seem to get. (See also Deubner in <i>Archiv</i>, 1910, p. 495 foll.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">442</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 13, "Februum Sabini purgamentum, et id in
+sacris nostris verbum." Cp. Varro, <i>ap. Nonium</i>, p. 114; Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>,
+ii. 19 foll., where he calls <i>februa piamina, purgamenta</i>, in the language
+of the <i>ius divinum</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">443</span></a> <i>L.L.</i> vi. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">444</span></a> Servius, <i>ad Aen.</i> x. 32; xi. 842; cp. i. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">445</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 127, for the same rite in the Church of England
+(Brand, <i>Popular Antiquities</i>, p. 292).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">446</span></a> <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, ch. ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">447</span></a> For boundary marks in historical times see <i>Gromatici
+auctores</i>, vol. ii. p. 250 foll. (Rudorff).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">448</span></a> If the cattle were in the woodland beyond the settlement, as
+they would be in summer, they could not be protected in this way:
+like an army going into the country of <i>hostes</i> (see above, p. 216)
+they were treated in another way, which we may connect with the
+ritual of the Parilia, as Dr. Frazer has beautifully shown in his paper
+on St. George and the Parilia (<i>Revue des &eacute;tudes ethnographiques et
+sociologiques</i>, 1908, p. 1 foll.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">449</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> i. 338 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">450</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 143; Servius, <i>Aen.</i> v. 755 (from Cato);
+Plutarch, <i>Romulus</i>, xi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">451</span></a> See above, p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">452</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 12 foll. and 42 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">453</span></a> The deities of the city were invoked to preserve the name,
+the magistrates, rites, men, cattle, land, and crops: a list in which
+the name is the only item that carries us back to pre-Christian times.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">454</span></a> Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, pp. 21 and 84 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">455</span></a> Livy xl. 6 init.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">456</span></a> See above, p. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">457</span></a> Numbers xxxi. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">458</span></a> Festus, p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">459</span></a> See H&uuml;lsen-Jordan, <i>R&ouml;m. Topographie</i>, vol. iii. p. 495; Von
+Domaszewski, <i>Abhandlungen</i>, p. 217 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">460</span></a> Suggested by Van Gennep, <i>Les Rites de passage</i>, p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">461</span></a> Livy iii. 28. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">462</span></a> Farnell, <i>Evolution of Religion</i>, p. 132 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">463</span></a> The account of <i>lustratio</i> given in this lecture is adapted from
+the author's chapter on the same subject in <i>Anthropology and the
+Classics</i>, Oxford University Press, 1908.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE X</h4>
+
+<h5>THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME</h5>
+
+
+<p>I said in my first lecture that the whole story of Roman
+religious experience falls into two parts: first, that of the
+formularisation of rules and methods for getting effectively
+into right relations with the Power manifesting itself in
+the universe; secondly, that of the gradual discovery of
+the inadequacy of these, and of the engrafting on the State
+religion of Rome of an ever-increasing number of foreign
+rites and deities. The first of these stories has been
+occupying us so far, and before I leave it for what will be
+practically an introduction to succeeding lectures, it will
+be as well for me to sum up the results at which we have
+already arrived.</p>
+
+<p>I began with what I called the protoplasm of religion,
+the primitive ideas and practices which form the psychological
+basis of the whole growth. The feeling of awe
+and anxiety about that which is mysterious and unknown,
+the feeling which the Romans called <i>religio</i>, seems to have
+manifested itself in Italy, as elsewhere, in those various
+ways which I discussed in my second and third lectures,
+in the various forms of magic, negative and positive. We
+find unmistakable evidence of the existence of those
+strict rules of conduct called taboos, which fetter the mind
+and body of primitive man, which probably arise from an
+ineffective desire to put himself in right relations with
+forces he does not understand, and which have their value
+as a social discipline. Again, we find surviving in
+historical Rome numerous forms of active or positive<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>
+magic, by which it was thought possible to compel or
+overcome those powers, so as to use them for your own
+benefit and against your enemies. But I was careful to
+point out that on the whole little of all this evidence of
+the early existence of magic at Rome is to be found in
+the public religion of the Roman State, and that the
+natural inference from this is that at one time or another
+there must have been a very powerful influence at work in
+cutting away these obsolete root-leaves of the plant that
+was to be, and in making of that plant a neat, well-defined
+growth.</p>
+
+<p>I went on to deal with the first stage in the working
+of this influence, which we found reflected in the religion
+of the family as we know it in historical times. The
+family, settled on the land, with its homestead and its
+regular routine of agricultural process, developed a more
+effective desire to get into right relation with the Power
+manifesting itself in the universe. Anxiety is greatly
+lessened both in the house and on the land, because within
+those limits there is a "peace" (or covenant) between the
+divine and human inhabitants who have taken up their
+residence there. The supernatural powers, conceived now
+(whatever they may have been before) as spirits, are friendly
+if rightly propitiated, and much advance has been made in
+the methods of propitiation; magic and religion are still
+doubtless mixed up together in these, but the tendency
+seems to be to get gradually rid of the more inadequate
+and blundering methods. In fact, man's knowledge of
+the Divine has greatly advanced; spirits have some slight
+tendency to become deities, and magic is in part at least
+superseded by an orderly round of sacrifice and prayer,
+which is performed daily within the house, and within the
+boundary of the land at certain seasons of the year. This
+stage of settlement and routine was the first great revolution
+in the religious experience of the Romans, and
+supplied the basis of their national character.</p>
+
+<p>The second revolution which we can clearly discern,
+and far the most important as a factor in Roman history,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>
+is that of the organisation of the religion of the city-state
+of Rome. Doubtless there were stages intermediate
+between the two, but they are entirely lost to us. We
+had to concentrate our attention on the city of the four
+regions&mdash;the first city we really know&mdash;and to examine
+the one document which has survived from it, the so-called
+calendar of Numa. In my fifth lecture I explained the
+nature of that calendar, and noted how it reflects the life
+of a people at once agricultural and military, and how it
+must presuppose the existence of a highly organised legal
+priesthood, or of some powerful genius for political as well
+as religious legislation. The tradition of a great priest-king
+is not wholly to be despised, for it expresses the
+feeling of the Romans that religious law and order were
+indispensable parts of their whole political and social life.
+During the rest of these lectures I have been trying to
+interrogate this religious calendar, with such help as could
+be gained from any other sources, on two points: (1) the
+conception, or, if we can venture to use the word, the
+knowledge, which the Romans of that early city-state had
+of the Divine; (2) the chief forms and methods of their
+worship. We saw that they did not think of the divine
+beings as existing in human form with human weaknesses,
+but as invisible and intangible functional powers, <i>numina</i>.
+Each had its special limited sphere of action; and some
+were now localised within the <i>pomoerium</i>, or just outside
+it within the <i>ager Romanus</i>, and worshipped under
+a particular name. I suggested that this very settlement
+had probably some influence in preparing them for assuming
+a more definite and personal character, should the
+chance be given them. In regard to the forms of cult
+with which they were propitiated, I found in the ritual of
+sacrifice and prayer a genuine advance towards a really
+religious attitude to the deity, the sacrifices being meant
+to increase his power to benefit the community, and the
+prayers to diminish such inclination as he might have to
+damage it; but that there are in these certain survivals
+of the age of magic, which are, however, only formal, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>
+have lost their original significance. I found some curious
+examples of such survivals in the rite of <i>devotio</i>, and in
+vows generally a somewhat lower type of method in
+dealing with the supernatural. But, on the other hand,
+the forms of <i>lustratio</i>, at the bottom of which seems to lie
+the idea of getting rid of evil spirits and influences, present
+very beautiful examples of what we may really call
+religious ceremony.</p>
+
+<p>There was, then, in this highly-organised religion of the
+city-state, in some ways at least, a great advance. But
+in spite of this gain, it had serious drawbacks. Most
+prominent among these was the fact that it was the
+religion of the State as a whole, and not of the individual
+or the family. Religion, I think we may safely say, had
+placed a certain consecration upon the simple life of the
+family, which was, in fact, the life of the individual; for
+the essence of religion in all stages of civilisation lies in
+the feeling of the individual that his own life, his bodily
+and mental welfare, is dependent on the Divine as he and
+his regard it. But to what extent can it be said that
+religion so consecrated the life of the State as to enable
+each individual in his family group to feel that consecration
+more vividly? That would have constituted a real
+advance in religious development; that was the result, if
+I am not mistaken, of the religion of the Jewish State,
+which with all the force of a powerful hierarchical authority
+addressed its precepts to the mind and will of the individual.
+But at Rome, though the earliest traces and
+traditions of law show a certain consecration of morality,
+inasmuch as the criminal is made over as a kind of propitiatory
+sacrifice to the deity whom he has offended, yet
+in the ordinary course of life, so far as I can discern, the
+individual was left very much where he was, before the
+State arose, in his relation to the Divine.</p>
+
+<p>In no other ancient State that we know of did the
+citizen so entirely resign the regulation of all his dealings
+with the State's gods to the constituted authorities set over
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>him. His obligatory part in the religious ritual of the
+State was simply <i>nil</i>, and all his religious duty on days
+of religious importance was to abstain from civil business,
+to make no disturbance. Within the household he used
+his own simple ritual, the morning prayer, the libation to
+the household deities at meals; and it is exactly here
+that we see a <i>pietas</i>, a sense of duty consecrated by
+religion, which seems to have had a real ethical value,
+and reminds us of modern piety. But in all his relations
+with the gods <i>qua</i> citizen, he resigned himself to the
+trained and trusted priesthoods, who knew the secrets of
+ritual and all that was comprised in the <i>ius divinum</i>; and
+by passive obedience to these authorities he gradually
+began to deaden the sense of <i>religio</i> that was in him.
+And this tendency was increased by the mere fact of life
+in a city, which as time went on became more and more
+the rule; for, as I pointed out, the round of religious
+festivals no longer exactly expressed the needs and the
+work of that agricultural life in which it had its origin.</p>
+
+<p>It would be an interesting inquiry, if the material for
+an answer were available, to try and discover how this
+gradual absorption of religion (or rather religious duties)
+by the State and its authorities affected the morality of
+the individual Roman. It has often been maintained of
+late that religion and morality have nothing in common;
+and even Dr. Westermarck,<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">464</a> who, unlike most anthropologists,
+treats the whole subject from a psychological
+point of view, seems inclined to come to this conclusion.
+For myself, I am rather disposed to agree with another
+eminent anthropologist,<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">465</a> that religion and morality are
+really elemental instincts of human nature, primarily undistinguishable
+from each other; and if that be so, then
+the over-elaboration of either the moral or religious law,
+or of the two combined, will tend to weaken the binding
+force of both. If, as at Rome, the citizen is made perfectly
+comfortable in his relations with the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe, owing to the complete mastery of
+the <i>ius divinum</i> by the State and its officials, there will
+assuredly be a tendency to paralyse the elemental religious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>
+impulse, and with it, if I am not mistaken, the elemental
+sense of right and wrong. For in the life of a state with
+such a legalised religious system as this, so long at least
+as it thrives and escapes serious disaster, there will be few
+or none of those moments of peril and anxiety in which
+"man is brought face to face with the eternal realities of
+existence,"<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">466</a> and when he becomes awakened to a new
+sense of religion and duty. In the life of the family, the
+critical moments of birth, puberty, marriage, and death
+regularly recur, and keep up the instinct, because man is
+then brought face to face with these eternal facts; there
+is no need of extraordinary perils, such as tempests or
+pestilences, to keep the instinct alive. But in the life of
+the State as such there were no such continually recurring
+reminders; even the old agricultural perils were out of
+sight of the ordinary citizen. Thus the farthest we can
+go in ascribing a moral influence to the State religion is
+in giving it credit for helping to maintain that sense of
+law and order which served to keep the life of the family
+sound and wholesome. That it did to some extent perform
+this service I have already pointed out;<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">467</a> and it is a
+remarkable fact that the decay of the State religion was
+coincident, in the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, with the decay
+of the family life and virtues. But on the whole, as we
+shall see, the <i>ius divinum</i> had rather the effect of hypnotising
+the religious and moral instinct than of keeping it
+awake. It needed new perils for the State as a whole to
+re-create that feeling which is the root of the growth of
+conscience; and when the craving did at last come upon
+the Roman, which in times of doubt and peril has come
+upon individuals and communities in all ages, for support
+and comfort from the Unseen, it had to be satisfied by
+giving him new gods to worship in new ways&mdash;aliens
+with whom he had nothing in common, who had no
+home in his patriotic feeling, no place in his religious
+experience.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">468</a></p>
+
+<p>I wish to conclude this first part of my subject by
+giving some account of the first beginning of this intro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>duction
+of new deities, <i>di novensiles</i> as they were called,<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">469</a>
+into the old Roman religious world. Those, however, of
+whom I shall speak here were not introduced as the
+result of disaster or distress, but were simply the inevitable
+consequence of the growing importance of the city
+on the Tiber&mdash;of the beginnings of her commercial and
+political relations with her neighbours, and also of her
+own development in the arts of civilisation. The religious
+system with which I have so far been dealing was the
+exclusive property, we must remember, of those <i>gentes</i>,
+with the families composing them, which formed the
+original human material of the State, and were known as
+<i>patrician</i>. If we had no other reason for being sure of
+this, the fact that all State priesthoods were originally
+limited to patrician families would be sufficient to prove
+it;<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">470</a> even down to the latest times the <i>rex sacrorum</i>, the
+three <i>flamines maiores</i>, and the <i>Salii</i> were necessarily of
+patrician birth&mdash;a fact which had much to do with their
+tendency to disappear in the last age of the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>But in the course of the period within which the Numan
+calendar was drawn up, this community of patrician
+burghers began to suffer certain changes. A population
+of "outsiders," as in so many Greek cities, had gained
+admittance to the site of Rome, though not into its
+political and religious organism.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">471</a> So solid a city, in such
+an important position, was sure to attract such settlers,
+whether from the Latins dwelling about it, or from the
+Etruscans on the north, or the Greek cities along the
+coast southwards and in Sicily. The Latins were, of
+course, of the same stock as the Romans, and already in
+some loose political relation to them; and as each Latin
+city was open, like Rome, to Greek and Etruscan influences,
+we should probably see in Latium an indirect
+channel of communication between those peoples and
+Rome, to be reckoned in addition to the direct and
+obvious one. As Dr. J. B. Carter has well said,<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">472</a> "the
+Latins, becoming rapidly inferior to Rome, were enabled
+to do her at least this service, that of absorbing the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>
+foreign influences which came, and in certain cases of
+Latinising them, and thus transmitting them to Rome in
+a more or less assimilated condition." As Dr. Carter has
+been the first to explain the arrival of these new religious
+influences to English readers, I shall in what follows
+closely follow his footsteps. They indicate and also
+reflect a change from agricultural economy and habits to
+a society interested in trade and travel: I say interested,
+because we cannot be quite sure how far the old Romans
+engaged in such pursuits themselves, as well as admitting
+from outside those who did, with their worships. They
+indicate also the growth of an industrial population,
+organised in gilds, as in the Middle Ages; here beyond
+doubt the workers were mainly of native birth. Lastly,
+they indicate an advance in military efficiency and, as a
+result of this military progress, some change in the
+relation of Rome to her fellow-communities of Latium.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the first of these new deities to arrive was the
+famous Hercules Victor or Invictus of the <i>ara maxima</i> in
+the Forum Boarium, who continued for centuries to
+accept the tithes of the booty of generals and the profits
+of successful merchants. Virgil in the eighth <i>Aeneid</i><a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">473</a>
+makes Evander show his guest this altar and the celebration
+of its festival, and tell him the tale of Cacus and the
+oxen and the cave on the Aventine hard by; the poet,
+like every one else until the last few years, believed the
+cult to be primeval and Roman. But one of the many
+gains for the history of Roman religion which have
+recently been secured&mdash;even since the publication of my
+<i>Roman Festivals</i>&mdash;is the certainty that the Italian Hercules
+is really the Greek Heracles acclimatised in the sister
+peninsula, and that the cult of the <i>ara maxima</i>, though
+that altar was inside the sacred boundary of the <i>pomoerium</i>,
+was not native in Rome.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">474</a> It seems, however, almost
+certain that it did not come direct from any part of
+Hellas, though its position, close to the Tiber and its
+landing-place, might naturally lead us to think so. It is
+almost impossible to believe that Heracles would have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>
+been allowed inside the <i>pomoerium</i>, had he been introduced
+by foreigners in the strict sense of the word. No doubt
+much has yet to be learnt about Hercules in Italy; but
+recent painstaking researches have made it possible for us
+to acquiesce in the belief that this Hercules of the <i>ara</i>
+came from a Latin city,&mdash;from that Tibur which by
+tradition was of Greek origin&mdash;"Tibur Argeo positum
+colono,"&mdash;and which, like its neighbour Praeneste, was
+curiously receptive of foreign influence.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">475</a> It is believed
+that the Greek traders from Campania and Magna Graecia
+made their way northwards through Latium, and thus
+eventually reached Rome with the deity whom they seem
+to have always carried with them. He was, in the words
+of Dr. Carter,<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">476</a> a deity of whom, by the contagion of
+commerce, the Romans already felt a great need, a god
+of great power from whom came success in the practical
+undertakings of life; and it was quite natural that his
+shrine should be in the busy cattle-market of the city, if
+we remember that the wealth of the early Romans, <i>pecunia</i>
+as they called it, mainly consisted in sheep and oxen.
+As Heracles in various forms was to be met with all over
+the Mediterranean coasts, it would indeed be strange if he
+were not found in the growing city commanding the
+central water-way of Italy; and his appearance there may
+be said to have put Rome in touch with the Mediterranean
+business of that day. There he was destined to remain,
+with all the honour of an oldest cult, though other cults
+of the same god came in later, and were established quite
+close to him; and though never a State deity of much
+importance, he exercised a wholesome influence in matters
+of trade, as the god who sanctioned your oath, and who
+accepted the tithe of your gain which you had vowed at
+the outset of an enterprise.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">477</a></p>
+
+<p>In the same period, though the traditional date of their
+temple is later, came the Twin Brethren, Castor and
+Pollux, and found their way, like Hercules, into the city
+within the <i>pomoerium</i>. The famous temple of Castor
+(before whom his brother gradually gave way) was at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>
+the end of the Forum under the Palatine, close to the
+fountain of Juturna, where the Twins watered their horses
+after the battle of Lake Regillus; and there the beautiful
+remains of the latest reconstruction of it still stand.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">478</a> This
+position alone should make us feel confident that the cult
+did not come direct from Greek sources; and it had its
+origin, perhaps, in the period when Rome was in close
+relation with Latin cities, which themselves had been
+gradually absorbing the cults and products of the Greeks
+of Campania. There is a strong probability that it came
+from Tusculum, with which the legend of the Regillus
+battle is closely connected, and where the cult had beyond
+doubt taken strong root.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">479</a> Like the Hercules of the <i>ara
+maxima</i>, the Twins were no doubt brought by the course
+of trade, which was continually pushing up from the south;
+for they too were favourites of the merchant adventurer,
+and throughout Hellas were the special protectors of the
+seafarer. Their connection with horses is well known, and
+not as yet satisfactorily explained in its Roman aspect;
+but Dr. J. B. Carter thinks that they first became prominent
+in Greece when the Homeric use of chariots was abandoned
+for a primitive kind of cavalry, and that "the Castor-cult
+moved steadily northward (from Magna Graecia), carried,
+as it were, on horseback," and that when it reached Rome
+it became connected with the reorganisation of the cavalry.
+This seems to be almost pure guess-work, and, attractive
+as it is, I fear we cannot put much faith in it.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">480</a> The
+position in the Forum, and the well-known connection of
+both twins with oaths,<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">481</a> seem to me rather to suggest a
+more natural origin in trade. I would suggest that the
+equine character of the cult in Latium was secondary, and
+that the connection of the temple and cult with the Roman
+cavalry was a natural result, but not a primary feature, of
+its introduction. I should be inclined to look on it as coming
+in with the building of the temple, which was probably
+of later origin than the original introduction of the cult.</p>
+
+<p>Some time after the calendar was drawn up, a deity
+was established on the Aventine, <i>i.e.</i> not within the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>
+<i>pomoerium</i>, whose arrival marks a development in the
+organisation of handicraft. We cannot indeed <i>prove</i> that
+the settlement of Minerva on the Aventine took place so
+early, but we have strong grounds for the conclusion.<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">482</a>
+This temple was in historical times the religious centre of
+trade-gilds; and these gilds were by universal Roman
+tradition ascribed to Numa as founder, which simply means
+that they were among the oldest institutions of the City-state.
+As Minerva does not appear in the calendar, had
+no <i>flamen</i>, and therefore must have been altogether outside
+the original patrician religious system, the natural inference
+is that the temple was founded, like the shrines of
+Hercules and the Twin Brethren, towards the end of the
+period we are dealing with, and was from the first the
+centre of the gilds. Of those mentioned by Plutarch in
+his life of Numa (ch. 17), we know that the following gilds
+belonged to Minerva: <i>tibicines</i>, <i>fabri</i> (carpenters?), <i>fullones</i>,
+<i>sutores</i>; and it is a reasonable guess that the others,
+<i>coriarii</i>, <i>fabri aerarii</i>, and <i>aurifices</i>, were also under her
+protection. These trades, as Waltzing remarks in his
+great work on Roman gilds,<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">483</a> are all in keeping with the
+rudimentary civilisation of primitive Rome; they are those
+which were first carried on outside of the family. Workers
+in iron are not among them; bronze is still the common
+metal.</p>
+
+<p>Now of course we must not go so far as to assume that
+none of these trades existed before the cult of Minerva
+came to Rome; but from her close association with them
+all through Roman history, and from the fact that the
+Romans were originally an agricultural folk, as the calendar
+shows, with a simple economy and simple needs, it is
+legitimate to connect the arrival of the goddess with the
+growth of town life and the demand for articles once made
+in rude fashion chiefly on the farms, and with a period
+of improvement in manufacture, and the use of better
+materials and better methods. Whence, then, did these
+improvements come? This is only another way of asking
+the question, Whence did Minerva come?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span></p>
+
+<p>By the common consent of investigators she came from
+the semi-Latin town of Falerii in southern Etruria, where
+these arts were practised by Etruscans, or those who had
+learnt of Etruscans.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">484</a> Her name is Italian, not Etruscan;<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">485</a>
+she was an old Italian deity taken over by the invading
+Etruscans from the peoples whose land they occupied.
+But while in the hands of Etruscans she had adopted
+Greek characteristics, especially those of Athene, the
+patroness of arts and crafts. She soon, indeed, appeared
+with some of the character of Athene Polias, as we shall
+see at the end of this lecture; but her real importance, far
+down into the period of the Empire, was in the temple on
+the Aventine, and in connection with the crafts. The dedication
+day of the temple was March 19, which was known,
+as we learn on the best authority, also as <i>artificum dies</i>.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">486</a></p>
+
+<p>There was another famous temple on the Aventine
+which by universal consent is attributed to the same period
+as that of Minerva. Diana does not appear in the
+calendar, and had no <i>flamen</i>; Roman tradition ascribed
+her arrival to Servius Tullius, and we shall not be far
+wrong if we place it at or towards the end of the age of
+the kingship. The temple was celebrated as containing
+an ancient statue of Diana, the oldest or almost the oldest
+representation of a deity in human form known at Rome,
+which was a copy of a rude image of Artemis at Massilia, of
+the type of the famous &#958;&#8001;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#957; of the Ephesian Artemis.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">487</a>
+It also contained a <i>lex templi</i> in Greek characters, and a
+treaty or charter of a federation of Latin cities with Rome
+as their head, which was seen by Dionysius of Halicarnassus
+when in Rome in the time of Augustus.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">488</a></p>
+
+<p>The explanation of the arrival of Diana is simple. The
+<i>dies natalis</i> of the temple is the same as that of the famous
+shrine of the same goddess at Aricia&mdash;the Ides of August.<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">489</a>
+Aricia was at this time the centre of a league of cities including
+Tusculum and Tibur, with both of which, as we
+have just seen, Rome was closely connected at this time;
+a league which is generally supposed to have superseded
+that of Alba, marking some revolution in Latium con<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>sequent
+on the fall of Alba.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">490</a> Diana was a wood-spirit, a
+tree-spirit, as Dr. Frazer has taught us, with some relation
+to the moon and to the life of women; of late she has
+become familiar to every one, not as she was known later,
+in the disguise of Artemis, but as the deity of that shrine&mdash;"pinguis
+et placabilis ara Dianae"&mdash;of which the priest
+was the Rex Nemorensis: he who "slew the slayer and
+shall himself be slain."<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">491</a> But in those days it was only
+the fact that she was the chief local deity of Aricia, the
+leading city of the new league, which brought her suddenly
+into notice. When the strategic position of Rome gave
+her in turn the lead in Latium, Diana passed on from
+Aricia to the Tiber, entered on a new life, and eventually
+took over the attributes of Artemis, with whom she had
+much in common. The Diana whom we know in Roman
+literature is really Artemis; but Diana of the Aventine,
+when she first arrived there, was the wood-spirit of Aricia,
+and her temple was an outward sign of Rome's new position
+in Latium: it was built by the chiefs of the Latin
+cities in conjunction with Rome, and is described by Varro
+as "commune Latinorum Dianae templum."<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">492</a> It was
+appropriately placed on the only Roman hill which
+was then still covered with wood, and was outside the
+<i>pomoerium</i>.</p>
+
+<p>There was one other goddess, a Latin one, who was
+traditionally associated with this period, and especially
+with king Servius Tullius&mdash;Fortuna, or Fors Fortuna;
+she does not appear in the calendar, had no <i>flamen</i>, and
+must have been introduced from outside. But it was long
+before Fortuna became of any real importance in Rome,
+and I shall leave her out of account here. She had two
+homes of renown in Latium, at Antium and Praeneste, and
+was in each connected with a kind of oracle, which seems
+to have been specially resorted to by women before and
+after childbirth. She was also very probably a deity of
+other kinds of fertility; and in course of time she took on
+the characteristics of the Greek Tyche, and became a
+favourite deity of good luck.<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">493</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Let us pause for one moment to reflect on the character
+of these new deities of whom I have been speaking: Hercules,
+Castor, Minerva, Diana. It must be confessed that,
+as compared with the great deities of the calendar, they
+are uninteresting; with the exception, perhaps, of Hercules,
+they do not seem to have any real <i>religious</i> significance.
+They are local deities brought in from outside, and have
+no root in the mind of the Roman people as we have so
+far been studying it. They seem to indicate the growth
+of a population in which the true old Roman religious
+instinct was absent; they represent commerce, business,
+handicraft, or politics, pursuits in which the old Roman
+and Latin farmers were not directly interested; they were
+suffered to be in Rome because the new population and
+the new interests must of necessity have their own worships,
+but they were not taken into the heart and mind of
+the people. So at least it seems to us, after we have
+been examining the development of the native religious
+plant from its root upwards. But we must remember that
+of that new population, its life and its needs, we know
+hardly anything, and it would not be safe to assume that
+the conception of Minerva had no influence on the conscience
+of the artisan, or that of Hercules no power of
+binding the trader to honest dealing and respect for his
+oath. As for Diana, though, as Dr. Carter says, she had
+been introduced "as part of a diplomatic game, not because
+Rome felt any religious need of her," the fact that the
+Latin treaty was kept in her temple has a certain moral
+as well as political significance which ought not to be
+overlooked. It is impossible to put ourselves mentally in
+the position of the men who brought these cults to Rome,
+or of the Romans who granted them admittance; but we
+shall be on the safe side if we imagine the former at least
+to have had a conviction that their dealings at Rome
+would not prosper unless they were carried out with the
+blessing of their own gods.</p>
+
+<p>But we now come, in the last place, to the foundation
+of a cult of a very different kind from these, and of far<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>
+greater import than any of them in the history of Roman
+religious experience. We have seen that the temple of
+Diana on the Aventine meant the transference of the
+headship of the Latin league from Aricia to Rome. When
+Rome took over this headship, and by removing its religious
+centre to Rome&mdash;or, perhaps more accurately, by offering
+Diana of Aricia a new home by the Tiber&mdash;removed also
+any danger of a new power growing up in Latium outside
+her own influence, she seems to have taken another important
+step in the same direction. Arch&aelig;ological evidence
+confirms the tradition that at this time the temple of
+Jupiter Latiaris, the real and original god of the league, on
+the Alban hill, was rebuilt;<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">494</a> and as the remains of its
+foundation are of Etruscan workmanship, we may believe
+that the work was undertaken at that period of an Etruscan
+dominion in Rome which no one now seriously doubts,
+and which is marked by the Etruscan name Tarquinius,
+and by the old tradition that Servius Tullius was really
+an Etruscan bearing the Etruscan name Mastarna.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">495</a> Now
+those in power at Rome at this time, whoever they were,
+not content with rebuilding the ancient temple of Jupiter
+on the Alban hill, conceived the idea of also building a
+great temple at Rome, on the steep rock overlooking the
+Forum, to the same deity of the heaven who had long
+presided over the Latin league. The tradition was that
+this temple was vowed by the first Tarquinius, begun by
+the second, and finally dedicated by the first consul
+Horatius in the year 509.<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">496</a> It is quite possible that this
+tradition indicates the truth in outline&mdash;that it was an
+Etruscan who conceived the idea of the great work, and
+that the foreign domination gave way to a Roman reaction
+before the temple was ready for dedication. We cannot
+know what exactly was the Etruscan intention as to the
+cult; but we know that the temple was built in the Etruscan
+style, that its foundations were of Etruscan masonry,<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">497</a> and
+that the deities inhabiting it were three&mdash;a <i>trias</i>&mdash;a feature
+quite foreign to the native Roman religion.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">498</a> Jupiter,
+Juno, and Minerva had each a separate dwelling (<i>cella</i>)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>
+within the walls of the temple, which, in order to meet this
+innovation, was almost as broad as it was long. Whether
+this trias was the one originally intended by the Etruscan
+king or kings it is impossible to say; but I have great
+doubts of it. I confess that I have no ground but probability
+to go on when I conjecture that a long period
+elapsed between the beginning of this great undertaking
+and the final completion, and that in the meantime many
+things had happened of which we have no record; that
+when the temple was finished it was in Roman hands,
+though retaining its Etruscan characteristics, and especially
+the combination of three deities; and that those three
+deities were essentially Roman in conception. Roman,
+too, was the idea that one of the three should be paramount;
+the two goddesses never attained to any special
+significance, and the temple always remained essentially
+the dwelling of the great Jupiter, the Father of heaven.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">499</a></p>
+
+<p>The cult-titles of this Jupiter, Optimus Maximus, the
+best and greatest, seem to raise him to a position not
+only far above his colleagues in the temple, but above all
+other Jupiters in Latium or elsewhere, and presumably
+above all other deities. They thus suggest a deliberate
+attempt to place him in a higher position than even the
+Jupiter Latiaris of the Mons Albanus, whose temple had
+been rebuilt in the same period. The very novelty of
+such cult-titles betrays both power and genius in their
+originator; they are wholly unlike any we have met with
+so far; they do not suggest a function or a locality or a
+connection with some other deity; they stand absolutely
+alone in the history of the Roman religion till far on in
+the Empire.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">500</a> Here is no <i>numen</i> needed at a particular
+season to bless some agricultural operation; Jupiter
+Optimus Maximus seems hardly to be limited by space
+or season, and is to be always there looking down on
+his people from his seat on the hill which was henceforward
+to be called Capitolinus, because the space which
+had been prepared there for his reception bore the name
+of Capitolium, the place of headship.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">501</a> These titles, Best<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>
+and Greatest, call for reflection, for more thought than we
+are apt to give them; one wonders whether they can be
+as old as tradition claimed, and in fact at least one recent
+writer has been tempted, without sufficient reason, to
+date the whole foundation two centuries later than the
+Tarquinii.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">502</a> To me they rather suggest the hypothesis
+that the break-up of the Etruscan domination in Rome
+was the work of a man or men inspired by a new national
+feeling which ascribed the revolution to the great god of
+the race, to whose shrine on the same hill the kings had
+been used to bring the spoils of their enemies<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">503</a>; and
+that they took advantage of the uncompleted Etruscan
+temple, with its huge foundations and underground
+<i>favissae</i>, to settle there a new Jupiter, better and greater
+than any other, to whom his people would be for ever
+grateful, and in whom they would for ever put their trust.
+All older associations with cults of the Heaven-god were
+to be banished from the Capitolium, just as all other
+deities were believed to have fled from the spot, save
+only Terminus; the ancient priest of Jupiter, the Flamen
+Dialis, had no special connection with this temple and its
+cult, which were under the immediate charge of an <i>aedituus</i>
+only.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">504</a> Here was the centre of the public worship of the
+State as a whole, not only of the old patrician State; and
+no such ancient curiosity as the Flamen Dialis, who, as
+I have suggested, was a survival from some older era of
+Latin religious history, was to be supreme there. Here
+the Consul of the free Republic was to offer, on entering
+office, the victim&mdash;the white heifer of the Alban cult&mdash;which
+his predecessor had vowed, and himself to bind his
+successor to a like sacrifice; and this he did on behalf of
+patrician and plebeian alike. Here the victorious general
+was to deposit his spoils, reaching the temple in the
+solemn procession of the <i>triumphus</i>, and wearing the
+<i>ornamenta</i> of the deity himself; for here, contrary to all
+precedent in the worship of Romans, there was an image
+of the god wrought in terra cotta and brought from
+Etruria.<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">505</a> It is in connection with such solemn events as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>
+these that we may find the origin of those imposing processions
+which for centuries were to impress the minds of
+the Roman people, and indeed of their enemies also,
+with the might and magnificence of their Empire; for
+apart from the triumphal processions with which we are
+all familiar, the scene at the entrance of new consuls on
+their office must have been most impressive. They were
+accompanied by the other magistrates, the Senate, the
+priests in their robes of office, and by an immense crowd
+of citizens. After the ceremony the Senate met <i>in the
+temple</i> to transact the first religious business of the year.
+Here too the tribal assembly met for the purpose of
+enrolling the new levies before each season of war, in
+order that the youths who were to fight the battles of
+Rome might realise the presence of Rome's great protecting
+deity. Even in the most degenerate days of the
+Roman religion, though Jupiter had suffered from the
+ridicule of playwrights or the speculations of philosophers,
+an orator's appeal to the Best and Greatest looking down
+on the Forum from his seat above it, could not fail to
+move the hearers; "Ille, ille Iuppiter restitit," cried Cicero
+in the peril of the Catilinarian conspiracy, "ille Capitolium,
+ille haec templa, ille cunctam urbem, ille vos omnes salvos
+esse voluit."<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">506</a></p>
+
+<p>Nor was it only the State as represented by its officials
+that could and did address itself to the worship of this
+great god. It seems probable that the new idea of a
+single guardian deity, with his two attendant goddesses,
+for which the Romans were indebted to the genius (whoever
+he may have been) who released them from the yoke
+of the Etruscan, opened the cult to the individual in a
+way which must have been a novelty in the religious life
+of the people.<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">507</a> The most memorable example of this is
+in the famous story told of Scipio, the conqueror of
+Hannibal, which is not likely to be an invention of the
+annalists. As Gellius records it, it stands thus: Scipio
+was wont to ascend to the temple just before daylight, to
+order the <i>cella Iovis</i> to be opened for him, and there to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>
+remain alone for a long time, as if taking counsel with
+the god about the affairs of the State. The dogs, it was
+said, which guarded the entrance, astonished the temple-keepers
+by treating him always with respect, while they
+would attack or bark at others.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">508</a></p>
+
+<p>The reader may remark, that during the last few
+minutes I have wandered quite away from the Roman
+religion which we have so far been trying to understand,
+and he will be right. I have but just touched on this great
+cult, which properly belongs to Rome of the Republic, in
+order to show how great a change must have taken place,
+how great a revolution must have been consummated,
+when this temple arose on its Etruscan substructures.
+We have marked two forward steps in the social and
+political experience of the Romans: the settlement of the
+family on the land and the organisation of the City-state
+with its calendar. Here is a third, the liberation of
+that State from a foreign dominion, and the development,
+in matters both internal and external, which subjection
+and liberation alike brought with them. In regard to
+religious experience, the first produced the ordered
+worship of the household, which had a lasting effect on the
+Roman character; the second produced the <i>ius divinum</i>,
+the priesthoods and the ritual for the service of the
+various <i>numina</i> which had consented to take up their
+abode in the city and its precincts. These two taken
+together changed doubt and anxiety into confidence,
+stilled the <i>religio</i> natural to uncivilised man, and developed
+the machinery of magic into forms and ceremonies
+which were more truly religious. Now we note a third great
+social step forward, which brings with it a new conception
+and expression of the religious unity of the State; henceforward,
+alongside of a multiplicity of cults and of priests
+attached to them, we have one central worship to which
+all free citizens may resort, and a trinity of guardian
+deities, of whom one, Jupiter Best and Greatest, is the
+one presiding genius of the whole State.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, there can hardly be a doubt that this new cult<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>
+marks a more extensive communication with neighbouring
+peoples than the State had as yet experienced or encouraged.
+Etruria, Latium, and Greece, all seem to have
+had a hand in it. Of its relation to the Latins and
+Etruscans I have already spoken. It only remains for
+me to note the fact that it was here, in this Capitoline
+temple, according to unanimous tradition, that those
+legendary "Sibylline books" were deposited which came
+from a Greek source, and according to the story, from
+Cumae.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">509</a> These mysterious books were destined to
+change the whole character of the religion of the Romans
+during the next two centuries; and this is why the
+dedication of the great temple is a convenient halting-place
+on our journey. I propose to begin the second
+part of my subject by examining the nature of this
+change, and then to pass on to others, until we have
+reached the end of the religious experience of the genuine
+Roman people.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE X.</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">464</span></a> <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, chapters l.-lii.:
+"Gods as guardians of morality."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">465</span></a> Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life</i>, in a remarkable chapter on the
+function of religion (ch. ix.), especially p. 287 foll. "Morality,"
+says Mr. Crawley, "is one of the results of the religious impulse."
+What he means here by morality is not "that elaborated by abstract
+thinkers," but the "morality of elemental human nature." "Elemental
+morality" may be a somewhat obscure term; but I think
+it is highly probable that Mr. Crawley is, in part at least, right in
+ascribing the origin of morality to the religious impulse.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">466</span></a> Crawley, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 265.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">467</span></a> Above, pp. 107-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">468</span></a> See the author's article in <i>Hibbert Journal</i> for July 1907,
+p. 894.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">469</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 15 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">470</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 421: Aust, <i>Religion der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">471</span></a> I am, of course, well aware that quite recently attempts have
+been made to explain the <i>plebs</i> as the original inhabitants of Latium,
+and the Romans as conquering invaders; <i>e.g.</i> by Prof. Ridgeway
+in his paper, "Who were the Romans," read to the British Academy,
+and by Binder in his recently published volume <i>Die Plebs</i>.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>
+The theory is a natural one, and not out of harmony with the facts
+as known; but it has yet to be further developed and tested, and
+as those who hold it are not as yet in agreement with each other,
+and as the evidence which alone can prove it is of a very special
+character, archaeological and linguistic, I have expressed myself
+in terms of the older view.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">472</span></a> <i>The Religion of Numa</i>, p. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">473</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> viii. 184 foll.; the description of the festival is in 280
+foll.; where the interesting points are the priests of the gentes
+appointed to look after the cult (the Potitii only are here mentioned)
+"pellibus in morem cincti," and the Salii "populeis evincti tempora
+ramis."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">474</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 219 foll.; Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p.
+31 foll. The ground had been prepared for the new view by the
+elaborate articles in Roscher's <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>, vol. ii. pp. 2253
+foll. and 2901 foll. Of late a painstaking discussion by J. G.
+Winter has appeared in the <i>University of Michigan Studies for
+1910</i>, p. 171 foll.; he mainly confirms Wissowa's conclusions, but
+provisionally accepts a suggestion of mine (<i>R.F.</i> 197) that the
+tithe practice of the <i>ara maxima</i> may possibly have been of
+Phoenician origin, and points out that E. Curtius made the same
+suggestion as long ago as 1845. On p. 269 he also dwells, very
+properly, I think, on the part which the Etruscans may have had
+in the dissemination of the myth and cult of the Greek Heracles.
+Wissowa, however, stoutly maintains that these are simply Greek
+and of commercial origin. It has been Wissowa's special and
+valuable function to elucidate the Greek origin of many Roman
+cults and legends; but I doubt if he has adequately considered
+the influence of other peoples, and in particular of Phoenicians and
+Etruscans. Certainly the Hercules question is not finally settled
+by his masterly analysis of it in <i>R.K.</i> p. 220 foll. But most
+of what I said in <i>R.F.</i> about the Hercules of the <i>ara maxima</i>
+may now be considered obsolete; and I may add that my remarks
+on the supposed connection of Hercules with Genius, Dius Fidius,
+and Jupiter in the same work, p. 143 foll., have lost much strength
+since Wissowa's book appeared. Yet I am not prepared to accept
+the view which would deny to Hercules on Italian soil all contamination
+with Italian ideas; as Willamowitz-Moellendorf puts it
+(<i>Herakles</i>, ed. 2, vol. i. p. 25), "Die Italiker haben dem K&ouml;rper,
+den sie &uuml;bernahmen, den Odem ihrer eigenen Seele eingeblasen:
+aber wie der Name ist der Gestalt des Hercules hellenischer
+Import." There are points in connection with the Roman Hercules,
+<i>e.g.</i> the <i>nodus herculaneus</i> of the bride's girdle, which Wissowa
+does not explain, and which, so far as I can see, can only be
+explained by assuming that, as might have been expected, the
+Greek Hercules became to some extent entangled in the web of
+Italian thought.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">475</span></a> The cult was Greek in detail; <i>Graeco ritu</i>, according to
+Varro as quoted by Macrobius iii. 6. 17; see also references in
+Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 222, note 2. Following R. Peter in the articles
+in Roscher, I assumed, in <i>R.F.</i> p. 194, that this might be a later
+reconstruction of an originally Italian cult; but for the present
+it is safer to look on the <i>Graecus ritus</i> as primitive, and on the presence
+of Salii, a genuine Italian institution, as brought from Tibur by
+the gens Pinaria, of which there is a trace in that city (<i>C.I.L.</i> xiv.
+3541). There also Salii were engaged in the cult of Hercules Victor,
+to whom tithes were also offered (<i>C.I.L.</i> xiv. 3541). The evidence
+for the theory that the cult came to Rome from Tibur is summarised
+by Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">476</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">477</span></a> For the connection of the cult with trade, Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+225; and the story told in Macrobius iii. 6. 11, from Masurius
+Sabinus, of a <i>tibicen</i> who became a merchant and had an interview
+with the god in a dream. For the connection with <i>oaths</i>, <i>R.F.</i> p. 138.
+I may say before leaving Hercules that though I accept the latest
+hypotheses provisionally, I am far from believing that the last word
+has been said on the subject.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">478</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Lanciani, <i>Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>,
+p. 271 foll. The date of the temple is 482 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, but it was vowed
+in 496 after the Regillus battle. The three columns still standing
+date from 7 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">479</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 217, who points out that the Dioscuri
+never appear in <i>lectisternia</i> at Rome, as they do at Tusculum,
+which shows that the latter cult was more directly Greek than that
+at Rome, and that the Roman authorities admitted it as a Latin cult
+without the Greek details.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">480</span></a> Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 38. There seemed to be difficulties in the
+way of his conclusion; the Dioscuri were very strong in the
+Peloponnese, yet the Spartans neglected the use of cavalry. At
+any rate the theory needs careful historical testing. See article
+"Dioscuri" in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i> It would seem
+natural that when once the cult had been introduced by traders
+it might become specially attached to the cavalry, owing to the
+ancient connection of the Twins with horses.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">481</span></a> Ecastor and Edepol, which were oaths used especially by
+women, who were not allowed to swear by Hercules, Gell. xi. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">482</span></a> The reasoning will be found in full in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 203
+foll., and in his article "Minerva" in the <i>Mythological Lexicon</i>.
+See also Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p. 45 foll. For the position of
+this temple and that of Diana on the Aventine, a suburb which
+cannot be proved to have been then within any city wall, see Carter
+in <i>Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society for 1909</i>, p.
+136 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">483</span></a> Waltzing, <i>&Eacute;tude historique sur les corporations romaines</i>,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>
+vol. i. pp. 63 and 199. The relation between town life and trades
+is stated with his usual insight by von Jhering, <i>Evolution of the
+Aryan</i>, p. 93 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">484</span></a> See M&uuml;ller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 47; Deecke, <i>Falisker</i>,
+p. 89 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">485</span></a> Minerva or Menrva is assuredly not Etruscan, though frequently
+found on Etruscan monuments; see Deecke, <i>l.c.</i> p. 89 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">486</span></a> Fasti Praenestini in <i>C.I.L.</i> i.<sup>2</sup> March 19. "Artificum dies
+(quod Minervae) aedis in Aventino eo die est (dedicata)." This is
+one of those additional notes in the Fast. Praen., which are believed
+to have been the work of Verrius Flaccus: see <i>Roman Festivals</i>,
+p. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">487</span></a> Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 288. We know the
+fact from Strabo's account of Massilia, Bk. iv. p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">488</span></a> Dion. Hal. iv. 26. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">489</span></a> Statius, <i>Silvae</i> iii. 1. 60. See Wissowa's article "Diana"
+in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">490</span></a> Wissowa, <i>l.c.</i> p. 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">491</span></a> <i>Golden Bough</i>, i. p. 1 foll.; <i>Early History of the Kingship</i>,
+Lecture I.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">492</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> 5. 43; Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">493</span></a> See on Fortuna the exhaustive article by R. Peter in the
+<i>Mythological Lexicon</i>; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 206 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 161 foll.,
+and 223 foll.; Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 50 foll. Dr. Carter seems to me
+to be too certain of the absence of any idea of luck or chance in the
+original conception of Fortuna: the word <i>fors</i>, so far as we know,
+never had any other meaning, and the deity Fors must be a personification
+of an abstraction, like Ops, Fides, and Salus. See
+Axtell, <i>Deification of abstract idea in Roman literature</i>, p. 9, with
+whom I agree in rejecting the notion of Marquardt and Wissowa
+that she was a deity of horticulture. He rightly points out that she
+is not included in the list of agricultural deities in Varro, <i>R.R.</i>
+i. 1. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">494</span></a> See Aust in his article "Jupiter" in the <i>Myth. Lex.</i> p. 689,
+where the evidence for the contemporaneous origin of the temple on
+the Alban hill and that on the Capitol is fully stated. In this case
+excavations have confirmed the Roman tradition, which ascribed the
+former temple to one or other of the Tarquinii. Jordan, <i>R&ouml;m. Top.</i>
+i. pt. 2. p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">495</span></a> See the speech of Claudius the emperor, <i>C.I.L.</i> xiii. 1668,
+printed in Furneaux' <i>Tacitus' Annals</i>, vol. ii. Gardthausen,
+<i>Mastarna</i>, p. 40; M&uuml;ller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, i. 111. For the
+Etruscan name Mastarna, see Dennis, <i>Cities and Cemeteries of
+Etruria</i><sup>3</sup>, ii. 506 foll.: Gardthausen gives a cut of the painting
+found in a tomb at Vulci in which he appears with the name attached.
+Even the ultra-sceptical Pais does not doubt the fact of an Etruscan
+domination in Rome; but he does not believe the Tarquinii and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>
+Mastarna to have been historical personages, and will not date the
+temples attributed to this age earlier than the fourth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>
+See his <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>, ch. vii.; <i>Storia di
+Roma</i>, i. 310 foll. But the names of these kings do not concern us,
+except so far as they connect Etruria with Roman history in the sixth
+century.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">496</span></a> Cic. <i>Rep.</i> ii. 24. 44; Livy i. 38. and 55; Dionys. iii. 69; iv.
+59. 61. The whole evidence will be found collected in Jordan,
+<i>Topogr.</i> i. pt. ii. p. 9 foll., and in Aust, <i>Myth. Lex.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> Jupiter, p.
+706 foll. If the date 509 were seriously impugned Roman chronology
+would be in confusion, for this is believed to be the earliest
+date on which we can rely, and on it the subsequent chronology
+hangs: Mommsen, <i>R&ouml;m. Chronologie</i>, ed. 2, p. 198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">497</span></a> Aust, p. 707 foll.; Jordan, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">498</span></a> <i>i.e.</i> the admission of more than one deity into a single
+building. The word "trias" is sometimes used of the three old
+Roman deities, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus (<i>e.g.</i> by Wissowa, <i>Myth.
+Lex.</i> <i>s.v.</i> Quirinus), but this is in a different sense. On the idea of
+a trias generally, see Kuhfeldt, <i>de Capitoliis imperii Romani</i>, p. 82
+foll.; Cumont, <i>Religions orientales dans le paganisme romain</i>,
+p. 290, note 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">499</span></a> The technical name of the temple was aedes Iovis Opt. Max.:
+for other indications of Jupiter's supremacy see Aust, p. 720.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">500</span></a> On Oriental developments of Jupiter Opt. Max. see an
+interesting paper by Cumont in <i>Archiv</i> for 1906, p. 323 foll.
+(<i>Iuppiter summus exsuperantissimus</i>). A relief in the Berlin Museum
+has a dedication <i>I.O.M. summo exsuperantissimo</i>; but Prof. Cumont
+believes the deity to have been really Oriental, introduced by
+Greek philosophical theologians in the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, but probably
+Chaldaean in origin.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">501</span></a> Jordan, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 7 and note. It is uncertain whether the
+whole hill had any earlier name. The Mons Saturnius of Varro,
+<i>L.L.</i> v. 42, with the legend of an oppidum <i>Saturnia</i>, and the Mons
+Tarpeius (<i>Rhet. ad Herenn.</i>, iv. 32. 43; Pais, <i>Ancient Legends</i>, chs.
+v. and vi.) need not be taken into account.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">502</span></a> Pais, <i>Ancient Legends of Roman History</i>, ch. v.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">503</span></a> See above, p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">504</span></a> This is an inference from the fact that this Flamen is nowhere
+mentioned as connected with the Capitoline cult. Macrob. i. 15, 16,
+speaks of the ovis Idulis as sacrificed on every ides <i>a flamine</i>, and
+this, it is true, took place on the Capitolium (Aust, in <i>Lex.</i> <i>s.v.</i>
+Jupiter, 655), but (1) Festus, 290, mentions sacerdotes, Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>
+i. 588, castus sacerdos only; and (2) this sacrifice may well, as
+O. Gilbert conjectured, have originally taken place in the Regia
+(<i>Gesch. und Topogr. Roms</i>, i. 236). In any case the Flamen was
+not in any special sense priest of Iup. Opt. Max.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">505</span></a> The <i>locus classicus</i> for this is Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxxv. 157. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>
+artist was said to have been one Volcas of Veii. Ovid, <i>Fasti</i> i.
+201, says that the god had in his hand a <i>fictile fulmen</i>. Varro
+believed this to be the oldest statue of a god in Rome; see above,
+p. 146, and Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 280, accepts his
+statement as probably correct.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">506</span></a> Cic. <i>Catil.</i> iii. 9. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">507</span></a> Jordan, <i>Topogr.</i> i. 2. pp. 39 and 62, notes. The most convincing
+passages quoted by him are Suet. <i>Aug.</i> 59, and Serv. <i>Ecl.</i> iv.
+50 (of boys taking toga virilis who "ad Capitolium eunt"); but was
+not this to sacrifice to Liber or Iuventas? <i>R.F.</i> p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">508</span></a> Gellius vi. 1. 6, from C. Oppius et Iulius Hyginus. In his
+famous character of Scipio (xxvi. 19) Livy seems to think that Scipio
+did this to make people think him superhuman or of divine descent.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">509</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 158. 257; Virg. <i>Ecl.</i> iv. 4, <i>Aen.</i> vi. 42;
+Marquardt, 352, note 7, for evidence that the books came to Cumae
+from Erythrae. See also Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 80 foll.</p></div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XI<a name="FNanchor_501A" id="FNanchor_510A"></a><a href="#Footnote_510A" class="fnanchor">510a</a></h4>
+
+<h5>CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION</h5>
+
+
+<p>I said at the beginning of my first lecture that Roman
+religious experience can be summed up in two stories.
+The first of these was the story of the way in which a
+strong primitive religious instinct, the desire to put yourself
+in right relation with the Power manifesting itself in
+the universe, <i>religio</i> as the Romans called it, was gradually
+soothed and satisfied under the formalising influence of
+the settled life of the agricultural family, and still more
+so under the organising genius of the early religious
+rulers of the City-state. This story I tried to tell in
+the last few lectures. The second story was to be that
+of the gradual discovery of the inadequacy of this early
+formalised and organised religion to cope with what we
+may call new religious experience; that is, with the
+difficulties and perils met with by the Roman people in
+their extraordinary advance in the world, and with the
+new ideas of religion and morals which broke in on them
+in the course of their contact with other peoples. This
+story I wish to tell in the present course of lectures. It
+is a long and complicated one, including the introduction
+of new rites and ideas of the divine, the anxious attempts
+of the religious authorities to put off the evil day by
+stretching to the uttermost the capacity of the old forms,
+and the final victory of the new ideas as Roman life and
+thought became gradually hellenised.</p>
+
+<p>I propose to divide the story thus. In the latter part
+of this first lecture I will deal with the first introduction
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>of Greek rites into the State worship under the directions
+of the so-called Sibylline books. Then I will turn to the
+efforts of the lay priesthoods, pontifices and augurs, to
+meet the calls of new experience by formalising the old
+religion still more completely in the name of the State,
+until it became a mere skeleton of dry bones, without
+life and power. That will bring us to the great turning-point
+in Roman history, the war with Hannibal, to the
+religious history of which I shall devote my fourth lecture;
+and the fifth will pursue the subject into the century
+that followed. In the next lecture I hope to sketch the
+influence on Roman religious ideas of the Stoic school of
+philosophy, and in the seventh to discuss, so far as I may
+be able, the tendency towards mysticism prevalent in the
+last period of the life of the Republic. My eighth lecture
+I intend to devote to the noble attempt of Virgil to combine
+religion, legend, philosophy, and consummate art in
+a splendid appeal to the conscience of the Roman of that
+day. Then I turn to the more practical attempt of
+Augustus to revive the dying embers of the old religion;
+and in my last lecture I shall try to estimate the contribution,
+such as it was, of the religious experience we have
+been discussing, to the early Christian church.</p>
+
+<p>We shall shortly hear so much of petrifaction and
+disintegration, that it may be as well, before I actually
+begin my story, to convince ourselves that the old religion
+was in its peculiar way a real expression of religious feeling,
+and not merely a set of meaningless conventions and
+formulae. It was the positive belief of the later Romans
+that both they and their ancestors were <i>religiosissimi
+mortales</i>,<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">510</a> full to the brim, that is, of religious instinct,
+and most scrupulous in fulfilling its claims upon them;
+for the word <i>religio</i> had come, by the time (and probably
+long before the time) when it was used by men of letters,
+to mean the fulfilment of ritualistic obligation quite as
+much as the anxious feeling which had originally suggested
+it.<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">511</a> Cicero, writing in no rhetorical mood, declared that,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>as compared with other peoples, the Romans were far
+superior "in religione, id est cultu."<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">512</a> This is in his work on
+the nature of the gods; in an oration he naturally puts it
+more strongly: "We have overcome all the nations of the
+world, because we have realised that the world is directed
+and governed by the will of the gods."<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">513</a> Sallust, Livy,
+and other Roman prose writers have said much the same
+thing<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">514</a>; the <i>Aeneid</i> as a whole might be adduced as evidence,
+and in a less degree all the poets of the Augustan age.
+Foreigners, too, were struck with the strange phenomenon,
+in an age of philosophic doubt. Polybius in the second
+century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> declared his opinion that what was reckoned
+among other peoples as a thing to be blamed, <i>deisidaimonia</i>,
+both in public and private life, was really what was holding
+together the Roman state.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">515</a> Even in the wild century
+that followed, Posidonius could repeat the assertion of
+Polybius, and in the age of Augustus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
+then resident at Rome, looking back on the
+early history of Rome, stated his conviction that one
+needed to know the <i>pietas</i> of the Romans in order to
+understand their wonderful career of conquest.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">516</a> Aulus
+Gellius, in a curious passage in which he notes that the
+Romans had no deity to whose activity they could with
+certainty ascribe earthquakes, describes them as "in constituendis
+religionibus atque in dis immortalibus animadvertendis
+<i>castissimi cautissimique</i>,"&mdash;a rhetorical but happy
+conjunction of epithets. He means that they would
+order religious rites, though ignorant of the <i>numen</i> to
+whom they were due.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">517</a></p>
+
+<p>It might be argued that these later writers knew really
+little or nothing about the primitive Romans, and that
+these passages only prove that this people had an extraordinary
+scrupulosity about forms and ceremonies in this
+as in other departments of action. But the argument will
+not hold; the survival of all this formalism into an age of
+disintegration really proves beyond a doubt that there
+must have been a time when these forms really expressed
+anxieties, fears, convictions, the earliest germs of <i>conscience</i>.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span>May we not take the constant occurrence in literature
+of such phrases as <i>dis faventibus</i>, <i>dis iuvantibus</i> or <i>volentibus</i>,
+as evidence of an idea deeply rooted at one time in the
+Roman mind, that nothing should be undertaken until
+the will of the deities concerned had been ascertained and
+that early form of conscience satisfied? Let us remember
+that the whole story of the <i>Aeneid</i> is one of the bending
+of the will of the hero, as a type of the ideal Roman,
+to the ascertainable will of the powers in the universe.</p>
+
+<p>And we have abundant evidence that as a matter of
+fact the good-will of the divine inhabitants of house and
+city was asked for whenever any kind of work was undertaken,&mdash;even
+the ordinary routine work of the farm or
+of government. In the household every morning some
+offering with prayer was made to the Lar familiaris in
+historical times, and again before the <i>cena</i>, the chief meal
+of the day.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">518</a> On Kalends, Nones, Ides, and on all <i>dies
+festi</i> a <i>corona</i> was placed on the hearth, and prayer was
+made to the Lar; we know that this was so in the old
+Roman home, because in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Cato
+instructs the <i>vilicus</i> to discharge these duties on behalf of
+the absent or non-resident owner.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">519</a> Before the flocks
+were taken out to summer pasture, and doubtless when
+they returned, some religious service (so we should call it)
+was held,<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">520</a> just as in the Catholic cantons of Switzerland
+the blessing of God is asked when the cows first ascend to
+the alpine pastures, and again when they leave them for
+the valleys. Before a journey the later Romans prayed
+for good fortune;<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">521</a> in the old times travelling was of
+course unusual, and when it did occur the traveller was
+surrounded by so many spiritual as well as material
+dangers that <i>special</i> religious measures must have been
+taken, as by fetials or armies on entering foreign territory.
+The survival of the same kind of belief and practice is
+also seen in private life in the religious commendations of
+some authors at the outset of their literary work; Varro,
+for example, at the beginning of his work on agriculture,
+calls on all the agrarian deities (<i>iis deis ad venerationem
+advocatis</i>)<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span> before he goes on to mention even the bibliography
+of his subject.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">522</a> Livy in the last sentence of his
+preface would fain imitate the poets in calling on the
+gods to bless and favour his undertaking. And in all
+time of their tribulation, even if not in all time of their
+wealth, the pious Romans sought help from the deities
+from whom help might be expected; if, at least, the many
+instances occurring in Roman poetry may point to a
+practice of the ordinary individual and family.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">523</a> So too,
+if we may judge by many passages in the plays of Plautus
+and Terence,<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">524</a>&mdash;if here we have genuine Roman usage,
+as is probable,&mdash;the feeling of dependence on a Power
+manifesting itself in the affairs of daily life is shown also
+in the expression of <i>thankfulness</i> which followed success
+or escape from peril. Gratitude was not a prominent
+characteristic of the Roman, but I have already remarked
+on the presence of it in the practice of the <i>votum</i>, and
+there is at least some evidence that it was recognised as
+due to benignant deities as well as human beings.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">525</a></p>
+
+<p>In public life, throughout Roman history, the forms of
+religious rites were maintained on all important occasions.
+When Varro wrote a little manual of Senatorial procedure
+for the benefit of the inexperienced Pompeius when
+consul in 70 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, he was careful to mention the preliminary
+sacrifice and <i>auspicatio</i>, performed by the presiding
+magistrate, who also had to see that the business
+<i>de rebus divinis</i> came first on the paper of agenda.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">526</a> At
+one time every speaker invoked the gods at the beginning
+of his oration, as well indeed he might in a situation so
+unusual and trying for a Roman before the days of Greek
+education; and the earliest speeches preserved in the
+literary age, <i>e.g.</i> those of Cato and the Gracchi, retained
+the religious exordium.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">527</a> We have a trace of the Gracchan
+practice in a famous passage at the end of the work called
+<i>Rhetorica ad Herennium</i> of <i>circ.</i> 82 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, where the death
+of Ti. Gracchus is graphically described.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">528</a> But there is
+no need to multiply examples of public religious formalism
+on occasions of all kinds, on entering on an office, founding
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>a colony, leaving Rome for a provincia, and so on; some
+of them I have already mentioned, others are familiar to
+all classical students.</p>
+
+<p>So let us not hesitate for a moment to give this people
+credit for their religiousness. True, their neighbours,
+Greeks like Polybius, approved of it only with an ironical
+smile on their lips, as we may smile at the devoted
+formalism of extreme Catholic or Protestant, while we
+secretly&mdash;if we have some sympathy with strangely
+varying human nature&mdash;admire the confidence and regularity
+that we cannot ourselves claim. At the moment
+where I have thus paused before beginning my second
+story, at the end, that is, of the regal period, I believe that
+this religious system, though perhaps beginning to harden,
+still meant a profound belief in the Power thus manifested
+in many forms, and an ardent and effective desire to be
+in right relation to it. I believe that it contained the
+germ of a living and fruitful growth; but that growth
+was at this very moment arrested by the beginning of a
+process of which I shall have much to say in the next
+two or three lectures.</p>
+
+<p>But it is hard to realise this better side of the religion
+of a hard and practical people, and all the more so since
+it is the worse side that is almost always presented to us
+in modern books. It is hard to realise that it was not
+merely a system of insurance, so to speak, against all
+kinds of material evils,&mdash;and here again all the more so
+because there is a tendency just now to reduce both
+religion and law to an origin in magic, leaving the
+religious instinct, the <i>feeling of dependence</i>, the progenitor
+of conscience, quite out of account. One must
+indeed be thoroughly familiar with Roman literature and
+antiquities to overcome these difficulties, to discover the
+spiritual residuum in the Roman character beneath all
+its hardness and utilitarianism. Before we pass on to
+the task before us, let me make two suggestions for
+the help of those who would endeavour to find this
+spiritual residuum. The first is that they should consider
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>the history and true meaning of three great words which
+Latin language has bequeathed to modern speech,&mdash;<i>religio</i>,
+the feeling of awe, taking practical shape in the
+performance of authorised ceremonies; <i>sacrum</i>, that which
+by authoritative usage is made over without reserve to
+the divine inhabitants of the city; and last but not least,
+<i>pietas</i>, the sense of duty to god and man alike, to all
+divine and human beings having an authorised claim upon
+you. And this word <i>pietas</i> shall introduce my second
+suggestion&mdash;that there is no better way of getting to
+understand the spirit of the Roman religion than by continual
+study of the <i>Aeneid</i>, where the hero is the ideal
+Roman, <i>pius</i> in the best and widest sense. What makes
+the <i>Aeneid</i> so helpful in this way is the poet's intimate
+and sympathetic knowledge of the religious ideas of the
+Italians, in which we may see reflected those of the
+Roman of the age we are now dealing with: his love too
+of antiquity and of all ancient rites and legends; and his
+conviction that the great work of Rome in the world had
+been achieved not only by <i>virtus</i> but by <i>pietas</i>. What
+has been won by <i>virtus</i> must be preserved by <i>pietas</i>, by
+the sense of duty in family and State,&mdash;that is the moral
+of the <i>Aeneid</i>. In no other work of Roman genius is
+this idea found in anything like the same degree of prominence
+and consistency; and when a student has steeped
+his mind well in the details of the Roman worship, and
+begins to weary of what must seem its soulless Pharisaism,
+let him take up the <i>Aeneid</i> and read it right through for
+the story and the characters. I will venture to say that
+he will think better both of the Romans and their poet
+than he ever did before. But of the <i>Aeneid</i> I shall have
+more to say later on; at present let us turn to the less
+inspiring topics which must occupy us for the next few
+lectures.</p>
+
+<p>The last fact of Roman religious history which I
+mentioned last year was the building of the great
+Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, and I
+then explained why this constituted a religious revolution.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>The next temple of which tradition tells us was destined
+for another trias, Ceres, Liber, and Libera; the traditional
+date was 493 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the cause a famine, and the site was at
+the foot of the Aventine, the plebeian quarter outside the
+pomoerium, close to the river where corn-ships might be
+moored.<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">529</a> Ceres, Liber, and Libera are plainly neither
+more nor less than the three Greek corn deities, Demeter,
+Dionysus, and Persephone, in a Latin form,<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">530</a> whose
+worship was prominent in South Italy and Sicily; and
+unless we throw tradition overboard entirely, as indeed has
+often been done, the inference is obvious that this trias
+came from the Greeks of the south with an importation of
+corn to relieve a famine which pressed especially on the
+plebs. It is a fact that the temple and its cult remained
+always closely connected with the plebs; they were under
+the charge of the plebeian aediles, who also in historical
+times had the care of the corn-supply necessary for the
+city population.<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">531</a> Thus, though we need not accept in
+full Livy's statement that the very next year corn was
+imported from Etruria, Cumae, and Sicily, it cannot be
+denied that there is a strong consensus in the various
+traditions about the temple, which taken together suggest
+a Greek, non-patrician, and early origin. That the cult
+had at all times a Greek character is undisputed fact.</p>
+
+<p>But I am not so much concerned with the temple itself
+as with the date and the manner of its foundation. It
+was said to have been founded in the year 496, and
+dedicated in 493, in obedience to directions found in "the
+Sibylline books," which books, according to the well-known
+tradition, had been acquired by the last Tarquin, after
+some haggling, from an old woman, and placed in the
+charge of <i>duoviri sacris faciundis</i>. The story itself is
+worthless in detail; but the question for us is whether it
+can be taken as showing that the Sibylline influence then
+pervading the Greek world gained a footing at Rome in
+any form so early as this. Was the temple really founded
+in 496, or at some time thereabout? And was it founded
+in obedience to some Sibylline direction? These questions
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>are of real importance, for upon our answer to them
+depends the date of the beginning of a gradual metamorphosis
+of the Roman religious practice. The so-called
+Sibylline books and their keepers were responsible, as we
+shall see directly, for the introduction at Rome of what
+was known as the <i>Graecus ritus</i>,&mdash;for the foundation of
+temples to deities of Greek origin, and for other rites
+which initiated an entirely new type of religious feeling.
+We need to be sure when all this began.</p>
+
+<p>In the first place, so far as I can judge, it is almost
+impossible to dissociate the origin of the temple from
+Sibylline influence. As we have seen, the cult was
+Greek, and all such Greek cults of later times were
+introduced by the keepers of the Sibylline books; and
+further, the records of temple foundations were among the
+most carefully preserved facts in Roman annals.<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">532</a> I think
+it is hardly possible to suppose that a cult which came,
+not from Latium or southern Etruria, like those of Diana,
+Minerva, and the Capitoline deities, but from some Greek
+region to the south, and probably from Sicily, could have
+been introduced by Roman authorities unaided by Greek
+influence. If that be so, and if we can show that the
+temple really belongs to this early age, then we have a
+strong probability that the Sibylline influence gained a
+footing at Rome at the very beginning of the republican
+period.<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">533</a></p>
+
+<p>There is one curious fact in connection with the temple
+that in my opinion goes far to prove that the traditional
+date is not far out. Pliny tells us explicitly that the two
+Greek artists who decorated the temple, Damophilus and
+Gorgasus, inscribed their names on the walls, and he added
+that the work of the former would be found on the right
+and that of the latter on the left.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">534</a> Nothing more is known
+about them; but I am assured that the fact that they
+signed their names and added these statements suits the
+character of Greek art in the archaic age 580 to 450 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>
+No signatures of artists are known earlier than about 580;
+then comes a period when signatures are found, sometimes
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>with statements such as these. And lastly, about
+450, we begin to find simple signatures without any other
+words.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">535</a> Thus the presumption is a strong one that the
+temple belongs to a time earlier than 450; and if that be
+so, then I think the inference holds good that the Sibyl
+first gained a footing at Rome about the same time.
+There are indeed some reasons why we should not put
+this event in the period of the kings;<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">536</a> but if we accept
+the traditional date of the temple we may put it any time
+between 509 and 496.</p>
+
+<p>I have purposely used vague terms, such as Sibylline
+<i>influence</i>, instead of speaking in the old manner of
+Sibylline <i>books</i> or oracles, because it is almost incredible
+that at so early a date it could have been possible to
+divulge any contents of a store of writings such as must
+have been most carefully treasured and concealed. This
+has been shown conclusively to be out of the question in
+Diels' now famous little book "<i>Sibylline Leaves</i>." But we
+may also follow Diels in assuming that about the end of
+the sixth century some kind of Greek oracle or oracular
+saying did actually arrive at Rome, purporting to be an
+utterance of the famous Sibyl of Cumae.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">537</a></p>
+
+<p>But what <i>was</i> this Sibylline influence which thus
+penetrated to Rome, if I am right, at the beginning of
+the fifth century? It is no part of my design to discuss
+the history of Greek mysticism, though we shall
+hear something more of it in a later lecture. It will
+be enough to remind you that in the sixth century
+Greece was not only full of Orphism and Pythagoreanism,
+but of floating oracular <i>dicta</i> believed to emanate from a
+mystic female figure, a weird figure of whom it is hard to
+say how far she was human or divine; and of whose
+origin we know nothing, except that her original home
+was, as we might expect, Asia Minor. She was inspired
+by Apollo,<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">538</a> it was said, like the Pythia, and like her too
+became &#7956;&#957;&#952;&#949;&#959;&#987; (<i>possessed</i>) when uttering her prophecies;
+this is the earliest fact we know about her, for a famous
+fragment of Heracleitus represents her as uttering sayings
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>"with frenzied lips,"<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">539</a>&mdash;a tradition of which Virgil has
+made good use in the sixth <i>Aeneid</i>:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i9">non vultus, non color unus,</span>
+<span class="i0">non comptae mansere comae; sed pectus anhelum,</span>
+<span class="i0">et rabie fera corda tument.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>But more to our purpose is the sober judgment of Plato a
+century after the first Roman experience of her, who in
+the <i>Phaedrus</i> classes her among those who have wrought
+<i>much good</i> by their inspired utterances.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">540</a> This passage
+may help us to understand how ready men were at that
+time to turn for aid in tribulation to what they believed to
+be divine help, to an inspired wisdom beyond the range of
+the local deities of their own city-states.</p>
+
+<p>This Sibyl became gradually localised in certain Greek
+cities, and thereby broke up, as it were, into several Sibyls.
+One of these Sibylline homes was at Cumae in Campania,
+the oldest Greek city in Italy, and this enables us to
+explain easily how the name and fame of the Sibyl
+reached Rome. Dim as is all early Roman history, the
+one clear fact of the sixth century is, as we have seen,
+the rapid advance of the Etruscans, their occupation of
+Rome, Praeneste, and other Latin cities, and their conquest
+of Campania, which is now ascribed to that same
+age.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">541</a> Legend told in later days how the last Etruscan
+king had taken refuge at Cumae after his expulsion from
+Rome, and it is just possible that it may here be founding
+upon some dim recollection of a fact. However this
+may be, it is plain that it was through the great Etruscan
+disturbance of that period that Rome came to make trial
+of Sibylline utterances. In a moment of distress&mdash;the
+famine of which I spoke just now, and which I take to be
+historical because the remedy, the temple under the
+Aventine, was so closely connected with the corn-supply&mdash;she
+sent for or admitted an utterance of the Sibyl of
+Cumae, with whom she had come into some kind of contact
+through her Etruscan kings.</p>
+
+<p>Let us consider that this foreign dynasty must have
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>brought a new population to the city on the Tiber, the
+chief strategic point of middle Italy,&mdash;a new element of
+plebs, whatever the old one may have been.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">542</a> We have
+seen signs, even in the religious history of this age, that
+commerce and industry were increasing, and that their
+increase was due to a movement from without, rather than
+to the old patrician <i>gentes</i>. When the Etruscan dynasty
+fell and the old patrician influence was restored, the
+government must have been face to face with new difficulties,
+and among them the supply of corn for an
+increasing population in years of bad harvest. With a
+fresh source of supply from the south came the cult of the
+Greek corn-deities at the bidding of a Sibylline utterance;
+and henceforward that remedy was available for other
+troubles. But the patrician rulers of Rome were true, it
+would seem, as far as was possible, to the old ways, and
+for a long time they used this foreign remedy very sparingly.
+At what date the utterances were collected in
+"books" and deposited in the Capitoline temple we do
+not know, nor have we any certain knowledge of their
+original nature or form. Tradition said that the collection
+dated from the last king's reign, and that it was placed in
+the care of <i>duoviri sacris faciundis</i>, as we have seen, who
+in 367 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> gave way to <i>decemviri</i>, five of whom might
+be members of the plebs. I am myself inclined to conjecture
+that this comparatively late date may be the real
+date of the origin of a <i>permanent collection</i> and a <i>permanent
+college of keepers</i>, and that the earlier <i>duoviri</i> were only
+temporary religious officers, <i>sacris faciundis</i>, <i>i.e.</i> for the
+carrying out of the directions of Sibylline utterances
+specially sought for at Cumae. They would thus be of
+the same class as other special commissions appointed
+by the Senate for administrative purposes;<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">543</a> while the
+decemviri, though retaining the old title, were permanent
+religious officers appointed to collect and take
+charge of a new and important set of regulations for the
+benefit of the community, and one which concerned the
+plebs at least as much as the patricians.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>But I must turn to the more important question how
+far, down to the war with Hannibal, when I shall take up
+the subject afresh, the Roman religion was affected for
+good or harm by these utterances and their keepers.
+They took effect in two ways: either by introducing new
+deities and settling them in new temples, or by ordering
+and organising new ceremonies such as Rome had never
+seen before.</p>
+
+<p>The introduction of a new deity now and again was
+not of great account from the point of view of religion,
+except in so far as it encouraged the new ceremonies;
+the Romans had never taken much personal interest in
+their deities, and the arrival (outside the pomoerium in
+each case) of Hermes under the name of Mercurius, or
+Poseidon bearing the name of the old Roman water
+<i>numen</i> Neptunus, or even of Asclepios with a Romanised
+name Aesculapius, would not be likely to affect greatly
+their ideas of the divine. These facts have rather a
+historical than a religious significance; Hermes Empolaios,
+for example, suggests trade with Greek cities, perhaps in
+grain,<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">544</a> and belongs therefore to the same class as Ceres,
+Liber, Libera, of whom I have already spoken. The
+arrival of Poseidon-Neptune may mean, as Dr. Carter has
+suggested, a kind of "marine insurance" for the vessels
+carrying the grain from Greek ports.<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">545</a> The settling of
+Aesculapius in the Tiber island in 293, as the result of a
+terrible pestilence, is interesting as being the first fact
+known to us in the history of medicine at Rome; the
+temple became a kind of hospital on the model of Epidaurus,
+where the god had been brought in the form of a snake
+by an embassy sent for the purpose, and the priests who
+served it were probably Greeks skilled in the healing art.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">546</a>
+This last case is a curious example of new Roman religious
+experience, but it can hardly be said to have any deep
+significance in the religious history of Rome. Of the
+obliteration of the old <i>numen</i> Neptunus by the Greek
+god who took his name we know nothing for good or ill;
+we are ignorant of the real meaning of the old <i>numen</i>,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>and cannot tell whether the loss of him was compensated
+by the usefulness of his name in Roman literature to
+represent the Greek god of the sea.</p>
+
+<p>Let us turn to the much more important subject of the
+new ceremonies ordered by the Sibylline "books." The
+first authentic case of such innovation occurred in 399 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>,
+during the long and troublesome siege of the dangerous
+neighbour city Veii; I call it authentic because all the best
+modern authorities so reckon it, though it occurred before
+the destruction of old records during the capture of the city
+by the Gauls. The circumstances were such as to fix themselves
+in the memory of the people, and in one way or
+another they found their way into the earliest annals,
+probably those of Fabius Pictor, composed during the
+Second Punic War.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">547</a></p>
+
+<p>The previous winter, Livy tells us,<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">548</a> was one of extraordinary
+severity; the roads were blocked with snow, and
+navigation on the Tiber stopped by the ice. This miserable
+winter was followed too suddenly by a hot season,
+in which a plague broke out which consumed both man
+and beast, and continued so persistently that the Senate
+ordered the Sibylline books to be consulted. This persistence
+is the first point we should notice; "Cuius insanabili
+pernicie quando nec causa nec finis inveniebatur,"&mdash;so
+wrote Livy, evidently meaning to express an extremity of
+trouble which would not give way to ordinary religious
+remedies. We may compare his account of the next
+recorded consultation of the books (Livy vii. 2), when
+neither the old rites nor even the new ones were sufficient
+to secure the <i>pax deorum</i> and abate another pestilence, and
+recourse was had to yet another remedy in the form of
+<i>ludi scenici</i>. The times were out of joint,&mdash;the peace of
+the gods was broken, and thus the community was no
+longer in right relation to the Power manifesting itself in
+the universe. The result was a revival of <i>religio</i>, of the
+feeling of alarm and anxiety out of which the whole
+religious system had grown. The old deities might seem
+to be forsaking their functions, since the old rites had
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>ceased to appeal to them. Mysterious and persistent
+pestilence is a great tamer of human courage; it is a new
+experience that man knows not how to meet, and in
+ancient life it was also a new <i>religious</i> experience.</p>
+
+<p>The remedy was as new as the pestilence, and almost
+as pernicious. During eight days Rome saw three pairs
+of deities reclining in the form of images on couches,
+before which were spread tables covered with food and
+drink. Whether in this first case they were taken out of
+the temples and exposed to view in certain places, <i>e.g.</i>
+the forum, is not clear; later on, in the days of <i>supplicationes</i>,
+of which more will be said presently, they were
+visited in procession. The three pairs were Apollo and
+Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercurius and Neptunus;
+all of them Greek, or, as in the case of Diana, Mercurius,
+and Neptunus, Roman deities in their new Greek form.
+We cannot trace the special applicability of all of them
+to the trouble they were thus invoked to appease,&mdash;another
+point that suggests a complete revolution in the Roman
+ways of contemplating divine beings. These are not
+functional <i>numina</i>, but foreigners whose ways were only
+known to the manipulators of the Sibylline utterances.
+They seem like quack remedies, of which the action is
+unknown to the consumer.</p>
+
+<p>New also, but better in its effect, was the publicity of
+these proceedings, and the part taken in them by the
+whole population, patrician and plebeian, men, women,
+and children. If we can trust Livy's further statements,
+every one left his door open and kept open house, inviting
+all to come in, whether known or unknown; all old
+quarrels were made up, and no new ones suffered to
+begin; prisoners were freed from their chains, and
+universal good-will prevailed. These eight days were in
+fact kept as holidays, and doubtless by the novelty of
+the whole scene the astute authorities hoped to inspire
+fresh hope and confidence, and to divert attention from
+the prevailing misery, just as our soldiers in India are
+induced to forget the presence of cholera in a station by
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>constant games and amusements. That this was really
+one leading object of the whole show is not generally
+recognised by historians; but it seems fully explained by
+the fact I mentioned just now, that in the similar trouble
+of 349 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> recourse was had for the first time to <i>ludi
+scenici</i> in order to amuse the people. In the history of
+the Hannibalic war we shall have plenty of opportunity
+of noting this kind of expedient. The Roman people,
+we must remember, were getting more and more to be
+inhabitants of a large city, and, as such, to seek for entertainment,
+like all citizens in all ages. The religious rites
+of the old calendar were perhaps by this time getting too
+familiar, losing their original meaning; whether they had
+ever been very entertaining to a city population may be
+doubted. Something more showy was needed; processions
+had always been to the taste of the Roman,
+and banquets, such as the epulum Iovis, which I have
+already noticed, often accompanied the processions.</p>
+
+<p>Now, this love of show and novelty, of which we
+have abundant evidence later on as a Roman characteristic,
+taken together with the anxiety and alarm&mdash;the
+new <i>religio</i>&mdash;arising from the pestilence, will sufficiently
+explain the <i>lectisternia</i>, as these shows were called. We
+have here in fact the first appearance, constantly recurring
+in later Roman history, of a tendency to seek not only
+for novelty, but for a more emotional expression of
+religious feeling than was afforded by the old forms of
+sacrifice and prayer, conducted as they were by the priest
+on behalf of the community without its active participation.
+Those old forms might do for the old patrician
+community of farmers and warriors, but not so well for
+the new and ever-increasing population of artisans and
+other workmen, whether of Roman or foreign descent.
+It would seem, indeed, as if the sensitiveness of the
+human fibre of a primitive community increases with its
+increasing complexity, and with the greater variety of
+experience to which it is exposed; and in the case of
+Rome, as if the simple ancient methods of dealing with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>the divine inhabitants of the city were no longer adequate
+to the needs of a State which was steering its way to
+empire among so many difficulties and perils. It is not
+indeed certain that the new rites, or some points in them,
+may not have had their prototypes in old Italian usage,
+though the <i>lectisternia</i>, the actual display of gods in
+human form and in need of food like human beings, are
+almost certainly Greek in origin.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">549</a> But so far as we can
+guess, the emotional element was wholly new. True,
+Livy tells us in two passages of his third book of
+occasions when men, women, and children flocked to all
+the shrines (<i>omnia delubra</i>) seeking for the <i>pax deorum</i>
+at the invitation of the senate; but the early date, the
+great improbability of the senate taking any such step,
+and the absence of any mention of the priesthoods, makes
+it difficult to believe that these assertions are based
+on any genuine record. We must be content to mark
+the first <i>lectisternia</i> in 399 as the earliest authentic
+example of the emotional tendency of the Roman plebs.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">550</a></p>
+
+<p>If we can judge of this period of Roman religious
+history by the general tendency of the policy of the
+Roman government, we may see here a deliberate attempt
+to include the new population in worship of a kind that
+would calm its fears, engage its attention, and satisfy its
+emotion, while leaving uncontaminated the old ritual that
+had served the State so long. If this conclusion be a
+right one, then we must allow that the new ceremonial
+had its use. Dr. Frazer has lately told us in his eloquent
+and persuasive way, of how much value superstition has
+been in building up moral habits and the instinct of submission
+to civil order. His thesis might be illustrated
+adequately from the history of Rome alone. But from a
+purely religious point of view the story of the <i>lectisternia</i>
+is a sad one. The old Roman invisible <i>numen</i>, working
+with force in a particular department of human life and
+its environment, was a far nobler mental conception, and
+far more likely to grow into a power for good, than the
+miserable images of Graeco-Roman full-blown gods and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>goddesses reclining on their couches and appearing to
+partake of dinner like a human citizen. Such ideas of
+the divine must have forced men's religious ideas clean
+away from the Power manifesting itself in the universe,
+and must have dragged down the Roman <i>numina</i> with
+them in their corrupting degradation. According to our
+definition of it, religion was now in a fair way to disappear
+altogether; what was destined to take its place
+was not really religion at all. Nor did it in any way
+assist the growth of an individual conscience, as perhaps
+did some of the later religious forms introduced from
+without. It was of value for the moment to the State, in
+satisfying a population greatly disturbed by untoward
+events; and that was all.</p>
+
+<p>Closely connected with the <i>lectisternia</i>, and following
+close upon them in chronological order, were the processional
+ceremonies called <i>supplicationes</i>. The historical
+relation between the two is by no means clear; but if we
+conclude, as I am fairly sure we may, that the <i>lectisternia</i>
+were shows of a joyful character, accompanied, as Livy
+describes the first one, with private entertainments, and
+meant to keep up the spirits of the plebeian population,
+and if we then turn to the early <i>supplicationes</i>, in which
+men, women, and children, <i>coronati</i>, and carrying laurel
+branches, went in procession to the temples, and there
+prostrated themselves after the Greek fashion, the women
+"crinibus passis aras verrentes," we shall be disposed to
+look on them as, in origin at least, distinct from each
+other.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">551</a> We may conjecture that the appearance of the
+gods in human form at the doors of their temples suggested
+to the plebeian women a kind of emotional worship
+which was alien to the old Roman feeling, but familiar
+enough to those (and they must have been many) who
+knew the life of the Greek cities of Italy. It may be
+that they had tried it even in earlier times; but anyhow,
+in the fourth and third centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> advantage was taken
+of the <i>pulvinaria</i> to use them as stopping-places in the
+procession of a <i>supplicatio</i>, and the phrase becomes a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>common one in the annals, "supplicatio ad omnia pulvinaria
+indicta." The <i>lectisternia</i> were ordered five times in the
+fourth century;<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">552</a> by that time, it would seem likely, the
+<i>supplicationes</i> had become an authorised institution, and
+had perhaps embodied the practice of <i>lectisternia</i> in the
+way suggested above. We shall meet with them again
+when we come to the religious history of the war with
+Hannibal.</p>
+
+<p>One word more before I leave this subject for the
+present. In all this innovation we must not forget to
+note the growth of individual feeling as distinguished
+from the old worship of civic grouping, in which the
+individual, as such, was of little or no account. I pointed
+out the first signs of this individualism when speaking of
+the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, and we shall have
+reason to mark its rapid growth further. We are now, in
+fact, and must realise that we are, in a period in which,
+throughout the Graeco-Roman world, the need was beginning
+to be felt of some new rule of individualistic morality.
+The Roman population, now recruited from many sources,
+was but reflecting this need unconsciously when it insisted
+on new emotional rites and expiations. The Roman authorities
+were forced to satisfy the demand; but in doing so
+they made no real contribution to the history of Roman
+religious experience. It was impossible that they should do
+so; they represented the old civic form of religion, "bound
+up with the life of a society, and unable to contemplate
+the individual except as a member of it."<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">553</a> The new
+forms of worship, the <i>supplicatio</i> and <i>lectisternium</i>, could
+not be, as the old forms had in some sense been, the consecration
+of civic and national life. They were to the
+Romans as the worship of Baal to the Jews of the time
+of the Kings; and, unlike that poisonous cult, they could
+never be rooted out.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">554</a><a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">555</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span></p>
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XI</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">510</span></a> This is the expression of Sallust, <i>Catil.</i> 12. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510A" id="Footnote_510A"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510A"><span class="label">510a</span></a> This Lecture was the first of a second and separate course.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">511</span></a> See my paper on the Latin history of the word <i>religio</i>, in
+<i>Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions</i>, 1909,
+vol. ii. p. 172. W. Otto in <i>Archiv</i>, 1909, p. 533 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">512</span></a> Cic. <i>de Nat. Deorum</i>, ii. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">513</span></a> Cic. <i>Harusp. resp.</i> 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">514</span></a> Livy xliv. 1. 11; Sallust, <i>l.c.</i>; Gellius, <i>Noct. Att.</i> ii. 28. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">515</span></a> Polyb. vi. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">516</span></a> Posidonius ap. Athenaeum vi. 274 <span class="smcap">A</span>; Dion. Hal. ii. 27. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">517</span></a> Gell. ii. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">518</span></a> Marquardt, iii. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">519</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">520</span></a> Calpurnius, <i>Eclogue</i>, v. 24. I have described a similar scene
+in the Alps in <i>A Year with the Birds</i>, ed. 2, p. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">521</span></a> Petronius, <i>Sat.</i> 117: "His ita ordinatis, quod bene feliciterque
+eveniret precati deos, viam ingredimur." I owe this reference,
+as others in this context, to Appel's treatise <i>de Romanorum precationibus</i>,
+p. 56 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">522</span></a> Varro, <i>R.R.</i> i. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">523</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> Virg. <i>Aen.</i> v. 685 (Aeneas during the burning of the
+fleet); <i>Aen.</i> xii. 776 (Turnus in extremity). Cp. Tibull. iii. 5. 6
+(in sickness).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">524</span></a> A good example is <i>Captivi</i>, 922: "Iovi disque ago gratias
+merito magnas quom te redducem tuo patri reddiderunt," etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">525</span></a> For gratitude to human beings see Valerius Maximus v. 2.
+A good example of gratitude to a deity is in Gell. <i>N.A.</i> iv. 18; but
+it is told of Scipio the elder, who was eccentric for a Roman. When
+accused by a tribune of peculation in Asia he said, "Non igitur
+simus adversum deos ingrati et, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem
+hunc, eamus hinc protinus Iovi Optimo Maximo gratulatum." Public
+gratitude to the gods is frequent in later <i>supplicationes</i>, <i>e.g.</i> Livy xxx.
+17. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">526</span></a> Gellius, <i>N.A.</i> xiv. 7. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">527</span></a> Servius ad <i>Aen.</i> xi. 301 ("praefatus divos solio rex infit ab
+alto").</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">528</span></a> This was in a <i>contio</i>: "Cum Gracchus deos inciperet precari."
+See above, Lecture VII. note 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">529</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 74 foll.; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 243. For the relation
+of the pomoerium to the wall, see above, p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">530</span></a> The process is amusingly explained by Carter in <i>The Religion
+of Numa</i>, p. 72 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">531</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">532</span></a> See Aust, <i>De aedibus sacris P.R.</i>, passim.</p></div>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span></p>
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">533</span></a> Lately this has been denied by Pais, <i>Storia di Roma</i>, i. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">534</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> 35, 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">535</span></a> I owe the information to my friend Prof. Percy Gardner.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">536</span></a> See Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 66; but I am not sure that his reasons
+are conclusive.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">537</span></a> Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 6 foll., and cp. 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">538</span></a> It should be noted that the cult of Apollo in Rome was
+older than the introduction of Sibylline influence; so at least it is
+generally assumed. Wissowa, however (<i>R.K.</i> p. 239), puts it as
+"gleichzeitig." The date of the Apollinar in pratis Flaminiis, the
+oldest Apolline fanum in Rome (outside pomoerium), is unknown;
+that of the temple on the same site was 431 (Livy iv. 25 and 29).
+There is little doubt that the Apollo-cult spread from Cumae northwards,
+and was by this time well established in Italy. (The foundation
+of the temple of 431, consisting of opus quadratum, still in part
+survives: H&uuml;lsen-Jordan, <i>Rom. Topographie</i>, iii. 535).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">539</span></a> Heracleitus, <i>fragm.</i> xii., ed. Bywater.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">540</span></a> <i>Phaedrus</i>, p. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">541</span></a> So Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Etrusker."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">542</span></a> The present tendency is to take the plebs as representing an
+older population of Latium before the arrival of the patricians; see,
+<i>e.g.</i>, Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>, p. 358 foll. But the plebs of later days is
+not to be explained on one hypothesis only.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">543</span></a> <i>e.g.</i> in religious matters the <i>duoviri aedi dedicandae</i>;
+Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, ii. 601 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">544</span></a> Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p. 77 foll. It is uncertain
+whether there was a Roman Mercurius of earlier origin, or whether
+the name Mercurius (<i>i.e.</i> concerned in trade) was a new invention to
+avoid using the Greek name, as in the case of the trias Ceres, Liber,
+Libera.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">545</span></a> Carter, <i>op. cit.</i> 81. The connection of this Poseidon-Neptunus
+and Hermes-Mercurius is confirmed by the fact that the
+two were paired in the first <i>lectisternium</i>, 399 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Livy v. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">546</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">547</span></a> See Diels, <i>Sib. Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 12, note 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">548</span></a> Livy v. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">549</span></a> I have discussed the possibility of the epulum Iovis being an
+old Italian rite in <i>R.F.</i> p. 215 foll. For the Greek origin of these
+shows see <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, ed. 2, <i>s.v.</i> "lectisternia."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">550</span></a> Livy iii. 5. 14, and 7. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">551</span></a> The plebeian tendencies of the time are suggested, <i>e.g.</i>, by
+the fact that immediately before the first <i>lectisternium</i> a plebeian
+was elected military tribune (Livy v. 13). The fourth century is of
+course the period of plebeian advance in all departments, and
+ends with the opening of the priesthoods to the plebs by the lex
+Ogulnia, and the publication of the Fasti. Plebeian too, I suspect,
+was the keeping open house and promiscuous hospitality which is
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span>recorded by Livy of the first <i>lectisternia</i>; this was the practice of the
+plebs on the Cerealia (April 19), and was perhaps an old custom connected
+with the supply of corn and the temple of Ceres (see above,
+p. 255). It was not imitated by the patrician society, with its
+reserve and exclusiveness, till the institution of the Megalesia in 204
+<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> See Gellius xviii. 2. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">552</span></a> The expression <i>crinibus demissis</i> is found in a lex regia
+(Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "pellices"); the harlot who touches Juno's altar has to
+offer a lamb to Juno "crinibus demissis." This is therefore Roman
+practice.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">553</span></a> For the <i>supplicationes</i> see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 357 foll.; Marq.
+48 and 188; and the author's article in <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>. The
+passages already referred to as doubtful evidence (Livy iii. 5. 14,
+7. 7) describe all the features of the <i>supplicatio</i> as early as the first
+half of the fifth century. A list of later passages in Livy will be found
+in Marq. 49, note 4. On the whole I doubt if much was made of
+these rites before the third century and the Punic wars.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">554</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 356, note 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">555</span></a> Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, vol. ii. p. 46.</p></div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XII</h4>
+
+<h5>THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF
+RELIGION</h5>
+
+
+<p>In the last lecture we saw how the new experiences of
+the Roman people, during the period from the abolition
+of the kingship to the war with Hannibal, led to the introduction
+of foreign deities and showy ceremonies of a
+character quite strange to the old religion. But there
+was another process going on at the same time. The
+authorities of that old religion were full of vigour in this
+same period; it may even be said, that as far as we can
+trace their activity in the dim light of those early days,
+they made themselves almost supreme in the State.
+And the result was, in brief, that religion became more
+and more a matter of State administration, and thereby
+lost its chance of developing the conscience of the individual.
+It is indeed quite possible, as has recently been
+maintained,<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">556</a> that it stood actively in the way of such
+development. I have no doubt that there was a germ of
+conscience, of moral feeling, in the <i>religio</i> of old days&mdash;the
+feeling of anxiety and doubt which originally suggested
+the <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i> of the State; but the efforts of the
+authorities in this period were spent in gradually destroying
+that germ. True, they did not interfere with the
+simple religion of the family, which had its value all
+through Roman history; but the attitude of the individual
+towards public worship will react on his attitude towards
+private worship, which may also have lost some part of
+its vitality in this period.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>The religious authorities of which I speak are of course
+the two great colleges of pontifices and augurs. Of the
+latter, and of the system of divination of which they held
+the secrets, I will speak in the next lecture. Here we
+have to do with the pontifices and their work in this
+period, a thorny and somewhat technical subject, but a
+most important one for the history of Roman religious
+experience.</p>
+
+<p>I have so far assumed that this college existed in the age
+of the kings, and assisted the Rex in the administration
+of the <i>ius divinum</i>. It is legitimate to do this, but as a
+matter of fact we do not know for certain what was the
+origin of the college itself, or of its mysterious name. In
+the period we have now reached we come, however, upon
+a striking fact, which is luckily easy to interpret; the
+king's house, the <i>Regia</i>, has become the office of the head
+of the college, the pontifex maximus, and also the meeting-place
+of the college for business.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">557</a> Obviously this head,
+whether or no he existed during the kingly period, has
+stepped into the place of the Rex in the control of the
+<i>ius divinum</i>. Again, we know that in the third century
+<span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, when written history begins, the pontifices and their
+head had reached a very high level of power, as we shall
+presently see more in detail; the process of the growth
+of this power must therefore lie in the two preceding
+centuries, during which Rome was slowly attaining that
+paramount position in Italy in which we find her at the
+time of the Punic wars. Thirdly, we know that in that
+third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the college was laid open to plebeians as
+well as to members of the old patrician gentes, and that
+one of the most famous of all its many distinguished
+heads was not only not a patrician, but a Latin from
+Cameria, Ti. Coruncanius. Putting these three facts together
+we can divine in outline the history of the pontifices
+during these two centuries. With the instinct for order
+and organisation that never failed them, the Romans have
+constructed a <i>permanent</i> power to take charge of their <i>ius
+divinum</i>, <i>i.e.</i> all their relations to the deities with whom
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>they must maintain a <i>pax</i>; the circumstances of their
+career during two centuries have exalted this power to
+an extraordinary degree of influence, direct and indirect,
+internal and external; and, lastly, in a period which
+saw the gradual amalgamation into a unified whole of
+privileged and unprivileged, <i>patres</i> and <i>plebs</i>, they have
+with wonderful wisdom thrown open to all citizens the
+administration of that <i>ius</i> which was essential to the
+welfare of the united community. These are indisputable
+facts; and they are thoroughly characteristic of the
+practical wisdom of the Roman people in that early age.</p>
+
+<p>In order to understand how the pontifices attained their
+great position, the one thing needful is to examine the
+nature of their work. This I propose to do next, and
+then to attempt to sum up the result of their activity on
+the Roman religious system.</p>
+
+<p>It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the
+college in the early history of Roman law; and for us in
+particular that importance lies in the fact that they were
+the sole depositaries of the religious law in the period
+during which the civil law was being slowly disentangled
+from it. If we look at the so-called <i>leges regiae</i>, which
+are probably the oldest rules of law that have come down
+to us (though they may have been made into a collection
+as late as the very end of the Republic),<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">558</a> we see at once
+that they belong to the <i>ius divinum</i>; and there is little
+doubt that they were extracted from those books of the
+pontifices which I shall have to explain later on.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">559</a> In
+other words, it is the maintenance of the <i>pax deorum</i> that
+they are chiefly concerned with; the crime of the citizen
+is a violation of that <i>pax</i>, and the deity most concerned
+will punish the community unless some expiatory step is
+taken to re-establish the right relation between the human
+and divine inhabitants of the city. "Pellex aram Iunonis
+ne tangito; si tanget, Iunoni crinibus demissis agnum
+feminam caedito." "Si parentem puer verberit, ast olle
+plorassit, puer divis parentum sacer esto."<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">560</a> The harlot
+who touches the altar of Juno, the deity of married women,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>breaks the <i>pax</i> with that deity, and she must offer a
+piacular sacrifice to renew it; the son who strikes a
+parent is made over as the property of the <i>divi parentum</i>,
+<i>i.e.</i> those of the whole community,<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">561</a> the peaceful relation
+with whom his act has imperilled. With such rules
+as these the civil magistrate of the republic can have had
+nothing to do; they belong to an older period of thought
+and of government, and survived in the books of the
+college which under the republic continued to administer
+the <i>ius divinum</i>; for these rules doubtless continued to
+exist side by side with the civil law as it gradually
+developed itself, and the necessary modes of expiation
+were known to the pontifices only. Roman society was
+indeed so deeply penetrated for many ages with the idea
+of <i>religio</i>&mdash;the dread of violating the <i>pax deorum</i>,&mdash;that the
+idea of law as a matter of the relation of man to man, as
+"the interference of the State in the passions and interests
+of humanity only," must have gained ground by very
+slow degrees. This primitive religious law then, <i>i.e.</i> the
+regulation of the proper steps to be taken to avoid a
+breach of the <i>pax deorum</i>, was entirely in the hands of the
+religious authorities, the Rex at first and then the
+pontifices, as the only experts who could know the secrets
+of the <i>ius divinum</i>; and from their decisions and prescriptions
+there could be no appeal, simply because there
+was no individual or body in the State to whom an
+appeal was conceivable. But after the rule of the
+Etruscan kings, with all its disturbing influences, and
+after the revolution which got rid of them, there must
+have been an age of new ideas and increased mental
+activity, and also of increasing social complexity, the
+signs of which in the way of trade and industry we have
+already found in certain facts of religious history. In
+the domain of law this meant new problems, new difficulties;
+and these were met in the middle of the fifth
+century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, if the received chronology is to be accepted,<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">562</a>
+by the publication of the XII. Tables.</p>
+
+<p>In order to get some idea of the work of the pontifices
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>at this time, let us consider one or two of these difficulties
+and problems.</p>
+
+<p>Within the family every act, every relation, was matter
+of religion; the <i>numina</i> had to be considered in regard
+to it. The end and aim, then as throughout Roman
+history, was the maintenance of the <i>sacra</i> of the family,
+without which it could not be conceived as existing&mdash;the
+due worship of its deities, and the religious care of its
+dead. Take marriage as an example: "the entry of a
+bride into the household&mdash;of one who as yet had no lot
+in the family life&mdash;meant some straining of the relation
+between the divine and human members,"<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">563</a> and the
+human part of the family must be assured that the
+divine part is willing to accept her before the step can be
+regarded as complete. She has to enter the family in
+such a way as to share in its <i>sacra</i>; and if <i>confarreatio</i>
+was (as we may believe) the oldest form of patrician
+marriage,<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">564</a> the bride was subjected to a ceremony which
+was plainly of a sacramental character&mdash;the sacred cake
+of <i>far</i> being partaken of by both bride and bridegroom
+in the presence of the highest religious authority of the
+State. In the simplest form of society there would be
+no call for further priestly interference in marriage; but
+in a society growing more numerous and complex, exceptions,
+abnormal conditions begin to show themselves,
+and new problems arise, which must be solved by new
+expedients, prescriptions, permissions, devices, or fictions.
+For these the religious authorities are solely responsible;
+for what is a matter of religious interest to the family is
+also matter of religious interest to the State, simply because
+the State is composed of families in the same sense
+as the human body is composed of cellular tissue. All
+this, we believe, was once the work of the Rex, perhaps
+with the college of pontifices to help him; when the kingship
+disappeared it became the work of that college solely,
+with the pontifex maximus as the chief authority.</p>
+
+<p>So, too, in all other questions which concerned the
+maintenance of the family, and especially in regard to the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>devolution of property. I am here only illustrating the
+way in which the pontifical college acquired their paramount
+influence by having a quantity of new and difficult
+work forced upon them, and it is not part of my plan to
+explain the early history of adoptions and wills; but I
+may give a single concrete illustration for the benefit of
+those who are not versed in Roman law. It must constantly
+have happened, in that disturbed period which brought
+the kingship to an end, that by death or capture in war a
+family was left without male heirs. Daughters could
+not take their place, because the <i>sacra</i> of a family could
+not be maintained by daughters, who would, in the natural
+order of things, be sooner or later married and so become
+members of other families. Hence the expedient was
+adopted of making a <i>filius familias</i> of another family a
+member of your own; and this, like marriage, involved a
+straining of the relations between the human and divine
+members of your family, and was thus a matter for the
+religious authorities to contrive in such a manner as to
+preserve the <i>pax</i> between them. The difficulty was overcome
+by the practical wisdom of the pontifical college,
+which held a solemn inquiry into the case before submitting
+it to the people in specially summoned assembly
+(<i>comitia calata</i>);<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">565</a> and thus the new <i>filius familias</i> was
+enabled not only to renounce his own <i>sacra</i> (<i>detestatio
+sacrorum</i>), but to pass into the guardianship of another
+set of <i>sacra</i>, without incurring the anger of the <i>numina</i>
+concerned with the welfare of either.</p>
+
+<p>Such difficult matters as these, and many more connected
+directly or indirectly with the devolution of property,
+such as the guardianship of women and of the
+incapable, the power to dispose of property otherwise than
+by the original rules of succession, the law of burial and
+the care of the dead,&mdash;all these, at the time of which I am
+speaking, must have been among the secrets of the pontifices;
+and we can also suspect, though without being
+sure of our facts, that the great increase of the importance
+of the <i>plebs</i> under the Etruscan dynasty offered further
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>opportunities for the growth alike of the work and influence
+of the college.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">566</a> Above all, we must remember that
+this work was done in secret, that the mysteries of adjustment
+were unknown to the people when once they had
+passed out of the ken of family and gens, and that there
+could have been no appeal from the pontifices to any
+other body. Nay, more, we must also bear in mind that
+this body of religious experts was <i>self-electing</i>. Until the
+lex Domitia of 104 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> both pontifices and augurs filled
+up their own colleges with persons whom they believed
+qualified both by knowledge and disposition. Thus it
+would seem that there was every chance that in that early
+Rome, where neither in family nor State could anything
+be undertaken without some reference to the religious
+authority, where the <i>pax deorum</i> was the one essential object
+of public and private life, a power might be developed
+apt one day not only to petrify religion and stultify its
+worshippers, but thereby also to cramp the energies of
+the community, acting as an obstacle to its development
+within its walls and without. Had Roman law remained
+entirely in the hands of this self-electing college, one
+of two things must have happened: either that college
+would have become purely secular in character, or the
+wonderful legal system that we still enjoy would never
+have had space to grow up. But this was not to be;
+with the publication of the XII. Tables a new era opens.</p>
+
+<p>If we reject, as we conscientiously may, the latest
+attempts of criticism to post-date the drawing up of the
+Tables,<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">567</a> and in fact to destroy their historical value for
+us, what is their significance for our present purpose?
+It is simply that in the middle of the fifth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the
+pontifices lost a monopoly&mdash;ceased to be the sole depositaries
+of the rules of law affecting the <i>pax deorum</i>, and that
+new rules are being set down in writing, on the basis of
+old custom, which more especially affect the relations
+between the human citizens. For both the <i>ius divinum</i>
+and the <i>ius civile</i> are to be found in this collection, but
+the latter is beginning to assert its independence. I think
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>we may say, without much hesitation, that this event,
+however doubtful its traditional details, did actually save
+Rome from either of the two consequences to which I
+alluded just now. The constitution developed itself on
+lay and not on ecclesiastical lines, leaving the pontifices
+other work to do, and Roman civil law was eventually
+able to free itself from the trammels of the <i>ius divinum</i>.</p>
+
+<p>But for another century the college still found abundant
+legal work to do, for it was not likely that at Rome, the
+most conservative of all city-states, it could be quickly
+set aside, or that the old ideas of law could so speedily
+disappear. What then was this work?</p>
+
+<p>When rules of civil law were written down, it was still
+necessary to deal with them in two ways which were open to
+the pontifices, and indeed at this early time to no one else.
+First, it was necessary to make their provisions effectual
+by prescribing in each case the proper method of procedure
+(<i>actio</i>). Now it is most important to grasp the
+fact that procedure in the <i>ius civile</i> was originally of precisely
+the same nature as procedure in the <i>ius divinum</i>,
+and that precisely the same rigid exactness is indispensable
+in both. Action and formula in civil law belong to the same
+class of practices as sacrifice and prayer in religious law,
+and spring from the same mental soil. Thus, for example,
+the most familiar case of action and formula in civil law,
+the <i>sacramentum</i>, was, as the name proves, a piece of
+religious procedure, <i>i.e.</i> the deposition in a sacred spot of
+a sum of money which the suitor in the case would forfeit if
+he lost it, together with the utterance of a certain formula
+of words which must be correctly spoken. If we choose
+to go back so far, we may even see in this combination
+of formularised act and speech a survival of magical or
+quasi-magical belief;<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">568</a> but this is matter rather for the anthropologist
+than the historian of religion. The point for
+us at this moment is that these acts and formulae (<i>legis
+actiones</i>, as they are known in Roman law) could not
+suddenly or rapidly pass out of the hands of that body of
+skilled experts which had so long been in sole possession
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>of them; the publication of old and new rules of law in
+the XII. Tables made no immediate difference in this
+respect. The consuls, the new civil executive, were still
+in no sense necessarily skilled in such matters, and were
+without the prestige of the former executive, the Rex;
+they were also doubtless busy with other work, especially
+in the field. Nothing could be more natural than that
+the pontifices should continue to provide the procedure
+for the now written law, just as they had formerly supplied
+it for the unwritten.<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">569</a></p>
+
+<p>So, too, with the <i>interpretation</i> of the Tables; this was
+the second part of the work that still remained to them.
+Writing was in that age a mystery to the mass of the
+population, and doubtless the idea was still in their minds
+that there was something supernatural about it. Writing,
+in fact, as well as formularised action and speech, may have
+had the flavour of magic about it. However that may be,
+there can be no doubt that the interpretation of a legal
+document was in those days a much more serious, if a less
+arduous business, than it is now. Here again, then, it
+seems perfectly natural that there should be no rapid or
+violent change in the <i>personnel</i> of those deemed capable
+of such interpretation; there was no other body of experts
+capable of the work; the pontifices remained <i>iuris-consulti</i>,
+<i>i.e.</i> interpreters and advisers, and in the course
+of two and a half centuries accumulated an amount of
+material that formed a basis for the first published system
+of Roman law, the <i>ius Aelianum</i> or <i>tripartita</i> of 200 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>
+It is most useful to remember, as proof of this, that one
+member of the college was selected every year for the
+special purpose of helping the people with advice in
+matters of civil law, both in regard to interpretation and
+the choice of <i>legis actiones</i>; so we are expressly told
+by Pomponius, who adds that this practice continued for
+about a hundred years after the publication of the Tables,
+<i>i.e.</i> till the election of the first praetor in 366.<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">570</a> After
+that date the <i>ius civile</i> emerges more distinctly from the
+old body of law, which included also the <i>ius divinum</i>, and its
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>interpretation was no longer a matter purely for religious
+experts. In 337 we hear of the first <i>plebeian</i> praetor&mdash;truly
+a momentous event, showing that the old profound
+belief is dying out, which demanded a religious and patrician
+qualification for all legal work. And at the end of
+the fourth century comes the publication, not only of the
+<i>legis actiones</i>, but of the Fasti, <i>i.e.</i> even of that most
+vital part of the <i>ius divinum</i>, which distinguished the
+times and seasons belonging to the numina from those
+belonging to the human citizens.<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">571</a> One might well suppose
+that the power of the pontifices was on the wane, for they
+had lost another monopoly.</p>
+
+<p>And indeed in one sense this was so. It must have
+been so, for as the range of the State's activity increased,
+the sphere of religious influence became relatively less.
+Marriage, for example, though it still needed a religious
+ceremony in common opinion, ceased to need it in the eye
+of the law&mdash;a change which is familiar to us in our own
+age. The pontifex was no longer indispensable to the
+suitor at law, nor to the citizen who wished to know on
+what day he might proceed with his suit. The college
+undoubtedly ceased to be the powerful secretly-acting body
+in whose hands was the entire <i>religio</i> of the citizen, <i>i.e.</i>
+the decision of all points on which he might feel the old
+anxious nervousness about the good-will of the gods.
+But now we mark a change which gave the old institution
+new life and new work. At the end of this fourth century
+(300 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>) it was thrown open to plebeians by the lex
+Ogulnia; and, as I have already mentioned, within a few
+years we come upon a plebeian pontifex maximus, who
+was not even a Roman by birth, yet one of the most
+famous in the whole series of the holders of that great
+office. Most probably, too, the numbers of the members
+have already been increased from five to nine, of whom
+five must be plebeian. These members begin to be
+found holding also civil magistracies, and the pontifex
+maximus was often a consul of the year. It is quite
+plain then that this priestly office is becoming more and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>more secularised; it expands with the new order of things
+instead of shrinking into itself. It leaves religion, in the
+proper sense of the word, far behind. The sacrificing
+priests, the flamines, etc., who were the humbler members
+in a technical sense of the same college, go on with their
+proper and strictly religious work under the supervision
+of the pontifex maximus,<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">572</a> but they steadily become of
+less importance as the greater members become secularised
+in their functions and their ambitions. And these greater
+members, instead of becoming stranded on a barren shore
+of antique religion, boldly venture into a new sphere of
+human life, and add definite secular work to their old
+religious functions.</p>
+
+<p>The events of the latter part of the fourth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>,
+culminating in the publication of the Fasti and the <i>legis
+actiones</i>, probably meant much more for the Romans than
+we can divine by the uncertain light of historical imagination.
+It is the age of expansion, internal and external;
+the old patrician exclusive rule was gone beyond recall;
+the plebeians had forced their way into every department
+of government, including at last even the great religious
+<i>collegia</i>; the old Latin league had been broken up, and
+the Latin cities organised in various new relations to
+Rome, each one being connected with the suzerain city
+by a separate treaty, sealed with religious sanctions. After
+the Samnite wars and the struggle with Pyrrhus, further
+organisation was necessary, and there arose by degrees a
+loose system of union which we are accustomed to call
+the Italian confederation. The adaptation of all these
+new conditions to the existing order of things at Rome
+was the work of the senate and magistrates so far as it
+concerned human beings only; but so far as it affected the
+relations of the divine inhabitants of the various communities
+it must have been the work of the pontifices.
+That work is indeed almost entirely hidden from us, for
+Livy's books of this period are lost, and Livy is the only
+historian who has preserved for us in any substance the
+religious side of Rome's public life. But what we have
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>learnt in the course of these lectures will have made it plain
+that no political changes could take place without involving
+religious adaptation, and also that the only body qualified
+to undertake such adaptation was the pontifical college.</p>
+
+<p>We may thus be quite certain, that though they had
+lost their old monopoly of religious knowledge, the pontifices
+found plenty of fresh work to do in this period.
+It is my belief that they now became more active than
+they ever had been. From this time, for example, we
+may almost certainly date their literary or quasi-literary
+activity; I mean the practice of recording the leading
+events of each year, which may have had its origin a
+century earlier, with the eclipse of the sun in or about
+404 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span><a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">573</a> I should guess that after the admission of the
+plebeians to the college in 300 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the new members put
+fresh life and vigour into the old work, and developed it
+in various directions. It is in this period that I am
+inclined to attribute to the college that zeal for compiling
+and perhaps inventing religious formulae of all kinds,
+which took shape in the <i>libri</i> or <i>commentarii pontificum</i>,
+and embodied that strange manual of the methods of
+addressing deities, which we know as <i>Indigitamenta</i>. And
+again, in the skilled work of the admission of new deities
+and the dedication of their temples, occasioned by the
+new organisation and condition of Italy, and lastly, in the
+supervision of the proper methods of expiating <i>prodigia</i>,
+which (though the habit is doubtless an old one) began
+henceforward to be reported to the Senate from all parts
+of the ager Romanus and even beyond, their meetings in
+the Regia must have been fully occupied. Our loss is
+great indeed in the total want of detail about the life
+and character of the great plebeian pontifex maximus
+of the first half of the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, that Titus
+Coruncanius whom I have already mentioned as being a
+Latin by birth; for Cicero declares that the <i>commentarii</i>
+of the college showed him as a man of the greatest
+ability,<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">574</a> whose reputation remained for ages as one who
+was ready with wise counsel in matters both public and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>private. Coupling him with two other memorable holders
+of the office, he says that "et in senatu et apud populum
+et in causis amicorum et domi et militiae consilium suum
+fidemque praestabant."<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">575</a> This passage should be remembered
+as a valuable illustration of the way in which
+the college and its head were becoming more and more
+occupied with secular business; it is worth noting, too,
+that this great man was himself consul in the year 280,
+and took a useful part in the first campaign against
+Pyrrhus.<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">576</a> Yet Cicero makes it plain that he looked on
+him also as a great figure in religious matters&mdash;nay, even
+as a man whom the gods loved.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">577</a></p>
+
+<p>I will finish this lecture by illustrating briefly this
+renewed and extended activity of the pontifices, so far as
+we can dimly trace it in this third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Most of
+it is connected more or less directly with the State religion,
+yet with a tendency to become more and more secular
+and perfunctory; the word <i>cura</i> would express it better
+than <i>caerimonia</i>, and <i>caerimonia</i> better than <i>religio</i>. The
+care of the calendar, for example (a technical matter
+which lies outside my province in these lectures), was
+originally of religious importance, because the oldest
+religious festivals marked operations of husbandry, and
+these, when fixed in the calendar, must occur at the right
+seasons.<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">578</a> It was the duty of the pontifices so to adjust
+the necessary intercalations as to effect this object&mdash;a
+duty to which they were, as it turned out, quite unequal.
+But continued city life broke the connection between the
+festivals and the agricultural work to which they originally
+corresponded, and what was once a <i>cura</i> of religious import
+became a secular matter of which the value was not appreciated.
+So too with another duty, for which both the
+Romans and ourselves have more reason to be grateful to
+them&mdash;the recording of the leading events of national
+history.</p>
+
+<p>It is uncertain what prompted the college, or rather
+its head, to begin making these records, though there is
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>no doubt about the fact. But it would be natural enough
+that those who had charge of the calendar, which would
+necessitate some record of years for purposes of intercalation,
+should go on to mark the names of the consuls
+and such striking events as would make a year memorable.
+In any case this was what actually happened. The
+pontifex maximus, we are told with precision, kept a
+<i>tabula</i>, or whited board, on which these events were noted
+down, with the consuls' names attached to them, or possibly
+a kind of almanac, made out for the whole year, on
+which they could append their notes to particular days.<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">579</a>
+This yearly <i>tabula</i> was no doubt at first kept secret, like
+all the pontifical documents, but sooner or later, perhaps
+at the same time as the publication of the <i>fasti</i> and <i>legis
+actiones</i>, it was exposed to public view in or at the Regia.<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">580</a>
+This went on for at least two centuries, and the records,
+which in the nature of things must have grown in length
+and detail as events became more startling and numerous,
+were edited in eighty books by the pontifex maximus P.
+Mucius Scaevola in 123 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>&mdash;the year of the first
+tribunate of C. Gracchus. The large number of these
+books has long been a stumbling-block to the learned,
+for we are expressly told that the <i>annales maximi</i>, as the
+records were called, were (in spite of their name) of a
+very meagre character; and many conjectures have quite
+recently been made to explain it.<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">581</a> But guessing is almost
+useless, seeing that there are no data for it. The editor
+may have added matter of his own, amplifying and
+adorning after the manner of writers of his day; or he
+may have worked in the contents of other pontifical books,
+<i>libri</i> or <i>commentarii pontificales</i>. The point for us is simply
+the continued activity of the pontifex maximus in this
+work, which must have become almost entirely secular in
+character. The notes may have been jejune, but they
+were probably accurate, and free from the perversions of
+family vanity or such lengthy rhetorical ornamentation as
+became the universal fashion among private writers of
+annalistic history. They were, we may suppose, exactly
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>what our modern historical conscience demands. But all
+that is left of them, or almost all, is the list of consuls
+(<i>fasti consulares</i>) and of triumphs (<i>fasti triumphales</i>) which
+in their present form must, or at least may, have been
+extracted from them.<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">582</a> On the whole, we may reckon
+them as the most valuable work of the college; and they
+may be taken as marking a growing sense of the importance
+of Rome and her history, the commemoration
+of which is thus committed to an official who, as an
+individual, had invariably served the State well, and in
+whom all classes had perfect confidence.<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">583</a></p>
+
+<p>One important part of the work of the college in this
+century must have been the adjustment of the civic religion
+of the Italian communities to that of Rome. What
+deities were to be made citizens of Rome? Which were
+to be left in their old homes undisturbed? No doubt
+many other questions must have called for attention in
+religious matters after the conquest of Italy, but this is
+the one of which we know most. The temple foundations
+of this period have all been carefully put together (chiefly
+from Livy's invaluable records) by Aust,<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">584</a> and show that
+there was a certain tendency to bring in deities from
+outside, not so much because they represented some
+special need of the Romans, corn or art or industry, as
+two centuries earlier, but simply because they were deities
+of the conquered whom it might be prudent to adopt.
+The great Juno Regina of Veii was long ago induced by
+<i>evocatio</i> to migrate to Rome; Fors Fortuna from Etruria,
+Juturna from Lavinium, Minerva Capta from Falerii,
+Feronia, a famous Latin goddess from Capena, Vortumnus
+from Volsinii,<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">585</a> all attest the same liberal tone in religious
+matters which on the whole marks the secular Italian
+policy of the Senate in this period. If we had but more
+information about the former, we should be able to understand
+the latter far better. We should like to know why
+in some cases the chief deity of a community came to
+Rome, while in others there is not trace of migration.
+The famous Vacuna of Reate, for example, never left her
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>home in the Apennines, possibly because she was a kind
+of Vesta, who could not be spared from Reate, and was
+not wanted at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">586</a></p>
+
+<p>The list of foundations also points to other tendencies
+and experiences of the time. We might guess that there
+was some attempt, with the aid of pontifical skill, to
+encourage agriculture or give it a fresh start after the
+invasion of Pyrrhus; for between 272 and 264, the years
+of the pacification of Italy, we find temples built to four
+agricultural deities, three indigenous Roman ones, Consus,
+Tellus, Pales, and one Etruscan garden god, Vertumnus.<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">587</a>
+Then we have a group of foundations in honour of deities
+connected with water&mdash;Juturna, Fons, Tempestates, which
+seem to have some reference to the naval activity of the
+first Punic war; they all fall between 259 and 241 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span><a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">588</a>
+Lastly, we notice a fresh accession of deified abstractions,&mdash;Salus
+(an old deity in a new form), Spes, Honos et
+Virtus, Concordia, and Mens.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">589</a> I am glad to find that
+the latest investigator of these religious abstractions is
+at one with me in believing that they simply mark a
+developed stage in the religious bent of the earliest
+Roman. If the old Romans had the habit of spiritualising
+a great variety of material objects, in other words,
+if they were in an advanced animistic stage, there seems
+to be no reason why they should not have begun to
+spiritualise mental concepts also (for which they had
+words, as for the material objects), even at a very early
+period. The whole psychological aspect of such abstractions
+is most interesting, but I must pass it over
+here, merely suggesting that each of these abstractions
+was doubtless deified for some particular reason, under
+the direction, or with the sanction, of the pontifices.<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">590</a></p>
+
+<p>But we have not as yet reached what is, after all, for
+our purposes the most instructive part of the work of the
+pontifices&mdash;I mean the archives or memoranda (<i>libri</i> or
+<i>commentarii</i>) which they kept, and from which, indirectly,
+much of what I have had to say about the <i>ius
+divinum</i> has been drawn. It is here that we see the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>policy of maintaining the <i>pax deorum</i> carried to its highest
+point. These books contained a vast collection of
+formulae for every kind of process in which the deities
+were in any way concerned; here was the complete
+<i>pharmacopoeia</i> of the <i>ius divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">591</a> We must remember
+that the pontifex maximus and his assessors had to be
+ready at any moment with the correct formula for all
+religious acts, whether extraordinary, like the <i>devotio</i> of
+Decius or the expiation of some startling "prodigium,"
+or belonging to the ordinary course of city life, such as
+prayers in sacrificial ritual, <i>vota</i> both public and private,
+charters (<i>leges</i>) of newly founded temples, and so on.
+The idea that the spoken formula (ultimately, as we saw,
+derived from an age of magic) was efficient only if no
+slip were made, seems to have gained in strength instead
+of diminishing, as we might have expected it to do with
+advancing civilisation; and the pontifices not only responded
+to its importunity, but actually stimulated it.
+<i>Vires acquirit eundo</i> are words which apply well in all
+ages to the passion for organisation and precision. Though
+we cannot prove it, I myself have little doubt that the
+members of the college, or some of them, collected and
+invented formulae simply for the pleasure of doing it,
+and that the work became as congenial to them as the
+systematisation of the law to Jewish scribes after the
+captivity, or as casuistry to the confessors of the middle
+ages. When the art of writing became familiar to experts,
+the natural and primitive desire of the Roman to have
+exactness in the spoken word affected him also in his
+relations with the word as written. The scribe and the
+Pharisee found their opportunity. The whole public
+religion of the State, and to some extent also the private
+religion of the family, became a mass of forms and
+formulae, and never succeeded in freeing itself from these
+fetters.</p>
+
+<p>We can best illustrate this superfluity of priestly zeal
+in that strange list of forms of invocation called <i>Indigitamenta</i>,
+which I have already explained with the help of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>Wissowa.<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">592</a> Working upon the old Roman animism,
+and the popular fondness for formulae, the pontifices
+drew up those lists in the fourth and third centuries
+<span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, which have so seriously misled scholars as to the
+genuine primitive religious ideas of the Romans. They
+are in the main priestly inventions, the work of ingenious
+formulators. We may even be tempted to look on them
+as an attempt to rivet the yoke of priestly formalism on
+the life of the individual as well as on the life of the
+State as a whole. But if ever this was the intention,
+it was too late. A people that was beginning to get
+into touch with the civilisation of Hellas could not possibly
+bear such a yoke. In the last lecture we have already
+seen a tendency towards emotional religion independent
+of the old State worship; the philosophy of individualism
+was to complete the work of emancipation in
+the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> The old State religion remained,
+but in stunted form and with paralysed vitality;
+Rome was the scene of an <i>arrested religious development</i>.
+The feeling, the religious instinct (<i>religio</i>) was indeed
+there, though latent; the Romans were human beings,
+like the rest of us. But as we go on with the story we
+shall find that, when trouble or disaster brought it out of
+its hiding-place, it was no longer possible to soothe it on
+Roman principles or by Roman methods. These methods&mdash;in
+other words, the <i>ius divinum</i> as formulated by the
+authorities&mdash;had been meant to soothe it, and had indeed
+so effectually lulled it to sleep, that when at last it awoke
+again they had lost the power of dealing with it. When
+the craving did come upon the Roman, which in time of
+peril or doubt has come upon individuals and communities
+in all ages, for support and comfort from the Unseen, it
+had to be satisfied by giving him new gods to worship in
+new ways, gods from Greece and the East, some of them
+concealed under Latin names, but still aliens, not citizens
+of his own State, aliens with whom he had little or
+nothing in common, who had no home in his patriotic
+feeling, no place in his religious experience.<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">593</a> As I said
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span>at the beginning of the last lecture, we must not underrate
+the religiousness of the Roman character, which was
+never entirely lost; but the secret of its comparative uselessness
+lies in this&mdash;that the natural desire to be right
+with the Power manifesting itself in the universe, and to
+know more of that Power, became weakened and destroyed
+by an over-scrupulous attention to the means taken to
+realise it, and by the introduction of foreign methods
+which had no root in the mental fibre of the people,
+and reflected no part of its experience. Religion was
+effectually divorced from life and morality.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XII</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">556</span></a> See Mulder, <i>De notione conscientiae, quae et qualis fuerit
+Romanis</i>, Leyden, 1908, cap. 2. On p. 56 he quotes Luthard (<i>Die
+antike Ethik</i>, p. 131), who says of the Roman religion that it was
+even more an affair of the State than with any other people; hence
+its peculiar legal character. Though Mulder overworks his point,
+his chapter (especially p. 61 foll.) is full of interest.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">557</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 431. The first chapter of Ambrosch's
+<i>Studien und Andeutungen</i>, in which the nature and history of the
+Regia was first really investigated, is still valuable. An excellent
+short account is given by Mr. Marindin in his article in the <i>Dict. of
+Antiquities</i>, ed. 2. It is now generally maintained that the Regia
+in historical times was rather a building for sacred purposes than a
+residence for a man and his family, and this I hold to be correct;
+but it may for all that have originally been the residence of the Rex
+and of the Pont. Max. when the Rex had disappeared.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">558</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, i. 43, where a succinct
+account is given of modern opinion as to the so-called <i>ius Papirianum</i>.
+The main argument for the late date of the collection is that Cicero
+does not seem to have known of it when he wrote the letter <i>ad Fam.</i>
+ix. 21 in 46 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> This of course in no way affects the primitive
+character of the rules themselves.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">559</span></a> The inference that the rules were found in the <i>Libri pontificum</i>
+is inevitable in any case, but seems proved by the fact that one of
+them, that relating to the <i>spolia opima</i>, is stated by Festus, p. 189
+(<i>s.v.</i> "opima"), to have been extracted from those books.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">560</span></a> Festus, <i>s.v.</i> "pellices" and <i>s.v.</i> "plorare," which latter word is
+interpreted as = <i>inclamare</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">561</span></a> The <i>divi parentum</i> are here generally taken as those of the
+particular family, and this may have been so; but cf. Wissowa,
+<i>R.K.</i> 192.</p></div>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span></p>
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">562</span></a> For the attempts of Pais in Italy and Lambert in France to
+date the Tables at the end of the fourth century or later, see Schanz,
+<i>op. cit.</i> i. 41. In Germany opinion is universally in favour of the
+traditional date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">563</span></a> See <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">564</span></a> On the religious character of <i>confarreatio</i> see De Marchi, <i>La
+Religione nella vita privata</i>, i. p. 145 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">565</span></a> Cic. <i>de Domo</i>, 12. 14; Gellius, v. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">566</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i> Launspach, <i>State and Family in Early Rome</i>, p. 256
+foll. The last three chapters of this little book, on Patria potestas,
+Marriage, and Succession, will be found useful by those who cannot
+enter into the many disputes and difficulties which have arisen out of
+the attempts of writers on Roman law to adjust legal ideas to the dim
+early history of Rome. Binder, in his work <i>Die Plebs</i>, starts from
+the improbable hypothesis that the plebs was the population of the
+Latin part of the city as distinct from that Sabine part on the
+Quirinal, which he believes to have been the only patrician body;
+and he further believes that the plebs lived originally under "Mutterrecht,"
+the patres under "Vaterrecht." Such a condition of society
+would, of course, have greatly added to the pontifical work of religious
+adjustment; it would have been more than even the pontifices could
+have successfully achieved.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">567</span></a> See above, note 7. Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>, p. 488 foll., discusses,
+and in the main rejects, the arguments of Pais and Lambert.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">568</span></a> So Huvelin, in a paper in <i>L'Ann&eacute;e sociologique</i>, 1905-6, p.
+1 foll., criticised by Hubert et Mauss, <i>M&eacute;langes d'histoire des
+religions</i>, p. xxiii. foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">569</span></a> From the religious point of view the <i>legis actiones</i> are best
+explained in Marquardt, 318 foll. Cp. Muirhead, <i>Roman Law</i>, ed.
+1899, pp. 246-7; Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, index <i>s.v.</i> "legis
+actio," and especially p. 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">570</span></a> The famous passage of Pomponius is in the <i>Digest</i>, i. 2. 2,
+sec. 6 (for the work of Aelius, see <i>Dig.</i> i. 2. 2, 38) "ex his legibus
+... actiones compositae sunt, quibus inter se homines disceptarent:
+quas actiones ne populus prout vellet institueret, certas sollemnesque
+esse voluerunt.... Omnium tamen harum et interpretandi scientia
+et actiones apud collegium pontificum erant, ex quibus constituebatur,
+quis quoquo anno praeesset privatis."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">571</span></a> Livy ix. 46 "civile ius, repositum in penetralibus pontificum,
+evulgavit (Cn. Flavius), fastosque circa forum in albo proponit, ut
+quando lege agi posset sciretur." Cp. Val. Max. ii. 5. 2. <i>Civile ius</i>
+is here usually taken as meaning the procedure; but this is a passage
+which may give some countenance to those who would put the
+publication of the XII. Tables later than the traditional date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">572</span></a> For the relation of the Flamines, Vestals, and Rex sacrorum
+to the pontifex maximus, see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 432 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">573</span></a> See above, p. 283. For the eclipse, Cic. <i>Rep.</i> i. 16. 25; and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>for the various scientific determinations of its exact date, Schanz,
+<i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Lit.</i> vol. i. (ed. 2) p. 37. "Ex hoc die," writes
+Cicero, "quem apud Ennium et in maximis annalibus consignatum
+videmus, superiores solis defectiones reputatae sunt."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">574</span></a> Cic. <i>Brutus</i>, 55 "longe plurimum ingenio valuisse."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">575</span></a> <i>De Orat.</i> iii. 33. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">576</span></a> See <i>Dict. of Classical Biography</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "Coruncanius."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">577</span></a> <i>Nat. deor.</i> ii. 165. Coruncanius is mentioned as one of
+those whom the gods love, if indeed they take an interest in human
+affairs.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">578</span></a> See above, p. 100 foll.; and <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">579</span></a> Our knowledge of this <i>tabula</i> chiefly depends on a passage
+in the Danielian scholiast on Virg. <i>Aen.</i> i. 373: "ita enim annales
+conficiebantur. Tabulam dealbatam quotannis pontifex maximus
+habuit, in qua praescriptis consulum nominibus et aliorum magistratum,
+digna memoratu notare consueverat domi militiaeque terra
+marique gesta per singulos dies. Cuius diligentiae annuos commentarios
+in octoginta libros veteres retulerunt, eosque a pontificibus
+maximis, a quibus fiebant, annales maximos appellarunt." The
+explanation of the name is no doubt wrong; but all the rest of this
+passage can be relied on; cp. Cic. <i>de Orat.</i> ii. 12. 52; Dion. Hal. i. 73,
+74; Gell. ii. 28. 6; Cic. <i>Legg.</i> i. 2. 6. For the idea of the almanac,
+see Cichorius in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "annales maximi."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">580</span></a> <i>Proponebat tabulam domi</i>, Cic. <i>de Orat.</i> ii. 12. 52. This
+must refer to the official residence of the Pont. Max.; see above,
+p. 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">581</span></a> These attempted solutions of an insoluble problem may be
+found in brief in Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Lit.</i> i. 37. Perhaps the
+boldest is that of Cantorelli, that the annales were constructed not
+out of the tabula but out of the commentarii; but this is in conflict
+with the passage in the scholiast on Virgil. To me the difficulty
+does not seem overwhelming; events occurring "domi militiaeque,
+terra marique," may have filled considerable space, and yet have
+been meagre in the eyes of the rhetoricians of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">582</span></a> Schanz, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">583</span></a> The great authority of the Pont. Max. is well shown in the
+story of Tremellius the praetor, who in the middle of the second
+century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> was fined (by a tribune?) "quod cum M. Aemilio
+pontifice maximo iniuriose contenderat, sacrorumque quam magistratuum
+ius potentius fuit." Livy, <i>Epit.</i> 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">584</span></a> <i>De aedibus sacris populi Romani</i>, p. 10 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">585</span></a> Aust, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 14 foll. See also <i>R.F.</i> p. 340 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">586</span></a> For Vacuna, Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> pp. 44 and 128. She was later,
+but probably without good reason, identified with Victoria. The
+conjecture that she was a hearth deity rests on the lines of Ovid,
+<i>Fasti</i>, vi. 305, which I have before referred to in another context:
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ante focos olim scamnis considere longis</span>
+<span class="i1">mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos.</span>
+<span class="i0">nunc quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae,</span>
+<span class="i1">ante Vacunales stantque sedentque focos.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">587</span></a> Aust, p. 14. For Vertumnus the <i>locus classicus</i> is Propert.
+v. 2. It is not certain that the connection with gardens was
+primitive.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">588</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">589</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">590</span></a> See Axtell, <i>The Deification of Abstract Ideas in Roman
+Literature and Inscriptions</i> (Chicago, 1907), p. 59 foll., where the
+views of Mommsen, Boissier, Marquardt, and Wissowa are discussed.
+Axtell's own conclusion is given on p. 62 foll. In the main it seems
+to agree with that hazarded in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">591</span></a> For the evidence as to the contents of the <i>commentarii</i>, which
+are now generally identified with the <i>libri</i>, see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+32 and 441; Schanz, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 32; and the article "Commentarii"
+in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i> As Wissowa remarks (p. 441,
+note 6), we are greatly in need of a complete collection of all
+fragments of these archives.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">592</span></a> See above, p. 159 foll. The conviction that these lists are of
+comparatively late and priestly origin, which has long been growing
+on me, was originally suggested by the learned article "Indigitamenta"
+by R. Peter in Roscher's <i>Lexicon</i>, vol. ii. p. 175 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">593</span></a> I have here adopted some sentences from my article in the
+<i>Hibbert Journal</i> for 1907, p. 854.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XIII</h4>
+
+<h5>THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION</h5>
+
+
+<p>"The one great corruption to which all religion is exposed
+is its separation from morality. The very strength of the
+religious motive has a tendency to exclude, or disparage,
+all other tendencies of the human mind, even the noblest
+and best. It is against this corruption that the prophetic
+order from first to last constantly protested.... Mercy
+and justice, judgment and truth, repentance and goodness&mdash;not
+sacrifice, not fasting, not ablutions,&mdash;is the
+burden of the whole prophetic teaching of the Old
+Testament."<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">594</a></p>
+
+<p>The over-formalising, or ritualising, of any religion is
+sure to bring about that result against which the Jewish
+prophets protested. We saw at the end of the last lecture
+how the pontifices contributed to such a result. We are
+now to study the contribution of the other great college,
+the augurs. For instead of developing, as did the wise
+man or seer of Israel, into the mouthpiece of God in His
+demand for the righteousness of man, the Roman diviner
+merely assisted the pontifex in his work of robbing religion
+of the idea of righteousness. Divination seems to be a
+universal instinct of human nature, a perfectly natural
+instinct, arising out of man's daily needs, hopes, fears;
+but though it may have had the chance, even at Rome,
+it never has been able, except among the Jews, to emerge
+from its cramping chrysalis of magic and become a really
+valuable stimulant of morality.</p>
+
+<p>By divination I mean the various ways and methods
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>by which, in all stages of his development, man has persuaded
+himself that what he is going to do or suffer will
+turn out well or ill for him. It is probably judicious, with
+Dr. Tylor and with the majority of recent anthropologists,
+to consider it as belonging to the region of magic;<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">595</a> and
+it is obvious that it affords excellent examples of that
+inadequacy which characterises magical attempts to overcome
+the difficulties man meets with in his struggle for
+existence.<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">596</a> It belongs, like other forms of magic, to a
+stage in which man's idea of his relation to the Power
+manifesting itself in the universe is both rude and rudimentary.
+But it shares with magic the power or property
+of surviving, in form at least, through the animistic stage
+into that of religion, and it is largely practised at the
+present day even among highly civilised peoples.</p>
+
+<p>But I must observe, before I go on, that divination as
+an object of anthropological inquiry still stands in need of
+a thorough scientific examination. At present it seems
+to puzzle anthropologists;<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">597</a> and the reason probably is
+that the material for studying it inductively has not as yet
+been collected and sifted. Strange to say, it does not
+appear in the index to Dr. Westermarck's great work,
+which I have so often quoted: it is hardly to be found
+even in the <i>Golden Bough</i>: nor can I find a thoroughgoing
+treatment of it in any other books about the early
+history of mankind. And any sort of guesswork under
+these circumstances only increases our difficulties. Some
+years ago the great German philosophical lawyer, von
+Jhering, in an interesting work called the <i>Evolution of the
+Aryan</i>, made some most ingenious attempts to explain
+the origin of Roman divination. He fancied that the
+practice of examining the entrails of a victim, for example,
+began in the course of Aryan migration, because when
+you encamped in a new region you would catch and kill
+some of the native cattle in order to see whether they
+were wholesome enough to tempt you to stay.<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">598</a> Again,
+the study of the flight of birds was prompted by the desire
+to get information about the mountain passes and the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>course of great rivers; and this study grew into an
+elaborate art as the leader of the host, the prototype of
+the Roman augur, gained experience by constant observation
+from elevated ground.<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">599</a> Such a theory as this last
+might be worth something if it were based upon known
+facts; as it is, it is only most ingenious guesswork. This
+great legal writer did not know, as we do now, that divination
+by both these methods is found all over the world,
+and cannot be explained by any supposed needs of
+migrating Aryans.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever be the origin of the several forms of divination,
+the object of the practice in ancient Italy and Greece
+is beyond doubt&mdash;to find out whether the Power with
+whom you wish to be in right relation is favourable to
+certain human operations, or willing to aid in removing
+certain forms of human suffering. According to our
+definition, it was a part of religion, whether or no it
+belonged originally to magic. It was a practical expression
+of that doubt or anxiety to which I believe the
+Romans attached the word <i>religio</i>. In the agricultural
+period it must have been specially useful and even inevitable,<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">600</a>
+because the tiller of the soil is always in need of
+knowledge as to the best times and seasons for his
+operations, and his out-of-door life gives him constant
+opportunity of observing natural phenomena, <i>diosemeia</i>,
+signs from heaven, and the utterances and movements
+of birds and other animals. It is interesting to reflect
+that these last may often be of real service in foretelling
+the weather, which is so important to the farmer. As I
+write this on a December day I recall the fact that I have
+myself within the last week successfully foretold a spell of
+cold after observing a great arrival of winter thrushes from
+the north. This particular branch of augury is, in fact,
+neither so inadequate nor so absurd as most others. Von
+Jhering may turn out to be right in his notion that at
+least some forms of divination have their origin in practical
+needs and in the skill of uncivilised man in discerning the
+signs of the weather&mdash;a skill which it is well to remember
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>far exceeds that of the house-dweller of modern civilisation.
+But with the growth of the City-state and the
+habits of life in a town, these early instincts and methods
+of the agriculturist came to be caught up into a system
+of religious practice, adapted to the conditions of civil and
+political existence; thus they gradually lost their original
+meaning and such real value as they ever possessed. I
+have pointed out that the Roman festivals and the ritual of
+the oldest calendar gradually got out of relation with the
+agricultural life in which they for the most part originated:<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">601</a>
+so it was with divination, which in the hands of
+the State authorities became formalised into a set of rules
+for ascertaining the good-will of the gods, and obtaining
+their sanction for the operations of the community, which
+had no scientific basis whatever, no relation to truth and
+fact. Of all the methods for putting yourself in right
+relation with the Power, this was the least valuable, and
+indeed the most harmful; it came in course of time to be
+a positive obstacle to efficiency and freedom of action, it
+wasted valuable time, and it often served as the means of
+promoting private ends to the detriment of the public
+interest.</p>
+
+<p>Before I go on to consider the development of the
+highly formalised system of public divination, let me clear
+the ground by a few remarks about such forms of the
+practice as were not sanctioned by the State. That these
+existed throughout Roman history there is no doubt, as
+they existed in Greece, among the Jews, and elsewhere in
+the East, alongside of the advanced and organised methods
+of official and authorised experts.</p>
+
+<p>Our information about private divination is scattered
+about in Roman literature, and even when brought together
+there is not a great deal of it. What is prominent
+both in Roman literature and Roman history is the
+divination authorised by the State and systematised by
+its authorities; even in Cicero's treatise <i>de Divinatione</i>,
+though the subject-matter is of a general kind, drawn
+from Greece as well as Rome, it is, I think, apart from
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>philosophical questions, chiefly the art of augurs and
+haruspices that interests the writer, who was himself an
+augur when he wrote it. In Greek literature exactly the
+opposite is the case; there we hear little of State-authorised
+divination, and a great deal of wandering soothsayers,
+soothsaying families, and oracles which (except at
+Delphi) were not under the direct control of a City-state.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">602</a>
+The methods of divination are much the same in both
+peninsulas, and indeed vary little all the world over;
+the difference lies simply in this,&mdash;that at Rome the
+adoption and systematisation by the State of certain
+methods, especially those which dealt with birds and
+lightning, had the effect of discrediting, if not excluding,
+an immense amount of private practice of this kind. I
+mean that if the State strongly sanctions some forms of
+divination, working them by its own officials, it casts a
+shadow of discredit over the rest. As the <i>ius divinum</i>
+tended to exclude magic and the barbarous in ritual, so
+did the <i>ius augurale</i>, which was a part of it, exclude the
+quack in divination. And in this particular department
+of human delusion the result may be said to have been
+happy; for though divination belongs to religion as
+having survived from an earlier stage into a religious
+one, yet it is the least valuable, the least fruitful, part of
+it.<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">603</a> True, the augural systematisation, as we shall see,
+had a sinister effect on political progress; but even there
+the very emptiness and absurdity of the whole business
+helped to bring contempt on it, and, as Cicero tells us in
+a well-known passage, even old Cato declared that he
+could not imagine why a <i>haruspex</i> did not laugh when he
+met a brother of the craft.<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">604</a> In Greece, on the contrary,
+it might, I believe, be shown that the absence of systematisation
+by the State only served to prolong the credit
+and influence of the professional quack.</p>
+
+<p>Greece was at all periods full of these quacks; did the
+sham prophet exist at Rome in the period we have now
+under review? Later on the Oriental soothsayer found
+his way there; of these <i>Chaldaei</i> and <i>mathematici</i> I shall
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span>have a word to say in another lecture, and we shall see
+how the State authorities made occasional attempts to
+exclude them. Of the <i>frantic</i> type of diviner, the &#7956;&#957;&#952;&#949;&#959;&#987;,
+so common in Greece, we hear nothing in the sober
+Roman annals; the idea of a human being "possessed
+by a spirit of divination" seems foreign to the Roman
+character.<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">605</a> The only soothsayer, so far as I know, who
+appears in Roman legend in a private capacity is that
+Attus Navius who gave Tarquinius Priscus the benefit of
+his knowledge; and he is represented as a respectable
+Sabine, and his art as an augural one learnt from the
+Etruscans.<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">606</a> There are, indeed, ancient traces of a prophetic
+art at Rome, but, as the historian of divination has
+well observed, they are all connected not with human
+beings, but with divinities, a fact which explains the
+Latin word <i>divinatio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">607</a> To take what is perhaps the best
+example, the ancient deity Carmenta, who had a flamen
+and a double festival in the month of January, may very
+probably represent some dim tradition of a <i>numen</i> at
+whose shrine women might gain some knowledge as to
+their fortunes in childbirth, just as outside Rome, at Praeneste
+and Antium, Fortuna seems to have had this gift
+in historical times.<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">608</a> So St. Augustine interpreted Carmenta,<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">609</a>
+probably following Varro; and to Virgil she was
+the "<i>vates fatidica</i>, cecinit quae prima futuros Aeneadas
+magnos et nobile Pallanteum."</p>
+
+<p>But Carmenta, Picus, Faunus, are dim mythical figures
+which for us can have no bearing on Roman religious experience;
+it would be more to the point to ask what was
+the original meaning and history of the word <i>vates</i>, if the
+question were answerable in the absence of an early Roman
+literature. All we can say about this is that this word had,
+as a rule, a certain dignity about it, which enabled it eventually
+to stand for a poet, and that it rarely has a sinister
+sense, unless accompanied by some adjective specially used
+in order to give it.<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">610</a> The real word for a quack is <i>hariolus</i>,
+and the fact that it is comparatively rare suggests that
+the character it expresses was not a common one. It
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span>occurs here and there in fragments of old plays, where,
+unluckily, we cannot be quite sure whether it represents a
+Greek or a Latin idea. The following lines from the
+Telamo of Ennius shows us the <i>hariolus</i>, as well as the
+word <i>vates</i> with a discreditable adjective attached:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">sed superstitiosi vates impudentesque harioli</span>
+<span class="i0">aut inertes, aut insani, aut quibus egestas imperat,</span>
+<span class="i0">qui sibi semitam non sapiunt, alteri monstrant viam,</span>
+<span class="i0">quibu' divitias pollicentur, ab iis drachmam ipsi petunt.<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">611</a></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>A more satisfactory bit of evidence as to the existence of
+the quack in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, when Greece and
+the East were beginning to pour their unauthorised
+religionists into Italy, is the interesting passage in old
+Cato's book on agriculture, in which he urges that the
+bailiff of an estate should not be permitted to consult
+either a <i>haruspex</i>, <i>augur</i>, <i>hariolus</i>, or <i>Chaldaeus</i>.<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">612</a> But
+on the whole, such little evidence as we possess seems to
+confirm the view I hazarded just now, that the overwhelming
+prestige of State authority at Rome discouraged
+and discredited the quack diviner both in public and
+private life. His work in private life was largely that of
+fortune-telling, of foretelling the future in one sense or
+another; and this was exactly what the State authorities
+never did and never countenanced, at any rate until the
+stress of the Hannibalic war, and then only in a very
+limited sense. Their object was a strictly religious one,
+to get the sanction of the divine members of the community
+for the undertakings of the human ones. Even
+the so-called Sibylline oracles, as we saw, were not
+prophecies; and the augural art never provided an answer
+to the question, "What is going to happen?" but only to
+that much more religious one, "Are the deities willing
+that we should do this or that?"<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">613</a></p>
+
+<p>But before I leave the subject of private divination, I
+must note that there was a department of it which may
+be called legitimate, as distinguished from that of the
+quack. I mean the <i>auspicia</i> of the family religion, and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span>also the comparatively harmless folklore about omens of
+all sorts and kinds.</p>
+
+<p>Naturally we have little information about legitimate
+<i>auspicia</i> in the life of the family; but we have seen that
+the religious instinct of the Roman forbade him to face
+any important undertaking or crisis without making sure
+of the sanction of the <i>numina</i> concerned, and among the
+methods of insurance (if I may use a convenient word)
+the <i>auspicia</i> must have had a place from the earliest times.
+No important thing was done, says Cicero in the <i>de Divinatione</i>,
+"nisi auspicato, ne privatim quidem."<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">614</a> Valerius Maximus
+says the same in so many words, and some other
+evidence has been collected by De Marchi in his work on
+the private religion of the Romans.<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">615</a> But only in the
+case of marriage do we hear of <i>auspicia</i> in historical
+times, and even there they seem to have degenerated into a
+mere form. "Auspices nuptiarum, re omissa, nomen tantum
+tenent"&mdash;so Cicero wrote of his own time;<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">616</a> he seems to
+be thinking of augury by means of birds, for he adds,
+"nam ut nunc extis sic tunc avibus magnae res impetrari
+solebant." As we have already seen, the object of the
+examination of a victim's entrails was simply to ascertain
+its fitness to be offered; but by Cicero's time the Etruscan
+art of divination by this method must have penetrated
+into private life. I think we may conjecture that in the
+life of the family on the land the <i>auspicia</i>, as the word
+itself implies, were worked chiefly by observation of birds.
+Nigidius Figulus, the learned mystic of Cicero's time,
+wrote a book, <i>de Augurio Privato</i>, of which one fragment
+survives which has to do with this kind of divination, and
+with the distinction between omens from birds seen on
+the right or left, and from high or low flyers.<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">617</a> In the
+familiar ode of Horace beginning, "Impios parrae recinentis
+omen,"<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">618</a> the <i>corvus</i> and <i>cornix</i> are mentioned besides the
+<i>parra</i>, and in that wholesome old out-of-door life of the
+farm, as I said just now, there was a certain basis of truth
+and fact in the observation of such presages. But Horace
+mentions other animals, wolf, fox, and snake, and some at
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>least of the folklore about omens which is to be found in
+Pliny's descriptions of animals may help us to appreciate
+the nature of the old Roman ideas on this subject. The
+tiller of the land and the shepherd on the uplands used
+their eyes and ears, not wholly without advantage to
+themselves; but in the life of the city such observation
+became gradually formal and meaningless, and degenerated
+into the superstition reflected in Horace's ode. I must
+parenthetically confess to a personal feeling of regret that
+this people, who in their early days had good opportunities,
+made little or no contribution to the knowledge of animals
+and their habits.<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">619</a> But I must pass on to the more important
+subject of divination as developed and formalised
+by the authorities of the State.</p>
+
+<p>In explaining the ritual of the <i>ius divinum</i> I laid stress
+on the fact that its main object was to maintain the <i>pax
+deorum</i>, the right relation between the divine and human
+citizens.<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">620</a> To make this <i>pax</i> secure, it was necessary
+that in every public act the good-will of the gods should
+be ascertained by obtaining favourable auspices&mdash;it must
+be done <i>auspicato</i>. To take the first illustration that
+occurs, Livy describes a dictator about to fight a battle as
+leaving his camp <i>auspicato</i>, after sacrificing to obtain the
+<i>pax deorum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">621</a> It is for this reason that the <i>auspicia</i> have
+a leading place in the foundation legends of the city. We
+are all familiar with the story of the <i>auspicia</i> of Romulus
+and Remus, which goes back at least as far as Ennius;<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">622</a>
+and we find them also in the foundation of <i>coloniae</i> in
+historical times.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">623</a> I do not know that I can better
+express the place which the <i>auspicia</i> occupied in the
+mind of the Roman than by quoting the words which
+Livy puts into the mouth of Appius Claudius in 367 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>,
+when supposed to be inveighing against the opening of the
+consulship to plebeians: "Auspiciis hanc urbem conditam
+esse, auspiciis bello ac pace, domi militiaeque, omnia geri,
+quis est qui ignoret?" He goes on to argue that these
+<i>auspicia</i> belong to patricians only, that no plebeian magistrate
+is created <i>auspicato</i>, that the man who wants to allow
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>plebeians to become curule magistrates, <i>tollit ex civitate
+auspicia</i>. "Nunc nos, tanquam iam nihil pace deorum
+opus sit, omnes caerimonias polluimus."<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">624</a> This is, of
+course, only Livy's rhetoric, but it represents the fundamental
+Roman idea of the public <i>auspicia</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The passage is also useful because it alludes to the fact
+that the right of taking the <i>auspicia</i> belonged ultimately
+to the whole patrician body of fully qualified citizens.<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">625</a>
+But so far as we can discern in the dim light of the
+earliest period, this body entrusted the right and duty to
+its chief magistrate, the Rex, exactly as it entrusted him
+with the <i>imperium</i>, the supreme power of command in
+civil matters. Thus the <i>auspicia</i> and the <i>imperium</i> were
+indissolubly connected; as Dr. Greenidge says,<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">626</a> "they
+are the divine and human side of the same power," and
+may be found together in a thousand passages in Roman
+literature and inscriptions. But at the side of the Rex
+we find, according to tradition, two helpers or advisers
+called <i>augures</i>, the three together perhaps forming a
+<i>collegium</i>.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">627</a> Now there was certainly an important
+difference between the Rex and the augurs; the latter
+were aiders and interpreters, but the Rex only was said
+<i>habere auspicia</i>, just as the whole patrician body had this
+right, though they delegated it to the Rex during his
+lifetime, and on his death received it again. The man
+who "habet auspicia" has the right of <i>spectio</i>, <i>i.e.</i> of taking
+the auspices in a particular case,<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">628</a> of watching the sky or
+the conduct of the sacred fowls in eating; this right the
+augurs never had. Their power was limited to guidance
+and interpretation. This follows necessarily from the
+fundamental principle that the <i>auspicia</i> and the <i>imperium</i>
+were indissolubly connected; for the augur, of course,
+never possessed the <i>imperium</i> by virtue of his office. It
+is true that of the augur in the regal period we know
+almost nothing; his art, as we shall see directly, was kept
+strictly secret, and he was bound by oath not to reveal it.<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">629</a>
+But we may safely argue back in general terms from the
+relation of magistrate and augur under the later Republic
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span>to the relation of augur and Rex, from whom descended
+the magistrate's <i>imperium</i>. The one essential thing to
+remember is that <i>it was in all periods the magistrate who
+was responsible</i>, under the sanction and advice of his
+assistants the pontifices and augurs, for the maintenance
+of the <i>pax deorum</i>. The lay element in the actual working
+of the constitution never lost this prerogative. Rome was
+never hierarchically governed.</p>
+
+<p>It would be going beyond the scope of these lectures
+if I were to plunge at this point into the thorny question
+of the exact relation between magistrate and augur in
+respect of details. Nor do I propose to go into the
+minutiae of augural lore, which are not instructive, like
+those of sacrifice, for our survey of Roman religious
+experience. It will be sufficient to state in outline what
+I believe to be necessary for our purpose.<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">630</a> The person
+who had the <i>auspicia</i>, <i>i.e.</i> originally the Rex, like the later
+magistrate, had to watch for signs from heaven; in order
+to do so he marked out a <i>templum</i>, a rectangular space,
+by noting certain objects, trees or what not, beyond
+which, whether he looked at earth or sky, he need take no
+notice of what he saw. The spot where he took up his
+position for this purpose was itself a rectangular space,<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">631</a>
+marked out on a similar principle; in each case the space
+was <i>liberatus effatus</i>, <i>i.e.</i> freed from previous associations
+by a form of words, and ready, if need were (as in the
+case of <i>loca sacra</i>) to be further handed over to the deities
+as their property; this consecration, however, did not, of
+course, follow in the ordinary procedure of the <i>auspicia</i>.
+In the <i>urbana auspicia</i> all <i>loca effata</i> must be within the
+sacred boundary of the <i>pomoerium</i>. Within this the
+magistrate watched in silence at the dead of night for
+such signs as he especially asked for (<i>auspicia impetrativa</i>);
+those which offered themselves without such specification
+(<i>oblativa</i>) he was not bound to take cognisance of unless
+some one claimed his attention for them. The signs were
+originally in the regal period, if we may guess from the
+word <i>auspicium</i>, only such as birds supplied, and the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>space in which they were watched for was not complicated
+by the divisions of the later augural art.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">632</a> The business
+of the augur was, we may suppose, to see that the details
+were carried out correctly, and to interpret the signs; but
+those signs were not sent to <i>him</i>, for he was not the
+actual representative of the State in this ritual.</p>
+
+<p>If the constitutional position and duty of the augurs
+have now been made sufficiently clear, I may go on
+to explain briefly, as in the case of the pontifices, how
+the office became gradually secularised, and the duty
+formalised, so that if there ever had been anything of a
+really religious character in this art, any genuine belief
+in the manifestation by the Power of his will in matters
+of State life, such character, such belief, had become by
+the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> entirely paralysed and destroyed.
+But the history of the augurate is much more difficult to
+follow than that of the pontificate. The work of the
+pontifices touched the life of every day, public and
+private, at many points, with the result that their secrets
+ceased to be secrets by the end of the fourth century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>
+The work of the augurs was occasional, and more technical
+than that of the other college; it can hardly be said
+to have affected the religion of family life, nor did it continually
+bear upon public life, as did the pontifical knowledge
+of the <i>ius divinum</i> and the calendar. Hence the
+augural lore was never published, under pressure of public
+opinion, and neither ancient nor modern scholars have
+had to waste their time in investigating it. Books were
+indeed written about it in later times by one or two
+curious students, but in the time of Cicero, who was
+himself an augur, the neglect of it was general, even by
+members of the college.<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">633</a></p>
+
+<p>This mysterious augural lore was preserved in books,
+like that of the pontifices; and in all probability these
+books were put together in the same period as the latter,
+viz., the two centuries immediately following the abolition
+of the kingship.<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">634</a> I think there is a strong probability
+that the augurate emerged from the age of Etruscan rule
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span>which marks the latter part of the kingly period, with
+increased importance and fresh activity, the result of
+immediate contact with Etruscan methods of divination.<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">635</a>
+It is likely that they began in this way to cultivate the
+art of divination by lightning, which was peculiarly
+Etruscan, and to divide their <i>templum</i> into <i>regiones</i>,
+which, as I said just now, were not apparently needed
+for the observation of omens from birds. How far they
+carried this art we cannot tell, owing to the loss of their
+books and the commentaries upon them; but about the
+Etruscan discipline we do know something. Those who
+wish to have a glimpse of it may consult the first chapter
+of the fourth volume of Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq's <i>History of
+Divination</i>, as a more intelligible account than any known
+to me.<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">636</a> But all I need to insist on now is the likelihood
+that the augurs began the Republican period with a
+power of interpretation which was the more important
+because the art was changed; it is now the depository
+not only of the old bird lore, but of the new lightning
+lore. And as this last became the peculiar characteristic
+of the art of public divination, and as the augurs were,
+like the pontifices, a close self-electing corporation until
+104 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> and a close self-electing <i>patrician</i> body until the
+lex Ogulnia of 300 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, holding secret meetings every
+month on the <i>arx</i>,<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">637</a> and recording their lore in books
+which were never made public, they might well have
+grown into a powerful hierarchy, <i>if they had only been
+possessed of the right of spectio</i>. What saved Rome from
+this fate was simply the fact that the college was a body
+of interpreters only, or, in other words, the principle that
+the <i>auspicia</i> belonged exclusively to the magistrate. The
+<i>auspicia</i> were in fact a matter of public law, not of
+religion, properly speaking; the idea on which they were
+based, that the sanction of the deities was needed for
+every public action, very early lost its true significance,
+and the process of taking them became a mere form, the
+religious character of which was almost entirely forgotten.
+They ceased to be matter of religion just as the amulet
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span>or any other form of preventive magic fails to be
+reckoned as within the sphere of religion; the feeling
+was there that they must be attended to (though even
+that feeling lost its strength in course of time), but only
+as a matter of custom, not because the Power was really
+believed to sanction an act in this way.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it seems that the importance of the augurs
+belongs to Roman public law, and not to the history of
+Roman religious experience. It will be found fully
+explained, in that connection, in Mommsen's <i>Staatsrecht</i>,
+or in Dr. Greenidge's volume on <i>Roman Public Life</i>.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">638</a>
+All we have to note here is the complete secularisation
+of what was once really a part of the Roman religion;
+the augurs themselves were public men and could hold
+magistracies, and their art of interpretation came to be
+used for secular and political purposes only. They
+could declare a magistrate <i>vitio creatus</i>, whether they
+had been present at the taking of the auspices or not;
+they could also on appeal stop the proceedings at a
+public assembly, whether for election or legislation; it
+may be said of them that in one way or another they
+had a veto on every public transaction.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">639</a> As Cicero
+expresses it in his <i>ius divinum</i>, in the second book of his
+work on the constitution: "Quae augur iniusta nefasta
+vitiosa dira defixerit inrita infectaque sunto, quique non
+paruerit, capital esto."<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">640</a> But in spite of the fine words
+<i>iniusta nefasta vitiosa</i>, there was no religious principle
+involved in this solemn injunction. When Bibulus in 59
+<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> sought as consul to stop Caesar's proceedings by
+using his right of <i>spectio</i>, all he had to do was to announce
+that he was going to look for lightning (<i>obnuntiare</i>);
+and if there had been the smallest remnant of religious
+belief left in the Roman mind about such transactions,
+it would quietly have acquiesced, in the conviction that
+Jupiter would send lightning to the Roman magistrate
+who asked for it; as it was, Caesar took no notice, and
+the Roman people only laughed. Caesar was at the
+time, let us note, the head of the Roman religion, pontifex
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span>maximus. So with the augurs as the interpreters of
+the magisterial <i>spectio</i>; proud as Cicero was of becoming
+an augur, with all the old surviving elective ritual,<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">641</a> he
+never, we may be sure, believed for a moment that he
+had the power of interpreting the will of the gods. A
+century before his augurship the whole business of public
+divination had been regulated by statute, like any other
+secular matter; and in his own day it was an open
+question with men of education whether there were such
+a thing as divination at all.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">642</a> True, as we shall see, the
+<i>illegitimate</i> forms of divination were at this very time
+gaining ground, as the current of superstition increased
+in strength which marks this last period of the
+republic; but the augur's art and the <i>spectio</i> of the
+magistrate were still surviving as mere constitutional
+fossils, and were not destined to share largely in Augustus'
+heroic attempt to put fresh life into the <i>ius divinum</i>.
+<i>Vile damnum</i>, as Tacitus said of the foreign quacks
+banished to Sardinia by Tiberius; for neither in the
+sphere of religion nor later in that of politics can the art
+of divination be said to have had any lasting value.</p>
+
+<p>I have not dealt at any length with the augurs and
+the State system of divination, but I hope I have said
+enough to show that, as I hinted at the beginning of this
+lecture, it affords an excellent illustration of the way in
+which the religious instinct, the desire to be in right
+relation with the Power manifesting itself in the universe,
+was first soothed and satisfied, then hypnotised and
+paralysed, by the formalisation and gradual secularisation
+of religious processes. The desire to obtain the sanction
+of the Power by seeking for favourable signs or omens
+seems to be a universal instinct of human nature, though
+a perverse one; if left to itself it will apparently pass
+into the region of harmless folklore, where it does not
+seriously interfere with human progress, either secular or
+religious; but where, as at Rome, it is taken up into the
+ritual of a religious system, and is further allowed to
+express itself mechanically in the region of public law,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>it exhausts itself rapidly, loses all its original significance,
+and becomes a clog on human progress.</p>
+
+<p>In ancient Italy this instinct for divination was nowhere
+so strongly and so perversely developed into a mechanical
+system as in Etruria, and it is highly probable that this
+development contributed largely to the rapid political and
+moral decay of the Etruscan people. The narrow aristocratic
+constitution of the Etruscan cities, worked by a
+kind of priestly nobility, seems to have afforded great
+opportunities for the cultivation of the perverse art which
+(as we are now beginning to recognise) this people had
+brought with them from the East.<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">643</a> I have already suggested
+that an Etruscan dominion at Rome had very probably
+unfortunate results in developing and formalising the
+art of the augurs. But the age of the Tarquinii was not
+the only one in which the sinister influence of this strange
+people was brought to bear on Roman religious institutions;
+and before I close this lecture I must say a very
+few words about a second invasion of Etruscan perversity,
+which began some two centuries and a half later. This
+was the result of that renewed <i>religio</i>, that feeling of
+anxiety and sometimes of despair characteristic of the
+last half of the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the perilous era of the
+Punic wars, with which I shall deal more particularly in
+the next lecture. The state religion could not soothe it;
+neither pontifices nor augurs had any sufficient native
+remedy for it, and as the ritual of worship was reinforced
+from Greece and the East, so the ritual of divination was
+reinforced from Etruria.</p>
+
+<p>The Etruscans seem to have educated their diviners
+with care and system. We do not know the details of
+such education, but it seems likely that there were schools
+of these prophets, by means of which the art was handed
+down and developed.<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">644</a> The word for the person thus
+trained was <i>haruspex</i> in its Italian form as known to us,
+though it had an Etruscan original.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">645</a> The art acquired
+was of three kinds&mdash;the interpretation of lightning; the
+explanation and interpretation of the entrails of victims,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>and especially of the liver; and, thirdly, the explanation
+and expiation of portents and prodigia.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">646</a> All three
+departments seem to have been carried to an extreme
+degree of perverse development. To give an idea of it I
+need but refer to recent discussions of the relation between
+the divisions marked on a bronze model of a victim's
+liver (found in 1877 at Piacenza), in which are written
+the Etruscan names of a great number of deities, and the
+somewhat similar divisions of the templum of the heavens
+as given by Martianus Capella in explanation of the
+celestial dwellings of the Italian deities. A study of this
+unprofitable subject, of which the only interest lies in the
+illustration it offers of the prostitution of human ingenuity,
+will be found in a little work by Carl Thulin, published
+in the series called <i>Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und
+Vorarbeiten</i>.<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">647</a></p>
+
+<p>Just as the Roman authorities had recourse from time
+to time to the Sibylline books, so also they occasionally,
+though not apparently before the Punic wars, sought the
+help of the trained Etruscan diviners. We shall come
+across instances of this in the next two lectures, and I
+need not specify them now. They seem to have used
+their art in all its departments; and in the most degraded
+of these, the examination of entrails, it was found so convenient
+to have their services in a campaign that in course
+of time one at least seems to have accompanied every
+Roman army.<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">648</a> The complicated art of augury might in
+fact be dispensed with if you had a <i>haruspex</i> ready and
+willing at a moment's notice to give you a good report
+of the victim's liver. To keep up the supply of experts,
+the senate, probably in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, determined
+to select and train ten boys of noble family in
+each Etruscan city. This was the last service that the
+degenerate Etruscan people rendered to its conquerors,
+and a more degrading one it is impossible to imagine.
+These foreign diviners were never admitted to the dignity
+of a <i>collegium</i>;<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">649</a> they rather played the part of the
+domestic chaplain kept to say grace before meat. For
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>a moment they attract our attention in connection with
+the persecution of Cicero by his political enemies, and the
+<i>consecratio</i> after his exile of the site of his house on the
+Palatine hill.<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">650</a> For a moment again we meet with them
+in the reign of Claudius, who was interested in the
+Etruscans and wrote a work about them, and once raised
+the question in the senate of the revival of the haruspices
+and their art&mdash;such part of it, at least, as might seem
+worth preserving&mdash;"ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per
+desidium exolesceret."<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">651</a> And strange to say, though in
+fact no part of this ancient Italian discipline was in the
+least worth preserving, it survived in outward form into
+the fourth century of the empire.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">652</a> We read with astonishment
+in the code of the Christian emperor Theodosius,
+that if the imperial palace or other public buildings are
+struck by lightning the haruspices are to be consulted,
+according to ancient custom, as to the meaning of the
+portent.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">653</a> Thirteen years after the death of Theodosius,
+in 408, Etruscan experts offered their services to
+Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, to save the city from the
+Goths. Pompeianus was tempted, but consulted Innocent,
+the Bishop of Rome, who "did not see fit to oppose his
+own opinion to the wishes of the people at such a crisis,
+but stipulated that the magic rites should be performed
+secretly." What followed is uncertain. "The Christian
+historian says that the rites were performed, but were
+unavailing; the pagan Zosimus affirms that the aid of the
+Tuscans was declined."<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">654</a> So hard died the futile arts of
+the most unfruitful of all Italian races.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XIII</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">594</span></a> Stanley's <i>Jewish Church</i> (ed. 1906), vol. i. p. 398 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">595</span></a> <i>Hist. de divination dans l'antiquit&eacute;</i>, vol. i. p. 7 foll.; divination
+is "contemplative," magic "active." But this learned author
+did not deal with divination except as it existed in Greece and Italy;
+and in view of our present extended knowledge this differentia is not
+instructive.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">596</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span> See Tylor's article in the last edition of the <i>Encyclopaedia
+Britannica</i>, and his <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, Pt. ii. ch. iv.; Haddon, <i>Magic
+and Fetishism</i>, p. 40. Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination dans
+l'antiquit&eacute;</i>, vol. i. p. 7, distinguishes divination from magic; but his
+knowledge of the subject was limited to civilised races.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">597</span></a> Mr. Marett seems doubtful about it: see his <i>Threshold of
+Religion</i>, pp. 42 and 83. In the latter passage he says that it may
+or may not be treated as a branch of magic, and may be "originally
+due to some dim sort of theorising about causes, the theory engendering
+the practice rather than the practice the theory." I should doubt
+whether, when the facts have been fully collected, this will be the
+conclusion to which they point.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">598</span></a> <i>Evolution of the Aryan</i>, Drucker's translation, p. 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">599</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> pp. 364, 374.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">600</span></a> A curious survival of divination from the agricultural period,
+which was taken over by the State, but not fixed to a day in the
+calendar, is the <i>augurium canarium</i>. The exta of red puppies which
+had been sacrificed were consulted, apparently with a view to ascertain
+the probability of the corn ripening well (Festus, p. 285, quoting
+Ateius Capito). See <i>R.F.</i> p. 90, and the references there given; also
+Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 20; Fest. 379; and Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa,
+p. 2328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">601</span></a> See above, p. 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">602</span></a> See Dr. Jevons' account in Gardner and Jevons, <i>Manual of
+Greek Antiquities</i>, ch. vii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">603</span></a> Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq in the introduction to his first volume (p. 3)
+expresses a different opinion. He thinks that the benefit conferred
+by divination in the conduct of life was the most valuable part of
+religion. With this I entirely disagree.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">604</span></a> Cic. <i>de Divinatione</i>, ii. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">605</span></a> See Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, iv. 119 foll. In a recently published
+essay, <i>De antiquorum daemonismo</i>, by J. Tamburnino (Giessen, 1909),
+the only genuine Roman evidence adduced of possession is Minucius
+Felix, <i>Octavius</i>, ch. 27, <i>i.e.</i> it belongs to the late second century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>
+In the so-called Italian oracles there is no question of it: <i>e.g.</i> the
+lots at Praeneste were worked by a boy (Cic. <i>de Div.</i> ii. 86).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">606</span></a> Livy i. 36; Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 17. It is Dion. Hal. iii. 70 who
+says that his art was Etruscan.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">607</span></a> Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, iv. 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">608</span></a> For Carmenta see <i>R.F.</i> 167 and 291 foll. For Fortuna, <i>ib.</i>
+223 foll.; cp. 170 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">609</span></a> Aug. <i>de Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 11; he uses the plural <i>Carmentes</i>; see
+<i>R.F.</i> as above. Virgil, <i>Aen.</i> viii. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">610</span></a> As "superstitiosi vates" in the passage of Ennius quoted
+below. In his imaginary <i>ius divinum</i> Cicero uses the word for
+"fatidici" authorised by the State (<i>de Legg.</i> ii. 20). He is perhaps
+thinking of the haruspices.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">611</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span> Ribbeck, <i>Fragm. tragicorum Romanorum</i>, p. 55. For
+hariolus outside the play-writers, Cic. <i>de Nat. Deor.</i> i. 20. 55, where
+it is combined with haruspices, augures, vates, and coniectores (interpreters
+of dreams). <i>Ad Att.</i> viii. 11. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">612</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> ch. 54; cp. Columella, i. 8 and xi. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">613</span></a> See P. Regell, <i>De augurum publicorum libris</i>, p. 6 "Omnia
+illa auguria quae futurarum rerum aliquid predicunt ... augurum
+publicorum disciplinae abroganda sunt: aut privati sunt augurii, aut
+Tuscorum disciplinae." Cp. Cic. <i>de Har. Resp.</i> 9. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">614</span></a> Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 16. 28; Val. Max. ii. 1. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">615</span></a> <i>La Religione nella vita domestica</i>, i. 153 foll.; 232 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">616</span></a> Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 16, 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">617</span></a> This fragment is preserved in Gellius vii. 6. 10. Nigidius
+may be responsible for many of Pliny's omens. Regell, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">618</span></a> Hor. <i>Odes</i>, iii. 27. 1 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">619</span></a> Exactly the same misfortune occurred in the middle ages.
+The monks had abundant opportunity of observation, but were
+occupied with other matters, and have left behind them no works on
+natural history.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">620</span></a> See above, p. 169 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">621</span></a> Livy vi. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">622</span></a> See the fragment of Ennius' <i>Annales</i> in Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">623</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 450; <i>Lex coloniae Genetivae</i>, 66 and 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">624</span></a> Livy vi. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">625</span></a> See a good account in the <i>Dict. of Antiquities</i>, vol. i. 252 and
+255; and Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>s.v.</i> "auspicia."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">626</span></a> <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">627</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 451, note 2; Marq. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">628</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">629</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 451, note 7; Plut. <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 99; Pliny,
+<i>Ep.</i> 4. 8. Plutarch asks why an augur can never be deprived of his
+office, and answers that the secrecy of his art made it impossible.
+Cp. Paulus, 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">630</span></a> The latest authoritative account of the auspicia is in Pauly-Wissowa,
+<i>s.v.</i>, where the necessary literature and material will be
+found for a study of an extremely complicated subject.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">631</span></a> The technical term was <i>templum minus</i>, in contradistinction
+to the <i>templum maius</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the space in which he was to look for
+signs. See Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, iv. 197; Fest. 157. The usual place
+was the <i>arx</i>, where was the <i>auguraculum</i>, on which the magistrate
+taking the auspices "pitched his tent" (<i>tabernaculum</i>), looking to
+the east, with the north as his left or lucky side. Von Jhering, <i>op.
+cit.</i> p. 364, makes some ingenious use of this procedure to support
+his theory that the origin of such institutions is to be found in the
+period of migration.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">632</span></a> That the division of the <i>templum</i> into <i>regiones</i> was necessary
+only for the <i>auguria caelestia</i>, and not for the observation of birds,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span>is the conclusion drawn by Wissowa (<i>R.K.</i> 457, note 2) from the
+words of Cicero (<i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 21) in his <i>ius divinum</i>: "caelique
+fulgura regionibus ratis temperanto" (<i>i.e.</i> the magistrates).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">633</span></a> Cicero expressly says that even old Cato complained of the
+neglect of the auspicia by the college: <i>de Div.</i> i. 15. 28; above, in
+sec. 25, he had said the same thing of the augurs of his own day,
+<i>i.e.</i> including himself. We know of a work on the <i>auspicia</i> by M.
+Messalla, an augur, from which Gellius, xiii. 15, quotes a lengthy
+extract (cp. ch. 14). This man was consul in 53 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; Schanz,
+<i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Lit.</i>, ii. 492. Just at the same time Appius Claudius,
+Cicero's predecessor as governor of Cilicia, wrote <i>libri augurales</i>, to
+which Cicero more than once alludes in his correspondence with
+Appius: <i>ad Fam.</i> iii. 9. 3 and 11. 4. It is plain that the old augural
+lore is now treated only as a curiosity, of which the secrecy need no
+longer be respected.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">634</span></a> P. Regell, <i>De augurum publicorum libris</i>, whose excellent
+little work has never been superseded, thinks (p. 19) that the <i>libri</i>
+were the result of the neglect of the art, <i>i.e.</i> that it was necessary to
+put it in writing, because otherwise it would be forgotten. "Tota
+eius vita," he says, "lenta est mors." The lore was complete about
+the time of the decemvirate, but <i>decreta</i> must have been continually
+added (p. 23). The nucleus may be represented in Cicero, <i>de Legibus</i>,
+ii. 20. 21, and perhaps existed in Saturnian verse (Festus, 290). The
+additions in the way of decree or comment would probably range
+over the fourth and third centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> like those of the pontifices.
+No doubt the Hannibalic war had the effect of diminishing the
+importance of the lore, as the next lecture should show. On the
+whole we may put the great period of the college between the
+decemvirate and the war with Hannibal.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">635</span></a> This is the opinion of Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. iv.
+p. 205 foll.; cp. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 457. Cicero calls the augurs
+"interpretes Iovis Optimi maximi" (<i>de Legibus</i>, ii. 20), and herein could
+hardly have made a mistake, as he was himself an augur. As the
+great deity was of Etruscan origin in this form, I should conjecture
+that the college took new ground and gained new influence under
+the Etruscan dynasty.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">636</span></a> Cp. also M&uuml;ller-Deecke, <i>Die Etrusker</i>, ii. 165 foll. Our
+knowledge comes chiefly from the learned but obscure writer Martianus
+Capella (ed. Eyssenhardt), who wrote under the later Empire.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">637</span></a> For these meetings see Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 41. 90; Regell, p. 23.
+They were obsolete in Cicero's time, but seem to have still existed in
+the time of Scipio Aemilianus: Cic. <i>Lael.</i> 2. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">638</span></a> <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i. 73 foll.; Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p.
+172 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">639</span></a> The best account of the constitutional power of the augurs is
+in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encyclop&auml;die</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "augur," vol. i. p. 2334
+foll.; cp. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 457-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">640</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> <i>De Legibus</i>, ii. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">641</span></a> The outward form of <i>co-optatio</i> was still preserved, like our
+"election" of a bishop by a chapter. Cicero was co-opted by
+Hortensius after nomination by two other augurs. See his interesting
+account of this in his <i>Brutus</i>, ch. i. The survival may be taken
+as throwing light on the original secrecy and closeness of the
+<i>collegium</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">642</span></a> For the <i>leges Aelia et Fufia</i>, cf. Greenidge, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 173.
+The Stoics of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> were divided on this point. See
+below, p. 399. In the second book of his <i>de Divinatione</i>, following
+the Academic or agnostic school, he himself confutes his brother
+Quintus' argument for divination contained in Bk. I.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">643</span></a> This is the view of Thulin, <i>Die G&ouml;tter des Martianus Capella
+und der Bronzeleber von Piacenza</i> (Giessen, 1906), p. 7 foll., and it
+seems at present to hold the field: see Gruppe, <i>Die mythologische
+Literatur aus den Jahren 1898-1905</i>, p. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">644</span></a> M&uuml;ller-Deecke, vol. ii. p. 7 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">645</span></a> See Deecke's note on p. 12 of M&uuml;ller-Deecke, vol. ii. It is
+possibly connected with <i>hariolus</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">646</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 470, and M&uuml;ller-Deecke, vol. ii. 165 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">647</span></a> See above, note 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">648</span></a> References to Livy will be found in Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 473,
+note 11. One of these, to Livy xxvii. 16. 14, is worth quoting as
+suggesting that a <i>haruspex</i> might give useful advice in spite of his
+art: "Hostia quoque caesa consulenti (Fabio) deos haruspex, cavendum
+a fraude hostili et ab insidiis, praedixit."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">649</span></a> They were not <i>sacerdotes publici Romani</i>, nor is a <i>collegium</i>
+mentioned till the reign of Claudius: Tac. <i>Ann.</i> xi. 15. The proper
+term seems to have been <i>ordo</i>, which occurs in inscriptions of the
+Empire: Marq. p. 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">650</span></a> See the oration <i>De haruspicum responsis</i> (especially 5. 9), the
+genuineness of which is now generally acknowledged. Asconius
+quotes it as Cicero's (ed. Clark, p. 70): so also Quintilian, v. 11. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">651</span></a> Tac. <i>Ann.</i> 11. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">652</span></a> The <i>haruspices</i> mentioned in inscriptions (above, note 56)
+were not the genuine article; they were Romans and <i>equites</i>. Probably
+this was only one of the many ways of finding dignity or employment
+for persons of good birth under the Empire.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">653</span></a> <i>Cod. Theod.</i> xvi. 10. 1 (of the year 321 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>), quoted by
+Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 475, note 1. In ix. 16. 3. 5, however, the practice
+of consulting such experts is strictly prohibited.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">654</span></a> The story is told in Prof. Dill's <i>Roman Society in the Last
+Century of the Western Empire</i>, ed. 1, p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XIV</h4>
+
+<h5>THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5>
+
+
+<p>We have noticed two different, if not opposing, tendencies
+in Roman religious experience since the disappearance
+of the kingship. First, there was a tendency towards
+the reception of new and more emotional forms of worship,
+under the direction of the Sibylline books and their
+keepers; secondly, we have seen how, in the hands of
+pontifices and augurs, religious practice became gradually
+so highly formularised and secularised that the real
+religious instinct is hardly discernible in it, except indeed
+in the degraded form of scruple as to the exact performance
+of the ritual laid down. There was also, towards
+the end of that period, a third tendency beginning to show
+itself, which was eventually to complete the paralysis of
+the old religion&mdash;a tendency to neglect and despise the
+old religious forms. This need not surprise us, if we
+keep in mind two facts: (1) that Rome is now continually
+in close contact with Greece and her life and thought;
+(2) that it seems to be inevitable in western civilisation
+that a hard and fast system of religious rule should
+eventually arouse rebellion in certain minds. Already
+there are a few signs that the regulations of the <i>ius
+divinum</i> are not invariably treated with respect.</p>
+
+<p>As long ago as 293 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> and the last struggle with the
+Samnites, we find a trace of this neglect or carelessness.
+One of the chicken-keepers (<i>pullarii</i>) reported falsely to
+the consul Papirius that the sacred chickens had given
+good omen in their eating: this was discovered by a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>young nephew of Papirius, "iuvenis ante doctrinam deos
+spernentem natus," as Livy calls him, and came to the
+consul's ears. Papirius' reception of the news was characteristic
+of the way in which a Roman could combine
+practical common-sense with the formal respect claimed
+by his <i>ius divinum</i>; he declared that the omen had been
+reported to him as good, and therefore "populo Romano
+exercituique egregium auspicium est." The umpire had
+decided favourably for him, and there was an end of the
+matter, except indeed that that umpire was placed in the
+forefront of the battle that the gods might punish him
+themselves, and there of course he died.<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">655</a> A generation
+later we have a case of far more pronounced contempt in
+the familiar story of P. Claudius Pulcher and his colleague
+Junius, each of whom lost a Roman fleet after neglecting
+the warning of the <i>pullarius</i>: of Claudius it is told that
+he had the sacred chickens thrown into the sea.<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">656</a> Another
+well-known story is that of Flaminius, the democrat
+consul who, as we shall learn directly, was defeated and
+killed at Trasimene after leaving Rome with none of his
+religious duties performed.<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">657</a> The famous Marcellus of
+this second Punic war, though himself an "augur optimus,"
+according to Cicero, declined to act upon an <i>auspicium ex
+acuminibus</i>&mdash;electric sparks seen at the end of the soldiers'
+spears&mdash;and was accustomed to ride in his litter with
+blinds drawn, so that he should not see any evil omen.<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">658</a>
+Assuredly the transition from superstition to reason had
+its ludicrous side even in public life.</p>
+
+<p>But it is not the gradual approach of rationalism that
+is the subject of this lecture. For years after the death
+of Flaminius we have no trace of it: that was no time
+for speculating, and it would have been dangerous. The
+religious history of the time, as recorded by Livy, shows
+on the contrary that <i>religio</i> in the old sense of the word
+is once more occupying the Roman mind&mdash;the sense of
+awe in the presence of the Unknown, the sense of sin or
+of duties omitted, or merely a vague sense of terror that
+suggested recourse to the supernatural. No wonder: for
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span>though Italy had been invaded within the memory of
+living man, it was not then invaded by one who had
+sworn to his father in infancy to destroy the enemy root
+and branch. Instinctively both Romans and loyal Italians
+knew that they were face to face with a struggle for life
+and death. It is hard for us to realise the terror of the
+situation as it must have been in those days of slow communication
+and doubtful news. It is to Livy's credit that
+he recognised it fully, and all who look on history as
+something more than wars and battles must be eternally
+grateful to him for searching the records of the pontifices
+for evidence of a people's emotion and the means taken
+to soothe it. Polybius has nothing to tell us of this but
+a few generalisations, drawn from his own experience a
+century later.<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">659</a> In all essential attributes of a Roman
+historian Livy is far the better of the two. I propose to
+follow his guidance in trying to gain some knowledge of
+the revived <i>religio</i> of the age and the way in which it was
+dealt with by the authorities.</p>
+
+<p>It is in the winter of 218-17, when Hannibal was
+wintering in north Italy after his victory at the Trebbia,
+that Livy first brings the matter before us.<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">660</a> He uses the
+word I have just now and so often used: men's minds
+were <i>moti in religionem</i>, and they reported many <i>prodigia</i>
+which were uncritically accepted by the vulgar. He
+begins with Rome, and here it is worth noting that these
+portents issue from the crowded haunts of the markets,
+the <i>forum olitorium</i>, and the <i>forum boarium</i>, both close to
+the river and the quays. In the latter place, for example,
+an ox was said to have climbed to the third story of a
+house, whence it threw itself down, terrified by the panic
+of the inhabitants&mdash;a story which incidentally throws
+light on the housing of the lower population at the time.<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">661</a>
+Other wonders were announced from various parts of
+Italy,<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">662</a> and the decemviri were directed to have recourse
+to the Sibylline books, except for the <i>procuratio</i> of one
+miracle, common in a volcanic country, the fall of pebble-rain.<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">663</a>
+This had a <i>procuratio</i> to itself by settled custom,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>the <i>novendiale sacrum</i>,<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">664</a> an expiation parallel with that
+which, in the religion of the family, followed a birth or a
+death. For the rest, the whole city was subjected to
+<i>lustratio</i>,<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">665</a> and, in fact, the whole population was busy with
+the work. A <i>lectisternium</i> was ordered for Iuventas,<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">666</a> the
+deity of the young recruits, a <i>supplicatio</i> for Hercules at one
+of his temples, and five special victims were ordered for
+<i>Genius</i>&mdash;directions which have been variously interpreted.
+I am disposed to think of them as referring to the capacity
+of the State to increase its male population in the face of
+military peril. That the authorities were looking ahead
+is clear from the fact next stated, that one of the praetors
+had to undertake a special vow if the State should survive
+for ten years. These measures, ordered by the books,
+"magna ex parte levaverant religione animos." Unfortunately,
+the wayward consul Flaminius spoilt their
+endeavours by wilfully neglecting his religious duties at
+the Capitol, and also at the Alban mount, where he should
+have presided at the Latin festival, and hurrying secretly
+to the seat of war, lest his command should be interfered
+with by the aristocrats.</p>
+
+<p>Spring came on, and with the immediate prospect
+of a crisis the <i>religio</i> broke out afresh.<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">667</a> Marvels were
+reported from Sicily and Sardinia, as well as Italy and
+Rome. We need not trouble ourselves with them, except
+so far as to note that one, at least, was pure invention; at
+Falerii, where there was an oracle by lots,<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">668</a> one tablet fell
+out of the bundle with the words written on it, <i>Mavors
+telum suum concutit</i>. The mental explanation of all
+this is lost to us;<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">669</a> it would be interesting to know how
+the reports really originated and were conveyed to Rome.
+That a widely spread <i>religio</i> is really indicated we can
+hardly doubt. The steps taken to soothe it, the religious
+prescriptions, are of more value to us. The Senate received
+the reports, and the consul then introduced the question
+of procuration. Besides decreeing, no doubt with the
+sanction of the pontifices, certain ordinary measures, the
+Senate referred the matter to the decemviri and the Sibylline
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>books. A <i>fulmen</i>, weighing fifty pounds, was awarded
+to Jupiter, and gifts of silver to his consorts in the
+Capitoline temple. Then follow directions which show
+that the <i>religio</i> of women was to be particularly cared for.
+Juno Regina of the Aventine was to have a tribute collected
+by matrons, and she and the famous Juno Sospita
+of Lanuvium were to have special sacrifices; and it is
+probable that another Juno Regina, she of Ardea, was the
+object of a sacrifice, which the decemviri themselves undertook
+in the forum of that city.<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">670</a> This prominence of Juno
+may be a counterpart, I think, to the special attention
+shown to Hercules and Genius in the previous winter.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">671</a>
+And it is interesting to notice that the libertinae were
+directed to collect money for their own goddess Feronia.<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">672</a></p>
+
+<p>It is evident that Livy, in detailing these directions
+from the books of the pontifices,<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">673</a> took them in the chronological
+order in which they were to be carried out; for the
+day sacred to Juno Regina of the Aventine is September 1,
+that of Feronia November 13, and the last instruction he
+mentions is in December, when Saturnus was to have a
+sacrifice and <i>lectisternium</i> at his own temple in the forum
+(prepared by senators), and a <i>convivium publicum</i>. This
+meant, we note with interest, the Graecising of this old
+Roman cult, which now took the form which is so familiar
+to us of public rejoicing by all classes, including slaves.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">674</a>
+But long before these dates the terrible disaster of
+Trasimene had forced the Senate, at the urgent persuasion
+of the dictator Fabius, to have recourse to
+the sacred books again.<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">675</a> Never before had they been
+so frequently consulted; the ordinary <i>piacula</i> of the
+pontifices were not thought of; a consul had grievously
+broken the <i>pax deorum</i>, and what remedy was
+possible no Roman authority could tell. The prescriptions
+of the books were many and various; the most
+interesting of them is the famous <i>ver sacrum</i>, an old
+Italian custom, already referred to, but here prescribed by
+a Greek authority. This was submitted to the people in
+Comitia, and carried with quaint provisions suited to protect
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span>them against any unconscious mistake in carrying out
+the vow, such as might produce further <i>religio</i>. We will
+only notice that though, according to the old tradition, it
+was to Mars that the Italian stocks were wont in time of
+famine and distress to dedicate the whole agricultural produce
+of the year, together with the male children born that
+spring,<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">676</a> in this crisis it is to Jupiter that the vow is
+made. It is the Roman people only who here make the
+vow, and they make it, I doubt not, to that great Jupiter of
+the Capitol who for 300 years has been their guardian, and
+in whose temple are kept the sacred books that ordered it.<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">677</a></p>
+
+<p>But the authorities were determined to make now a
+supreme effort to still the alarm, and to restore the people
+to cheerfulness. They went on to vow <i>ludi magni</i>, <i>i.e.</i>
+extra games beside the usual yearly <i>ludi Romani</i>, at
+a cost of 333,333 and one-third asses, three being the
+sacred number. Then a <i>supplicatio</i> was decreed, which
+was attended not only by the urban population, but by
+crowds from the country, and for three days the decemviri
+superintended a <i>lectisternium</i> on a grand scale, such as
+had never been seen in Rome before, in which twelve
+deities in pairs, Roman and Greek indistinguishable from
+each other, were seen reclining on cushions. If Wissowa
+interprets this rightly,<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">678</a> as I think he does, it marks a
+turning-point in the religious history of Rome. The old
+distinction between <i>di indigetes</i> and <i>di novensiles</i> now
+vanishes for good; the showy Greek ritual is applied alike
+to Roman and to Greek deities; the Sibylline books have
+conquered the <i>ius divinum</i>, and the decemviri in religious
+matters are more trusted physicians than the pontifices.
+The old Roman State religion, which we have been so
+long examining, may be said henceforward to exist only in
+the form of dead bones, which even Augustus will hardly
+be able to make live.</p>
+
+<p>So far, however, all had been orderly and dignified.
+But after Cannae we begin to divine that the stress of
+disaster is telling more severely on the nervous fibre of
+the people. Two Vestals were found guilty of adultery&mdash;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span>always a suspicious event; in such times a wicked rumour
+once spread would have its own way. One killed herself;
+the other was buried alive at the Colline gate. A <i>scriba
+pontificis</i>, who had seduced one of them, was beaten to
+death by the pontifex maximus. Such a violation of the
+<i>pax deorum</i> was itself a prodigium, and again the books
+were consulted, and an embassy was sent to Delphi with
+Fabius Pictor as leader.<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">679</a> Greece is looming ever larger
+in the eyes of the frightened Roman.</p>
+
+<p>Under such circumstances it is hardly astonishing to
+read of a new (or almost new) and horrible rite, in which a
+Greek man and woman and a Gallic man and woman
+(slaves, no doubt) were buried alive in the <i>forum boarium</i>
+in a hole closed by a big stone, which had already, says
+Livy, been used for human victims&mdash;"minime Romano
+sacro." As in the case of the Vestals, blood-shedding is
+avoided, but the death is all the more horrible. What
+are we to make of such barbarism? Technically, it must
+have been a sacrifice to Tellus and the Manes, like the
+<i>devotio</i> of Decius, and like that also, it probably had in it
+a substratum of magic.<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">680</a> As regards the choice of victims
+it baffles us, for if we can understand the selection of a
+Gallic pair at a time when the Gauls of North Italy were
+taking Hannibal's side, it is not so easy to see why the
+Greeks were just now the objects of public animosity.
+Diels has suggested that Gelo, son of Hiero of Syracuse,
+deserted Rome for Carthage after Cannae,<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">681</a> and wanting a
+better explanation we may accept this, and imagine, if we
+can, that the cruel death of a pair of Greek slaves need
+not be taken as expressing any general feeling of antagonism
+or hatred for things Greek. But, after all, the most
+astonishing fact in the whole story is this&mdash;that the
+abominable practice lasted into the Empire; Pliny, at
+least, emphatically states that his own age had seen it, and
+heard the solemn form of prayer which the magister of
+the quindecemviri used to dictate over the victims.<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">682</a> Pliny,
+we may note, also speaks of the <i>forum boarium</i> as the
+scene of the sacrifice, where also the first gladiatorial games
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>were exhibited.<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">683</a> Rome was already accustomed to see
+horrors there.</p>
+
+<p>As we have now reached the climax of the religious
+panic of these years, I may pause here for a moment to
+refer to an interesting matter which I mentioned in my
+third lecture. At this very time, if we accept Wissowa's
+conjecture, the twenty-seven puppets of straw known as
+Argei, which were thrown over the <i>pons sublicius</i> by the
+Vestals on the ides of May, were being substituted as
+surrogates for the sacrifice by drowning of the same
+number of Greeks (Argei); an atrocity which he fancies
+actually took place somewhere in the interval between the
+first and second Punic wars, under orders found in the
+Sibylline books.<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">684</a> All scholars know that there were in
+the four regions of the old city twenty-seven (or twenty-four)
+chapels, <i>sacella</i>, which were also called Argei, and
+have caused great trouble to topographers and archaeologists.<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">685</a>
+To complete his hypothesis, Wissowa conjectures
+that these too date from this same age, and
+were distributed over the city in order to take away the
+miasma caused by some great pestilence or other trouble,
+of which, owing to the loss of Livy's second decade, we have
+no information. But neither have we a scrap of information
+about the building of the chapels, or the drowning of
+the twenty-seven Greeks, an atrocity so abominable that
+the only way in which we might conceivably account for
+its disappearance in the records would be the hypothesis
+of a conspiracy of silence, an impossible thing at Rome.
+The loss of Livy's second decade cannot of itself be an
+explanation; such an event is just what an epitomator
+would have seized on, yet there is no trace of it in the
+surviving epitomes, nor in any other author who may have
+had Livy before him. Varro knew nothing of it, so far as
+we can tell; where he refers to the Argei he makes no
+mention of such an astonishing origin either of puppets or
+chapels. If there had been a record in the books of the
+pontifices, it is impossible to imagine that he was not
+aware of it.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>On the contrary, he quotes no official record, but a
+line of Ennius which attributes the origin of the Argei
+to Numa:<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">686</a></p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">libaque fictores Argeos et tutulatos.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Now Ennius was born in 239<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">687</a> <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and was, therefore,
+living when the whole astonishing business began. How
+does he come to ascribe to Numa institutions which were
+to himself exactly as the building of the Forth Bridge
+might be to an Edinburgh man of middle age? Why,
+too, if these institutions were of such recent date, did the
+Romans of the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> invent all sorts of
+wild explanations of them, at which Wissowa very properly
+scoffs? It is for him to explain why these explanations
+were needed. It is inconceivable that in a large city,
+with colleges of priests preserving religious traditions
+and formulae, all memory of the remarkable origin of
+<i>sacella</i> and puppets should have so completely vanished
+as to leave room for the growth of such a crop of explanations.
+These will be found in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>,
+p. 112, and whoever reads them will conclude at once,
+I am sure, that the Romans knew nothing at all about
+the true history of the Argei. We may still class this
+curious ceremony with some of the primitive magical or
+quasi-magical rites of the ancient settlement. We are
+not entitled to cite it as an example of the growing
+savagery of this trying period; and if it be argued that
+it is an example rather of humanity, because for the
+original victims straw puppets were substituted, the
+answer is that even if we were to grant the human
+sacrifice, the surrogation of puppets is a most unlikely
+thing to have happened.<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">688</a> It is a rare practice; Wissowa
+himself judiciously rejects it as an explanation of such
+objects as <i>oscilla</i> and <i>maniae</i>. You cannot adopt it when
+you choose, to explain a difficulty, and then reject it when
+you choose. Why, one may ask, was this humane method
+not applied also to the two pairs of Gauls and Greeks
+just mentioned? But I need not pursue the subject
+further; we may be satisfied to reflect that from an
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>anthropological point of view the Argei need never have
+been anything more than puppets.<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">689</a></p>
+
+<p>But to return to the religious history of the war. It
+would seem that the extraordinary series of performances
+ordered during the depression and despair that followed
+Cannae had succeeded for the time in quieting the <i>religio</i>.
+Fabius Pictor too had returned from Delphi,<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">690</a> and brought
+home in what seems to be hexameter verse instructions as
+to the worship of certain deities, with injunctions to the
+Romans to send gifts to the Pythian Apollo if prosperity
+should return to them, and ending with the significant
+words, "lasciviam (disorderly excitement) a vobis prohibete,"
+which may be interpreted as "keep quiet, and do not get
+into a religious panic." The hexameters were Greek, but
+were translated for the benefit of the people; and Fabius
+publicly told how he had himself obeyed the voice of the
+oracle by sacrificing to the deities it named, and had
+worn the wreath, the sign that he was accomplishing
+religious work, during the whole of his journey home.
+This wreath he now deposited on the altar of Apollo.
+This was in 216, and it is remarkable that we hear of no
+new outbreak of <i>prodigia</i>, the normal symptom of <i>religio</i>,
+till the next year. Then we have a list; as Livy says,<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">691</a>
+"simplices et religiosi homines" were ready with them
+at any time. A panic arose in Rome, not strictly of
+a religious kind, which shows the nervousness of the
+population; a rumour went about that an army had
+been seen on the Janiculum, but men who were on the
+spot refuted it. In this case the Sibylline books were
+not consulted, but Etruscan haruspices were called in,
+who simply ordered a <i>supplicatio</i> of the new kind, at
+the <i>pulvinaria</i>. This is the first, or almost the first
+instance of these experts being consulted; earlier statements
+of the kind are probably apocryphal, as I pointed
+out in the last lecture. It is not clear why the authorities
+had recourse to them at this moment; but I am inclined
+to think that the old remedies even of the Sibylline books
+and their keepers were getting stale, and that while it was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span>thought undesirable to excite the people by new rites, it
+was felt that the familiar ones might gain some new
+prestige by being recommended by new experts. The
+old prescription, given by a new physician, may gain in
+authority. The next year again, 213, brought another
+crop of <i>prodigia</i>, but Livy dismisses them with the simple
+words, "His procuratis ex decreto pontificum."<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">692</a> It is
+reasonable to suppose that a reaction was taking place
+in the minds of the senators and pontifices, and that they
+were determined to take as little notice as possible of
+disturbing symptoms, relying on the prestige of the
+Delphic oracle, and acting on its advice to suppress
+<i>lascivia</i>.</p>
+
+<p>But in this same year the <i>lascivia</i> broke out again
+with unprecedented force. The cause was not only, as
+Livy explains it, the dreary continuance of the war
+with varying success; if we read between the lines we
+may guess that the break-up of family life occasioned
+by the deaths of so many heads of houses and their sons,
+had opened the way for <i>feminine</i> excitement and for the
+introduction of external rites such as an old Roman
+<i>paterfamilias</i> would no more have tolerated than the
+pontifices themselves. "Tanta religio," says Livy,<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">693</a> "et
+ea magna ex parte externa, civitatem incessit, <i>ut aut
+homines, aut dii repente alii viderentur facti</i>"; it
+seemed as if the old religious system, in spite of all its
+highly formalised apparatus of expiation, was being
+deliberately set aside. "Nec iam in secreto modo
+atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ritus: sed in
+publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque (this is the hardest
+cut of all) <i>mulierum</i> turba erat, nec sacrificantium nec
+precantium deos patrio more." To understand such an
+amazing religious rebellion against the <i>ius divinum</i> we
+must remember that 80,000 men had fallen at Cannae,
+besides great numbers in the two previous years, and
+that therefore the real effective human support of that
+<i>ius</i> had in great part given way. Private priests and
+prophets, vermin to be found all over the Graeco-Roman
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>world, had captured for gain the minds of helpless
+women, and of the ruined and despairing population of
+the country now flocking into Rome. The aediles and
+triumviri capitales, responsible for the order of the city,
+could do nothing; the Senate had to commission the
+praetor urbanus to rid the people of these <i>religiones</i>.
+When in those days the Senate and magistrates took
+such a matter in hand, further rebellion was impossible.
+All we are told is that the praetor issued an edict
+ordering that all who possessed private forms of prophecy
+or prayer, or rules of sacrifice, should bring them to
+him before the kalends of April next; and that no one
+should sacrifice in public with any strange or foreign
+rite. I do not know that the wonderful good sense
+of this decree has ever been commented on. To take
+violent or cruel measures would have been dangerous
+in the extreme at such a psychological moment. Livy
+tells this story at the very end of the year 213, and
+the kalends of April referred to must be those of the
+next year; there was, therefore, plenty of time to obey
+the order, and in the meantime the excitement might
+subside of itself. The mischief was not absolutely and
+suddenly stopped; in private houses the new rites
+were allowed to go on,&mdash;a policy adhered to in time
+to come,&mdash;but the <i>ius divinum</i> of the Roman State,
+the public worship of the Roman deities, must not be
+tampered with. This wise policy seems to have succeeded
+for the time; for even after the capture of
+Tarentum by Hannibal, and the prospect of an attack in
+that direction from Macedonia, we do not hear of any
+renewed outbreak. <i>Prodigia</i> are reported as usual, but
+the remedy thought sufficient is only a single day's
+<i>supplicatio</i> and a <i>sacrum novendiale</i>. The consuls, however,
+in the true Roman spirit, devoted themselves for
+several days to religious duties before leaving Rome
+for their commands.</p>
+
+<p>This was at the beginning of the year 212. But after
+the Latin festival at the end of April we hear of a new
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span><i>religio</i>, and a very curious one.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">694</a> It looks as though
+certain Latin oracles, written in Saturnian verse, and attributed
+to an apocryphal <i>vates</i> of the suspicious name of
+Marcius, had got abroad in the panic of the previous year,
+and had been confiscated by the praetor urbanus charged,
+as we saw, with the suppression of religious mischief. He
+had handed them on to the new praetor urbanus of 212.
+One of them prophesied the disaster of Cannae which
+had already happened; the other gave directions for
+instituting games in honour of Apollo, including one
+which placed the religious part of these <i>ludi</i> in the
+hands of the decemviri. I strongly suspect that the
+whole transaction was a plan on the part of the Senate
+and the religious colleges, in order to quiet the minds
+of the people by a new religious festival in honour of
+a great deity of whose prestige every one had heard,
+for he had been long established in Rome; he is now
+to take a more worthy place there, to be incorporated
+in the <i>ius divinum</i> in a new sense, in gratitude perhaps
+for his recent advice given to Fabius Pictor at Delphi.
+Possibly also he is to be regarded here as the Greek
+deity of healing, though we do not hear of any pestilence
+at the time; but four years later it was in
+consequence of an epidemic that these <i>ludi</i> were renewed
+and made permanent. The main object of the moment
+was no doubt to amuse the people and occupy
+their minds. The whole population took part in the
+games, wearing wreaths as partakers in a sacred rite;
+the matrons were not left out; and every one kept his
+house door open and feasted before the eyes of his
+fellow-citizens.<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">695</a></p>
+
+<p>If it be asked why these games in honour of a Greek
+god should have been suggested by a Latin oracle, the
+answer is, I think, that the latter was used rather as a
+pretext for a pre-conceived plan; if it be true that the
+Marcian verses had won some prestige among the vulgar,
+it was an adroit stroke to invent one that might be used
+in this way. This is the only way in which we can
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>satisfactorily account for the direction to the decemviri
+to undertake the necessary sacrifices. The government
+seizes a chance of taking the material of <i>religio</i> out of
+the hands of the vulgar and utilising it for its own
+purposes. It was clever too to give the alleged Latin
+oracles the sanction of the <i>Graecus ritus</i>; "decemviri
+Graeco ritu hostiis sacra faciant," says the oracle. The
+keepers consulted the sacred books as to the projected
+<i>ludi</i>, and henceforward, as it would seem, these Latin
+oracles were placed in their keeping to be added to
+the Sibylline books in the collection on the Capitol.
+The amalgamation of Roman and Greek religion is
+complete. If there were any doubt of it after the
+<i>lectisternia</i> to the twelve gods which we noticed just now,
+all such doubt is removed by the religious events of
+this year 212&mdash;that famous year in which Hannibal
+came within sight of Rome, and fell away again, never
+to return.</p>
+
+<p>The student of Roman religious history, and of all
+religious psychology, as he follows carefully the extracts
+from the priestly records which Livy has embodied in
+his story of the last years of the great struggle, will
+find much to interest him. Even little things have
+here their significance. He will still find relics of the
+scruple about the minutiae of the <i>ius divinum</i> to which
+the Romans had become habituated under priestly rule&mdash;<i>religio</i>
+in that sense in which it is least really religious.
+He will find a Flamen Dialis resigning his priesthood
+because he had made a blunder in putting the <i>exta</i> of
+a victim on the altar;<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">696</a> only too ready, it may have
+been, to take an opportunity of getting free of those
+numerous taboos which deprived the priest of Jupiter
+of all possibility of active life. Such a conjecture finds
+support in the curious fact that his successor was a youth
+of such bad character that his relations induced the
+pontifex maximus to select him for the sacred post, in
+hopes that the restrictive discipline he would have to
+undergo might improve his morals and make him a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>better citizen.<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">697</a> About the later history of this youth
+I may have something to say in the next lecture.
+Again, we find <i>religio</i> of the scrupulous kind sadly
+worrying the stout old warrior Marcellus shortly before
+his death<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">698</a>: "Aliae atque aliae obiectae animo religiones
+tenebant." One of these <i>religiones</i> was a curious one;
+he had vowed a temple of Honos and Virtus&mdash;two
+deities together; and the pontifices made difficulties,
+insisting that two deities could not inhabit the same
+<i>cella</i>, for if it should be struck by lightning, how were
+you to tell, in conducting the <i>procuratio</i>, to which of
+them to sacrifice? The difficulty was solved by building
+two temples. Such quaintnesses of the old type of
+religious idea are thus still found, but they are becoming
+mere survivals.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>prodigia</i> continue, and occasionally, as a new crisis
+in the war was known to be approaching, became exacerbated.
+In 208, just before the old consul Marcellus left
+the city to meet his death, he and his colleague were
+terribly pestered with them, and could not succeed in their
+sacrificing (<i>litare</i>). For many days they failed to secure
+the <i>pax deorum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">699</a> When it was known that Hasdrubal was
+on his way from Spain, and that the greatest peril of the
+war was approaching, special steps were taken to make
+sure of that <i>pax</i>.<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">700</a> The pontifices ordered that twenty-seven
+maidens&mdash;a number of magical significance both in
+Greece and Italy<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">701</a>&mdash;should chant a <i>carmen</i> composed by
+the poet Livius Andronicus; and in the elaborate ritual
+that followed, as the result of the striking of the temple of
+Juno on the Aventine by lightning, the decemviri and
+haruspices from Etruria also had a share. The procession
+of the maidens, singing and dancing through the city till
+they reached the temple of Juno by the Clivus Publicius,
+was a new feature in ritual, and must have been a striking
+one. Doubtless it was all a part of a deliberate policy to
+keep the women of the city in good humour, and in touch
+with the religion of the State, instead of going after other
+gods, as they had already gone and were again to go with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>amazing and perilous fervour. For Juno Regina of the
+Aventine was their special deity; and in this case they
+were authorised&mdash;all <i>matronae</i> living within ten miles of
+the city&mdash;to contribute in money to a noble gift to the
+temple.</p>
+
+<p>Hasdrubal was defeated and killed (207), and the
+danger passed away. Then, when the news reached Rome
+(if Livy's account may be relied on), there followed such
+an outburst of gratitude to the deities as we have never
+yet met with, and shall not meet with again in Roman
+history.<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">702</a> It was not only that the State ordered a
+<i>supplicatio</i> of three days thanksgiving; men and women
+alike took advantage of it to press in crowds to the
+temples, the materfamilias with her children, and in her
+finest robes: "cum omni solutae metu, perinde ac si
+debellatum foret, deis immortalibus grates agerent." I
+would draw attention to the fact that here is no mere
+fulfilment of a vow, of a bargain, as some will have it; in
+this moment of real religious emotion the first thought is
+one of thankfulness that the <i>pax deorum</i> is restored, and
+that the Power manifesting itself in the universe, though
+in the humble form of these dwellers in Roman temples,
+would permit the long-suffering people once more to feel
+themselves in right relation to him. As we go on with
+our studies in the two centuries that follow, let us bear
+this moment in mind; it will remind us that the religious
+instinct never entirely dies out in the heart of any people.</p>
+
+<p>I would fain stop at this point, and have done with the
+war and its religious troubles; but there is one more
+event which cannot be omitted,&mdash;the solemn advent of a
+new deity, this time neither Greek nor Italian. After the
+Metaurus battle, the dreaded Hannibal yet remained in
+Italy, and so long as he was there the Romans could
+know no security. So far as religion could help them
+every possible means had been used; there seemed no
+expedient left. In 205 a pretext for inspecting the
+Sibylline books was found in an unusual burst of pebble-rain;
+and there, as it was given out, an oracle was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span>deciphered, which foretold that Hannibal would have to
+leave Italy if the Magna Mater of Pessinus were brought
+to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">703</a> In whose brain this idea originated we do
+not know, but it was a brilliant one. The eastern cult
+was wholly unknown at Rome, was something entirely
+new and strange, a fresh and hopeful prescription for an
+exhausted patient. The project was seized on with
+avidity, and supported by the influence of Delphi and
+of that strange soldier mystic the great Scipio.<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">704</a> The
+best man in the State was to receive the goddess, and
+when, after many months, she came to Italy in the form of
+a black stone, it was Scipio who was chosen for the duty.
+For Attalus, king of Pergamus, had consented to let her
+go from her Phrygian home; and when she arrived at
+Ostia, Scipio with all the Roman matrons went thither by
+land; alone he boarded the ship, received the goddess
+from her priests, and carried her to land, where the noblest
+women of the State received her,&mdash;received the black stone,
+that is,&mdash;and carried it in their arms in turns, while all
+Rome poured out to meet her, and burned incense at their
+doors as she passed by. And praying that she might
+willingly and propitiously into the city, they carried
+her into the temple of Victory on the Palatine on the
+4th of April, henceforward to be a festal day, the popular
+Megalesia.</p>
+
+<p>This Magna Mater was the first Oriental deity introduced
+into Rome, and the last deity introduced by the
+Sibylline books. It is probable that no Roman then
+knew much about the real nature of her cult and its noisy
+orgiastic character and other degrading features; it was
+sufficient to have found a new prescription, and once more
+to have given the people, and especially the women, a
+happy moment of hope and confidence. But the truth
+came out soon enough; and though the goddess must
+have her own priests, it was ordered by a <i>Senatusconsultum</i>
+that no Roman should take part in her service.<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">705</a> Though
+established in the heart of the city, and ere long to have
+her own temple, she was to continue a foreign deity outside
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span>the <i>ius divinum</i>. As such she belongs to those
+worships with which I am not called upon by the plan of
+these lectures to deal.</p>
+
+<p>Hannibal withdrew at last from Italy, and in 202 the
+war came to an end. Looking at the divine inhabitants of
+the city in that year, we may see in them almost as much
+a <i>colluvies nationum</i> as in the human population itself.
+Under such circumstances neither the old City-state nor its
+religion could any longer continue to exist. The decay
+of the one reflects that of the other; the failure to trust
+the <i>di indigetes</i>, the constant desire to try new and foreign
+manifestations of divine power, were sure signs that the
+State was passing into a new phase. In the next two
+centuries Rome gained the world and lost her own soul.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XIV</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">655</span></a> The story is told in Livy x. 40 and 41, and must have been
+taken by him from the records of the pontifices, which had almost
+certainly begun by this date (see above, p. 283). While on these
+chapters the reader may also note the curious vow of this Papirius to
+Jupiter Victor at the end of ch. xlii.; and the description of the
+religious horrors of the Samnites witnessed by the army, and especially
+the words "respersae fando infandoque sanguine arae" (see
+above, p. 196), which clearly indicate a practice abhorrent to
+Romans.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">656</span></a> Val. Max. i. 5. 3 and 4; Cic. <i>de Div.</i> i. 16. 29; Livy, <i>Epit.</i>
+xix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">657</span></a> The <i>locus classicus</i> is Livy xxi. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">658</span></a> Cic. <i>de Div.</i> ii. 36. 77. I find an illustration of this effect of
+lightning in Major Bruce's <i>Twenty Years in the Himalaya</i>, p. 130:
+"Directly the ice-axes begin to hum (in a storm) they should be put
+away."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">659</span></a> He notices it in connection with the war only in iii. 112. 6,
+after the battle of Cannae: a striking passage, but cast in general
+language.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">660</span></a> Livy xxi. 62 foll. Wissowa comments on this passage in <i>R.K.</i>
+p. 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">661</span></a> See the author's <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 28
+foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">662</span></a> The rule seems to have been that no <i>prodigia</i> were accepted,
+and <i>procurata</i> by the authorities, which were announced from beyond
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>the ager Romanus. See Mommsen in O. Jahn's edition of the
+<i>Periochae</i> of Livy's books, and of Iulius Obsequens, preface, p. xviii.
+But this does not appear from the records of this war; and, at any
+rate, the religious panic was Italian as well as Roman.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">663</span></a> Red sand still occasionally falls in Italy, brought by a sirocco
+from the Sahara, and this accounts for the <i>prodigium</i>, "<i>pluit sanguine</i>,"
+which is often met with. I have a record of it in the <i>Daily Mail</i> of
+March 11, 1901. But the <i>lapides</i> were probably of volcanic origin.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">664</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">665</span></a> This must have been a special performance of the yearly
+Amburbium, of which unluckily we known hardly anything (Wissowa,
+<i>R.K.</i> 130).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">666</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 56, where unfortunately the word is misprinted
+Pubertas. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 126, thinks of Hebe in a Latin form; in
+his view it must be a Greek deity, being brought in by the decemviri
+and the books. But we shall find that these begin now to interfere
+with Roman cults, and in such a crisis we need not wonder at it.
+Wissowa allows that we do not know where this Hebe can have come
+from, nor, I may add, why she should have come. That there was
+some special meaning in the combination Juventas, Hercules, Genius
+I feel sure, and I conjecture that it may be found in the urgent need
+of a supply of <i>iuvenes</i>. Hercules and Genius seem both to represent
+the male principle of life (<i>R.F.</i> 142 foll.). Juventas speaks for
+herself, but we may remember that the <i>tirones</i> sacrificed to her on
+the day of the Liberalia (17th March), and that Liber is almost
+certainly another form of Genius (<i>R.F.</i> 55).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">667</span></a> Livy xxii. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">668</span></a> It is only from this passage that we know of the oracle. See
+Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination</i>, iv. 146. That of Caere is
+mentioned in Livy xxi. 62. Both cities were mainly Etruscan.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">669</span></a> Livy xxvii. 37 betrays some knowledge of the infectious
+nature of prodigy-reporting: "Sub unius prodigii, ut fit, mentionem,
+alia quoque nuntiata."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">670</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxxv. 115, where the verses are quoted as inscribed
+on the paintings in her temple at Ardea. Note that Juno is here
+called the wife of Jupiter by a Greek artist from Asia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">671</span></a> For Juno as the woman's deity and guardian spirit, see above,
+p. 135. To refer this prominence of the goddess to her connection
+with Carthage and mythical enmity to the Romans, as we see it in
+the <i>Aeneid</i>, is premature; we must suppose that each Juno was still
+a local deity, and no general conception in the later Greek sense is
+as yet possible.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">672</span></a> For Feronia, see <i>R.F.</i> 252 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">673</span></a> The <i>procurationes</i> ordered were doubtless recorded in the
+<i>annales maximi</i>. The books of the decemviri, we must suppose,
+were burnt with the oracles in 38 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> (Diels, <i>Sib. Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 6 note).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">674</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 170; Marq. 586 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">675</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span> Livy xxii. 9-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">676</span></a> See above, p. 204 foll.; Strabo, p. 250; Festus, p. 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">677</span></a> If it be asked why Jupiter is here without his titles Optimus
+Maximus, the answer is that just below, where <i>ludi magni</i> are vowed
+to him, as all such <i>ludi</i> were, he is also simply Jupiter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">678</span></a> <i>R.K.</i> 356. In his view the new amalgam of twelve gods was
+known as <i>di Consentes</i>, an expression of Varro's which has been much
+discussed. See M&uuml;ller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 83; <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 102;
+Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, 190 foll. In <i>de Re Rust.</i> i. 1,
+Varro speaks of twelve <i>dei consentes, urbani</i>, whose gilded statues
+stood in the forum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">679</span></a> Livy xxii. 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">680</span></a> See above, p. 207. Orosius' account of this is worth reading;
+he calls it "obligamentum hoc magicum" (iv. 13). He mentions a
+Gallic pair and a Greek woman, and dates it in 226 (227 according to
+Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 227). Cp. Plut. <i>Marcell.</i> 3.
+Livy's words, "iam ante hostiis humanis, minime Romano sacro,
+imbutum," agree with this. There must have been an outbreak
+of feeling and recourse to the Sibylline books in the stress of the
+Gallic war.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">681</span></a> <i>Sib. Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">682</span></a> Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 12 and 13. Plutarch, <i>l.c.</i>, confirms him.
+Pliny, it may be noticed, is here writing of spells, etc., among which
+he classes the <i>precatio</i> of this rite.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">683</span></a> The first gladiatorial show was in 264 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> (Val. Max. ii. 4. 7).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">684</span></a> The arguments are stated fully in his <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>,
+211 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">685</span></a> The best account of these, or rather of the Argean itinerary,
+of which fragments are preserved in Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 45 foll., is still
+that of Jordan in his <i>R&ouml;mische Topographie</i>, ii. 603 foll. The
+extracts seem to be from a record of directions for the passage of a
+procession round the <i>sacella</i> (or <i>sacraria</i>, Varro v. 48). Though
+quoting these, Varro has nothing to say of their origin, which would
+be strange indeed if they were of such comparatively late date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">686</span></a> In Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vii. 44. There is no doubt that the line is
+from Ennius; it is also quoted as his in Festus, p. 355.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">687</span></a> Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, vol. i. ed. 3, p. 110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">688</span></a> Some examples of substitution will be found in Westermarck,
+<i>Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas</i>, i. 469. It is of course
+a well-known phenomenon, but is now generally rejected as an
+explanation of <i>oscilla</i>, <i>maniae</i>, etc. (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 355, and
+Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> ii. 344). I know of no case of it on good evidence at
+Rome, unless it be one in the <i>devotio</i>, of an effigy for the soldier,
+("ni moritur," Livy viii. 10).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">689</span></a> See <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 117, with references to Mannhardt;
+Frazer, <i>G.B.</i> ii. 256; Farnell, <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>, v. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">690</span></a> Livy xxiii. 11. See also Diels, <i>Sib. Bl&auml;tter</i>, pp. 11 and 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">691</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span> Livy xxiv. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">692</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxiv. 44.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">693</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxv. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">694</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxv. 12. On the Marcian oracles and their metre, see
+Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination</i>, iv. 128 foll.; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+463 note 2; Diels, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 7 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">695</span></a> See above, Lect. xi. p. 262. For the Apolline games, <i>R.F.</i>
+p. 179 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">696</span></a> Livy xxvi. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">697</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">698</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 25; Plut. <i>Marcellus</i>, p. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">699</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">700</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxvii. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">701</span></a> The idea that this number was "chthonic" and a monopoly
+of the Sibylline utterances was started by Diels, <i>Sib. Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 42
+foll., with imperfect anthropological knowledge, and has led Wissowa
+and others into wrong conclusions, <i>e.g.</i> as to the Argei. See an
+article criticising Wissowa in <i>Classical Rev.</i> 1902, p. 211. On the
+whole subject of the number three and its multiples, see Usener,
+"Dreizahl," in <i>Rheinisches Museum</i> for 1903, and Goudy, <i>Trichotomy
+in Roman Law</i> (Oxford, 1910), p. 5 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">702</span></a> Livy xxvii. 51. For gratitude among Romans, see above,
+p. 202. A gift of thanksgiving was sent to Delphi (Livy xxviii. 45).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">703</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxix. 10 foll. For other references see <i>R.F.</i> p. 69 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">704</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> xxix. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">705</span></a> Dion. Hal. ii. 19; <i>R.F.</i> p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XV</h4>
+
+<h5>AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR</h5>
+
+
+<p>The long and deadly struggle with Hannibal ended in
+201 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and no sooner was peace concluded than the
+Senate determined on war with Macedon. This decision
+is a critical moment in Roman history, for it initiated
+not only a long period of advance and the eventual
+supremacy of Rome in the Eastern Mediterranean, but
+also an age of narrow aristocratic rule which remained
+unquestioned till revolution broke out with Tiberius
+Gracchus. But we cannot safely deny that it was a just
+decision. Hannibal was alive, and his late ally, Philip
+of Macedon, now in sinister coalition with Antiochus of
+Syria, might be capable of invading exhausted Italy.
+To have an enemy once more in the peninsula would
+probably be fatal to Rome and Italy, and one more
+effort was necessary in order to avert such a calamity;
+an effort that must be made at once, while Carthage lay
+prostrate.</p>
+
+<p>It is necessary to grasp fully the danger of the
+moment if we are to understand the part played by
+religion (if I may use the word) in bringing about the
+desired result. It was most difficult to persuade a people
+worn out by one war that it was essential for their safety
+that they should at once face another. Historians naturally
+look on the success of the Senate in this task as due
+to its own prestige, and to the skilful oratory of the
+Consul in the speech to the people which Livy has reproduced
+in his own admirable rhetoric. But a closer
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span>examination of the chapters at the beginning of the
+historian's thirty-first book will show that religion too
+was used, in accordance with the experience of the late
+war, to put pressure on the voters and to inspire their
+confidence. As we saw in the last lecture, they had
+been constantly cheered and braced by religious expedients,&mdash;their
+often-recurring <i>religio</i> had been soothed
+and satisfied; now the same means were to be used positively
+rather than negatively, to help in urging them to a
+definite course of action. Some sixty years later Polybius,
+writing of the extreme religiousness of the Romans,
+expressed his conviction that religion was invented for
+political objects, and only serves as the means of bridling
+the fickle and unreasoning Demos; for if it were possible
+to have a State consisting of wise men only, no such
+institution would be necessary.<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">706</a> The philosophic historian
+is here thinking mainly of the way in which religion was
+turned to account by the Roman authorities in his own
+lifetime. We cannot have a better illustration of this
+than the events of the year 200 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p>
+
+<p>Already, in the autumn of the previous year, the
+ground had been prepared. To the plebeian games in
+November there had been added a feast of Jupiter (<i>Iovis
+epulum</i>), as had been done more than once during the
+late war.<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">707</a> Jupiter, in the form of his image in the
+Capitoline temple, lay on his couch at the feast of the
+outgoing plebeian magistrates, with his face reddened with
+minium as at a triumph, and Juno and Minerva sat each
+on her <i>sella</i> on either side of him; and to give practical
+point to this show, corn from Africa was distributed at
+four asses the modius, or at most one quarter of the
+normal price. When the new consuls entered on office
+on the ides of the following March, further religious steps
+were at once taken; the political atmosphere was charged
+with religiosity. On the first day of their office the
+consuls were directed by the Senate, doubtless with the
+sanction of the pontifices, to <i>sacrifice to such deities as they
+might select</i>, with a special prayer for the success of the
+new war which Senate and people (the latter by a clever
+anticipation) are contemplating. Haruspices from Etruria
+had been adroitly procured, and no doubt primed, who
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span>reported that the gods had accepted this prayer, and
+that the examination of the victims portended extension
+of the Roman frontier, victory, and triumph.<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">708</a> Yet, in
+spite of all this, the people were not yet willing; in
+almost all the centuries, when the voting for the war took
+place, they rejected the proposal of the Senate. Then
+the consul Sulpicius was put up to address them, and
+at the end of Livy's version of his speech we find him
+clinching his political arguments with religious ones.
+"Ite in suffragium, bene iuvantibus dis, et quae Patres
+censuerunt, vos iubete. Huius vobis sententiae non consul
+modo auctor est, sed etiam di immortales; qui mihi
+sacrificanti ... laeta omnia prosperaque portendere."
+Thus adjured, the people yielded; and as a reward, and
+to stifle any <i>religio</i> that might be troubling them, they
+are treated to a <i>supplicatio</i> of three days, including an
+"<i>obsecratio circa omnia pulvinaria</i>" for the happy result
+of the war; and once more, after the levy was over,&mdash;a
+heavy tax on the patience of the people,&mdash;the consul
+made vows of <i>ludi</i> and a special gift to Jupiter, in case
+the State should be intact and prospering five years from
+that day.<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">709</a></p>
+
+<p>Exactly the same religious machinery was used a few
+years later to gain the consent of the people for a war of
+far less obvious necessity,&mdash;that with Antiochus of Syria.
+It was at once successful. The haruspices were again
+on the spot and gave the same report; and then, <i>solutis
+religione animis</i>, the centuries sanctioned the war. The
+vow that followed, of which Livy gives a modernised
+wording, was for <i>ludi</i> to last ten continuous days, and for
+gifts of money at all the <i>pulvinaria</i>, where now, as we
+gather from these same chapters, the images of the gods
+were displayed on their couches during the greater part
+of the year.<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">710</a></p>
+
+<p>We may realise in accounts like these how far we
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>have left behind us the old Roman religion we discussed
+in earlier lectures. That religion did not any longer
+supply the material needed; it was not suited to be the
+handmaid of a political or military policy; it was a real
+religion, not invented for political purposes, to use Polybius'
+language, but itself a part of the life of the State,
+whether active in war, or law, or politics. In the ceremonies
+I have just been describing almost all the features
+are foreign,&mdash;the <i>pulvinaria</i>, the haruspices, perhaps even
+the <i>Iovis epulum</i>; and we feel that though the <i>religio</i>
+in the minds of the people is doubtless a genuine thing,
+yet the means taken to soothe it are far from genuine,&mdash;they
+are <i>mala medicamenta</i>, quack remedies. Such is the
+method by which a shrewd, masterly government compels
+the obedience of a <i>populus religiosus</i>. After long
+experience of such methods, can we wonder that Polybius
+could formulate his famous view of religion, or that a great
+and good Roman lawyer, himself pontifex maximus, could
+declare that political religion stands quite apart from the
+religion of the poets, or that of the philosophers, and must
+be acted on, whether true or false?<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">711</a></p>
+
+<p>The reporting of <i>prodigia</i> goes on with astonishing
+vigour in this period, and seems to have become endemic.
+I only mention it here (for we have had quite enough of
+it already) because the question arises whether it is now
+used mainly for political purposes, or to annoy a personal
+rival or enemy. This does not appear clearly from Livy's
+accounts, but in an age of personal and political rivalries,
+as this undoubtedly was, it can hardly have been otherwise.
+Certain it is that the interests of the State were
+grievously interfered with in this way. The consuls at
+this time, and until 153 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, did not enter on office until
+March 15, and they should have been ready to start for
+their military duties as soon as the levies had been completed;
+instead of which, they were constantly delayed by
+the duty of expiating these marvels. In 199 Flamininus,
+whose appointment to the command in Macedonia had
+of course annoyed the friends of the man he was superseding,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>was delayed in this way for the greater part of the
+year, and yet he is said to have left Italy at an earlier
+date than most consuls.<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">712</a> Thus the change to January 1
+for the beginning of the consular year, which took place
+in 153 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, was an unavoidable political necessity. Even
+the Sibylline books came to be used for personal and
+political purposes. In the year 144 the praetor Marcius
+Rex was commissioned to repair the Appian and Aniensian
+aqueducts and to construct a new one. The <i>decemviri
+sacris faciundis</i>, consulting the books, as it was said, for
+other reasons, found an oracle forbidding the water to be
+conveyed to the Capitoline hill, and seem on this absurd
+ground to have been able to delay the necessary work.
+Our information is much mutilated, but the real explanation
+seems to be that there was some personal spite
+against Marcius, who, however, eventually completed the
+work.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">713</a> Nearly a century later a Sibylline oracle, beyond
+doubt invented for the purpose, was used to prevent
+Pompeius from taking an army to Egypt to restore
+Ptolemy Auletes to his throne. But all students of Roman
+history in the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> are familiar with
+such cases of the prostitution of religion or religious
+processes, and I have already said enough about it in the
+lecture on divination.<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">714</a></p>
+
+<p>I do not, of course, mean to assert that personal and
+political motives account for all or the greater number
+of <i>prodigia</i> reported. There is plenty of evidence that
+the genuine old <i>religio</i> could be stirred up by real marvels,
+which the government were bound to expiate in order to
+satisfy public feeling. Thus in 193 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> earthquakes were
+so frequent that the Senate could not meet, nor could any
+public business be done, so busy were the consuls with
+the work of expiation. At last the Sibylline books were
+consulted and the usual religious remedies applied; but
+the spirit of the age is apparent in the edict of the consuls,
+prompted by the Senate, that if <i>feriae</i> had been
+decreed to take place on a certain day for the expiation
+of an earthquake, no fresh earthquake was to be reported
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span>on that same day.<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">715</a> This delicious edict, unparalleled in
+Roman history, caused the grave Livy to declare that the
+people must have grown tired, not only of the earthquakes,
+but of the <i>feriae</i> appointed to expiate them.</p>
+
+<p>Let us turn to another and more interesting feature of
+this age, which is plainly visible in the sphere of religion,
+as in other aspects both of private and public life: I mean
+the growth of <i>individualism</i>. Men, and indeed women
+also, as we shall see, are beginning to feel and to assert
+their individual importance, as against the strict rules and
+traditions, civil or religious, of the life of the family and
+the State. This is a tendency that had long been at
+work in Greece, and is especially marked in the teaching
+of the two great ethical schools of the post-Alexandrian
+period, the Epicureans and Stoics. The influence of
+Greece on the Romans was already strong enough to have
+sown the seeds of individualism in Italy; but the tendency
+was at the same time a natural result of enlarged experience
+and expanding intelligence among the upper classes.
+The second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> shows us many prominent men
+of strong individual character, who assert themselves in
+ways to which we have not been accustomed in Roman
+history, <i>e.g.</i> Scipio the elder, Flamininus, Cato, Aemilius
+Paulus and his son, Scipio Aemilianus; and among lesser
+and less honourable men we see the tendency in the
+passionate desire for personal distinction in the way of
+military commands, triumphs, and the giving of expensive
+games. This is the age in which we first hear of statues
+and portrait busts of eminent men; and magistrates
+begin to put their names or types connected with their
+families on the coins which they issue.<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">716</a></p>
+
+<p>In religion this tendency is seen mainly in the attempts
+of the individual, often successful, to shake himself free
+of the restrictions of the old <i>ius divinum</i>. I pointed out
+long ago that it was a weak point in the old Roman
+religion that it did little or nothing to encourage and
+develop the individual religious instinct; it was formalised
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span>>as a religion of family and State, and made no appeal, as
+did that of the Jews, to the individual's sense of right
+and wrong.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">717</a> The sense of sin was only present to the
+Roman individual mind in the form of scruple about
+omissions or mistakes in the performance of religious
+duties. Thus religion lost her chance at Rome as an
+agent in the development of the better side of human
+nature. As an illustration of what I mean I may recall
+what I said in an early lecture, that the spirit of a dead
+Roman was not thought of as definitely individualised;
+it joined the whole mass of the Manes in some dimly
+conceived abode beneath the earth; there is no singular
+of the word Manes. It is only in the third century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>
+that we first meet with memorial tombstones to individuals,
+like those of the Scipios, and not till the end
+of the Republican period that we find the words Di Manes
+representing in any sense the spirit of the individual
+departed.<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">718</a></p>
+
+<p>In practical life the quarrel of the individual with the
+<i>ius divinum</i> takes the form of protest against the restrictions
+placed on the old sacrificing priesthoods, these of
+the Flamines and the Rex sacrorum, who, unlike the
+pontifices and augurs, were disqualified from holding a
+secular magistracy.<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">719</a> These priesthoods must be filled
+up, and when a vacancy occurred, the pontifex maximus,
+who retained the power of the Rex in this sphere, as a
+kind of <i>paterfamilias</i> of the whole State, selected the
+persons, and could compel them to serve even if they were
+unwilling. But the interests of public life are now far
+more attractive than the duties of the cults,&mdash;the individual
+wishes to assert himself where his self-assertion
+will be noted and appreciated.</p>
+
+<p>These attempts at emancipation from the <i>ius divinum</i>
+were not at first successful. In 242 a flamen of Mars
+was elected consul; he hoped to be in joint command
+with his colleague Lutatius of the naval campaign against
+Carthage. But the <i>ius divinum</i> forbade him to leave Italy,
+and the pontifex maximus inexorably enforced it.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">720</a> Of
+this quarrel we have no details; but in 190 a similar case
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span>is recorded in full. A flamen Quirinalis, elected praetor,
+who had Sardinia assigned him as his province, was stopped
+by the <i>ius divinum</i> administered by another inexorable
+pontifex maximus; and it was only after a long struggle,
+in which Senate, tribunes, and people all took part, that he
+was forced to submit. So great was his wrath that he was
+with difficulty persuaded not to resign his praetorship.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">721</a>
+Naturally it became difficult to fill these priesthoods, for
+it was invidious to compel young men of any promise to
+commit what was practically political suicide. The office
+of <i>rex sacrorum</i> was vacant for two years between 210 and
+208;<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">722</a> and in 180 Cornelius Dolabella, a <i>duumvir navalis</i>,
+on being selected for this priesthood, absolutely refused to
+obey the pontifex maximus when ordered to resign his
+secular command. He was fined for disobedience, and
+appealed to the people; at the moment when it became
+obvious that the appeal would fail, he contrived to escape
+by getting up an unlucky omen. <i>Religio inde fuit pontificibus
+inaugurandi Dolabellae</i>; and here we have the
+strange spectacle of the <i>ius divinum</i> being used to defeat
+its own ends. Such a state of things needs no comment.<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">723</a></p>
+
+<p>But the most extraordinary story of this kind is that
+of a flamen of Jupiter,&mdash;a story which many years ago I
+told in detail in the <i>Classical Review</i>. Here I may just
+be allowed to reproduce it in outline. In the year 209 a
+young C. Valerius Flaccus, the black sheep of a great
+family, was inaugurated against his will as Flamen Dialis
+by the pontifex maximus P. Licinius.<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">724</a> It was within
+the power of the head of the Roman religion to use such
+compulsion, but it must have been difficult and unusual to
+do so without the consent of the victim's relations. In
+this case, as Livy expressly tells us, it was used because
+the lad was of bad character,&mdash;<i>ob adolescentiam negligentem
+luxuriosamque</i>; and it is pretty plain that the step was
+suggested by his elder brother and other relations, in order
+to keep him out of mischief. For, as we have seen, the
+taboos on this ancient priesthood were numerous and strict,
+and among the restrictions laid on its holder was one
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span>which forbade him to leave his house for a single night.
+Thus we learn not only that this priesthood was not much
+accounted of in those days, but also that for the <i>cura</i> and
+<i>caerimonia</i> of religion a pure mind was no longer needed.
+But it might be utilised as a kind of penal settlement for
+a libertine noble; and it is not impossible that a century
+and a quarter later the attempt to put the boy Julius
+Caesar into the same priesthood, though otherwise represented
+by the historians, may have had the same object.<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">725</a>
+But the strange thing in the case of Flaccus is that this
+very <i>cura</i> and <i>caerimonia</i>, if Livy's account is to be trusted,
+had such a wholesome disciplinary effect, that the libertine
+became a model youth, the admiration of his own and
+other families. Relying on his excellent character he even
+asserted the ancient right of this flamen to take his seat
+in the Senate, a right which had long been in abeyance <i>ob
+indignitatem flaminum priorum</i>; and he eventually gained
+his point, in spite of obstinate opposition on the part of
+a praetor. Some years later, in 200, this same man
+was elected curule aedile.<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">726</a> This was clearly the first
+example of an attempt to combine the priesthood with a
+magistracy, for a difficulty at once arose and was solved
+in a way for which no precedent is quoted. Among the
+taboos on this priest there was one forbidding him to
+take an oath; yet the law demanded that a magistrate
+must take the usual oath within five days of entering on
+office.<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">727</a>] Flaccus insisted on asserting his individuality in
+spite of the <i>ius divinum</i>, and the Senate and people both
+backed him up. The Senate decreed that if he could
+find some one to take the oath for him, the consuls might,
+if they chose, approach the tribune with a view to getting
+a relieving <i>plebiscitum</i>; this was duly obtained, and he
+took the oath by proxy. In his year of office as aedile
+we find him giving expensive <i>ludi Romani</i>; and in 184
+he only missed the praetorship by an unlucky accident.<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">728</a>
+In this story we find the self-assertion of an individual
+supported by Senate, consuls, and people in breaking
+loose from the antiquated restrictions of a bygone age, and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span>we cannot but sympathise with it. But Roman history
+is full of surprises, and among these I know none more
+amazing than the successful attempt of Augustus two
+centuries later to revive this priesthood with all its
+absurdities.<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">729</a></p>
+
+<p>The self-assertion of members of the great families
+against the <i>ius divinum</i> was inevitable, and in the instances
+just noticed the attitude of compromise taken up
+by the government was only what was to be expected in
+an age of stress and change and new ideas. But in less
+than twenty years after the peace with Carthage this
+government found itself suddenly face to face with what
+may be called a religious rebellion chiefly among the
+lower orders, including women; and the authorities unhesitatingly
+reverted to the position of conscientious
+guardians of the religious system of the City-state. They
+began to realise that they had been holding a wolf by the
+ears ever since the beginning of the Hannibalic war; that
+they had a population to deal with which was no longer
+pure Roman or even pure Italian, and that even the
+genuine Romans themselves were liable to be moved by
+new currents of religious feeling. During the war they
+had done all that was possible to meet the mental as well
+as the material troubles of this population, even to the
+length of introducing the worship, under certain restrictions,
+of the great Phrygian Mother of the gods. But now,
+in 186, the sudden outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy
+showed them that all their remedies were stale and insufficient,
+and that the wolf was getting loose in their
+hands.</p>
+
+<p>Dionysus had long been housed at Rome, under the
+name of Liber, in that temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera
+which was discussed in detail in my eleventh lecture.<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">730</a>
+But it is not likely that many Romans recognised the
+identity of Liber and Dionysus, and it is quite certain that
+the characteristic features of the Dionysiac ritual were entirely
+unknown at Rome for three centuries after the foundation
+of the temple. That ritual, as it existed in Greece
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span>from the earliest times, retaining the essential features
+which it bore in its original Thracian home,<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">731</a> has lately
+been thoroughly examined and clearly expounded by Dr.
+Farnell in the fifth volume of his <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>,
+and the student of the Roman religious history of this
+period would do well to study carefully his fifth chapter.
+In most Greek states, as at Athens, in spite of occasional
+outbreaks, the wilder aspects of the cult had not been
+encouraged, but at Delphi and at Thebes, <i>i.e.</i> on Parnassus
+and Cithaeron, the more striking phenomena of
+the genuine ritual are found down to a late period. Dr.
+Farnell has summed these up under three heads at the
+beginning of his account: "The wild and ecstatic
+enthusiasm that it inspired, the self-abandonment and
+communion with the deity achieved through orgiastic rites
+and a savage sacramental act, and the prominence of
+women in the ritual, which in accordance with a certain
+psychic law made a special appeal to their temperament."<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">732</a>
+It meant in fact exactly that form of religious ecstasy
+which was peculiarly abhorrent to the minds of the old
+Romans, who had built up the <i>ius divinum</i> with its sober
+ritual and its practical ideas of the supernatural powers
+around them. We found nothing in our studies of this
+religion to lead us to suppose for an instant that it had
+any mental effect such as "the transcending of the limits
+of the ordinary consciousness and the feeling of communion
+with the divine nature."<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">733</a> The Latin language
+indeed had no native words for the expression of such
+emotions.<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">734</a></p>
+
+<p>But it would be a great mistake to suppose that there
+was no soil in Italy, or even at Rome, where such
+emotional rites might take root. We may believe that the
+dignity and sobriety of the Roman character was in part
+at least the result of the discipline of ordered religion in
+family and state; but this is not to say that the Romans
+were never capable of religious indiscipline,&mdash;far from it.
+The Italian rural festival, then as now, was lively and
+indecorous, so far as we can guess from the few glimpses
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>we get of it; and at Rome the ancient festival of Anna
+Perenna, in which women took part, was a scene of revelry
+as Ovid describes it,<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">735</a>&mdash;of dancing, singing, and intoxication,
+and we need not wonder that it found no place in
+the ancient calendar of the <i>ius divinum</i>. And we have
+lately had occasion to notice, in the new ritual instituted
+under the direction of the Sibylline books, and more
+especially during the great war, clear indications that the
+natural emotions of women, even of Roman women, had
+to be satisfied by shows and processions in which they
+could share, and that the ideal dignity of the Roman
+matron had often given way under the terrible stress of
+public and domestic anxiety and peril. No wonder then
+that when Roman armies had been for years in Greece,
+and Greeks were flocking into Rome in larger numbers
+every year, the Dionysiac rites should find their way into
+Italy, and no wonder too that they should instantly find
+a congenial soil, exotics though they were.</p>
+
+<p>The story of the Bacchanalia is told by Livy in his
+best manner, and whether or no it be literally true in
+every particular, is full of life and interest. It is the
+fashion now to reject as false whatever is surprising; and
+the latest historian of Rome dismisses Livy's account of
+the discovery of the mischief as "an interesting romance."<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">736</a>
+Fortunately we are not now concerned with this romance,
+if such it be; I only propose to dwell on one or two
+points more nearly concerned with our subject.</p>
+
+<p>First, let us note that the seeds of this evil crop
+were sown in Etruria, the most dangerous neighbour of
+the Romans from a religious point of view; for it is
+hardly too much to say that all Greek influences that
+filtered through Etruria on their way to Rome were contaminated
+in the process. According to the story,<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">737</a> a
+common Greek religious quack (<i>sacrificulus et vates</i>, as
+Livy calls him), of the type held up to scorn by Plato in
+the <i>Republic</i>,<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">738</a> came to Etruria and began to initiate in
+the rites; drunkenness was the result, and with drinking
+came crime and immorality of all kinds. From Etruria
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span>the mischief spread to Rome, and was there discovered
+accidentally. According to the evidence given, it began
+with a small association of women, who met openly in the
+daytime only three times a year. Then it fell under the
+direction of a priestess from Campania,&mdash;Rome's other
+most dangerous neighbour in regard to religion and
+morals,&mdash;who gave it a sinister turn. The meetings were
+held at night, and were accompanied not only by the
+characteristic features of the old Thracian ritual, but, as
+in Etruria, by the most abominable wickedness. It was
+said to have infected a large part of the population,
+including young members of noble families; for with the
+true missionary instinct, young people only were admitted
+by the hierophants. We need not necessarily believe all
+this; but it is certain, from the steps taken by the government,
+about which there is no doubt, that it is in the
+main a true account. The storm and stress of the long
+war with Hannibal would be enough to account for the
+phenomena, even if they were not in keeping with well-known
+psychical facts.</p>
+
+<p>Let us now turn for a moment to the attitude of
+the government in this extraordinary episode of Roman
+religious experience. The danger is dealt with entirely
+by the Senate and the magistrates; the authorities of the
+<i>ius divinum</i> as such have nothing to do with it. It is
+characteristic of the age that it is not dealt with as a
+matter of religion merely, but as a conspiracy&mdash;<i>coniuratio</i>.<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">739</a>
+This is the word used by Livy, and we find it also in
+the document called <i>Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus</i>,
+part of which has most fortunately come down to us.
+This is the word also used, we may note, of the conspiracy
+of Catiline in the century following, and it always conveys
+the idea of <i>rebellion</i> against the order and welfare of the
+State. In this case it was rebellion against the whole
+body of the <i>mos maiorum</i>, the &#7972;&#952;&#959;&#987; of the City-state of
+Rome. For it was an attempt to supersede the ancient
+religious life of that State by <i>externa superstitio, prava
+religio</i>&mdash;<i>prava</i>, because <i>deorum numen praetenditur sceleribus</i>;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span>and hence, as Livy expresses it in the admirable
+speech put into the mouth of the consul, the Roman gods
+themselves felt their <i>numen</i> to be contaminated.<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">740</a> All
+the speeches in Livy, except perhaps the military ones,
+are worth careful study by those who would enter into the
+Roman spirit as conceived by an Augustan writer; and
+this is one of the most valuable of them.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, let us note the steps taken by the government
+in this emergency. It is treated as a matter of police,
+both in Rome and Italy; the guilty are sought out and
+punished as conspirators against the State, and a precedent
+of tremendous force is hereby established for all
+future dealings with <i>externa superstitio</i>, which held good
+even to the last struggle with Christianity. Where foreign
+rites are believed to be dangerous to the State or to
+morality, they must be rigidly suppressed in the Roman
+world; when they are harmless they may be tolerated,
+or even, like the cult of the Magna Mater, received into
+the sacred circle of Roman worships.<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">741</a> But there is yet
+another lesson to be learnt from the conduct of the
+government at this crisis. Who would have suspected,
+while reading the horrible story, and noting the almost
+arbitrary energy with which the <i>coniuratio</i> was stamped
+out, that the Dionysiac rites would even now be tolerated
+under certain conditions? That this was so is a fact
+attested not only by Livy, but by the <i>Senatusconsultum</i>
+itself.<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">742</a> The government was now forced to recognise the
+fact that there were Romans for whom the <i>ius divinum</i>
+no longer sufficed, and who needed a more emotional form
+of religion. If any one (so ran in effect the <i>Senatusconsultum</i>)
+felt conscientiously that he could not wholly
+renounce the new religion, he might apply in person to
+the praetor urbanus; and the praetor would lay the matter
+before a meeting of the Senate, at which not less than a
+hundred must be present. The Senate may give leave
+for the worship, provided that no more than five persons
+be present at it; and that there be no common fund for
+its support, nor any permanent priest to preside at it.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span>These clauses, says Aust,<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">743</a> are a concession to the strong
+spiritual current of feeling which sought for something
+fresher and better to take the place of the old religion of
+forms; and on the whole we may agree with him. All
+religious revivals are liable to be accompanied by moral
+evil, but they all express unmistakably a natural and
+honourable yearning of the human spirit.</p>
+
+<p>Not long after this, in 181, the government put its
+foot down firmly on what seems to have been another
+attempt, though in this case a ludicrous one, to introduce
+strange religious ideas at Rome. We have the story of
+this on the authority not only of Livy, but of the oldest
+Roman annalist, Cassius Hemina, from whose work Pliny
+has preserved a fragment relating to this matter.<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">744</a> Cassius
+must almost certainly have been alive in 181, and would
+remember the event;<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">745</a> and though his account and Livy's
+differ in details, we may take the story as in the main
+true. A secretary (<i>scriba</i>), who had land on the Janiculan
+hill, dug up there a stone coffin with an inscription stating
+that the king Numa was buried in it. No remains of a
+body were found, but in a square stone casket inside the
+coffin were found books written on paper (<i>charta</i>) and
+supposed to be writings of Numa about the Pythagorean
+philosophy. These writings were read by many people,
+and eventually by a praetor, who at once pronounced
+them to be subversive of religion. That anything supposed
+to emanate from Numa should have this character was
+of course impossible; and it is plain that the writings
+were believed even at the time to be absurd forgeries,
+drawn up with the idea of investing strange doctrines
+with the authority of Numa's name; for the legend of a
+religious connection between Numa and Pythagoras must
+have been known at the time. The discoverer appealed
+to the tribunes, who referred the matter to the senate;
+and the senate authorised the praetor to burn the books
+in the Comitium, which was done in the presence of a
+large assembly.</p>
+
+<p>In a later lecture I shall have something to say of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span>revival of Pythagoreanism in the time of Cicero, and I
+need not now attempt to explain what such a revival
+might mean. All we need to note is that something
+subversive of the Roman religion was believed to be
+circulating in 181 in Roman society under the assumed
+authority of Numa's name, and that the senate, warned
+by recent experience, determined to stamp it out at once.
+They seem to have suddenly become alive to the fact
+that Greece, and in this instance mainly Magna Graecia,
+was sending clever agents to Rome for the propagation
+of ideas which might make the people less tractable to
+authority. In the stress of the great war, indeed for years
+afterwards, they had probably never had leisure to reflect
+on the inevitable result of the writings of a man like
+Ennius, who was not improbably responsible for the
+propagation of these very Pythagorean notions.<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">746</a> Now
+a reaction seems to set in against the flowing tide of
+admiration for everything Greek;<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">747</a> but it was too late
+to arrest the flood. All that could be hoped for was that
+in the lives and minds of the wiser Romans the new
+Greek civilisation might so leaven the old Roman ignorance
+that no permanent harm should be done to the
+instincts of <i>virtus</i> and <i>pietas</i>: and to some extent this
+hope was realised. But for the masses there was no such
+hope. What Greek teaching reached their minds was
+almost wholly that of the <i>ludi scenici</i>; and I must now
+say a word in conclusion about this unwholesome influence&mdash;unwholesome,
+that is, so far as it affected the
+old religious ideas.</p>
+
+<p>I had occasion, when dealing with Dr. Frazer's notion
+that the Roman religion admitted such ideas as the
+marriage of the gods with all its natural consequences,<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">748</a>
+to point out that his evidence was almost wholly derived
+from the play-writers of the very period on which we are
+now engaged. I said that he seems to be justified in
+concluding that there was a popular idea of such a kind,
+which the State religion did not recognise; but that it
+can very easily be explained as the natural effect of a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span>degenerate Greek mythology, popularised by Greek dramas
+adapted to the Roman stage, upon certain peculiarities
+of the Roman theology, and especially the functional
+combination of male and female divine names in Italian
+invocations of the deities. Nothing could be more
+natural than that playwrights should take advantage of
+such combinations to invent or translate comic passages
+to please a Roman audience, "now largely consisting of
+semi-educated men who had lost faith in their own religion,
+and a host of smaller people of mixed descent and
+nationality." We do not know enough of the older
+comedies to be at all sure how far they had gone in this
+direction, though we are certain, to use the words of
+Zeller,<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">749</a> that it was impossible to transplant Greek poetry
+to Roman soil without bringing Greek mythology with it;
+or, as I should put it, without subordinating the old
+reasonable idea of the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe to the Greek fancy for clothing that Power in
+the human form and endowing it with human faults and
+frailties.</p>
+
+<p>But of the two great literary figures of the age we
+have now reached, Ennius and Plautus, we know beyond
+all doubt that they taught the ignorant Roman of their
+day not only to be indifferent to his deities, but to laugh
+at them. Just at the very time when the forged books
+of Numa were being burnt in the Comitium, Ennius'
+famous translation of the <i>Sacred History of Euhemerus</i>
+was becoming known at Rome, in which was taught the
+doctrine of the human origin of all deities; and though
+we have hardly a fragment left of the comedies of Ennius,
+we may presume that he would not have hesitated for a
+moment to make the gods ridiculous on the stage. It
+was he who wrote the celebrated lines in his tragedy of
+Telamo:<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">750</a></p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum,</span>
+<span class="i0">sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>which (as I have said elsewhere)<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">751</a> strike a direct blow at
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span>the efficacy of sacrifice and prayer by openly declaring that
+the gods did not interest themselves in mankind. This
+is the same Epicurean doctrine afterwards preached by
+Lucretius, and I must return to it in the next lecture.
+At present let us select a couple of specimens of the
+more explicit evidence of the extant plays of Plautus,
+which began to be exhibited at Rome just about the end
+of the war with Hannibal.</p>
+
+<p>Here is an example of the way in which the family
+relationships of Greek gods could be made amusing
+under Roman names. Alcesimarchus in the <i>Cistellaria</i>
+wishes to make a strong asseveration, and begins:<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">752</a></p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">at ita me di deaeque, superi et inferi et medioxumi,</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>but immediately goes on to specify these deities more
+particularly by their names and relationships&mdash;<i>and gets
+the latter wrong</i>. Melaenis corrects him in a way which
+(as Aust notes)<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">753</a> could only have seemed comical to a
+Roman audience if they had already some acquaintance
+with the divine family gossip.</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i2">itaque me Iuno regina et Iovi' supremi filia</span>
+<span class="i2">itaque me Saturnus eiius patruos&mdash;ME. ecastor, pater.</span>
+<span class="i0">AL. itaque me Ops opulenta, illius avia&mdash;ME. immo mater quidem.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>Perhaps it was the fancy of the age for divine
+genealogy that is here being made fun of rather than
+the gods themselves; but in any case the passage shows
+how irrecoverably lost was the real impersonal character
+of the old Roman <i>numen</i>, and how impossible it must
+have been in such an age to believe that anything was
+really to be gained by the once solemn rites of the <i>ius
+divinum</i>.</p>
+
+<p>But the most remarkable evidence is in the Amphitruo,<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">754</a>
+where Jupiter and Mercurius are among the
+<i>dramatis personae</i>. This comedy is extremely amusing,
+and was quite capable of entertaining the Parisians in
+the form given it by Moli&egrave;re; but for them it could
+hardly have been so funny as for the Greeks in the age
+of the New Comedy and their disciples the Romans of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span>Plautus' day, who saw Zeus and Hermes, Jupiter and
+Mercurius, brought by their own misdoings into absurd
+and degrading situations. Jupiter personates Amphitruo,
+and so gains admission to his wife, Alkmene! Comment
+is needless, unless we take the last line of the play as a
+comment:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Nunc, spectatores, Iovi' summi causa clare plaudite!</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>I do not propose to follow further the downfall of the
+old Roman ideas about the objects of worship, or the
+neglect and decay of the <i>ius divinum</i>. They do not fall
+within the scope of my subject&mdash;the religious experience
+of the Roman people. So long as there was any life in
+these ideas and in the cult which was the practical
+expression of them, they formed part of that experience.
+But I think I have sufficiently proved that the life has
+gone out of the ideas, and that the worship has consequently
+become meaningless. Ideas about the divine
+may be discussed by philosophers as the Romans begin
+to read and in some degree to think; and the outward
+forms of the cult may be maintained in such particulars
+as most closely concern the public life of the community;
+but as a religious system expressing human experience
+we have done with these things.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XV</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">706</span></a> Polybius vi. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">707</span></a> Livy xxxi. 4 <i>ad fin.</i>, cp. xxv. 2, xxvii. 36, etc. For the <i>Iovis
+epulum</i> see <i>R.F.</i> 216 foll. and the references there given. Wissowa,
+<i>R.K.</i> foll. 111. 385 foll. I am not sure that I am right in limiting
+the human partakers of the epulum of Nov. 13 to the plebeian
+magistrates.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">708</span></a> Livy xxxi. 5. The importance of the words "prolationem
+finium" does not seem to have been noticed by historians. If they
+are genuine they indicate an undoubtedly aggressive attitude.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">709</span></a> Livy xxxi. 7 and 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">710</span></a> Livy xxxvi. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">711</span></a> Augustine, <i>Civ. Dei</i>, iv. 27: "Relatum est in litteras doctissimum
+pontificem Scaevolam disputasse tria genera tradita deorum:
+unum a poetis, alterum a philosophis, tertium a principibus civitatis.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span>Primum genus nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis fingantur
+indigna, etc. Expedire igitur falli in religione civitates."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">712</span></a> Livy xxxii. 9, cp. 28. In connection with these <i>prodigia</i> it
+may be worth noting that in xxxii. 30 we are told that a consul
+vowed a temple to Juno Sospita, who had in her famous seat at
+Lanuvium been a constant centre of marvel-mongering. Livy xxxiv.
+53 places the building of this temple <i>in foro olitorio</i> three years
+later, if we may read there Sospitae instead of the Matutae of the
+MSS. with Sigonius: (cp. Aust, <i>de Aedibus</i>, p. 21, and Wissowa,
+<i>R.K.</i> 117). This interesting deity had been taken into the Roman
+worship in 338 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, but not moved from Lanuvium, which had
+peculiar religious relations with Rome. See <i>Myth. Lex.</i> vol. ii.
+p. 608, where the attributes of this Juno in art are described by
+Vogel. The date of the temple at Rome was 194. Whether the
+object of it was to diminish the portents at Lanuvium it is impossible
+to say, but judging from the records of <i>prodigia</i> in Julius Obsequens
+it had that effect. I find only four <i>prodigia</i> reported from Lanuvium
+after this date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">713</span></a> See the passage in Frontinus, <i>de Aqueductibus</i>, i. 7 (C.
+Herschel's edition gives the reading of the best MS.), and the
+mutilated passage in the new epitomes of Livy found by Grenfell
+and Hunt in Egypt (<i>Oxyrrhyncus Papyri</i>, vol. iv. pp. 101 and 113).
+The general bearing of the two passages taken together seems to me
+to be that given in the text.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">714</span></a> Cic. <i>ad Fam.</i> i. 1 and 2. A somewhat similar case in 190
+<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> will be found in Livy xxxviii. 45, where the oracle forbade a
+Roman army to cross the Taurus range.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">715</span></a> Livy xxxiv. 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">716</span></a> Livy xxxviii. 56, mentions statues which were believed to be
+those of Scipio the elder, his brother Lucius, and Ennius, "in
+Scipionum monumento" outside the Porta Capena, and another of
+Scipio at Liternum, where he had a villa; this one Livy says that
+he saw himself blown down by a storm. On statues and busts
+at Rome, see Pliny xxxiv. 28 foll.; Mrs. Strong, <i>Roman Sculpture</i>,
+p. 28 foll.; <i>Cambridge Companion to Latin Studies</i>, p. 550 foll.;
+and for coins, p. 456.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">717</span></a> See above, p. 240, for the remarkable exception in the case
+of the elder Scipio, whose practice when in Rome was to go up to
+the Capitoline temple before daybreak and contemplate the statue
+of Jupiter; the dogs never barked at him, and the aedituus opened
+the <i>cella Iovis</i> at his summons. I see no good ground for rejecting
+this story, which is not likely to have been invented. It can be
+traced back to two writers, Oppius, the friend of Caesar, and Julius
+Hyginus, the librarian of Augustus (Gell. vi. 1. 1), and was probably
+based on tradition. Livy mentions it in xxvi. 19, and suggests that
+this and other ways of Scipio were assumed to impress the multitude.
+The Roman mind was naturally averse from such individualism in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span>religion; but Scipio was beyond doubt more familiar than his
+contemporaries with Greek ideas. In a chapter on Idealism in his
+little book on <i>Religion and Art in Ancient Greece</i>, Professor
+Ernest Gardner writes: "The statue (of Athene) by Phidias
+within the Parthenon offered not merely that form in which she
+would choose to appear if she showed herself to mortal eyes, but
+actually showed her form as if she had revealed it to the sculptor.
+To look upon such an image helped the worshipper as much as&mdash;perhaps
+more than&mdash;any service or ritual, to bring himself into
+communion with the goddess, and to fit himself, as a citizen of
+her chosen city, to carry out her will in contributing his best
+efforts to its supremacy in politics, in literature, and in art." That
+Scipio had some feeling of this kind need not be doubted, though
+the statue was not a great work of art like that of Phidias. Cp.
+Lucretius, vi. 75 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">718</span></a> See below, p. 386.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">719</span></a> Marquardt, 332, and Mommsen, <i>Staatsrecht</i>, i. ed. 2, p. 463
+foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">720</span></a> Livy, <i>Epit.</i> xix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">721</span></a> Livy xxxvii. 51: "Religio ad postremum vicit, ut dicto
+audiens esset flamen pontifici." Here <i>religio</i> is used in the sense
+of obligation to the <i>ius divinum</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">722</span></a> Livy xxvii. 6; cp. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">723</span></a> This story is told in Livy xl. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">724</span></a> Livy xxvii. 8. For the compelling power (<i>capere</i>) of the
+Pont. Max., see Marq. 314. The story may have come from the
+annals of the Valerii Flacci, and also from those of the pontifices;
+it was apparently well known, as Valerius Maximus knew it
+(vi. 9. 2).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">725</span></a> Velleius ii. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">726</span></a> Livy xxxi. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">727</span></a> For the oath see "Lex incerta reperta Bantiae," lines 16 and
+17, in Bruns, <i>Fontes Iuris Romani</i>. The oath taboo is mentioned
+by Gellius 10. 15. 3.; Festus 104, and Plutarch, <i>Quaest. Rom.</i> 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">728</span></a> Livy xxxii. 7; xxxix. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">729</span></a> Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iv. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">730</span></a> See above, p. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">731</span></a> Farnell, <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>, vol. v. p. 85 foll. Very
+interesting is the modern survival of Dionysiac rites recently
+discovered in Thrace by Mr. Dawkins (<i>Hellenic Journal</i>, 1906,
+p. 191).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">732</span></a> Farnell, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. v. p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">733</span></a> Quoted by Farnell, p. 151, from Rohde's <i>Psyche</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">734</span></a> It is possible that <i>superstitio</i> may originally have had some
+such meaning; see W. Otto in <i>Archiv f&uuml;r Religionswissenschaft</i>,
+1909, p. 548 foll.; Mayor's edition of Cic. <i>de Nat. Deorum</i>, note on
+ii. 72 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">735</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 523 foll. See also <i>Roman Society in the Age
+of Cicero</i>, p. 289.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">736</span></a> See Mr. Heitland's <i>History of the Roman Republic</i>, vol. ii.
+p. 229 note, and cp. Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, <i>Real-Encycl.</i> <i>s.v.</i>
+"Bacchanalia."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">737</span></a> Livy xxxix. 8 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">738</span></a> Plato, <i>de Rep.</i> 364 <span class="smcap">B</span>; cp. <i>Laws</i>, 933 <span class="smcap">D</span>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">739</span></a> "Quaestio de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta est," Livy
+xxxix. 8; so also in chs. 14 and 17. Cp. <i>Sctm. de Bacchanalibus</i>,
+line 13, "conioura (se)." This document is, strictly speaking, a letter
+to the magistrates "in agro Teurano" in Bruttium embodying the
+orders of the Senatus consultum. It will be found in Bruns, <i>Fontes
+Iuris Romani</i>, or in Wordsworth, <i>Fragments and Specimens of Early
+Latin</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">740</span></a> Livy xxxix. 16: "Omnia, dis propitiis volentibusque, faciemus,
+qui quia suum numen sceleribus libidinibusque contaminari indigne
+ferebant," etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">741</span></a> Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, p. 567 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">742</span></a> Livy xxxix. 18 <i>ad fin.</i> <i>Sctm. de Bacch.</i> lines 3 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">743</span></a> <i>Religion der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">744</span></a> Livy xl. 29 seems to have put his account together from
+Cassius Hemina and other annalists, so far as we can judge from
+the reference to them in Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xiii. 84; Valerius Antias, who
+simply stated that the writings were Pythagorean as well as Numan,
+Livy rejects as ignorant of the chronological impossibility of making
+the king contemporary with the philosopher. The fragment of
+Cassius Hemina is quoted in Pliny, sec. 86; Val. Max. i. 1, and
+Plutarch, <i>Numa</i> 22, add nothing to our knowledge of the incident.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">745</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, i. 268; Pliny, <i>loc.
+cit.</i>, calls him "vetustissimus auctor annalium," but his work was later
+than the <i>Annals</i> or <i>Origines</i> of Cato.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">746</span></a> Ennius came from South Italy (Rudiae in Messapia), the
+home of Pythagoreanism. For traces of it in his works, see Reid
+on Cicero, <i>Academica priora</i>, ii. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">747</span></a> This is the view taken by Colin, <i>Rome et la Gr&egrave;ce, 200-146
+<span class="smcap">B.C.</span></i>, p. 269 foll. This reaction was probably only a part of the
+general reversion to conservatism which we have been noticing in
+the action of the government in religious matters.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">748</span></a> See above, p. 149 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">749</span></a> Quoted by Aust, <i>Religion der R&ouml;mer</i>, p. 64. The passage
+is in Zeller's <i>Religion und Philosophie bei den R&ouml;mern</i>, a short
+treatise reprinted in his <i>Vortr&auml;ge und Abhandlungen</i>, ii. 93 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">750</span></a> Ribbeck, <i>Fragmenta Tragicorum Latinorum</i>, p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">751</span></a> <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 334.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">752</span></a> <i>Cistellaria</i>, ii. 1. 45 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">753</span></a> Aust, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">754</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, vol. i. p. 75.</p></div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XVI</h4>
+
+<h5>GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION</h5>
+
+<p>I said at the end of the last lecture that ideas about the
+Divine might be discussed at Rome by philosophers, as
+the Romans began to read and in some degree to think.
+At the era we have now reached, the latter half of the
+second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, this process actually began, and I
+propose in this lecture to deal with it briefly. But my
+subject is the Roman religious experience, and I can only
+find room for philosophy so far as the philosophy introduced
+at Rome had a really religious side. Another
+reason forbidding me to give much space to it is that it
+was at Rome entirely exotic, did not spring from an
+indigenous root in Roman life and thought, and never
+seriously affected the minds of the lower and less educated
+population. And I must add that the types of Greek
+philosophy which concern us at all have been fully and
+ably dealt with, the one in vol. ii. of Dr. Caird's lectures
+on this foundation on <i>The Evolution of Theology in the
+Greek Philosophers</i>, a work from which I have learnt
+much, and the other by Dr. Masson in his most instructive
+work on the great Epicurean poet Lucretius.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen in the two last lectures that in that
+second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the Roman was fast becoming religiously
+destitute&mdash;a castaway without consolation, and
+without the sense that he needed it. He was destitute,
+first, in regard to his idea of God and of his relation to
+God; for if we take our old definition of religion, which
+seems to me to be continually useful, we can hardly say of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span>that age that it showed any effective desire to be in right
+relation with the Power manifesting itself in the universe.
+The old idea of the manifestation of the Power in the
+various <i>numina</i> had no longer any relation to Roman
+life; the kind of life in which it germinated and grew,
+the life of agriculture and warlike self-defence, had passed
+away with the growth of the great city, the decay of the
+small farmer, and the extension of the empire; and no
+new informing and inspiring principle had taken its place.
+Secondly, he was destitute in regard to his sense of duty,
+which had been largely dependent on religion, both in
+the family and in the State. No new force had come in
+to create and maintain conscience. In public life, indeed,
+the religious oath was still powerful, and continued to be
+so, though there are some signs that its binding force was
+less strong than of yore, especially in the army.<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">755</a> But in
+a society so complex as that of Rome in the last two
+centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> much more was wanted than a bond sanctioned
+by civil and religious law; there was needed a
+sense of duty to the family, the slave, the provincials, the
+poor and unfortunate. There was no spring of moral
+action, no religious consecration of morality, no stimulus
+to moral endeavour. The individual was rapidly developing,
+emancipating himself from the State and the group-system
+of society; but he was developing in a wrong
+direction. The importance of self, when realised in high
+and low alike, was becoming self-seeking, indifference to
+all but self. We have now to see whether philosophy
+could do anything to relieve this destitution of the
+Romans in regard both to God and duty.</p>
+
+<p>The first system of philosophy actually to make its
+appearance at Rome was that of Epicurus<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">756</a>; but it
+speedily disappeared for the time, and only became
+popular in the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and then in its most
+repulsive form. It was indeed destined to inspire the
+noblest mind among all Roman thinkers with some of
+the greatest poetry ever written; but I need say little
+of it, for it was never really a part of Roman religious
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>experience. Though capable of doing men much good in
+a turbulent and individualistic age, it did not and could not
+do this by establishing a religious sanction for conduct.
+The Epicurean gods were altogether out of reach of the
+conscience of the individual. They were superfluous
+even for the atomic theory on which the whole system
+was pivoted;<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">757</a> and what Epicurus himself understood
+by them, or any of his followers down to Lucretius, is
+matter of subtle and perplexing disputation.<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">758</a> One point is
+clear, that they had no interest in human beings;<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">759</a> and the
+natural inference would be that human beings had no call
+to worship them; yet, strange to say, Epicurus himself
+took part in worship, and in the worship of the national
+religion of his native city. Philodemus, the contemporary
+of Lucretius, expressly asserts this,<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">760</a> and even insists that
+Epicurism gave a religious sanction to morality which
+was absent in Stoicism.<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">761</a> Lucretius himself clearly
+thought that worship was natural and possible. "If you
+do not clear your mind of false notions," he says, "nec
+delubra deum placido cum pectore adibis."<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">762</a> Man might
+go on with his ancestral worship, but entirely without
+fear, and as with "placid mind" he took part in the rites
+of his fathers, a mysterious divine influence might enter
+his mind; "the images of a Zeus, a Heracles, an Athene,
+might pass in and impress on him the aspect and character
+of each deity, and carry with them suggestions of virtue,
+of courage, of wise counsel in difficulty."<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">763</a> Evidently
+both Epicurus and his followers had felt the difficulty
+and the peril of breaking entirely with the religious
+habits of the mass of the people, and had conscientiously
+done their best to reconcile their own belief with popular
+practice&mdash;an attempt which has its parallel in the religious
+speculation of the present day.</p>
+
+<p>But for the Roman follower of Epicurus, wholly unused
+to such subtle ideas as the passage of divine influence
+into the mind by means of religious contemplation, this
+lame attempt to bring apathetic gods into relation with
+human life must have been quite meaningless. Cicero
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span>well expresses the common sense of a Roman at the very
+beginning of his treatise on the <i>Nature of the Gods</i>.<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">764</a>
+"If they are right who deny that the gods have any
+interest in human affairs, where is there room for <i>pietas</i>,
+for <i>sanctitas</i>, for <i>religio</i>?" What, he adds, is the use of
+worship, of honour, of prayer? If these are simply
+make-believes, <i>pietas</i> cannot exist, and with it we may
+almost assume that <i>fides</i> and <i>iustitia</i>, and the social
+virtues generally, which hold society together, must vanish
+too. Such criticism is characteristically Roman, and we
+may take it as representing accurately the feeling of the
+old-fashioned Roman of Cicero's day, as well as of the
+Stoic or Academic critic of Epicurism. On the other
+hand, the believing Epicurean at Rome was not more
+likely to accept the compromise; he had done with his
+own gods and their worship, and such a "ficta simulatio"
+was not likely to attract him. Even Lucretius, whose
+mind was in a sense really religious, does no more in the
+passage I quoted just now than <i>allude</i> to actual worship
+of the gods, and he makes it quite clear that the tranquillity
+and happiness coming from contemplation, and
+the punishment that follows misdoing, are both purely
+subjective; the gods are not active in influencing man's
+life, but man influences that life himself by opening his
+mind to the contemplation of the gods. This passage of
+Lucretius (vi. 68 foll.) is, if I am not mistaken, the nearest
+approach to real religion that we find in the history of
+Roman Epicurism; yet so far as we know it bore no
+fruit. It seems to me to express a genuine feeling, a
+<i>religio</i>, but the expression is blurred by a consciousness
+of inconsistency.</p>
+
+<p>The fact is that in the system of Epicurus the Power
+manifesting itself in the universe is not a divine Power,
+but a mechanical one; the gods have nothing to do with
+it, they cannot be active, their perfection is found in repose;
+they are an adjunct, an after-thought in the system.
+Thus all attempts to reconcile the Power with the popular
+religion must inevitably be failures, and more especially
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>so in the Roman world. At best the Epicurean gods
+could but set an example of quietism which could not
+possibly be a force for good in that active world of
+business and government.<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">765</a> The real force of Epicurism,
+for the Roman at least, if I am not mistaken, was
+<i>analogous</i> to a religious force, though far indeed from
+being one in reality&mdash;I mean the profound and touching
+belief in the Founder himself as a saviour, which is so
+familiar to all readers of Lucretius.<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">766</a> And the real
+legacy of Lucretius himself to Roman religion is only
+indirectly a religious one&mdash;I mean the wholesome contempt
+for "<i>superstitio</i>" and all the baser side of religious
+belief and practice, old and new.<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">767</a> If his devotion to the
+Master had been rooted more in the love of goodness
+and less in the admiration for his speculations, and if his
+contempt for <i>superstitio</i> had been less harshly dogmatic,
+had he been more sympathetic and generous in his
+attitude to the Italian ideas of the divine&mdash;the power of
+Lucretius might possibly have been strong and permanent.</p>
+
+<p>Thus for the Roman's destitution in regard to God
+Epicurism could find no remedy, and as a consequence
+it could provide no religious sanction for his conduct in
+life. What power it had upon conduct as a system of
+ethics is a question outside the range of my subject. No
+doubt a certain type of mind, naturally pure and good,
+and apt to retire upon itself, might find in Epicurism
+not only no harm but even positive help; perhaps the
+best way to appreciate this fact, too often overlooked, is
+to read the defence of the Epicurean ethics put into the
+mouth of Torquatus, in the first book of the <i>de Finibus</i>,<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">768</a>
+by one who was far from being in sympathy with the
+creed. But for the Roman of that age, when ideas of
+duty and discipline were losing strength, this enticing
+faith, with pleasure as its <i>summum bonum</i>, and with
+quietism as its ideal of human life,<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">769</a> could hardly be
+a real stimulus to active virtue; the Roman needed
+bracing, and this was not a tonic, but a sedative. Far
+more valuable in every way, and far better suited to the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>best instincts of the Roman character, was the rival creed
+of Stoicism, and I must devote the rest of this lecture to
+the consideration of its religious aspect.</p>
+
+<p>It was most fortunate for Rome that her best and
+ablest men in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> fell into the hands,
+not of Epicureans, but of Stoics&mdash;into the hands, too, of a
+single Stoic of high standing, fine character, and good
+sense. For destitute as the Roman was both in regard
+to God and to Duty, he found in Stoicism an explanation
+of man's place in the universe,&mdash;an explanation relating
+him directly to the Power manifesting itself therein, and
+deriving from that relation a <i>binding</i> principle of conduct
+and duty. This should make the religious character of
+Stoicism at once apparent. It is perfectly true, as the
+late Mr. Lecky said long ago,<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">770</a> that "Stoicism, taught
+by Panaetius of Rhodes, and soon after by the Syrian
+Posidonius, became the true religion of the educated
+classes. It furnished the principles of virtue, coloured
+the noblest literature of the time, and guided all the
+developments of moral enthusiasm." To this I only
+need to add that it woke in the mind an entirely new
+idea of Deity, far transcending that of Roman <i>numina</i>
+and of Greek polytheism, and yet not incapable of being
+reconciled with these; so that it might be taken as an
+inpouring of sudden light upon old conceptions of the
+Power, glorifying and transfiguring them, rather than,
+like the Epicurean faith, a bitter and contemptuous negation
+of man's inherited religious instincts. But before
+we go on to consider this illumination more closely, let
+me say a few words about Panaetius the Stoic missionary,
+and Scipio Aemilianus, his most famous disciple.</p>
+
+<p>Scipio, born 184, was a happy combination of the
+best Roman aristocratic character and the receptive intelligence
+which for a Roman was the chief result of a
+Greek liberal education. He had been educated by his
+famous father, Aemilius Paulus, in a thoroughly healthy
+way; he was no mere book-student, but a practical
+courageous Roman, with a solid mental foundation of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>moral rectitude (<i>pietas</i>) fixed firmly in the traditions and
+instincts of his own family. On this foundation, as has
+been well said,<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">771</a> a superstructure of intellectual culture
+might be built securely without destroying it, and this
+was exactly what did take place, both for Scipio and for
+that circle of friends of his which has become so famous
+in Roman history. In very early life he became the
+intimate friend of Polybius, whose account of their first
+unreserved intercourse is one of the most delightful passages
+in all ancient literature;<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">772</a> and from Polybius he
+doubtless learnt to think. He must have learnt to understand
+the real nature of the Roman empire, to appreciate
+the forces which had called it into being,<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">773</a> the qualities
+which had preserved it through the fearful struggle with
+Hannibal, and the duty of a noble Roman in regard to
+it. From Polybius, indeed, it is not likely that he gained
+much light on matters either of religion or morality; but
+that statesman and historian must inevitably have accustomed
+him, in the course of their long intercourse, to think
+more deeply than Roman had ever yet thought, about
+the world in which he lived and was to act for many
+years the leading part. Thus he was well prepared for
+the friendship of a more spiritual guide.</p>
+
+<p>Panaetius, who was probably about the same age as
+Scipio, had the advantage, as a visitor at Rome, of being
+a Rhodian, <i>i.e.</i> a citizen of the one Greek State which had
+been almost continuously on good terms with Rome, and
+of great value to her. He was also a scion of an old and
+honoured family in that city, and was thus in every way
+a fit friend and companion for a great Roman noble.
+When their friendship began we do not know for certain;
+but it is a fact that he lived for some two years, together
+with Polybius, in the house of Scipio, and these years
+were probably between 144 and 141 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, after Scipio's
+return from the conquest of Carthage.<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">774</a> When Scipio in
+141 was commissioned by the Senate to go and set
+things in order in the eastern Mediterranean, he took
+Panaetius with him,<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">775</a> and brought him home to live with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>him again as a guest, perhaps until he left for the Numantine
+war in 134, after which it is not likely that they met
+again before Scipio's sudden death in 129. I am particular
+about the extent of their intimacy, because I wish
+to make it clear that this was no ordinary or fleeting
+friendship between a commonplace Greek philosopher
+and an average Roman statesman. Both statesman and
+philosopher were far above the usual level of their kind,
+and in the course of this long intimacy must have had
+full opportunity of learning from each other. From
+Scipio Panaetius would learn the secrets of the Roman
+temperament, and divine the right methods of dealing
+with it, and the result of this was a happy modification
+of the old rigidity of the Stoic principles&mdash;an adaptation
+of them to the Roman character which had far-reaching
+consequences. From Panaetius Scipio and his friends
+would learn a new and illuminating conception of man's
+place in the universe, and of his relation to the Power
+manifested in it. To understand the power of Stoicism
+on the mind of these Romans and their intellectual
+successors, it is necessary to have a clear idea of this
+illumination.</p>
+
+<p>Hitherto there had been nothing in the religion of
+Rome, or of any other city-state, to make it inevitable,
+reasonable, that man should worship the Power, except
+tradition and self-interest, involved in the tradition and
+self-interest of the family and the city. The gods belonged,
+as we saw, to family or city as divine inhabitants,
+and if you neglected them they would show their anger
+against you. Originally it was <i>religio</i>, the feeling of awe
+for something distinct from man and unknown to him,
+which forced him to propitiate that which he might fear,
+but had no reason, except the instinct of self-preservation,
+to reverence; and later on, as he came to know his
+<i>numina</i> better, to make them, so to speak, his own, and
+to formulate the methods of propitiating them, he gradually
+came also to take them for granted, and to worship
+them as a matter of traditional duty. The idea of conforming
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span>his life to the will of any of these <i>numina</i> would,
+of course, be absolutely strange to him&mdash;the expression
+would have no meaning whatever for him. The help
+which he sought from them was not moral help, but
+material.<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">776</a> But now, when the <i>religio</i> has been hypnotised
+and soothed away, and when the tradition of ceremonial
+observance was growing dim and weak, when he is left
+alone with his fellow-men, and without any binding
+reason for right conduct towards them, he may learn
+from Stoicism that there is a Power above and beyond
+all his <i>numina</i>, yet involving and embracing them all, to
+which, and by the help of which, as a man endowed with
+reason, he <i>must</i> conform his life.</p>
+
+<p>The theology held and taught by Panaetius, in common
+with all Stoics at all periods, was based upon two leading
+thoughts, in the correlation of which lay the kernel of the
+Stoic ethical system. The first of these thoughts is this:
+the whole universe, in all its forms and manifestations,
+shows unmistakably the work of Reason, of Mind; without
+mind, reason, <i>spiritus</i>, as Cicero calls it,<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">777</a> the universe
+could not exist. I need not go here into the origin and
+history of this thought; what is important for us is to
+make clear the theological consequences of it. Obviously
+it was natural that the Stoic should be led on to the
+conviction that this universe endowed with Reason&mdash;with
+a Reason far transcending all human capacity&mdash;must
+itself be God. The Stoic arguments in support of
+this further step are indeed lame, as they inevitably must
+be; they are well set forth at the beginning of Book ii.
+of Cicero's work <i>de Natura Deorum</i> (based upon one by
+Posidonius, the successor and disciple of Panaetius), where
+they seem to us rather cold and formal. That step is
+indeed incapable of being made convincing by any
+syllogism; it is only when we try to think with the
+minds of those old thinkers, living in a world of unmeaning
+worship, that we begin to realise the nobility of a
+conviction which they tried in vain to reduce to a
+syllogism. <i>Sapiens a principio mundus, et deus habendus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span>est</i>;<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">778</a> these words, which sound like an article of a creed,
+suffice for us without the laborious arguments of Cleanthes
+and Chrysippus which we may read in the fifth and sixth
+chapters of Cicero's book. Cicero has added to these a
+characteristic illustration from city life, which I may
+quote as more useful for us. "If a man enters a house
+or a gymnasium or a forum, and sees reason, method,
+and discipline reigning there, he cannot suppose that
+these came about without a cause, but perceives that
+there is someone there who rules and is obeyed: how
+much more, when he contemplates the motions and
+revolutions to be seen in the universe (<i>e.g.</i>, in the heavenly
+bodies), must he conclude that they are all governed by
+a conscious Mind!" And this Mind can be nothing
+else but God.</p>
+
+<p>This sounds like the Deism of the eighteenth century,
+and might be described as "natural religion"; but the
+Stoics took yet another step, and developed their thought
+into Pantheism. The idea of a personal Deity, distinct
+from the universe and its Creator, was obnoxious to them;
+it would have committed them to a dualism of Mind and
+Matter which, from the very outset of their history, they
+emphatically repudiated; their conviction was of a Unity
+in all things, and to this they consistently held in spite
+of constant and damaging criticism. The theological
+result of this conviction has lately been well expressed
+by Dr. Bussell.<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">779</a> He is speaking of Seneca in particular,
+but what he says applies to all Stoics equally well:
+"Though he yearns to see God in 'the moral order of
+the Universe,' he is forced in the interests of Unity to
+identify Him with every other known force. As He is
+everything, so any name will suit Him. He is the sum of
+existence: or the secret and abstract law which guides it:
+He is Nature or Fate. The partial names of special
+deities are all His, and together they make up the fulness
+of the divine title; but <i>they disappear in the immense
+nothingness</i>, rather than colour or qualify it." This is a
+point of immense importance for the study of Stoicism at
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>Rome; it was fully developed by Posidonius, and copied
+from him both by Cicero and Varro. "God," says Cicero
+in the book I have been quoting, "pervading all nature
+(<i>pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei</i>), can be understood as
+Ceres on the land, as Neptune on the sea, and so on, and
+may be and should be worshipped in all these different
+forms;" not in superstitious fear and grovelling spirit&mdash;the
+mental attitude which Lucretius had condemned
+years before this treatise was written&mdash;but with pure
+heart and mind, following the one and true God in all
+his various manifestations.<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">780</a> Thus the Stoic Pantheism,
+in spite of its weak points, could find room for the deities
+of the city-state, and put new illuminating life into them.
+To us it may seem, as it seems to Dr. Bussell, that they
+would disappear in an immense nothingness; but to the
+Roman mind of Scipio's age, if I am not mistaken, they
+might, on the contrary, save the great Pantheistic idea
+from so itself disappearing. I cannot but think that the
+Roman's idea of divinity, the force or will-power which
+he called <i>numen</i>,<a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">781</a> would find here a means of reviving
+its former hold on the Roman mind, and enabling it to
+grasp as a concrete fact, and not merely as an abstract
+idea, the "deus pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei." In
+particular the Roman conception of the great Jupiter, the
+father of heaven, might gain new life for the people who
+had so long been used to call him "the Best and
+Greatest." Almost from the very beginning of Stoicism
+the school had seized upon Zeus to convey, under the guise
+of a personality and a name, some idea of the Reason in
+the universe;<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">782</a> and the same use might just as well,
+perhaps even better, be made of the great deity of the
+Capitoline temple, whom his people recognised as the
+open heaven with all its manifestations, the celestial
+representative of good faith and righteous dealing, and
+the special protector of the destinies of Rome and her
+empire.</p>
+
+<p>The second thought which lies at the base of the
+religion or theology of Stoicism, is this: that Man himself,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>alone in all the Universe, shares with God the full
+possession of Reason. In other words, Man alone, besides
+God, is strictly individual, self-conscious, capable of realising
+an end and of working towards it; he is so utterly
+different from the animals, so far above them (or if we
+call him an animal, he is, in Cicero's language,<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">783</a> <i>animal
+providum, sagax, multiplex, acutum, memor, plenum
+rationis et consilii</i>), that he must surely be of the same
+nature as God. And this is what, in strict conformity
+with all Stoic teaching, Cicero in this same passage expressly
+says&mdash;man is <i>generatus a deo</i>. So too in the
+famous hymn of Cleanthes,<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">784</a> quoted by St. Paul at
+Athens ("For we are also his offspring,"):&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Chiefest glory of deathless Gods, Almighty for ever,</span>
+<span class="i0">Sovereign of Nature that rulest by law, what name shall we give thee?</span>
+<span class="i0">Blessed be Thou, for on Thee should call all things that are mortal.</span>
+<span class="i0">For that we are Thy offspring: nay, all that in myriad motion</span>
+<span class="i0">Lives for its day on the earth bears one impress, Thy likeness, upon it;</span>
+<span class="i0">Wherefore my song is of Thee, and I hymn Thy power for ever.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In these splendid lines it is plain that not Man only is
+thought of, but all living things, animals included with
+Man; and this is in accordance with the true Stoic Pantheism.
+But none the less on this account did the Stoics
+believe Man to be the one living thing in the universe
+comparable with God, and capable of communion with
+him by virtue of the possession of Reason. As Cicero
+says, a few lines farther on in the work I am quoting,
+"virtus eadem in homine ac deo est, neque ullo alio
+ingenio praeterea." And since every creature seeks to
+maintain and augment its own being, to bring it to
+perfection, to express it fully, by an innate law of its
+nature, Man being endowed with Reason above all other
+creatures, strives, or should strive, to bring himself to a
+perfect expression, by identifying himself with the divine
+principle which he shares with God. As Dr. Caird puts
+it,<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">785</a> "the ruling power of Reason so dominates his nature
+that he cannot be described as anything but a self-conscious
+<i>ego</i> (<i>i.e.</i> in contrast with other animals); and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span>just because of this, all his impulses become concentrated
+in one great effort after self-realisation." But the self
+that he tries to realise must be his true self, not his
+irrational impulses: the self which is a part of the divine
+principle. He must desire to realise himself as having
+Reason, and so to come into close communion with God,
+the Reason of the universe. Those who are at all
+familiar with the later Roman Stoics, Seneca and Marcus
+Aurelius, and Epictetus, if we may include him among
+them, will recognise in this inspiring thought, vague and
+impalpable as it may seem, the germ of many beautiful
+expressions of the relation of Man to God, which
+seem to bring Stoicism into closer spiritual connection
+with Christianity than any other doctrine of the ancient
+world.</p>
+
+<p>The work of Cicero from which I have been quoting,
+the first book of his treatise on the Laws, <i>i.e.</i> the Roman
+constitution, is very probably based on one by Panaetius
+himself,<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">786</a> of whom we are expressly told that he used
+to discuss that constitution together with Polybius and
+Scipio in the days of their happy intimacy at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">787</a>
+In any case we may find it helpful, taken together with
+the earlier fragmentary work <i>de Republica</i>, in trying to
+form some idea of the effect of this second leading Stoic
+thought on the best Roman minds of the last ages of the
+Republic. We find, as we might expect, that it is not
+on Man simply as individual that stress is here laid.
+Man is not thought of as hoping to realise his own
+Reason in isolation; the Stoics, though, like their rivals,
+they represent a reaction of the individual against the
+State, were all along perfectly clear that man in isolation
+would be helpless, and that his own reason bade him
+realise himself in association with his fellow-men.<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">788</a> It
+is the position of Man, as associated, 1, with God, 2, with
+other men, that is here made prominent; and the bond
+of connection is in each case Law, which is indeed only
+one name for the Supreme Reason and the highest Good.
+I must say a word about these two aspects of Man's
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span>position in the world, in order to explain what I believe
+to have been the effect of this teaching on the Roman
+mind.</p>
+
+<p>1. In explaining the relation of Man to God Cicero
+uses an expression which some years before he had developed
+in a fine passage in the Republic: <i>true law</i>, he
+says, <i>is right reason</i>.<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">789</a> In the Laws he takes it up again,
+and argues that as both God and Man have reason, there
+must be a direct relation between them.<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">790</a> And as Law
+and right reason are identical, we may say that Law is
+the binding force of that relation. And again, this means
+that the universe may be looked on as one great State
+(<i>civitas</i>), of which both God and Man (or gods and men)
+are citizens, or in another way as a State of which the
+constitution is itself the Reason, or God's law, which all
+reasonable beings must obey. Such obedience is itself
+the effort by which Man realises his own reason: he is a
+part of a reasonable universe, and he cannot rebel against
+its law without violating his own highest instinct. It is
+not hard to see how this way of expressing the Stoic
+theological principle would appeal to the Roman mind.
+That mind was wholly incapable of metaphysical thinking;
+but it could without effort understand, with the help
+of its social and political principles and experience, the
+idea of supreme intelligent rule&mdash;a supreme <i>imperium</i>, as
+it were, to rebel against which would be a moral <i>perduellio</i>,
+high treason against a supreme Law, unwritten like his
+own, and resting, as he thought of his own as resting, on
+the best instincts, tradition, reason, of his community;
+from his own constitution and laws he could lift his mind
+without much difficulty to the constitution and law of the
+<i>communis deorum et hominum civitas</i>. The idea of God
+in any such sense as this was indeed new to him; but he
+could grasp it under the expression "universal law of
+right reason" when he would have utterly failed, for
+example, to conceive of it as "the Absolute." He can
+feel himself the citizen of a State whose maker and ruler
+is God, and whose law is the inevitable force of Reason;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span>he can realise his relationship to God as a part of the
+same State, gifted with the same power of discerning its
+legal basis, nay, even helping to administer its law by
+rational obedience.</p>
+
+<p>2. Reason as thus ruling the universe can also provide
+a basis for Man's reasonable association with his fellow-men,
+and a religious basis if conceived as God; for
+Man's recognition of the divine law, the <i>recta ratio</i>, as
+binding on him, is followed quite naturally by his recognition
+of the application of that law to the world he lives
+in. "Human law comes into existence," says Zeller,
+explaining this point,<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">791</a> "when man becomes aware of the
+divine law, and recognises its claim on him." Here,
+again, it is easy to see how illuminating would be this
+conception of law for the Roman of Scipio's time. So
+far the Roman idea and study of law (as I have elsewhere
+expressed it)<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">792</a> had been of a crabbed, practical character,
+wanting in breadth of treatment, destitute of any philosophical
+conception of the moral principles which lie
+behind all law and government. The new doctrine called
+up life in these dry bones, and started Roman lawyers,
+many of whom were Stoics more or less pronounced, on
+a career of enlightened legal study which has left one of
+the most valuable legacies inherited by the modern world
+from ancient civilisation. In another way too it had, I
+think, an immediate effect on Scipio himself and his
+circle, and on their mental descendants, of whom Cicero
+was the most brilliant: it made them look on the law and
+constitution of their State as eminently reasonable, and
+on rebellion against it as unreason, or as the Romans call
+it, <i>lascivia</i>, wanton disregard of principle. So far as I
+know, no great Roman lawyer was ever a revolutionary
+like Catiline or Clodius, nor yet an obstinate conservative
+like Cato, whose Stoicism was of the older and less
+Romanised type; the two of whom we know most in
+the century following the arrival of Panaetius were both
+wise, just, and moderate men, Mucius Scaevola and
+Servius Sulpicius, of whom it may be truly said they
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span>contributed as much to civilisation as the great military
+and political leaders of the same period.<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">793</a></p>
+
+<p>There now remains the question whether this noble
+Stoic religion, as we may fairly call it, with its ideas of
+the relation of Man to God and to his fellow-men, had,
+after all, sufficient definiteness for a Roman to act as a grip
+on his conscience and his conduct in his daily dealings
+with others. It could deduce the existence and beauty
+of the social virtues from its own principles; if Man partakes
+of the eternal Reason, or, as they otherwise put it,
+if he is through his Reason a part of God himself in the
+highest sense, and if God and Reason are in the highest
+sense good, then in realising his own Reason, in obeying
+the voice of the God within him,<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">794</a> he must be himself
+good by the natural instinct of his own being. Accordingly,
+these social virtues, duties, <i>officia</i>, as the Romans
+called them, were set forth by Panaetius in two books,
+which in a Latinised form we still fortunately possess,&mdash;the
+first two of Cicero's work <i>de Officiis</i>,&mdash;and without
+the uncompromising rigidity which characterised the
+original Stoic ethical doctrine inherited from the Cynics.<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">795</a>
+In the first book he treated of the good simply (<i>honestum</i>),
+in the second of the useful (<i>utile</i>), and in a third, which it
+was left for Cicero to execute, of the cases of conflict
+between these two. In this charming work there is much
+to admire, and even much to learn: the social virtues&mdash;benevolence,
+justice, liberality, self-restraint, and so on,
+are enlarged upon and illustrated by historical examples<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">796</a>
+in perfect Latin by Cicero; and as we read it we cannot
+but feel that the influence of Panaetius upon his educated
+Roman pupils must have been eminently wholesome.</p>
+
+<p>But at the same time we inevitably feel that there is
+something wanting. What power could such a discussion
+really have to constrain an ordinary man to right action?
+The constraint, such as it is, seems purely an intellectual
+process, and this is indeed noticeable in the Stoic ethics
+of all periods. No Stoic brought his doctrine nearer to a
+religious system than Epictetus; yet this is how Epictetus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>puts the matter:<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">797</a> "If a man could be thoroughly penetrated,
+as he ought to be, with this <i>thought</i>, that we are
+all in an especial manner sprung from God, and that God
+is the Father of men as well as gods, full sure he would
+never conceive aught ignoble or base of himself.... Those
+few who <i>hold</i> that they are born for fidelity,
+modesty, and unerring rightness in dealing with the things
+of sense, never conceive aught base or ignoble of themselves."
+He means that, for the real Stoic, <i>self-respect is
+the necessary consequence of his intellectual conception of his
+place in the universe</i>, and that self-respect must as inevitably
+result in virtue. Can this intellectual attitude really
+act as a constraining force on the will of the average
+man? This is far too complicated a question for me
+to enter upon here, and I can but suggest the study of
+it for anyone who would wish to test the actual life-giving
+moral power of this philosophy. Suffice it to
+say that their idea of the universe as Reason and God
+naturally led the Stoics into a kind of Fatalism, a destined
+order in the world which nothing could effectually oppose;<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">798</a>
+and they were naturally in some difficulty in reconciling
+this with the freedom of Man's will. That freedom they
+constantly and consistently asserted; but it comes after
+all to this, that Man is free to bring his will into conformity,
+<i>through knowledge</i>, with the Power and the universal
+Reason; or, as Dr. Caird puts it,<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">799</a> Man has the
+choice whether he will be a willing or an unwilling servant
+(of the universal Reason): unwilling, if he makes it his
+aim to satisfy his particular self, an aim which he can
+only attain so far as the general system of things allows
+him; willing, if he identifies himself with the divine
+reason which is manifested in that system." But that
+identification of himself with the divine Reason is again
+an intellectual process; it can only be realised by minds
+highly trained in thinking; it could not have the smallest
+grip on the conduct of the ordinary ignorant man, or on
+the minds of women and children.</p>
+
+<p>And here we come upon another weak point in Stoicism
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span>as presented to the Roman world in this last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>
+It was an age in which gentleness, tenderness, pity, and
+the philanthropic spirit were most sadly needed, and it
+cannot be said of Stoicism that it had any mission to
+encourage their growth. The Stoics looked on the mass
+of men as ignorant and wicked,<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">800</a> and it never occurred to
+them that it was a duty of the Good Man to teach and
+redeem them,&mdash;to sacrifice his life, if need be, in the work
+of enlightenment. They seem to have thought even of
+women and children as hardly partaking of Reason; their
+ideally good man was virtuous in a strictly virile way,<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">801</a>
+and it never occurred to them that training in goodness
+must begin from the earliest years, and be gradually
+developed with infinite sympathy and tenderness. If a
+man is to learn that there is something within him which
+partakes of God, and which should naturally lead him to
+right conduct, he must begin to learn this truth in his
+infancy.<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">802</a> But the absence of a place for emotion and
+sympathy in the Stoic system, resulting from the purely
+intellectual nature of their central doctrine of Reason,
+meant also the absence of any spirit of enthusiastic propaganda.
+Their notion that emotion or passion is "a movement
+of mind contrary to reason and nature,"<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">803</a> lamed
+their whole system as a progressive force in the world of
+that day. Such religious power as it could exercise
+worked simply through the radiating influence of a few
+wise and good men, by nature pure and unselfish, who
+gradually familiarised the educated part of society with a
+nobler idea of God than the old religion had ever been
+able to supply, and with that other inspiring idea of the
+near relation of Man to God as partaking of His nature.
+But the active enthusiasm of a real religion&mdash;the <i>effective</i>
+desire to be in right relation with the Power&mdash;was strange
+to Stoicism. In one way or another it had many excellent
+results; it cleared the ground, for example, for a
+new and universal religion by putting into the shade, if
+not altogether out of the way, the old local cults with
+their narrow and limited civic force: it glorified the idea
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>of law and order in an age when the Roman world
+seemed to be forgetting what these sacred words meant;
+<i>but a real active enthusiasm of humanity was wanting in it</i>.
+Hence there is a certain hopelessness about Stoicism,
+which increased rather than diminished as the world went
+on, and such as is seen in a kind of sad grandeur in
+Marcus Aurelius, the Stoic emperor. Of him it may be
+said, both as emperor and philosopher, as has been said
+of the Stoic in general, that "he was essentially a soldier
+left to hold a fort surrounded by overpowering hosts of
+the enemy. He could not conquer or drive them away,
+but he could hold out to the last and die at his post."</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XVI.</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">755</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i> Livy iii. 20: "Sed nondum haec, quae nunc tenet
+saeculum, neglegentia deum venerat; nec interpretando sibi quisque
+iusiurandum et leges aptas faciebat, sed suos potius mores ad ea
+accommodabat." Cp. Cic. <i>de Off.</i> iii. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">756</span></a> Two Epicureans were expelled from Rome in 173 (probably),
+Athenaeus, p. 547. Cicero, <i>Tusc.</i> iv. 3, 7, gives some idea of the
+later popularity of the school in the first half of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">757</span></a> So Masson, <i>Lucretius</i>, i. 263, 271.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">758</span></a> See Masson i. ch. xii. and ii. p. 141 foll.; Mayor's Cicero
+<i>de Nat. Deor.</i> vol. i. xlviii. and 138 foll.; Guyau, <i>La Morale d'&Eacute;picure</i>
+(ed. 4), p. 171 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">759</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 19, 49 foll., and many other passages; Diog.
+Laert. x. 55; Zeller, <i>Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics</i>, p. 441 foll.;
+Masson i. 292, who aptly quotes Cotta the academic critic in Cicero's
+dialogue: "When Epicurus takes away from the gods the power of
+helping and doing good, he extirpates the very roots of religion from
+the minds of men" (Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 45. 121). One may add with
+Dr. Masson (i. 416 foll.) that a machine cannot command worship;
+the <i>Natura</i> of Lucretius, <i>i.e.</i>, was really a machine.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">760</span></a> Masson i. p. 284, and citations of Philodemus there given.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">761</span></a> Mayor's Cic. <i>N.D.</i> vol. i. p. xlix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">762</span></a> Lucr. vi. 68 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">763</span></a> Masson i. p. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">764</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 2. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">765</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> i. 37. 102; to believe the gods idle "etiam
+homines inertes efficit."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">766</span></a> For this profound reverence for Epicurus see also Cic. <i>N.D.</i>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span>i. 8. 18. It amounted to a faith. In this passage the Epicurean is
+described as "nihil tam verens quam ne dubitare aliqua de re
+videretur, tanquam modo ex deorum concilio et ex Epicuri intermundiis
+descendisset." See also sec. 43 and Mayor's note; Cic.
+<i>de Finibus</i>, i. 5. 14; Masson i. 354-5, who quotes the most striking
+passages from Lucretius, <i>e.g.</i> v. 8-10:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i3_5">deus ille fuit, deus, inclyte Memmi,</span>
+<span class="i0">qui princeps vitae rationem invenit eam quae</span>
+<span class="i0">nunc appellatur sapientia, etc.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In a paper entitled "Die Bekehrung (conversion) im klassischen
+Altertum," by W. A. Heidel (<i>Zeitschrift f&uuml;r Religionspsychologie</i>,
+vol. iii. Heft 2), the author, an American disciple of W. James,
+argues that the exordium of Bk. iii. indicates a psychological conversion
+of Lucretius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">767</span></a> See Masson's chapter (p. 399 foll.) on the teaching and
+personality of Lucretius. <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>,
+p. 327 foll., and references there given. I may note here that the
+power of Epicurism as a faith depended also largely on the directness,
+downrightness, and audacity of its system, working on minds weary
+of philosophers' disputations and political quarrels.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">768</span></a> Cic. <i>de Finibus</i>, i. viii. to end (translation by J. S. Reid,
+Camb. Univ. Press). The following sentence in ch. 18, sec. 57,
+puts the Epicurean ethics in a nutshell: "Clamat Epicurus, is quem
+vos nimis voluptatibus esse deditum dicitis, non posse iucunde vivi
+nisi sapienter, honeste, iusteque vivatur, nec sapienter, honeste, iuste,
+nisi iucunde."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">769</span></a> What this quietism might mean for a Roman may be
+gathered from the following passage in Cic. <i>de Finibus</i>, i. 13. 43, in
+which <i>sapientia</i> is practical wisdom, the Aristotelian &#966;&#961;&#959;&#957;&#951;&#963;&#953;&#987; or the
+<i>ars vivendi</i>, as Cicero has explained it just before: "Sapientia est
+adhibenda, quae, et terroribus cupiditatibusque detractis et omnium
+falsarum opinionum temeritate derepta, certissimam se ducem praebeat
+ad voluptatem. Sapientia enim est una, quae maestitiam pellat ex
+animis, quae nos exhorrescere metu non sinat; qua praeceptrice in
+tranquillitate vivi potest, omnium cupiditatum ardore restincto. Cupiditates
+enim sunt insatiabiles, quae non modo singulos homines, sed
+universas familias evertunt, totam etiam labefactant saepe rempublicam.
+Ex cupiditatibus odia discidia discordiae seditiones bella nascuntur."
+And so on to the end of the chapter. The message of Lucretius to
+the Roman was practically the same. The remedy was the wrong
+one in that age; though it does not necessarily entail withdrawal
+from public life with all its enticements and risks, it must inevitably
+have a strong tendency to suggest it; and such withdrawal had, as
+a matter of fact, been one of the characteristics of the Epicurean
+life. See Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., ch. xx.; Guyau, <i>La Morale d'&Eacute;picure</i>,
+p. 141 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">770</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span> <i>History of European Morals</i> (1899), vol. i. p. 225. The
+treatment of Stoicism in this work, though not, strictly speaking,
+philosophical, is in many ways most instructive.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">771</span></a> F. Leo, <i>Die griechische und lateinische Literatur</i>, p.
+337. See the author's <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>,
+p. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">772</span></a> Polybius xxxii. 9-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">773</span></a> See a discussion by the author of the meaning of &#964;&#8017;&#967;&#951; in
+Polybius, <i>Classical Review</i>, vol. xvii. p. 445, and the passages there
+quoted relating to the growth of the Roman dominion.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">774</span></a> See Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 3 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">775</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 6, note 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">776</span></a> See above, p. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">777</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii., end of sec. 19. He is translating the Greek
+&#960;&#957;&#949;&#8166;&#956;&#945;, which in Stoicism is not a spiritual conception, but a material
+one, in harmony with their theory of the universe as being itself
+material, including reason and the soul. This is one of the weak
+points of the Stoic idea of Unity. For the meaning of <i>spiritus</i> see
+Mayor's note on the passage; it is "the ether or warm air which
+penetrates and gives life to all things, and connects them together in
+one organic whole."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">778</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii. xiii. 36 <i>ad fin.</i> On all this department of the
+Stoic teaching see Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 135 foll.; Caird, <i>Gifford
+Lectures</i>, vol. ii., Lectures 16 and 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">779</span></a> <i>Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics</i>, by F. W. Bussell
+p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">780</span></a> Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii. ch. 28 (secs. 70-72), with Mayor's commentary;
+Zeller, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 327 foll.; Mayor, introduction to vol. ii. of his
+edition of Cic. <i>N.D.</i> xi. foll.; <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of
+Cicero</i>, p. 334 foll. It is important to note the distinction drawn by
+Cicero between religion and superstition; what Lucretius called
+<i>religio</i> as a whole Cicero (and Varro too, cf. Aug. <i>Civ. Dei</i>, vi. 9)
+thus divided. See Mayor's valuable note, vol. ii. p. 183. Some
+interesting remarks on the Stoic way of dealing with popular
+mythology will be found in Oakesmith's <i>Religion of Plutarch</i>,
+p. 68 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">781</span></a> See above, p. 118 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">782</span></a> See Mayor's note on Cic. <i>N.D.</i> ii. 15. 39 (vol. i. p.
+130), with quotation from Philodemus. Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 337
+foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">783</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, i. 7. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">784</span></a> <i>Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum</i>, Paris, 1883. I have
+borrowed the beautiful translation of my friend Hastings Crossley,
+printed p. 183 foll. of his <i>Golden Sayings of Epictetus</i>, in Macmillan's
+Golden Treasury Series.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">785</span></a> <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, ii. p. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">786</span></a> So Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 61 foll. The evidence is
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>not conclusive, and the process of argument is one of elimination;
+but it raises a fairly strong probability.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">787</span></a> Cic. <i>de Rep.</i> i. 21. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">788</span></a> See Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 294 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">789</span></a> Cic. <i>de Rep.</i> iii. 22. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">790</span></a> Cic. <i>de Legibus</i>, i. 7. 22 foll.: "Est igitur, quoniam nihil est
+ratione melius, eaque in homine et in deo, prima homini cum deo
+rationis societas. Inter quos autem ratio, inter eosdem etiam recta
+ratio communis est," etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">791</span></a> Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 226 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">792</span></a> <i>Social Life at Rome</i>, p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">793</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 118 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">794</span></a> I may take this opportunity of noting that a Roman might
+better understand this notion of his Reason as the voice of God
+within him, or conscience, from his own idea of his "other soul," or
+genius; see above, p. 75. But we do not know for certain that it
+was presented to him in this way by Panaetius, though Posidonius
+(<i>ap. Galenum</i>, 469) used the word &#948;&#945;&#7985;&#956;&#969;&#957; in this sense, as did the
+later Stoics; see Mulder, <i>de Conscientiae notione</i>, p. 71. Seneca,
+<i>Ep.</i> 41. 2, uses the word <i>spiritus</i>: "Sacer intra nos spiritus sedet ...
+in unoquoque virorum bonorum, quis deus incertum est, habitat deus"
+(from Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 352). Cp. Marcus Aurelius iii. 3. Seneca
+uses the word genius clearly in this sense in <i>Ep.</i> 110 foll. On the
+Stoic daemon consult Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 332 foll.; Oakesmith,
+<i>Religion of Plutarch</i>, ch. vi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">795</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Zeller, p. 268.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">796</span></a> This habit of illustrating by historical examples had an
+educational value of its own, but serves well to show how comparatively
+feeble was the appeal of Stoicism to the conscience. It may
+be seen well in Valerius Maximus, whose work, compiled of fact and
+fiction for educational purposes, is far indeed from being an inspiring
+one. See <i>Social Life at Rome</i>, p. 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">797</span></a> Arrian, <i>Discourses</i>, i. 3. 1-6 (<i>Golden Sayings of Epictetus</i>,
+No. 9).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">798</span></a> Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 190 foll. (Panaetius), and 244
+foll. (Posidonius), Zeller 160 foll. This is the Fate or Providence on
+which the moral lesson of the <i>Aeneid</i> is based; see below, p. 409 foll.
+Aeneas is the servant of Destiny. If he had persisted in rebelling
+against it by remaining at Carthage with Dido, that would not have
+changed the inevitable course of things, but it would have ruined
+him.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">799</span></a> <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, ii. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">800</span></a> Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 255. This, of course, did not diminish
+the duty of general benevolence, <i>ib.</i> p. 310 and references, where
+fine passages of Cicero and Seneca are quoted about duties to one's
+inferiors. But an enthusiasm of humanity was none the less wanting
+in Stoicism, and this was largely owing no doubt to their hard and fast
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span>distinction between virtue and vice, and their want of perception of a
+growth or evolution in society. See Caird, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 99; Lecky,
+<i>Hist. of European Morals</i>, i. 192 foll.; Zeller 251 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">801</span></a> See some excellent remarks in Lecky, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 242 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">802</span></a> See above, note 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">803</span></a> Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 229. Cic. <i>de Finibus</i>, iii, 10, 35;
+<i>Tusc. Disp.</i> iv. 28, 60.</p></div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XVII</h4>
+
+<h5>MYSTICISM&mdash;IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE</h5>
+
+
+<p>We have now reached the end of the period of the
+Republic; but before I go on to the age of Augustus,
+with which I must bring these lectures to an end, I must
+ask attention to a movement which can best be described
+by the somewhat vague term Mysticism, but is generally
+known to historians of philosophy as Neo-pythagoreanism.
+The fact is that such tendency as there ever was at Rome
+towards Mysticism&mdash;which was never indeed a strong
+one till Rome had almost ceased to be Roman<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">804</a>&mdash;seems
+to have taken the form of thinking known as Pythagorean.
+The ideas at the root of the Pythagorean doctrine, the
+belief in a future life, the conception of this life as only
+preparatory to another, the conviction of the need of
+purgation in another life and of the preparatory discipline
+and asceticism to be practised while we are here,&mdash;these
+are truly religious ideas; and even among Romans the
+religious instinct, though it might be hypnotised, could
+never be entirely destroyed. When it awoke from time
+to time in the minds of thinking men it was apt to
+express itself in Pythagorean tones. With the ignorant
+and vulgar it might find a baser expression in superstition
+pure and simple,&mdash;in the finding of portents, in astrology,
+in Dionysiac orgies; but with these Pythagoreanism must
+not be reckoned. These, as they appeared on the soil of
+Italy, were the bastard children of quasi-religious thought.
+But the movement of which I speak marks a reaction,
+among men who could both feel and think, against the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span>whole tendency of Roman religious experience as we have
+been tracing it; against the extreme formalism, now
+meaningless, of the Roman State religion; against the
+extreme scepticism and indifference so obvious in the last
+century and a half of the republican era; against the
+purely intellectual appeal of the ethical systems of which
+I have been recently speaking. Stoicism indeed, as we
+shall see, held out a hand to the new movement, simply
+because Stoicism had a religious side which was wanting
+in Epicurism. But the thought that our senses and our
+reason are not after all the sole fountains of our knowledge,
+a thought which is the essence of mysticism, was
+really foreign to Stoicism; and when this thought did
+find a soil in the mind of a thinking Roman of this age,
+it was likely to spring up in a transcendental form which
+we may call Pythagoreanism.</p>
+
+<p>South Italy was indeed the true home of the
+Pythagorean teaching. There its founder had established
+it, and there, mixed up with more popular Orphic doctrine
+and practice, it must have remained latent for centuries.<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">805</a>
+"Tenuit magnam illam Graeciam," says Cicero of Pythagoras,
+"cum honore disciplinae, tum etiam auctoritate;
+multaque saecula post sic viguit Pythagoreorum nomen,
+ut nulli alii docti viderentur."<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">806</a> To South Italy Plato is
+said to have travelled to study this philosophy, and to
+learn the doctrine of the immortality of the soul; and the
+story is generally accepted as true.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">807</a> But of any missionary
+attempt of Pythagoreanism on Rome we know nothing&mdash;and
+probably there was nothing to tell&mdash;till that mysterious
+plot to introduce it after the Hannibalic war which I
+mentioned in a recent lecture.<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">808</a> That war brought Rome
+into close contact with Tarentum and southern Italy, and
+it is likely enough that the attempt to connect King Numa
+with the philosopher, both in the familiar legend and in
+the alleged discovery of the stone coffin with its forged
+manuscripts, had its origin in this contact. The Senate
+could not object to the legend, but it promptly stamped
+out this grotesque attempt at propagandism. Then we
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>hear no more of the doctrine for a century at least; but
+in the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> we know that there appeared a
+number of Pythagorean writings, falsely attributed to the
+founder himself or his disciples,<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">809</a>&mdash;a method of propagandism
+which, like that of the previous century, may
+perhaps be taken as marking the religious nature of the
+doctrine, which needed the <i>ipse dixit</i> of the founder or
+something as near it as possible.<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">810</a> But of the immediate
+influence of these writings we know nothing. The person
+really responsible for the tendency to this kind of mysticism
+was undoubtedly the great Posidonius, philosopher,
+historian, traveller, who more than any other man
+dominated the Roman world of thought in the first half
+of the last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and whose writings, now surviving
+in a few fragments only, lie at the back of nearly all the
+serious Roman literature of his own and indeed of the
+following age.<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">811</a> Panaetius, there can be little doubt,
+had done something to leaven Stoicism with Platonic-Aristotelian
+psychology,<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">812</a> the general tendency of which
+was towards a dualism of Soul and Body. The Stoics, in
+the strict sense of the name, "could not be content with
+any philosophy which divided heaven from earth, the
+spiritual from the material." "They rebelled against the
+idea of a transcendent God and a transcendent ideal
+world, as modern thought has rebelled against the supernaturalism
+of mediaeval religion and philosophy."<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">813</a> In
+their passion for unity they would not separate soul and
+body. But when once Panaetius had hinted at a reversion
+to the older mode of thought, it was natural and easy to
+follow his lead in a society which had long ago abandoned
+burial for cremation, and bidden farewell to the primitive
+notion that the body lived on under the earth: in a society,
+too, which had always believed in that "other soul," the
+<i>Genius</i> of a man, as distinct from his bodily self of this
+earthly life.<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">814</a></p>
+
+<p>Now as soon as this dualism of body and soul was
+suggested, it was taken up by Posidonius into what we
+may call his neo-Stoic system, and at once gave mysticism,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span>&mdash;or transcendentalism, if we choose so to call it&mdash;its
+chance. For in such a dualistic psychology it is the soul
+that gains in value, the body that loses. Life becomes
+an imprisonment of the soul in the body; the soul seeks
+to escape, death is but the beginning of a new life, and
+the imagination is set to work to fathom the mysteries of
+Man's future existence, nay, in some more fanciful minds,
+those of his pre-existence as well. This kind of speculation,
+half philosophic, half poetical, is the transcendental
+side of the Platonic psychology, and in the last age of
+the Republic was able to connect Platonism and Pythagoreanism
+without deserting Stoicism.<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">815</a> We can see it
+reflected from Posidonius in the Dream of Scipio, the
+beautiful myth, imitated from those of Plato, with which
+Cicero concluded his treatise on the State, written in the
+year 54 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, after his retirement from political life. In
+this, and again in the first book of his <i>Tusculan
+Disputations</i>, composed nearly ten years later, Cicero is
+beyond doubt on the tracks of Posidonius, and therefore
+also of Pythagoreanism.<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">816</a> Listen to the words put into the
+mouth of the elder Scipio and addressed to his younger
+namesake: "Tu vero enitere et sic habeto, non esse te
+mortalem, sed corpus hoc; non enim tu es, quem forma
+ista declarat; sed <i>mens cuiusque is est quisque</i>, non ea
+figura quae digito demonstrari potest."<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">817</a> Here is the body
+plainly losing, the soul gaining importance. But he goes
+still further: "<i>deum igitur te scito esse</i>: si quidem deus
+est qui viget qui sentit qui meminit: qui providet, qui
+tam regit et moderatur et movet id corpus cui propositus
+est, quam hunc mundum ille princeps deus, et ut mundum
+ex quadam parte mortalem ipse deus aeternus, sic fragile
+corpus animus sempiternus movet."<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">818</a></p>
+
+<p>With such a view of the soul in relation to the body, we
+can understand how in this myth it is described as flying
+upwards, released from corporeal bondage, and ascending
+through heavenly stations to pure aether, if at least (and
+here we may note the characteristic Roman touch) its abode
+on earth has been the body of a good citizen.<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">819</a> All that
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span>is of earth earthy, all old ideas of burial, all notions of a
+gloomy abode below the earth, are here fairly left behind.
+So too in the first book of the <i>Tusculans</i>, written after the
+death of his beloved daughter, Cicero would persuade himself
+and others that death cannot be an evil if we once allow
+the soul to be immortal: for from its very nature it must
+rise into aethereal realms, cannot sink like the body into
+the earth.<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">820</a> Into its experiences in the aether I do not
+need to go here. Enough has been said to show that, as
+it were, the heavens were opened, and with the psychological
+separation of soul from body the imaginative
+faculty was released also; not indeed that any Roman,
+or even Posidonius himself, could revel in cosmological
+dreams as did Plato, but they found in him all they
+needed, and it would seem that they made much use of
+it. Plato's <i>Timaeus</i> was made by Posidonius the subject
+of a commentary,<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">821</a> and by Cicero himself it was in part
+at least translated, about the time when he was writing
+the <i>Tusculans</i>, and still deeply moved by his recent loss.
+Of this translation a fragment survives; and in the introductory
+sentences he indicates a second stimulus to his
+Pythagorean tendencies, besides Posidonius. He tells how
+he had met at Ephesus, when on his way to his province
+of Cilicia, the famous Pythagorean Nigidius Figulus, and
+had enjoyed conversation with him.<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">822</a> Nigidius was an
+old friend, who had helped Cicero in his consulship; he
+was one of those "polyhistores" who are characteristic of
+the age, like Posidonius and Varro, and wrote works on
+all kinds of subjects of which but few fragments remain.
+But his reputation as a Pythagorean survived for centuries;<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">823</a>
+and this mention of him by Cicero is only
+another proof of the direction the thoughts of the latter
+were taking in these last two years of his life.</p>
+
+<p>Clearly, then, Cicero in his philosophical writings of
+these years was affected by the current of mysticism that
+was then running. But to me it is still more interesting
+to find it moving him in a practical matter of which he
+has himself left the truth on record; for Cicero is a real
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span>human being for whom all who are familiar with his
+letters must have something in the nature of affection,
+and with whom, too, we feel genuine sympathy in the
+calamity which now fell upon him. It was early in
+45 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> that he lost his only and dearly loved daughter,
+and the blow to his sensitive temperament, already hardly
+tried by political anxiety, was severe. We still have the
+private letters which he wrote to Atticus after her death
+from his solitude at Astura on the edge of the melancholy
+Pomptine marshes;<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">824</a> and here, if our minds are sufficiently
+divested of modern ideas and trained to look on
+death with Roman eyes, we may be startled to find him
+thinking of her as still in some sense surviving, and as
+divine rather than human: as a deity or spirit to whom a
+<i>fanum</i> could be erected. He makes it clear to Atticus,
+who is acting as his business agent at Rome, that he does
+not want a mere tomb (<i>sepulcrum</i>), but a <i>fanum</i>, which as
+we have seen was the general word for a spot of ground
+sacred to a deity. "I wish to have a <i>fanum</i> built, and
+that wish cannot be rooted out of my heart. I am
+anxious to avoid any likeness to a tomb, not so much on
+account of the penalty of the law, as in order to attain as
+nearly as possible to an <i>apotheosis</i>. This I could do if I
+built it in the villa itself, but ... I dread the changes of
+owners. Wherever I construct it on the land, I think
+that I could secure that posterity should respect its
+sanctity."<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">825</a> The word here translated sanctity is <i>religio</i>;
+we may remember that all burial places were <i>loca religiosa</i>,
+not consecrated by the State, yet hallowed by the feeling
+of awe or scruple in approaching them; but Cicero is
+probably here using the word rather in that wider sense
+in which it so often expresses the presence of a deity in
+some particular spot.<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">826</a></p>
+
+<p>Atticus was a man of the world and probably an
+Epicurean, and his friend in two successive letters half
+apologises for this strong desire. "I should not like it to
+be known by any other name but <i>fanum</i>,&mdash;unreasonably,
+you will perhaps say." And again, "you must bear with
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span>these silly wishes (<i>inepti&aelig;</i>) of mine."<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">827</a> But this only makes
+the intensity of his feeling about it the more plain and
+significant; he really seems to want Tullia to be thought
+of as having passed into the sphere of divinity, however
+vaguely he may have conceived of it. Perhaps he remembered
+his own words in Scipio's dream, "Deum te esse
+scito." The ashes of Tullia rested in the family tomb,
+but the godlike thing imprisoned in her mortal body was
+to be honoured at this <i>fanum</i>, which, strange as it may
+seem to us, her father wished to erect in a public and
+frequented place. She does not fade away into the common
+herd of Manes, but remains, though as a spirit, the
+same individual Tullia whom her father had loved so dearly.</p>
+
+<p>I long ago explained the old Roman idea of Manes,<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">828</a>
+a vague conception of shades of the dead dwelling below
+the earth, and hardly, if at all, individualised. But in
+Tullia's case we meet with a clear conception of an
+individual spirit; and this alone would lead us to suspect
+a Pythagorean influence at work, such as that under
+which Virgil wrote the famous words "Quisque suos
+patimur Manes," which simply mean "Each individual of
+us must endure his own individual ghosthood."<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">829</a> This
+process of individualisation must have been gradually
+coming on, but the steps are lost to us; we only know
+that the earliest sepulchral inscription which speaks to it,
+in the vague plural Di Manes so familiar in later times, is
+dateable somewhere about this very time.<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">830</a> My friend
+Dr. J. B. Carter would explain it, in part at least, by the
+Roman conception of Genius to which I alluded just now,
+and doubtless this must be taken into account. For
+myself I would rather think of it as the natural result of
+the growth of individualism in the living human being
+during the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Surely it was impossible
+for personality to grow as it did in that period without
+a corresponding growth of the idea of individual
+immortality in the minds of all who believed in a future
+life of any kind at all. The Epicureans did not so
+believe; but Roman Stoics instructed by Panaetius and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>Posidonius might not only believe in immortality but in an
+immortality of the individual.</p>
+
+<p>Let me take this opportunity of noting that there was, of
+course, no sort of restriction on a man's belief about this
+or any other religious question. It was perfectly open to
+every one to hold what view best pleased him about the
+state of the dead: all that the State required of him was that
+he should fulfil his obligations at the tombs of his own kin.
+No dogma reigned in the necropolis, only duty, <i>pietas</i>,&mdash;and
+that <i>pietas</i> implied no conviction. The Parentalia in
+February were originally, so far as we can discern, only a
+yearly renewal of the rite of burial on its anniversary;<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">831</a>
+this implies civilisation and some kind of calendar, but
+not a creed. Later on, in the Fasti of the City-state, the
+day was fixed for all citizens without regard of anniversaries;
+and here the rites become a matter of <i>ius</i>, the <i>ius
+Manium</i>, to the observance of which the Manes are
+entitled. Still there is no creed, though Cicero speaks of
+this <i>ius</i> as based on the idea of a future life.<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">832</a> As a fact
+these rites are a survival from an age in which the dead
+man was believed to go on living in the grave, but that
+primitive idea was no longer held by the educated. Each
+man was free in all periods to believe what he pleased
+about the dead, and as the Romans began to think, this
+freedom becomes easy to illustrate. Cicero himself is
+usually agnostic, as is in keeping with his Academic
+tendency in philosophy; even in one of these very letters
+he seems to speak of his own non-existence after death.<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">833</a>
+So, too, the excellent Servius Sulpicius, in the famous
+letter of condolence written to Cicero at this time from
+Athens, seems to be uncertain.<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">834</a> We all know the words
+of Caesar (reported by Sallust), which are often quoted
+with a kind of holy horror, as though a pontifex maximus
+might not hold any opinion he pleased about death, and
+as though his doubt were not the common doubt of
+innumerable thinking men of the age.<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">835</a> Catullus wrote
+of death as "nox perpetua dormienda"; Lucretius, of
+course, gloried in the thought that there is no life beyond.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span>In the following century the learned Pliny could write of
+death as the relapsing into the same nothingness as before
+we were born, and could scoff at the absurdities of the
+cult of the dead.<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">836</a></p>
+
+<p>But when a man like Cicero was deeply touched by
+grief, his emotional nature abandoned its neutral attitude,
+and turned for consolation to mysticism. As I have said,
+he was persuading himself that Tullia was still living,&mdash;a
+glorified spirit. We can gain just a momentary glimpse
+of what was in his mind by turning to the fragments of
+the <i>Consolatio</i> which he was now writing at Astura.</p>
+
+<p>This was a <i>Consolatio</i> of the kind which was a recognised
+literary form of this and later times,<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">837</a> though in
+this case it was addressed by the writer to himself; to
+write was for Cicero second nature, and he was sure to take
+up his pen when he had feelings that needed expression. It
+is unfortunately lost, all but one fragment, which he quotes
+himself in the first book of his <i>Tusculans</i>, and one or two
+more preserved by the Christian writer Lactantius, a great
+admirer of Cicero, who came near to catching the beauty
+of his style. The passage quoted by himself is precious.<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">838</a>
+It insists on the spiritual nature of the soul, which can
+have nothing in common with earth or matter of any
+kind, seeing that it thinks, remembers, foresees: "ita
+quicquid est illud, quod sentit, quod sapit, quod vivit,
+quod viget, caeleste et divinum, ob eamque rem aeternum
+sit necesse est." And in the concluding words he hints
+strongly at the <i>divinity</i> of the soul, which is of the same
+make as God himself,&mdash;of the same immaterial nature
+as the only Deity of whom we mortals can conceive.
+His daughter, therefore, is not only still living in a
+spiritual life, but she is in some vague sense divine; that
+word <i>apotheosis</i>, which he twice uses in the letters, has a
+real meaning for him at this moment; and in a fragment
+of the <i>Consolatio</i> quoted by Lactantius he makes this
+quite plain; "Te omnium optimam doctissimamque,
+approbantibus dis immortalibus ipsis, in eorum co&euml;tu
+locatam, ad opinionem omnium mortalium consecrabo."<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">839</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span>Undoubtedly Cicero is here under the influence of the
+Pythagoreans as well as of his own emotion. In another
+chapter Lactantius seems to make this certain;<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">840</a> he
+begins by combining Stoics and Pythagoreans as both
+believing the immortality of the soul, goes on to deal with
+the Pythagorean doctrine (or one form of it) that in this
+life we are expiating the sins of another, and ends by
+quoting Cicero's <i>Consolatio</i> to that effect: "Quid Ciceroni
+faciemus? qui cum in principio Consolationis suae dixit,
+luendorum scelerum causa nasci homines, iteravit id ipsum
+postea, quasi obiurgans eum qui vitam poenam non esse
+putet." Another lost book, the <i>Hortensius</i>, which was
+written immediately after the <i>Consolatio</i>, March to May
+45,<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">841</a> shows in one or two surviving fragments exactly the
+same tendency of thought and reading.<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">842</a> Our conclusion
+then must be that Cicero, always impressionable, and in
+his way also religious, had in this year 45 a real religious
+experience. He was brought face to face with one of the
+mysterious facts of life, and with one of the great mysteries
+of the universe, and the religious instinct awoke within him.
+How many others, even in that sordid and materialistic
+age, may have had the like experience, with or without a
+mystical philosophy to guide their thoughts? In the last
+words of the famous Laudatio Turiae, of which I have
+written at length in my <i>Social Life in the Age of Cicero</i>,<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">843</a>
+we may perhaps catch an echo of a similar religious
+feeling: "Te di Manes tui ut quietam patiantur atque
+ita tueantur opto" (I pray that thy divine Manes may
+keep thee in peace and watch over thee). These words,
+expressing the hope of a practical man, not of a philosopher,
+are very difficult to explain, except as the
+unauthorised utterances of an individual. They hardly
+find a parallel either in literature or inscriptions. We
+must not press them, yet they help us to divine that there
+was in this last half-century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> some mystical yearning
+to realise the condition of the loved ones gone before, and
+the relation of their life to that of the living. This
+religious instinct, let us note once for all, is not identical
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span>with the old one which we expressed by the formula
+about the Power manifesting itself in the universe. The
+religious instinct of the primitive Roman was concerned
+only with this life and its perils and mysteries; the
+religious instinct of Cicero's time was not that of simple
+men struggling with agricultural perils, but that of
+educated men whose minds could pass in emotional
+moments far beyond the troubles of this present world, to
+speculate on the great questions, why we are here, what
+we are, and what becomes of us after death.</p>
+
+<p>But what of the ordinary Roman of this age&mdash;what
+of the man who was not trained to think, and had no
+leisure or desire to read? What did he believe about
+a future life, or did he believe anything? This brings
+us to a curious question about which I must say a very
+few words&mdash;did this ordinary Roman, as Lucretius seems
+to insist, believe in Hades and its torments? Not in
+one passage only does Lucretius insist on this. "That
+fear of Hell" (so Dr. Masson translates him) "must be
+driven out headlong, which troubles the life of man from
+its inmost depth, and overspreads everything with the
+blackness of death, and permits no pleasure to be pure
+and unalloyed."<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">844</a> I need not multiply quotations;
+evidently the poet believed what he said, though he
+may be using the exaggeration of poetical diction. And
+to a certain extent he is borne out by the literature of
+his time. In fact Polybius, writing nearly a century
+earlier of the Romans and their religion, implies that
+such notions were common, and that they were invented
+by "the ancients" to frighten the people into submission.<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">845</a>
+Cicero, though he of course thinks of them as merely
+the fables of poets, seems to suggest that the ordinary
+man did believe in them; thinking of his own recent
+loss, he says that our misery would be unbearable when
+we lose those we love, if we really thought of them as
+"<i>in iis malis quibus vulgo opinantur</i>."<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">846</a> Of course all
+these fables were Greek, not Roman. There is no reason
+to believe that the old Romans imagined their own dead
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>experiencing any miseries in Orcus&mdash;the old name, as
+it would seem, for the dimly imagined abode of the
+Manes, afterwards personified after the manner of Plutus.<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">847</a>
+No doubt they believed that the dead were ghosts,
+desiring to get back to their old homes, who, in the
+well-ordered religion of the City-state, were limited in
+this strong desire to certain days in the civic year.<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">848</a> But
+their first acquaintance with Hades and its tortures may
+probably be dated early, <i>i.e.</i> when they first became
+acquainted with Etruscan works of art, themselves the
+result of a knowledge of Greek art and myth.<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">849</a> Early
+in the second century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Plautus in the <i>Captivi</i> alluded
+to these paintings as familiar;<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">850</a> and we must not forget
+that the Etruscans habitually chose the most gruesome
+and cruel of the Greek fables for illustration, and
+especially delighted in that of Charon, one likely enough
+to strike the popular imagination. The play-writers
+themselves were responsible for inculcating the belief, as
+Boissier remarked in his work on the Roman religion of
+the early empire.<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">851</a> In the theatre, with women and
+children present, Cicero says in the first book of his
+<i>Tusculans</i>, the crowded auditorium is moved as it listens
+to such a "grande carmen" as that sung by a ghost
+describing his terrible journey from the realms of
+Acheron; and in another passage of the same book
+he mentions both painters and poets as responsible for
+a delusion which philosophers have to refute.<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">852</a> I need
+not say that the Roman poets too continually use the
+imagery of Tartarus; but they use it as literary tradition,
+and in the sixth <i>Aeneid</i> it is used also to enforce the
+idea of duty to the State which is the real theme of
+the poem.</p>
+
+<p>As Dr. Masson truly observes, we have the literature
+but we have not the folklore of the age of Cicero and
+Virgil; and it must be confessed that without the folklore
+such scanty literary evidence as I have just mentioned
+does not come to much. Dr. Masson indeed
+concludes on this evidence that the fear of future torments
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span>played a considerable part in the religious notions both
+of the common people and possibly of some of the educated.
+I think it may have been so, but on other grounds,
+which I must briefly explain.</p>
+
+<p>From all that I have said in these lectures about the
+religious ideas represented in the earliest calendar, <i>i.e.</i>
+those of the governing Romans of the earliest City-state,
+it will be plain that a gruesome eschatology was an impossibility
+for them. Just the same may be said of the
+Greek ideas represented in the Homeric poems; for with
+the exception of the Nekuia of the <i>Odyssey</i>, which almost
+all scholars agree in attributing to a later age than the
+bulk of the two Homeric epics, in this poetry <i>il se fait
+grand jour</i>.<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">853</a> This is not the first time that I have
+compared the religion of the Roman patricians to that of
+Homer;<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">854</a> and there is a growing conviction among
+experts that we have in each case the ideas of a comparatively
+civilised immigrant population, whose religion,
+though it has developed in very different ways, has the
+common characteristic of cleanness and brightness. In
+Italy it is practical, in Homer imaginative; but in both
+it is free from the brutal and the grotesque. Even the
+eschatology of the eleventh <i>Odyssey</i> is not cruel, it is
+comparatively colourless; and, as I said just now, this
+also may be said of the Roman ideas of Orcus and the
+Manes.</p>
+
+<p>In each case it is life, not death, that is of interest to
+the living; death is rather a negation than anything
+distinctly realised. The state of the dead in Homer is
+shadowy and <i>triste</i>, a state not to be desired, as Achilles
+so painfully expresses it in a famous passage; but the
+<i>life</i> of the Achaean in the poems is vivid&mdash;nay, such
+a vivid realisation of life can alone account for the
+production of such poems. So, too, the immigrant
+population at Rome, to whom is due the regulation of
+the religion as we know it, and the inspiring force that
+made for ordered government and warlike enterprise,
+was too full of practical if not of imaginative vitality to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span>be apt to dwell upon the possibilities of existence after
+death, to conceive of such existence as either happy or
+miserable, the reward or the punishment for things done
+in this world.</p>
+
+<p>But in each peninsula this immigrant race was living
+in the midst of a far more primitive population; and it
+is perhaps to this population that we must look for the
+origin of the more detailed and imaginative notions of
+the life of the dead. Of the Greeks in this matter I
+have not space here to speak, nor am I competent to do
+so. But the conviction is steadily gaining ground that
+in early Rome we have to recognise the existence of two
+races; whether the older of these was Ligurian, as Prof.
+Ridgeway thinks, or primitive Latin, <i>i.e.</i> old Italic, as
+Binder believes, does not matter for our present purpose;<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">855</a>
+nor are the arguments drawn from religion which these
+writers have used at all convincing to my intelligence.
+But they have not noticed what is to me a really valid
+argument, viz. the double festival of the dead in the
+calendar of Numa. In February we find the cheerful
+and orderly festival of the Parentalia, the yearly renewal
+of the seemly rite of burial; in May, on the other hand,
+the student of the calendar is astonished to find three
+several days called Lemuria, the rites belonging to which
+are never mentioned, except where Ovid treats us to a
+grotesque account of the driving out of ancestral spirits
+from the house.<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">856</a> No one doubts, I think, that the
+Lemuria represents an older stratum of thought about
+the dead than the other festival,<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">857</a> but no one, so far as I
+know, has ventured to claim the Lemures and their three
+days as belonging to the religion of the more primitive
+race. If I make this suggestion now, it must be taken
+as a hypothesis only, but as a hypothesis it can at least
+do no harm. If I am asked why Lemuria should have
+been admitted into the patrician calendar, I answer that
+I have long held that a few of the non-patrician religious
+customs were absorbed into the religion of the city of
+the four regions, the Lupercalia, for example;<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">858</a> and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span>nothing could be more likely than that the old barbarous
+ideas about the dead should win this amount of respect,
+seeing that by the limitation to three days in the year
+order and decency might be brought into their service.
+I may repeat, with a slight addition, what I wrote ten
+years ago about these two Roman festivals of the dead:
+"If we compare Ovid's account of the grotesque domestic
+rites of the Lemuria with those of February, which were
+of a systematic, cheerful, and even beautiful character, we
+may feel fairly sure that the latter represent the organised
+life of a City-state, the former the ideas of an age when
+life was wilder and less secure, and the fear of the dead,
+of ghosts and demons, was a powerful factor in the minds
+of the people. If we may argue from Ovid's account, it
+is not impossible that the Lemuria may have been one of
+those periodical expulsions of demons of which we hear
+so much in the <i>Golden Bough</i>, and which are performed
+on behalf of the community as well as in the domestic
+circle among savage peoples. It is noticeable that the
+offering of food to the demons is a feature common to
+these practices, and that it also appears in those described
+by Ovid."<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">859</a> To this I should now add the suggestion
+above made, that the Lemuria represents the ideas of
+the older race that occupied the site of Rome, while
+the Parentalia is originally the festival of the patrician
+immigrants.</p>
+
+<p>But what has all this to do with the eschatology which
+Lucretius attributes to the common people at Rome in his
+own day? Simply this, that the ideas at the root of the
+Lemuria may well have provided the raw material for
+such an eschatology, while those at the root of the
+Parentalia could not have done this. Dr. Westermarck
+has recently shown that primitive religions do spontaneously
+generate the idea of moral retribution after
+death, <i>e.g.</i> the notion that the souls of bad people may
+reappear as evil spirits or obnoxious animals.<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">860</a> We have
+no proof whatever of the existence of such notions at
+Rome; but I contend that the permanence of this type
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span>of belief about the dead which is represented by the
+Lemuria&mdash;a permanence which is attested by Ovid's
+description&mdash;raises a presumption that the lower stratum
+of the Roman population, if the chance were given it,
+would the more readily understand the pictures of
+Etruscan artists and the allusions of Greek playwrights,
+and the more easily become the prey of the eschatological
+horrors which Lucretius describes as terrifying them. The
+material was there from the earliest times, and all that
+was needed was for Greeks and Etruscans to work
+upon it.</p>
+
+<p>Before leaving this point it may be worth while to
+remember that though the well-to-do and educated classes
+cremated their dead, the poor of the crowded city population
+of the period I am now dealing with enjoyed no such
+orderly and cleanly funeral rites. The literary evidence
+is explicit on this point, and has been confirmed by
+modern excavation on the Esquiline, where we know from
+Varro and Horace that the poor and the slaves were
+thrown <i>en masse</i> into <i>puticuli</i>, <i>i.e.</i> holes where it was
+impossible that any memorial ceremonies could be kept
+up.<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">861</a> Horace's lines are familiar (<i>Sat.</i> 8. 8):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">huc prius angustis eiecta cadavera cellis</span>
+<span class="i0">conservus vili portanda locabat in arca.</span>
+<span class="i0">hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrum, etc.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>It is dangerous to be too confident about the effect on
+the religious imagination of different ways of dealing
+with the dead; but it is at least not improbable that
+any inherited tendency to believe in a miserable future
+for the soul would be confirmed and maintained by so
+miserable a fate for the body. The mass of the population
+had little chance of ridding itself of eschatological
+superstition.</p>
+
+<p>Thus I am inclined to come to Dr. Masson's conclusion,
+though on somewhat different grounds. I think
+it quite possible that the uneducated in the age of the
+poet may have really been inoculated with these ideas of
+cruel retribution, and that in many cases this may have
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span>resulted in despair or at least discomfort. Only we must
+remember that in a great city like Rome, as in Paris or
+London to-day, both the miseries and the enjoyments of
+life would tend to accustom the minds of the lower strata
+to consider the present rather than the future; the
+necessities and pleasures of the moment are with them
+the only material of thought. Neither comfort nor remonstrance
+could reach them from pulpit or from missioner;
+neither fear nor hope could largely enter into their lives.
+In fact I half suspect that most of them were, after all,
+so long as they were healthy and active, much what
+Lucretius would have them be&mdash;free from all religious
+scruple; but, alas, utterly destitute of the intellectual
+support which he claimed from the study of philosophy.
+We can well understand how it was among the lower
+population of the great cities that early Christianity found
+its chance. They had no education or philosophy to
+stand between them and the gospel of redemption.</p>
+
+<p>I must say one word about another kind of transcendentalism
+which was pushing its way into favour in
+Roman society at this time&mdash;I mean astrology. One
+may call it transcendental because it was based, in its
+original home in the East, on a mystical notion of
+sympathy between the phenomena of the starry heavens
+and the phenomena of human life;<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">862</a> and that this
+notion was carefully inculcated by those who taught the
+"science" at Rome is shown by the long and wearisome
+poem on astrology written by Manilius in the succeeding
+age. But it is not likely that this form of mysticism
+had become really popular before the period of the
+Empire, and in any case it can hardly be called a part of
+Roman religious experience. I only mention it here as
+helping to illustrate the way in which men's minds were
+now beginning to turn with interest to speculations
+altogether beyond the range of that practical ethical
+philosophy which was natural and congenial to the
+Roman, altogether beyond the horizon of man's daily
+prospect in this world. The growing interest in Fortuna,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span>both as natural force and deity, which became intense
+under the Empire, is another indication of the same
+tendency.<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">863</a></p>
+
+<p>As soon as Rome had come into close contact with
+Greece, which had long before been overrun by the
+eastern astrology&mdash;by the Chaldaeans or <i>mathematici</i>, as
+they are so often called&mdash;these experts began to appear
+also in Italy. We first hear of them from old Cato, who
+advises that the steward of an estate should be strictly
+forbidden to consult <i>Chaldaei</i>, <i>harioli</i>, <i>haruspices</i>, and such
+gentry.<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">864</a> In 139 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>&mdash;a year in which there happened
+to be in Rome an embassy from Simon Maccabaeus&mdash;Chaldaeans
+were ordered to leave Rome and Italy within
+ten days; but I think there is some evidence that these
+were really Jews who were trying to propagate their own
+religion.<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">865</a> For some time we hear nothing more of these
+intruders; but they probably gained ground again in the
+course of the Mithridatic wars, which were responsible
+for the introduction of much Oriental religion into Italy.
+They are mentioned in 87, together with &#952;&#8166;&#964;&#945;&#953; and
+Sibyllistae, as persuading the ill-fated Octavius to remain
+in Rome to meet his death, as it turned out, at the hands
+of the Marians.<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">866</a> But no Roman seems to have taken
+up astrology as a quasi-scientific study till that Nigidius,
+of whom I have already said a word, was persuaded thus
+to waste his time and brains. He is said to have foretold
+the greatness of Augustus at his birth in 63 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>;<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">867</a> and
+from this time forward the taking of horoscopes or <i>genethliaca</i>
+became a favourite pursuit at Rome&mdash;unfortunately
+for the people of Europe, who caught the infection
+and kept it endemic for at least fifteen centuries.</p>
+
+<p>Astrology is in no sense religion, and I must leave it
+with these few remarks. It represents the individual and
+his personal interests, not even the advantage of the community,
+and it was for this reason that the Chaldaei were
+disliked by the Roman government. The individual is
+not satisfied with legitimate Roman means of divination;
+he is employing illegitimate ways when he entrusts himself
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span>to these Orientals, who, most of them doubtless, well
+deserved the scathing contempt which Tacitus has contrived
+to put into six words: "Genus hominum potentibus
+infidum, sperantibus fallax," adding, with no less contempt
+for the Roman authorities who had to deal with
+them, that they will always be forbidden, and always will
+be found at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">868</a></p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XVII</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">804</span></a> For the Pythagoreanism of the Neo-platonic movement in the
+third century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> consult Bussell, <i>Marcus Aurelius and the Later
+Stoics</i> (Edin. 1910), p. 30 foll., who explains the reaction from
+Stoicism to Neo-Platonism. See also Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, ii.
+162 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">805</span></a> Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 403, says that it had ceased
+to exist for centuries as a philosophy, but cautiously adds in a note
+that the knowledge of it was not extinct. The famous Orphic tablets
+from South Italy are taken as dating from the third and fourth
+centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and if not actually Pythagorean, they are next door to
+being so. See Miss Harrison, <i>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek
+Religion</i>, p. 660.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">806</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">807</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, Prof. Taylor's little book on Plato (Constable), p. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">808</span></a> See above, p. 349.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">809</span></a> Sextus Empiricus, <i>adv. Physicos</i>, ii. 281 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">810</span></a> For the devotion of the believers to the founder and his <i>ipse
+dixit</i>, see Cicero, <i>Nat. Deor.</i> i. 5. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">811</span></a> The relation of Posidonius to Roman literature has been much
+discussed of late. See, <i>e.g.</i>, Norden, Virgil, <i>Aen.</i> vi., index, <i>s.v.</i>
+"Stoa"; Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, 85 foll., 238 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">812</span></a> For Panaetius' enthusiasm for Plato and his teaching, see
+Cic. <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 32. 79; the whole passage indicates, though it
+does not exactly prove, an approach to the Platonic psychology.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">813</span></a> Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, vol. ii. p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">814</span></a> See above, p. 75. The idea that the practice of cremation
+influenced the ideas of the Roman about the soul was first, I think,
+suggested by Boissier, <i>Religion romaine</i>, i. 310. Cicero himself
+hints at this conclusion in <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 16. 36: "In terram enim
+cadentibus corporibus, hisque humo tectis, e quo dictum est humari,
+sub terra censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum. Quam eorum
+opinionem magni errores consecuti sunt; quos auxerunt poetae."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">815</span></a> This point is well put by Dill, p. 493 of <i>Roman Society from
+Nero to Marcus Aurelius</i>. See also Dieterich, <i>Eine Mithras-Liturgie</i>,
+p. 200 fol.; Stewart, <i>Myths of Plato</i>, 352-53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">816</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span> Schmekel, <i>Die mittlere Stoa</i>, p. 400 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">817</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i> vi. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">818</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> The word <i>providet</i> reminds us that this transcendental
+philosophy supplied the later Stoics with an explanation of divination.
+See Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq, <i>Hist. de divination</i>, i. 68; Dill, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 439;
+Seneca, <i>Nat. Quaest.</i> ii. 52, fully accepted divination. Cp. Cic.
+<i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 37. 66, where he quotes his own <i>Consolatio</i>; see
+above, p. 388. Panaetius, however, had courageously denied
+divination: Cic. <i>Div.</i> i. 3. 6; Zeller, <i>Stoics</i>, etc., p. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">819</span></a> <i>De Rep.</i> vi. 15, 26, and 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">820</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 16. 36 foll. On the whole subject of the rise
+of the soul after death see Dieterich, <i>Eine Mithras-Liturgie</i>, p.
+179 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">821</span></a> Schmekel, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 438; Stewart, <i>Myths of Plato</i>, p. 300.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">822</span></a> For Nigidius, see Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i> (ed. 2),
+vol. ii. p. 419 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">823</span></a> "Nigidius Figulus Pythagoreus et magus in exilio moritur"
+is the notice of him in St. Jerome's Chronicle for the year 45 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">824</span></a> These letters are in the 12th book of those to Atticus,
+Nos. 12-40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">825</span></a> <i>Ad Att.</i> xii. 36. The translation is Shuckburgh's.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">826</span></a> A good example is Virg. <i>Aen.</i> viii. 349, but it is needless to
+multiply instances of the <i>religio loci</i>. Serv. <i>ad Aen.</i> i. 314 defines
+<i>lucus</i> as "arborum multitudo cum religione."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">827</span></a> <i>Ad Att.</i> xii. 36; cp. 35. He uses the Greek word &#7936;&#960;&#959;&#952;&#7953;&#969;&#963;&#953;&#987;
+in 35. 1, which seems to have come into use in his own time; see
+Liddell &amp; Scott, <i>s.v.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">828</span></a> See above, p. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">829</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> vi. 743. The meaning of these words seems to be quite
+plain, though commentators have worried themselves over them from
+Servius downwards. The mistake has been in not sufficiently considering
+the force of <i>quisque</i>, and puzzling too much over the vague
+word <i>Manes</i>. Henry discerned the true meaning in our own time.
+See his <i>Aeneidea</i>, vol. iii. p. 397. Cp. the words quoted above from
+<i>Somn. Scip.</i>: "mens cuiusque is est quisque." M. S. Reinach
+(<i>Cultes</i>, etc. ii. 135 foll.) is not far out: "Nous souffrons chacun
+suivant le degr&eacute; de souillure de nos &acirc;mes."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">830</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> i. 639, with Mommsen's note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">831</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">832</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 12. 27. For the "ius Manium," <i>de Legibus</i>, ii.
+22 and 54 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">833</span></a> <i>Ad Att.</i> xii. 18: "Longum illud tempus <i>cum non ero</i> magis
+me movet quam hoc exiguum," etc. Cp. <i>Tusc.</i> i. <i>ad fin.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">834</span></a> <i>Ad Fam.</i> iv. 5. 6: "Quod si quis apud inferos sensus est,
+qui illius in te amor fuit pietasque in omnes suos, hoc certe illa te
+facere nonvult."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">835</span></a> Sall. <i>Cat.</i> ch. 51: "Mortem cuncta mortalium dissolvere,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span>ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse." This is the Epicurean
+doctrine, which Caesar was said to hold.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">836</span></a> Catull. 5. 6; Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> vii. 188. The whole passage is
+worth quoting: "Post sepulturam vanae Manium ambages. Omnibus
+a supremo die eadem quae ante primum, nec magis a morte
+sensus ullus aut corpori aut animae quam ante natalem. Eadem
+enim vanitas in futurum etiam se propagat et in mortis quoque
+tempora sibi vitam mentitur, alias immortalitatem animae, alias
+transfigurationem, <i>alias sensum inferis dando et Manes colendo
+deumque faciendo qui iam etiam homo esse desierit</i>, ceu vero ullo modo
+spirandi ratio ceteris animalibus praestet, aut non diuturniora in vita
+multa reperiantur quibus nemo similem divinat immortalitatem," etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">837</span></a> There is an essay on this form of literature in the <i>&Eacute;tudes
+morales sur l'antiquit&eacute;</i> of Constant Martha, p. 135 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">838</span></a> <i>Tusc. Disp.</i> i. 27. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">839</span></a> Lact. <i>Inst.</i> i. 15. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">840</span></a> Lact. iii. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">841</span></a> See Schanz, <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Literatur</i>, vol. ii. p. 376.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">842</span></a> Fragments 54 and 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">843</span></a> P. 158 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">844</span></a> Lucr. vi. 764 foll. Cp. iii. 966 foll.; Masson, <i>Lucretius</i>, i.
+p. 402. Mr. Cyril Bailey also reminds me of Lucr. iii. 31-93, and
+1053 to end; and adds a decided opinion that the poet is not here
+thinking of the common Roman, but of the educated Roman brought
+up on Greek and Graeco-Roman poetry and philosophy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">845</span></a> Polyb. vi. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">846</span></a> <i>Tusc.</i> i. 46. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">847</span></a> See Roscher's <i>Myth. Lex.</i> <i>s.v.</i> "Orcus"; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+p. 192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">848</span></a> See above, p. 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">849</span></a> M&uuml;ller-Deecke, <i>Etrusker</i>, ii. 108 foll. Illustrations can be
+seen in Dennis, <i>Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria</i>, ed. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">850</span></a> <i>Captivi</i>, v. 4. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">851</span></a> <i>La Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins</i>, vol. i. p. 310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">852</span></a> Cic. <i>Tusc.</i> i. 16. 37. For the eschatology of the sixth <i>Aeneid</i>,
+a curious m&eacute;lange of religion, philosophy, and folklore, see Norden's
+work on Virgil, <i>Aeneid</i>, vi. (index, p. 468). Norden believes, I may
+note, that the philosophical and religious elements in it are mainly
+derived from Posidonius. Cp. also Glover, <i>Studies in Virgil</i>, ch. x.
+(Hades). For popular beliefs in Hades, etc., under the Empire, see
+Friedl&auml;nder's <i>Sittengeschichte</i>, vol. iii. last chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">853</span></a> Weil, <i>&Eacute;tudes sur l'antiquit&eacute; grecque</i>, p. 12, quoted by Glover,
+p. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">854</span></a> See above, p. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">855</span></a> Since this lecture was written a most interesting discussion
+of Greek ideas, Achaean and Pelasgic, about the relation of soul and
+body after death, has appeared in Mr. Lawson's <i>Modern Greek Folklore
+</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span><i>and Ancient Greek Religion</i>, especially in chapters v. and vi.,
+confirming me, to some extent at least, in the conjecture I had here
+hazarded. The working of the imagination in regard to a future
+state is in Greece, in his view, peculiar to the older or Pelasgic
+population; and if the Etruscans were of Pelasgic stock, as is now
+believed by many, their imaginative grotesqueness, a degraded form
+perhaps of the original characteristic, acting on the ideas of a still
+more primitive population of which the Lemuria is a survival, might
+explain the later prevalence of a gruesome eschatology at Rome.
+But whoever studies Mr. Lawson's chapters closely will find serious
+difficulties in the way even of such a hypothesis as this.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">856</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, v. 430 foll.; <i>R.F.</i> p. 109. Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i>
+p. 192, attributes the ideas of larvae (ghosts) and of Orcus, not to
+religion, but to popular superstition. If he here means by religion
+the State religion and the <i>Parentalia</i> in particular, I can agree with
+him.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">857</span></a> Dr. Carter allows this in Hastings' <i>Dict. of Religion and
+Ethics</i>, vol. i. (Roman section of article "Ancestor Worship.")</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">858</span></a> See <i>R.F.</i> p. 334.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">859</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">860</span></a> <i>Origin and Development of Moral Ideas</i>, ii. 693 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">861</span></a> Varro, <i>L.L.</i> v. 25; Paulus p. 216; H&uuml;lsen-Jordan, <i>R&ouml;m.
+Topogr.</i> iii. p. 268 foll. The remains of these puticuli were unluckily
+very imperfectly reported, and have been lost in the building
+of the Rome of to-day. On the question of the religious aspect of
+the two ways of disposing of the dead, burial and cremation, it is as
+well to remember Dieterich's warning in <i>Mutter Erde</i>, p. 66, note:
+"den Versuch, aus der Verbreitung und dem Wechsel der Sitte des
+Verbrennens und Begrabens f&uuml;r meine Untersuchung Schl&uuml;sse zu
+gewinnen, habe ichv&ouml;llig aufgegeben, als ich angesichts der ungeheueren
+Materialen meines Kollegen von Duhn die Unm&ouml;glicheit
+solcher Schl&uuml;sse einsehen musste." In Mr. Lawson's book quoted
+above it seems to me to be proved that the object of both methods
+is the same, viz. to destroy the body as quickly as possible in order
+to prevent the soul from re-entering it and annoying the survivors.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">862</span></a> This is well explained by Cumont in his <i>Religions orientales
+dans le paganisme romain</i>, p. 196 foll., following Bouch&eacute;-Leclercq's
+work on astrology in Greece. Cumont thinks that astrology took
+over the business of the augurs and haruspices, which was now
+dropped, and this is true in the main as regards the individual, but
+not as regards the State; see above, p. 308 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">863</span></a> For Fortuna in the writings of Caesar, etc., see <i>Classical
+Review</i>, vol. xvii. p. 153. The <i>locus classicus</i> for Fortuna as a deity
+under the early empire is Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> ii. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">864</span></a> Cato, <i>R.R.</i> ch. v. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">865</span></a> Val. Max. i. 3. 2, who no doubt was following Livy; for in
+the Epitomes of some lost books of Livy discovered at Oxyrrhyncus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span>by Grenfell and Hunt (<i>Oxyrrh. Papyri</i>, vol. iv. p. 101), the same
+fact is alluded to. For the embassy, Maccab. i. 14. 24; xv. 15-24.
+Two extracts from the text of Valerius, which is here lost, both state
+that proselytising Jews were at this time driven from Rome; the
+Jupiter Sabazius, whose cult they were propagating, can hardly be
+other than that of Jehovah; see Sch&uuml;rer, <i>Jewish People in the Time
+of Christ</i>, pt. ii. vol. ii. p. 233 of the English translation. The
+expulsion of Chaldaei may, however, have been a separate measure
+of the praetor Hispalus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">866</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Marius</i>, 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">867</span></a> Suet. <i>Aug.</i> 1. I have seen a learned work about a century
+old, now entirely forgotten, in which it is maintained that Virgil's
+fourth Eclogue is simply a genethliacon of Augustus; the arguments,
+which are ingenious but futile, are drawn from the poem of
+Manilius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">868</span></a> Tacitus, <i>Hist.</i> i. 22.</p></div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XVIII</h4>
+
+<h5>RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL</h5>
+
+
+<p>My justification for devoting a whole lecture to Virgil
+must be that this great poet, more warmly and sympathetically
+than any other Latin author, gives expression
+to the best religious feeling of the Roman mind. And
+this is so not only in regard to the tendencies of religion
+in his own day; he stands apart from all his literary
+contemporaries in that he sums up the past of Roman
+religious experience, reflects that of his own time, and
+also looks forward into the future. No other poet, no
+historian, not even Livy, who sprang from the same
+region and in his tone and spirit in some ways resembles
+Virgil, has the same broad outlook, the same tender interest
+in religious antiquity, the same all-embracing sympathy
+for the Roman world he knew, and the same confident
+and cheerful hope for its future. Each of the Augustan
+poets&mdash;Horace, Ovid, Propertius, Tibullus&mdash;has his own
+peculiar gift and charm; but those who know Virgil
+through and through will at once acknowledge the difference
+between these and the man possessed of spiritual
+insight. They are helpful in various ways to the student
+of Roman religion, and Tibullus especially has a simple
+reverence for the old religion which has inspired a few
+exquisite descriptions of this aspect of Italian life. But,
+if I may use the word, they had no mission; they were
+true poets, yet not poets of the prophetic order; they had
+not thought deeply and reached conviction, like Lucretius
+and Virgil. A few words from the conclusion of an
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span>Edinburgh professor's admirable work on Virgil will
+sufficiently express what I mean. "His religious belief,"
+says Sellar, "like his other speculative convictions, was
+composite and undefined; yet it embraced what was
+purest and most vital in the religions of antiquity, and in
+its deepest intuitions it seems to look forward to the belief
+which became dominant in Rome four centuries later."<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">869</a>
+In fact, Virgil gathers up what was valuable in the past of
+Rome and adds to it a new element, a new source of life
+and hope. It was this that made it possible for a great
+French critic to assert that for those who have read Virgil
+there is nothing astonishing in Christianity.<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">870</a> Let us try
+and realise what these writers mean. The Scotsman is
+sober and earnest, the Frenchman epigrammatically exaggerating;
+but the feeling that underlies both utterances
+is a true one.</p>
+
+<p>We have traced the gradual paralysis of the secularised
+State religion. We have glanced at the two types of
+philosophical thought which took the place of that religion
+in the minds of the cultivated section of Roman society,
+neither of which could adequately supply the Roman and
+Italian mind with an expression of its own natural feeling,
+never wholly extinct, of its relation to the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. Stoicism came near to doing
+what was needed, by rehabilitating itself on Italian soil
+and indulging Roman preconceptions of the divine; but it
+could not greatly affect the mass of men, and its appeal was
+not to feeling, but to reason. Epicurism, though perhaps
+more popular, was in reality more in conflict with what was
+best in the Italian nature, and the passionate appeal of
+Lucretius to look for comfort to a scientific knowledge of
+the <i>rerum natura</i> had no enduring power to cheer. Lastly,
+we have examined the tendency of the same age towards
+mysticism and Cicero's doubting and embarrassed expression
+of it, and we found that this tendency rather illustrates
+a sense of something wanting than hopefully satisfies it.
+We may well feel ourselves, now we have arrived at the
+close of the Republican era, just as the best men of that
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span>day felt, that there <i>is</i> something wanting. In their minds
+this feeling almost amounted to despair; in ours, as we
+read the story of the troublous time after the death of
+Caesar, it is pity and wonder. There was, in fact, more
+than a sense of weariness and discomfort, moral and
+material, in the Roman mind of that generation&mdash;there
+was also what we may almost call a sense of sin, such a
+feeling, though doubtless less real and intense, as that
+which their prophets, from time to time, awoke in the
+Jewish people, and one not unknown in the history of
+Hellas. It was essentially a feeling of neglected duty&mdash;of
+neglected duty to the Power and of goodwill wanting
+towards men. Lucretius had been unconsciously a
+powerful witness to this feeling, but had not found the
+remedy. In the early Augustan age it is again expressed
+by Horace, by Sallust, and more deeply and truly in the
+beautiful preface to Livy's History.<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">871</a> Livy there says that
+he devoted himself to the early annals of Rome that he
+might shut his eyes to the evils of his own time&mdash;"tempora
+quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus."</p>
+
+<p>This something wanting was then a feeling, a <i>religio</i>, if
+we can venture to use the old word once more in the
+sense which I have so often attributed to it. Not an
+unreasonable or ungovernable feeling, not a <i>superstitio</i>,
+but a feeling of happy dependence on a higher Power,
+and a desire to conform to His will in all the relations of
+human life. This is the kind of feeling that had always
+lain at the root of the Roman <i>pietas</i>, the sense of duty to
+family and State, and to the deities who protected them.
+In the jarring of factions, the cruelty and bloodshed of
+tyrants, and the luxurious self-indulgence of the last two
+generations, the voice of <i>pietas</i> had been silenced, the
+better instincts of humanity had gone down. We have
+to see what was done by our poet to awake that voice
+again and to put fresh life into those instincts. Only let
+us remember that more permanent good is done in this
+world by a beautiful nature giving itself its natural expression,
+than by precept or denunciation; and beware of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span>attributing to Virgil more direct consciousness of his
+mission than he really felt. It is the nature of the man
+that is of value to us in our studies, as it was to the
+Romans in their despair, a nature ruled by sweet, calm
+feeling, full of sympathy and full of hope.</p>
+
+<p>The something wanting in others which we find in
+Virgil only, or in him more convincingly felt and more
+resonantly expressed, is a kindly and hopeful outlook on
+the world, with a deep and real sympathy for all sorrow
+and pain. It is not the result of any definite religious
+conviction; it is in the nature of the man, and is of the
+very fibre of his being; but it made him a better religious
+teacher than the rest, just because real religion is not a
+matter of reason only, or of convention, or of art, but of
+feeling. This was the true antidote to despair or depression&mdash;a
+sympathy with man in all he does or suffers, not
+an indignant cry of remonstrance like that of Lucretius.
+Virgil's sympathetic outlook includes not only Man, but
+the animal world, and there can be no better proof that
+his feeling was genuine. The nightingale robbed of her
+young,<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">872</a></p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i13">quem durus arator</span>
+<span class="i0">observans nido implumes detraxit: at illa</span>
+<span class="i0">flet noctem, ramoque sedens miserabile carmen</span>
+<span class="i0">integrat et maestis late loca questibus implet;</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>the cattle smitten by the plague,<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">873</a> the migrating birds
+coming in from the sea,<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">874</a> and many another tender
+touch, all show us the feeling of which I am speaking; for
+he who could so feel towards animals must needs have a
+soul of pity for man. So, too, with the inanimate nature
+of Italy; the land in which Virgil's shepherds and husbandmen
+live and work is one full of such detailed loveliness
+as might suggest a beneficent Power presiding over it all,
+inviting man to lift up his heart in gratitude or prayer.
+As Sellar has well remarked,<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">875</a> the sense of natural beauty
+is in the <i>Georgics</i> intertwined with the toil of man, raising,
+as it were, the toiler to a higher level of humanity as he
+lifts his eyes from his work. And this natural beauty is
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span>made real for the reader by the life and force that everywhere
+pervades it; all nature is alive and full of feeling;
+the fruit trees, for example, in the second <i>Georgic</i> seem
+instinct with an almost human life.<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">876</a> The moment this
+comes home to us we see how it harmonises with all we
+have learnt of the old Italian conception of the divine, of
+the forceful <i>numina</i> working for man's benefit if properly
+propitiated. And even when Virgil is using the language
+of the Stoics to explain the life of nature, we feel that
+behind the philosophical theory there lies this feeling of
+the Italian:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i8">deum namque ire per omnes</span>
+<span class="i0">terrasque tractusque maris caelumque profundum:</span>
+<span class="i0">hinc pecudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarum.<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">877</a></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>This is the religious spirit of the <i>Georgics</i>; the divine
+forces are everywhere, and a man must submit himself to
+them and seek their aid. He finds his true resource
+rather in prayer than in philosophy, his part in the world
+is "laborare et orare." The hard lot of the Hesiodic
+labourer is not that of the <i>agricola</i> of the <i>Georgics</i>, who
+carries on his campaign of toil with a cheerful heart and
+a clear conscience, for he is in right relation with the
+Power manifesting itself in the life around him.</p>
+
+<p>This, then, so far as I can describe it without going too
+far into detail, is the feeling, the <i>religio</i>, which was needed
+in the Italy of that day. We may, perhaps, venture to
+compare its revival in the work of Virgil with the return
+to nature in the English poetry of a century ago, which
+also brought with it a revival of religious fervency.
+Though Virgil and Wordsworth are in many ways as
+unlike as two poets can be, they are alike in the possession
+of that gentle and trustful outlook on the world of
+nature which stimulates the mind to think of itself in its
+relation to the Power. We do not need to analyse the
+process or to put it into any logical shape; we may rest
+content with it as a fact in the history of Roman religious
+experience.</p>
+
+<p>In Virgil's case, as in Wordsworth's, this feeling had
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span>the effect of reconciling the poet's mind to the old forms
+of religious worship. Reconcile is, perhaps, hardly the
+right word; we may doubt whether he had ever quarrelled
+with them. As he believed in the Power and its
+manifestations, so too he believed in the traditional modes
+of propitiating it, not asking himself the <i>raison d'&ecirc;tre</i> of
+this or that ceremony, still less looking on them with pity
+and contempt, like Lucretius, but accepting them in his
+broad humanity as part of the life and thought of man
+in Italy.</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">fortunatus et ille Deos qui <i>novit</i> agrestes.<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">878</a></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>Let us mark the word <i>novit</i>. The husbandman has come
+to recognise these emanations of the Power and to know
+them as friends; the word could not have been used of
+malignant spirits. As I said in an early lecture, man
+advances in his knowledge of the Power as he advances
+in civilisation. So the rural rites have a claim on his
+sympathy no less than the men who performed them; he
+knew them in their detail, and he knew them in the spirit
+which animated them. He must have studied them in
+detail, and not only the rural cults, but those of the city
+too; every gesture in worship has an interest for him,
+and so great is our respect for his accuracy that we accept
+what he tells us even if we cannot explain it.<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">879</a> His
+careful learning in all these details has been the means of
+preserving for us large sources of knowledge; for Servius,
+Macrobius, and other commentators accumulated stores of
+it in endeavouring to interpret him.</p>
+
+<p>Now, this is not mere antiquarianism in Virgil, any
+more than is the detail of old life which abounds in Scott's
+poems and novels. These two men had the same wide,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span>sympathetic outlook on the world. Scott was interested
+in everything and everybody, whether living or dead long
+ago, and in all they did; and I think we may say the
+same of Virgil, though he is said to have been rather
+reserved and shy than genial and talkative like Scott.
+Virgil's mind was not so much "curious," I think, as
+sympathetic, and his delight in these religious details
+arises from his love of Italy and all that man did in it.
+He caught the spirit of the old Italian worship, which, as
+we saw, demanded that each act should be performed
+accurately according to rules laid down. He recognises
+the necessity, and with true Italian instinct he acts upon
+it as he writes. He knows that these acts of cult are
+one outward expression of that quality which had made
+Rome great&mdash;<i>pietas</i>, the sense of duty to family, State,
+and Deity.</p>
+
+<p>So far I have been considering what I may call the
+psychological basis of Virgil's religion&mdash;the man's sympathetic
+nature and wide outlook, which included in its
+love of Italy even the old practical worship of Italians. I
+have now to go on to the poet's greatest work, in which
+the idea of duty was not merely recognised in religious
+acts but exemplified in an ideal Roman. It is mainly in
+the <i>Aeneid</i> that we see him looking forward as well as
+backward, for it is there that we have the chart of the
+Roman's duty drawn to the scale of his past history, and
+meant to guide him in the future in still more glorious
+travel.</p>
+
+<p>There are two ways in which we may contemplate the
+<i>Aeneid</i> as a whole and the teaching it offered the Roman
+of that day. We may think of it (if I may for a moment
+use musical language) as a great fugue, of which the
+leading subject is the mission of Rome in the world.
+Providence, Divine will, the Reason of the Stoics, or, in
+the poetical setting of the poem, Jupiter, the great protecting
+Roman deity, with the Fates behind him somewhat
+vaguely conceived,<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">880</a> had guided the State to greatness
+and empire from its infancy onwards, and the citizens of
+that State must be worthy of that destiny if they were to
+carry out the great work. This mighty theme pervades
+the whole poem and, like the subject of a fugue, enters
+and re-enters from time to time in thrilling tones. It is
+given out in the prophecy put into the mouth of Jupiter
+himself at the beginning of the first book; it is heard
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span>in still more magnificent music from the shade of old
+Anchises in the last moments of the hero's visit to Hades
+in the sixth book, and again in the description of the
+shield which Venus gives her son.<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">881</a> Though the poem
+is unequal and some parts of it are left without the final
+touches, yet whenever the poet comes upon this great
+theme the tone is that of a full organ. This is, I think,
+apart from those exquisite beauties of detail which are
+for those only who have been initiated in the Virgilian
+mysteries, what chiefly moves the modern reader of Virgil.
+There are drawbacks which, for us moderns at least,
+detract from the general effect: the intervention of gods
+and goddesses after the Homeric manner, but without the
+charm of Homer; the seeming want of warm human
+blood in the hero; the stern decrees of Fate overruling
+human passions and interests; but he who keeps the
+great theme ever in mind, watching for it as he reads, as
+one watches for the new entry of a great fugue-subject,
+will never fail to see in the <i>Aeneid</i> one of the noblest
+efforts of human art&mdash;to understand what makes it the
+world's second great epic.</p>
+
+<p>But this great destiny of Rome has been accomplished
+by the service of man; by his loyalty, self-sacrifice, and
+sense of duty; by that quality known to the Romans as
+<i>pietas</i>; and the second lesson or reminder of the <i>Aeneid</i>
+lies in the exemplification of this truth in the person and
+character of the hero. We moderns find it hard to
+interest ourselves in the character of Aeneas. But as Prof.
+Nettleship remarked long ago,<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">882</a> a Roman reader would
+not have thought him dull or uninteresting; if that had
+been so, the poem could hardly have become popular
+from the moment of its publication. I am inclined to
+think that the <i>development</i> of the character of Aeneas
+under stress of perils, moral and material, was much more
+obvious to the Roman than it is to us, and much more
+keenly appreciated. For him it was the chief lesson of
+the poem, which makes it as it were a "whole duty of the
+Roman"; and as this lesson is really a part of Roman
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span>religious experience I am going to occupy the rest of this
+lecture with it.</p>
+
+<p>The development of the character of Aeneas, under
+the influence of perils and temptations through which he
+is guided by Jupiter and the Fates, is not a subject which
+has received much attention from modern criticism.<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">883</a>
+Yet to me, at least, it would be surprising if the leading
+character of the poem were, so to speak, a statue once
+and for all conceived and executed by the artist, instead
+of a human being subjected to various experiences which
+work upon his character as well as his career. There
+were circumstances in Virgil's time which made it natural
+that a poet of a serious and philosophical turn of mind
+should be interested in the development of character and
+make it part of his great subject. We have more than
+once had occasion to notice the growth of individualism
+in the last two centuries <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> Beyond doubt personal
+character had a great interest at this time for thinking
+men, apart from its development; the world was ruled
+by individuals, and at no time has so much depended on
+the disposition of individuals. Men had long begun to
+take themselves very seriously, and to write their own
+biographies. So entirely had the individual emancipated
+himself from the State, that he had almost forgotten that
+the State existed and claimed his <i>pietas</i>; he worked
+and played for his own ends.<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">884</a> Even the armies of that
+melancholy age were known and thought of, not as the
+servants of the State, but as Sullani, Pompeiani, and so
+on. This almost arrogant self-assertion of the individual
+was a fact of the time, and could not be suppressed
+entirely; it was henceforward impossible to return to the
+old times when the State was all in all and the individual
+counted for little.</p>
+
+<p>But in the <i>Aeneid</i>, if I am not mistaken, there is
+an almost perfect balance between the two conflicting
+interests. The State is the pivot on which turns all that
+is best in individual human character; in other words,
+Aeneas is not playing his own game, but fulfilling the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span>order of destiny which was to bring the world under
+Roman dominion. Individualism of the wrong type, that
+of Dido, Turnus, Mezentius, has to be escaped or overcome
+by the hero, for whom the call of duty is that of the
+State to be; but, all the same, the hero is an <i>individual</i>,
+and one conceived not merely as a type or a force.
+True, he is typical of Roman <i>pietas</i>, and bears his constant
+epithet accordingly; but if we look at him carefully we
+shall see that his <i>pietas</i> is at first imperfect, and that his
+individualism has to be tamed and brought into the service
+of the State <i>with the help of the State's deities</i>. This
+is what makes the <i>Aeneid</i> a religious poem; the character
+of Aeneas is pivoted on religion; religion is the one
+sanction of his conduct. There is no appeal in the
+<i>Aeneid</i> to knowledge, or reason, or pleasure,&mdash;always
+to the will of God. <i>Pietas</i> is Virgil's word for religion,
+as it had been Cicero's in his more exalted moments.
+In the Dream of Scipio we read that "<i>piis</i> omnibus
+retinendus est animus in custodia corporis: nec iniussu
+eius a quo ille est vobis datus, ex hominum vita migrandum
+est, <i>ne munus humanum adsignatum a deo defugisse videamini</i>."<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">885</a>
+In these words, as is shown by those that
+follow, the <i>munus hominum</i> is exactly what it is in the
+<i>Aeneid</i>, duty to Man and the State, and as it is laid
+down for man by God, it is also duty to Him. The
+State finds its perfection in the individual so long as he
+thus fulfills the will of God.<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">886</a></p>
+
+<p>Let us now go on to watch Aeneas as he gradually
+develops this perfect balance of motive.</p>
+
+<p>Aeneas is marked at the very outset of the poem as
+"insignem pietate virum"; the key-note of his character
+is sounded here at once with skill, and the key thus
+suggested (to use musical metaphor once more) is maintained
+steadily throughout it. The quality demanded by
+the gods from every true Roman who would take his
+part in carrying out the divine mission of Rome must
+be emphasised in the ideal Roman. Yet, as we read on,
+we soon discover that Aeneas was by no means as yet
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span>a perfect character. It can hardly be by accident that
+the poet has described him as yielding to despair and
+bewailing his fate on the first approach of danger&mdash;forgetting
+the mission before him and the destiny driving
+him on, and wishing that he were lying dead with Hector
+under the walls of Troy (i. 92 foll.). It would have been
+easy enough for Virgil to have taken up at once the
+heroic vein in the man, as it was left him by Homer,<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">887</a>
+and to have made him urge his men to bestir themselves
+or to yield bravely to fate. And this is precisely what
+Aeneas does <i>when the storm is over and the danger past</i>
+(198 foll.); yet even then he is not whole-hearted about it:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">talia voce refert, curisque ingentibus aeger</span>
+<span class="i0"><i>spem voltu simulat</i>, premit alto corde dolorem.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>At the very moment, that is, when he expresses his belief
+in his destiny and the duty of making for Italy, he still
+has misgivings, though he dare not express them.</p>
+
+<p>Heinze has remarked<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">888</a> that before this, at the sack of
+Troy, he had shown a want of self-control, and yielded
+to a mad passion of desperate fighting that is not to be
+found in the Aeneas of the last six books (ii. 314 foll.):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">arma amens capio nec sat rationis in armis.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><i>Furor</i> and <i>ira</i> drive him headlong; we are reminded of
+the mad fury of Mezentius or Turnus.</p>
+
+<p>Again, after the death of Priam Venus has to remind
+him of his duty to his father, wife, and son (ii. 594 foll.),
+reproaching him for his loss of sanity and self-control:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">nate, quis indomitas tantus dolor excitat iras?</span>
+<span class="i0">quid furis, aut quonam nostri tibi cura recessit?</span>
+<span class="i0">non prius aspicies ubi fessum aetate parentem</span>
+<span class="i0">liqueris Anchisen, superet coniunxne Creusa</span>
+<span class="i0">Ascaniusque puer?<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">889</a></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>During the wanderings narrated in the third book
+it is Anchises who leads, and who receives and interprets
+the divine warnings; he seems to be the guardian and
+guide of his son: to that son he is "omnis curae casusque
+levamen" (iii. 709), and he is "felix nati pietate" (iii. 480).
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span>He is, in fact, the typical Roman father, who, unlike
+Homer's Laertes, maintains his activity and authority to
+the end of his life, and to whom even the grown-up son,
+himself a father, owes reverence and obedience. As
+Boissier has pointed out,<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">890</a> the death of Anchises is postponed
+in the story as long as possible, and it is only
+after his death that Aeneas is exposed to a really dangerous
+temptation; it is immediately after this event that,
+as we saw, he loses heart at the first storm, and then, on
+landing in Africa, falls a victim for the moment to the
+queenly charms of Dido. We may notice that up to this
+point his <i>pietas</i> has been a limited one, hardly called
+upon for exercise beyond the bounds of family life and
+duty; when he is himself at the head, not only of the
+family, but, so to speak, of the State, it has to take a
+wider range, and to be put to a severe test.</p>
+
+<p>To all that has at different times been written about
+Virgil's treatment of the Dido legend I must venture here
+to add another word. Heinze has shown<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">891</a> that no certain
+origin can be discovered for the form of the story as
+Virgil tells it; it may have been Naevius who first took
+Aeneas to Sicily, but we do not know whether he or any
+successor of his invented the essential point of Virgil's
+story,&mdash;the suicide of Dido as a consequence of her
+desertion by Aeneas.<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">892</a> In any case the question arises,
+why our poet should have deliberately abandoned the
+current and popular version, and exposed his hero to such
+imminent danger of deserting the path which Jupiter and
+the Fates had marked out for him,&mdash;of sacrificing his
+great mission to the passion of a magnificent woman, and
+to the prospect of illicit ease and unsanctioned dominion.
+Heinze is of opinion that Virgil's motive was here a purely
+artistic one; he wanted an opportunity to introduce the
+pathetic element into his epic. "There was no lack of
+models; the latest bloom of Greek poetry had been in
+nothing more inventive than in dealing with all the
+phenomena of the passion of love,&mdash;its agony, shame,
+and despair, and the self-immolation of its victims."<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">893</a> He
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span>enforces this view with great learning, and all he writes
+about it is of value; but I must confess that he has not
+convinced me that this was Virgil's chief motive. He
+seems to me to leave out of account two important considerations:
+first, that though the poet drew freely on
+every available source, Greek and Roman, for the enrichment
+of his subject and its treatment, yet the whole
+design and purpose of the <i>Aeneid</i> is Roman and not
+Greek, and the introduction of a love-story <i>as such</i> would
+have been foreign to that design, and also to the aims
+and hopes of Augustus and the best men of the age.
+Secondly, Heinze seems to forget, like so many others
+who have written about the Dido episode, that Virgil had
+before his very eyes facts sufficiently striking, a romance
+quite sufficiently appalling, to suggest the adoption of
+the form of the story as we have it in the fourth book.
+Twice in his own lifetime did a single formidable woman
+work a baleful spell upon the destinies of the Roman
+empire. In neither case did the spell take fatal effect;
+Julius escaped in time from the wiles and the splendour
+of Cleopatra; Antony failed indeed to escape, but brought
+himself and her to fortunate ruin. It is to me inexplicable,
+considering how all Virgil's poems abound with
+allusions to the events of his time, and with side-glances
+at the chief agents in them, that neither Heinze nor
+Norden should have even touched on the possibility that
+Cleopatra was in the poet's mind when he wrote the
+fourth book. It is perhaps difficult for one who puts the
+poem on the dissecting-board, and whose attention is
+continually absorbed in the investigation of minute points
+in the fibre of it, to bear in mind the extraordinary events
+of the poet's lifetime,&mdash;the civil war, the murder of Julius,
+the division of the Roman world, the distraction of Italy,
+the attempt of Antony, or rather, indeed, of his enslaver,
+to set up a rival Oriental dominion, and the rescue of
+Romanism and civilisation by Augustus. Had Lucretius
+himself lived in that generation, he could hardly have
+escaped the influence of these appalling facts. Whoever
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span>will turn to the late Prof. Nettleship's essay on the poetry
+of Virgil, appended to his <i>Ancient Roman Lives of
+Virgil</i>,<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">894</a> can hardly fail to be convinced that on the
+later poet's mind they had produced a profound impression,
+the effects of which are traceable throughout the whole
+mass of his work. His Roman readers, whose state and
+empire had been brought to the verge of ruin by the
+exaltation of individual passions and ambitions, would
+look for these constant allusions and understand them far
+better than we can.</p>
+
+<p>I maintain, then, that the poet adopted his version of
+the story of Dido not simply as an affecting and pathetic
+episode, but (in keeping with his whole design) to
+emphasise the great lesson of the poem by showing
+that the growth and glory of the Roman dominion are
+due, under providence, to Roman <i>virtus</i> and <i>pietas</i>&mdash;that
+sense of duty to family, State, and gods, which
+rises, in spite of trial and danger, superior to the enticements
+of individual passion and selfish ease. Aeneas
+is sorely tried, but he escapes from Dido to perform
+the will of the gods; it is Jupiter, ruler of the Fates
+and the Roman destinies, who rescues him, and thus
+the divine care for Rome, an idea of which Augustus
+wished to make the most, is carefully preserved in the
+tale. If for us the character of Aeneas suffers by his
+desertion of Dido, that is simply because the poet,
+seized with intense pity for the injured queen, seems
+for once, like his own hero, to have forgotten his mission
+in the poem, and at the very moment when he means
+to show Aeneas performing the noblest act of self-sacrifice,
+renouncing his individual passion and listening
+to the stern call of duty, human nature gets the better
+of him, and what he meant to paint as a noble act has
+come out on his canvas as a mean one.</p>
+
+<p>In Virgil's story, then, we have in contrast and conflict
+the opposing principles of duty and pleasure, of patriotism
+and selfishness, and the victory of the latter in the person
+of Aeneas by the help of the great god who was the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>guardian of the destinies of Rome, and of the goddess
+who was the mother of the hero and the reputed
+progenitor of the Julian family. When once this great
+trial is over, the way is clear for the accomplishment
+of Aeneas' mission, though he still has trials to face,
+and as yet is not fully equipped for meeting them.</p>
+
+<p>Whoever, after reading the stormy scenes of the fourth
+book, will go straight on to the fifth, cannot but be struck
+with a change of tone which would have been doubly
+welcome to a man of that true Roman feeling which
+Virgil was counting on as well as inculcating throughout
+his work&mdash;doubly welcome, because he would
+find it not only in the incidents, but in the character of
+Aeneas. We here leave self and passion behind, and
+are introduced to scenes where the careful performance
+of religious and family duties seems to produce ease
+of mind and the tranquillity that comes of a soothed
+conscience. For the first time in the poem we meet
+with a characteristic of that best Roman life which was
+dear to the heart of Augustus, and with which we may
+be quite certain that the poet himself was entirely in
+sympathy. Strange, indeed, it is that this should be the
+case in a book so wholly based for its externals on Greek
+poetical traditions; but it is none the less true, and it
+is a striking example of Virgil's wonderful genius for
+transforming old things with new light and meaning.<a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">895</a></p>
+
+<p>It is not only then, or even mainly, the traditional
+necessity of describing games in an epic poem, that is the
+<i>raison d'&ecirc;tre</i> of the fifth book; the object was rather, as I
+understand it, to gain the needful contrast to the stormy
+passion of the fourth, and a relief for the mind of the
+Roman reader before he approached the awful scenery and
+experiences of the sixth, while at the same time there
+could be indicated&mdash;and for a Roman reader more than
+indicated&mdash;the <i>first beginning of a change</i> in the character
+of the hero. All this is effected with wonderful skill by
+making Aeneas perform with detailed carefulness the
+Roman ritual of the <i>Parentalia</i> as it was known to the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span>Romans of the Augustan age. The <i>Parentalia</i>, as I have
+said elsewhere,<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">896</a> were not days of terror or ill-omen, but
+rather days on which the performance of duty was the
+leading idea in men's minds; that duty was a pleasant
+and cheerful one, for the dead were still members of the
+family, and there was nothing to fear from them so long
+as the living performed their duties towards them under
+the due regulations of the <i>ius divinum</i>. The ritual
+indicates the idea of the yearly renewal of the rite of
+burial, with the propitiation of the departed which was
+necessary for the welfare of the family; and when the
+liturgical nine days were over, the living members met
+together in the <i>Caristia</i>, a kind of love feast of the family,
+at which all quarrels were to be forgotten, and from which
+all guilty members were excluded. In families of wealth
+and distinction in Virgil's time the days of mourning
+might be followed by <i>games in honour of the departed</i>.
+Thus a Roman would at once recognise the fact that
+Aeneas is here presented to us for the first time as a Roman
+father of a family, discharging the duties essential to the
+continuance and prosperity of that family with cheerfulness
+as well as with <i>gravitas</i>; and that his <i>pietas</i> here
+takes a definite, practical, and truly Roman form, though
+it is not as yet extended to its full connotation as the
+performance of duty towards the State and its gods.</p>
+
+<p>All this is quite in keeping with the little touches of
+characterisation which we can also notice in this book.
+In the second line Aeneas pursues his way <i>certus</i>, even
+while he gazes at the flames of Dido's funeral pyre, not
+knowing what they meant. He presides at the games
+with the dignity of a Roman magistrate, and reproachingly
+consoles the beaten Dares with words which seem to
+reflect his late experience at Carthage (v. 465):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">infelix, quae tanta animum dementia cepit?</span>
+<span class="i0">non vires alias conversaque numina sentis?</span>
+<span class="i0"><i>cede deo</i>.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>When the ships are burnt he does not give way to
+despair, as in the storm of the first book, but prays for
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span>help to the omnipotent Jupiter, in whose hand were the
+destinies of his descendants (v. 687 foll.). But he is not
+yet perfect in his sense of duty; he feels the blow
+severely, and for a moment wavers (v. 700 foll.):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i7_5">... casu concussus acerbo</span>
+<span class="i0">nunc huc ingentis, nunc illuc pectore curas</span>
+<span class="i0">mutabat versans, Siculisne resideret arvis</span>
+<span class="i0">oblitus fatorum, Italasne capesseret oras.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>It needs the cheering advice of old Nautes (<i>quicquid
+erit, superanda omnis fortuna ferendo est</i>), and the appearance
+of the shade of Anchises, to confirm his wavering
+will with renewed sense of his mission. This appearance
+of his father, "omnis curae casusque levamen," with the
+summons to meet him in Hades, is, as Heinze has seen,<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">897</a>
+a turning-point in the fortunes and the character of
+Aeneas, and prepares us for the final ordeal and initiation
+which he undergoes in the following book.</p>
+
+<p>I here use the word initiation because I have no doubt
+that Virgil had in his mind when writing it the Greek
+idea of initiation into mysteries preparatory to a new
+life. An actual initiation was, of course, out of the
+question; on the other hand a <i>catabasis</i>, a descent into
+Hades, was part of the epic inheritance he derived from
+Homer, and this, like the funeral games in the fifth book,
+he might use with an earnestness of purpose wanting in
+Homer, to work in with the great theme of his poem,
+not merely as an artistic effort. The purpose here was
+to make of Aeneas a new man, to regenerate him; to
+prepare him by mystic enlightenment for the toil, peril,
+and triumph that await him in the accomplishment of
+his divine mission. We must not look too closely into
+the process; it is a strange m&eacute;lange of popular and
+philosophic ideas and scenery, made at once intelligible
+and magnificent by the wonderful resources of the poet;
+but we may be sure that it has the same general meaning
+as the visions of Dante long afterwards. As Mr. Tozer
+has said, Dante's conversion and ultimate salvation were
+the primary object of his journey through the three realms
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span>of the spiritual world.<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">898</a> In this sense it can be called an
+initiation, an ordeal, a sacrament.</p>
+
+<p>So much has been written about this wonderful book
+that I do not need to dwell upon it here. I will content
+myself with pointing out very briefly a fact which struck
+me when I last read it. The ordeal of preparation is not
+complete till the very end of the book, when the shade of
+Anchises has shown his son all the great things to come,
+the due accomplishment of which depends on his sense of
+duty, his <i>pietas</i>. Up to that moment Aeneas is always
+thinking and speaking of the past, while in the last six
+books he is always looking ahead, absorbed in the work
+each hour placed before him, and in the prospect of the
+glory of Rome and Italy. The poet had contrived that
+his hero should himself narrate the story of the sack of
+Troy and his subsequent wanderings, and narrate them to
+the very person who would have made it impossible for
+him ever again to look forward on the path of duty.
+Surely this is significant of a moral as well as an artistic
+purpose; the passionate love of the queen urges her to
+keep his mind fixed on the past, to engage him in the
+story of events that concerned himself and not his
+mission (i. 748):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">necnon et vario noctem sermone trahebat</span>
+<span class="i0">infelix Dido, longumque bibebat amorem</span>
+<span class="i0">multa super Priamo rogitans, super Hectore multa, etc.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>After the shade of Creusa had told him of his destiny,
+which she was not to share, the past was still in his mind,
+and he seems to have forgotten the warning; he calls
+himself an exile (iii. 10):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">litora cum patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo</span>
+<span class="i0">et campos ubi Troia fuit. Feror exsul in altum&mdash;</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>I find an exception after the meeting with Andromache,
+when he thinks of the future for a moment, but even then
+half-heartedly as it seems to me, with a very distinct
+reluctance to face the dangers to come, and with a touching
+envy of those who could "stay at home at ease" (iii. 493
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span>foll.). His want of faith in the future is again shown in
+Book v., in the passage quoted just now; and even in
+Book vi. he is at first purposely depicted as "slack," as
+having his attention caught by what is for the moment
+before him, or with the figures of old friends and enemies
+whom he meets, until the last awakening revelation of
+Anchises. Thus no sooner has he landed in Italy than
+he is attracted by the pictures in the temple of Apollo and
+incurs a rebuke from the priestess (vi. 37 foll.):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">non hoc ista sibi tempus spectacula poscit;</span>
+<span class="i0">nunc grege de intacto septem mactare iuvencos</span>
+<span class="i0">praestiterit, etc.;</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+<p>so also a little farther on she has to warn him again
+(50 foll.) at the entrance to the cave:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i5_5">"cessas in vota precesque,</span>
+<span class="i0">Tros" ait "Aenea, cessas?"</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>It may be fancy in me to see even in his prayer which
+follows a leaning to think of Troy and his past troubles
+(56 foll.). But I cannot but believe that in this book he
+is meant to take a last farewell of all who have shared
+his past fortunes, have helped him or injured him; he
+meets Palinurus, Dido, Tydeus, Deiphobus, and the rest,
+and while meditating over these he has once more to be
+hurried by his guide (538):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">sed comes admonuit breviterque adfata Sibylla est:</span>
+<span class="i0">nox ruit, Aenea, nos flendo ducimus horas.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>When Anchises appears the whole tone changes, and
+his famous words seem to me to show conclusively that
+hesitation and want of fixed, undeviating purpose had
+been so far his son's chief failing (806):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">et dubitamus adhuc virtutem extendere factis,</span>
+<span class="i0">aut metus Ausonia prohibet consistere terra?</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The father's vision and prophecy are of the <i>future</i> and
+the great deeds of men to come, and henceforward Aeneas
+makes no allusion to the past and the figures that peopled
+it, abandons talk and lamentations, "virtutem extendit
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span>factis." At the outset of Book vii. we feel the ship moving
+at once; three lines suffice for the fresh start; Circe is
+passed unheeded. "Maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo,"
+says the poet in line 43; "maius opus moveo;" for the
+real subject of the poem is at last reached, and a heroic
+character by heroic deeds is to lay the foundation of the
+eternal dominion of Rome.</p>
+
+<p>A very few words shall suffice about the Aeneas of the
+later books. Let us freely allow that he is not strongly
+characterised; that for us moderns the interest centres
+rather in Turnus, who is heroic as an individual, but not
+as a pioneer of civilisation divinely led; that there is no
+real heroine, for feminine passion would be here out of
+place and un-Roman, and the courtship of Lavinia is
+undertaken, so to speak, for political reasons. The r&ocirc;le
+of Aeneas, as the agent of Jupiter in conquest and civilisation,
+would appeal to a Roman rather than to a modern,
+and it was reserved for the modern critic to complain of a
+lack of individual interest in him. So, too, it is in Jewish
+history; we feel with Esau more than with Jacob, and with
+David more than with Moses, who is none the less the
+grandest typical Israelite in the Old Testament. And,
+indeed, Virgil's theme here is less the development of a
+character or the portraiture of a hero than the idealisation
+of the people of the Italy which he loved so well, who
+needed only a divinely guided leader and civiliser to enter
+upon the glorious career that was in store for them.</p>
+
+<p>I cannot escape the belief, as I read again through
+these books, that Virgil did intend to depict in Aeneas
+his ideal of that Roman character to which the leading
+writers of his day ascribed the greatness of their race.
+His <i>pietas</i> is now confirmed and enlarged, it has become a
+sense of duty to the will of the gods as well as to his
+father, his son, and his people, and this sense of duty never
+leaves him, either in his general course of action or in the
+detail of sacrifice and propitiation. His courage and
+steadfastness never fail him; he looks ever forward, confident
+in divine protection; the shield he carries is adorned
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span>&mdash;a wonderful stroke of poetic genius&mdash;with scenes of the
+future, and not of the past (viii. 729 foll.):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">talia per clipeum Volcani, dona parentis,</span>
+<span class="i0">miratur rerumque ignarus imagine gaudet</span>
+<span class="i0">attollens umero famamque et fata nepotum.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>He is never in these books to be found wanting in
+swiftness and vigilance; when he cheers his comrades it
+is no longer in a half-hearted way, but as at the beginning
+of the eleventh book, with the utmost vigour and confidence,
+"Arma parate, animis et spe praesumite bellum"
+(xi. 18).</p>
+
+<p>His <i>humanitas</i> again is here more obvious than in his
+earlier career, and it is plainly meant to be contrasted with
+the heroic savagery of Mezentius and Turnus. So keenly
+did the poet feel this development in his hero's character,
+that in his descriptions of the death of Lausus and the
+burial of Pallas&mdash;noble and beautiful youths whom he
+loved in imagination as he loved in reality all young
+things&mdash;his tenderness is so touching that even now we
+can hardly read them without tears. And not only is the
+hero heroic and humane, but he is a just man and keeps
+faith; when, in the twelfth book, the Rutulians break the
+treaty, and his own men have joined in the unjust combat
+(xii. 311):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">at pius Aeneas dextram tendebat inermem</span>
+<span class="i0">nudato capite atque suos clamore vocabat:</span>
+<span class="i0">"quo ruitis? quove ista repens discordia surgit?</span>
+<span class="i0">o cohibete iras; ictum iam foedus et omnes</span>
+<span class="i0">compositae leges: mihi ius concurrere soli."</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>He claims for himself alone, under the guiding hand of
+providence, the right to deal with Turnus, the enemy of
+humanity and righteousness. And we may note that
+when it came to that last struggle, though conquering by
+divine aid, he was ready to spare the life of the conquered
+till he saw the spoils of the young Pallas upon him.</p>
+
+<p>The character of Aeneas, then, though not painted in
+such strong light as we moderns might expect or desire, is
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span><i>intentionally</i> developed into a heroic type in the course of
+the story&mdash;a type which every Roman would recognise as
+his own natural ideal. And this growth is the direct
+result of religious influence. It is partly the result of the
+hero's own natural <i>pietas</i>, innate within him from the first,
+as it was in the breast of every noble Roman; partly the
+result of a gradually enlarged recognition of the will of
+God, and partly of the strengthening and almost sacramental
+process of the journey to Hades, of the revelation
+there made of the mysteries of life and death, and of the
+great future which Jupiter and the Fates have reserved
+for the Roman people. In these three influences Virgil
+has summed up all the best religious factors of his day:
+the instinct of the Roman for religious observance, with
+all its natural effect on conduct; the elevating Stoic
+doctrine which brought man into immediate relation with
+the universal; and, lastly, the tendency to mysticism,
+Orphic or Pythagorean, which tells of a yearning in the
+soul of man to hope for a life beyond this, and to make
+of this life a meet preparation for that other.</p>
+
+<p>Only one word more. We can hardly doubt the truth
+of the story that the poet died earnestly entreating that
+this greatest work of his life should perish with him, and
+this may aptly remind us that though I have been treating
+the Aeneid as a poem of religion and morals, yet, after
+all, Virgil was a poet rather than a preacher, and thought
+of his Aeneid, not as a sermon, but as a work of art. Had
+he thought of it as a sermon he could hardly have wished
+to deprive the Roman world of it. The true poet is never
+a preacher except in so far as he is a poet. If the Greeks
+thought of their poets as teachers, says the late Prof.
+Jebb, "this was simply a recognition of poetry as the
+highest influence, intellectual and spiritual, that they
+knew." "It was not merely a recreation of their leisure,
+but a power pervading and moulding their whole existence."
+Surely this is also true of Virgil, and of the best
+at least of his Roman readers. No one can read the sixth
+Aeneid, the greatest effort of his genius, without feeling
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">425</a></span>that poetry was all in all to him; that learning, legend,
+philosophy, religion, whatever in the whole range of human
+thought and fancy entered his mind, emerged from it as
+poetry and poetry only.<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">899</a></p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XVIII</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">869</span></a> Sellar, <i>Virgil</i>, p. 371.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">870</span></a> Sainte-Beuve, <i>&Eacute;tude sur Virgile</i>, p. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">871</span></a> Horace, <i>Epode</i> 16, where, however, he is not quite so much
+in earnest as in <i>Odes</i> iii. 6. Sallust, prefaces to Jugurtha and Catiline:
+these do not ring quite true.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">872</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> iv. 511 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">873</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> iii. 440 foll. The famous lines (498 foll.) about the
+horse smitten with pestilence will occur to every one.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">874</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> vi. 309.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">875</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 231. He cites <i>Georg.</i> i. 107 and 187 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">876</span></a> Sellar, <i>Virgil</i>, p. 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">877</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> iv. 221 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">878</span></a> <i>Georg.</i> ii. 493.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">879</span></a> Prof. Hardie recently asked me an explanation of the double
+altar that we meet with more than once in Virgil in connection with
+funeral rites: <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Ecl.</i> 5. 66; <i>Aen.</i> iii. 305; v. 77 foll. Servius
+tries to explain this, but clearly did not understand it. Of course
+I could offer no satisfactory solution. Yet we are both certain that
+there is a satisfactory one if we could only get at it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">880</span></a> Much has been written about the part of the Fates in the
+<i>Aeneid</i> and their relation to Jupiter. See Heinze, <i>Vergils epische
+Technik</i>, p. 286 foll.; Glover, <i>Studies in Virgil</i>, 202 and 277 foll.
+I may be allowed to refer also to my <i>Social Life at Rome in the
+Age of Cicero</i>, p. 342 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">881</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> i. 257 foll., vi. 756 foll., viii. 615 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">882</span></a> <i>Suggestions preliminary to a Study of the Aeneid</i>, p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">883</span></a> It is not likely to strike us unless we read the whole <i>Aeneid</i>
+through, without distracting our minds with other reading, and this
+few of us do. I did it some ten years ago; before that the development
+of character had not dawned on me fully. I later on found it
+shortly but clearly set forth in Heinze's <i>Vergils epische Technik</i>, p.
+266 foll.; and this caused me to read the poem through once more,
+with the result that I became confirmed in my view, and read a
+paper on the subject to the Oxford Philological Society, which I
+have in part embodied in this lecture.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">884</span></a> This is dwelt on in <i>Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>,
+p. 124 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">885</span></a> <i>De Republica</i>, vi. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">886</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">426</a></span> It may be as well to note here that the actual representation
+of God in the <i>Aeneid</i> is its weakest point. It was an epic poem,
+and could not dispense with the Homeric machinery: hence Jupiter
+is practically the representative of the Stoic all-pervading deity, with
+the Fates behind him. But it is not unlikely that Virgil may thus
+have actually helped to make the way clear for a nobler monotheistic
+idea by damaging Jupiter in the course of this treatment; see <i>Social
+Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 341 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">887</span></a> On the Homeric Aeneas there are some good remarks in
+Boissier's <i>Nouvelles Promenades archaeologiques</i> (<i>Horace et Virgile</i>),
+p. 130 foll. Of all the Homeric heroes he seems to come nearest,
+though but slightly sketched, to the Roman ideal of heroism.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">888</span></a> Heinze, <i>Vergils epische Technik</i>, p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">889</span></a> I should be disposed to consider this passage as decisive
+of the point, but that it immediately follows upon the doubtful
+lines 567-588, in which Aeneas is tempted in his mad fury to
+slay Helen; and if those lines are not Virgil's, we have not sufficient
+explanation of the rebuke which Venus here administers to
+her son. On the other hand, if they were really Virgil's, and
+omitted (as Servius declares) by the original editors Tucca and
+Varius, we should have a convincing proof that the poet meant his
+hero, in these terrible scenes, to come so short of the true Roman
+heroic type as to be capable of slaying a woman in cold blood, and
+while a suppliant at an altar of the gods. Into this much-disputed
+question I must not go farther, except to note that while Heinze is
+absolutely confident that Virgil never wrote these lines, the editor of
+the new Oxford text of Virgil is equally certain that he did. My
+opinion is of no value on such a point; but I am disposed to agree
+with Mr. Hirtzel that "versus valde Vergilianos, ab optimis codicibus
+omissos, iniuria obleverunt Tucca et Varius." They are certainly
+in keeping with the picture of Aeneas' <i>impotentia</i> which is generally
+suggested in Book ii. If it should be argued that this <i>impotentia</i>,
+<i>i.e.</i> want of self-control, is only put into the mouth of Aeneas in
+order to heighten the effect of his stirring narrative, it will be well
+to remember the remonstrances of Venus, which make such a
+hypothesis impossible.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">890</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">891</span></a> <i>Vergils epische Technik</i>, p. 113 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">892</span></a> The original story was, that unable to escape from an
+enforced marriage with Iarbas, she killed herself to mark her
+unflinching faithfulness to her first husband Sicharbas. Servius
+quotes Varro as stating that it was not Dido, but Anna who committed
+suicide for love of Aeneas (on <i>Aen.</i> iv. 682); and as Varro
+died before the Aeneid was begun, this may be taken as proving
+that Virgil's version of the love-story was not his own invention.
+But it is quite possible that Servius here only means that Varro's
+version differed in this point from that which the poet soon afterwards
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">427</a></span>adopted; it may be that the story in the poem is thus practically
+his own.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">893</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">894</span></a> <i>Ancient Lives of Vergil</i>, Clarendon Press, 1879.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">895</span></a> The critics have, I think, been weaker in dealing with the
+fifth book than with any of the others. Prof. Tyrrell is too violent
+in his contempt for it to admit of quotation here. Heinze has some
+good and acute remarks on Virgil's motive in placing the book where
+it is, but seems to me to miss the real importance of it (<i>op. cit.</i> 140
+foll.). Even Boissier, whose delightful account of the scenery of
+Eryx should be read by every one who would appreciate this book
+(<i>op. cit.</i> p. 232), goes so far as to say that it is the one book with
+which we feel we might easily dispense so far as the story is
+concerned.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">896</span></a> <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 307.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">897</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i> p. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">898</span></a> <i>Commentary on Dante's Divina Commedia</i>, pp. 615 foll. I
+am indebted for this reference to Stewart's <i>Myths of Plato</i>, p.
+367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">899</span></a> Nettleship remarked most truly that there is no better way
+of appreciating the heroic Aeneas of these last books than by
+studying carefully the early part of the eleventh.</p></div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">428</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XIX</h4>
+
+
+<h5>THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL</h5>
+
+
+<p>It is a long descent from the inspiring idealism of Virgil
+to the cool, tactical attempt of Augustus to revive the
+outward forms of the old religion. It seems strange that
+two men so different in character and upbringing should
+have been working in the same years in the same direction,
+yet on planes so far apart. How far the two were
+directly connected in their work we cannot know for
+certain. It is said that the subject of the Aeneid was
+suggested to Virgil by Augustus, and it is quite possible
+that this may be true; but it by no means follows from
+this that the inspiration of the poem came from any other
+source but Virgil's own thought and feeling. We also
+know that Augustus from the first appreciated the Aeneid,
+and that he saved it for all time; but it is by no means
+clear that it inspired him in his efforts towards moral
+and religious regeneration. Perhaps the truth is that
+both were moved by the wave of mingled depression and
+hope that swept over Italy for some years after the death
+of Julius, and that each used his experience in his own
+way and according to his opportunities. They had at
+least this in common, that they utilised the past to
+encourage the present age, and that by filling old forms
+and names with new meaning they set men's minds upon
+thinking of the future.<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">900</a></p>
+
+<p>Yet the revival of the State religion by Augustus is at
+once the most remarkable event in the history of the
+Roman religion, and one almost unique in religious
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">429</a></span>history. I have repeatedly spoken of that State religion
+as hypnotised or paralysed, meaning that the belief in the
+efficacy of the old cults had passed away among the
+educated classes, that the mongrel city populace had long
+been accustomed to scoff at the old deities, and that the
+outward practice of religion had been allowed to decay.
+To us, then, it may seem almost impossible that the
+practice, and to some extent also the belief, should be
+capable of resuscitation at the will of a single individual,
+even if that individual represented the best interests and
+the collective wisdom of the State. For it is impossible
+to deny that this resuscitation was real; that both <i>pax
+deorum</i> and <i>ius divinum</i> became once more terms of
+force and meaning. Beset as it was by at least three
+formidable enemies, which tended to destroy it even while
+they fed on it, like parasites in the animal or vegetable
+world feeding on their hosts,&mdash;the rationalising philosophy
+of syncretism, the worship of the Caesars, and the new
+Oriental cults,&mdash;the old religion continued to exist for
+at least three centuries in outward form, and to some
+extent in popular belief.</p>
+
+<p>We must remember the tenacious conservatism of
+the Roman mind: the emotional stimulus of the age
+of depression and despair which preceded this revival:
+and the conscientious care with which the successors of
+Augustus, Tiberius in particular, carried out his religious
+policy.<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">901</a> Then as we become more familiar with the
+Corpus of inscriptions and the writings of the early
+Christian fathers, we begin to appreciate the fact that
+the natural and inherited religion of a people cannot
+altogether die, and that to describe this old Roman
+religion as <i>dead</i> is to use too strong a word. The votive
+inscriptions of the Empire show us overwhelming proof of
+surviving belief in the great deities of the olden time, and
+of the care taken of their temples. Antoninus Pius is
+honoured "ob insignem erga caerimonias publicas curam
+et religionem."<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">902</a> Marcus Aurelius himself did not hesitate
+in times of public distress to put in action the whole
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">430</a></span>apparatus of the old religion.<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">903</a> Constantius in <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 329
+was shown round the temples when he visited Rome for
+the first time, and in spite of his Christianity took a
+curious interest in them.<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">904</a> That the private worship, too,
+went on into the fourth century we know from the
+Theodosian code, where in the interest of Christianity
+the worship of Lares Penates and Genius is strictly
+forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">905</a> Again, the constant ridicule with which the
+Christian writers speak of the <i>minutiae</i> of the heathen
+worship makes it quite plain that they knew it as actually
+existing, and not merely from books like those of Varro.
+They do not so much attack the Oriental religions of
+their time as the genuine old Roman cults; more especially
+is this the case with St. Augustine, from whose <i>de
+Civitate Dei</i> we have learnt so much about the latter. The
+very necessity under which the leaders of Christianity
+found themselves of suiting their own religious character,
+and in some ways even their own ceremonies, to the
+habits and prejudices of the pagans, tells the same story.
+But the question how far Latin Christianity was indebted
+to the religion of the Romans must be postponed to my
+last lecture; I have said enough to indicate in which
+direction we must go for evidence that the work of
+Augustus was not in vain, that it gave fresh stimulus to
+a plant that still had some life in it.</p>
+
+<p>If, then, the Augustan revival was not a mere sham,
+but had its measure of real success, how are we to
+account for this? I think the explanation is not really
+difficult, if we bring to bear upon the problem what we
+have learnt from the beginning about the religious experience
+of the Romans. Let us note that Augustus troubled
+himself little about the later political developments of
+religion, which we have lately been examining,&mdash;about
+pontifices, augurs, and Sibylline books; these institutions,
+which had been so much used in the republican period for
+political and party purposes, it was rather his interest to
+keep in the background. But in one way or another he
+must have grasped the fundamental idea of the old
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">431</a></span>Roman worship, that the prosperity and the fertility of
+man, and of his flocks and herds and crops on the farm,
+and the prosperity and fertility of the citizen within the
+city itself, equally depended on the dutiful attention
+(<i>pietas</i>) paid to the divine beings who had taken up their
+abode in farm or city.<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">906</a> The best expression of this idea
+in words is <i>pax deorum</i>,&mdash;the right relation between man
+and the various manifestations of the Power,&mdash;and the
+machinery by which it was secured was the <i>ius divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">907</a>
+We shall not be far wrong if we say that it was Augustus'
+aim to re-establish the <i>pax</i> by means of the <i>ius</i>; but if we
+wished to explain the matter to some one who has not
+been trained in these technical terms, it would be better
+to say that he appealed to a deeply-rooted idea in the
+popular mind,&mdash;the idea that unless the divine inhabitants
+were properly and continually propitiated, they would not
+do their part in supporting the human inhabitants in all
+their doings and interests. This popular conviction he
+deliberately determined to use as his chief political lever.</p>
+
+<p>This has, I think, been insufficiently emphasised by
+historians, who contemplate the work of this shrewd
+statesman too entirely from the political point of view. I
+am sure that he had learnt from his predecessors in power
+that reform on political lines only was without any
+element of stability, and that he knew that it was far
+more important to touch a spring in the feeling of the
+people, than to occupy himself, like Sulla, in mending old
+machinery or inventing new. If he could but induce
+them to believe in him as the restorer of the <i>pax deorum</i>,
+he knew that his work was accomplished. And I believe
+that we have what is practically his own word for this
+conviction; not in his Res Gestae, the <i>Monumentum
+Ancyranum</i>, which is a record of facts and of deeds only,
+but in the famous hymn which Horace wrote at his
+instance and to give expression to his ideas, for use in the
+Secular Games of 17 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, to which I am coming presently.
+Ferrero has lately described that hymn as a magnificent
+poem,<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">908</a> an opinion which to me is incomprehensible. It
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">432</a></span>is neat, and embodies the necessary ideas adequately, but
+it is far too flat to be the genuine offspring of such a
+poet as Horace. To me it reads as though Augustus had
+written it in prose and then ordered his poet to put it
+into metre; and assuredly it expresses exactly what we
+should have expected Augustus to wish to be sung by his
+youthful choirs. I shall refer to it again shortly to illustrate
+another point; all I need say now is that he who
+reads it carefully and thinks about it will find there the
+conviction of which I have been speaking, that prosperity
+and fertility, whether of man, beast, or crop, depend on
+the Roman's attitude toward his deities; religion, morality,
+fertility, and public concord are the points which the
+astute ruler wished to be emphasised.<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">909</a> That this hymn
+was a really important part of the ceremony is certain
+from the fact that it was given to the best living poet to
+write, and that his name is mentioned as its author in the
+inscription, discovered not many years ago, which commemorated
+the whole performance: "CARMEN COMPOSUIT
+Q. HORATIUS FLACCUS."<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">910</a></p>
+
+<p>If, then, I am right, this strange movement was not
+merely a revival of religious ceremonies, but an appeal
+through them to the conscience of the people. A revival
+of religious <i>life</i> it, of course, was not, for what we understand
+by that term had never existed at Rome; but it
+was an attempt to give expression, in a religious form and
+under State authorisation, to certain feelings and ideas not
+far removed in kind from those which in our own day we
+describe as our religious experience. Whether Augustus
+himself shared in these feelings and ideas it is, of course,
+impossible to conjecture. But as a man's religious convictions
+are largely the result of his own experience and
+of that of the society in which he lives, and as Augustus'
+own experience for the twenty years before he took this
+work in hand had been full of trial and temptation, I am
+disposed to guess that he was rather expressing a popular
+conviction which he shared himself than merely standing
+apart and administering a remedy. And this view seems
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">433</a></span>to me to be on the whole confirmed by the tone and spirit
+of the great literary works of the age.</p>
+
+<p>Augustus did not become pontifex maximus till the
+year 12 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, nineteen years after he had crushed Antony
+at Actium; he waited with scrupulous patience until the
+headship of the Roman religion became vacant by the
+death of Lepidus.<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">911</a> But this did not prevent him from
+pursuing his religious policy with great earnestness before
+that date, for he had long been a member of the pontifical
+college, as well as augur and quindecemvir. No sooner had
+he returned to Rome from Egypt than the work of temple
+restoration began, the outward and visible sign to all that
+the <i>pax deorum</i> was to be firmly re-established. The fact
+of the restoration he has told us in half a dozen words in
+his own Res Gestae:<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">912</a> "Duo et octaginta templa deum
+in urbe ex decreto senatus refeci," adding that not one
+was neglected that needed repair. Among them was that
+oldest and smallest temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the
+Capitol to which I referred in a former lecture;<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">913</a> and his
+personal interest in the work is attested by Livy, who
+says that he himself heard Augustus tell how he had
+found an inscription, relating to the second <i>spolia opima</i>
+dedicated there, when he went into the temple bent on
+the work of restoration.<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">914</a> It needs but a little historical
+imagination to appreciate the psychological importance of
+all this work. We have to think not only of the bystanders
+who watched, but of the very workmen themselves,
+rejoicing at once in new employment and in the
+revival of an old sense of religious duty. Little more
+than twenty years earlier, no workman could be found to
+lay a hand upon the newly-built temple of Isis, when the
+consul Aemilius Paulus gave orders for its destruction
+as a centre of <i>superstitio</i>;<a name="FNanchor_915_915" id="FNanchor_915_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915_915" class="fnanchor">915</a> now abundant work was
+provided which every man's conscience would approve.
+When I think of the Rome of that year 28, with all its
+fresh hope and confidence taking visible shape in this
+way, even Horace's famous lines seem cold to me (<i>Od.</i>
+ii. 6. 1):</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">434</a></span>delicta maiorum immeritus lues</span>
+<span class="i0">Romane, donec templa refeceris</span>
+<span class="i1">aedesque labentis deorum et</span>
+<span class="i2">foeda nigro simulacra fumo.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The restoration of the temple buildings implies also a
+revival of the old ritual, the <i>cura et caerimonia</i>. As to this
+we are very imperfectly informed,&mdash;we have no correspondence
+of this age, as of the last, and the details of life in
+the Augustan city are not preserved in abundance. But
+Ovid comes to the rescue here, as in secular matters, and
+on the whole the evidence in his <i>Fasti</i> suggests that the
+old sacrificing priesthoods, the Rex and the flamines, were
+set to their work again. He tells us, for example, how he
+himself, as he was returning to Rome from Nomentum,<a name="FNanchor_916_916" id="FNanchor_916_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916_916" class="fnanchor">916</a>
+had seen the flamen Quirinalis carrying out the <i>exta</i> of
+a dog and a sheep which had been sacrificed in the
+morning in the city, to be laid on the altar in the grove
+of Robigus. In spite of all its disabling restrictions, it
+was possible once more to fill the ancient priesthood of
+Jupiter; and of the Rex sacrorum and the other flamines
+we hear in the early Empire.<a name="FNanchor_917_917" id="FNanchor_917_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917_917" class="fnanchor">917</a> They were in the <i>potestas</i>
+of the pontifex maximus, and as after 12 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> that position
+was always held by the Princeps himself, it was not
+likely that they would be allowed to neglect their duties.
+Other ancient colleges were also revived or confirmed by
+the inclusion of the Emperor himself among their members
+(a fact which Augustus was careful to record in his own
+words), <i>e.g.</i> the Fetiales, of whom he had made use when
+declaring war with Antony and Cleopatra;<a name="FNanchor_918_918" id="FNanchor_918_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918_918" class="fnanchor">918</a> the Sodales
+Titienses, an institution of which we have lost the origin
+and meaning; the Salii, Luperci, and above all the Fratres
+Arvales, the brotherhood whose duty it had once been
+to lead a procession round the crops in May, and so to
+ensure the <i>pax deorum</i> for the most vital material of
+human subsistence. The corn-supply now came almost
+entirely from Africa and Egypt; the inner meaning of
+this old ritual could not be revived, and we must own that
+all this restoration of the old <i>caerimonia</i> must have
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">435</a></span>appealed rather to the eye than the mind of the beholder.
+It was necessary to put some new element into it to give
+it life. Here we come upon a most important fact in the
+work of Augustus, which will become apparent if we take
+a rapid glance at the work and history of the Fratres, and
+then go on to find further illustration of the curious
+mixture of old and new which the Roman religion was
+henceforward to be.</p>
+
+<p>The fortunate survival of large fragments of the records
+of the Brotherhood, dating from shortly after the battle of
+Actium, show that it continued to work and to flourish
+down to the reign of Gordian (<span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 241), and from other
+sources we know that it was still in existence in the
+fourth century.<a name="FNanchor_919_919" id="FNanchor_919_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919_919" class="fnanchor">919</a> These records have been found on the
+site of the sacred grove, at the fifth milestone on the via
+Campana between Rome and Ostia, which from the time
+of this revival onwards was the centre of the activity of
+the Fratres.</p>
+
+<p>The brethren were twelve in number, with a <i>magister</i>
+at their head and a flamen to assist him; they were
+chosen from distinguished families by co-optation, the
+reigning Emperor being always a member.<a name="FNanchor_920_920" id="FNanchor_920_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920_920" class="fnanchor">920</a> Their duties
+fell into two divisions, which most aptly illustrate respectively
+the old and the new ingredients in the religious
+prescriptions of Augustus, as they were carried out by his
+successors. The first of these is the performance of the
+yearly rites in honour of the Dea Dia, the goddess or
+<i>numen</i> without a substantival name (a form perhaps of
+Ceres and Tellus), whose home was in the sacred grove,
+and who was the special object of this venerable cult.
+Secondly, the care of vows, prayers, and sacrifices for the
+Emperors and other members of the imperial house. I
+must say a few words about each of these divisions of
+duty.</p>
+
+<p>The worship of the Dea Dia took place in May on
+three days, with an interval always of one day between
+the first and second, according to the old custom of the
+calendar.<a name="FNanchor_921_921" id="FNanchor_921_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921_921" class="fnanchor">921</a> On the first, preliminary rites were performed
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">436</a></span>at Rome, in the house of the magister; on the second was
+the most important part of the whole ceremony, which
+took place at the sacred grove. These rites will give a
+good idea of the old Roman worship, and of the exactness
+with which Augustus sought to restore it. At dawn the
+magister sacrificed two <i>porcae piaculares</i> to the Dea, and
+then a <i>vacca honoraria</i>, after which he laid aside the <i>toga
+praetexta</i> or sacrificial vestment, and rested till noon, when
+all the brethren partook of a common meal, of which the
+<i>porcae</i> formed the chief part. Then resuming the <i>praetexta</i>,
+and crowned with wreaths of corn-ears, they proceeded
+to the altar in the grove, where they sacrificed the
+<i>agna opima</i>, which was the principal victim in the whole
+ceremonial.<a name="FNanchor_922_922" id="FNanchor_922_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922_922" class="fnanchor">922</a> Other rites followed, <i>e.g.</i> the passing round,
+from one to another of the brethren, fruits gathered and
+consecrated on the previous day, each brother receiving
+them in his left, <i>i.e.</i> lucky hand, and passing them on
+with his right; and the singing of the famous Arval hymn
+to Mars and the Lares to a rhythmic dance-tune. Then
+after another meal and chariot-racing in the neighbouring
+circus, they returned to Rome and finished the day with
+further feasting.<a name="FNanchor_923_923" id="FNanchor_923_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923_923" class="fnanchor">923</a> A cynical reader of these Acta might
+suggest that the appetites of the good brethren were
+made more of than their <i>pietas</i>; but the feasting may be
+just as much a part of the ancient practice as any of the
+other curiosities of ritual.</p>
+
+<p>The utensils employed were of the primitive sun-baked
+clay (<i>ollae</i>), and seem to have been regarded with a
+veneration almost amounting to worship.<a name="FNanchor_924_924" id="FNanchor_924_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924_924" class="fnanchor">924</a> Long ago I
+had occasion to note how the old form of piacular sacrifice
+was used and recorded whenever iron was taken into the
+grove, or any damage done to the trees by lightning or
+other accident. Once, when a tiny fig-tree sprouted on
+the roof of the temple, piacula of all suitable kinds had
+to be offered to Mars, Dea Dia, Janus, Jupiter, Juno,
+Virgines divae, Famuli divi, Lares, Mater Larum, sive
+deus sive dea in cuius tutela hic lucus locusque est, Fons,
+Hora, Vesta Mater, Vesta deorum dearumque, Adolenda
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">437</a></span>Commolenda Deferunda,&mdash;and sixteen <i>divi</i> of the imperial
+families!<a name="FNanchor_925_925" id="FNanchor_925_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925_925" class="fnanchor">925</a> As the date of this extraordinary performance
+is <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 183, nothing can better show the extent to
+which the revival of elaborate ritual had been carried by
+Augustus, and the amazing tenacity with which it held its
+ground.</p>
+
+<p>The second part of the activity of the brethren well
+illustrates the new element which Augustus adroitly
+insinuated into the old religious forms: but I shall
+not dwell upon it, for the worship of the Caesars in its
+developed form is not of either Roman or Italian origin,
+any more than the other kinds of cult which were now
+pressing in from the East; and it thus lies outside the
+range of my subject. The revival of this old priesthood,
+and doubtless of others, the Salii for example, was turned
+to account to mark the sacred character and political and
+social predominance of the imperial family. All events of
+importance in the life of the Emperor himself and his
+family were the occasion of vows, prayers, or thanksgivings
+on the part of the Fratres; births, marriages,
+successions to the throne, journeys and safe return, and
+the assumption of the consulship and other offices or
+priesthoods. These rites all took place at various temples
+or altars in Rome, or at the Ara Pacis, recently excavated,
+which Augustus had built in the Campus Martius.
+Here, by way of example of them, is a "votum susceptum
+pro salute novi principis," on his accession.<a name="FNanchor_926_926" id="FNanchor_926_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926_926" class="fnanchor">926</a></p>
+
+<p>"Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto, L. Salvio
+Othone Titiano iterum consulibus, III kalendas Februarias
+magistro Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto,
+promagistro L. Salvio Othone Titiano: collegi fratrum
+Arvalium nomine immolavit in Capitolio ob vota nuncupata
+pro salute imperatoris M. Othonis Caesaris Augusti
+in annum proximum in III nonas Ianuarias Iovi bovem
+marem, Iunoni vaccam: Minervae vaccam: Saluti
+publicae populi Romani vaccam: divo Augusto bovem
+marem, divae Augustae vaccam: divo Claudio bovem
+marem: in collegio adfuerunt, etc."</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">438</a></span>This record, which belongs to the year 69 and the
+accession of Otho, shows the <i>divi</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the deified emperors
+Augustus and Claudius, together with the deified Livia,
+associated with the <i>trias</i> of the Capitoline temple and
+the <i>Salus publica</i> in the sacrificial rites. But under the
+Flavian dynasty which followed this association was
+judiciously dropped.<a name="FNanchor_927_927" id="FNanchor_927_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927_927" class="fnanchor">927</a> It may serve for the moment to
+illustrate what was to come of this new element so subtly
+introduced into the old worship; how it led to practices
+which are utterly repulsive to us, and repulsive too to
+an honest man even in that day. The noble words of
+Tiberius, declining to have temples erected to him in
+Spain, have been preserved by Tacitus from the senatorial
+records:<a name="FNanchor_928_928" id="FNanchor_928_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928_928" class="fnanchor">928</a> "Ego me, patres conscripti, mortalem esse
+fateor"; and he added that his only claim to immortality
+lay in the due performance of duty. Tiberius, whatever
+else he may have been, was beyond doubt an honest man;
+and so too was Seneca, the author of the famous skit on the
+deification of Claudius. But the extravagances of Caesar-worship
+are not to be met with in Augustus' time; for
+him the new element may be defined, as in Rome (and in
+Italy too, so far as his own wish could limit it) nothing
+more than <i>the encouragement of the belief in him, and
+loyalty to him as the restorer of the pax deorum</i>. To this
+end he sought to magnify his own achievements as
+avenger of the crime of the murder of Julius, by which
+the <i>pax</i> had been grievously disturbed. I propose to
+finish this lecture by giving some account of the way in
+which he attained this object. Let us briefly examine the
+famous ritual of the <i>Ludi saeculares</i>, of which we have
+more detailed knowledge than of any other Roman rite
+of any period; it marks the zenith of his prosperity and
+religious activity, and belongs to the year 17 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, two
+years after the death of Virgil,&mdash;a date which may be
+said to divide the long power of Augustus into two nearly
+equal halves.</p>
+
+<p>This famous celebration is an epoch in the history of
+the Roman religion, if not in the history of Rome herself.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">439</a></span>It stands on the very verge of an old and a new r&eacute;gime.
+It was the outward or ritualistic expression of the idea,
+already suggested by Virgil in the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> and the
+<i>Aeneid</i>, that a regeneration is at hand of Rome and Italy,
+in religion, morals, agriculture, government; old things are
+put away, new sap is to run in the half-withered trunk
+and branches of a noble tree. The experience of the past,
+as with Aeneas after the descent into Hades, is to lead to
+new effort and a new type of character, of which <i>pietas</i>
+in its broadest sense is the inspiring motive. Henceforward
+the Roman is to look ahead of him in hope
+and confidence, <i>virtutem extendere factis</i>. Augustus, the
+Aeneas of the actual State, was firmly established in a
+prestige which extended beyond Italy even to the far
+East; his faithful and capable coadjutor Agrippa was by
+his side to take his part in the ritual, and no cloud in that
+year 17 seemed to be visible on the horizon.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Ludi saeculares</i> are also unique in respect of the
+records we have of them. By wonderful good fortune we
+can construct an almost complete picture of what was
+done in that year on the last days of May and the first
+three of June. We have the text of the Sibylline oracle,&mdash;how
+manufactured we do not know, nor does it much
+matter,&mdash;which prescribed the ritual, preserved by Zosimus,
+a Greek historian of the fifth century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, together with
+his own account.<a name="FNanchor_929_929" id="FNanchor_929_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929_929" class="fnanchor">929</a> Thus the outline of the ritual has been
+known all along, together with many details; and to help
+it out we have also the perfect text of the hymn written
+by Horace for the occasion, and sung by two choirs of
+boys and girls respectively. But great was the delight
+of the learned world when, in September 1890, workmen
+employed on the Tiber embankment, close, as it turned
+out, to the spot where the nightly rites of the <i>ludi</i> took
+place, came upon a mediaeval wall partly made of ancient
+material, in which some marbles were found covered with
+inscriptions relating to this same celebration.<a name="FNanchor_930_930" id="FNanchor_930_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930_930" class="fnanchor">930</a> This
+treasure was badly mutilated, but the inscription was
+easily decipherable; it contains a letter from Augustus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">440</a></span>giving instructions, two decrees of the Senate, and a series
+of records of the Quindecemviri, who were of course in
+charge of a ritual which had been ordered by a Sibylline
+oracle. Some few points were at first puzzling, but have
+been cleared up since the discovery. Mommsen, of course,
+took the work in hand, and his exposition is still, and
+always will be, the starting-point for students. Wissowa
+has an excellent popular account of it, and recently, in the
+fifth volume of his <i>Greatness and Decline of Rome</i>, Ferrero
+has utilised it to give an animated account of the whole
+ceremony.<a name="FNanchor_931_931" id="FNanchor_931_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931_931" class="fnanchor">931</a></p>
+
+<p>The <i>Ludi saeculares</i> take their name from the word
+<i>saeculum</i>; and the old Italian idea of a <i>saeculum</i> seems
+to have been a period stretching from any given moment
+to the death of the oldest person born at that moment,&mdash;a
+hundred years being the natural period so conceived.<a name="FNanchor_932_932" id="FNanchor_932_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932_932" class="fnanchor">932</a>
+Thus a new saeculum might begin at any time, and might
+be endowed with special religious significance by certain
+solemn ceremonies; in this way the people might be
+persuaded that a new leaf, so to speak, had been turned
+over in their history: that all past evil, material or moral,
+had been put away and done with (<i>saeculum condere</i>),
+and a new period entered on of innocence and prosperity.
+There are faint traces of three early celebrations of this
+kind, beginning in 463 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, traditionally a disastrous year,
+and renewed in 363 and 263. But in 249, another year
+of distress and peril, a new saeculum was entered on with
+a new and a Greek ritual, ordered by a Sibylline oracle.
+A subterranean altar in a spot by the Tiber, near the
+present Ponte St. Angelo, and called Tarentum (possibly
+to mark the original home of the rite), was dedicated to
+Dis and Proserpina, Greek deities of the nether world;
+and here for three successive nights black victims were
+offered to them. The subterranean altar and the use of
+the word <i>condere</i> (to put away), might suggest that this
+rite may have had something in common with those well-known
+quasi-dramatic ones in which objects are <i>buried</i> or
+thrown into the water, to represent the cessation of one
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">441</a></span>period of vegetation and the beginning of another.<a name="FNanchor_933_933" id="FNanchor_933_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933_933" class="fnanchor">933</a> Or
+we may look on it in the light of one of those <i>rites de
+passage</i> in which a transition is made from one state of
+things to another, without any definite religious idea being
+attached to it. There is no doubt some mystical element
+in the primitive idea of the beginning and ending of periods
+of time, which has not as yet been thoroughly investigated.<a name="FNanchor_934_934" id="FNanchor_934_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934_934" class="fnanchor">934</a></p>
+
+<p>Now it is easy to see how exactly a rite of this kind,
+with suitable modifications, would fit in with Augustus'
+purposes as we have explained them. Fortunately too
+Varro had in 42 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> published a book in which the
+mystic or Pythagorean doctrine was set forth of the
+palingenesis of All Souls after four saecula of 110 years
+each; the fourth <i>Eclogue</i> of Virgil may have been
+influenced by this, among other mystical ideas, as it was
+written only three years later; and in any case the
+doctrine was well known.<a name="FNanchor_935_935" id="FNanchor_935_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935_935" class="fnanchor">935</a> But Augustus had to wait a
+while, until peace and confidence were restored. Why
+eventually he chose the year 17 is quite uncertain; it
+does not exactly fit in with any calculation of four saecula
+of 110 years starting from any known date. But a
+saeculum, as we have seen, might begin at any moment;
+and in any case it was easy to manufacture a calculation,
+which was now duly accomplished by trusty persons, chief
+among them being the great lawyer, Ateius Capito, an
+ardent adherent of Augustus and his projects.<a name="FNanchor_936_936" id="FNanchor_936_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936_936" class="fnanchor">936</a> Probably
+too it was necessary to take advantage of the popular
+feeling of the moment, that a better time had come, and
+that it should be started on its way in some fitting outward
+form.</p>
+
+<p>So an elaborate programme was drawn up, the main
+features of which I must now explain. On 26th May
+and the two following days (for the mystic numbers three,
+nine, and twenty-seven are noticeable throughout the
+ritual)<a name="FNanchor_937_937" id="FNanchor_937_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937_937" class="fnanchor">937</a> the means of purification (<i>suffimenta</i>)&mdash;torches,
+sulphur, bitumen<a name="FNanchor_938_938" id="FNanchor_938_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938_938" class="fnanchor">938</a>&mdash;were distributed by the priests to all
+free persons, whether citizens or not; for this once, all in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span>Rome at the time, with the exception of slaves, were to
+give an imperial meaning to the ceremony by their share
+in it. Even bachelors, though forbidden to attend public
+shows under a recent law <i>de maritandis ordinibus</i>, were
+allowed to do so on this occasion. No doubt the idea
+was that the whole people were to be purified from all
+pollution of the past; it is what M. van Gennep calls a
+<i>rite de s&eacute;paration</i>, the first step in a <i>rite de passage</i>. The
+next three days all the people came to the Quindecemviri
+at certain stated places, and made offerings of <i>fruges</i>, the
+products of the earth, as we do at our harvest festivals;
+these were the firstfruits of the coming harvest.<a name="FNanchor_939_939" id="FNanchor_939_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939_939" class="fnanchor">939</a> It may
+be worth while to recall the facts that it was on these same
+days that the procession of the Ambarvalia used to go
+round the ripening crops, and that in the early days of
+June the symbolic <i>penus</i> of Vesta was being cleansed to
+receive the new grain.<a name="FNanchor_940_940" id="FNanchor_940_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940_940" class="fnanchor">940</a> That Augustus wished to
+emphasise the importance of Italian agriculture is beyond
+doubt, and is apparent also in the hymn of Horace,
+<i>Fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus spicea donet Cererem
+corona, etc.</i></p>
+
+<p>When the <i>suffimenta</i> had been distributed and the offerings
+made, all was ready for the putting away or burying of
+the old <i>saeculum</i>. On the night before 1st June Augustus
+himself, together with Agrippa, sacrificed to the Greek
+Moirae, the Parcae of Horace's hymn, perhaps in some
+sense the Fata of the <i>Aeneid</i>; on the second night to
+Eilithyia, the Greek deity of childbirth; and on the third
+to Mother Tellus. The form of prayer accompanying the
+sacrifice is preserved in the inscription; it is Latin in
+language and form, as dry and concise as any we examined
+in my lectures on ritual, and contains the <i>macte esto</i> which
+I was then at pains to explain. Augustus prayed for the
+safety and prosperity of the State in every way, and also
+for himself, his house, and his familia.<a name="FNanchor_941_941" id="FNanchor_941_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941_941" class="fnanchor">941</a> The scene on the
+bank of the Tiber, illuminated by torches, must have been
+most impressive.</p>
+
+<p>These were the nightly ceremonies. But each day also
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">443</a></span>had its ritual, in which the Roman deities of the heaven
+were the objects of worship, not, as by the Tiber bank,
+Greek deities of the earth and the nether world. On the
+first two days Augustus and Agrippa offered the proper
+victims to Jupiter and Juno respectively on the Capitol;
+Minerva is omitted, and probably the other two are
+reckoned in Greek fashion as a married pair. The form
+of prayer was the same as that used by night, with the
+necessary modifications. Thus the great Capitoline temple
+and its deities have a full share of attention, and they go
+too far who think that Augustus was so wanting in tact
+as to put them in the shade.<a name="FNanchor_942_942" id="FNanchor_942_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942_942" class="fnanchor">942</a> But on the third and last
+day the scene changes from the Capitol to the Palatine,
+the residence of Augustus, where he had built his great
+temple of Apollo; here for the first time in the ceremony
+Horace's hymn was sung. On all the days and nights
+there had been shows and amusements, and a hundred
+and ten chosen matrons had taken solemn part in the
+services.<a name="FNanchor_943_943" id="FNanchor_943_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943_943" class="fnanchor">943</a> But I must pass these over and turn in the
+last place to the question, as interesting as it is old and
+difficult, as to how and where Horace's hymn was sung,
+and how we are to understand it.</p>
+
+<p>The instructions given to the poet by Augustus are
+obvious as we read the Carmen in the light of the ceremonial
+of which it was to mark the conclusion. He was
+to bring into it, as we have already seen, the ideas which
+were to be revived and made resonant, of religion, morality,
+and the fertility of man, beast, and crop; and they are all
+there. He was also to include all the deities who had
+been addressed in prayer both by day and night, by Tiber
+bank and on the Capitol, and to give the most prominent
+place to those who on this last day were worshipped on the
+Palatine; to Apollo, for whom Augustus had built a great
+temple close to his own house (<i>in privato solo</i><a name="FNanchor_944_944" id="FNanchor_944_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944_944" class="fnanchor">944</a>), as his
+own specially protecting deity since Actium, and Diana,
+who as equivalent to Artemis, could not but be associated
+with Apollo. Thus the deities of the hymn are both
+Latin and Greek,<a name="FNanchor_945_945" id="FNanchor_945_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945_945" class="fnanchor">945</a> and this expresses the undoubted fact
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">444</a></span>that the religion of the Romans was henceforward to be
+even in outward expression a cosmopolitan or Romano-Hellenic
+one, in keeping with the fact that all free men of
+every race might take part in this great festival. But it
+cannot fail to strike every careful reader that the great
+trias of the Capitol is hardly visible in the poem, though
+Jupiter and Juno had been the chief objects of worship
+on the two previous days. Jupiter is twice incidentally
+named, but in no connection with the Capitol;<a name="FNanchor_946_946" id="FNanchor_946_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946_946" class="fnanchor">946</a> and it is
+only when we read between the lines of the fourteenth
+stanza that we discover Jupiter and Juno as the recipients
+of the white oxen which had been sacrificed to them
+there. I have already said that we must not make too
+much of the neglect of Jupiter and Juno by Augustus;
+but it is plain that he directed Horace not to make them
+too prominent in this hymn, and I think it is quite
+possible that Horace a little overdid his obedience.</p>
+
+<p>The result of all this is that the hymn, in spite of its
+neatness and adequacy, is wanting in spontaneity, and
+presents the casual reader with an apparently unmeaning
+jumble of Greek and Roman gods and goddesses. The
+only way to clear it up is by taking it in immediate
+relation with what we know about the places in which it
+was sung. To me at last it has become clear enough in
+all its main points; and I will give here my own results,
+which do not altogether coincide with those of other
+recent inquirers.</p>
+
+<p>Before the discovery of the great inscription we knew
+that this hymn was sung before the new temple of Apollo
+on the Palatine; we now know that it was also sung on
+the Capitol,<a name="FNanchor_947_947" id="FNanchor_947_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947_947" class="fnanchor">947</a> thus uniting in one performance the old
+religion of republican Rome with the new imperial cult of
+Apollo. But this new fact has, in my opinion, led to
+misapprehensions both of the manner of singing and the
+order of subjects in the hymn. Mommsen thought that
+the first part was sung on the Palatine, the middle part on
+the Capitol, and the last again on the Palatine, and he is
+followed by Wissowa; and both seem to think it possible
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">445</a></span>that there may have been singing too during the procession
+from the one hill to the other.<a name="FNanchor_948_948" id="FNanchor_948_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948_948" class="fnanchor">948</a> I think we need
+not trouble ourselves about the latter point, for the Via
+Sacra, by which the procession must have gone, was far
+too narrow and irregular to allow fifty-four singers, with
+the <i>tibicines</i> who must have been accompanying them, to
+walk and perform at the same time.<a name="FNanchor_949_949" id="FNanchor_949_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949_949" class="fnanchor">949</a> The inscription, too,
+says plainly that the hymn was sung on the Palatine and
+then on the Capitol, and by that plain statement of fact
+we had better abide.</p>
+
+<p>Now let us note that these two stations on the two
+hills were the best possible positions for Augustus' purpose,
+not only because of their religious importance, but because
+they afforded the most spacious views of the city, now
+everywhere adorned with new or restored buildings. The
+temple of Apollo was built upon a large and lofty area at
+the north-east end of the Palatine.<a name="FNanchor_950_950" id="FNanchor_950_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950_950" class="fnanchor">950</a> Recent excavations
+have shown it to be some hundred yards broad by a
+hundred and fifty in length, and Ovid, in a passage of his
+<i>Tristia</i><a name="FNanchor_951_951" id="FNanchor_951_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951_951" class="fnanchor">951</a> gives us an idea of its height:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis</span>
+<span class="i1">ducor ad intonsi candida templa dei.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>On this area the choirs of boys and girls took their station,
+facing the marble temple, on the <i>fastigium</i> of which was
+represented the Sun driving his four-horse chariot.<a name="FNanchor_952_952" id="FNanchor_952_952"></a><a href="#Footnote_952_952" class="fnanchor">952</a> After
+singing, probably together, the first two stanzas or exordium
+of the hymn, they addressed this Sol:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">alme Sol, curru nitido diem qui</span>
+<span class="i0">promis et celas, aliusque et idem</span>
+<span class="i0">nasceris, possis nihil urbe Roma</span>
+<span class="i1">visere maius.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>As they sang these last words, they would turn towards
+the city that lay behind them, and look over it to the
+Tiber and the scene of the nightly sacrifices of the Tarentum;
+and with the deities of these rites, who must of
+course be taken before those of day and light, as in the
+order of the festival, the next five stanzas are occupied:<a name="FNanchor_953_953" id="FNanchor_953_953"></a><a href="#Footnote_953_953" class="fnanchor">953</a>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">446</a></span>Eilithyia, the Moirae (Parcae), and Tellus or Ceres. When
+that duty is over they turn once more to the temple, and
+the Greek deities of the Tarentum are mentioned no more.
+Three stanzas are devoted to Apollo and Diana (Luna),
+with a happy allusion to the <i>Aeneid</i>, and then once more
+the choirs turn, and this time they face the Capitol; the
+hymn is long, and these changes of movement would be
+at once a relief to the singers and a pleasant sight to the
+spectators. They address the deities of the Capitol in
+appropriate language:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">di probos mores docili iuventae,</span>
+<span class="i0">di, senectuti placidae quietem,</span>
+<span class="i0">Romulae genti date remque prolemque</span>
+<span class="i2">et decus omne.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The allusion to Jupiter and Juno is thus veiled:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">quaeque vos bobus veneratur albis</span>
+<span class="i0">clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis,</span>
+<span class="i0">impetret, bellante prior, iacentem</span>
+<span class="i2">lenis in hostem.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Horace has cleverly made Augustus himself the leading
+figure in this and the following stanza, and the listeners
+forget the Capitoline gods as they note the allusion to
+Venus, the ancestress of the Julii, the prestige of Augustus
+that has brought envoys to him from Scythia, Media, and
+India, and in the next stanza the public virtues, presented
+here as deities&mdash;Fides, Pax, Honos, Pudor, Virtus&mdash;on
+whose aid and worship the new r&eacute;gime is based.<a name="FNanchor_954_954" id="FNanchor_954_954"></a><a href="#Footnote_954_954" class="fnanchor">954</a></p>
+
+<p>At the sixteenth stanza the choirs again face about to
+the temple of Apollo, and with him and Diana again the
+next two stanzas have to do. Only one remains, in
+which as an <i>exodos</i> we may be sure the two choirs of boys
+and girls joined; it sums up the whole body of deities,
+but with Apollo and Diana as the special objects of the
+day's worship:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">haec Iovem sentire deosque cunctos</span>
+<span class="i0">spem bonam certamque domum reporto,</span>
+<span class="i0">doctus et Phoebi chorus et Dianae</span>
+<span class="i2">dicere laudes.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">447</a></span>The performance on the Palatine was now over, and
+the procession streamed down the hill to join the Via Sacra
+near the Regia and the Vesta temple, and so to make
+its way up to the Capitol, where the performance was
+repeated.<a name="FNanchor_955_955" id="FNanchor_955_955"></a><a href="#Footnote_955_955" class="fnanchor">955</a> Taking station at this noble point of view, he
+who will can again follow its movement with the hymn
+in his hand. The area in front of the Capitoline temple
+looked across to the Palatine, and the image of Sol and
+his <i>quadriga</i> must have been in full view; thus the
+<i>exordium</i> and the next stanza (alme Sol) would be sung
+looking in that direction. Equally well in view, if they
+turned to the right, would be the scene of the midnight
+sacrifices across the Campus Martius; and so on throughout
+the singing the changes of position would be easy
+and graceful, here as on the Palatine.</p>
+
+<p>Here I prefer to make an end of the performance,
+following the text of the inscription, which tells us nothing
+of a return to the Palatine. It would be far more in
+keeping with Roman practice that the Capitol should be
+the scene of the conclusion of the processional ceremony,
+even on a day when Apollo was, with Augustus himself,
+the principal figure. From the musical point of view, too,
+a third performance is improbable, for the singers were
+young and tender.</p>
+
+<p>And here, too, with this impressive scene, which can
+hardly fail to move the imagination of any one who has
+stood on Palatine and Capitol, I will close my account of
+the religious experience of the Romans. A few remarks
+only remain for me to make about its contribution, such
+as it was, to the Latin form of Christianity.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XIX</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">900</span></a> A summary of the relations between Virgil and Augustus may
+be found in Mr. Glover's <i>Studies in Virgil</i>, p. 144 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">901</span></a> Tiberius added to his Augustan inheritance a curious and
+possibly morbid anxiety about religious matters and details of cult, of
+which examples may be found in Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iii. 58, vi. 12, among
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">448</a></span>other passages. Perhaps, however, the most interesting is that
+connected with the famous story of "the Great Pan is dead," told by
+Plutarch in the <i>de Defectu Oraculorum</i>, ch. xvii. The news of this
+strange story reached the ears of Tiberius, who at once set the
+learned men about him to inquire into it; and they came to the no
+less strange conclusion that "this was the Pan who was born of
+Hermes and Penelope." S. Reinach has recently offered an explanation
+of this story, which is at least better than previous ones, in
+<i>Cultes, mythes, et religions</i>, vol. iii. p. 1 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">902</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 1001.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">903</span></a> Jul. Capitolinus, 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">904</span></a> Symmachus, <i>Rel.</i> 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">905</span></a> <i>Cod. Theod.</i> xvi. 10. 2. On this subject generally consult
+Dill's <i>Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire</i>,
+bk. i. chs. i. and iv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">906</span></a> This idea is exactly expressed by Horace in <i>Odes</i> iii. 23,
+perhaps addressed to the <i>vilica</i> of his own farm. Cp. Cato, <i>R.R.</i> 143,
+where the <i>vilica</i> is to pray to the <i>Lar familiaris pro copia</i>. Horace
+mentions only the Kalends for this rite; Cato adds Nones and Ides.
+Cp. Tibull. i. 3. 34; i. 10. 15 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">907</span></a> See above, Lectures iv. and v.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">908</span></a> <i>Greatness and Decline of Rome</i> (E.T.), v. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">909</span></a> See especially lines 45 foll. and 56 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">910</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 32,323, or Dessau, <i>Inscriptiones selectae</i>, vol. ii.
+part i. p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">911</span></a> For this reason the veiled figure in one of the fine sculptures
+on the Ara Pacis frieze, which used to be taken as Augustus Pont.
+Max., cannot be so identified (see Domaszewski, <i>Abhandlungen zur
+r&ouml;mischen Religion</i>, p. 90 foll.), for the date of the Ara Pacis is
+13 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, the year before Lepidus died. The figure can be most
+conveniently seen by English students in Mrs. Strong's <i>Roman
+Sculpture</i>, plate xi. p. 46. It may be Agrippa acting as Pont. Max.
+for Lepidus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">912</span></a> <i>Monumentum Ancyranum</i>, ed. Mommsen (Lat.), iv. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">913</span></a> See above, p. 129.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">914</span></a> Livy iv. 20. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_915_915" id="Footnote_915_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915_915"><span class="label">915</span></a> Valerius Maximus, <i>Epit.</i> 3, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_916_916" id="Footnote_916_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916_916"><span class="label">916</span></a> Ovid, <i>Fasti</i>, iv. 901 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_917_917" id="Footnote_917_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917_917"><span class="label">917</span></a> See Marquardt, 326 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_918_918" id="Footnote_918_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918_918"><span class="label">918</span></a> Dio Cassius, l. 4, 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_919_919" id="Footnote_919_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919_919"><span class="label">919</span></a> Henzen, <i>Acta Fratrum Arvalium</i>, p. xxv. of the exordium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_920_920" id="Footnote_920_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920_920"><span class="label">920</span></a> Henzen, p. 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_921_921" id="Footnote_921_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921_921"><span class="label">921</span></a> See above, p. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_922_922" id="Footnote_922_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922_922"><span class="label">922</span></a> Henzen, pp. 24, 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_923_923" id="Footnote_923_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923_923"><span class="label">923</span></a> For the hymn, Henzen, p. 26; Dessau, <i>Inscr. select.</i> ii.
+pt. i. p. 276. See also above, p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_924_924" id="Footnote_924_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924_924"><span class="label">924</span></a> Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 487, note 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_925_925" id="Footnote_925_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925_925"><span class="label">925</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">449</a></span> Henzen, 142 foll.; Dessau, p. 279; see above, p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_926_926" id="Footnote_926_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926_926"><span class="label">926</span></a> Henzen, p. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_927_927" id="Footnote_927_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927_927"><span class="label">927</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_928_928" id="Footnote_928_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928_928"><span class="label">928</span></a> Tac. <i>Ann.</i> iii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_929_929" id="Footnote_929_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929_929"><span class="label">929</span></a> Zosimus, ii. 5 and 6. The oracle and the extract from
+Zosimus are printed in Dr. Wickham's introduction to the <i>Carmen
+saeculare</i>, and in Diels, <i>Sibyllinische Bl&auml;tter</i>, p. 131 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_930_930" id="Footnote_930_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930_930"><span class="label">930</span></a> <i>C.I.L.</i> vi. 32,323. <i>Ephemeris epigraphica</i>, viii. 255 foll.,
+contains the text and Mommsen's exposition. Dessau, <i>Inscr. selectae</i>,
+ii. pt. i. 282, does not give the whole document.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_931_931" id="Footnote_931_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931_931"><span class="label">931</span></a> Wissowa, <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 192 foll.; Ferrero,
+vol. v. 85 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_932_932" id="Footnote_932_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932_932"><span class="label">932</span></a> The word was first explained by Mommsen, <i>R&ouml;m. Chronologie</i>,
+ed. 2, p. 172.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_933_933" id="Footnote_933_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933_933"><span class="label">933</span></a> See, <i>e.g.</i>, <i>Golden Bough</i>, ed. 2, vol. ii. p. 70 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_934_934" id="Footnote_934_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934_934"><span class="label">934</span></a> The religious or mystical conception of time is the subject of
+an interesting discussion by Hubert et Mauss, <i>M&eacute;langes d'histoire
+et de religion</i>, p. 189 foll.; but the <i>saeculum</i> does not seem to
+have attracted their attention.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_935_935" id="Footnote_935_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935_935"><span class="label">935</span></a> The actual words of Varro, from his work <i>de gente Populi
+Romani</i>, are quoted by St. Augustine, <i>de Civ. Dei</i>, xxii. 28: "Genethliaci
+quidam scripserunt esse in renascendis hominibus quam
+appellant 45;&#955;&#953;&#947;&#947;&#949;&#957;&#949;&#963;&#7985;&#945;&#957; Graeci; hac scripserunt confici in annis
+numero quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et eadem anima,
+quae fuerint coniuncta in homine aliquando, eadem rursus redeant in
+coniunctionem." The passage well illustrates the mystical tendency
+of which I was speaking in the last lecture.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_936_936" id="Footnote_936_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936_936"><span class="label">936</span></a> For attempts to explain the difficulty see Wissowa, <i>op. cit.</i>
+p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_937_937" id="Footnote_937_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937_937"><span class="label">937</span></a> The cakes offered to Eilithyia, and again to Apollo, are nine
+in number; see the inscription lines 117 and 143. The choirs of
+boys and girls were each twenty-seven.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_938_938" id="Footnote_938_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938_938"><span class="label">938</span></a> The <i>suffimenta</i> are described by Zosimus, <i>l.c.</i> There is a
+coin of Domitian, who also celebrated <i>Ludi saeculares</i>, in which he
+appears seated and distributing the <i>suffimenta</i>, as the inscription
+shows.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_939_939" id="Footnote_939_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939_939"><span class="label">939</span></a> So Zosimus, who says they consisted of wheat, barley, and
+beans.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_940_940" id="Footnote_940_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940_940"><span class="label">940</span></a> <i>R.F.</i> p. 148 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_941_941" id="Footnote_941_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941_941"><span class="label">941</span></a> See the inscription, line 92 foll. Ferrero assumes that these
+words were to be taken as representing the families of all worshippers
+present, who would repeat the words "mihi domo familiae." But
+this is arbitrary; the prayer follows the old form as we have it, <i>e.g.</i>,
+in Cato, <i>R.R.</i> (see above, p. 182), and as Cato or any landowner
+would represent the rest of the human beings on the estate, so did
+Augustus represent the whole community.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_942_942" id="Footnote_942_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942_942"><span class="label">942</span></a> So J. B. Carter, <i>Religion of Numa</i>, p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_943_943" id="Footnote_943_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943_943"><span class="label">943</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">450</a></span> The matrons, equal in number to the years of the <i>saeculum</i>,
+first appear on 2nd June in the worship of Juno.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_944_944" id="Footnote_944_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944_944"><span class="label">944</span></a> <i>Mon. Ancyr.</i> (Lat.), iv. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_945_945" id="Footnote_945_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945_945"><span class="label">945</span></a> Zosimus, <i>l.c.</i>, says that "hymns" were sung in Greek as well
+as Latin; but this is not borne out by any other authority.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_946_946" id="Footnote_946_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946_946"><span class="label">946</span></a> Line 31 (<i>et Iovis aurae</i>), where Jupiter simply stands for
+the heaven and its influence on the earth; and line 73 (<i>haec Iovem
+sentire</i>, etc.), where he is introduced in the most general way as
+head of all deities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_947_947" id="Footnote_947_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947_947"><span class="label">947</span></a> Line 147 of the inscription: "Sacrificioque perfecto puer[i X]
+XVII quibus denuntiatum erat patrimi et matrimi et puellae totidem
+carmen cecinerunt: <i>eodemque modo in Capitolio</i>. Carmen composuit
+Q. Horatius Flaccus."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_948_948" id="Footnote_948_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948_948"><span class="label">948</span></a> <i>Eph. epigr.</i> viii. 256. Wissowa, <i>Gesamm. Abhandl.</i> p. 206,
+note, who refers to Vahlen and Christ as differing from Mommsen, in
+papers which I have not seen. Wissowa says that the threefold
+division of the hymn "springt in die Augen"; but this has never
+been my experience.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_949_949" id="Footnote_949_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949_949"><span class="label">949</span></a> Apart from the awkwardness for singers of the descent from
+the Palatine and the steep ascent to the Capitol, we may remember
+that they would have to pass under the fornix Fabianus, which was not
+much more than nine feet broad (Lanciani, <i>Ruins and Excavations</i>,
+p. 217).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_950_950" id="Footnote_950_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950_950"><span class="label">950</span></a> See H&uuml;lsen-Jordan, <i>Topographie</i>, iii. 72 and note. See also
+map at the end of the volume, No. 1 of the series. There is, however,
+some doubt as to whether the site was not on the side of the Palatine
+looking towards the Tiber over the Circus maximus. See my paper
+in the <i>Classical Quarterly</i>, 1910, p. 145 foll. If so, my explanation
+of the performance of the hymn seems rather to be confirmed than
+weakened.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_951_951" id="Footnote_951_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951_951"><span class="label">951</span></a> Ovid, <i>Tristia</i>, iii. 1. 59 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_952_952" id="Footnote_952_952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_952_952"><span class="label">952</span></a> Propertius, iii. 28 (31): "In quo Solis erat supra fastigia
+currus." No one seems to have noticed the connection between this
+and Horace's allusion to Sol, which is otherwise not easy to explain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_953_953" id="Footnote_953_953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_953_953"><span class="label">953</span></a> I will not enter on the insoluble question as to what stanzas
+or parts of stanzas were sung by the boys and girls respectively. That
+the hymn was so sung in double chorus is intrinsically probable, and
+stated in the oracle, lines 20, 21. Some of the schemes which have
+been propounded are given in Wickham's <i>Horace</i>. I imagine that
+the stanzas may have been sung alternately except in the case of the
+first two and the last, but the ninth looks as though it might have
+been divided between the two choirs. Ferrero has a scheme of his
+own, p. 91 foll.; and if he had taken a little more pains might have
+worked out the whole problem satisfactorily.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_954_954" id="Footnote_954_954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_954_954"><span class="label">954</span></a> Of these quasi-deities Fides is the oldest, and was associated
+with Jupiter on the Capitol; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> 103 foll. Thus we
+may find a <i>callida iunctura</i> between the thirteenth, fourteenth, and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">451</a></span>fifteenth stanzas, for Fides and Pax would fit in well with the
+<i>responsa petunt</i> of the fourteenth. Whether Pax was recognised as
+a deity at this time is not quite certain; but a few years later, in
+9 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, an altar of Pax Augusta was dedicated. The Ara Pacis was
+begun in 13 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> See Axtell, <i>Deification of Abstract Ideas</i> (Chicago,
+1907), p. 37, who may also be consulted for the other deities here
+mentioned. See also above, p. 285. In Tibull. i. 10. 45 foll., Pax
+seems to be on the verge of deification, but not to have attained it
+except in the poet's fancy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_955_955" id="Footnote_955_955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_955_955"><span class="label">955</span></a> The route may be followed in the map of the Via Sacra in
+Lanciani's <i>Ruins and Excavations</i>, and in his chapter entitled, "A
+Walk through the Sacra Via," or more shortly in my <i>Social Life in
+the Age of Cicero</i>, p. 18 foll.</p></div>
+
+<p><i>Note.</i>&mdash;The whole question of the singing of the <i>Carmen saeculare</i>
+in its relation to the two principal sites and to the topography of the
+festival generally, is fully discussed by the author in <i>Classical Review</i>
+for 1910, p. 145 foll.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">452</a></span></p>
+<h4>LECTURE XX</h4>
+
+<h4>CONCLUSION</h4>
+
+
+<p>"A time of spiritual awakening, of a calling to higher
+destinies, came upon the world, the civilised world which
+lay around the Mediterranean Sea, at the beginning of
+our era. The calling was concentrated in the life and
+death of the Founder of Christianity."<a name="FNanchor_956_956" id="FNanchor_956_956"></a><a href="#Footnote_956_956" class="fnanchor">956</a> The writer of
+these words goes on to point out that the beginning of
+our era was "a time of general stirring in all the higher
+fields of human activity," and that all such stirring, all
+that brings higher ideals before the minds of men of
+action, of imagination, or of reflection, if not itself religion,
+is in some sense religious, and in that age must be taken
+into account as having some bearing on the origin of
+Christianity, the greatest of all religious movements. And
+inasmuch as the new spirit of the age seems to have put
+new life into the old religious systems, with the help of
+philosophy and poetry, as well as of a purer and more
+effective conception of Man's relation to the Power
+manifesting itself in the universe, he finds it useful and
+legitimate to show how the ideas and characteristics of
+the leading types of religion in the civilised world of
+which he speaks were absorbed or "baptized" into the
+spirit of Christianity. In other words, we may ask what
+was the contribution of each of these religious types to
+the formation of the Christian type of religion; for
+however new was the inspiration which was the essential
+living germ of our religion, yet that germ was of necessity
+planted in soil full of other religious ingredients,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">453</a></span>which found their way into the sap of the plant as it
+grew towards maturity.</p>
+
+<p>I have all along wished to bring our subject, the
+religious experience of the Roman people, into touch
+with Christianity, whether by marking points of contact,
+or of contrast, or both. In the last few lectures I have
+laid stress on certain points likely to be useful to us in
+this last stage of our studies, and these will, I hope,
+furnish us with some amount of material. But I confess
+that I have approached this subject with great hesitation.
+What I shall have to say will be tentative and suggestive
+only; but I hope that the account that I have given in
+these lectures of Roman religious experience may be of
+use in helping a better qualified student to carry on the
+work more adequately.</p>
+
+<p>Let us glance back for a moment at the results of the
+last four lectures, in which I have been dealing with
+Roman religious experience after the paralysis or hypnotism
+of the old religion of the State. We saw, in the
+first place, that the educated part of Roman society had
+been brought to the very threshold of a new and more
+elevating type of religion, by Greek philosophy transplanted
+to Roman soil, and chiefly by Stoicism. True,
+one great Epicurean genius had had his share in this
+process, by denouncing the weakness and wickedness of
+the Roman society, and the futility of all the religious
+forms and fancies with which they still dallied; but
+Lucretius had nothing to offer in the place of these forms
+and fancies&mdash;nothing, that is, which could grip the conscience
+and act as a real force upon conduct. The
+Roman was in a religious sense destitute, both of a real
+sense of duty to his fellow-men of all grades, and in
+regard to God; and for this destitution Lucretius' remedy,
+the accurate knowledge of a philosophical theory of the
+universe, was wholly inadequate. The first real appeal
+to the conscience of the Roman came from Stoicism, the
+reasonable and less austere type of Stoicism which
+Panaetius preached to the Scipionic circle. From this
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">454</a></span>the Roman learnt that as a part of the divine universe
+Man himself is divine: that as endowed with a portion
+of that Reason which itself is God, he has a sacred duty
+to perform in using it. Thus, as the Universal was revealed,
+so the Individual was ennobled; and the only
+thing wanting to make of this a real religion was a bond
+that might unite the two more effectually in conduct as
+well as in thought. Though a later development of
+Stoicism did indeed all but achieve this union, that of the
+later Republic failed to do so, because it inherited the
+old Stoic neglect of the emotional side of man's nature,
+and could take little advantage from a strong current of
+mystical feeling that was running side by side with it.
+The Stoic ingredient in the soil which was being prepared
+for Christianity was rich and valuable, but in this one
+respect it was poor. It was intellectually beautiful, but
+it stirred as yet no "enthusiasm of humanity."<a name="FNanchor_957_957" id="FNanchor_957_957"></a><a href="#Footnote_957_957" class="fnanchor">957</a></p>
+
+<p>Another ingredient in the soil was that imaginative
+transcendentalism which we discussed under the name of
+Mysticism, in which the soul becomes of greater interest
+than the body, and a strange yearning possesses the mind
+to speculate on the nature of the soul, its existence before
+this life, and its lot in another world. These imaginative
+yearnings were not native to the Roman, who had never
+had any very definite idea of a future life, nor had ever
+troubled himself about a previous one; they filtered
+through the Pythagorean and Platonic philosophy into
+that type of later Stoicism which attracted him. They
+were hardly treated in Roman society with real religious
+earnestness, except perhaps in some few moments of
+sorrow and emotion such as I dwelt on in the experience
+of Cicero. But the mere fact that they were in the air
+at Rome is of importance for us. They <i>stimulated the
+imaginative faculty in religious thought</i>; they kept alive
+in the minds at least of some men the questions why we
+are here, what we are, and what becomes of us after
+death. They prepared the Roman mind for Christian
+eschatology; and this, though never so important in the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">455</a></span>Latin Church as in the Greek, was yet an important part
+of the teaching of the early Church. St. Paul exactly
+expresses the yearning thus dimly foreshadowed in the
+mystical movement of which I am speaking: "We that
+are in this tabernacle do groan, being burdened; not for
+that we would be unclothed, but that we would be clothed
+upon, that what is mortal may be swallowed up of life"
+(2 Cor. v. 4). It was essential that the Roman should be
+able to understand words like these, and to associate them
+with a religion which, though in its most vital points one
+mainly affecting this life, was also, like those of Isis and
+Mithras, strongly tinged with mysticism. "All religions
+of that time," it has lately been said, "were religions of
+hope. Stress was laid on the future: the present time
+was but for preparation. So in the mysterious cults of
+Hellenism, whose highest aim is to offer guarantees for
+other worldly happiness; so too in Judaism, whose legacy
+has but the aim of furnishing the happy life in the kingdom
+of the future. But Christianity is a religion of faith,
+the gospel not only giving guarantees for the future life,
+but bringing confidence, peace, joy, salvation, forgiveness,
+righteousness&mdash;whatever man's heart yearns after."<a name="FNanchor_958_958" id="FNanchor_958_958"></a><a href="#Footnote_958_958" class="fnanchor">958</a></p>
+
+<p>Yet another ingredient was that kindly, charitable,
+sympathetic outlook on the world which we found in the
+poems of Virgil, and which is associated throughout them
+with the idea of duty and honourable service. The
+husbandman toiling cheerfully and doing his simple
+acts of worship, among the patient animals that he loves,
+and the scenes of natural beauty that inspire him with
+pure and tender thoughts; and then again in the <i>Aeneid</i>
+the warrior kept true to his goal by a sense of duty
+stimulated by supernatural influence: both these sides
+of the Virgilian spirit show well how the soil is being
+prepared for another and a richer crop. Love and Duty
+are the essentials of Christian ethics; they are both
+to be found in this poet, and through him made their
+way into the ideas of the better Romans of the next
+generation, and so into the philosophy of Seneca and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">456</a></span>Marcus Aurelius. "To minds touched with the same
+sense of life's problems which pervades the poetry of
+Virgil, the ideas that came from Galilee brought the rest
+and peace which they could not find elsewhere."<a name="FNanchor_959_959" id="FNanchor_959_959"></a><a href="#Footnote_959_959" class="fnanchor">959</a> The
+early Christian writers loved the "vates Gentilium," and
+St. Augustine in particular is for ever quoting him; but
+I should be going beyond the limits of my subject if I
+were to follow his gentle influence farther down the
+stream of time.</p>
+
+<p>In my last lecture we discussed the revival of the old
+religious forms by Augustus, and the consummation of
+this work of his in the splendid ritual of the <i>Ludi saeculares</i>.
+Can it be said that such an astute and worldly
+policy as this had any value in the way of preparation
+for Christianity? Only, I think, in one way; it renewed
+the idea of the connection between religion and the State,
+and of the religious duties of the individual citizen towards
+the State. It preserved the outward features of the old
+State religion, such as the calendar, the ritual, and the
+terminology or vocabulary, and handed these down to a
+time when they could be of service to a Latin Christian
+church.<a name="FNanchor_960_960" id="FNanchor_960_960"></a><a href="#Footnote_960_960" class="fnanchor">960</a> Had the old forms been allowed to go utterly
+to rack and ruin, as they had been already doing for the
+last two centuries, the Roman State would have been as
+such without religion, or the worship of the Caesars would
+have become disastrously powerful and prominent, or maybe
+the State would have adopted the religion of Isis or Mithras
+or some other Oriental cult and belief, before Christianity
+could lay a firm grasp on it. I think it might be shown
+that the continuity of the old religion in its connection
+with the State was really of value in keeping these
+growths from occupying too much ground: of value in
+checking too rapid a growth of individualism:<a name="FNanchor_961_961" id="FNanchor_961_961"></a><a href="#Footnote_961_961" class="fnanchor">961</a> of value
+too in cherishing certain really precious religious characteristics,
+orderliness and decency in ritual, for example,
+which, as we have seen, were very early developed in the
+Roman religious system, and which owed their continued
+vitality to the overwhelming influence of the Roman State
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">457</a></span>over all her citizens and their ideas. Thus when at last,
+after a period of anxious conflict between rival religions,
+the State proclaimed itself Christian, and henceforward
+for good or ill extended its protection to the Church, its
+religious tradition was still one of decency and order,
+still free from almost all that the old Roman State
+knew and dreaded as <i>superstitio</i>. There was, in fact, a
+legacy, not indeed a spiritual one, but yet one of some
+small value, left by the old Roman religion to the Latin
+Church: and this I will turn for a few minutes to
+examine.</p>
+
+<p>As an example of the orderly, sane, and decent character
+which the Church inherited from the Roman religion,
+I might recall what I said in Lecture IX. about <i>lustratio</i>,
+that slow and orderly processional movement in which the
+old Romans delighted, and which is familiar still to all
+travellers in Italy.<a name="FNanchor_962_962" id="FNanchor_962_962"></a><a href="#Footnote_962_962" class="fnanchor">962</a> Another is the tender and reverential
+care for the resting-places of departed relatives. I am
+not sure that Prof. Gardner is right in asserting that the
+prayers for the dead of the Catholic Church took the
+place of the worship of the dead in the Roman family;<a name="FNanchor_963_963" id="FNanchor_963_963"></a><a href="#Footnote_963_963" class="fnanchor">963</a>
+for it is not easy to say how far it is true that the dead
+were ever really worshipped at Rome, and the idea of
+prayer for the dead, if it can be traced to Roman sources
+at all, may be rather due to those tendencies which we
+discussed under Mysticism, than to anything inherent in
+the old Roman attitude to the departed. None the less
+there is in the <i>sacra privata</i> of the Parentalia, and especially
+of the Caristia which concluded it&mdash;a kind of love-feast
+of all members of the family, where all quarrels and
+differences were to be laid aside,<a name="FNanchor_964_964" id="FNanchor_964_964"></a><a href="#Footnote_964_964" class="fnanchor">964</a>&mdash;something that suggests
+the Christian attitude towards the dead, and in
+some dim way too the doctrine of the Communion of
+Saints. And we may also notice how closely in regard
+to externals the great events of family life,&mdash;those critical
+moments when the aid of the <i>numina</i> was most needed&mdash;the
+first days of infancy, the eras of puberty and of
+marriage, passed on in their sober and orderly ritual into
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">458</a></span>the baptism, confirmation, and sacramental wedding of
+the Christian Church. In such ways the private religion
+of the Roman family had doubtless a real continuity in
+the new era, though the line of connection is difficult to
+trace. This, and many other examples of survival, the
+worship of local saints which took the place of that of
+local deities, the use of holy water and of incense as
+symbolic elements in worship, and the general resemblance
+of the arrangement of festivals in the Calendars, Roman
+and Christian, might be interesting matter for a complete
+course of lectures, but must be omitted here.</p>
+
+<p>Another point of interest, which might also be widely
+expanded, is the influence of the Roman religious <i>spirit</i>,
+as distinct from the outward form, on Christian thought
+and literature in the Western half of the Empire. The
+subtle transcendentalism of the Greek fathers was foreign
+to Latin Christianity; the characteristics of Roman life
+as reflected in Roman worship are plainly visible in the
+Latin fathers. From Minucius Felix onwards, the Christians
+who wrote in Latin, so far from being imaginative
+and dreamy, are one and all matter-of-fact; historical,
+abounding in illustration of life and conduct; ethical
+rather than speculative; legal in their cast of thought
+rather than philosophical; rhetorical in their manner of
+expression rather than fervent or poetical. They were
+well versed in the great literature of Rome, but most of
+them, and especially the African school (which carried
+Roman tendencies to an extreme), knew comparatively
+little of Greek. St. Augustine, for example, could not
+bring himself to work at Greek with ardour, nor could he
+explain why this was so.<a name="FNanchor_965_965" id="FNanchor_965_965"></a><a href="#Footnote_965_965" class="fnanchor">965</a> Of Augustine, as the type of
+the literature of Latin Christianity, Bishop Westcott wrote
+with something of an exaggerated criticism, lamenting
+that he had not the Greek which had so large a place in
+the Bishop's own training. "He looked" (more particularly
+in the <i>de Civitate Dei</i>) "at everything from the side
+of law and not of freedom: from the side of God, as an
+irresponsible sovereign, and not of man, as a loving servant.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">459</a></span>In spite of his admiration for Plato, he was driven by a
+passion for system" (how this reminds us of the old
+Roman religious lawyers!) "to fix, to externalise, to freeze
+every idea into a rigid shape. In spite of his genius he could
+not shake off the influence of a legal and rhetorical training,
+which controversy called into active exercise."<a name="FNanchor_966_966" id="FNanchor_966_966"></a><a href="#Footnote_966_966" class="fnanchor">966</a> The
+lecture from which I am quoting is an interesting one, on
+the work and character of Origen, the great Alexandrian
+of the third century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, with whom Augustine is contrasted,
+as in an earlier age we might contrast Seneca
+with Philo; the Latin writers rhetorical, practical, realistic;
+the Greek authors idealistic and fervent, apt to see deep
+moral significance in all human life. And this is really
+the manner and mental attitude of all the famous Latin
+fathers: of Lactantius, the clear, precise Ciceronian, whose
+every page shows the perennial value of the Latin tongue;
+of Tertullian, the subtle and acute rhetorician, more gifted
+with imagination than his fellows; of Arnobius, another
+Roman African, the reputed teacher of Lactantius.</p>
+
+<p>One of the characteristics of these Latin fathers is
+their fondness for using the famous words of the old
+Roman religion, but in new senses. They inherit that
+Roman love for a strong technical word of pregnant meaning
+which has left us so many imperishable legacies in
+terminology. <i>Municipium</i>, <i>colonia</i>, <i>imperium</i>, <i>collegium</i>,
+rise in one's mind the moment the subject is mentioned;
+and a few minutes' thought will reveal another score of
+words which in various forms pervade all our modern
+European terminology. So, too, with the language of
+religion. These Latin advocates of Christian doctrine
+took the old words which we have so often dwelt on in
+the course of these lectures, and gave them new but almost
+equally clear and pregnant meanings. Let us glance at
+three or four of these; for such a legacy as this is no
+mean property of the Christian religion of the West.</p>
+
+<p>Let us take, to begin with, the greatest of all these
+words&mdash;<i>religio</i>. I have maintained throughout these
+lectures that the original sense of this word was the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">460</a></span>natural feeling of man in the presence of the supernatural;
+and though this has actually been questioned since I
+began them,<a name="FNanchor_967_967" id="FNanchor_967_967"></a><a href="#Footnote_967_967" class="fnanchor">967</a> I see no good reason to alter my conviction.
+But in the age of Cicero and Lucretius the word
+begins to take on a different meaning, of great importance
+for the future. Though Cicero as a young man had
+defined <i>religio</i> as "the feeling of the presence of a higher
+or divine nature, which prompts man to worship,&mdash;to <i>cura
+et caerimonia</i>,"<a name="FNanchor_968_968" id="FNanchor_968_968"></a><a href="#Footnote_968_968" class="fnanchor">968</a> yet later on in life he uses it with much
+freedom of that <i>cura et caerimonia</i> apart from the feeling.
+To take a single example among many: in a passage in
+his <i>de Legibus</i> he says that to worship private or strange
+or foreign gods, "confusionem habet religionum";<a name="FNanchor_969_969" id="FNanchor_969_969"></a><a href="#Footnote_969_969" class="fnanchor">969</a> and
+again he calls his own imaginary <i>ius divinum</i> in that
+treatise a <i>constitutio religionum</i>, a system of religious
+duties.<a name="FNanchor_970_970" id="FNanchor_970_970"></a><a href="#Footnote_970_970" class="fnanchor">970</a> In many other passages, on the other hand, we
+find both the feeling which prompts and the cult-acts
+which follow on it equally connoted by the word; for
+example, the phrase <i>religio sepulcrorum</i> suggests quite as
+much the feeling as the ritual. So it would seem that
+<i>religio</i> is already beginning to pass into the sense in
+which we still use it&mdash;<i>i.e.</i>, <i>the feeling which suggests worship,
+and the forms under which we perform that worship</i>.
+In this broad sense it is also used by Lucretius, who
+included under it all that was for him the world's evil and
+folly, both the feeling of awe which he believed to be
+degrading, and the organised worship of the family and
+the State, which he no less firmly believed to be futile.
+"Tantum <i>religio</i> potuit suadere malorum."<a name="FNanchor_971_971" id="FNanchor_971_971"></a><a href="#Footnote_971_971" class="fnanchor">971</a> The fact is
+that in that age, when the old local character of the cults
+was disappearing, and when men like Posidonius, Varro,
+and Cicero were thinking and writing about the nature of
+the gods and kindred subjects, a word was wanted to
+gather up and express all this religious side of human life
+and experience: it must be a word without a definite
+technical meaning, and such a word was <i>religio</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Thus while <i>religio</i> continues to express the feeling
+only or the cult only, if called on to do so, it gains in the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">461</a></span>age of Cicero a more comprehensive connotation, as the
+result of the contemplation of religion by philosophy as
+a thing apart from itself; and this enabled the early
+Christian writers, who knew their Cicero well, to give it
+a meaning in which it is still in use among all European
+nations.</p>
+
+<p>But there was yet to be a real change in the meaning
+of the word, one that was inevitable, as the contrast between
+Christianity and other religions called for emphasis.
+The second century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> was that in which the competition
+was keenest between various religious creeds and
+forms, each with its own vitality, and each clearly marked
+off from the others. It is no longer a question of religion
+as a whole, contemplated by a critical or a sympathetic
+philosophy; the question is, which creed or form is to be
+the true and the victorious religion. Our wonderful word
+again adapts itself to the situation. Each separate
+religious system can now be called a <i>religio</i>. The old
+polytheistic system can now be called <i>religio Deorum</i> by
+the Christian, while his own creed is <i>religio Dei</i>. In the
+<i>Octavius</i> of Minucius Felix, written about the end of the
+second century, the word is already used in this sense.
+<i>Nostra religio, vera religio</i>,<a name="FNanchor_972_972" id="FNanchor_972_972"></a><a href="#Footnote_972_972" class="fnanchor">972</a> is for him the whole Christian
+faith and practice as it stood then&mdash;the depth of
+feeling and the acts which gave it outward form. The
+one true religion can thus be now expressed by the word.
+In Lactantius, Arnobius, Tertullian, in the third century
+<span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, this new sense is to be found on almost every page,
+but a single noble passage of Lactantius must suffice to
+illustrate it. "The heathen sacrifice," he says, "and leave
+all their religion in the temple; thus it is that such
+<i>religiones</i> cannot make men good or firm in their faith.
+But 'nostra <i>religio</i> eo firma est et solida et immutabilis,
+quia mentem ipsam pro sacrificio habet, quia tota in
+animo colentis est.'"<a name="FNanchor_973_973" id="FNanchor_973_973"></a><a href="#Footnote_973_973" class="fnanchor">973</a></p>
+
+<p>Here at last we come upon a force of meaning which
+the word had never before attained. <i>Religio</i> here is not
+awe only or cult only, but <i>a mental devotion capable of</i>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">462</a></span><i>building up character</i>. "The kingdom of God is within
+you." Surely this is a valuable legacy to the Christian
+faith from our hard, dry, old Roman religion.</p>
+
+<p>Another legacy in words is that of <i>pius</i>. Our English
+word "pious" has suffered some damage from the sanctimoniousness
+of a certain type of Puritanism; but <i>piety</i>
+still remains sweet and wholesome, and, like its Latin
+original in the middle ages it seems to express one
+beautiful aspect of the Christian life better than any other
+word. In the old Roman religion <i>pius</i> meant the man
+who strictly conforms his life to the <i>ius divinum</i>; this we
+know from the very definite ancient explanations of its
+contrary, <i>impius</i>. The <i>impius</i> is the man who <i>wilfully</i>
+breaks the <i>ius divinum</i> and the <i>pax deorum</i>; for him no
+<i>piaculum</i> was of avail.<a name="FNanchor_974_974" id="FNanchor_974_974"></a><a href="#Footnote_974_974" class="fnanchor">974</a> Such a crime is the nearest
+approach in Roman antiquity to our idea of sin. <i>Pius</i> is
+therefore, as we saw in discussing Aeneas, the man who
+knows the will of the gods, and so far as in him lies
+adjusts his conduct thereto, whether in the life of the
+family or as a citizen of the State. As applied to things,
+to a war for example, the word <i>pium</i> is almost equivalent
+to <i>iustum</i> or <i>purum</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, <i>pium bellum</i> is a war declared
+and conducted in accordance with the principles of the
+<i>ius divinum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_975_975" id="FNanchor_975_975"></a><a href="#Footnote_975_975" class="fnanchor">975</a> <i>Pietas</i> is therefore a virtue, that of obedience
+to the will of God as shown in private and public
+life, and it herein differs from <i>religio</i>, which is not a virtue,
+but a feeling. But we need not be surprised to find that
+in Lactantius <i>pietas</i> can be used to explain <i>religio</i>; for
+<i>religio</i> is no longer a feeling only or a cult only, but, as
+we saw just now, a mental devotion capable of building
+up character. In one passage he says that it is no true
+philosophy which "veram religionem, id est summam
+pietatem, non habet."<a name="FNanchor_976_976" id="FNanchor_976_976"></a><a href="#Footnote_976_976" class="fnanchor">976</a> In another interesting chapter
+he shows plainly enough that he uses <i>pietas</i> just as he
+uses <i>religio</i>, to express the whole Christian mental furniture.<a name="FNanchor_977_977" id="FNanchor_977_977"></a><a href="#Footnote_977_977" class="fnanchor">977</a>
+He begins by scornfully pointing to Aeneas as
+the typical <i>pius</i>, and asking what we are to think of the
+<i>pietas</i> of a man who could bind the hands of prisoners
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">463</a></span>in order to slaughter them as a sacrifice to the shade of
+Pallas<a name="FNanchor_978_978" id="FNanchor_978_978"></a><a href="#Footnote_978_978" class="fnanchor">978</a> (little dreaming, indeed, that Christian piety
+should ever be guilty of such slaughter in the cause of
+the faith); and ends by asking, "What, then, is <i>pietas</i>?
+Surely it is with those who know not war; who keep at
+peace with all men; who love their enemies and count
+all men their brethren; who can control their anger and
+curb all mental wilfulness." And once again, <i>pietas</i> is
+the main ingredient in <i>iustitia</i>, that is, in Christian righteousness,
+for "pietas nihil aliud est quam Dei notio."
+Even here it is not so far removed from its old meaning;
+but in a Christian writer it can mean conformity to
+the will of God, based on a real knowledge of Him, in a
+sense which shows us by a sudden illuminating flash the
+deep gulf set between the old religion and the new.</p>
+
+<p>Another word, bequeathed in this case rather by the
+Latin language than the Roman religion, in which it
+held no strictly technical meaning, is <i>sanctus</i>, which has
+played so large a part in the terminology of the
+Catholic Church, and passed thence into the language
+of Puritanism for the living Christian, as in Baxter's
+famous book, <i>The Saints' Rest</i>. The exact meaning of
+<i>sanctus</i> is extremely difficult to fix, and this may be
+why it was found to be a convenient word for a type
+of character negative rather than positive. The lawyers
+defined it as meaning what is <i>sancitum</i> by the State,<a name="FNanchor_979_979" id="FNanchor_979_979"></a><a href="#Footnote_979_979" class="fnanchor">979</a>
+without tracing it back to a time when the State was a
+religious as well as a civil entity. But there was beyond
+doubt a religious flavour in it from the beginning, as in
+other old Italian words connected with it; and thus it
+seems to be able to express a certain conjunction of
+religious and moral purity which finally brought it into
+the hands of the Christian writers. A single verse of
+Virgil will serve to explain what I mean. Turnus,
+before he rushes forth to meet his death at Aeneas'
+hand, and knowing that he is to meet it, asks the
+Manes to be good to him, "quoniam superis aversa
+voluntas," for&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">464</a></span><i>sancta</i> ad vos <i>anima</i> atque istius nescia culpae</span>
+<span class="i0">descendam magnorum haud unquam indignus avorum.<a name="FNanchor_980_980" id="FNanchor_980_980"></a><a href="#Footnote_980_980" class="fnanchor">980</a></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>He goes to the shades with a conscience clear of guilt
+or of <i>impietas</i>; as the ancient scholiast interprets the
+word, it is equivalent to <i>incorrupta</i>.<a name="FNanchor_981_981" id="FNanchor_981_981"></a><a href="#Footnote_981_981" class="fnanchor">981</a> In this sense it
+became one of the favourite superlatives to describe in
+sepulchral inscriptions, pagan or Christian, the purity of
+departed women and children.<a name="FNanchor_982_982" id="FNanchor_982_982"></a><a href="#Footnote_982_982" class="fnanchor">982</a></p>
+
+<p>Lastly, we have the great word <i>sacer</i>, with its compounds
+<i>sacrificium</i> and <i>sacramentum</i>. The adjective
+itself has no new or special significance, I think, in the
+language of the early Christians, and in our Teutonic
+languages the Roman sense of it, "that which is made
+over to God," is expressed by the word <i>holy</i>, <i>sacred</i>
+being retained in a general sense for that which is not
+"common." But <i>sacrificium</i>, the act of making a thing,
+animate or inanimate, or yourself, as in <i>devotio</i>, over to
+the gods, is indeed a great legacy on which I do not
+need to dwell. <i>Sacramentum</i>, on the other hand, needs
+a word of explanation.</p>
+
+<p><i>Sacramentum</i> in Roman public law meant (1) a legal
+formula (<i>legis actio</i>), under which a sum of money was
+deposited, originally in a temple,<a name="FNanchor_983_983" id="FNanchor_983_983"></a><a href="#Footnote_983_983" class="fnanchor">983</a> to be forfeited by
+the loser in a suit. The deposition <i>in loco sacro</i> gives
+the word to the process, and helps us to see that it
+must mean some act which has a religious sanction.
+So with (2) its other meaning, <i>i.e</i>. the oath of obedience
+taken by the soldier, who was <i>iuratus in verba</i>, that is,
+sworn under a formula with a religious sanction attached.<a name="FNanchor_984_984" id="FNanchor_984_984"></a><a href="#Footnote_984_984" class="fnanchor">984</a>
+It is tempting to suppose that it is through this channel
+that it found its way into the Christian vocabulary&mdash;the
+soldier of Christ affirming his allegiance in the solemn
+rites of baptism, marriage, or the Eucharist. It is a
+curious fact that it seems to be used in this way in the
+religion of Mithras,<a name="FNanchor_985_985" id="FNanchor_985_985"></a><a href="#Footnote_985_985" class="fnanchor">985</a> which was especially powerful among
+the Roman legions of the Empire, and in which there
+was a grade of the faithful with the title of <i>milites</i>.
+<i>Sacramentum</i> was here the word for the initiatory rites
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">465</a></span>of a grade. In the earliest Christian writers of Latin
+it usually means a mystery; thus Arnobius writes of the
+Christian religion as revealing the "veritatis absconditae
+sacramenta";<a name="FNanchor_986_986" id="FNanchor_986_986"></a><a href="#Footnote_986_986" class="fnanchor">986</a> but in another passage the idea in his
+mind seems to be that of military service. It is better,
+he says, for Christians to break their worldly contracts,
+even of marriage, than to break the <i>fides Christiana</i>, "<i>et
+salutaris militiae sacramenta deponere</i>;"<a name="FNanchor_987_987" id="FNanchor_987_987"></a><a href="#Footnote_987_987" class="fnanchor">987</a> and Tertullian
+more than once attaches the same military meaning to
+it: "Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi iam tunc <i>cum
+in verba sacramenti spopondimus</i>."<a name="FNanchor_988_988" id="FNanchor_988_988"></a><a href="#Footnote_988_988" class="fnanchor">988</a> Perhaps we may
+take it that the word, though of general significance for
+a religiously binding force produced by certain mysterious
+rites, had a special attraction for writers of the painful
+third century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, as reflecting into the Christian life
+from old Roman times something of the spirit of the
+duty and self-sacrifice of the loyal legionary. In any
+case we have once more a verbal legacy of priceless
+value.<a name="FNanchor_989_989" id="FNanchor_989_989"></a><a href="#Footnote_989_989" class="fnanchor">989</a></p>
+
+<p>To sum up what I have been saying, there were certain
+ingredients in the Roman soil, deposits of the Roman
+religious experience, which were in their several ways
+favourable to the growth of a new plant. There were
+also certain direct legacies from the old Roman religion,
+of which Christianity could dispose with profit, in the
+shape of forms of ritual, and, what was even of greater
+value, words of real significance in the old religion, which
+were destined to become of permanent and priceless value
+in the Christian speech of the western nations. There
+were also other points in the society and organisation of
+the Roman Empire which were of great importance for
+the growth of the new creed; but these lie outside my
+proper subject, and have been dealt with by Professor
+Gardner in the lecture to which I alluded at the beginning
+of this lecture, and most instructively by Sir W. M.
+Ramsay in more than one of his books, and especially
+in <i>St. Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen</i>.</p>
+
+<p>And yet, all this taken together, so far from explaining
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">466</a></span>Christianity, does not help us much in getting to understand
+even the conditions under which it grew into men's
+minds as a new power in the life of the world. The
+plant, though grown in soil which had borne other crops,
+was wholly new in structure and vital principle. I say
+this deliberately, after spending so many years on the
+study of the religion of the Romans, and making myself
+acquainted in some measure with the religions of other
+peoples. The essential difference, as it appears to me
+as a student of the history of religion, is this, that
+whereas the connection between religion and morality
+has so far been a loose one,&mdash;at Rome, indeed, so loose,
+that many have refused to believe in its existence,&mdash;the
+<i>new religion was itself morality</i>,<a name="FNanchor_990_990" id="FNanchor_990_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990_990" class="fnanchor">990</a> but morality consecrated
+and raised to a higher power than it had ever yet reached.
+It becomes active instead of passive; mere good nature
+is replaced by a doctrine of universal love; <i>pietas</i>, the
+sense of duty in outward things, becomes an enthusiasm
+embracing all humanity, consecrated by such an appeal
+to the conscience as there never had been in the world
+before&mdash;the appeal to the life and death of the divine
+Master.</p>
+
+<p>This is what is meant, if I am not mistaken, by the
+great contrast so often and so vividly drawn by St. Paul
+between the spirit and the flesh, between the children of
+light and the children of darkness, between the sleep or
+the death of the world and the waking to life in Christ,
+between the blameless and the harmless sons of God
+and the crooked and perverse generation among whom
+they shine as lights in the world. I confess that I never
+realised this contrast fully or intelligently until I read
+through the Pauline Epistles from beginning to end with
+a special historical object in view. It is useful to be
+familiar with the life and literature of the two preceding
+centuries, if only to be able the better to realise, in
+passing to St. Paul, a Roman citizen, a man of education
+and experience, the great gulf fixed between the old and
+the new as he himself saw it.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">467</a></span>But historical knowledge, knowledge of the Roman
+society of the day, study of the Roman religious
+experience, cannot do more than give us a little help;
+they cannot reveal the secret. History can explain the
+progress of morality, but it cannot explain its consecration.
+With St. Paul the contrast is not merely one of
+good and bad, but of the spirit and the flesh, of life and
+death. No mere contemplation of the world around him
+could have kindled the fervency of spirit with which this
+contrast is by him conceived and expressed. Absolute
+devotion to the life and death of the Master, apart even
+from His work and teaching (of which, indeed, St. Paul
+says little), this alone can explain it. The love of Christ
+is the entirely new power that has come into the world;<a name="FNanchor_991_991" id="FNanchor_991_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991_991" class="fnanchor">991</a>
+not merely as a new type of morality, but as "<i>a Divine
+influence transfiguring human nature in a universal love</i>."
+The passion of St. Paul's appeal lies in the consecration
+of every detail of it by reference to the life and death
+of his Master; and the great contrast is for him not as
+with the Stoics, between the universal law of Nature and
+those who rebel against it; not as with Lucretius, between
+the blind victims of <i>religio</i> and the indefatigable student
+of the <i>rerum natura</i>; not, as in the <i>Aeneid</i>, between the
+man who bows to the decrees of fate, destiny, God, or
+whatever we choose to call it, and the wilful rebel, victim
+of his own passions; not, as in the Roman State and
+family, between the man who performs religious duties
+and the man who wilfully neglects them&mdash;between <i>pius</i>
+and <i>impius</i>; but between the universal law of love,
+focussed and concentrated in the love of Christ, and the
+sleep, the darkness, the death of a world that will not
+recognise it.</p>
+
+<p>I will conclude these lectures with one practical
+illustration of this great contrast, which will carry us
+back for a moment to the ritual of the old Roman <i>ius
+divinum</i>. That ritual, we saw, consisted mainly of
+sacrifice and prayer, the two apparently inseparable from
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">468</a></span>each other. I pointed out that though the efficacy of
+the whole process was believed to depend on the strictest
+adherence to prescribed forms, whether of actions or
+words, the prayers, when we first meet with them, have
+got beyond the region of charm or spell, and are cast
+in the language of petition; they show clearly a sense
+of the dependence of man on the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. There was here, perhaps, a germ
+of religious development; but it was arrested in its
+growth by the formalisation of the whole Roman religious
+system, and no substitute was to be found for it either
+in the imported Greek ritual, or in the more enlightening
+doctrines of exotic Greek philosophy. The prayers used
+in the ritual of Augustus' great festival, which was almost
+as much Greek as Roman in character, seem to us as
+hard and formal as the most ancient Roman prayers
+that have come down to us. In the most emotional
+moments of the life of a Roman of enlightenment like
+Cicero, when we can truly say of him that he was
+touched by true religious feeling, as well as by the
+spiritual aspirations of the nobler Greek philosophers,
+prayers find no place at all.</p>
+
+<p>But for St. Paul and the members of the early
+Christian brotherhood the whole of life was a continuous
+worship, and the one great feature of that worship was
+prayer. It has been said by a great Christian writer of
+recent times that "when the attention of a thinking heathen
+was directed to the new religion spreading in the Roman
+Empire, the first thing to strike him as extraordinary
+would be that a religion of prayer was superseding the
+religion of ceremonies and invocation of gods; that it
+encouraged all, even the most uneducated, to pray, or, in
+other words, to meditate and exercise the mind in self-scrutiny
+and contemplation of God."<a name="FNanchor_992_992" id="FNanchor_992_992"></a><a href="#Footnote_992_992" class="fnanchor">992</a> And, as the
+same writer says, prayer thus became a motive power of
+moral renewal and <i>inward civilisation</i>, to which nothing
+else could be compared for efficacy. And more than
+this, it was the chief inward and spiritual means of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">469</a></span>maintaining that universal law of love, which, so far as
+this life was concerned, was the great secret of the new
+religion.</p>
+
+
+<h5>NOTES TO LECTURE XX</h5>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_956_956" id="Footnote_956_956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_956_956"><span class="label">956</span></a> P. Gardner, <i>The Growth of Christianity</i>, 1907, p. 2. Cp. some
+remarks of Prof. Conway in <i>Virgil's Messianic Eclogue</i>, p. 39 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_957_957" id="Footnote_957_957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_957_957"><span class="label">957</span></a> The phrase "enthusiasm of humanity" is, of course, that of
+the author of <i>Ecce Homo</i>, a most inspiring book for all students of
+religious history, as indeed for all other readers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_958_958" id="Footnote_958_958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_958_958"><span class="label">958</span></a> Dobsch&uuml;tz on "Early Christian Eschatology," in <i>Transactions
+of the Third Congress for the History of Religions</i>, vol. ii. (Oxford,
+1908), p. 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_959_959" id="Footnote_959_959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_959_959"><span class="label">959</span></a> The words are those of Mr. Glover in the last page of his
+<i>Studies in Virgil</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_960_960" id="Footnote_960_960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_960_960"><span class="label">960</span></a> It should be understood that these legacies, with the exception
+of the last (the vocabulary), were only taken up by the Church
+after the first two centuries of its existence. And even the vocabulary
+of the early Roman Church was mainly Greek (Gwatkin, <i>Early
+Church History</i>, ii. 213, and it was not till the rise of the African
+school of writers (Tertullian, Arnobius, Augustine) that the Latin
+vocabulary really established itself. Any real assimilation of Christian
+and pagan forms of worship was not possible until the latter
+were growing meaningless; then "the assimilation of Christianity to
+heathenism from the third century is matter of history" (Gwatkin,
+i. 269).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_961_961" id="Footnote_961_961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_961_961"><span class="label">961</span></a> Caird, <i>Gifford Lectures</i>, vol. ii. p. 353, has some interesting
+remarks on this point.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_962_962" id="Footnote_962_962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_962_962"><span class="label">962</span></a> See above, p. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_963_963" id="Footnote_963_963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_963_963"><span class="label">963</span></a> <i>Growth of Christianity</i>, p. 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_964_964" id="Footnote_964_964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_964_964"><span class="label">964</span></a> See <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_965_965" id="Footnote_965_965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_965_965"><span class="label">965</span></a> <i>Confessions</i>, i. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_966_966" id="Footnote_966_966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_966_966"><span class="label">966</span></a> Westcott, <i>Religious Thought in the West</i>, p. 246. Gwatkin
+writes (vol. ii. 236) that all Augustine's conceptions are shaped by
+law and Stoicism. Cp. p. 237. So, too, of Tertullian.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_967_967" id="Footnote_967_967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_967_967"><span class="label">967</span></a> By W. Otto, in the <i>Archiv f&uuml;r Religionswissenschaft</i>, vol.
+xii. (1909) p. 533 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_968_968" id="Footnote_968_968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_968_968"><span class="label">968</span></a> <i>De Inventione</i>, ii. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_969_969" id="Footnote_969_969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_969_969"><span class="label">969</span></a> <i>De Legibus</i>, ii. 10. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_970_970" id="Footnote_970_970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_970_970"><span class="label">970</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 10. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_971_971" id="Footnote_971_971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_971_971"><span class="label">971</span></a> Lucretius i. 101.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_972_972" id="Footnote_972_972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_972_972"><span class="label">972</span></a> <i>E.g.</i> Octavius 38. 2; and again at the end of that chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_973_973" id="Footnote_973_973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_973_973"><span class="label">973</span></a> Lactantius, bk. v. (<i>de Iustitia</i>) ch. 19. I may note here that
+the paragraph in the text where this is quoted was first published
+in the <i>Transactions of the Congress for the History of Religions</i>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">470</a></span>(Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 174. I may also add that the restricted
+sense of the word <i>religio</i> as meaning the monastic life is, of course,
+comparatively late. This restrictive use of heathen words, from the
+third century onwards, is the subject of some valuable remarks by
+Prof. Gwatkin in his <i>Early Church History</i>, vol. i. p. 268 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_974_974" id="Footnote_974_974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_974_974"><span class="label">974</span></a> See <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 299, and the references there given.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_975_975" id="Footnote_975_975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_975_975"><span class="label">975</span></a> Livy i. 32, ix. 8. 6; Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 476; Greenidge,
+<i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_976_976" id="Footnote_976_976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_976_976"><span class="label">976</span></a> Lactantius iv. 3 (<i>de vera sapientia</i>).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_977_977" id="Footnote_977_977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_977_977"><span class="label">977</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> v. (<i>de Iustitia</i>) ch. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_978_978" id="Footnote_978_978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_978_978"><span class="label">978</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> xi. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_979_979" id="Footnote_979_979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_979_979"><span class="label">979</span></a> Marquardt, 145, note 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_980_980" id="Footnote_980_980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_980_980"><span class="label">980</span></a> <i>Aen.</i> xii. 648.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_981_981" id="Footnote_981_981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_981_981"><span class="label">981</span></a> Servius, <i>ad Aen.</i> xii. 648.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_982_982" id="Footnote_982_982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_982_982"><span class="label">982</span></a> The original meaning of <i>sanctus</i> as applied to things, <i>e.g.</i>
+walls and tombs, was probably "inviolable"; Nettleship, <i>Contributions
+to Latin Lexicography</i>, <i>s.v.</i> "sanctus," who also suggests a
+connection between the word and the attitude of the Roman towards
+his dead: thus Cicero in <i>Topica 90</i> writes of <i>aequitas</i> as consisting of
+three parts,&mdash;<i>pietas</i>, <i>sanctitas</i>, and <i>iustitia</i>,&mdash;meaning man's relation
+to the gods, the Manes, and his fellow-men. Nettleship also quotes
+<i>Aen.</i> v. 80 (<i>salve sancte parens</i>), Tibull. ii. 2. 6, and other passages,
+which show that the word was specially used of the dead and their
+belongings. But when used of persons living, as frequently in the
+last century <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, it expresses a certain purity of life, not without a
+religious tincture, which could not so well be expressed by any other
+word, owing to the original meaning being that of religious inviolability.
+Thus Cicero uses it in the 9th Philippic of his old friend
+Sulpicius, one of the best and purest men of his time; and long
+before Cicero, Cato had used it of an obligation at once ethical and
+religious: "Maiores <i>sanctius</i> habuere defendi pupillos quam clientem
+non fallere." It is interesting to notice that it was used later on of
+Mithras and other oriental deities (Cumont, <i>Mon. myst. Mithra</i>, i.
+p. 533; <i>Les Religions orientales</i>, p. 289, note 45); in the case of
+Mithras, at least, this meant that his life was pure, and that he wished
+his worshippers to be pure also.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_983_983" id="Footnote_983_983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_983_983"><span class="label">983</span></a> Marquardt, p. 318, note 4; Mommsen, <i>Strafrecht</i>, pp. 902,
+1026. See also Greenidge, <i>Roman Public Life</i>, p. 56; Festus,
+p. 347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_984_984" id="Footnote_984_984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_984_984"><span class="label">984</span></a> Greenidge, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 154.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_985_985" id="Footnote_985_985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_985_985"><span class="label">985</span></a> Cumont, <i>Mysterien von Mithras</i>, p. 116 of the German
+edition. See also De Marchi, <i>La Religione nella vita privata</i>,
+vol. ii. 114. It may be worth noting that the idea of life as the
+service of a soldier bound to obedience by his oath is found also
+in Stoicism; see Epictetus (<i>Arrian</i>), <i>Discourses</i>, i. 14, iii. 24, 99-101,
+ii. 26, 28-30; (Crossley's <i>Golden Sayings of Epictetus</i>, Nos.
+37, 125, 132, 134).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_986_986" id="Footnote_986_986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_986_986"><span class="label">986</span></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">471</a></span> Arnobius, <i>adv. Nationes</i>, i. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_987_987" id="Footnote_987_987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_987_987"><span class="label">987</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> ii. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_988_988" id="Footnote_988_988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_988_988"><span class="label">988</span></a> Tertull., <i>ad Martyr.</i> c. 3. Cp. <i>de Corona Militiae</i>, c. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_989_989" id="Footnote_989_989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_989_989"><span class="label">989</span></a> It is curious that the word <i>sacerdos</i> did not find its way into
+the Christian vocabulary. Apparently it had its chance; for Tertullian
+uses it in several ways, <i>e.g.</i>, "summus sacerdos" for a bishop
+(<i>de Bapt.</i> 17; "disciplina sacerdotalis," <i>de Monog.</i> 7. 12; and for
+other examples see Harnack, <i>Entstehung und Entwickelung der
+Kirchenverfassung und des Kirchenrechts in den zwei ersten Jahrhunderten</i>,
+1910, p. 85). But the words finally adopted for the
+grades of the priesthood were Greek: bishop, priest, and deacon.
+Nevertheless, the general word for the priesthood, as distinguished
+from the laity, is Latin (<i>ordo</i>); hence "ordination" and holy
+"orders." It is not of religious origin, but taken from the language
+of municipal life, <i>ordo et plebs</i> being contrasted just as they were
+contrasted in <i>municipia</i> as senate (<i>decuriones</i>) and all non-official
+persons. See Harnack, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_990_990" id="Footnote_990_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990_990"><span class="label">990</span></a> This is, of course, in one light, the legitimate development of
+the union of religion and morality in the Hebrew mind. "For the
+Israelite morality, righteousness, is simply doing the will of God,
+which from the earliest age is assumed to be ascertainable, and indeed
+ascertained. The Law in its simplest form was at once the rule of
+morality and the revealed will of God." "The central feature of
+O.T. morality is its religious character" (Alexander, <i>Ethics of St.
+Paul</i>, p. 34). In the religious system we have been occupied with,
+religion can only be reckoned as one of the factors in the growth of
+morality; it supplied the sanction for some acts of righteousness, but
+(in historical times at least) by no means for all.
+</p><p>
+Prof. Gwatkin, in his <i>Early Church History</i>, vol. i. p. 54, states
+the relation of early Christianity to morality thus: "Christ's person,
+not His teaching, is the message of the Gospel. If we know anything
+for certain about Jesus of Nazareth, it is that He steadily
+claimed to be the Son of God, the Redeemer of mankind, and the
+ruler of the world to come, and by that claim the Gospel stands or
+falls. Therefore, the Lord's disciples went not forth as preachers of
+morality, but as witnesses of his life, and of the historic resurrection
+which proved his mightiest claims. Their morality is always an
+inference from these, never the forefront of their teaching. They
+seem to think that if they can only fill men with true thankfulness
+for the gift of life in Christ, morality will take care of itself." I
+cannot but think that this is expressed too strongly, or baldly; but
+it is in the main in keeping with the impression left on my mind by
+a study of St. Paul. It must, however, be remembered that the
+Pauline spirit is not exactly that of early Christianity in general: see
+Gwatkin, vol. i. p. 98. In the <i>Didache</i>, <i>e.g.</i>, there is no trace of
+St. Paul's influence (104).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_991_991" id="Footnote_991_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991_991"><span class="label">991</span></a> In a book which had just been published when I was delivering
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">472</a></span>these lectures at Edinburgh (<i>The Ethics of St. Paul</i>, by Archibald
+Alexander), I found a very interesting chapter on "The Dynamic of
+the New Life," p. 126 foll. The word which for the author best
+expresses that dynamic is <i>faith</i>, which is "the spring of all endeavour,
+the inspiration of all heroism" (p. 150). "It brings the whole life
+into the domain of spiritual freedom, and is the animating and energising
+principle of all moral purpose." What exactly is here understood
+by faith is explained on p. 151 to the end of the chapter, of
+which I may quote the concluding words: "Faith in Christ means
+life in Christ. And this complete yielding of self and vital union
+with the Saviour, this dying and rising again, is at once man's
+supreme ideal and the source of all moral greatness."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_992_992" id="Footnote_992_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992_992"><span class="label">992</span></a> D&ouml;llinger, <i>The First Age of Christianity and the Church</i>
+(Oxenham's translation), p. 344 foll.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">473</a></span></p>
+<h4>APPENDIX I</h4>
+
+<h5><span class="smcap">On The Use of Huts or Booths in Religious Ritual</span></h5>
+
+
+<p>This may be taken as an addendum to Lecture II. on taboo at
+Rome; but owing to the uncertainty of the explanation given in
+it, I reserved it for an Appendix. The custom here dealt with
+is found both in the public and private worship of the Romans,
+and also in Greece and elsewhere, but has never, so far as I
+know, been investigated by anthropologists.</p>
+
+<p>On the Ides of March, at the festival of Anna Perenna, a
+deity explained as representing "the ring of the year," whose
+cult is not recognised in the ancient religious calendar, the lower
+population came out of the city, and lay about all day in the
+Campus Martius, near the Tiber. Ovid, fortunately, took the
+trouble to describe the scene in the third book of his <i>Fasti</i>, as he
+had witnessed it himself. Some of them, he says, lay in the
+open, <i>some constructed tents, and some made rude huts of stakes
+and branches, stretching their togas over them to make a shelter</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas</span>
+<span class="i1">potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua.</span>
+<span class="i0">sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt,</span>
+<span class="i1">sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est,</span>
+<span class="i0">pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis,</span>
+<span class="i1">desuper extentas imposuere togas.</span>
+<span class="i1">quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt.<a name="FNanchor_993_993" id="FNanchor_993_993"></a><a href="#Footnote_993_993" class="fnanchor">993</a></span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>It appears also from Ovid's account that there was much
+drunkenness and obscene language; this was, in fact, a <i>festa</i> very
+different in character from those of the Numan calendar; and
+that there was a magical element in the cult of the deity seems
+proved by the mysterious allusion to "virgineus cruor" in
+connection with her grove not far from this scene of revelry, in
+Martial iv. 64. 17 (cp. Pliny, <i>N.H.</i> xxviii. 78, and Columella
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">474</a></span>x. 558). Tibullus describes something of the same kind at
+a rustic festival,<a name="FNanchor_994_994" id="FNanchor_994_994"></a><a href="#Footnote_994_994" class="fnanchor">994</a> though he does not make it clear what time of
+year he is speaking of; a few lines before he had mentioned
+the drinking and leaping over the fire at the Parilia, the shepherd's
+festival in April, though I cannot feel sure that the
+following lines are also meant to refer to it:&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">tunc operata deo pubes discumbet in herba,</span>
+<span class="i1">arboris antiquae qua levis umbra cadit,</span>
+<span class="i0">aut e veste sua tendent umbracula sertis</span>
+<span class="i1">vincta, coronatus stabit et ipse calix.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Here it is too much to suppose that the <i>umbracula</i> were contrived
+to make up for the want of shade in a country so covered
+with woodland as Italy was then; and the words "<i>sertis vincta</i>"
+show that there was some special meaning in the practice. I
+think we may guess that in both instances the extemporised huts
+had some forgotten religious meaning. Yet another passage of
+Tibullus, which also describes a rural festival, alludes to a similar
+custom.<a name="FNanchor_995_995" id="FNanchor_995_995"></a><a href="#Footnote_995_995" class="fnanchor">995</a> I have given reasons in the <i>Classical Review</i> for
+thinking that this was a summer festival, accompanied as it was,
+like many midsummer rites all over Europe, by bonfires and
+revelry, though the usual interpretation ascribes it to the winter.<a name="FNanchor_996_996" id="FNanchor_996_996"></a><a href="#Footnote_996_996" class="fnanchor">996</a></p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">tunc nitidus plenis confisus rusticus agris</span>
+<span class="i1">ingeret ardenti grandia ligna foco,</span>
+<span class="i0">turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni,</span>
+<span class="i1">ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas.</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The slaves can here hardly be playing at building houses of
+twigs, like the children in Horace's <i>Satire</i>,<a name="FNanchor_997_997" id="FNanchor_997_997"></a><a href="#Footnote_997_997" class="fnanchor">997</a> unless we are to
+suppose that Tibullus is thinking of slave children only, which
+is indeed possible; but even if that were so, how are we to
+account for the popularity of this curious form of sport?</p>
+
+<p>There was, however, at Rome a public summer festival,
+included in the calendar, in which we find this same custom.
+At the Neptunalia, on July 23, huts or booths were erected,
+made of the foliage of trees. "Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus
+<i>casae frondeae pro tabernaculis</i>," says Festus<a name="FNanchor_998_998" id="FNanchor_998_998"></a><a href="#Footnote_998_998" class="fnanchor">998</a> (following Verrius
+Flaccus), where the last word is one in regular use for military
+tents. This is the only thing that is told us about this festival,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">475</a></span>and we may assume that even this would not have come down
+to us if it had not been a survival rigidly adhered to, <i>i.e.</i> the
+construction of shelters from the foliage of trees, instead of
+using tents, which could easily have been procured in the city.
+As the festival was in the hot month of July, we might suppose
+that shelter from the sun was the real object here; but we do
+not hear of it at other summer festivals, and the parallel practices
+I shall now mention make the rationalising explanation very
+doubtful. It is unlucky that we know hardly anything about
+the older and un-Graecised Neptunus, and nothing about his
+festival except this one fact; the comparative method is here
+our only hope.</p>
+
+<p>The Jewish feast of tabernacles will, of course, occur at once
+to every one; this was in the heat of the summer, and the booths
+were here, as at the Neptunalia, made of the branches of trees;<a name="FNanchor_999_999" id="FNanchor_999_999"></a><a href="#Footnote_999_999" class="fnanchor">999</a>
+the explanation given to the Israelites was not that they were
+thus to shelter themselves from the heat, but to be reminded of
+their homeless wanderings in the wilderness, plainly an aetiological
+account, as in the case of the passover. There are distinct
+examples in Greece of the same practice, <i>e.g.</i> the &#963;&#954;&#953;&#7937;&#948;&#949;&#987; at the
+Spartan Carneia,<a name="FNanchor_1000_1000" id="FNanchor_1000_1000"></a><a href="#Footnote_1000_1000" class="fnanchor">1000</a> and tents (&#963;&#954;&#951;&#957;&#945;&#7985;) in several cases, as at the
+mysteries of Andania, where the peculiar regulations for the
+construction of the tents points to a ritualistic origin almost
+unmistakably.<a name="FNanchor_1001_1001" id="FNanchor_1001_1001"></a><a href="#Footnote_1001_1001" class="fnanchor">1001</a> But perhaps the most striking parallel is to be
+found in the famous letter of Gregory the Great, preserved by
+Bede, about the British converts to Christianity, who were to be
+allowed to use their heathen temples as churches:</p>
+
+<p>"Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere,
+debet iis etiam hac in re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die
+dedicationis, vel natalicii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic
+reliquiae ponuntur, <i>tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quae ex
+fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant</i>, et religiosis conviviis
+sollemnitatem celebrent: nec diabolo iam animalia immolent,
+et ad laudem Dei in esu suo animalia occident," etc.<a name="FNanchor_1002_1002" id="FNanchor_1002_1002"></a><a href="#Footnote_1002_1002" class="fnanchor">1002</a></p>
+
+<p>Why should Gregory here take the trouble to describe the
+material out of which these huts were to be made? Surely
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">476</a></span>because the custom was one which had been described to him
+by Augustine or Mellitus as part of the heathen practice, and
+one which he was willing to condone as harmless (possibly with a
+recollection of the Jewish feast), since the Britons set great store
+by it.</p>
+
+<p>If these examples from Europe and Palestine are sufficient to
+suggest that there was originally a religious or mystic meaning in
+the custom, we must look for its explanation in anthropological
+research. Robertson Smith was,<a name="FNanchor_1003_1003" id="FNanchor_1003_1003"></a><a href="#Footnote_1003_1003" class="fnanchor">1003</a> I think, the first to suggest a
+possible explanation of the Feast of Tabernacles, by comparing
+with it the rule, stated in Numbers xxxi. 19, that men might not
+enter their houses after bloodshed: "Do ye abide without the
+camp seven days: whosoever hath killed any person, and whosoever
+hath touched any slain, purify both yourselves and your
+captives on the third day and on the seventh day." He also
+pointed out that pilgrims are subject to the same rule, or taboo,
+in Syria and elsewhere. Since then an immense mass of
+evidence has been collected showing that all the world over
+persons in a holy or unclean state are placed under this or some
+similar restriction;<a name="FNanchor_1004_1004" id="FNanchor_1004_1004"></a><a href="#Footnote_1004_1004" class="fnanchor">1004</a> and if this be the case with pilgrims and
+warriors after a battle, it may also have been so with worshippers
+at some particular festival, even if we are quite unable to recover
+the special character of the worship which produced the
+restriction.<a name="FNanchor_1005_1005" id="FNanchor_1005_1005"></a><a href="#Footnote_1005_1005" class="fnanchor">1005</a> In the Feast of Tabernacles, which was a harvest
+festival, the cause seems to have been the great sanctity of the
+first-fruits, which are regarded with extreme veneration in many
+parts of the world. In the now famous festival of the first-fruits
+among the Natchez Indians of Louisiana, of which the details
+have been recorded with singular care and obvious accuracy,<a name="FNanchor_1006_1006" id="FNanchor_1006_1006"></a><a href="#Footnote_1006_1006" class="fnanchor">1006</a> we
+find that the chief, the Great Sun, and all the celebrators, have
+to live in huts two miles from their village, while the corn, grown
+for the purpose in a particular spot, is sacramentally eaten. It
+is quite impossible, without further evidence, which is not likely
+ever to be forthcoming, to explain either the Greek, Roman, or
+British customs in this way; we must be content with the
+general principle that the holiness of human beings at particular
+times is liable to carry with it the practice of renouncing your
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">477</a></span>own dwelling and living in an extemporised hut or booth. The
+tents that we hear of in the Greek rites I look upon as late
+developments of this primitive practice. The inscription of
+Andania, which is the best Greek evidence we possess, dates
+only from 91 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>; and by that time there would have been
+every opportunity for the rude huts to become civilised tents.
+The <i>casae</i> made by the <i>vernae</i> in Tibullus' poem were, I would
+suggest, a kind of unconscious survival of the same feeling and
+practice, the real religious meaning being almost entirely lost.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, I will venture to suggest that the <i>casae</i> of the Roman
+custom, made of branches at the Neptunalia and the feast of
+Anna Perenna, and of <i>virgae</i> by the slaves on the farm, are
+a reminiscence of the earliest form of Italian dwelling, which
+survived to historical times in the round temple of Vesta, and of
+which we have examples in the hut-urns discovered in the
+necropolis at Alba.<a name="FNanchor_1007_1007" id="FNanchor_1007_1007"></a><a href="#Footnote_1007_1007" class="fnanchor">1007</a> The earliest form of all was probably
+a round structure made of branches of trees stuck into the
+ground, bent inwards at the top and tied together.<a name="FNanchor_1008_1008" id="FNanchor_1008_1008"></a><a href="#Footnote_1008_1008" class="fnanchor">1008</a> Just as
+bronze instruments survived from an earlier stage of culture in
+some religious rites at Rome, so, I imagine, did this ancient
+form of dwelling, which really belongs to an age previous to
+that of permanent settlement and agricultural routine. The hut
+circles of the neolithic age, such as are abundant on Dartmoor,
+were probably roofed with branches supported by a central
+pole.<a name="FNanchor_1009_1009" id="FNanchor_1009_1009"></a><a href="#Footnote_1009_1009" class="fnanchor">1009</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_993_993" id="Footnote_993_993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_993_993"><span class="label">993</span></a> <i>Fasti</i>, iii. 525 foll. See <i>R.F.</i> p. 50 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_994_994" id="Footnote_994_994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_994_994"><span class="label">994</span></a> Tibull. ii. 5. 89 foll. Mr. Mackail has pointed out to me a passage in the
+<i>Pervigilium Veneris</i>, line 5, which seems to contain a hint of the same practice
+(cp. line 43).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_995_995" id="Footnote_995_995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_995_995"><span class="label">995</span></a> Tibull. ii. 1. 1-24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_996_996" id="Footnote_996_996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_996_996"><span class="label">996</span></a> <i>Classical Review</i>, 1908, p. 36 foll. My conclusions were criticised by Dr.
+Postgate in the <i>Classical Quarterly</i> for 1909, p. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_997_997" id="Footnote_997_997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_997_997"><span class="label">997</span></a> Hor. <i>Sat.</i> ii. 3. 247.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_998_998" id="Footnote_998_998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_998_998"><span class="label">998</span></a> Festus, ed. M&uuml;ller, p. 377.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_999_999" id="Footnote_999_999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_999_999"><span class="label">999</span></a> Leviticus xxiii. 40-42. Cp. Plutarch, <i>Quaest. conviv.</i> 4. 2. This was a
+feast of harvest and first-fruits (Exodus xxiii. 16). Nehemiah viii. 13 foll. gives
+a graphic account of the revival of this festival after the captivity.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1000_1000" id="Footnote_1000_1000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1000_1000"><span class="label">1000</span></a> Athenaeus iv. 41. 8 F. Cp. Farnell, <i>Cults of the Greek States</i>, vol. iv.,
+p. 260.</p></div>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1001_1001" id="Footnote_1001_1001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1001_1001"><span class="label">1001</span></a> Dittenberger, <i>Sylloge inscript.</i> (ed. 2), 653, lines 34 foll. Cp. p. 200 (Teos).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1002_1002" id="Footnote_1002_1002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1002_1002"><span class="label">1002</span></a> Baeda, <i>Hist. eccl.</i> i. 30 (ed. Plummer). There is a curious case of isolation
+in a hut in a process by which the sacrificer of the <i>soma</i> in the Vedic religion
+becomes divine, quoted by Hubert et Mauss, <i>M&eacute;langes</i>, p. 34. This may possibly
+afford a clue to the mystery.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1003_1003" id="Footnote_1003_1003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1003_1003"><span class="label">1003</span></a> <i>Religion of the Semites</i>, notes K and N at the end of the volume.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1004_1004" id="Footnote_1004_1004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1004_1004"><span class="label">1004</span></a> See <i>e.g.</i> Frazer, <i>G. B.</i> ed. 2, index, <i>s.v.</i> "Seclusion."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1005_1005" id="Footnote_1005_1005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1005_1005"><span class="label">1005</span></a> It has occurred to me that the shedding of blood in animal sacrifice may
+possibly be the reason in some of these rites. The last words of the passage
+quoted above from Baeda suggest this explanation in the case of the Britons. In
+the first-fruits festivals the "killing of the corn" may be a parallel cause of taboo.
+See <i>G. B.</i> i. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1006_1006" id="Footnote_1006_1006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1006_1006"><span class="label">1006</span></a> Du Pratz, translated in <i>G. B.</i> ii. 332 foll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1007_1007" id="Footnote_1007_1007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1007_1007"><span class="label">1007</span></a> See <i>e.g.</i> Helbig, <i>Die Italiker in der Poebene</i>, p. 50 foll. Lanciani, <i>Ruins
+and Excavations of Ancient Rome</i>, p. 132. It is worth noting that in a passage
+quoted by Helbig, Plutarch (<i>Numa</i> 8) uses for some of the most ancient Roman
+attempts at temple building the same word by which he describes the booths at
+the feast of tabernacles (&#954;&#945;&#955;&#953;&#7937;&#948;&#949;&#987;).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1008_1008" id="Footnote_1008_1008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1008_1008"><span class="label">1008</span></a> Whether there was in later days any special religious signification in the use
+of green foliage and branches I will not undertake to say, but I have been struck
+by the constant use of them in cases of religious seclusion, even where the person
+is secluded in some part of the house, and not outside it. See <i>e.g. G. B.</i> ii.
+pp. 205-214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1009_1009" id="Footnote_1009_1009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1009_1009"><span class="label">1009</span></a> Prof. Anwyl, <i>Celtic Religion</i> (Constable's series), p. 10. Mr. Baring-Gould
+told Mr. Anwyl that he had seen in some of the Dartmoor circles central holes
+which seemed meant for the fixing of this pole. I will add here that it has
+occurred to me that these huts must, in one sense at least, be a survival (like
+other points of ritual), from the days of pastoral life, and of the migration of the
+Aryans. Temporary huts are characteristic of pastoral as contrasted with
+agricultural life, and must have been used during the wanderings, as by the
+Israelites. See Schrader, <i>Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples</i> (Eng.
+Trans., London, 1890), p. 404.</p></div>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">478</a></span></p>
+<h4>APPENDIX II</h4>
+
+<h5><span class="smcap">Prof. Deubner's Theory of the Lupercalia</span></h5>
+
+<h5>(See pp. <a href="#Page_34">34</a> and <a href="#Page_106">106</a>)</h5>
+
+
+<p>In the <i>Archiv f&uuml;r Religionswissenschaft</i>, 1910, p. 481 foll., Prof.
+Deubner has published an interesting study of this puzzling
+festival, to which I wish to invite attention, though it has reached
+me too late for use in my earlier lectures.</p>
+
+<p>It has long been clear to me that any attempt to explain the
+details of the Lupercalia on a single hypothesis must be a failure.
+If all the details belong to the same age and the same original
+festival, we cannot recover the key to the whole ceremonial,
+though we may succeed in interpreting certain features of it with
+some success. Is it, however, possible that these details belong
+to <i>different</i> periods,&mdash;that the whole rite, as we know it, with all
+the details put together from different sources of knowledge, was
+the result of an accretion of various features upon an original
+simple basis of ceremonial? Prof. Deubner answers this question
+in the affirmative, and works out his answer with much skill and
+learning.</p>
+
+<p>He begins by explaining the word <i>lupercus</i> as derived from
+<i>lupus</i> and <i>arceo</i>, and meaning a "keeper off of wolves." The
+<i>luperci</i> were originally men chosen from two gentes or families
+to keep the wolves from the sheepfolds, in the days when the
+Palatine was a shepherd's settlement, and they did it by running
+round the base of the hill in a magical circle (if I understand
+him rightly). If that be so, we need not assume a deity Lupercus,
+nor in fact any deity at all, nor need we see in the runners a
+quasi-dramatic representation of wolves as vegetation-spirits, as
+Mannhardt proposed (see my <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 316 foll.).
+This view has the advantage of making the rite a simple and
+practical one, such as would be natural to primitive Latins; and
+the etymology is apparently unexceptionable, though it will
+doubtless be criticised, as in fact it has been long ago.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">479</a></span>But in course of time, Prof. Deubner goes on, there came to
+be engrafted on this simple rite of circumambulation without
+reference to a deity, a festival of the rustic god Faunus; and
+now there was added a sacrifice of goats, which seem to have
+been his favourite victims (kids in Hor. <i>Odes</i>, iii. 18). The
+<i>luperci</i>, who had formerly run round the hill quite naked, as in
+many rites of the kind (see p. 491), now girt themselves with the
+skins of the goats, in order to increase their "religious force"
+in keeping away the wolves, with strength derived from the
+victims.</p>
+
+<p>But the <i>luperci</i> also carried in their hands, in the festival as
+we know it, strips of the skins of the victims, with which they
+struck at women who offered themselves to the blows, in order
+to make them fertile. This, Prof. Deubner thinks, was a still
+later accretion. Life in a city had obliterated the original
+meaning of the rite&mdash;the keeping off wolves; but a new meaning
+becomes attached to it, presumably growing out of the use of
+the skins as magical instruments of additional force. Here, too,
+Juno first appears on the scene as the deity of women, for the
+strips were known as <i>amicula Iunonis</i> (<i>R.F.</i> 321 and note).
+The strips may have been substituted for something carried in
+the hand to drive away the wolves; the goat, it should be noted,
+is prominent in the cult of Juno, <i>e.g.</i> at Lanuvium. The mystical
+meaning of striking or flogging has been sufficiently explained
+in this instance by Mannhardt (<i>R.F.</i> p. 320), and is now
+familiar to anthropologists in other contexts.</p>
+
+<p>In the period when the fertilisation of women became the
+leading feature of the rite, the State took up the popular festival,
+and it gained admittance to the religious calendar, which was
+drawn up for the city of the four regions (see above, Lect. IV.,
+p. 106). The State was represented, as we learn from Ovid,
+by the Flamen Dialis (<i>Fasti</i>, ii. 282).</p>
+
+<p>But we still have to account for some strange detail, which
+has never been satisfactorily explained in connection with the rest
+of the ceremony. The runners had their foreheads smeared
+with the blood of the victims, which was then wiped off with
+wool dipped in milk; after which, says Plutarch (<i>Romulus</i>, 21),
+they were obliged to laugh. These details, as Prof. Deubner
+remarks, seem very un-Roman; we have no parallel to them in
+Roman ritual, and I have remarked more than once in these
+lectures on the absence of the use of blood in Roman ceremonial.
+I have suggested that they were allowed to survive in
+the religion of the city-state, though actually belonging to that
+of a primitive population living on the site of Rome. Prof.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">480</a></span>Deubner's explanation is very different, and at first sight
+startling. These, he thinks, are Greek cathartic details added
+by Augustus when he re-organised the Lupercalia, as we may
+guess that he did from Suet. <i>Aug.</i> 31. They can all be
+paralleled from Greek religion. We know of them only from
+Plutarch, who quotes a certain Butas as writing Greek elegiacs in
+which they were mentioned; but of the date of this poet we
+know nothing. Ovid does not mention these details, nor hint
+at them in the stories he tells about the festival. (It is certainly
+possible that Augustus's revision may have been made after
+Ovid wrote the second book of the <i>Fasti</i>; it could not have
+been done until he became Pont. Max. in 12 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, and perhaps
+not till long after that, and the <i>Fasti</i> was written some time
+before Ovid's banishment in <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 9.) That Augustus should insert
+Greek cathartic details in the old Roman festival is certainly
+surprising, but not impossible. We know that in the <i>ludi
+saeculares</i> he took great pains to combine Greek with Roman
+ritual.</p>
+
+<p>The above is a mere outline of Prof. Deubner's article, but
+enough, I hope, to attract the attention of English scholars to it.
+Whether or no it be accepted in whole or part by learned
+opinion, it will at least have the credit of suggesting a way
+in which not only the Lupercalia, but possibly other obscure
+rites, may be compelled ultimately to yield up their secrets.</p>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">481</a></span></p>
+<h4>APPENDIX III</h4>
+
+<h5><span class="smcap">The Pairs of Deities In Gellius</span> xiii. 23 (see page 150)</h5>
+
+
+<p>The first paired deity mentioned by Gellius is <i>Lua Saturni</i>,
+also known as <i>Lua Mater</i>, of whom Dr. Frazer writes (p. 412),
+"In regard to Lua we know that she was spoken of as a
+mother, which makes it not improbable that she was also
+a wife." We are not surprised to find him claiming that
+because Vesta is addressed as Mater in the <i>Acta Fratr.
+Arv.</i> (Henzen, p. 147), that virgin deity was also married. This
+he does in his lectures on Kingship (p. 222), quoting Ennius
+and Lactantius as making Vesta mother of Saturnus and Titan.
+No comment on this is needed for any one conversant with
+Graeco-Roman religion and literature from Ennius onward.
+The title Mater here means simply that Vesta was to her
+worshippers in a maternal position: "quamvis virginem, indole
+tamen quadam materna praeditam fuisse nuper exposuit
+Preunerus," says Henzen, quoting Preuner's <i>Hestia-Vesta</i>, an
+old book but a good one (p. 333). But to return to Lua: I
+freely confess that I cannot explain why she was styled Mater.
+We only know of her, apart from the list in Gellius and one
+passage of Servius, from the two passages of Livy quoted without
+comment by Dr. Frazer. The first of these (viii. 1), which may be
+taken from the pontifical books, seems to let in a ray of light on
+her nature and function. In 338 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> the Volscians had been
+beaten, and "armorum magna vis" was found in their camp.
+"Ea Luae Matri se dare consul dixit, finesque hostium usque ad
+maritimam oram depopulatus est." That is, as I understand the
+words, he dedicated the enemy's spoils to the <i>numen</i> who was the
+enemy of his own crops.<a name="FNanchor_1010_1010" id="FNanchor_1010_1010"></a><a href="#Footnote_1010_1010" class="fnanchor">1010</a> For if Lua be connected etymologically
+with <i>lues</i>, she may be the hurtful aspect of Saturnus, like <i>Tursa</i>
+Cerfia Cerfii Martii as Buecheler explains it (<i>Umbrica</i>, p. 98).</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">482</a></span>A curious passage of Servius may be quoted in support of this
+view, in which Luae is an almost certain correction for Lunae
+(see Jordan's edition of Preller's <i>Rom. Mythol.</i> vol. ii. p. 22).
+Commenting on Virgil's "Arboribusque satisque lues" (<i>Aen.</i> iii.
+139), he writes: "quidam dicunt, diversis numinibus vel bene
+vel male faciendi potestatem dicatam, ut Veneri coniugia, Cereri
+divortia, Iunoni procreationem liberorum: sterilitatem horum
+tam Saturno quam Luae, hanc enim sicut Saturnum orbandi
+potestatem habere." Whatever Lua may originally have been,
+she seems to have been regarded as a power capable of working
+for evil in the crops and in women; if you could get her to
+work on your enemy's crops (cp. the <i>excantatio</i>, above p. 58), so
+much the better, and the better would her claim be to the title
+of Mater (but Dr. Frazer supplies us with examples of a <i>hostile</i>
+spirit being called by a family name, <i>e.g.</i>, Grandfather Smallpox,
+<i>G.B.</i> iii. p. 98). When the consul had dedicated the spoils to
+her he proceeded to assist her in her functions by ravaging the
+crops of the enemy; thus she became later on a deity of spoils.
+In the Macedonian triumph of <span class="smcap">B.C.</span> 167 we find her in company
+with Mars and Minerva as one of the deities to whom "spolia
+hostium dicare ius fasque est" (Livy xlv. 33).</p>
+
+<p>I may add here that Dr. Frazer has another arrow in his
+quiver to prove that Saturnus was married: if Lua was not his
+wife (which no Roman asserts) certainly (he says) Ops was. He
+quotes a few words from Macrobius (i. 13. 19) in which these
+two are mentioned as husband and wife. If he had quoted the
+whole passage, his reader would have been better able to judge
+of the value of the writers of whom Macrobius says that they
+"crediderunt" that Ops was wife of Saturn. For it appears
+that some of them fancied that Saturnus was "a satu dictus
+<i>cuius causa de caelo est</i>"&mdash;(a desperate attempt to make the old
+spirit of the seed into a heaven-god), while Ops, whose name
+speaks for itself, was the earth. But the real companion deity
+to Ops was not Saturnus, but Consus. This has been placed
+beyond all reasonable doubt by Wissowa in his <i>de Feriis</i>
+(reprinted in <i>Gesammelte Abhandlungen</i>, p. 154 foll.). See also
+my <i>R.F.</i> p. 212. The names Ops and Consus obviously refer
+to stored corn, and everything in their cult points the same way.
+Saturnus' connection with Ops is a late and a mistaken one,
+derived from the Graecising tendency, which brought Cronos
+and Rhea to bear on them.</p>
+
+<p>Next a word about Hora Quirini. As this coupling of names
+is followed by Virites Quirini, in the characteristic method
+explained in the text (cp. Cic. <i>Nat. Deor.</i> ii. 27 of Vesta, "<i>vis</i>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">483</a></span>eius ad aras et focos pertinet"), it is hardly necessary to comment
+on it. Hora is perhaps connected with Umbrian Heris (cp.
+Buecheler, <i>Umbrica</i>, index), which with kindred forms means
+will, willingness. Thus in "Nerienem Mavortis et Herem"
+(Ennius, fragm. 70, in Baehrens, <i>Fragm. Poet. Lat.</i>) we may
+see the strength and the will of Mars (cp. Herie Iunonis).
+Hora is also connected in legend with Hersilia (Ov. <i>Met.</i> 14.
+829), and this helps to show how the Alexandrian erotic legend-making
+faculty got hold of her. But, says Dr. Frazer, Ennius
+regarded her as wife of Quirinus: "Teque Quirine pater veneror,
+Horamque Quirini" (fragm. 71 of the <i>Annales</i>). This is Dr.
+Frazer's interpretation of the words, but Ennius says nothing
+of conjugal relations; and even if he had, his evidence as to
+ancient Roman conceptions would be worthless. Ennius was
+not a Roman; he came from Magna Graecia; and if Dr. Frazer
+will read <i>all</i> that is said about him, <i>e.g.</i> in Schanz's history of
+Roman literature, he will allow that every statement of such
+a man about old Roman ideas of the divine must be regarded
+with suspicion and subjected to careful criticism.</p>
+
+<p>Next we come to Salacia Neptuni. Of this couple Dr. Frazer
+says that Varro plainly implies that they were husband and wife,
+and that this is affirmed by Augustine, Seneca, and Servius.
+The accumulation of evidence seems strong; but Varro implies
+nothing of the kind (<i>L.L.</i> v. 72). He is indulging in fancy
+etymologies, and derives Neptunus from <i>nubere</i>, "quod mare
+terras obnubit ut nubes caelum, ab nuptu id est opertione ut
+antiqui, a quo nuptiae, nuptus dictus." If he had meant to
+make Salacia wife of Neptunus, this last sentence would surely
+have suggested it; but he goes on after a full stop, "Salacia
+Neptuni a salo." It is only the later writers, ignorant of the
+real nature of Roman religious ideas, who make Salacia into a
+wife. It is worth noting that Varro adds another feminine deity
+in his next sentence, Venilia, whom Virgil makes the mother
+of Turnus (<i>Aen.</i> x. 76); and Servius, commenting on this line,
+goes one better, and says she was identical with Salacia. Perhaps
+both were sea or water spirits, connected with Neptunus as
+<i>famulae</i> or <i>anculae</i> (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 19), but they are lost
+to us, and speculation is useless. In <i>R.F.</i> p. 186, I suggested
+an explanation of Salacia which I am disposed to withdraw.
+But for anyone wishing to study the treatment of old Roman
+<i>numina</i> by the mythologists and philosophers of the Graeco-Roman
+period, I would recommend an attentive reading of the
+whole chapter of Augustine from which Dr. Frazer quotes a few
+words (<i>C.D.</i> vii. 22); and further a careful study of the Graeco-Roman
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">484</a></span>methods of fabricating myths about Roman divine names,
+for which he will do well to read the passages referred to by
+Wissowa in <i>R.K.</i> pp. 250 and 251, and notes.</p>
+
+<p>Lastly, comes Maia Volcani. Here for once we get a fact of
+cult, which is a relief, after the loose and reckless statements of
+non-Roman and Christian writers. The flamen Volcanalis
+sacrificed to Maia on May 1st, which proves that there was a
+real and not a fancied connection between Volcanus and Maia,
+but certainly not that they were husband and wife. Dr. Frazer,
+however, quotes Cincius "on the <i>Fasti</i>" as (ap. Macrob. i. 12. 18)
+stating this, and refers us to Schanz's <i>Gesch. der r&ouml;m. Lit.</i> for
+information about him. In the second edition of that work he
+will find a discussion of the very doubtful question as to whether
+the Cincius he quotes is the person whom he asserts him to be,
+viz., the annalist of the second Punic War. The writer of the
+article "Cincius" in Pauly-Wissowa <i>Real-Encycl.</i> is very confident
+that the one who wrote on the <i>Fasti</i> lived as late as the age of
+Augustus. But putting that aside, what are we to make of the
+fact that another annalist, L. Calpurnius Piso (famous as the
+author of the first lex de repetundis, 149 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>), said that the wife
+of Volcanus was not Maia, but Maiestas? Piso was not a good
+authority (see above, p. 51), but he seems here to bring the
+"consort" of the fire-god into line with such expressions of activity
+as Moles, Virites, and so on; and it seems that as early as the
+second century b.c., sport and speculation with these names were
+beginning. I have quoted the whole pedantic passage from
+Macrobius in my <i>Roman Festivals</i>, p. 98, where the reader may
+enjoy it at leisure. I shall not be surprised if he comes to the
+conclusion that neither Macrobius nor his learned informers
+knew anything about Maia. When he reads that she was the
+mother of Mercurius, he will recollect that Mercurius was not a
+Roman deity of the earliest period, and did not belong to the
+<i>di indigetes</i>; and when he finds that she is identified with
+Bona Dea, he must not forget that that deity, as scholars are now
+pretty well agreed, was introduced at Rome from Tarentum in
+the age of the Punic Wars. The one fact we know is the
+sacrifice by the flamen Volcanalis on May 1. Someone went to
+work to explain this and another, viz. that the Ides of the month
+was the dedication day of the first temple of Mercurius (<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> 495),
+and also the fact that the temple of the Bona Dea on the
+Aventine was dedicated on the Kalends. The result was an
+extraordinary jumble of fancy and myth, which has been
+recognised as such by those who have studied closely the
+methods of Graeco-Roman scholarship. The unwary, of course,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">485</a></span>are taken in. A student of these methods might do well to take
+as an exercise in criticism the three "specimens of Roman
+mythology" which Dr. Frazer says (p. 413) have "survived the
+wreck of antiquity"&mdash;the loves of Vertumnus and Pomona, of
+Jupiter and Juturna, of Janus and Cardea. In the last of these
+especially he will find one of the most audacious pieces of
+charming and wilful invention that a Latin poet could perpetrate,
+in imitation of Hellenistic love tales, and to suit the
+taste of a public whose education was mainly Greek.</p>
+
+<p>The above lengthy note was written before I had seen
+von Domaszewski's paper on this subject ("Festschrift f&uuml;r O.
+Hirschfeld") reprinted in <i>Abhandlungen zur r&ouml;m. Religion</i>, p. 104
+foll. cp. p. 162.) His explanations are different in detail from
+mine, but rest on the same general principle that the names
+Salacia, etc., indicate functions or attributes of the male deity
+to whom they are attached.</p>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1010_1010" id="Footnote_1010_1010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1010_1010"><span class="label">1010</span></a> For the taboo on such spoils, and their destruction, see M. S. Reinach's
+interesting paper "Tarpeia," in <i>Cultes, mythes, et religions</i>, iii. 221 foll.</p></div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">486</a></span></p>
+<h4>APPENDIX IV</h4>
+
+<h5>(<span class="smcap">Lecture</span> VIII., page 169 foll.) <span class="smcap">Ius and Fas</span></h5>
+
+
+<p>In historical times the two kinds of <i>ius</i>, <i>divinum</i> and <i>humanum</i>,
+were strongly distinguished (see Wissowa, <i>R.K.</i> p. 318, who
+quotes Gaius ii. 2: "summa itaque rerum divisio in duos articulos
+diducitur, nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani"). But it
+is almost certain that there was originally no such clear distinction.
+The general opinion of historians of Roman law is thus
+expressed by Cuq (<i>Institutions juridiques des Romains</i>, p. 54):
+"Le droit civil n'a eu d'abord qu'une port&eacute;e fort restreinte. Peu
+&agrave; peu il a gagn&eacute; du terrain, il a entrepris de r&eacute;glementer des
+rapports qui autrefois &eacute;taient du domaine de la religion. Pendant
+longtemps &agrave; Rome le droit th&eacute;ocratique a coexist&eacute; avec le
+droit civil." (See also Muirhead, <i>Introduction to Roman Law</i>, ed.
+Goudy, p. 15.) Possibly the formation of an organised calendar,
+marking off the days belonging to the deities from those which
+were not so made over to them, first gave the opportunity
+for the gradual realisation of the thought that the set of rules
+under which the citizen was responsible to the divine beings
+was not exactly the same as that under which he was responsible
+to the civil authorities. The distinction took many ages to
+realise in all its aspects, and is not complete even under the
+XII. Tables or later, because the sanction for civil offences
+remained in great part a divine one; on this point Jhering is
+certainly wrong (<i>Geist des r&ouml;m. Rechts</i>, i. 267 foll.). As Cuq
+remarks (p. 54, note 1), one institution of the <i>ius divinum</i> kept
+its force after the complete secularisation of law, and retains
+it to this day, viz. the oath.</p>
+
+<p>If there was originally no distinction between religious and
+civil rules of law, it follows that there were originally no two
+distinguishing terms for them. The earliest passage in which
+they are distinguished as <i>ius divinum</i> and <i>humanum</i> (so far as I
+know) is Cicero's speech for Sestius (<span class="smcap">B.C.</span> 56), sec. 91, quoted by
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">487</a></span>Wissowa, p. 319: "domicilia coniuncta quas urbes dicimus, <i>invento
+et divino iure et humano</i>, moenibus cinxerunt." But by all British
+writers on Roman law, and by many foreign ones, the word <i>fas</i>
+is used as equivalent to the ius divinum, and sharply distinguished
+from <i>ius</i>. Thus the late Dr. Greenidge, in his useful
+work on Roman public life (p. 52 and elsewhere), makes this
+distinction; he writes of the <i>rex</i> as the chief expounder of the
+divine law (<i>fas</i>), and of the control exercised by <i>fas</i> over the
+citizen's life. Cp. Muirhead, ed. Goudy, p. 15 foll., where
+Mommsen is quoted thus: "Mommsen is probably near the
+mark when he describes the <i>leges regiae</i> as mostly rules of
+the <i>fas</i>." But Mommsen, like Wissowa in his <i>Religion und
+Kultus</i>, does not use the word <i>fas</i>, but speaks of "Sakralrecht."
+Sohm, on the other hand (<i>Roman Law</i>, trans. Ledlie, p. 15, note),
+compares <i>fas</i> with Sanscrit <i>dharma</i> and Greek <i>themis</i>, as meaning
+unwritten rules of divine origin, which eventually gave way
+before <i>ius</i>, as in Greece before &#948;&#7985;&#954;&#945;&#953;&#959;&#957;. (Cp. Binder, <i>Die Plebs</i>,
+p. 501.) But it is safer in this case to leave etymology alone,
+and to try to discover what the Romans themselves understood
+by <i>fas</i>, which is indeed a peculiar and puzzling word. (For its
+possible connection with <i>fari</i>, <i>effari</i> (ager effatus), <i>fanum</i>, and
+<i>profanum</i>, etc., see H. Nettleship's <i>Contributions to Latin Lexicography</i>,
+s.v. "Fas.")</p>
+
+<p><i>Fas</i> was at all times indeclinable, and is rarely found even as
+an accusative, as in Virg. <i>Aen.</i> ix. 96:</p>
+
+<div class="poem">
+<div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">mortaline manu factae immortale carinae</span>
+<span class="i0">fas habeant?</span>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In the oldest examples of its use, <i>i.e.</i> in the ancient calendar
+QRCF, on March 24 and May 24, <i>i.e.</i> "quando rex comitiavit fas"
+(Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 31), and QStDF on June 15, <i>i.e.</i> "Quando stercus
+delatum fas" (Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 32), it is hard to say whether it is
+a substantive at all, and not rather an adverb like <i>satis</i>. So, too,
+in the antique language of the <i>lex templi</i> of Furfo (58 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>)
+we read, "Utii tangere sarcire tegere devehere defigere mandare
+ferro oeti promovere referre <i>fasque esto</i>" (<i>liceat</i> should probably
+be inserted before <i>fasque esto</i>). See <i>CIL.</i> i. 603, line 7; Dessau,
+<i>Inscript. Lat. selectae</i>, ii. 1. 4906, p. 246. In these examples
+<i>fas</i> simply means that you may do certain acts without breaking
+religious law; it does not stand for the religious law itself. To
+me it looks like a technical word of the <i>ius divinum</i>, meaning
+that which it is lawful to do under it; thus a <i>dies fastus</i> is one
+on which it is lawful under that <i>ius</i> to perform certain acts of
+civil government, "sine piaculo" (Varro, <i>L.L.</i> vi. 29). <i>Nefas</i> is,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">488</a></span>therefore, in the same way a word which conveys a prohibition
+under the divine law. By constant juxtaposition with <i>ius</i>, <i>fas</i>
+came in course of time to take on the character of a substantive,
+and so too did its opposite <i>nefas</i>. The dictionaries supply many
+examples of its use as a substantive and as paralleled with <i>ius</i>,
+but the only one I can find that is earlier than Cicero is Terence,
+<i>Hecyra</i>, iii. 3. 27, <i>i.e.</i> in the work of a non-Roman.</p>
+
+<p>I cannot find that it is so used by Varro, where we might
+naturally have expected it. Cicero does not call his imaginary
+ius divinum a <i>fas</i>, but iura religionum, constitutio religionum
+(<i>de Legibus</i> ii. 10-23, 17-32). <i>Ius</i> is the word always used
+technically of particular departments of the religious law, <i>e.g.</i>
+ius pontificium, ius augurale, and ius fetiale (<i>CIL.</i> i. p. 202, is
+preimus ius fetiale paravit). The notion that <i>fas</i> could mean
+a kind of code of religious law is probably due to Virgil's use of
+the word in "Quippe etiam festis quaeddam exercere diebus
+Fas et iura sinunt," <i>Georg.</i> i. 269, and to the comment of
+Servius, "id est, divina humanaque iura permittunt: nam ad
+religionem fas, ad homines iura pertinent."</p>
+
+<p>It is strange to find it personified as a kind of deity in the
+formula of the fetiales, used when they announced the Roman
+demands at an enemy's frontier (Livy i. 32): "Audi Iuppiter,
+inquit, audite Fines (cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat), <i>audiat
+Fas</i>." Whence did Livy get this formula? We have no record
+of a book of the fetiales; if this came from those of the pontifices,
+as is probable, the formula need not be of ancient date,
+and the personification of Fines also suggests a doubt as to
+the genuineness of the whole formula.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">489</a></span></p>
+<h4>APPENDIX V</h4>
+
+<h5><span class="smcap">The Worship of Sacred Utensils</span> (page <a href="#Page_436">436</a>)</h5>
+
+
+<p>There can be no doubt that some kind of worship was paid by
+the Arval Brethren to certain <i>ollae</i>, or primitive vessels of sun-baked
+clay used in their most ancient rites. This is attested by
+two inscriptions of different ages which are printed on pp. 26
+and 27 of Henzen's <i>Acta Fratrum Arvalium</i>. After leaving their
+grove and entering the temple "in mensa <i>sacrum fecerunt ollis</i>";
+and shortly afterwards, "in aedem intraverunt et <i>ollas precati
+sunt</i>." Then, to our astonishment, we read that the door of the
+temple was opened, and the <i>ollae</i> thrown down the slope in front
+of it. This last act seems inexplicable; but the worship finds
+a singular parallel in the dairy ritual of the Todas of the
+Nilghiri hills.</p>
+
+<p>Dr. Rivers, in his work on the Todas (Macmillan, 1906, p.
+453), in summing up his impressions of their worship, observes
+that "the attitude of worship which is undoubtedly present
+in the Toda mind is becoming transferred from the gods
+themselves to the material objects used in the service of the
+gods." "The religious attitude of worship is being transferred
+from the gods themselves <i>to the objects round which centres the
+ritual of the dairy</i>." These objects are mainly the bells of the
+buffaloes and the dairy vessels; and an explicit account of them,
+the reverence in which they are held, and the prayers in which
+they are mentioned, will be found in the fifth, sixth, and eighth
+chapters of Dr. Rivers' work, which, as an account of what seems
+to be a religion atrophied by over-development of ritual, is in
+many ways of great interest to the student of Roman religious
+experience. The following sentence will appeal to the readers
+of these Lectures:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"The Todas seem to show us how the over-development
+of the ritual aspect of religion may lead to atrophy of those ideas
+and beliefs through which the religion has been built up; and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">490</a></span>then how, in its turn, the ritual may suffer, and acts which are
+performed mechanically, with no living ideas behind them, may
+come to be performed carelessly and incompletely, while religious
+observances which involve trouble and discomfort may be
+evaded or completely neglected."</p>
+
+<p>Whether the worship of the <i>ollae</i> was a part of the original
+ritual of the Brethren, or grew up after its revival by Augustus, it
+is impossible to determine. But if we can allow the dairy ritual
+of the Todas to help us in the matter, we may conclude that
+in any case it was not really primitive, and that it was a result of
+that process of over-ritualisation to which must also be ascribed
+the <i>piacula</i> caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the
+temple, and the three Sonderg&ouml;tter Adolenda Commolenda
+Deferunda. (See above p. <a href="#Page_161">161</a> foll., and Henzen, <i>Acta Fratr.
+Arv.</i> p. 147.)</p>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">491</a></span></p>
+<h4>INDEX</h4>
+
+<ul class="IX">
+<li>Acca Larentia, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>
+</li><li>
+Acolytes, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>
+</li><li>
+Adolenda, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>
+</li><li>
+Addenda Commolenda Deferunda, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>
+</li><li>
+Aedes Vestae: <i>see</i> Vesta
+</li><li>
+Aediles, plebeian, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>
+</li><li>
+Aemilius Paulus, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Aeneid</i>, the, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
+<ul><li>
+as a means of understanding the spirit of the Roman religion, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;
+a poem of religion and morals, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>-425
+</li></ul>
+</li><li>
+Aesculapius, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Ager paganus</i>: lustration, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>
+<ul><li>
+  <i>Romanus</i>: lustration, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>
+</li></ul>
+</li><li>
+Agriculture, the economic basis of Roman life, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  festivals, <i>see</i> Festivals
+</li></ul>
+</li><li>
+Agrippa, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>
+</li><li>
+Alba Longa, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>
+</li><li>
+Alban Mount: Latin festival, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temple of Jupiter Latiaris, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>
+</li></ul>
+</li><li>
+Alexander, Archibald, on faith, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>
+</li><li>
+Ambarvalia, procession of the, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>
+</li><li>
+Amburbium, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>
+</li><li>
+Amulets, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>
+</li><li>
+Ancilia, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  lustration, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;
+</li><li>
+  moving, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Angerona, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>
+</li><li>
+Animism, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>
+</li><li>
+Anna Perenna: festival, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Ovid's account of, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Antoninus Pius, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>
+</li><li>
+Apollo, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  cult of, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;
+</li><li>
+  associated with Diana, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Latona, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the Pythian, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-445;
+</li><li>
+  institution of Apolline games, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Appius Claudius, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>
+</li><li>
+Aquaelicium, ceremony of the, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Ara</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>
+</li><li>
+Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>
+</li><li>
+Ara Pacis of Augustus, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>
+</li><li>
+Argei: festival, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  puppets thrown into the Tiber, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;
+</li><li>
+  chapels called, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Armilustrium, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>
+</li><li>
+Army: lustration of, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>
+</li><li>
+Arnobius, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>
+</li><li>
+Artemis, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>
+</li><li>
+Arval Brethren: <i>see</i> Fratres Arvales
+</li><li>
+Asclepios, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>
+</li><li>
+Astrology, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>-398, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>
+</li><li>
+Ateius Capito, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>
+</li><li>
+Athene Polias, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>
+</li><li>
+Attalus, king of Pergamus, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>
+</li><li>
+Atticus, Cicero's letters to, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>
+</li><li>
+Attus Navius, soothsayer, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Augurium canarium</i>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>
+</li><li>
+Augurs, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-176, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  and the art of divination, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>-309;
+</li><li>
+  in relation to the Rex, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;
+</li><li>
+  art strictly secret, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;
+</li><li>
+  compared with pontifices, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>
+</li><li>
+  lore preserved in books, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;
+</li><li>
+  political importance, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Augustus, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  revival of religion, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>-447;
+</li><li>
+  his connection with Virgil, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;
+</li><li>
+  pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;
+</li><li>
+  restoration of temples, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>-434;
+</li><li>
+  revival of ancient ritual, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>-436;
+</li><li>
+  restorer of the <i>pax deorum</i>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Aurelius, Marcus, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Auspicia</i>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  in life of family, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;
+</li><li>
+  in State operations, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;
+</li><li>
+  indissolubly connected with <i>imperuim</i>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Aust, on religion of the family, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Roman deities, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on prayer, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">492</a></span>
+  on reaction against the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Aventine:  plebeian quarter, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li><li>
+  Cyril, cited, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Beans, used to get rid of ghosts, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  taboo on eating, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Bellona, connection with Mars, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>
+</li><li>
+Bibulus, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>
+</li><li>
+Binder, Dr., on the plebs, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>
+</li><li>
+Birds, used in augury, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>
+</li><li>
+Birth, spirits invoked at, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>
+</li><li>
+Blood: taboo on, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  mystic use of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;
+</li><li>
+  not prominent in Roman ritual, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>-181;
+</li><li>
+  consecration through, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;
+</li><li>
+  wine as substitute for, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Boissier, G., <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the <i>Aeneid</i>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Bona Dea, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li><li>
+Bouché-Leclercq, M., on divination, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>
+</li><li>
+Boundary festivals: <i>see</i> Terminalia
+</li><li>
+Boundary stones, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-82, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  sprinkled with blood of victims, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Bulla</i> worn by children, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>
+</li><li>
+Burial places <i>loca religiosa</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>
+</li><li>
+Bussell, F. W., cited, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Caesar, Julius: belief in spells, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  calendar, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;
+</li><li>
+  pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;
+</li><li>
+  and the priesthood, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Caesar-worship, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>
+</li><li>
+Caird, Professor, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Reason in man, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cakes: honey, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  sacred, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Salt-cake
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Calendar, the ancient religious, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
+<ul><li>
+    described, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>-109;
+</li><li>
+    in relation to agricultural life, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>-102, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;
+</li><li>
+    festivals necessarily fixed, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;
+</li><li>
+    a matter of routine, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;
+</li><li>
+    its psychological result, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>-105;
+</li><li>
+    a document of religious law, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;
+</li><li>
+    exclusion of the barbarous and grotesque, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;
+</li><li>
+    attributed to Numa Pompilius, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>
+</li><li>
+  Julian, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Calpurnius Piso, L.: <i>see</i> Piso
+</li><li>
+<i>Camilli</i> and <i>camillae</i>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>
+</li><li>
+Campus Martius, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  lustrum of censors, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cannae, religious panic after the battle of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>
+</li><li>
+Cantorelli, on the <i>annales maximi</i>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>
+</li><li>
+Capitolium, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>Carmen saeculare</i> sung, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>-445;
+</li><li>
+  temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Caprotinae, Nonae, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>
+</li><li>
+Cardea, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Janus, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Caristia, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Carmen</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;
+<ul><li>
+    used at siege of Carthage, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>Arvale</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>
+</li><li>
+  used by <i>Attiedii</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-447, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>Saliare</i>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Carmenta, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>
+</li><li>
+Carmentalia, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>
+</li><li>
+Carna, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>
+</li><li>
+Carter, J. B., on cult-titles, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the Latins, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-230;
+</li><li>
+  on Castor-cult, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Diana, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Fortuna, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Hercules, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Janus, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Juno, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the Manes, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Mars, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Poseidon-Neptune, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cassius Hemina, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>
+</li><li>
+Castor and Pollux, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cato, the Censor, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>-184, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>
+</li><li>
+Catullus, on death, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>
+</li><li>
+Censors, lustrum of the, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>
+</li><li>
+Census, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>
+</li><li>
+Cerealia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>
+</li><li>
+Ceres, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cerfius, or Cerus, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>
+</li><li>
+Chaldeans, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  expelled from Rome, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Charms, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>-62;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Amulets
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Chickens, sacred, as omens, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>
+</li><li>
+Children: purificatory rites, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  naming of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>-29, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;
+</li><li>
+  amulets and <i>bulla</i> worn by, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
+</li><li>
+  dedication of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-205
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Christianity, early: contributions from the Roman religion, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>-467;
+<ul><li>
+  the Greek and Latin fathers compared, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>-459;
+</li><li>
+  its relation to morality, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cicero, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;
+<ul><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">493</a></span>
+  on religiousness of the Romans, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>-250;
+</li><li>
+  on Titus Coruncanius, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>-282;
+</li><li>
+  on divination, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on interest of the gods in human affairs, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Stoicism, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>-368, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on relation of man to God, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;
+</li><li>
+  affected by revival of Pythagoreanism, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;
+</li><li>
+  turns to mysticism, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;
+</li><li>
+  his letters to Atticus, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>;
+</li><li>
+  his Somnium Scipionis, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;
+</li><li>
+  belief in a future life, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;
+</li><li>
+  definition of <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Claudius, Emperor, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>
+</li><li>
+Claudius Pulcher, P., <a href="#Page_315">315</a>
+<ul><li>
+  Quadrigarius, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cleanthes, hymn of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>
+</li><li>
+Clusius (or Clusivius), cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>
+</li><li>
+Coinquenda, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>
+</li><li>
+Colonia, religious rites at founding of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>
+</li><li>
+Compitalia, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>
+</li><li>
+Concordia, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li><li>
+Conditor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Confarreatio</i>, marriage by, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Coniuratio</i>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Consolatio</i>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>
+</li><li>
+Constantius, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>
+</li><li>
+Consualia, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>
+</li><li>
+Consuls, annual ceremony at the Capitoline temple, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>-240
+</li><li>
+Consus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Ops, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Convector, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+Conway, Professor, on Quirinus and Quirites, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>
+</li><li>
+Cook, A. B., on Jupiter, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Janus, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Quirinus and Quirites, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Corn deities, Greek, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Corpus Inscriptionum</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>
+</li><li>
+Coruncanius, Titus, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>
+</li><li>
+Coulanges, Fustel de, on the Lar, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>
+</li><li>
+Crawley, Mr., on the fatherhood of gods, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on religion and morality, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cremation, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>
+</li><li>
+Crooke, Mr., on luck in odd numbers, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>
+</li><li>
+Cult-titles, invention of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>
+</li><li>
+Cumont, Professor, on the religion of the Romans, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Jupiter, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Cunina, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>
+</li><li>
+Cuq, on civil and religious law, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Cura et caerimonia</i>, Cicero's expression, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>
+</li><li>
+Curia, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>
+</li><li>
+Curiatius, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>
+</li><li>
+Cynics, the, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Days, lucky and unlucky, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-41;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Dies
+</li></ul></li><li>
+De Marchi, on votive offerings, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>
+</li><li>
+Dea Dia, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  description of rites, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>-436;
+</li><li>
+  veneration for utensils used, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Dead: disposal of the, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  cult, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;
+</li><li>
+  festivals, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;
+</li><li>
+  contrast between Lemuria and Parentalia, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>-395
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Decemviri, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>
+</li><li>
+Decius Mus, self-sacrifice of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>-207, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>
+</li><li>
+Deities, Roman: <i>see also</i> Numen <i>and</i> Spirits;
+<ul><li>
+  sources of our knowledge of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-115;
+</li><li>
+  mental conception of the Romans regarding, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-117, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>-123, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>-140, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>-225;
+</li><li>
+  <i>di indigetes</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
+</li><li>
+  functional spirits with will-power, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the four great gods, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>-134;
+</li><li>
+  epithets of Pater and Mater applied to, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>-157;
+</li><li>
+  the question of marriage, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-152, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>-485;
+</li><li>
+  fluctuation between male and female, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-149;
+</li><li>
+  nomenclature, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>-156, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
+</li><li>
+  compared with Greek gods, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;
+</li><li>
+  presence of, at meals, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>-173, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;
+</li><li>
+  introduction of new, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-242, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262;
+</li><li>
+  women's, <i>see</i> Women
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Delphic oracle consulted during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>-324, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>
+</li><li>
+Demeter, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  supersession of Ceres by, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Deubner, Professor, his theory of the Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>-480
+</li><li>
+<i>Devotio</i>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>-209, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>-221;
+<ul><li>
+  formula, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-208, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sacrificial nature, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Di Manes: <i>see</i> Manes
+</li><li>
+Di Penates: <i>see</i> Penates
+</li><li>
+Diana: associated with Janus, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Artemis, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Apollo, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Hercules, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;
+</li><li>
+  functions, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-236;
+</li><li>
+  temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>
+</li></ul></li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">494</a></span>
+<i>Dies comitiales</i>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>
+<ul><li>
+  <i>endotercisi</i>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>fasti</i>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>lustricus</i>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>nefasti</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>postriduani</i>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>religiosi</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Dieterich, on disposal of the dead, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>
+</li><li>
+Dill, Professor, on Roman worship, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>
+</li><li>
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>
+</li><li>
+Dionysus: identified with Liber, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  ritual, in Greece, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>-345;
+</li><li>
+  outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Dis, black victims sacrificed to, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>
+</li><li>
+Dius Fidius, connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>
+</li><li>
+Divination, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  a universal instinct of human nature, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with magic, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;
+</li><li>
+  views on the origin of, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;
+</li><li>
+  formalised by State authorities, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;
+</li><li>
+  private, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;
+</li><li>
+  quack diviners, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>-298;
+</li><li>
+  <i>auspicia</i> of family religion, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>-300;
+</li><li>
+  public, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;
+</li><li>
+  duties of the Rex, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;
+</li><li>
+  lore preserved in books, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;
+</li><li>
+  divination by lightning, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;
+</li><li>
+  no lasting value in sphere of religion, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;
+</li><li>
+  a clog on progress, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sinister influence of Etruscan divination on Rome, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Dobschütz, on Christianity, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>
+</li><li>
+Dogs: sacrifices: <i>see</i> Sacrifices
+</li><li>
+Dolabella, Cornelius, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>
+</li><li>
+Döllinger, Dr., on the Flamen Dialis, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on prayer, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Domaszewski, von, cited, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  definition of <i>numen</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the cult epithets of Janus, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Juno, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on evolution of <i>dei</i> out of functional <i>numina</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Duhn, Professor von, cited, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>
+</li><li>
+Dynamic theory of sacrifice, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Earthquakes, expiation of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>
+</li><li>
+Eilithyia, Greek deity of childbirth, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>
+</li><li>
+Ennius, cited, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>
+</li><li>
+Epictetus, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>
+</li><li>
+Epicurism, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>
+</li><li>
+Epicurus, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>
+</li><li>
+Epulum Iovis: <i>see</i> Jupiter
+</li><li>
+Equirria, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>
+</li><li>
+Eschatology, Christian: preparation of the Roman mind for, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>
+</li><li>
+Esquiline, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>
+</li><li>
+Etruscans, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  domination in Rome, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;
+</li><li>
+  art of divination, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sinister influence on Rome, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Evil spirits, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  wolf's fat as a charm against, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Evocatio</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Excantatio</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Extipicina</i>, Etruscan rite of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Fabius Pictor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>
+</li><li>
+Falacer, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>
+</li><li>
+Family (<i>familia</i>): origin and meaning of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  religion in the, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-228, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>-300;
+</li><li>
+  description of the house, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>-73, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;
+</li><li>
+  its holy places, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;
+</li><li>
+  spirits of the household: <i>see</i> Spirits;
+</li><li>
+  the Lar familiaris, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;
+</li><li>
+  position of slaves, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>religio terminorum</i>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;
+</li><li>
+  marriage, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;
+</li><li>
+  childbirth, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;
+</li><li>
+  burial of the dead, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;
+</li><li>
+  maintenance of the <i>sacra</i>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>-275
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Fanum</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Far</i>, sacred cakes of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>
+</li><li>
+Farnell, Dr., cited, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the vow of the <i>ver sacrum</i>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Dionysiac ritual, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Farreus, connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Fas</i>, early usage of, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>-488
+</li><li>
+Fasti: <i>see</i> Calendar
+</li><li>
+Faunalia, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>
+</li><li>
+Faunus, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Februum</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>
+</li><li>
+Feretrius, cult-title of Jupiter: <i>see</i> Jupiter
+</li><li>
+Feriae Iovis, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>
+<ul><li>
+  Latinae, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Feronia, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>
+</li><li>
+Ferrero, on the <i>Carmen saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the <i>ludi saeculares</i>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Fertility, customs to produce, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>
+</li><li>
+Festivals, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>-81, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  agricultural, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;
+</li><li>
+  harvest, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;
+</li><li>
+  vintage, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of the dead: <i>see</i> Dead;
+</li><li>
+  Latin festival on Alban mount, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">495</a></span>
+  in calendar, necessarily fixed, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;
+</li><li>
+  women's: <i>see</i> Women
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Festus, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>
+</li><li>
+Fetiales, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>
+</li><li>
+Fides, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Fig-tree: sprouting of, on roof of temple, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>piacula</i> offered to various deities, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Flamen Cerealis, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>
+<ul><li>
+  Dialis, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;
+<ul><li>
+    insignia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;
+</li><li>
+    taboos on, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>-35, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>
+</li></ul>
+</li><li>
+  Martialis, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>
+</li><li>
+  Quirinalis, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>
+</li><li>
+  Volcanalis, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li></ul>
+</li><li>
+Flamines, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  insignia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;
+</li><li>
+  personal purity essential, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Flaminica Dialis, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  insignia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;
+</li><li>
+  taboos on, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>-36
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Flaminius, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>
+</li><li>
+Flora, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>
+</li><li>
+Fons, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li><li>
+Forculus, the door spirit, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>
+</li><li>
+Fordicidia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>
+</li><li>
+Fornacalia, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>
+</li><li>
+Fortuna (Fors Fortuna), <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>
+</li><li>
+Forum Boarium, human sacrifices, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>
+</li><li>
+Fratres Arvales: Acta Fratrum Arvalium, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>;
+<ul><li>
+    altar, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;
+</li><li>
+    carmen, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+</li><li>
+    ritual of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;
+</li><li>
+    revived by Augustus, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+</li><li>
+    duties of the Brethren, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>;
+</li><li>
+    worship of sacred utensils, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490
+</li><li>
+    Attiedii, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Frazer, Dr. J. G., his definition of religion, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  his theory of divine kingship, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on totemism, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on taboo, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on <i>oscilla</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the Parilia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on marriage of gods, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>-485;
+</li><li>
+  on cult of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on appointment of <i>camillae</i>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Diana, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on superstition, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Fulgur, cult-title of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>
+</li><li>
+Furrina, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Gallus, Aelius, on <i>religiosum</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>
+</li><li>
+Games instituted to divert attention in times of trouble, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>-263;
+<ul><li>
+   Apolline, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Ludi
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Gardner, Professor E., cited, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>
+</li><li>
+Gardner, Professor P., on Christianity, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on prayers for the dead, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;
+</li><li>
+  cited, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Gellius, Aulus, on the conjunction of divine names, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-152;
+<ul><li>
+  story of Scipio, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on religiousness of the Romans, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Genius: the male principle of life, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  of the paterfamilias, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;
+</li><li>
+  doubtful identification of Hercules with, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;
+</li><li>
+  in combination with Hercules and Juventas, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Juno the feminine counterpart of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Gennep, M. van, on taboo, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on religious ceremonies, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on lustrations, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Gentes</i>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Georgics</i>, the religious spirit of the, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>
+</li><li>
+Ghosts, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>
+</li><li>
+Gilds, trade, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>
+</li><li>
+Glover, Mr., on Christianity, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>
+</li><li>
+God, as represented in the <i>Aeneid</i>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>
+</li><li>
+Gods: <i>see</i> Deities
+</li><li>
+Gratitude, not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>
+</li><li>
+Greek comedy, influence on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>-353
+<ul><li>
+  gods, compared with Roman, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;
+</li><li>
+    introduced into Rome, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>-242
+</li><li>
+  literature, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>
+</li><li>
+  philosophy, influence on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>-375
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Greenidge, Dr., on the <i>auspicia</i> and the <i>imperium</i>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>
+</li><li>
+Gregory the Great, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>
+</li><li>
+Gwatkin, Professor, on Augustine, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the relation of early Christianity to morality, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Haddon, Professor, on supernaturalism, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>
+</li><li>
+Hades, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>
+</li><li>
+Hannibalic War: revival of <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Sibylline books consulted, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>-319, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sacrifices and offerings made to deities, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;
+</li><li>
+  religious panic after battle of Cannae, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;
+</li><li>
+  human sacrifices, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Delphic oracle consulted, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">496</a></span>
+  outbreak of <i>lascivia</i>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;
+</li><li>
+  institution  of Apolline games, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;
+</li><li>
+  religious history of last years, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>-329;
+</li><li>
+  gratitude to deities, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the Magna Mater of Pessinus brought to Rome, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Hardie, Professor, and the double altar in connection with funeral rites, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>
+</li><li>
+Hariolus, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>
+</li><li>
+Harrison, Miss, on covering the head at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>
+</li><li>
+Haruspices, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  history of the, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>-309
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Hebe, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>
+</li><li>
+Heinze, on the <i>Aeneid</i>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>-415, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>
+</li><li>
+Heitland, Mr., on Bacchanalia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>
+</li><li>
+Heracleitus, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>
+</li><li>
+Hercules: associated with Diana, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  with Juno, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
+</li><li>
+  in combination with Juventas and Genius, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;
+</li><li>
+  doubtful identification with Genius, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;
+</li><li>
+  identified with the Greek Heracles, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Victor or Invictus, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  cult of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  festival, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;
+</li><li>
+  worship confined to men, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Hermes, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>
+</li><li>
+Hirtzel, Mr., cited, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>
+</li><li>
+Homer, religion of, compared with that of Roman patricians, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>
+</li><li>
+Honey cakes, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>
+</li><li>
+Honos et Virtus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Horace, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>Carmen saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>-432, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-447, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Hora Quirini, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>-483
+</li><li>
+Horses: lustrations, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  races, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sacrifice of, <i>see</i> Sacrifices
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Howerth, Ira W., his definition of religion, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>
+</li><li>
+Hubert et Mauss, on magic, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on sacrifice, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Human sacrifice, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>
+</li><li>
+Hut-urns, sepulchral, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>
+</li><li>
+Huts or booths, use of, in religious ritual, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>-477
+</li><li>
+Huvelin, M., on magic, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Ides, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  sacred to Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Iguvium: ritual, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  lustration of the <i>arx</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of the people, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>-216
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Images and statues of gods, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  statue of Athene, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Immortality, belief in, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>-387, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>
+</li><li>
+Imporcitor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Inauguratio</i> of the priest-king Numa, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-175, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>
+</li><li>
+Incense, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>
+</li><li>
+Indigetes, di, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>
+</li><li>
+Indigitamenta, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>-161, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>
+</li><li>
+Individualism, growth of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>
+</li><li>
+Innocent, Bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>
+</li><li>
+Iron, tabooed in religious ceremonies, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>
+</li><li>
+Isis: religion, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Ius</i>, early usage of, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>-487
+<ul><li>
+  <i>augurale</i>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>civile</i>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;
+</li><li>
+    and the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-279
+</li><li>
+  <i>divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>-273, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;
+</li><li>
+    and the <i>ius civile</i>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-279;
+</li><li>
+    ritual, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>-191, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;
+</li><li>
+    the pontifical books the pharmacopoeia of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;
+</li><li>
+    decay and neglect, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;
+</li><li>
+    reaction against, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>-344, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;
+</li><li>
+    Augustan revival, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>hospitii</i>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>Manium</i>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Janus: the door spirit, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  bifrons of the Forum, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;
+</li><li>
+  speculations regarding, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
+</li><li>
+  cult-titles, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;
+</li><li>
+  worship, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with Cardea, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Diana, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Juno, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Vesta, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Jebb, Professor, on poetry of the Greeks, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>
+</li><li>
+Jevons, Dr., <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on totemism, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on taboo, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on magic, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on priests, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Jews, proselytising, expelled from Rome, 139 <span class="smcap">B.C.</span>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>
+</li><li>
+Jhering, von, on origin of Roman divination, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>
+</li><li>
+Jordan, H., <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on pairing of deities, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Junius, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">497</a></span>
+Juno, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Caprotina, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Curitis, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Moneta, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Populonia, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Regina, (of Ardea) <a href="#Page_318">318</a>,
+</li><li>
+    (of the Aventine) <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>,
+</li><li>
+    (of Veii) <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Sospita, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with Hercules, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;
+</li><li>
+  one of the Etruscan trias, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;
+</li><li>
+  representative of female principle, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temples, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Junonius, cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>
+</li><li>
+Jupiter, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  difference between Jupiter and Zeus, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with Diana, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Dius Fidius, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Juno, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Juturna, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Tellus, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Terminus, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Capitolinus, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Dapalis, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Elicius, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>-52, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Fagutalis, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Farreus, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Feretrius, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Fulgur, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Grabovius, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Latiaris, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Lucetius, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Sabazius, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Summanus, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
+</li><li>
+  one of the Etruscan trias, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;
+</li><li>
+  cult at Praeneste, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;
+</li><li>
+  cult-titles Optimus Maximus, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Ides sacred to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
+</li><li>
+  worshipped on Alban Mount, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
+</li><li>
+  epulum Iovis, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temples, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>-238, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Juturna, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Juventas, in combination with Genius and Hercules, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Kalends, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li><li>
+Kobbert, Maximilianus, on <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>
+</li><li>
+Kronos, identified with Saturnus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Lactantius, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>
+</li><li>
+Lang, Mr., <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  cited in connection with the calendar of Numa, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Lapis</i>: <i>see</i> Stones
+</li><li>
+Laralia: <i>see</i> Compitalia
+</li><li>
+Larentia, Acca, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>
+</li><li>
+Lar familiaris, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>
+</li><li>
+Lares compitales, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>
+</li><li>
+Latin Festival: <i>see</i> Feriae Latinae
+</li><li>
+Latins, the, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>
+</li><li>
+Latona, associated with Apollo, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>
+</li><li>
+Laughing, in ritual of Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>
+</li><li>
+Laurel branches carried in procession, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>
+</li><li>
+Lawson, J. C., on burial and cremation, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>
+</li><li>
+Leather, tabooed in the worship of Carmenta, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>
+</li><li>
+Lecky, Mr., on Stoicism, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>
+</li><li>
+Lectisternium, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>-266, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>-319, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Leges regiae</i>, connection with the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>
+</li><li>
+Leland, C. G., <a href="#Page_67">67</a>
+</li><li>
+Lemuria, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  compared with the Parentalia, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>-395
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Lepidus, pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>
+</li><li>
+Liber, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  identified with Dionysus, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Libera, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  identified with Persephone, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Liberalia, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>
+</li><li>
+Libitina, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>
+</li><li>
+Licinius Imbrex, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>
+</li><li>
+Licinius, P., pontifex maximus, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>
+</li><li>
+Lightning, divination by, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>
+</li><li>
+Limentinus, spirit of the threshold, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>
+</li><li>
+Livius Andronicus, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>
+</li><li>
+Livy, cited, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Bacchanalia, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>-348
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Lua, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>
+</li><li>
+Lucaria, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>
+</li><li>
+Lucetius, cult-title of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>
+</li><li>
+Lucilius, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>
+</li><li>
+Lucretius, cited, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>-406, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  his contempt for <i>superstitio</i>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>7;
+</li><li>
+  on Roman belief in Hades, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;
+</li><li>
+  his use of <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Lucus</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Ludi</i>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>: <i>see also</i> Games
+<ul><li>
+  <i>magni</i>, vowed to Jupiter during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>saeculares</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>;
+</li><li>
+    prayers used in, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>;
+</li><li>
+    ritual described, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>-447;
+</li><li>
+    discovery of inscriptions, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>
+</li><li>
+  <i>scenici</i>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  whipping to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">498</a></span>produce fertility, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Prof. Deubner's theory, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>-480
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Luperci, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>
+</li><li>
+Lupercus, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>
+</li><li>
+Lustrations: meaning of <i>lustrare</i>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>-210;
+<ul><li>
+  lustration of the <i>ager paganus</i>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of the <i>ager Romanus</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of <i>ancilia</i>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of the army, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of the <i>arx</i> of Iguvium, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of cattle and sheep, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of the city, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of the farm, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of horses, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of people, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of trumpets, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;
+</li><li>
+  animistic conception of, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;
+</li><li>
+  ultimately adapted by Roman Church to its own ritual, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Luthard, on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Macrobius, cited, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Macte esto</i>, meaning of the phrase, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>
+</li><li>
+Magic: allied to taboo, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  contagious and homoeopathic, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
+</li><li>
+  and divination, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;
+</li><li>
+  harmless, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;
+</li><li>
+  prayers and incantations, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;
+</li><li>
+  private, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;
+</li><li>
+  in purificatory processes, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;
+</li><li>
+  and religion, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>-49, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;
+</li><li>
+  rigorously excluded from State ritual, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sympathetic, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Magna Mater of Pessinus, brought to Rome, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>
+</li><li>
+Maia, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Volcanus, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Maiestas, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Mana</i>, the positive aspect of taboo, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>
+</li><li>
+Manes, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  individualisation of, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Di Manes, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Mania, mother of the Lares, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>
+</li><li>
+Manilius, his poem on astrology, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>
+</li><li>
+Mannhardt, his theory of the Vegetation-spirit, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>-20, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on laughing in ritual of the Lupercalia, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>-112
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Marcellus, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>
+</li><li>
+Marcius, Latin oracles supposed to be written by, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>
+</li><li>
+Marcius Rex, praetor, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>
+</li><li>
+Marcus Aurelius, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>
+</li><li>
+Marett, Mr., on taboo, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on <i>sacrificium</i>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on divination, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Marquardt, on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on naming of children, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Marriage: a religious ceremony, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Tellus an object of worship at, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;
+</li><li>
+  among deities, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-152, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>-485
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Mars, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  various forms of his name, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;
+</li><li>
+  as a married god, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-152, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+</li><li>
+  invocations to, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with Bellona, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Nerio, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-151, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Quirinus, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;
+</li><li>
+  pater, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Silvanus, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
+</li><li>
+  cult of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-134;
+</li><li>
+  festival, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>-97;
+</li><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Martianus Capella, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>
+</li><li>
+Masson, Dr., <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Roman fear of future torments, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Mastarna, Etruscan name of Servius Tullus, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>
+</li><li>
+Masurius Sabinus, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>
+</li><li>
+Matutinus, cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>
+</li><li>
+Meals, sacrificial, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  epulum Iovis: <i>see under</i> Jupiter
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Megalesia, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>
+</li><li>
+Mens, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li><li>
+Mercurius (Hermes), <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li><li>
+Messor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+Mildew, spirit of the: <i>see</i> Robigus
+</li><li>
+Minerva, one of the Etruscan trias, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  name Italian, not Etruscan, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;
+</li><li>
+  associated with trade gilds, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Capta, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temples, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Minium, faces painted with, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>
+</li><li>
+Minucius Felix, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>
+</li><li>
+Mithras, religion of, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>
+</li><li>
+Moirae (Parcae), <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Mola salsa</i>: <i>see</i> Salt-cake
+</li><li>
+Moles, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>
+</li><li>
+Mommsen, cited, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  and the religion of the Romans, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the <i>Fasti anni Romani</i>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on <i>Carmen saeculare</i>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Mucius Scaevola: <i>see</i> Scaevola
+</li><li>
+<i>Murus</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>
+</li><li>
+Mysticism, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>-398, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  in the form of astrology, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>;
+</li><li>
+  not native to the Roman, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Neo-Pythagoreanism: <i>see</i> Mysticism
+</li><li>
+Neptunalia, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>
+</li><li>
+Neptunus, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  identified with Poseidon, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with Salacia, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Mercurius, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>
+</li></ul></li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">499</a></span>
+Nerio: connection with Mars, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-151, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  meaning of Nerio Martis, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Nettleship, Professor, on the phrase <i>macte esto</i>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the character of Aeneas, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on <i>sanctus</i>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Nigidius Figulus, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>
+</li><li>
+Nones, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Nonae Caprotinae, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Numa Pompilius, priest-king: Livy's account of his <i>inauguratio</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-175;
+<ul><li>
+  legends, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Calendar described, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>-109;
+</li><li>
+  spurious books found in stone coffin, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Numbers, mystic, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Numen</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  meaning of the word, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;
+</li><li>
+  von Domaszewski's definition of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;
+</li><li>
+  evolution of <i>dei</i> out of functional <i>numina</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Spirits <i>and</i> Deities
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Oak-gods, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>
+</li><li>
+Oaths: connection of Castor and Pollux with, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  of Hercules, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;
+</li><li>
+  of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
+</li><li>
+  taken in open air, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>-142;
+</li><li>
+  the religious, in public life, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;
+</li><li>
+  used by women, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  taboo on, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Oberator, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+October horse, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  sacrifice of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Odd numbers, luck in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Ollae</i>, worship of, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490
+</li><li>
+Opalia, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>
+</li><li>
+Opiconsiva, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>
+</li><li>
+Ops, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Consus, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Saturnus, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Oracles, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Delphic oracle
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Orcus, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  the old name for the abode of the Manes, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sacrifice of captives to, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Orosius, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>
+</li><li>
+Orphic doctrine, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  tablets, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Oscilla, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Dr. Frazer's theory, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Puppets
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Otto, W., on connection of <i>religio</i> with practice of taboo, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>
+</li><li>
+Ovid, on Roman gods, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  his picture of the Sementivae, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
+</li><li>
+  rite of pagus, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the Lemuria, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Janus, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on images of gods, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the Robigalia, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on meals at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the word <i>februum</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on annual ceremony by consuls, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the festival of Anna Perenna, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Paganalia, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>
+</li><li>
+Pagus: the <i>familia</i> in relation to, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  meaning of the word, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;
+</li><li>
+  festival of the Lar, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;
+</li><li>
+  other festivals, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the <i>religio terminorum</i>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-82;
+</li><li>
+  lustrations of the, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pais, on Acca Larentia, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the Tarquinii and Mastarna, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Palatine: <i>Carmen saeculare</i> sung on the, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-447, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temple of Apollo, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-445
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pales, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>
+</li><li>
+Panaetius: and the Scipionic circle, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>-364, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  his theology, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;
+</li><li>
+  and Platonic psychology, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pantheism, Stoic, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>-368
+</li><li>
+Papirius, the consul, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>
+</li><li>
+Parentalia, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  compared with the Lemuria, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>-395
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Parilia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>
+</li><li>
+Pater and Mater, as applied to deities, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>-157
+</li><li>
+Patricians, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  religious system a monopoly of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Patulcius, cult-title of Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>
+</li><li>
+Pax (deity), <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Pax deorum</i>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  means towards maintenance of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;
+</li><li>
+  violation of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;
+</li><li>
+  reestablished by Augustus, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pebble-rain, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>
+</li><li>
+Penates, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>
+</li><li>
+Persephone, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>
+</li><li>
+Peter, R., on Indigitamenta, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>
+</li><li>
+Petronius, on ceremony of the aquaelicium, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>
+</li><li>
+Philodemus, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>
+</li><li>
+Picus, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Pietas</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>-412, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  meaning of, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>-463;
+</li><li>
+  Virgil's word for religion, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Piso, L. Calpurnius, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>-53, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Pius</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  see <i>Pietas</i>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Plague, Sibylline books consulted at outbreak of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>
+</li><li>
+Plato, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>
+</li><li>
+Plautus, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>-352
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">500</a></span>
+Playwrights, their influence on Roman religion, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>
+</li><li>
+Plebeians, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  aediles, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the Plebs as the original inhabitants of Latium, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;
+</li><li>
+  emotional tendency of, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>-264;
+</li><li>
+  opening of priesthoods to, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;
+</li><li>
+  increase of importance under the Etruscan dynasty, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;
+</li><li>
+  first plebeian praetor, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;
+</li><li>
+  pontifex maximus: <i>see</i> Coruncanius, Titus
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pliny, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on spells and charms, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on human sacrifice, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on death, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Polybius, cited, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on religion, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Pomoerium</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>
+</li><li>
+Pomona (or Pomunus), <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Vertumnus, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>
+</li><li>
+Pomponius, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>
+</li><li>
+Pons sublicius: no iron used in building, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Argei thrown from, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pontifex Maximus, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>tabula</i> kept by, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;
+</li><li>
+  compelling power of, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Pontifices, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  share in festivals, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the question of their origin, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;
+</li><li>
+  insignia of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;
+</li><li>
+  College of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;
+</li><li>
+  open to plebeians, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;
+</li><li>
+  legal side of their work, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>-276;
+</li><li>
+  the XII. Tables, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>-278, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;
+</li><li>
+  self-elected, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;
+</li><li>
+  abolition of legal monopoly, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;
+</li><li>
+  work of, in third century <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;
+</li><li>
+  admission of new deities, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;
+</li><li>
+  compilation of annals, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+</li><li>
+  collection of religious formulae, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the Pontifical books, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>-286
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Porca praecidanea</i>, rite of the, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>
+</li><li>
+Portunus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>
+</li><li>
+Poseidon, identified with Neptunus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>
+</li><li>
+Posidonius, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>-384, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>
+</li><li>
+Prayers, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  at the <i>inauguratio</i> of the priest-king Numa, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;
+</li><li>
+  at making of new clearing, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;
+</li><li>
+  at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-191;
+</li><li>
+  at flowering of the pear-trees, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;
+</li><li>
+  when wine is offered, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;
+</li><li>
+  for the ceremony of lustration, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;
+</li><li>
+  form and manner of Roman, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
+</li><li>
+  magical survivals in, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>-189;
+</li><li>
+  in ritual of <i>Ludi saeculares</i>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Precatio</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>
+</li><li>
+Priests: <i>see</i> Pontifices
+</li><li>
+Processions: of <i>lustratio</i>, adapted to the ritual of the Roman Church, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  of the <i>triumphus</i>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>-240;
+</li><li>
+  Roman fondness for, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Lustrations
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Procuratio</i>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>fulminis</i>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Prodigia</i>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>
+</li><li>
+Promitor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+Propertius, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>
+</li><li>
+Proserpina, black victims sacrificed to, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>
+</li><li>
+Pudor, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Pulvinaria</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>
+</li><li>
+Punic War: <i>see</i> Hannibalic War
+</li><li>
+Puppets: Argei thrown into Tiber, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  oscilla, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Purification: <i>see</i> Lustrations
+</li><li>
+<i>Puticuli</i>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>
+</li><li>
+Pythagoras, legend of a religious connection between Numa and, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>
+</li><li>
+Pythagoreanism, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>-381
+</li><li>
+Pythagoreans, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Quindecemviri, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>
+</li><li>
+Quinquatrus, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>
+</li><li>
+Quirinal, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>
+</li><li>
+Quirinus, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  identified with Mars, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Romulus, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Quirites, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Rain-making: <i>see</i> Aquaelicium
+</li><li>
+Ramsay, Sir W. M., <a href="#Page_465">465</a>
+</li><li>
+Red colouring in sacred rites and its connection with blood, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>
+</li><li>
+Redarator, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+Regia, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  sacrarium Martis in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Regifugium, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>
+</li><li>
+Reinach, M. Salomon, cited, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Religio</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  meanings and uses of the word, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>,  <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Cicero's definition of, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;
+</li><li>
+  and taboo, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">501</a></span>
+  revival of, during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>-339
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Religio Larium</i>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>
+<ul><li>
+  <i>terminorum</i>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Religion, definitions of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>-9;
+<ul><li>
+  and magic, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>-49, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;
+</li><li>
+  and morality, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;
+</li><li>
+  primitive, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>-28, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
+</li><li>
+  real, a matter of feeling, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Roman: a highly formalised system, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>-104, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>-249, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  compared with Roman law, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;
+</li><li>
+  a technical subject, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;
+</li><li>
+  its difficulties, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;
+</li><li>
+  aid from archaeology and anthropology, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>-20, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
+</li><li>
+  primitive survivals in, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;
+</li><li>
+  examples of real magic in, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>-54;
+</li><li>
+  a reality, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-63, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;
+</li><li>
+  in the family, <i>see</i> Family;
+</li><li>
+  of the State, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-228, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;
+</li><li>
+  the Calendar of Numa the basis of our knowledge of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>-109;
+</li><li>
+  moral influence mainly disciplinary, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Greek influence, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>-353;
+</li><li>
+  Roman ideas of divinity, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-117, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>-123, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>-164;
+</li><li>
+  ritual of the <i>ius divinum</i>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>-222;
+</li><li>
+  personal purity essential in all worshippers, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;
+</li><li>
+  discouraged individual development, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;
+</li><li>
+  introduction of new deities, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-242, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262;
+</li><li>
+  priesthoods limited to patrician families, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;
+</li><li>
+  religious instinct of the Romans, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;
+</li><li>
+  neglect and decay, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>-265, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>;
+</li><li>
+  growth of individualism, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Sibylline influence, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-262;
+</li><li>
+  secularisation of, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>-291;
+</li><li>
+  sinister influence of Etruscan divination, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>-309, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see</i> Divination;
+</li><li>
+  used for political purposes, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;
+</li><li>
+  attempt to propagate Pythagoreanism, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>-350, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;
+</li><li>
+  destitution of Romans in regard to idea of God and sense of duty, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>-358;
+</li><li>
+  no remedy in Epicurism, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;
+</li><li>
+  arrival of Stoicism: <i>see</i> Stoicism <i>and</i> Mysticism;
+</li><li>
+  belief in future torments, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;
+</li><li>
+  religion compared with that of Homer, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;
+</li><li>
+  early Christianity, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;
+</li><li>
+  religious feeling in Virgil's poems, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>-427;
+</li><li>
+  Augustan revival, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>-451;
+</li><li>
+  contributions to the Latin form of Christianity, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>-472;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Prayer <i>and</i> Sacrifice
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Renan, cited, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>
+</li><li>
+Renel, M., cited, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>
+</li><li>
+Réville, M. Jean, on the formalism of the Roman religion, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  his definition of religion, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Rex Nemoreusis, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>
+<ul><li>
+    sacrorum, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+</li><li>
+      relation of the Rex to the augurs, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>-302
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Ridgeway, Professor, on the Flamen Dialis, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Janus, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on original inhabitants of Latium, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Rivers, Dr., on the ritual aspect of religion among the Todas, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490
+</li><li>
+Robertson Smith, Professor, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the Feast of the Tabernacles, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Robigalia, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>
+</li><li>
+Robigus, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Ovid's version of prayer to, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Roman Church, survival of old religious practices in the, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>-458, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>
+</li><li>
+Romulus, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>
+</li><li>
+Roscher, Dr., <a href="#Page_141">141</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+<i>Sacellum</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Sacer</i> and <i>sacramentum</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>
+</li><li>
+Sacred utensils, worship of, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>-490
+</li><li>
+Sacrifices, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  description of the act, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>-181;
+</li><li>
+  honorific, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;
+</li><li>
+  piacular, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sacramental, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
+</li><li>
+  vicarious, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;
+</li><li>
+  dynamic theory of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;
+</li><li>
+  meals in connection with, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+</li><li>
+  mystic use of blood, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;
+</li><li>
+  victim must be acceptable to the deity, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
+</li><li>
+  women and strangers excluded from rites, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-31;
+</li><li>
+  prayers at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-191;
+</li><li>
+  sacrifice of cakes, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;
+</li><li>
+  cow, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+</li><li>
+  dog, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+</li><li>
+  goat, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;
+</li><li>
+  horse, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
+</li><li>
+  lamb,  <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+</li><li>
+  ox, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;
+</li><li>
+  pig, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;
+</li><li>
+  red dog, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;
+</li><li>
+  salt-cake, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sheep, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+</li><li>
+  sow, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;
+</li><li>
+  white heifer, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;
+</li><li>
+  wine, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>-184, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Human sacrifice
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Sacrificium</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Sacrum</i>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">502</a></span>
+<i>Saeculum</i>, the old Italian idea of a, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>
+</li><li>
+St. Augustine, cited, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on Decius, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Sainte Beuve, on Virgil, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>
+</li><li>
+St. Paul, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>-468
+</li><li>
+Salacia, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Neptunus, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Salii, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  ritual, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>
+</li><li>
+    Collini, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>
+</li><li>
+    Palatini, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Sallust, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>
+</li><li>
+Salt-cake, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>
+</li><li>
+Salus, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Sanctus</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>-464, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>
+</li><li>
+Sarritor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+Saturnalia, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>-103, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>
+</li><li>
+Saturnus, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  identified with Kronos, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with Consus, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Ops, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Sayce, Professor, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>
+</li><li>
+Scaevola, P. Mucius, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>
+<ul><li>
+    Q. Mucius, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Scipio, the elder, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  receives the Magna Mater at Rome, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>
+</li><li>
+    Aemilianus, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-204, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;
+</li><li>
+      his friendship with  Polybius  and Panaetius, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>-364, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Scott, Sir Walter, compared with Virgil, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>
+</li><li>
+Sellar, Professor, on Virgil, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>
+</li><li>
+Sementivae, festival, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus</i>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>
+</li><li>
+Seneca, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>
+</li><li>
+Septimontium, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>
+</li><li>
+Servius, cited, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>
+<ul><li>
+    Sulpicius, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>
+</li><li>
+    Tullius, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;
+</li><li>
+    his Etruscan name Mastarna, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+
+Sibyl of Cumae, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>-258
+</li><li>
+Sibylline books, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-257, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  consulted during the Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>-319, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;
+</li><li>
+  used for personal and political purposes, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Silvanus, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>
+</li><li>
+Slaves, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  Greek, buried alive in the <i>Forum boarium</i>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Sodales Titienses, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>
+</li><li>
+Sol, image of, on the Palatine, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>
+</li><li>
+Sondergötter, Usener's theory of, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-164, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>
+</li><li>
+Spells, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-59, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  origin of prayer in, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Spes, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li><li>
+Spirits, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  agricultural, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+</li><li>
+  dead, <i>see</i> Ghosts;
+</li><li>
+  of the doorway, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-76, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;
+</li><li>
+  evil, <i>see </i> Evil spirits;
+</li><li>
+  household, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;
+</li><li>
+  spring, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;
+</li><li>
+  water, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+</li><li>
+  woodland, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;
+</li><li>
+  development into <i>dei</i>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>-124, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Deities <i>and</i> Numen
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Spolia opima, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  dedicated at temple of Jupiter Feretrius, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Stanley, on religion and morality, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>
+</li><li>
+Statues and busts at Rome, first mention of, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Images
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Stoicism, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>-383;
+<ul><li>
+  introduced into Rome, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;
+</li><li>
+  its influence on the Roman mind, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>-372, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;
+</li><li>
+  weak points in Roman, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>-374;
+</li><li>
+  failed to rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity," <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Stones: lapis manalis, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  silex, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
+</li><li>
+  stone representing Magna Mater, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;
+</li><li>
+  <i>see also</i> Boundary stones
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Strangers, fear of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-32
+</li><li>
+Stubbs, Bishop, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>
+</li><li>
+Subrincator, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+Subterranean altar, black victims offered at, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Suffimenta</i>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>
+</li><li>
+Sulpicius, consul <a href="#Page_211">211</a> <span class="smcap">b.c.</span>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>
+</li><li>
+Summanus, cult-title of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Suovetaurilia</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Superstitio</i>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  temple of Isis condemned as a centre of, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Supplicatio</i>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  ordered during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+
+Tabernacles, Feast of the, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>
+
+Taboo, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  definition of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;
+</li><li>
+  its ethical value, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on children, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on women, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on strangers, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-32;
+</li><li>
+  on criminals, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on inanimate objects, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on places, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on times and seasons, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-41;
+</li><li>
+  on iron, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on leather, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;
+</li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">503</a></span>
+  on the Flamen Dialis, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>-35, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the Flaminica Dialis, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Tacitus, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>
+</li><li>
+Tarentum, sacrifices on subterranean altar, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>
+</li><li>
+Tarquinii, the, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>
+</li><li>
+Tellus (Terra Mater), <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  an object of worship at marriage, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;
+</li><li>
+  connection with Jupiter, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Tempestates, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li><li>
+Temples: absence of, in earliest Rome, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  restored by Augustus, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>; Aesculapius, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Apollo, on the Palatine, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>-445;
+</li><li>
+  Bona Dea on the Aventine, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Castor, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Ceres, Liber, and Libera, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>-257, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Consus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Dea Dia, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Diana, on the Aventine, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Isis, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Juno Moneta, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>-329;
+</li><li>
+  Juno Sospita, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>-238, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Jupiter Feretrius, on the Capitol, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>-130, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Jupiter Latiaris, on the Alban Hill, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Mars, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Minerva, on the Aventine, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Pales, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Tellus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Vertumnus, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
+</li><li>
+  Vesta, <i>see</i> Vesta: aedes
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Terminalia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>
+</li><li>
+Terminus, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>
+</li><li>
+Terra Mater, <i>see</i> Tellus
+</li><li>
+Tertullian, cited, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>
+</li><li>
+Theodosian code, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>
+</li><li>
+Tiberius, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>
+</li><li>
+Tibicines, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>
+</li><li>
+Tibullus, cited, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on use of huts at rural festivals, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Time, religious or mystical conception of, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>-441, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Toga praetexta</i>, worn by priests and children, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>-177, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>-195, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>
+<ul><li>
+  <i>virilis</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Tombstones, memorial, first mention of, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>
+</li><li>
+Totemism, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>-27
+</li><li>
+Toutain, M., <a href="#Page_26">26</a>
+</li><li>
+Tozer, Mr., on Dante, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>
+</li><li>
+Trade: deities brought to Rome by, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection of Hercules with, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;
+</li><li>
+  gilds, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Trasimene, outbreak of <i>religio</i> after the battle of, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>
+</li><li>
+Treaties, Jupiter's connection with, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Tripodatio</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>
+</li><li>
+Tubilustrium, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>
+</li><li>
+Turiae, Laudatio, cited, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>
+</li><li>
+Turnus, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>
+</li><li>
+Tylor, Dr., <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Usener, H., <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  his theory of the Sondergötter, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-164, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Vacuna of Reate, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>
+</li><li>
+Valerius Antias, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>
+<ul><li>
+  Flaccus, C., <a href="#Page_342">342</a>-343, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>
+</li><li>
+  Maximus, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-204, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Varro, cited, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Vates</i>, meaning of, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>-298
+</li><li>
+Vedic ritual, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>
+</li><li>
+Vegetation-spirit, Mannhardt's theory, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>
+</li><li>
+Venilia, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>
+</li><li>
+Venus, connection with Volcanus, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Ver sacrum</i>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-205, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>
+</li><li>
+<i>Verbenarius</i>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>
+</li><li>
+Verrius Flaccus, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>
+</li><li>
+Vertumnus, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Pomona, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>;
+</li><li>
+  temple, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Vervactor, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>
+</li><li>
+Vesta, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  aedes, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;
+</li><li>
+  penus Vestae, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Vestal virgins, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  at the ceremony of the Argei,  <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;
+</li><li>
+  salt-cake baked by, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;
+</li><li>
+  representative of daughters of the family, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
+</li><li>
+  statues of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+<i>Vicus</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>
+</li><li>
+Vilicus, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>
+</li><li>
+Vinalia, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>
+</li><li>
+Virgil, on <i>religio</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on the Paganalia, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on <i>lustratio</i>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the Manes, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;
+</li><li>
+  religious feeling in his poems, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>-427, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;
+</li><li>
+  compared with Wordsworth, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>-408; with Scott, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;
+</li><li>
+  his idea of <i>pietas</i>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;
+</li><li>
+  his connection with Augustus, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;
+</li><li>
+  see also <i>Aeneid</i>
+</li></ul></li><li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">504</a></span>
+Virites, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>
+</li><li>
+Virtus, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>
+</li><li>
+Volcanalia, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>
+</li><li>
+Volcanus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  connection with Maia, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>;
+</li><li>
+  with Venus, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Volturnus, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>
+</li><li>
+Vortumnus, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>
+</li><li>
+Vows, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  private, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>-202;
+</li><li>
+  public, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>-204;
+</li><li>
+  extraordinary, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-208;
+</li><li>
+  see also <i>Devotio</i> and <i>Evocatio</i>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Waltzing, on Roman trades, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>
+</li><li>
+Westcott, Bishop, on Augustine, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>
+</li><li>
+Westermarck, Dr., cited, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on magic, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on religion of primitive man, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Roman prayers, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on religion and morality, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Williamowitz-Moellendorf, on Hercules, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>
+</li><li>
+Wine, used at sacrifices, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>-184;
+<ul><li>
+  as a substitute for blood, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Winter, J. G., cited, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>
+</li><li>
+Wissowa, Georg, cited, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>-18, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on <i>dies religiosi</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40;
+</li><li>
+  on the Argei, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the ritual of the Salii, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;
+</li><li>
+  his list of <i>di indigetes</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Faunus, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Janus, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Mars, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on the Indigitamenta, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-163, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on cult of Jupiter, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on prayer, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Hercules, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on Hebe, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;
+</li><li>
+  on <i>Carmen saeculare,</i> <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Wolf's fat, used as a charm against evil spirits, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>
+</li><li>
+Women, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  taboo on, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;
+</li><li>
+  excluded from certain sacrificial rites, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>-30;
+</li><li>
+  at the ceremony of the aquaelicium, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
+</li><li>
+  rites to produce fertility, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;
+</li><li>
+  oaths used by, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
+</li><li>
+  excitement among, during Hannibalic war, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;
+</li><li>
+  rebellion against the <i>ius divinum,</i> <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
+</li><li>
+  festivals, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;
+</li><li>
+  deities, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>
+</li></ul></li><li>
+Wordsworth, compared with Virgil, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>
+</li><li>
+&nbsp;
+</li><li>
+Zeller, cited, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;
+<ul><li>
+  on human law and divine law, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>
+</li></ul>
+</li><li>
+Zeus, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>
+</li><li>
+Zosimus, cited, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>
+</li></ul>
+
+<h5><span class="smcap">THE END</span></h5>
+
+<h6><i>Printed by</i> <span class="smcap">R. &amp; R. Clark, Limited</span>, <i>Edinburgh</i>.</h6>
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><b>WORKS ON ROMAN HISTORY</b></h3>
+
+<p class="two">ROMAN SOCIETY DURING THE LAST CENTURY
+OF THE EMPIRE OF THE WEST. By Sir
+<span class="smcap">Samuel Dill</span>, M.A. New Edition, Revised. Extra Crown
+8vo. 8s. 6d. net.</p>
+
+<p class="two">ROMAN SOCIETY FROM NERO TO MARCUS
+AURELIUS. By Sir <span class="smcap">Samuel Dill</span>, M.A. Second
+Edition. 8vo. 15s. net.</p>
+
+<p class="two">LIFE IN THE ROMAN WORLD OF NERO AND
+ST. PAUL. By Prof. <span class="smcap">T. G. Tucker</span>, Litt.D. Illustrated.
+8vo. 12s. 6d. net.</p>
+
+<p class="two">THE AMAZING EMPEROR HELIOGABALUS.
+By <span class="smcap">J. Stuart Hay</span>, St. John's College, Oxford. With
+Introduction by Prof. <span class="smcap">J. B. Bury</span>, Litt.D. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.</p>
+
+
+<h3><b>By Prof. THEODOR MOMMSEN.</b></h3>
+
+<p class="two">THE HISTORY OF ROME, FROM THE
+EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PERIOD OF ITS
+DECLINE. Translated by <span class="smcap">William Purdie Dickson</span>,
+D.D., LL.D. A Newer and Cheaper Edition, Revised,
+and embodying all the most recent alterations and additions
+made by Dr. <span class="smcap">Mommsen</span>. In Five vols. Crown 8vo.
+7s. 6d. each.</p>
+
+<p class="two"><span class="smcap">Abridged Edition of the above</span> for the use of Schools
+and Colleges. By C. <span class="smcap">Bryans</span> and F. J. R. <span class="smcap">Hendy</span>. One
+vol. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.</p>
+
+<p class="two">THE PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
+FROM CAESAR TO DIOCLETIAN. Translated by
+Dr. <span class="smcap">W. P. Dickson</span>. Second Impression. Revised by
+Prof. <span class="smcap">B. F. Haverfield</span>. Two vols. 8vo. 21s. net.</p>
+
+
+<h5>MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span>, LONDON</h5>
+
+
+<p class="two">ROMAN PUBLIC LIFE.<br />
+By <span class="smcap">A. H. J. Greenidge</span>, M.A. Extra Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.</p>
+
+
+<p class="two">THE ROMAN ASSEMBLIES FROM
+THEIR ORIGIN TO THE END OF THE
+REPUBLIC.<br />
+By <span class="smcap">George Willis Botsford</span>, Ph.D. 8vo. 17s. net.</p>
+
+
+<p class="two">CIVIL WAR AND REBELLION IN THE
+ROMAN EMPIRE, <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 69-70.<br />
+By <span class="smcap">Bernard W. Henderson</span>, M.A. With Maps and
+Illustrations. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.</p>
+
+
+<p class="two">RELIGION OF NUMA, AND OTHER
+ESSAYS ON THE RELIGION OF ANCIENT
+ROME.<br />
+By <span class="smcap">Jesse Benedict Carter</span>. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.</p>
+
+
+<p class="two">THE INFLUENCE OF WEALTH IN IMPERIAL
+ROME.<br />
+By <span class="smcap">Professor W. S. Davis</span>. Extra Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.</p>
+
+
+<p class="two">THE ROMANS ON THE RIVIERA AND
+THE RHONE.<br />
+By <span class="smcap">W. H. Bullock Hall</span>, F.R.G.S. Illustrated. 8vo. 6s.</p>
+
+
+<p class="two">A HISTORY OF ROME TO THE BATTLE
+OF ACTIUM.<br />
+By <span class="smcap">E. S. Shuckburgh</span>, M.A. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d.</p>
+
+<h5><b>By W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.</b></h5>
+
+<h6>8<i>vo.</i> 10<i>s. net.</i></h6>
+
+
+<h4><b>SOCIAL LIFE AT ROME</b></h4>
+
+<h5>IN THE AGE OF CICERO</h5>
+
+<p><small><i>TIMES.</i>&mdash;"In a series of interesting and not overcrowded chapters it presents
+this age in its form and habit, as it lived and moved, its social and intellectual
+atmosphere and the material conditions which surrounded it.... There is not
+a dull page in the book."<br />
+
+<i>OXFORD MAGAZINE.</i>&mdash;"A book which will be of the highest value to all
+who wish to gain an insight into the reality of life and character in the Rome of
+Cicero's day."<br />
+
+<i>ATHEN&AElig;UM.</i>&mdash;"A very readable as well as learned monograph on an
+attractive subject.... We have found the book excellent reading."<br />
+
+<i>DAILY NEWS.</i>&mdash;"A work of brilliant scholarship and an admirable piece
+of writing."</small></p>
+
+
+<h6><i>Extra Crown</i> 8<i>vo.</i> 6<i>s.</i></h6>
+
+<h4><b>THE ROMAN FESTIVALS</b></h4>
+
+<h5>OF THE PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC</h5>
+
+<h6>AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE
+RELIGION OF THE ROMANS</h6>
+
+<p><small><i>SPECTATOR.</i>&mdash;"This work is intended as an introduction to the study of
+the religion of the Romans, and a very faithful and accurate piece of work it is,
+as indeed might be expected by those who know Mr. Fowler's previous studies of
+ancient life."<br />
+
+<i>GUARDIAN.</i>&mdash;"A delightful volume which will attract and interest any
+educated and thoughtful reader."<br />
+
+<i>ACADEMY.</i>&mdash;"A book with which every student of Roman religion will
+have to make his account.... Alike as a storehouse of critically-sifted facts
+and as a tentative essay towards the synthetic arrangement of these facts, Mr.
+Fowler's book seems to us to mark a very distinct advance upon anything that
+has yet been done."</small></p>
+
+
+
+<h5><b>By W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.</b></h5>
+
+<h6><i>Crown</i> 8<i>vo.</i> 5<i>s.</i></h6>
+
+
+<h4><b>THE CITY-STATE</b></h4>
+
+<h6>OF THE</h6>
+
+<h4><b>GREEKS AND ROMANS</b></h4>
+
+<h5>A SURVEY INTRODUCTORY TO THE</h5>
+<h5>STUDY OF ANCIENT HISTORY</h5>
+
+<p><small><i>TIMES.</i>&mdash;"The purpose is excellent, and Mr. Warde Fowler executes it in
+a very skilful and scholarly fashion."<br />
+
+<i>CLASSICAL REVIEW.</i>&mdash;"This little book is excellent both in design and
+in execution, and it supplies a want which has been much felt by those engaged
+in teaching ancient history.... A book which will have a most stimulating effect
+on the teaching of ancient history, and which ought to become familiar to every
+schoolboy and undergraduate."<br />
+
+<i>WESTMINSTER GAZETTE.</i>&mdash;"It is impossible within any available
+limits to give an adequate account of Mr. Fowler's treatment of his subject. We
+can but commend his treatise to our readers; and this we can do without reserve."<br />
+
+<i>OXFORD MAGAZINE.</i>&mdash;"One of those charming books which by their
+excellence are able to commend themselves to entirely different persons....
+The man beginning work for 'Greats' will always be told that he must read this;
+and if he do so, will be rewarded by having the relations of the different parts of
+his reading marked out with masterly clearness; and the student who has been
+over most of the ground himself in original authorities, will find with pleasure
+fresh light thrown on many points by Mr. Fowler's grace of style and power of
+illustration.... We cordially recommend it as at once charmingly written, and
+accurate, useful and stimulating."</small></p>
+
+
+<p class="two">TALES OF THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Uniform Edition.
+Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. Prize Editions. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
+Extra gilt, gilt edges. 3s. 6d. School Edition. Globe 8vo. 1s. 6d.</p>
+
+<p class="two">MORE TALES OF THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Crown
+8vo. 3s. 6d.</p>
+
+<p class="two">A YEAR WITH THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Crown
+8vo. 3s. 6d. Prize Editions. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
+Extra gilt, gilt edges. 3s. 6d.</p>
+
+<p class="two">SUMMER STUDIES OF BIRDS AND BOOKS
+Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman
+People, by W. Warde Fowler
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE ***
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+</pre>
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+</body>
+</html>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman People, by
+W. Warde Fowler
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Religious Experience of the Roman People
+       From the Earliest Times to the Age of Augustus
+
+Author: W. Warde Fowler
+
+Release Date: November 6, 2007 [EBook #23349]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Turgut Dincer, Ted Garvin and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE
+RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE
+OF THE
+ROMAN PEOPLE
+
+FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE
+AGE OF AUGUSTUS
+
+THE GIFFORD LECTURES FOR 1909-10
+DELIVERED IN EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY
+
+BY
+
+W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.
+
+FELLOW AND LATE SUB-RECTOR OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD
+HON. D.LITT. UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER
+AUTHOR OF 'THE ROMAN FESTIVALS OF THE PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC,' ETC.
+
+
+"Sanctos ausus recludere fontes"
+
+
+MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
+ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON
+1911
+
+TO
+PROFESSOR W.R. HARDIE
+AND
+MY MANY OTHER KIND FRIENDS AND FRIENDLY HEARERS
+IN EDINBURGH
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+Lord Gifford in founding his lectureship directed that the lectures
+should be public and popular, _i.e._ not restricted to members of a
+University. Accordingly in lecturing I endeavoured to make myself
+intelligible to a general audience by avoiding much technical discussion
+and controversial matter, and by keeping to the plan of describing in
+outline the development and decay of the religion of the Roman
+City-state. And on the whole I have thought it better to keep to this
+principle in publishing the lectures; they are printed for the most part
+much as they were delivered, and without footnotes, but at the end of
+each lecture students of the subject will find the notes referred to by
+the numbers in the text, containing such further information or
+discussion as has seemed desirable. My model in this method has been the
+admirable lectures of Prof. Cumont on "les Religions Orientales dans le
+Paganisme Romain."
+
+I wish to make two remarks about the subject-matter of the lectures.
+First, the idea running through them is that the primitive religious (or
+magico-religious) instinct, which was the germ of the religion of the
+historical Romans, was gradually atrophied by over-elaboration of
+ritual, but showed itself again in strange forms from the period of the
+Punic wars onwards. For this religious instinct I have used the Latin
+word _religio_, as I have explained in the _Transactions of the Third
+International Congress for the History of Religions_, vol. ii. p. 169
+foll. I am, however, well aware that some scholars take a different view
+of the original meaning of this famous word, which has been much
+discussed since I formed my plan of lecturing. But I do not think that
+those who differ from me on this point will find that my general
+argument is seriously affected one way or another by my use of the word.
+
+Secondly, while I have been at work on the lectures, the idea seems to
+have been slowly gaining ground that the patrician religion of the early
+City-state, which became so highly formalised, so clean and austere, and
+eventually so political, was really the religion of an invading race,
+like that of the Achaeans in Greece, engrafted on the religion of a
+primitive and less civilised population. I have not definitely adopted
+this idea; but I am inclined to think that a good deal of what I have
+said in the earlier lectures may be found to support it. Once only, in
+Lecture XVII., I have used it myself to support a hypothesis there
+advanced.
+
+I have retained the familiar English spelling of certain divine names,
+_e.g._ Jupiter (instead of Iuppiter), as less startling to British
+readers.
+
+I wish to express my very deep obligations to the works of Prof. Wissowa
+and Dr. J. G. Frazer, and also to Mr. R. R. Marett, who gave me useful
+personal help in my second and third lectures. From Prof. Wissowa and
+Dr. Frazer I have had the misfortune to differ on one or two points; but
+"difference of opinion is the salt of life," as a great scholar said to
+me not long ago. In reading the proofs I have had much kind and valuable
+help from my Oxford friends Mr. Cyril Bailey and Mr. A. S. L.
+Farquharson, who have read certain parts of the work, and to whose
+suggestions I am greatly indebted. The whole has been read through by my
+old pupil Mr. Hugh Parr, now of Clifton College, to whom my best thanks
+are due for his timely discovery of many misprints and awkward
+expressions. The loyalty and goodwill of my old Oxford pupils never seem
+to fail me.
+
+
+W. W. F.
+
+Kingham, Oxon,
+_3rd March 1911_.
+
+
+
+                        CONTENTS
+
+
+
+    LECTURE I
+
+
+    INTRODUCTORY
+                                                           PAGE
+
+    Accounts of the Roman religion in recent standard works;
+    a hard and highly formalised system. Its interest lies
+    partly in this fact. How did it come to be so? This the
+    main question of the first epoch of Roman religious
+    experience. Roman religion and Roman law compared. Roman
+    religion a technical subject. What we mean by religion.
+    A useful definition applied to the plan of Lectures
+    I.-X.; including (1) survivals of primitive or
+    quasi-magical religion; (2) the religion of the
+    agricultural family; (3) that of the City-state, in its
+    simplest form, and in its first period of expansion.
+    Difficulties of the subject; present position of
+    knowledge and criticism. Help obtainable from (1)
+    archaeology, (2) anthropology                                  1-23
+
+
+    LECTURE II
+
+    ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS
+
+    Survivals at Rome of previous eras of quasi-religious
+    experience. Totemism not discernible. Taboo, and the
+    means adopted of escaping from it; both survived at Rome
+    into an age of real religion. Examples: impurity (or
+    holiness) of new-born infants; of a corpse; of women in
+    certain worships; of strangers; of criminals. Almost
+    complete absence of blood-taboo. Iron. Strange taboos on
+    the priest of Jupiter and his wife. Holy or tabooed
+    places; holy or tabooed days; the word _religiosus_ as
+    applied to both of these                                      24-46
+
+
+
+    LECTURE III
+
+    ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC
+
+    Magic; distinction between magic and religion. Religious
+    authorities seek to exclude magic, and did so at Rome.
+    Few survivals of magic in the State religion. The
+    _aquaelicium_. Vestals and runaway slaves. The magical
+    whipping at the Lupercalia. The throwing of puppets from
+    the _pons sublicius_. Magical processes surviving in
+    religious ritual with their meaning lost. Private magic:
+    _excantatio_ in the XII. Tables; other spells or
+    _carmina_. Amulets: the _bulla_; _oscilla_                    47-67
+
+
+    LECTURE IV
+
+    THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY
+
+    Continuity of the religion of the Latin agricultural
+    family. What the family was; its relation to the _gens_.
+    The _familia_ as settled on the land, an economic unit,
+    embodied in a _pagus_. The house as the religious centre
+    of the _familia_; its holy places. Vesta, Penates,
+    Genius, and the spirit of the doorway. The _Lar
+    familiaris_ on the land. Festival of the Lar belongs to
+    the religion of the _pagus_: other festivals of the
+    _pagus_. _Religio terminorum._ Religion of the
+    household: marriage, childbirth, burial and cult of the
+    dead                                                          68-91
+
+
+    LECTURE V
+
+    THE CALENDAR OF NUMA
+
+    Beginnings of the City-state: the _oppidum_. The
+    earliest historical Rome, the city of the four regions;
+    to this belongs the surviving religious calendar. This
+    calendar described; the basis of our knowledge of early
+    Roman religion. It expresses a life agricultural,
+    political, and military. Days of gods distinguished from
+    days of man. Agricultural life the real basis of the
+    calendar; gradual effacement of it. Results of a fixed
+    routine in calendar; discipline, religious confidence.
+    Exclusion from it of the barbarous and grotesque.
+    Decency and order under an organising priestly authority
+                                                                 92-113
+
+    LECTURE VI
+
+    THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
+
+    Sources of knowledge about Roman deities. What did the
+    Romans themselves know about them? No personal deity in
+    the religion of the family. Those of the City-state are
+    _numina_, marking a transition from animism to
+    polytheism. Meaning of _numen_. Importance of names,
+    which are chiefly adjectival, marking functional
+    activity. Tellus an exception. Importance of priests in
+    development of _dei_. The four great Roman gods and
+    their priests: Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus.
+    Characteristics of each of these in earliest Rome. Juno
+    and the difficulties she presents. Vesta 114-144
+
+
+    LECTURE VII
+
+    THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION:
+    GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
+
+    No temples in the earliest Rome; meaning of _fanum, ara,
+    lucus, sacellum_. No images of gods in these places,
+    until end of regal period. Thus deities not conceived as
+    persons. Though masculine and feminine they were not
+    married pairs; Dr. Frazer's opinion on this point.
+    Examination of his evidence derived from the _libri
+    sacerdotum_; meaning of Nerio Martis. Such combinations
+    of names suggest forms or manifestations of a deity's
+    activity, not likely to grow into personal deities
+    without Greek help. Meaning of _pater_ and _mater_
+    applied to deities; procreation not indicated by them.
+    The deities of the _Indigitamenta_; priestly inventions
+    of a later age. Usener's theory of Sondergoetter
+    criticised so far as it applies to Rome                     145-168
+
+
+    LECTURE VIII
+
+    RITUAL OF THE IUS DIVINUM
+
+    Main object of _ius divinum_ to keep up the _pax
+    deorum_; meaning of _pax_ in this phrase. Means towards
+    the maintenance of the _pax_: sacrifice and prayer,
+    fulfilment of vows, lustratio, divination. Meaning of
+    _sacrificium_. Little trace of sacramental sacrifice.
+    Typical sacrifice of _ius divinum_: both priest and
+    victim must be acceptable to the deity; means taken to
+    secure this. Ritual of slaughter: examination and
+    _porrectio_ of entrails. Prayer; the phrase _Macte esto_
+    and its importance in explaining Roman sacrifice.
+    Magical survivals in Roman and Italian prayers; yet they
+    are essentially religious                                   169-199
+
+
+    LECTURE IX
+
+    RITUAL (continued)
+
+    _Vota_ (vows) have suggested the idea that Roman worship
+    was bargaining. Examination of private vows, which do
+    not prove this; of public vows, which in some degree do
+    so. Moral elements in both these. Other forms of vow:
+    _evocatio_ and _devotio_.
+
+    _Lustratio_: meaning of _lustrare_ in successive stages
+    of Roman experience. _Lustratio_ of the farm and
+    _pagus_; of the city; of the people (at Rome and
+    Iguvium); of the army; of the arms and trumpets of the
+    army: meaning of _lustratio_ in these last cases, both
+    before and after a campaign                                 200-222
+
+
+    LECTURE X
+
+    THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME
+
+    Recapitulation of foregoing lectures. Weak point of the
+    organised State religion: it discouraged individual
+    development. Its moral influence mainly a disciplinary
+    one; and it hypnotised the religious instinct.
+
+    Growth of a new population at end of regal period, also
+    of trade and industry. New deities from abroad represent
+    these changes: Hercules of Ara Maxima; Castor and
+    Pollux; Minerva. Diana of the Aventine reflects a new
+    relation with Latium. Question as to the real religious
+    influence of these deities. The Capitoline temple of
+    Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, of Etruscan origin. Meaning
+    of cult-titles Optimus Maximus, and significance of this
+    great Jupiter in Roman religious experience                 223-247
+
+
+    LECTURE XI
+
+    CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION
+
+    Plan of this and following lectures. The formalised
+    Roman religion meets with perils, material and moral,
+    and ultimately proves inadequate. Subject of this
+    lecture, the introduction of Greek deities and rites;
+    but first a proof that the Romans were a really
+    religious people; evidence from literature, from
+    worship, from the practice of public life, and from
+    Latin religious vocabulary.
+
+    Temple of Ceres, Liber, Libera (Demeter, Dionysus,
+    Persephone); its importance for the date of Sibylline
+    influence at Rome. Nature of this influence; how and
+    when it reached Rome. The keepers of the "Sibylline
+    books"; new cults introduced by them. New rites:
+    lectisternia and supplicationes, their meaning and
+    historical importance                                       248-269
+
+
+    LECTURE XII
+
+    THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF RELIGION
+
+    Historical facts about the Pontifices in this period; a
+    powerful exclusive "collegium" taking charge of the _ius
+    divinum_. The legal side of their work; they
+    administered the oldest rules of law, which belonged to
+    that _ius_. New ideas of law after Etruscan period;
+    increasing social complexity and its effect on legal
+    matters; result, publication of rules of law, civil and
+    religious, in XII. Tables, and abolition of legal
+    monopoly of Pontifices. But they keep control of (1)
+    procedure, (2) interpretation, till end of fourth
+    century B.C. Publication of Fasti and _Legis actiones_;
+    the college opened to Plebeians. Work of Pontifices in
+    third century: (1) admission of new deities, (2)
+    compilation of annals, (3) collection of religious
+    formulae. General result; formalisation of religion; and
+    secularisation of pontifical influence                      270-291
+
+
+    LECTURE XIII
+
+    THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION
+
+    Divination a universal practice: its relation to magic.
+    Want of a comprehensive treatment of it. Its object at
+    Rome: to assure oneself of the _pax deorum_; but it was
+    the most futile method used. Private divination; limited
+    and discouraged by the State, except in the form of
+    family _auspicia_. Public divination; _auspicia_ needed
+    in all State operations; close connection with
+    _imperium_. The augurs were skilled advisers of the
+    magistrates, but could not themselves take the auspices.
+    Probable result of this: Rome escaped subjection to a
+    hierarchy. Augurs and _auspicia_ become politically
+    important, but cease to belong to religion. State
+    divination a clog on political progress. Sinister
+    influence on Rome of Etruscan divination; history of the
+    _haruspices_                                                292-313
+
+
+    LECTURE XIV
+
+    THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+    Tendency towards contempt of religious forms in third
+    century B.C.; disappears during this war. _Religio_ in
+    the old sense takes its place, _i.e._ fear and anxiety.
+    This takes the form of reporting _prodigia_; account of
+    these in 218 B.C., and of the prescriptions supplied by
+    Sibylline books. Fresh outbreak of _religio_ after
+    battle of Trasimene; _lectisternium_ of 216, without
+    distinction of Greek and Roman deities; importance of
+    this. Religious panic after battle of Cannae;
+    extraordinary religious measures, including human
+    sacrifice. Embassy to Delphi and its result; symptoms of
+    renewed confidence. But fresh and alarming outbreak in
+    213; met with remarkable skill. Institution of Apolline
+    games. Summary of religious history in last years of the
+    war; gratitude to the gods after battle of Metaurus.
+    Arrival of the Great Mother of Phrygia at Rome. Hannibal
+    leaves Italy 314-334
+
+
+    LECTURE XV
+
+    AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+    Religion used to support Senatorial policy in declaring
+    war (1) with Philip of Macedon, (2) with Antiochus of
+    Syria; but this is not the old religion. Use of
+    _prodigia_ and Sibylline oracles to secure political and
+    personal objects; mischief caused in this way. Growth of
+    individualism; rebellion of the individual against the
+    _ius divinum_. Examples of this from the history of the
+    priesthoods; strange story of a Flamen Dialis. The
+    story of the introduction of Bacchic rites in 186 B.C.;
+    interference of the Senate and Magistrates, and
+    significance of this. Strange attempt to propagate
+    Pythagoreanism; this also dealt with by the government.
+    Influence of Ennius and Plautus, and of translations
+    from Greek comedy, on the dying Roman religion              335-356
+
+
+    LECTURE XVI
+
+    GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION
+
+    Religious destitution of the Roman in second century
+    B.C. in regard to (1) his idea of God, (2) his sense of
+    Duty. No help from Epicurism, which provided no
+    religious sanction for conduct; Lucretius, and Epicurean
+    idea of the Divine. Arrival of Stoicism at Rome;
+    Panaetius and the Scipionic circle. Character of Scipio.
+    The religious side of Stoicism; it teaches a new
+    doctrine of the relation of man to God. Stoic idea of
+    God as Reason, and as pervading the universe; adjustment
+    of this to Roman idea of _numina_. Stoic idea of Man as
+    possessing Reason, and so partaking the Divine nature.
+    Influence of these two ideas on the best type of Roman;
+    they appeal to his idea of Duty, and ennoble his idea of
+    Law. Weak points in Roman Stoicism: (1) doctrine of
+    Will, (2) neglect of emotions and sympathy. It failed to
+    rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity"                           357-379
+
+
+
+    LECTURE XVII
+
+    MYSTICISM--IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE
+
+
+    Early Pythagoreanism in S. Italy; its reappearance in
+    last century B.C. under the influence of Posidonius, who
+    combined Stoicism with Platonic Pythagoreanism. Cicero
+    affected by this revival; his Somnium Scipionis and
+    other later works. His mysticism takes practical form on
+    the death of his daughter; letters to Atticus about a
+    _fanum_. Individualisation of the Manes; freedom of
+    belief on such questions. Further evidence of Cicero's
+    tendency to mysticism at this time (45 B.C.), and his
+    belief in a future life. But did the ordinary Roman so
+    believe? Question whether he really believed in the
+    torments of Hades. Probability of this: explanation to
+    be found in the influence of Etruscan art and Greek
+    plays on primitive Roman ideas of the dead. Mysticism in
+    the form of astrology; Nigidius Figulus                     380-402
+
+
+    LECTURE XVIII
+
+    RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL
+
+    Virgil sums up Roman religious experience, and combines
+    it with hope for the future. Sense of depression in his
+    day; want of sympathy and goodwill towards men. Virgil's
+    sympathetic outlook; shown in his treatment of animals,
+    Italian scenery, man's labour, and man's worship. His
+    idea of _pietas_. The theme of the Aeneid; Rome's
+    mission in the world, and the _pietas_ needed to carry
+    it out. Development of the character of Aeneas; his
+    _pietas_ imperfect in the first six books, perfected in
+    the last six, resulting in a balance between the ideas
+    of the Individual and the State. Illustration of this
+    from the poem. Importance of Book vi., which describes
+    the ordeal destined to perfect the _pietas_ of the hero.
+    The sense of Duty never afterwards deserts him; his
+    _pietas_ enlarged in a religious sense                      403-427
+
+
+    LECTURE XIX
+
+    THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL
+
+    Connection of Augustus and Virgil. Augustus aims at
+    re-establishing the national _pietas_, and securing the
+    _pax deorum_ by means of the _ius divinum_. How this
+    formed part of his political plans. Temple restoration
+    and its practical result. Revival of the ancient ritual;
+    illustrated from the records of the Arval Brethren. The
+    new element in it; Caesar-worship; but Augustus was
+    content with the honour of re-establishing the _pax
+    deorum_. Celebration of this in the Ludi saeculares, 17
+    B.C. Our detailed knowledge of this festival; meaning of
+    _saeculum_; description of the _ludi_, and illustration
+    of their meaning from the _Carmen saeculare_ of Horace.
+    Discussion of the performance of this hymn by the choirs
+    of boys and girls                                           428-451
+
+
+    LECTURE XX
+
+    CONCLUSION
+
+    Religious ingredients in Roman soil likely to be
+    utilised by Christianity. The Stoic ingredient;
+    revelation of the Universal, and ennobling of
+    Individual. The contribution of Mysticism; preparation
+    for Christian eschatology. The contribution of Virgil;
+    sympathy and sense of Duty. The contribution of Roman
+    religion proper: (1) sane and orderly character of
+    ritual, (2) practical character of Latin Christianity
+    visible in early Christian writings, (3) a religious
+    vocabulary, _e.g. religio, pietas, sanctus,
+    sacramentum_. But all this is but a slight contribution;
+    essential difference between Christianity and all that
+    preceded it in Italy; illustration from the language of
+    St. Paul 452-472
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+I. ON THE USE OF HUTS OR BOOTHS IN RELIGIOUS RITUAL                 473
+
+II. PROF. DEUBNER'S THEORY OF THE LUPERCALIA                        478
+
+III. THE PAIRS OF DEITIES IN GELLIUS xiii. 23                       481
+
+IV. THE EARLY USAGE OF THE WORDS IUS AND FAS                        486
+
+V. THE WORSHIP OF SACRED UTENSILS                                   489
+
+
+INDEX                                                               491
+
+
+LECTURE I
+
+INTRODUCTORY
+
+
+I was invited to prepare these lectures, on Lord Gifford's foundation,
+as one who has made a special study of the religious ideas and practice
+of the Roman people. So far as I know, the subject has not been touched
+upon as yet by any Gifford lecturer. We are in these days interested in
+every form of religion, from the most rudimentary to the most highly
+developed; from the ideas of the aborigines of Australia, which have now
+become the common property of anthropologists, to the ethical and
+spiritual religions of civilised man. Yet it is remarkable how few
+students of the history of religion, apart from one or two specialists,
+have been able to find anything instructive in the religion of the
+Romans--of the Romans, I mean, as distinguished from that vast
+collection of races and nationalities which eventually came to be called
+by the name of Rome. At the Congress for the History of Religions held
+at Oxford in 1908, out of scores of papers read and offered, not more
+than one or two even touched on the early religious ideas of the most
+practical and powerful people that the world has ever known.
+
+This is due, in part at least, to the fact that just when Roman history
+begins to be of absorbing interest, and fairly well substantiated by
+evidence, the Roman religion, as religion, has already begun to lose its
+vitality, its purity, its efficacy. It has become overlaid with foreign
+rites and ideas, and it has also become a religious monopoly of the
+State; of which the essential characteristic, as Mommsen has well put
+it, and as we shall see later on, was "the conscious retention of the
+principles of the popular belief, which were recognised as irrational,
+for reasons of outward convenience."[1] It was not unlike the religion
+of the Jews in the period immediately before the Captivity, and it was
+never to profit by the refining and chastening influence of such lengthy
+suffering. In this later condition it has not been attractive to
+students of religious history; and to penetrate farther back into the
+real religious ideas of the genuine Roman people is a task very far from
+easy, of which indeed the difficulties only seem to increase as we
+become more familiar with it.
+
+It must be remarked, too, that as a consequence of this
+unattractiveness, the accounts given in standard works of the general
+features of this religion are rather chilling and repellent. More than
+fifty years ago, in the first book of his _Roman History_, Mommsen so
+treated of it--not indeed without some reservation,--and in this matter,
+as in so many others, his view remained for many years the dominant one.
+He looked at this religion, as was natural to him, from the point of
+view of law; in religion as such he had no particular interest. If I am
+not mistaken, it was for him, except in so far as it is connected with
+Roman law, the least interesting part of all his far-reaching Roman
+studies. More recent writers of credit and ability have followed his
+lead, and stress has been laid on the legal side of religion at Rome; it
+has been described over and over again as merely a system of contracts
+between gods and worshippers, secured by hard and literal formalism, and
+without ethical value or any native principle of growth. Quite recently,
+for example, so great an authority as Professor Cumont has written of it
+thus:--
+
+"Il n'a peut etre jamais existe aucune religion aussi froide, aussi
+prosaique que celle des Romains. Subordonnee a la politique, elle
+cherche avant tout, par la stricte execution de pratiques appropriees, a
+assurer a l'Etat la protection des dieux ou a detourner les effets de
+leur malveillance. Elle a conclu avec les puissances celestes un contrat
+synallagmatique d'ou decoulent des obligations reciproques: sacrifices
+d'une part, faveurs de l'autre.... Sa liturgie rappelle par la minutie
+de ses prescriptions l'ancien droit civil. Cette religion se defie des
+abandons de l'ame et des elans de la devotion." And he finishes his
+description by quoting a few words of the late M. Jean Reville: "The
+legalism of the Pharisees, in spite of the dryness of their ritualistic
+minutiae, could make the heart vibrate more than the formalism of the
+Romans."[2]
+
+Now it is not for me to deny the truth of such statements as this,
+though I might be disposed to say that it is rather approximate than
+complete truth as here expressed, does not sum up the whole story, and
+only holds good for a single epoch of this religious history. But
+surely, for anyone interested in the history of religion, a religious
+system of such an unusual kind, with characteristics so well marked,
+must, one would suppose, be itself an attractive subject. A religion
+that becomes highly formalised claims attention by this very
+characteristic. At one time, however far back, it must have accurately
+expressed the needs and the aspirations of the Roman people in their
+struggle for existence. It is obviously, as described by the writers I
+have quoted, a very mature growth, a highly developed system; and the
+story, if we could recover it, of the way in which it came to be thus
+formalised, should be one of the deepest interest for students of the
+history of religion. Another story, too, that of the gradual discovery
+of the _inadequacy_ of this system, and of the engrafting upon it, or
+substitution for it, of foreign rites and beliefs, is assuredly not less
+instructive; and here, fortunately, our records make the task of telling
+it an easier one.
+
+Now these two stories, taken together, sum up what we may call the
+_religious experience of the Roman people_; and as it is upon these that
+I wish to concentrate your attention during this and the following
+course, I have called these lectures by that name. My plan is not to
+provide an exhaustive account of the details of the Roman worship or of
+the nature of the Roman gods: that can be found in the works of
+carefully trained specialists, of whom I shall have something to say
+presently. More in accordance with the intentions of the Founder of
+these lectures, I think, will be an attempt to follow out, with such
+detailed comment as may be necessary, the religious experience of the
+Romans, as an important part of their history. And this happens to
+coincide with my own inclination and training; for I have been all my
+academic life occupied in learning and teaching Roman history, and the
+fascination which the study of the Roman religion has long had for me is
+simply due to this fact. Whatever may be the case with other religions,
+it is impossible to think of that of the Romans as detached from their
+history as a whole; it is an integral part of the life and growth of the
+people. An adequate knowledge of Roman history, with all its
+difficulties and doubts, is the only scientific basis for the study of
+Roman religion, just as an adequate knowledge of Jewish history is the
+only scientific basis for a study of Jewish religion. The same rule must
+hold good in a greater or less degree with all other forms of religion
+of the higher type, and even when we are dealing with the religious
+ideas of savage peoples it is well to bear it steadfastly in mind. I may
+be excused for suggesting that in works on comparative religion and
+morals this principle is not always sufficiently realised, and that the
+panorama of religious or quasi-religious practice from all parts of the
+world, and found among peoples of very different stages of development,
+with which we are now so familiar, needs constant testing by increased
+knowledge of those peoples in all their relations of life. At any rate,
+in dealing with Roman evidence the investigator of religious history
+should also be a student of Roman history generally, for the facts of
+Roman life, public and private, are all closely concatenated together,
+and spring with an organic growth from the same root. The branches tend
+to separate, but the tree is of regular growth, compact in all its
+parts, and you cannot safely concentrate your attention on one of these
+parts to the comparative neglect of the rest. Conversely, too, the great
+story of the rise and decay of the Roman dominion cannot be properly
+understood without following out the religious history of this
+people--their religious experience, as I prefer to call it. To take an
+example of this, let me remind you of two leading facts in Roman
+history: first, the strength and tenacity of the family as a group under
+the absolute government of the paterfamilias; secondly, the strength and
+tenacity of the idea of the State as represented by the _imperium_ of
+its magistrates. How different in these respects are the Romans from the
+Celts, the Scandinavians, even from the Greeks! But these two facts are
+in great measure the result of the religious ideas of the people, and,
+on the other hand, they themselves react with astonishing force on the
+fortunes of that religion.
+
+I do not indeed wish to be understood as maintaining that the religion
+of the Roman was the most important element in his mental or civic
+development: far from it. I should be the first to concede that the
+religious element in the Roman mind was not that part of it which has
+left the deepest impress on history, or contributed much, except in
+externals, to our modern ideas of the Divine and of worship. It is not,
+as Roman law was, the one great contribution of the Roman genius to the
+evolution of humanity. But Roman law and Roman religion sprang from the
+same root; they were indeed in origin _one and the same thing_.
+Religious law was a part of the _ius civile_, and both were originally
+administered by the same authority, the Rex. Following the course of the
+two side by side for a few centuries, we come upon an astonishing
+phenomenon, which I will mention now (it will meet us again) as showing
+how far more interest can be aroused in our subject if we are fully
+equipped as Roman historians than if we were to study the religion
+alone, torn from the living body of the State, and placed on the
+dissecting-board by itself. As the State grew in population and
+importance, and came into contact, friendly or hostile, with other
+peoples, both the religion and the law of the State were called upon to
+expand, and they did so. But they did so in different ways; Roman law
+expanded _organically_ and intensively, absorbing into its own body the
+experience and practice of other peoples, while Roman religion expanded
+_mechanically_ and extensively, by taking on the deities and worship of
+others _without any organic change of its own being_. Just as the
+English language has been able to absorb words of Latin origin, through
+its early contact with French, into the very tissue and fibre of its
+being, while German has for certain reasons never been able to do this,
+but has adopted them as strangers only, without making them its very
+own: so Roman law contrived to take into its own being the rules and
+practices of strangers, while Roman religion, though it eventually
+admitted the ideas and cults of Greeks and others, did so without taking
+them by a digestive process into its own system. Had the law of Rome
+remained as inelastic as the religion, the Roman people would have
+advanced as little in civilisation as those races which embraced the
+faith of Islam, with its law and religion alike impermeable to any
+change.[3] Here is a phenomenon that at once attracts attention and
+suggests questions not easy to answer. Why is it that the Roman religion
+can never have the same interest and value for mankind as Roman law? I
+hope that we shall find an answer to this question in the course of our
+studies: at this moment I only propose it as an example of the advantage
+gained for the study of one department of Roman life and thought by a
+pretty complete equipment in the knowledge of others.
+
+At the same time we must remember that the religion of the Romans is a
+highly technical subject, like Roman law, the Roman constitution, and
+almost everything else Roman; it calls for special knowledge as well as
+a sufficient training in Roman institutions generally. Each of these
+Roman subjects is like a language with a delicate accidence, which is
+always presenting the unwary with pitfalls into which they are sure to
+blunder unless they have a thorough mastery of it. I could mention a
+book full of valuable thoughts about the relation to Paganism of the
+early Christian Church, by a scholar at once learned and sympathetic;[4]
+who when he happens to deal for a moment with the old Roman religion, is
+inaccurate and misleading at every point. He knew, for example, that
+this religion is built on the foundation of the worship of the family,
+but he yielded to the temptation to assume that the family in heaven was
+a counterpart of the family on earth, "as it might be seen in any palace
+of the Roman nobility." "Jupiter and Juno," he says, "were the lord and
+lady, and beneath them was an army of officers, attendants, ministers,
+of every rank and degree." Such a description of the pantheon of his
+religion would have utterly puzzled a Roman, even in the later days of
+theological syncretism. Again he says that this religion was strongly
+moral; that "the gods gave every man his duty, and expected him to
+perform it." Here again no Roman of historical times, or indeed of any
+age, could have allowed this to be his creed. Had it really been so, not
+only the history of the Roman religion, but that of the Roman state,
+would have been very different from what it actually was.
+
+The principles then on which I wish to proceed in these lectures
+are--(1) to keep the subject in continual touch with Roman history and
+the development of the Roman state; (2) to exercise all possible care
+and accuracy in dealing with the technical matters of the religion
+itself. I may now go on to explain more exactly the plan I propose to
+follow.
+
+It will greatly assist me in this explanation if I begin by making clear
+what I understand, for our present purposes, by the word _religion_.
+There have been many definitions propounded--more in recent years than
+ever before, owing to the recognition of the study of religion as a
+department of anthropology. Controversies are going on which call for
+new definitions, and it is only by slow degrees that we are arriving at
+any common understanding as to the real essential thing or fact for
+which we should reserve this famous word, and other words closely
+connected with it, _e.g._ the supernatural. We are still disputing, for
+example, as to the relation of religion to magic, and therefore as to
+the exact meaning to be attributed to each of these terms.
+
+Among the many definitions of religion which I have met with, there is
+one which seems to me to be particularly helpful for our present
+purposes; it is contributed by an American investigator. "_Religion is
+the effective desire to be in right relation to the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe._"[5] Dr. Frazer's definition is not different in
+essentials: "By religion I understand a propitiation or conciliation of
+powers superior to man which are believed to direct and control the
+course of nature and of human life;"[6] only that here the word is used
+of acts of worship rather than of the feeling or desire that prompts
+them. The definition of the late M. Jean Reville, in a chapter on
+"Religious Experience," written near the end of his valuable life, is in
+my view nearer the mark, and more comprehensive. "Religion," he says,
+"is essentially a principle of life, the feeling of a living relation
+between the human individual and the powers or power of which the
+universe is the manifestation. What characterises each religion is its
+way of looking upon this relation and its method of applying it."[7] And
+a little further on he writes: "It is generally admitted that this
+feeling of dependence upon the universe is the root of all religion."
+But this is not so succinct as the definition which I quoted first, and
+it introduces at least one term, _the individual_, which, for certain
+good reasons, I think it will be better for us to avoid in studying the
+early Roman religious ideas.
+
+"_Religion is the effective desire to be in right relations with the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe._" This has the advantage of
+treating religion as primarily and essentially a _feeling_, an
+instinctive desire, and the word "effective," skilfully introduced,
+suggests that this feeling manifests itself in certain actions
+undertaken in order to secure a desired end. Again, the phrase "right
+relations" seems to me well chosen, and better than the "living
+relation" of M. Reville, which if applied to the religions of antiquity
+can only be understood in a sacramental sense, and is not obviously so
+intended. "Right relation" will cover all religious feeling, from the
+most material to the most spiritual. Think for a moment of the 119th
+Psalm, the high-water mark of the religious feeling of the most
+religious people of antiquity; it is a magnificent declaration of
+conformity to the will of God, _i.e._ of the desire to be in right
+relation to Him, to His statutes, judgments, laws, commands,
+testimonies, righteousness. This is religion in a high state of
+development; but our definition is so skilfully worded as to adapt
+itself readily to much earlier and simpler forms. The "Power manifesting
+itself in the universe" may be taken as including all the workings of
+nature, which even now we most imperfectly understand, and which
+primitive man so little understood that he misinterpreted them in a
+hundred different ways. The effective desire to be in right relation
+with these mysterious powers, so that they might not interfere with his
+material well-being--with his flocks and herds, with his crops, too, if
+he were in the agricultural stage, with his dwelling and his land, or
+with his city if he had got so far in social development--this is what
+we may call the religious instinct, the origin of what the Romans called
+_religio_.[8] The effective desire to have your own will brought into
+conformity to the will of a heavenly Father is a later development of
+the same feeling; to this the genuine Roman never attained, and the
+Greek very imperfectly.
+
+If we keep this definition steadily in mind, I think we shall find it a
+valuable guide in following out what I call the religious experience of
+the Roman people; and at the present moment it will help me to explain
+my plan in drawing up these lectures. To begin with, in the prehistoric
+age of Rome, so far as we can discern from survivals of a later age, the
+feeling or desire must have taken shape, ineffectively indeed, in many
+quaint acts, some of them magical or quasi-magical, and possibly taken
+over from an earlier and ruder population among whom the Latins settled.
+Many of these continued, doubtless, to exist among the common folk,
+unauthorised by any constituted power, while some few were absorbed into
+the religious practice of the State, probably with the speedy loss of
+their original significance. Such survivals of ineffective religion are
+of course to be found in the lowest stratum of the religious ideas of
+every people, ancient and modern; even among the Israelites,[9] and in
+the rites of Islam or Christianity. They form, as it were, _a kind of
+protoplasm of religious vitality_, from which an organic growth was
+gradually developed. But though they are necessarily a matter of
+investigation as survivals which have a story to tell, they do not carry
+us very far when we are tracing the religious experience of a people,
+and in any case the process of investigating them is one of groping in
+the dark. I shall deal with these survivals in my next two lectures, and
+then leave them for good.
+
+I am more immediately concerned with the desire expressed in our
+definition _when it has become more effective_; and this we find in the
+Latins when they have attained to a complete settlement on the land, and
+are well on in the agricultural stage of social development. This stage
+we can dimly see reflected in the life of the home and farm of later
+times; we have, I need hardly say, no contemporary evidence of it,
+though archaeology may yet yield us something. But the conservatism of
+rural life is a familiar fact, and comes home to me when I reflect that
+in my own English village the main features of work and worship remained
+the same through many centuries, until we were revolutionised by the
+enclosure of the parish and the coming of the railroad in the middle of
+the nineteenth century. The intense conservatism of rural Italy, up to
+the present day, has always been an acknowledged fact, and admits of
+easy explanation. We may be sure that the Latin farmer, before the
+City-state was developed, was like his descendants of historical times,
+the religious head of a family, whose household deities were
+_effectively_ worshipped by a regular and orderly procedure, whose dead
+were cared for in like manner, and whose land and stock were protected
+from malignant spirits by a boundary made sacred by yearly rites of
+sacrifice and prayer. Doubtless these wild spirits beyond his boundaries
+were a constant source of anxiety to him; doubtless charms and spells
+and other survivals from the earlier stage were in use to keep them from
+mischief; but these tend to become exceptions in an orderly life of
+agricultural routine which we may call _religious_. Spirits may accept
+domicile within the limits of the farm, and tend, as always in this
+agricultural stage, to become fixed to the soil and to take more
+definite shape as in some sense deities. This stage--that of the
+agricultural family--is the foundation of Roman civilised life, in
+religious as in all other aspects, and it will form the subject of my
+fourth lecture.
+
+The growing effectiveness of the desire, as seen in the family and in
+the agricultural stage, prepares us for still greater effectiveness in
+the higher form of civilisation which we know as that of the City-state.
+That desire, let me say once more, is to be in right relations with the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe. It is only in the higher
+stages of civilisation that this desire can really become effective;
+social organisation, as I shall show, produces an increased knowledge of
+the nature of the Power, and with it a systematisation of the means
+deemed necessary to secure the right relations. The City-state, the
+peculiar form in which Greek and Italian social and political life
+eventually blossomed and fructified, was admirably fitted to secure this
+effectiveness. It was, of course, an intensely _local_ system; and the
+result was, first, that the Power is localised in certain spots and
+propitiated by certain forms of cult within the city wall, thus bringing
+the divine into closest touch with the human population and its
+interests; and secondly, that the concentration of intelligence and
+will-power within a small space might, and did at Rome, develop a very
+elaborate system for securing the right relations--in other words, it
+produced a religious system as highly ritualistic as that of the Jews.
+
+With the several aspects of this system my fifth and succeeding lectures
+will be occupied. I shall deal first with the religious calendar of the
+earliest historical form of the City-state, which most fortunately has
+come down to us entire. I shall devote two lectures to the early Roman
+ideas of divinity, and the character of their deities as reflected in
+the calendar, and as further explained by Roman and Greek writers of the
+literary age. Two other lectures will discuss the ritual of sacrifice
+and prayer, with the priests in charge of these ceremonies, and the
+ritual of vows and of "purification." In each of these I shall try to
+point out wherein the weakness of this religious system lay--viz. in
+attempts at effectiveness so elaborate that they overshot their mark, in
+a misconception of the means necessary to secure the right relations,
+and in a failure to grow in knowledge of the Power itself.
+
+Lastly, as the City-state advances socially and politically, in trade
+and commerce, in alliance and conquest, we shall find that the ideas of
+other peoples about the Power, and their methods of propitiation, begin
+to be adopted in addition to the native stock. The first stages of this
+revolution will bring us to the conclusion of my present course; but we
+shall be then well prepared for what follows. For later on we shall find
+the Romans feeling afresh the desire to be in right relation with the
+Power, discovering that their own highly formalised system is no longer
+equal to the work demanded of it, and pitiably mistaking their true
+course in seeking a remedy. Their knowledge of the Divine, always narrow
+and limited, becomes by degrees blurred and obscured, and their sight
+begins to fail them. I hope in due course to explain this, and to give
+you some idea of the sadness of their religious experience before the
+advent of an age of philosophy, of theological syncretism, and of the
+worship of the rulers of the state.
+
+Let us now turn for a few minutes to the special difficulties of our
+subject. These are serious enough; but they have been wonderfully and
+happily reduced since I began to be interested in the Roman religion
+some twenty-five years ago. There were then only two really valuable
+books which dealt with the whole subject. Though I could avail myself of
+many treatises, good and bad, on particular aspects of it, some few of
+which still survive, the only two comprehensive and illuminating books
+were Preller's _Roemische Mythologie_, and Marquardt's volume on the cult
+in his _Staatsverwaltung_. Both of these were then already many years
+old, but they had just been re-edited by two eminent scholars
+thoroughly well equipped for the task--Preller's work by H. Jordan, and
+Marquardt's by Georg Wissowa. They were written from different points of
+view; Preller dealt with the deities and the ideas about them rather
+than with the cults and the priests concerned with them; while Marquardt
+treated the subject as a part of the administration of government,
+dealing with the worship and the _ius divinum_, and claiming that this
+was the only safe and true way of arriving at the ideas underlying that
+law and worship.[10] Both books are still indispensable for the student;
+but Marquardt's is the safer guide, as dealing with facts to the
+exclusion of fancies. The two taken together had collected and sifted
+the evidence so far as it was then available.
+
+The _Corpus Inscriptionum_ had not at that time got very far, but its
+first volume, edited by Mommsen, contained the ancient Fasti, which
+supply us with the religious calendar of early Rome, and with other
+matter throwing light upon it. This first volume was an invaluable help,
+and formed the basis (in a second edition) of the book I was eventually
+able to write on the _Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_. At
+that time, too, in the 'eighties, Roscher's _Lexicon of Greek and Roman
+Mythology_ began to appear, which aimed at summing up all that was then
+known about the deities of both peoples; this is not even yet completed,
+and many of the earlier articles seem now almost antiquated, as
+propounding theories which have not met with general acceptance. All
+these earlier articles are now being superseded by those in the new
+edition of Pauly's _Real-Encyclopaedie_, edited by Wissowa. Lastly,
+Wissowa himself in 1902 published a large volume entitled _Die Religion
+und Kultus der Roemer_, which will probably be for many years the best
+and safest guide for all students of our subject. Thoroughly trained in
+the methods of dealing with evidence both literary and archaeological,
+Wissowa produced a work which, though it has certain limitations, has
+the great merit of not being likely to lead anyone astray. More
+skilfully and successfully than any of his predecessors, he avoided the
+chief danger and difficulty that beset all who meddle with Roman
+religious antiquities, and invariably lead the unwary to their
+destruction; he declined to accept as evidence what in nine cases out of
+ten is no true evidence at all--the statements of ancient authors
+influenced by Greek ideas and Greek fancy. He holds in the main to the
+principle laid down by Marquardt, that we may use, as evidence for their
+religious ideas, what we are told that the Romans _did_ in practising
+their worship, but must regard with suspicion, and subject to severe
+criticism, what either they themselves or the Greeks wrote about those
+religious ideas--that is, about divine beings and their doings.
+
+It is indeed true that the one great difficulty of our subject lies in
+the nature of the evidence; and it is one which we can never hope
+entirely to overcome. We have always to bear in mind that the Romans
+produced no literature till the third century B.C.; and the documentary
+evidence that survives from an earlier age in the form of inscriptions,
+or fragments of hymns or of ancient law (such as the calendar of which I
+spoke just now), is of the most meagre character, and usually most
+difficult to interpret. Thus the Roman religion stands alone among the
+religions of ancient civilisations in that we are almost entirely
+without surviving texts of its forms of prayer, of its hymns or its
+legends;[11] even in Greece the Homeric poems, with all the earliest
+Greek literature and art, make up to some extent for the want of that
+documentary evidence which throws a flood of light on the religions of
+Babylon, Egypt, the Hindus, and the Jewish people. We know in fact as
+little about the religion of the old Italian populations as we do about
+that of our own Teutonic ancestors, less perhaps than we do about that
+of the Celtic peoples. The Romans were a rude and warlike folk, and
+meddled neither with literature nor philosophy until they came into
+immediate contact with the Greeks; thus it was that, unfortunately for
+our purposes, the literary spirit, when at last it was born in Italy,
+was rather Greek than Roman. When that birth took place Rome had spread
+her influence over Italy,--perhaps the greatest work she ever
+accomplished; and thus the latest historian of Latin literature can
+venture to write that "the greatest time in Roman history was already
+past when real historical evidence becomes available."[12]
+
+We have thus to face two formidable facts: (1) that the period covered
+by my earlier lectures must in honesty be called prehistoric; and (2)
+that when the Romans themselves began to write about it they did so
+under the overwhelming influence of Greek culture. With few exceptions,
+all that we can learn of the early Roman religion from Roman or Greek
+writers comes to us, not in a pure Roman form, clearly conceived as all
+things truly Roman were, but seen dimly through the mist of the
+Hellenistic age. The Roman gods, for example, are made the sport of
+fancy and the subject of Hellenistic love-stories, by Greek poets and
+their Roman imitators,[13] or are more seriously treated by Graeco-Roman
+philosophy after a fashion which would have been absolutely
+incomprehensible to the primitive men in whose minds they first had
+their being. The process of disentangling the Roman element from the
+Greek in the literary evidence is one which can never be satisfactorily
+accomplished; and on the whole it is better, with Wissowa and Marquardt,
+to hold fast by the facts of the cult, where the distinction between the
+two is usually obvious, than to flounder about in a slough of what I can
+only call pseudo-evidence. If all that English people knew about their
+Anglo-Saxon forefathers were derived from Norman-French chroniclers, how
+much should we really know about government or religion in the centuries
+before the Conquest! And yet this comparison gives but a faint idea of
+the treacherous nature of the literary evidence I am speaking of. It is
+true indeed that in the last age of the Republic a few Romans began to
+take something like a scientific interest in their own religious
+antiquities; and to Varro, by far the most learned of these, and to
+Verrius Flaccus, who succeeded him in the Augustan age, we owe directly
+or indirectly almost all the solid facts on which our knowledge of the
+Roman worship rests. But their works have come down to us in a most
+imperfect and fragmentary state, and what we have of them we owe mainly
+to the erudition of later grammarians and commentators, and the learning
+of the early Christian fathers, who drew upon them freely for
+illustrations of the absurdities of paganism. And it must be added that
+when Varro himself deals with the Roman gods and the old ideas about
+them, he is by no means free from the inevitable influence of Greek
+thought.
+
+Apart from the literary material and the few surviving fragments of
+religious law and ritual, there are two other sources of light of which
+we can now avail ourselves, archaeology and anthropology; but it must be
+confessed that as yet their illuminating power is somewhat uncertain. It
+reminds the scrupulous investigator of those early days of the electric
+light, when its flickering tremulousness made it often painful to read
+by, and when, too, it might suddenly go out and leave the reader in
+darkness. It is well to remember that both sciences are young, and have
+much of the self-confidence of youth; and that Italian archaeology, now
+fast becoming well organised within Italy, has also to be co-ordinated
+with the archaeology of the whole Mediterranean basin, before we can
+expect from it clear and unmistakable answers to hard questions about
+race and religion. This work, which cannot possibly be done by an
+individual without _co-operation_--the secret of sound work which the
+Germans have long ago discovered--is in course of being carried out, so
+far as is at present possible, by a syndicate of competent
+investigators.[14]
+
+In order to indicate the uncertain nature of the light which for a long
+time to come is all we can expect from Italian archaeology, I have only
+to remind you that one of the chief questions we have to ask of it is
+the relation of the mysterious Etruscan people to the other Italian
+stocks, in respect of language, religion, and art. Whether the Etruscans
+were the same people whom the Greeks called Pelasgians, as many
+investigators now hold: whether the earliest Roman city was in any true
+sense an Etruscan one: these are questions on the answers to which it is
+not as yet safe to build further hypotheses. In regard to religion, too,
+we are still very much in the dark. For example, there are many Etruscan
+works of art in which Roman deities are portrayed, as is certain from
+the fact that their names accompany the figures; but it is as yet almost
+impossible to determine how far we can use these for the interpretation
+of Roman religious ideas or legends. Many years ago a most attractive
+hypothesis was raised on the evidence of certain of these works of art,
+where Hercules and Juno appear together in a manner which strongly
+suggests that they are meant to represent the male and female principles
+of human life; this hypothesis was taken up by early writers in the
+_Mythological Lexicon_, and relying upon them I adopted it in my _Roman
+Festivals_,[15] and further applied it to the interpretation of an
+unsolved problem in the fourth _Eclogue_ of Virgil.[16] But since then
+doubt has been thrown on it by Wissowa, who had formerly accepted it. As
+being of Etruscan origin, and found in places very distant from each
+other and from Rome, we have, he says, no good right to use these works
+of art as evidence for the Roman religion.[17] The question remains open
+as to these and many other works of art, but the fact that the man of
+coolest judgment and most absolute honesty is doubtful, suggests that we
+had best wait patiently for more certain light.
+
+In Rome itself, where archaeological study is concentrated and admirably
+staffed, great progress has been made, and much light thrown on the
+later periods of religious history. But for the religion of the ancient
+Roman state, with which we are at present concerned, it must be
+confessed that very little has been gleaned. The most famous discovery
+is that recently made in the Forum of an archaic inscription which
+almost certainly relates to some religious act; but as yet no scholar
+has been able to interpret it with anything approaching to
+certainty.[18] More recently excavations on the further bank of the
+Tiber threw a glint of light on the nature of an ancient deity, Furrina,
+about whom till then we practically knew nothing at all; but the
+evidence thus obtained was late and in Greek characters. We must in fact
+entertain no great hopes of illumination from excavations, but accept
+thankfully what little may be vouchsafed to us. On the other hand, from
+the gradual development of Italian archaeology as a whole, and, I must
+here add, from the study of the several old Italian languages, much may
+be expected in the future.
+
+The other chief contributory science is anthropology, _i.e._ the study
+of the working of the mind of primitive man, as it is seen in the ideas
+and practices of uncivilised peoples at the present day, and also as it
+can be traced in survivals among more civilised races. For the history
+of the religion of the Roman City-state its contribution must of
+necessity be a limited one; that is a part of Roman history in general,
+and its material is purely Roman, or perhaps I should say, Graeco-Roman;
+and Wissowa in all his work has consistently declined to admit the value
+of anthropological researches for the elucidation of Roman problems.
+Perhaps it is for this very reason that his book is the safest guide we
+possess for the study of what the Romans did and thought in the matter
+of religion; but if we wish to try and get to the original significance
+of those acts and thoughts, it is absolutely impossible in these days to
+dispense with the works of a long series of anthropologists, many of
+them fortunately British, who have gradually been collecting and
+classifying the material which in the long run will fructify in definite
+results. If we consider the writings of eminent scholars who wrote about
+Greek and Roman religion and mythology before the appearance of Dr.
+Tylor's _Primitive Culture_--Klausen, Preuner, Preller, Kuhn, and many
+others, who worked on the comparative method but with slender material
+for the use of it--we see at once what an immense advance has been
+effected by that monumental work, and by the stimulus that it gave to
+others to follow the same track. Now we have in this country the works
+of Lang, Robertson Smith, Farnell, Frazer, Hartland, Jevons, and others,
+while a host of students on the Continent are writing in all languages
+on anthropological subjects. Some of these I shall quote incidentally in
+the course of these lectures; at present I will content myself with
+making one or two suggestions as to the care needed in using the
+collections and theories of anthropologists, as an aid in Roman
+religious studies.
+
+First, let us bear in mind that anthropologists are apt to have their
+favourite theories--conclusions, that is, which are the legitimate
+result of reasoning inductively on the class of facts which they have
+more particularly studied. Thus Mannhardt had his theory of the
+Vegetation-spirit, Robertson Smith that of the sacramental meal, Usener
+that of the Sondergoetter, Dr. Frazer that of divine Kingship; all of
+which are perfectly sound conclusions based on facts which no one
+disputes. They have been of the greatest value to anthropological
+research; but when they are applied to the explanation of Roman
+practices we should be instantly on our guard, ready indeed to welcome
+any glint of light that we may get from them, but most carefully
+critical and even suspicious of their application to other phenomena
+than those which originally suggested them. It is in the nature of man
+as a researcher, when he has found a key, to hasten to apply it to all
+the doors he can find, and sometimes, it must be said, to use violence
+in the application; and though the greatest masters of the science will
+rarely try to force the lock, they will use so much gentle persuasion as
+sometimes to make us fancy that they have unfastened it. All such
+attempts have their value, but it behoves us to be cautious in accepting
+them. The application by Mannhardt of the theory of the
+Vegetation-spirit to certain Roman problems, _e.g._ to that of the
+Lupercalia,[19] and the October horse,[20] must be allowed, fascinating
+as it was, to have failed in the main. The application by Dr. Frazer of
+the theory of divine Kingship to the early religious history of Rome, is
+still _sub judice_, and calls for most careful and discriminating
+criticism.[21]
+
+Secondly, as I have already said, Roman evidence is peculiarly difficult
+to handle, except in so far as it deals with the simple facts of
+worship; when we use it for traditions, myths, ideas about the nature of
+divine beings, we need a training not only in the use of evidence in
+general, but in the use of Roman evidence in particular.
+Anthropologists, as a rule, have not been through such a training, and
+they are apt to handle the evidence of Roman writers with a light heart
+and rather a rough hand. The result is that bits of evidence are put
+together, each needing conscientious criticism, to support hypotheses
+often of the flimsiest kind, which again are used to support further
+hypotheses, and so on, until the sober inquirer begins to feel his brain
+reeling and his footing giving way beneath him. I shall have occasion to
+notice one or two examples of this uncritical use of evidence later on,
+and will say no more of it now. No one can feel more grateful than I do
+to the many leading anthropologists who have touched in one way or
+another on Roman evidence; but for myself I try never to forget the
+words of Columella, with which a great German scholar began one of his
+most difficult investigations: "In universa vita pretiosissimum est
+intellegere quemque nescire se quod nesciat."[22]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE I
+
+    [1] Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_ (_E.T._), vol. ii. p. 433.
+
+    [2] Cumont, _Les Religions orientales dans le paganisme
+    romain_, p. 36. Cp. Dill, _Roman Society in the Last
+    Century of the Western Empire_, p. 63. Gwatkin, _The
+    Knowledge of God_, vol. ii. p. 133.
+
+    [3] See some valuable remarks in Lord Cromer's _Modern
+    Egypt_, vol. ii. p. 135.
+
+    [4] Since this lecture was written this scholar has
+    passed away, to the great grief of his many friends; and
+    I refrain from mentioning his name.
+
+    [5] Ira W. Howerth, in _International Journal of
+    Ethics_, 1903, p. 205. I owe the reference to R.
+    Karsten, _The Origin of Worship_, Wasa, 1905, p. 2,
+    note. Cp. E. Caird, _Gifford Lectures_ ("Evolution of
+    Theology in the Greek Philosophers"), vol. i. p. 32.
+    "That which underlies all forms of religion, from the
+    highest to the lowest, is the idea of God as an absolute
+    power or principle." To this need only be added the
+    desire to be in right relation to it. Mr. Marett's word
+    "supernaturalism" seems to mean the same thing; "There
+    arises in the region of human thought a powerful impulse
+    to objectify, and even to personify, the mysterious or
+    supernatural something felt; and in the region of will a
+    corresponding impulse to render it innocuous, or, better
+    still, propitious, by force of constraint (_i.e._
+    magic), communion, or conciliation." See his _Threshold
+    of Religion_, p. 11. Prof. Haddon, commenting on this
+    (_Magic and Fetishism_, p. 93), adds that "there are
+    thus produced the two fundamental factors of religion,
+    the belief in some mysterious power, and the desire to
+    enter into communication with the power by means of
+    worship." Our succinct definition seems thus to be
+    adequate.
+
+    [6] _The Golden Bough_, ed. 2, vol. i. p. 62.
+
+    [7] _Liberal Protestantism_, p. 64.
+
+    [8] For _religio_ as a feeling essentially, see Wissowa,
+    _Religion und Kultus der Roemer_, p. 318 (henceforward to
+    be cited as _R.K._). For further development of the
+    meaning of the word in Latin literature, see the
+    author's paper in _Proceedings of the Congress for the
+    History of Religions_ (Oxford, 1908), vol. ii. p. 169
+    foll. A different view of the original meaning of the
+    word is put forward by W. Otto in _Archiv fuer
+    Religionswissenschaft_, vol. xii., 1909, p. 533
+    (henceforward to be cited as _Archiv_ simply). See also
+    below, p. 459 foll.
+
+    [9] See, _e.g._, Frazer in _Anthropological Essays
+    presented to E. B. Tylor_, p. 101 foll.
+
+    [10] _Staatsverwaltung_, iii. p. 2. This will
+    henceforward be cited as _Marquardt_ simply. It forms
+    part of the great _Handbuch der roemischen Alterthuemer_
+    of Mommsen and Marquardt, and is translated into French,
+    but unfortunately not into English. I may add here that
+    I have only recently become acquainted with what was, at
+    the time it was written, a remarkably good account of
+    the Roman religion, full of insight as well as learning,
+    viz. Doellinger's _The Gentile and the Jew_, Book VII.
+    (vol. ii. of the English translation, 1906).
+
+    [11] Two fragments of ancient carmina, _i.e._ formulae
+    which are partly spells and partly hymns, survive--those
+    of the Fratres Arvales and the Salii or dancing priests
+    of Mars. For surviving formulae of prayer see below, p.
+    185 foll. Our chief authority on the ritual of prayer
+    and sacrifice comes from Iguvium in Umbria, and is in
+    the Umbrian dialect; it will be referred to in
+    Buecheler's _Umbrica_ (1883), where a Latin translation
+    will be found. The Umbrian text revised by Prof. Conway
+    forms an important part of that eminent scholar's work
+    on the Italian dialects.
+
+    [12] F. Leo, in _Die griechische und lateinische
+    Literatur und Sprache_, p. 328. Cp. Schanz, _Geschichte
+    der roem. Literatur_, vol. i. p. 54 foll.
+
+    [13] Among Roman poets Ovid is the worst offender,
+    Propertius and Tibullus mislead in a less degree; but
+    they all make up for it to some extent by preserving for
+    us features of the worship as it existed in their own
+    day. The confusion that has been caused in Roman
+    religious history by mixing up Greek and Roman evidence
+    is incalculable, and has recently been increased by Pais
+    (_Storia di Roma_, and _Ancient Legends of Roman
+    History_), and by Dr. Frazer in his lectures on the
+    early history of Kingship--writers to whom in some ways
+    we owe valuable hints for the elucidation of Roman
+    problems. See also Soltau, _Die Anfaenge der roemischen
+    Geschichtsschreibung_, 1909, p. 3.
+
+    [14] Most welcome to English readers has been Mr. T. E.
+    Peet's recently published volume on _The Stone and
+    Bronze Ages in Italy_, and still more valuable for our
+    purposes will be its sequel, when it appears, on the
+    Iron Age.
+
+    [15] _Roman Festivals_, p. 142 foll.; henceforward to be
+    cited as _R.F._
+
+    [16] See Virgil's _Messianic Eclogue_, by Mayor, Fowler,
+    and Conway, p. 75 foll.
+
+    [17] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 227.
+
+    [18] An account of this in English, with photographs,
+    will be found in Pais's _Ancient Legends of Roman
+    History_, p. 21 foll., and notes.
+
+    [19] Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 72 foll.
+
+    [20] _Ibid._, p. 156 foll.
+
+    [21] _Lectures on the Early History of Kingship_,
+    lectures 7-9.
+
+    [22] Not long after these last sentences were written, a
+    large work appeared by Dr. Binder, a German professor of
+    law, entitled _Die Plebs_, which deals freely with the
+    oldest Roman religion, and well illustrates the
+    difficulties under which we have to work while
+    archaeologists, ethnologists, and philologists are still
+    constantly in disagreement as to almost every important
+    question in the history of early Italian culture. Dr.
+    Binder's main thesis is that the earliest Rome was
+    composed of two distinct communities, each with its own
+    religion, _i.e._ deities, priests, and sacra; the one
+    settled on the Palatine, a pastoral folk of primitive
+    culture, and of pure Latin race; the other settled on
+    the Quirinal, Sabine in origin and language, and of more
+    advanced development in social and religious matters. So
+    far this sounds more or less familiar to us, but when
+    Dr. Binder goes on to identify the Latin folk with the
+    Plebs and the Sabine settlement with the Patricians, and
+    calls in religion to help him with the proof of this, it
+    is necessary to look very carefully into the religious
+    evidence he adduces. So far as I can see, the limitation
+    of the word _patrician_ to the Quirinal settlement is
+    very far from being proved by this evidence (see _The
+    Year's Work in Classical Studies_, 1909, p. 69). Yet the
+    hypothesis is an extremely interesting one, and were it
+    generally accepted, would compel us to modify in some
+    important points our ideas of Roman religious history,
+    and also of Roman legal history, with which Dr. Binder
+    is mainly concerned.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE II
+
+ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: SURVIVALS
+
+
+My subject proper is the religion of an organised State: the religious
+experience of a comparatively civilised people. But I wish, in the first
+place, to do what has never yet been done by those who have written on
+the Roman religion--I wish to take a survey of the relics, surviving in
+later Roman practice and belief, of earlier stages of rudimentary
+religious experience. In these days of anthropological and sociological
+research, it is possible to do this without great difficulty; and if I
+left it undone, our story of the development of religion at Rome would
+be mutilated at the beginning. Also we should be at a disadvantage in
+trying to realise the wonderful work done by the early authorities of
+the State in eliminating from their rule of worship (_ius divinum_)
+almost all that was magical, barbarous, or, as later Romans would have
+called it, superstitious. This is a point on which I wish to lay
+especial stress in the next few lectures, and it entails a somewhat
+tiresome account of the ideas and practices of which, as I believe, they
+sought to get rid. These, I may as well say at once, are to be found for
+the most part surviving, as we might expect, _outside_ of the religion
+of the State; where they survive within its limits, they will be found
+to have almost entirely lost their original force and meaning.
+
+Every student of religious history knows that a religious system is a
+complex growth, far more complex than would appear at first sight; that
+it is sure to contain relics of previous eras of human experience,
+embedded in the social strata as lifeless fossils. These only indeed
+survive because human nature is intensely conservative, especially in
+religious matters; and of this conservative instinct the Romans afford
+as striking an example as we can readily find. They clung with
+extraordinary tenacity, all through their history, to old forms; they
+seem to have had a kind of superstitious feeling that these dead forms
+had still a value as such, though all the life was gone out of them. It
+would be easy to illustrate this curious feature of the Roman mind from
+the history of its religion; it never disappeared; and to this day the
+Catholic church in Italy retains in a thinly-disguised form many of the
+religious practices of the Roman people.
+
+Stage after stage must have been passed by the Latins long before our
+story rightly begins; how many revolutions of thought they underwent,
+how much they learnt and took over from earlier inhabitants of the
+country in which they finally settled, we cannot even guess. As I said
+in the last lecture, we have no really ancient history of the Romans, as
+we have, for example, of the Egyptians or Babylonians; to us it is all
+darkness, save where a little light has been thrown on the buried strata
+by archaeology and anthropology. That little light, which may be
+expected to increase in power, shows survivals here and there of
+primitive modes of thought; and these I propose to deal with now in the
+following order. _Totemism_ I shall mention merely to clear it out of
+the way; but _taboo_ will take us some little time, and so will _magic_
+in its various forms.
+
+About totemism all I have to say is this. As I write, Dr. Frazer's great
+work on this subject has just appeared; it is entirely occupied with
+totemism among modern savages, true totemic peoples, with the object of
+getting at the real principles of that curious stratum of human thought,
+and he leaves to others the discussion of possible survivals of it among
+Aryans, Semites, and Egyptians. He himself is sceptical about all the
+evidence that has been adduced to prove its existence in classical
+antiquity (see vol. i. p. 86 and vol. iv. p. 13). Under these
+circumstances, and seeing that Dr. Frazer has always been the accepted
+exponent of totemism in this country since the epoch-making works
+appeared of Tylor and Robertson Smith, it is obviously unnecessary for
+me either to attempt to explain what it is, or to examine the attempts
+to find survivals of it in ancient Italy. When it first became matter of
+interest to anthropologists it was only natural that they should be apt
+to find it everywhere. Dr. Jevons, for example, following in the steps
+of Robertson Smith, found plenty of totemistic survivals both in Greece
+and Italy in writing his valuable _Introduction to the History of
+Religion_; but he is now aware that he went too far in this direction.
+Quite recently there has been a run after the same scent in France; not
+long ago a French scholar published a book on the ensigns of the Roman
+army,[23] which originally represented certain animals, and using Dr.
+Frazer's early work on totemism with a very imperfect knowledge of the
+subject, tried to prove that these were originally totem signs. Roman
+names of families and old Italian tribe-names are still often quoted as
+totemistic; but the Fabii and Caepiones, named after cultivated plants,
+and the Picentes and Hirpini, after woodpecker and wolf, though tempting
+to the totemist, have not persuaded Dr. Frazer to accept them as
+totemistic, and may be left out of account here; there may be many
+reasons for the adoption of such names besides the totemistic one. In
+the course of the last Congress of religious history, a sober French
+scholar, M. Toutain, made an emphatic protest against the prevailing
+tendency in France, of which the leading representative is M. Salomon
+Reinach.[24] Let us pass on at once to the second primitive mode of
+thought which I mentioned just now, and which is not nearly so
+remote--speaking anthropologically--from classical times as totemism.
+Totemism belongs to a form of society, that of tribe or clan, in which
+family life is unknown in our sense of the word, and it is therefore
+wholly remote from the life of the ancient Italian stocks, in whose
+social organisation the family was a leading fact; but _taboo_ seems
+rather to be a mode of thought common to primitive peoples up to a
+comparatively advanced stage of development, and has left its traces in
+all systems of religion, including those of the present day.
+
+By this famous word _taboo_, of Polynesian origin, is to be understood a
+very important part of what I have called the protoplasm of primitive
+religion, and one closely allied both to magic and fetishism. For our
+present purposes we may define it as a mysterious influence believed to
+exist in objects both animate and inanimate, which makes them
+_dangerous_, _infectious_, _unclean_, _or holy_, which two last
+qualities are often almost identical in primitive thought, as Robertson
+Smith originally taught us.[25] What exactly the savage or
+semi-civilised mind thought about this influence we hardly yet know; we
+have another Polynesian word, _mana_, which expresses conveniently its
+positive aspect, and may in time help us towards a better understanding
+of it.[26] It is in origin pre-animistic, _i.e._ it is not so much
+believed to emanate from a _spirit_ residing in the object, as from some
+occult miasmatic quality. All human beings in contact with other men or
+things possessing this quality are believed to suffer in some way, and
+to communicate the infection which they themselves receive. As Dr.
+Farnell says in his chapter on the ritual of purification,[27] "The
+sense-instinct that suggests all this was probably some primeval terror
+or aversion evoked by certain objects, as we see animals shrink with
+disgust at the sight or smell of blood. The nerves of savage man are
+strangely excited by certain stimuli of touch, smell, taste, sight; the
+specially exciting object is something that we should call mysterious,
+weird, or uncanny."
+
+Based on this notion of constant danger from infection, there arose a
+code of unwritten custom as rigid as that enforced by a careful
+physician in infectious cases at the present day; and thus, too, in
+course of time there was developed the idea of the possibility of
+_disinfection_, an idea as salutary as the discovery in medical science
+of effective methods for the disinfection of disease. The code of taboo
+had an obvious ethical value, as Dr. Jevons pointed out long ago;[28]
+like all discipline carried out with a social end in view, it helped men
+to realise that they were under obligations to the community of which
+they were a part, and that they would be visited by severe penalties if
+they neglected these duties. But it inevitably tended to forge a set of
+fetters binding and cramping the minds of its captives with a countless
+number of terrors; life was full of constant anxiety, of that feeling
+expressed by the later Romans in the word _religio_,[29] which, as we
+shall see, probably had its origin in this period of primitive
+superstition. The only remedy is the _discovery of the means of
+disinfection_, or, as we commonly call it, of _purification_: a
+discovery which must have been going on for ages, and only finds its
+completion at Rome in the era of the City-state. We shall return to this
+part of the subject when we deal with the ritual of purification; at
+present we must attend to certain survivals in that ritual which suggest
+that at one time the ancestors of the Roman people lived under this
+unwritten code of taboo.
+
+Let us see, in the first place, how human beings were supposed to be
+affected by this mysterious influence under certain circumstances and at
+particular periods of their existence. As universally in primitive life,
+the new-born infant must originally have been taboo; for every Roman
+child needed purification or disinfection, boys on the ninth, girls on
+the eighth day after birth. This day was called the _dies lustricus_,
+the day of a purificatory rite; "est lustricus dies," says Macrobius,
+"_quo infantes lustrantur_ et nomen accipiunt."[30] In historical times
+the naming of the child was doubtless the more practically important
+part of the ceremony; though we may note in passing that the mystic
+value attaching to names, of which there are traces in Roman usage, may
+have even originally given that part a greater significance than we
+should naturally attribute to it.[31] Again, when the child reaches the
+age of puberty, it is all the world over believed to be in a critical or
+dangerous condition, needing disinfection; of this idea, so far as I
+know, the later Romans show hardly a trace, but we may suppose that the
+ceremony of laying aside the _toga_ of childhood, which was accompanied
+by a sacrifice, was a faint survival of some process of
+purification.[32] Once more, after a death the whole family had to be
+purified with particular care from the contagion of the corpse,[33]
+which was here as everywhere taboo; a cypress bough was stuck over the
+door of the house of a noble family to give warning to any passing
+pontifex that he was not to enter it;[34] and those who followed the
+funeral cortege were purified by being sprinkled with water and by
+stepping over fire.[35] _Society had effectually protected itself
+against the miasma in all these cases by the discovery of the means of
+disinfection._
+
+One of the commonest forms of taboo is that on women, who, especially at
+certain periods, were apparently believed to be "infectious."[36] Of
+this belief we have very distinct survivals in Roman ritual, which I
+must here be content to mention only, leaving details to trained
+anthropologists to explain. We find them both in _sacra privata_ and
+_sacra publica_. Cato has preserved the formula for the propitiation of
+Mars Silvanus in the private rites of the farm; it is to take place _in
+silva_, and its object is the protection of the cattle, doubtless those
+which have been turned out to pasture in the forest, and are therefore
+in danger from evil beasts and evil spirits. Now this _res divina_ may
+be performed either by a free man or a slave, _but no woman may be
+present_, nor see what is going on.[37] In _sacra publica_ women were
+excluded from the cult of Hercules at the Ara Maxima, and were not
+allowed to swear by the name of that god; facts which are usually
+connected with the doubtful identification of Hercules with Genius, or
+the male principle of life.[38] More conclusive evidence of taboo in the
+case of women is the fact that at certain sacrifices they were ordered
+to withdraw, both _mulieres_ and _virgines_, together with other persons
+to be mentioned directly.[39] Unfortunately we are not told what those
+sacrifices were; but it seems clear enough that there had been at one
+time a scruple (_religio_) about admitting women of any age to certain
+sacred rites. If so, it is remarkable how the good sense of the Roman
+people overcame any serious disabilities which might have been produced
+by such ideas; the Roman woman gained for herself a position of dignity,
+and even of authority, in her household, which had very important
+results on the formation of the character of the people.[40] Traces of
+the old superstition doubtless continued to survive in folklore; an
+example, interesting because it seems to illustrate the positive aspect
+of taboo (_mana_), may be found by the curious in Pliny's _Natural
+History_, xxviii. 78.
+
+Another widely-spread example of the class of ideas we are discussing is
+the belief that _strangers_ are dangerous. Dr. Frazer tells us that "to
+guard against the baneful influence exerted voluntarily or involuntarily
+by strangers is an elementary dictate of savage prudence." You have to
+disarm them of their magical powers, to counteract "the baneful
+influence which is believed to emanate from them."[41] Of this feeling
+he has collected a great number of convincing illustrations. We find it
+also surviving in Roman ritual. A note, referred to above, which has
+come down to us from the learned Verrius Flaccus, informs us that at
+certain sacrifices the lictor proclaimed "_hostis vinctus mulier virgo
+exesto_," where _hostis_ has its old meaning of stranger.[42] This is,
+of course, merely the old feeling of taboo surviving in the religious
+ritual of the City-state, and is also no doubt connected with the belief
+that the recognised deities of a community could not be approached by
+any but the members of that community; but its taproot is probably to be
+found in the ideas described by Dr. Frazer. We can illustrate it well
+from the ritual of another Italian city, Iguvium in Umbria, which, as I
+mentioned in a note to my last lecture, has come down to us in a very
+elaborate form. In the ordinance for the _lustratio populi_ of that city
+the magistrate is directed to expel all members of certain neighbouring
+communities by a thrice-repeated proclamation.[43] Such fear of
+strangers is not even yet extinct in Italy. Professor von Duhn told me
+that once when approaching an Italian village in search of inscriptions
+he was taken for the devil, being unluckily mounted on a black horse and
+dressed in black, and was met by a priest with a crucifix, who was at
+last persuaded to "disinfect" him with holy water as a condition of his
+being admitted to the village. But the Romans of historical times, in
+this as in so many other ways, discovered easy methods of overcoming
+these fears and scruples: we find a good example of this in the
+organised college of Fetiales, who, on entering as envoys a foreign
+territory, were fully protected by their sacred herbs, carried by a
+_verbenarius_, against all hostile contamination.[44]
+
+A remark seems here necessary about the apparent inconsistency between
+this feeling of anxiety about strangers and the well-known ancient
+Italian practice of _hospitium_, by which two communities, or two
+individuals, or an individual and a community, entered into relations
+which bound them to mutual hospitality and kindness in case of need:[45]
+a practice so widely spread and so highly developed that it may be
+considered one of the most valuable civilising agents in the early
+history of Italy. There is, however, no real inconsistency here. In the
+first place, the stranger who was removed on the occasion of solemn
+public religious rites may be assumed not to have been in possession of
+the _ius hospitii_ with the Roman state, and in any case it must be
+doubtful whether that _ius_ would give him the right of being present at
+all sacrificial rites. Secondly, the researches of Dr. Westermarck have
+recently, for the first time, made it clear that both the taboo on
+strangers and the very widely-spread practice of hospitality can
+ultimately be traced down to the same root. The stranger is dangerous;
+but for that very reason it is desirable to secure his good-will at
+once. He may have the evil eye; but if so, it is as well to disarm him
+by offering him food and drink, and, when he has partaken of these, by
+entering into communion with him in the act of partaking also yourself.
+Expediency would obviously suggest some such remedy for the danger of
+his presence, and this would in course of time, in accordance with the
+instinct of Romans and Italians, grow into a set of rules sanctioned by
+law as well as custom--the _ius hospitii_.[46]
+
+_Hostis vinctus mulier virgo exesto._ We have noticed traces of taboo on
+women and strangers: what of the _vinctus_? This is, so far as I know,
+the only proof we have that a man in chains was thought to be
+religiously dangerous. I am not sure how his expulsion from religious
+rites is to be explained. It is, however, as well to note that criminals
+were in primitive societies thought to be uncanny, probably because the
+commonest of all crimes, if not the only one affecting society as a
+whole, was the breaking of taboo, which made the individual an
+outcast.[47] And we may put this together with the fact that in the
+early City-state such outcasts were probably not kept shut up in a
+prison, but allowed to wander about secured with chains; this seems a
+fair inference from the power which the priest of Jupiter (_Flamen
+Dialis_) possessed of releasing from his chains any prisoner who entered
+his house, _i.e._ who had taken refuge there as in an asylum.[48] Thus
+the fettered criminal, who was certainly not a citizen, might find his
+way to the place where a sacrifice was going on, and have to submit to
+expulsion together with the strangers. It is, however, also possible
+that the iron of the chains, if they were of iron, made him doubly
+dangerous; for, as we shall see directly, iron was taboo, and the chains
+of the prisoner who took refuge with the Flamen had to be thrown out of
+the house, no doubt for this reason, by the _impluvium_.[49]
+
+Turning to inanimate objects, which are supposed by primitive man to be
+dangerous or taboo, we are met by a fact which will astonish
+anthropologists, and which I cannot satisfactorily explain. Blood is
+everywhere in the savage world regarded with suspicion and anxiety;
+there is something mysterious about it as containing (so they thought)
+the life, and its colour and smell are also uncanny; horses cannot
+endure it, and there are still strong men who faint at the sight of it.
+Yet at Rome, so far as I can discover, there was in historical times
+hardly a trace left of this anxiety in its original form of taboo; the
+religious law had effectually eliminated the various chances that might
+arouse it. No student of Roman religious antiquities seems to have
+noticed this singular fact. No anthropologist, as far as I know, has
+observed that among the many taboos to which the Flamen Dialis was
+subject, blood does not appear. The reason no doubt is that
+anthropologists are not as a rule Roman historians; their curiosity is
+not excited by a fact which must have some explanation in Roman
+religious history. From a single passage of Festus (p. 117) we learn
+that soldiers following the triumphal car carried laurel "ut quasi
+purgati a caede humana intrarent urbem"; and this is the only distinct
+relic of the idea that I can find. Pliny's _Natural History_, that
+wonderful thesaurus of odds and ends, affords no help; the mystic
+qualities of blood are hardly alluded to there, and the same can be said
+of Servius' commentary on the _Aeneid_. The word blood is not to be
+found in the index to Wissowa's great work, of which the supreme value
+is its accurate record of the religious law and all the ceremonies of
+the State. I am constrained to believe that the priests or priest-kings
+who developed the _ius divinum_ of the Roman City-state deliberately
+suppressed the superstition, for reasons which it is impossible to
+conjecture with certainty. And this guess, which I put forward with
+hesitation, is indeed in keeping with certain other facts of Roman life.
+It is doubtful whether human sacrifice ever existed among this
+people;[50] it is certain that the execution of citizens in civil life
+by beheading was abandoned at a very early period.[51] The shedding of
+blood, except when a victim was sacrificed under the rules of sacred
+law, was carefully avoided; thus the horror of blood had a social and
+ethical result of value, instead of remaining a mere _religio_ (taboo).
+It is true that in one or two rites, such as that of the October horse,
+the blood of a sacrifice seems to have been thought to possess peculiar
+powers;[52] but it is at the same time noticeable that this rite is not
+included in the old calendar, a fact of which a wholly satisfactory
+explanation has not yet been offered. In the Lupercalia there is a trace
+of the mystic use of blood in sacrifice, but a very faint one: to this
+we shall return later on. The two Luperci had their foreheads smeared
+with the knife bloody from the slaughter of the victims, but the blood
+was at once wiped off with wool dipped in milk.[53] This rite is of
+course in the old calendar; it stands almost alone in its mystical
+character, and may have been taken over by the Romans from previous
+inhabitants of the site of Rome. Lastly, in the Terminalia, or
+boundary-festival of arable land in country districts, the
+boundary-stone was sprinkled with the blood of the victims, showing that
+a spirit, or _numen_, was believed to reside in it;[54] but I cannot
+find that this practice survived in the public sacrifices of the city.
+It is found only in the sacrifices (_Graeco ritu_) supervised by the _XV
+viri sacris faciundis_ in that part of the Ludi Saeculares of Augustus
+which was concerned with Greek chthonic deities in the Campus
+Martius.[55]
+
+Yet unquestionably there had been a time when many inanimate objects
+were supposed to have a mystic or dangerous influence; this is
+sufficiently proved by the long list of taboos to which the unfortunate
+Flamen Dialis was even in historical times subject. He was forbidden to
+touch a goat, a dog, raw meat, beans, ivy, wheat, leavened bread; he
+might not walk under a vine, and his hair and nails might not be cut
+with an iron knife; and he might not have any knot or unbroken ring
+about his person. Dr. Frazer has the merit of being the first to point
+out the real meaning of this strange list of disabilities, and to
+explain the mystic or miasmatic origin of some of them.[56] They need
+not detain us now, as they are survivals only, and survivals of ideas
+which must have been long extinct before Roman history can be said to
+begin. Almost the only one among them of which we have other traces is
+the taboo on iron, which must have been of comparatively late date, as
+the use of iron in Italy seems only to have begun about the eighth
+century B.C.[57] This is found also in the ritual of the Arval
+Brotherhood, the ancient agricultural priesthood revived by Augustus,
+and better known to us than any other owing to the discovery of its
+_Acta_ in the site of the sacred grove between Rome and Ostia. These
+Brethren had originally suffered from the taboo on iron; but in
+characteristic fashion they had discovered that a piacular or
+disinfecting sacrifice would sufficiently atone for its use whenever it
+was necessary to take a pruning-hook within the limits of the grove.[58]
+We may here also recall the fact that no iron might be used in the
+building or repairing of the ancient _pons sublicius_, the oldest of all
+the bridges of the Tiber.[59]
+
+Every one who wishes to get an idea of the nature of taboo in primitive
+Rome, and of the way in which it was got rid of, should study the
+disabilities of the Flamen Dialis, and satisfy himself of their absence,
+with the exception just mentioned, and possibly one or two more, in the
+ritual of historical Rome. Nothing is more likely to convince him of the
+way in which Roman civilisation contrived to leave these superstitions
+as mere fossils, incapable any longer of doing mischief by cramping the
+conscience and inducing constant anxiety. If he is disposed to ask why
+such a large number of these fossils should be found attached to the
+priesthood of Jupiter, I must ask him to let me postpone that question,
+which would at this moment lead us too far afield.
+
+I may, however, mention here that the Flaminica Dialis, who was not
+priestess of Juno as is commonly supposed, but assisted her husband in
+the cult of Jupiter, was also subject to certain taboos. On three
+occasions in the religious year she might not appear in public with her
+hair "done up," viz. the moving of the _ancilia_ in March, the festival
+of the Argei in March and May, and during the cleansing of the _penus
+Vestae_ in June. Also she might not wear shoes made from the skin of a
+beast that had died a natural death, but only from that of a sacrificial
+victim. There are traces of a _religio_ about shoe-leather, I may
+remark, both in the Roman and in other religious systems. Varro tells us
+that "in aliquot sacris et sacellis scriptum habemus, Ne quid scorteum
+adhibeatur: ideo _ne morticinum_ quid adsit." Leather was taboo in the
+worship of the almost unknown deity Carmenta. Petronius describes women
+in the cult of Jupiter Elicius walking barefoot; and we are reminded of
+the well-known rule which still survives in Mahommedan mosques.[60] The
+original idea may have been that the skin of an animal not made sacred
+by sacrifice might destroy the efficacy of the worship contemplated. On
+the other hand, the skin of a duly sacrificed animal had potency of a
+useful kind--a fact or belief so widespread as to need no illustration
+here; but we shall come upon an example of it in my next lecture.
+
+Certain _places_ were also affected by the idea of taboo. In the later
+religious law of the City-state the sites of all temples, _i.e._ all
+places in which deities had consented to take up their abode, were of
+course holy; but this is a much more mature development, though it
+unquestionably had its root in the same idea that we are now discussing.
+Such sites, as we shall see in a later lecture, were _loca sacra_, and
+_sacer_ is a word of legal ritual, meaning that the place has been made
+over to the deity by certain formulae, accompanied with favourable
+auspices, under the authority of the State.[61] But there were other
+holy places which were not _sacra_ but _religiosa_; and the word
+_religiosum_ here might almost be translated "affected by taboo."
+Wissowa provides us with a list of these places, and this and the
+quotations he supplies with it are of the utmost value for my present
+subject.[62] They comprised, of course, all holy places which the State
+had not duly consecrated, and therefore some which hardly concern us
+here, such as shrines belonging to families and gentes, and temple-sites
+in the provinces of a later age. More to our purpose at this moment are
+the spots where thunderbolts were supposed to have fallen. Such spots
+were encircled with a low wall and called _puteal_ from their
+resemblance to a well, or _bidental_ from the sacrifice there of a lamb
+as a _piaculum_; the bolt was supposed to be thus buried, and the place
+became _religiosum_.[63] So, too, all burial-grounds were not _loca
+sacra_ but _loca religiosa_, technically because they were not the
+property of the state or consecrated by it; in reality, I venture to
+say, because the place where a corpse was deposited was of necessity
+taboo. Such places were _extra commercium_, and their sanctity might not
+be violated: "religiosum est," wrote the learned Roman Masurius Sabinus,
+"quod propter sanctitatem aliquam _remotum et sepositum est_ a
+nobis."[64] So, too, the great lawyer of Cicero's time, Servius
+Sulpicius, defines _religio_ as "quae propter sanctitatem aliquam remota
+ac seposita a nobis sit," where he is using _religio_ in the sense of a
+thing or place to which a taboo attaches.[65] And again, another
+authority, Aelius Gallus, said that _religiosum_ was properly applied to
+an object in regard to which there were things which a man might not do:
+"quod si faciat," he goes on, "adversus deorum voluntatem videatur
+facere."[66] These last words are in the language of the City-state; if
+we would go behind it to that of an earlier age, we should substitute
+words which would express the feeling or scruple, the _religio_, without
+reference to any special deity. Virgil has pictured admirably this
+feeling as applied to places, in describing the visit of Aeneas to the
+site of the future Rome under the guidance of his host Evander (_Aen._
+viii. 347):--
+
+  hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia ducit,
+  aurea nunc, olim silvestribus horrida dumis.
+  _iam tum religio pavidos terrebat agrestis_
+  _dira loci_: iam tum silvam saxumque tremebant.
+  "hoc nemus, hunc," inquit, "frondoso vertice collem,
+  (quis deus, incertum est) habitat deus."
+
+
+This is a passage on which I shall have to comment again: at present I
+will content myself with noting how accurately the poet, who of all
+others best understood the instincts of the less civilised Italians of
+his own day, has used his knowledge to express the antique feeling that
+there were places which man must shrink from entering--a feeling far
+older than the invention of legal _consecratio_ by the authorities of a
+City-state.
+
+Lastly, the principle of taboo, or _religio_, if we use the Latin word,
+affected certain times as well as places. Just as under the _ius
+divinum_ of the fully-developed State certain spots were made over to
+the deities for their habitation and rendered inviolable by
+_consecratio_, so certain days were also appointed as theirs which the
+human inhabitants might not violate by the transaction of profane
+business. But I have just pointed out that the consecration of holy
+places in this legal fashion was a late development of a primitive
+feeling or _religio_; exactly the same, if I am not mistaken, was the
+case with regard to the holy days. These were called _nefasti_, and
+belong to the life of the State; but there were others, called
+_religiosi_, which I believe to have been tabooed days long before the
+State arose.
+
+When we come to examine the ancient religious calendar, it will be found
+that I shall not then be called upon to deal with _dies religiosi_, for
+the very good reason that they are not indicated in that calendar--there
+is no mark for them as _religiosi_, and some of them are not even _dies
+nefasti_, as we might naturally have expected.[67] What, then, is the
+history of them? We may be able to make a fair guess at this by noting
+exactly what these days were; Dr. Wissowa has put them together for us
+in a very succinct passage.[68] He begins the list with the 18th of
+Quinctilis (July), on which two great disasters had happened to Roman
+armies, the defeats on the Cremera and the Allia; and also the 16th, the
+day after the Ides, because, according to the legend, the Roman
+commander had sacrificed on that day with a view to gaining the favour
+of the gods in the battle. We may regard the story about the 18th as
+historical; but then we are told that _all_ days following on Kalends,
+Nones, and Ides were likewise made _religiosi_ (or _atri_, _vitiosi_,
+which have the same meaning) as being henceforward deemed unlucky by
+pronouncement of senate and pontifices;[69] thus all _dies postriduani_,
+as they were called, were put out of use, or at any rate declared
+unlucky, for many purposes, both public and private, _e.g._ marriages,
+levies, battles, and sacred rites,[70] simply because on one occasion
+disaster had followed the offering of a sacrifice on the 16th of
+Quinctilis. It is difficult to believe that thirty-six days in the year
+were thus tabooed, by a Roman senate and Roman magistrates, in a period
+when the practical wisdom of the government was beginning to be a marked
+characteristic of the State. Some people, we are told, went so far as to
+treat the _fourth day before_ Kalends, Nones, and Ides in the same way;
+but Gellius declares that he could find no tradition about this except a
+single passage of Claudius Quadrigarius, in which he said that the
+fourth day before the Nones of Sextilis was that on which the battle of
+Cannae was fought.[71]
+
+I am strongly inclined to suggest that the traditional explanation of
+the tabooing of these thirty-six, or possibly seventy-two days was
+neither more nor less than an aetiological myth, like hundreds of others
+which were invented to account for Roman practices, religious and other;
+and this supposition seems to be confirmed as we go on with the list of
+_dies religiosi_ as given by Wissowa. The three days--Sextilis 24,
+October 5, November 8--on which the Manes were believed to come up from
+the underworld through the _mundus_ (to which I shall return later on)
+were _religiosi_;[72] so were those when the temple of Vesta remained
+open (June 7 to 15),[73] those on which the Salii performed their
+dances in March and October,[74] two days following the _feriae Latinae_
+(a movable festival),[75] and the days of the Parentalia in February and
+the Lemuria in May, which were concerned with the cult and the memory of
+the dead.[76] Now the _religio_ or taboo on these days obviously springs
+either from a feeling of anxiety suggested by very primitive notions of
+the dead and of departed spirits; or in the case of the temple of Vesta,
+by some mystical purification or disinfection preparatory to the
+ingathering of the crops, which I noticed in my _Roman Festivals_ (p.
+152 foll.); or again in the case of the Salii, by some danger to the
+crops from evil spirits, etc., which might be averted by their peculiar
+performances. In fact, all these _dies religiosi_ date as such, we may
+be pretty sure, from a very primitive period before the genesis of the
+City-state, and were not recognised--for what reason we will not at
+present attempt to guess--as _religiosi_ by the authorities who drew up
+the Calendar. Some of them appear in that calendar as _dies nefasti_,
+but not all; and I am entirely at one with Wissowa, whose knowledge of
+the Roman religious law is unparalleled for exactness, in believing that
+a _religio_ affecting a day had nothing whatever to do with its
+character as _fastus_ or _nefastus_.[77]
+
+If all these last-mentioned _dies religiosi_ are such because ancient
+popular feeling attached the _religio_ to them, we may infer, I think,
+that the same was really the case also with the _dies postriduani_. The
+fact that the authorities of the State had made one or two days
+_religiosi_ as anniversaries of disasters, supplied a handy explanation
+for a number of other _dies religiosi_ of which the true explanation had
+been entirely lost; but that there was such a true explanation, resting
+on very primitive beliefs, I have very little doubt. Lucky and unlucky
+days are found in the unwritten calendars of primitive peoples in many
+parts of the world. An old pupil, now a civil servant in the province
+of Madras, has sent me an elaborate account of the notions of this kind
+existing in the minds of the Tamil-speaking people of his district of
+southern India. The Celtic calendar recently discovered at Coligny in
+France contains a number of mysterious marks, some of which may have had
+a meaning of this kind.[78] Dr. Jevons has collected some other examples
+from various parts of the world, _e.g._ Mexico.[79] The old Roman
+superstition about the luckiness of odd days and the unluckiness of even
+ones, which appears, as we shall see, in the arrangement of the
+calendar, was probably at one time a popular Italian notion, not
+derived, as used to be thought, from Pythagoras and his school.
+
+I therefore conclude that we may add times and seasons to the list of
+those objects, animate and inanimate, which were affected by the
+practice of taboo in primitive Rome; and I hold that the word
+_religiosus_, as applied both to times and places, exactly expresses the
+feeling on which that practice is based. The word _religiosus_ came to
+have another meaning (though it retained the old one as well) in
+historical times, and the Romans could be called _religiosissimi
+mortalium_ in the sense of paying close attention to worship and all its
+details. But the original meaning of _religio_ and _religiosus_ may
+after all have been that nervous anxiety which is a special
+characteristic of an age of taboo.[80] To discover the best methods of
+soothing that anxiety, or, in other words, the methods of disinfection,
+was the work of the organised religious life of family and State which
+we are going to study. But I must first devote a lecture to another
+class of primitive survivals.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE II
+
+    [23] Renel, _Les Enseignes_, p. 43 foll. For the
+    contrary view, Deubner in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 490.
+
+    [24] On taboo in general, Jevons, _Introduction to the
+    History of Religion_, ch. vi.; Robertson Smith,
+    _Religion of the Semites_, p. 142 foll.; Frazer, _Golden
+    Bough_ (ed. 2), i. 343; Crawley, _The Mystic Rose_,
+    _passim_. On the relation of taboo to magic, Marett,
+    _Threshold of Religion_, p. 85 foll. Lately M. van
+    Gennep in his _Rites de passage_ has attempted to
+    classify and explain the various rites resulting from
+    taboo.
+
+    [25] See the _Transactions of the Congress_ (Oxford
+    University Press), vol. i. p. 121 foll. M. Reinach had
+    alleged that the gens Fabia was originally a totem clan,
+    _Mythes et cultes_, i. p. 47.
+
+    [26] Marett, _On the Threshold of Religion_, p. 137
+    foll. "In _taboo_ the mystic thing is not to be lightly
+    approached (negative aspect); _qua mana_, it is instinct
+    with mystic power (positive aspect)": so Mr. Marett
+    states the distinction in a private letter.
+
+    [27] _Evolution of Religion_, p. 94.
+
+    [28] _Introduction_, ch. viii.; Westermarck, _Origin and
+    Development of Ethical Ideas_, i. 233 foll.
+
+    [29] See a paper by the author in the _Transactions of
+    the Congress of the History of Religions_, 1908, ii. 169
+    foll.
+
+    [30] Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 16. 36; De Marchi, _La
+    Religione nella vita domestica_, i. p. 169 foll.;
+    Samter, _Familienfeste der Griechen und Roemer,_ p. 62
+    foll., where the _dies lustricus_ is compared with the
+    Greek [Greek: amphidromia]. Unfortunately the details of
+    the Roman rite are unknown to us, which seems to
+    indicate that the primitive or magical character of it
+    had disappeared. Van Gennep, _op. cit._ ch. v., reviews
+    and classifies our present knowledge of this kind of
+    rite. See also Crawley, _Mystic Rose_, p. 435 foll.
+
+    [31] Crawley, _op. cit._ p. 436; Frazer, _G.B._ i. 403
+    foll. From this point of view Roman names need a closer
+    examination than they have yet received. See, however,
+    Marquardt, _Privatleben der Roemer_, pp. 10 and 81, and
+    Mommsen, _Roem. Forschungen_, i. 1 foll. Marquardt must
+    be wrong in stating (p. 10) that only the _praenomen_
+    was given on the _dies lustricus_; children dying before
+    that day usually, as he says on p. 82 note, have no name
+    in inscriptions, and that ceremony must surely have
+    introduced the child to the gens of its parents.
+    Certainly that introduction had not to wait till the
+    _toga virilis_ was taken; though Tertull. _de Idol._ 16
+    looks at first a little like it. The same statement is
+    made in the _Dict. of Antiq., s.v._ "nomen." Macr.
+    _Sat._ i. 16. 36, and Fest. 120, simply speak of
+    _nomen_.
+
+    [32] Fowler, _R.F._ p. 56; De Marchi, _op. cit._ p. 176.
+    For the primitive ideas about puberty, Crawley, _Mystic
+    Rose_, ch. xiii. The idea of the Romans seems to have
+    been simply that the child, who had so far needed
+    special protection from evil influences (of what kind in
+    particular it is impossible to say) by purple-striped
+    toga and amulet (see below, p. 60), was now entering a
+    stage when these were no longer needed. All notions of
+    taboo seem to have vanished.
+
+    [33] Marquardt, _Privataltertuemer_, p. 337 foll.
+
+    [34] Serv. _Aen._ ii. 714, and especially iii. 64. Other
+    references in Marq. _op. cit._ p. 338, note 5, and De
+    Marchi, _La Religione nella_ _vita domestica_, p. 190.
+    For similar usages of prohibition see van Gennep, _op.
+    cit._ ch. ii.
+
+    [35] Festus, p. 3, "itaque funus prosecuti redeuntes
+    ignem supragradiebantur aqua aspersi, quod purgationis
+    genus vocabant suffitionem." For the possibly magic
+    influence of these elements, see Jevons, _op. cit._ p.
+    70.
+
+    [36] Frazer, _G.B._ i. 325, iii. 222 foll.; Jevons, p.
+    59.
+
+    [37] Cato, _R.R._ 83, "mulier ad eam rem divinam ne
+    adsit neve videat quomodo fiat."
+
+    [38] Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 60. Dogs were also
+    excluded (_ib._ 90); Gellius xi. 6. 2; Wissowa, _R.K._
+    p. 227; Fowler, _R.F._ p. 194, where the private and
+    public taboos are compared.
+
+    [39] Festus, _s.v._ "exesto." For similar taboos in
+    Greece, Farnell in _Archiv_ for 1904, p. 76.
+
+    [40] Fowler, _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_,
+    p. 143 foll. Cp. Westermarck, _Origin, etc._, vol. i.
+    ch. xxvi., especially p. 652 foll.
+
+    [41] _G.B._ i. 298 foll.
+
+    [42] Festus, _s.v._ "exesto."
+
+    [43] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, p. 94 foll. Cp. Livy v. 50,
+    where it is said that, after the Gauls had left Rome,
+    all the temples, _quod ea hostis possedisset_, were to
+    be restored, to have their bounds laid down afresh
+    (_terminarentur_) and to be disinfected (_expiarentur_).
+    _Digest_, xi. 7. 36, "cum loca capta sunt ab hostibus,
+    omnia desinunt religiosa vel sacra esse, sicut homines
+    liberi in servitutem perveniunt; quod si ab hac
+    calamitate fuerint liberata, quasi quodam postliminio
+    reversa pristino statui restituerentur." Cp. Plutarch,
+    _Aristides_, 20. A friend reminds me that Bishop
+    Berkeley, when in Italy, had his bedroom sprinkled with
+    holy water by his landlady.
+
+    [44] See Marquardt, p. 420, notes 5 and 6. The
+    _verbenarius_ is mentioned in Serv. _Aen._ xii. 120, and
+    Pliny _N.H._ xxii. 5. For the disinfecting power of
+    verbena (_myrtea verbena_) see Pliny xv. 119, where it
+    is said to have been used by Romans and Sabines after
+    the rape of the Sabine virgins.
+
+    [45] See Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 192 foll., based
+    on the famous essay of Mommsen in his _Roemische
+    Forschungen_, i. 319 foll. The passages quoted from Livy
+    for the practice in early times (i. 45, v. 50) are not,
+    of course, historical evidence; but we may fairly argue
+    back from the more explicit evidence of later times,
+    _e.g._ the Senatusconsultum de Asclepiade of 78 B.C.
+    (_C.I. Graec._ 5879).
+
+    There is a good example of the feeling in modern Italy
+    in a book called _In the Abruzzi_, by Anne Macdonell, p.
+    275. I have experienced it in remote parts of South
+    Wales long ago. Moritz, the German pastor who travelled
+    on foot in England towards the end of the eighteenth
+    century, noted that even the innkeepers were constantly
+    unwilling to take him in. His book was reprinted in
+    Cassell's National Library some years ago.
+
+    [46] See the very interesting chapter in _The Origin
+    and Development of Moral Ideas_, vol. i. p. 570 foll.,
+    especially p. 590 foll. Dr. Westermarck aptly points out
+    that hospitality is almost universal among "rude"
+    peoples, and loses its hold as they become more
+    civilised. M. van Gennep in his recently published work,
+    _Les Rites de Passage_, has attempted to classify the
+    various rites relating to taboo of strangers; see ch.
+    iii., especially p. 38 foll.
+
+    [47] Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 70.
+
+    [48] Gellius x. 15. 8, "vinctum, si aedes eius
+    introierit, solui necessum est." (In hot countries
+    chains still usually, or in some degree, take the place
+    of bolts and bars, _e.g._ in the Soudan, as I am told by
+    an old pupil now in the Soudan civil service.) The
+    regular Latin phrase for imprisonment is "in vincula
+    conicere": Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._ "carcer."
+
+    [49] Gellius, _l.c._; Serv. _Aen._ ii. 57, a curious
+    passage, in which the release of Sinon from his bonds by
+    King Priam is compared with that of the prisoner who
+    enters the flaminia (house of the Flamen Dialis). That
+    there was something in the iron which interfered with
+    the religious efficacy of the Flamen seems likely; cp.
+    the rule that he might wear no ring unless it were
+    broken, and have no knot about his dress. But the latter
+    restriction suggests that binding may have been
+    originally the object of the taboo (cp. Ovid, _Fasti_,
+    v. 432), and that the iron taboo came in with the iron
+    age. Appel, _de Romanorum precationibus_, p. 82, note 2,
+    seems so to understand it. Cp. Eurip. _Iph. Taur._ 468,
+    where Orestes and Pylades are unbound before entering
+    the temple.
+
+    [50] There has been much discussion of this question; I
+    entirely agree with Wissowa (_R.K._ p. 354, where
+    references are given for the opposite opinion) that
+    there is no evidence for human sacrifice in the old
+    Roman religion or law, except in the rule that a
+    condemned criminal was made over to a deity (_sacer_),
+    which may have been a legal survival of an original form
+    of actual sacrifice. The alleged sacrifice by Julius
+    Caesar of two mutinous soldiers in the Campus Martius
+    (Dio Cass. xliii. 24) is of the same nature as the
+    sacrifice of captives to Orcus in _Aen._ xi. 81, _i.e._
+    it is outside of the civil life and religious law; this
+    is shown in the latter case by the mention of blood in
+    the ritual (_caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas_), and in
+    the former by the beheading of the mutineers.
+
+    [51] Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, p. 917 foll.; Livy x. 9;
+    Cic. _de Rep._ ii. 31. 65. All other methods of
+    execution were bloodless. _Decollatio_ remained in use
+    in the army (as in the case just mentioned), but the axe
+    disappeared from the fasces in the city with the
+    abolition of kingship. As further illustration of the
+    dislike of all bloodshed, cp. the rule of XII. Tables,
+    "mulieres genas ne radunto," _i.e._ at funerals, Cic.
+    _de Legibus_, ii. 59, and Serv. _Aen._ iii. 67 from
+    Varro, and v. 78. The gladiatorial _ludi_ may have been
+    a revival of an old custom akin to human sacrifice of
+    captives in the field. See _Social Life at Rome in the
+    Age of Cicero_, p. 304, note 3.
+
+    We may also note in this connection that there is no
+    distinct trace of the blood-feud in old Roman law; see
+    _Zum aeltesten Strafrecht der Kulturvoelker_, p. 38
+    (questions of comparative law suggested by Mommsen and
+    answered by various specialists). Doubtless it once
+    existed, but vanished at an early date.
+
+    [52] Fowler, _R.F._ p. 242. The tail of the sacrificed
+    horse was carried to the Regia, where the blood was
+    allowed to drip on the sacred hearth (_participandae rei
+    divinae gratia_), Festus, p. 178.
+
+    [53] _R.F._ p. 311 foll., from Plutarch, _Rom._ 21.
+
+    [54] For this practice in many ancient religions, and
+    its substitute, the smearing of the stone with turmeric
+    or other red stain, see Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 139
+    foll.; Robertson Smith, _Semites_, p. 415.
+
+    [55] This is found in Zosimus ii. 1. 5; Diels,
+    _Sibyllinische Blaetter_, 132, and 73 note. Cp. Virg.
+    _Aen._ viii. 106; also a Greek rite.
+
+    [56] _G.B._ ed. 2, i. 241 foll.
+
+    [57] The bronze and iron ages, of course, overlap; see
+    Helbig, _Italiker in der Poebene_, p. 78 foll.
+
+    [58] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ pp. 22 and 128 foll.
+    Other examples are collected by Helbig, _op. cit._ p.
+    80.
+
+    [59] Dion. Hal. iii. 45; Mommsen in _C.I.L._ i. p. 177.
+    It may be as well to point out that iron, like wheat in
+    the taboos of the Flamen, was considered dangerous, as
+    being a novelty. The old Italian grain was not true
+    wheat but _far_, which continued to be used in religious
+    rites; _R.F._ p. 304, and Marquardt, _Privatleben der
+    Roemer_, p. 399 foll.
+
+    [60] Varro, _L.L._ vii. 84; Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 629;
+    Petronius, _Sat._ 44. There are many parallels in Greek
+    ritual.
+
+    [61] See below, p. 146. Mr. Marett suggests to me a
+    comparison with the _rongo_ (sacred) of the Melanesians,
+    and _tapu_ as used of a place by them, _i.e._ set apart
+    by a human authority; Codrington, _Melanesians_, p. 77.
+
+    [62] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 408 foll.; cp. 323 and notes.
+
+    [63] The fullest account of this will be found in
+    Marquardt, p. 262 foll. For the case of a man killed by
+    lightning, see note 4 on p. 263; the body was not burnt
+    but buried, and the grave became a _bidental_, and
+    _religiosum_.
+
+    [64] For the intricate pontifical law of burial-places
+    see Wissowa, p. 409. The quotation from Masurius is in
+    Gellius iv. 9. 8, "M. Sabinus in commentariis quos de
+    indigenis composuit." The word _sanctitas_ is here used
+    merely by way of explanation and not in a technical
+    sense; for which see Marq. p. 145 and references; but it
+    seems to have had a special use in the cult of the dead.
+    (See below, p. 470.)
+
+    [65] Quoted by Macrobius, _Sat._ iii. 3. 8. For
+    Sulpicius see _Social Life at Rome in the Age of
+    Cicero_, p. 118 foll.
+
+    [66] Festus, p. 278. This Aelius lived at the end of the
+    Republican period, and belonged to the school of
+    Sulpicius; Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Lit._ i. pt. 2, p.
+    486.
+
+    [67] _e.g._ the three days on which the _mundus_ was
+    open were all _comitiales_, though at the same time
+    _religiosi_.
+
+    [68] _R.K._ pp. 376, 377.
+
+    [69] The authorities for the story are Verrius Flaccus,
+    _ap._ Gell. v. 17, and Macrobius, _Sat._ i. 16. 21.
+
+    [70] For the extent of the taboo see Gell. iv. 9. 5;
+    Macr. i. 16. 18.
+
+    [71] Gell. v. 17. 3 foll. (_annalium quinto_).
+
+    [72] Festus, p. 278.
+
+    [73] _R.F._ p. 151.
+
+    [74] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 377, note 6.
+
+    [75] Cic. _ad Qu. Fratr._ ii. 4. 2.
+
+    [76] Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 187, 189.
+
+    [77] _R.K._ p. 377. Gell. iv. 9. 5 says that the
+    _multitudo imperitorum_ confused the _dies religiosi_
+    and _dies nefasti_. The distinction is most clearly seen
+    in the fact that on _dies religiosi_ the temples were
+    (or ought to be) shut, and "res divinas facere" was
+    ill-omened (Gell., _ib._), while on _dies nefasti_ the
+    latter was regular, such days being made over to the
+    gods. No wonder that Gellius brands the popular
+    ignorance with such words as _prave_ and _perperam_.
+
+    [78] See Prof. Rhys's paper read before the British
+    Academy, "Notes on the Coligny Calendar," p. 33 and
+    elsewhere.
+
+    [79] _Introduction_, p. 65 foll.
+
+    [80] Since writing this sentence I have read the paper
+    by W. Otto on "Religio and Superstitio" in _Archiv fuer
+    Religionswissenschaft_, 1909, p. 533 foll.; in which at
+    p. 544 he hints at a connection of _religio_ with the
+    practice of taboo. With some of his conclusions,
+    however, I cannot agree. The same explanation of the
+    origin of _religio_, _i.e._ in an age of taboo, has also
+    been suggested since my lecture was written by
+    Maximilianus Kobbert, _De verborum "religio atque
+    religiosus" usu apud Romanos_, p. 31 (Koenigsberg,
+    1910).
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE III
+
+ON THE THRESHOLD OF RELIGION: MAGIC
+
+
+Taboo, the traces of which at Rome we examined in the last lecture, is,
+as we saw, closely allied to magic, even if it be not, as Dr. Frazer
+thinks, magic in a negative form. We have now to see what traces are to
+be found of magic in the proper or usual sense of the word--active or
+positive magic, as we may call it. By this we are to understand the
+exercise of a mysterious mechanical power by an individual on man,
+spirit, or deity, to enforce a certain result. In magic there is no
+propitiation, no prayer. "He who performs a purely magical act," says
+Dr. Westermarck,[81] "utilises such mechanical power without making any
+appeal at all to the will of a supernatural being." Religion, on the
+other hand, is an attitude of regard and dependence; in a religious
+stage man feels himself in the hands of a supernatural power with whom
+he desires to be in right relation.
+
+If we accept this distinction, as I think we may (though one school of
+anthropologists is hardly disposed to do so), it is plain that magical
+practices are of a totally different kind from religious practices, as
+being the result of a different mental attitude towards the
+supernatural; they belong to a ruder and more rudimentary idea of the
+relation of Man to the Power manifesting itself in the universe. True,
+they have their origin in the same kind of human experience, in the
+difficulties man meets with in his struggle for existence, and his
+desire to overcome these; but unlike religion, magic is a wholly
+inadequate attempt to overcome them. This inadequacy was long ago well
+explained by Dr. Jevons.[82] He showed that man in that early stage of
+his experience did not understand the true relation of cause and effect;
+that, "turned loose as it were among innumerable possible causes (of a
+given effect), with nothing to guide his choice, the chances against his
+making the right choice were considerable." As a matter of fact he
+usually made the wrong one, and is still apt to do so. There is probably
+more magic going on behind the scenes even in civilised countries, and
+more especially both in Greece and Italy, than either men of science or
+men of religion have any idea of. In its various forms as they are now
+classified,[83] _e.g._ contagious magic, and homoeopathic magic, the
+exercise of the mysterious will-power, real or imaginary, is to be found
+all the world over, accompanied usually with a spell or incantation
+which is believed to enforce and increase that power--a kind of
+telepathy, which seems to be the psychological basis, so far as there is
+one, of the whole system. In these rites the virtue resides in some
+action, which, together with the spell or incantation, enforces the
+desired result by calling out the will-power, or _mana_, if we adopt the
+convenient Melanesian word lately brought into use. Whatever percentage
+of psychological truth may lie at the root of such performances, it is
+obvious that they must in the main be wholly inadequate, and must
+constantly tend to pass into mere quackery and become discredited; and
+it was the special function of the religious organisation of early
+society to eliminate and discredit them.
+
+But it was a long stage in the evolution of society before man arrived
+at a better knowledge of his relation to the Power manifesting itself in
+the universe; before he reached the idea of a god or spirit realisable
+and nameable, and thus capable of being addressed, placated, worshipped.
+When this stage is reached, there supervenes almost always a strong
+tendency to regulate and systematise the methods of address, placation,
+and worship; and among some peoples, _e.g._ the Romans, for reasons
+which it is by no means easy to explain, this tendency is much stronger
+than among others. Wherever it has been strong, wherever these methods
+of putting oneself in right relation with the Power have been
+systematised by a central authority or priesthood, and thus made into
+religious law, there, as we might naturally expect, the performances and
+performers of magic have been most vigorously discountenanced and
+outlawed. The interests of religion and its officials are wholly
+antagonistic to those of magic and magicians. In civilised communities
+and in historical times magic is in the main individualistic, not
+social; magical ceremonies for the good of the community seem to be
+confined to races in a very early stage of development. The examples on
+which Dr. Frazer relies for his theory of the development of the public
+magician into a king[84] are of this primitive kind, or are mere
+survivals of magic in a higher stage of civilisation--such survivals as
+there will always be among forms and ceremonies, of which it is man's
+nature to be tenacious. But religion, once firmly established,
+invariably seeks to exclude magic; and the priest does his best to
+discredit the magician, as claiming to exercise mysterious powers
+outside the pale of the legally recognised methods of propitiation and
+worship. As Dr. Tylor observed long ago, the more civilised the race,
+the more apt it is to associate magic with men of inferior
+civilisation.[85] In the Jewish law, though magic was well known to the
+Jews and privately practised, there is no recognition of it; the magical
+books attributed to Solomon were suppressed, according to tradition, by
+the pious king Hezekiah.[86] So too at Rome, where the outward forms of
+religion were also very highly systematised, magic, as it seems to me,
+was rigorously excluded from the State ritual, though it continued in
+use in private life under certain precautions taken by the State; in the
+few genuine examples of it in the rites belonging to the _ius divinum_
+(_i.e._ those used and sanctioned for the purposes of the community),
+it is nothing more than a survival of which the magical meaning was
+unknown to the writers from whom we hear of it.
+
+A good example of such survivals is the curious ceremony of
+the _aquaelicium_, without doubt a genuine case of magical
+"rain-making"--one of the many inadequate and blundering attempts on the
+part of primitive man to obtain what he needs. Probably it may be
+classed under the head of "sympathetic magic," but the evidence as to
+what was done in the ceremony is not quite explicit enough to allow us
+to do this confidently.[87] It was, of course, not included in the
+religious calendar, as it would be only occasionally called for, and
+could not be fixed to a day; but there is clear evidence that it was
+sanctioned by the State, for the pontifices took part in it, and the
+magistrates without the _toga praetexta_, and the lictors carrying the
+fasces reversed.[88] A stone, which lay outside the walls near the Porta
+Capena, was brought into the city by the pontifices, so far as we can
+make out the details, and it has been conjectured that it was taken to
+an altar of Jupiter Elicius on the Aventine hard by, this cult-title of
+the god of the sky having possibly some relation to the technical name
+of the ceremony. What was done with the stone we unluckily do not know;
+but it has been reasonably conjectured that it was a hollow one, and
+that it was filled with water which was allowed to run over the edge, as
+a means of inducing the rain-god to suffer the heavens to overflow.[89]
+It was called _lapis manalis_; and the epithet here can have nothing to
+do with the Manes, as in the case of another _lapis manalis_, of which I
+shall have a word to say later on, but must mean "pouring" or
+"overflowing." One or two other fragments of evidence point in the same
+direction, and I think we may fairly conclude that the rite was
+originally one of sympathetic magic--that as the stone overflowed, so
+the sky would pour down rain. In my _Roman Festivals_ I have pointed out
+a remarkable parallel to this in the collections of the _Golden Bough_;
+in a Samoan village a stone represented the god of rain, and in a
+drought his priests carried it in procession and dipped it in a stream.
+
+This parallel I owe to Dr. Frazer's wide knowledge of all such practices
+among savage peoples. But this ever helpful and friendly guide, in
+treating of the Jupiter Elicius concerned in this ceremony, has gone
+beyond the evidence, and attributed to the Romans another kind of magic
+of which I believe they were quite innocent. He has been led to this by
+his theory that kings were developed out of successful magicians. In his
+lectures on the early history of the Kingship[90] he maintains that the
+Roman kings practised the magical art of bringing down lightning from
+heaven. "The priestly king Numa passed for an adept in the art of
+drawing down lightning from the sky.... Tullus Hostilius is reported to
+have met with the same end (as Salmoneus, king of Elis) in an attempt to
+draw down Jupiter in the form of lightning from the clouds." To support
+these statements Dr. Frazer quotes Pliny, Livy, Ovid, Plutarch,
+Arnobius, Aurelius Victor, and Zonaras--truly a formidable list of
+authorities; but without any attempt to discover where any of these late
+writers found the stories. Yet he had but to read Aust's admirable
+article "Jupiter" in the _Mythological Lexicon_[91] to assure himself
+that legends which cannot be traced farther back than the middle of the
+second century B.C. cannot seriously be assumed to be genuinely Roman.
+Pliny happens to mention Calpurnius Piso as his authority; this was the
+man who is well known in Roman history as the author of the first _lex
+de repetundis_ of the year 149 B.C., a good statesman, but as an
+annalist much given to indulging a mythological fancy.[92] We happen to
+know that he wrote with happy confidence about the life and habits of
+Romulus, and a story about wine-drinking which he attributes to that
+king is obviously transferred to him from some more historical
+personage. Romulus would not drink wine one day because he was going to
+be very busy on the next. Then they said to him, "If we all did so,
+Romulus, wine would be cheap." "Nay, dear," he replied, "if every one
+drank as much as he wished; and that is exactly what I am doing."[93] I
+quote the story simply as a good example of the way in which Roman
+historians could deal with their kings, and of the absolute necessity of
+acquainting oneself with their methods before building hypotheses upon
+their statements. I hardly need to add that another of Dr. Frazer's
+authorities, Arnobius, informs us that he took the story from the second
+book of Valerius Antias, a later writer than Piso, whose name is a
+byword even with the uncritical Livy for shameless exaggeration and
+mis-statement.[94]
+
+But how did these writers come by such legends, which, as Dr. Frazer
+shows, are to be found also in Greece and in other parts of the world?
+Why should they have wished to make Roman kings into magicians?
+Rain-making we can understand at Rome,--it had a practical end in view,
+the procuring of rain for the crops,--but why lightning and thunder,
+which were so much dreaded that every bit of damage done by a
+thunderstorm had to be carefully expiated by a religious process? Rome
+is not in the tropics, where rain and thunder so often come together,
+and where an attempt to produce rain by magic might naturally include
+thunder, as in some of Dr. Frazer's examples from tropical lands. I
+entirely agree with the latest and most sober investigators of Roman
+ritual that this kind of magic is quite foreign to Roman ideas and
+practice;[95] there is no vestige of it in the Roman cult; these stories
+must have come from outside. And there is every probability that they
+came from Etruria, where the lore of lightning had become a
+pseudo-science, a waste of human ingenuity, for the origin of which we
+must look, as we are now beginning to understand, to Babylonia and the
+Eastern magic.[96] The Jupiter Elicius of the Aventine had nothing to do
+with lightning; he took his cult-title from the rite of _aquaelicium_;
+but as soon as the Romans began to interest themselves in the Etruscan
+lightning-lore, of which this electrical magic was only a part,[97] they
+perverted the meaning of the epithet to suit their new studies, and
+began to attribute to their legendary kings powers which properly
+belonged to Etruscan or Oriental magicians. The second century B.C.,
+when Piso wrote his _Annals_, is exactly the period when we should
+naturally expect such studies to come into fashion, and with such
+perversions of "history" as their consequence.[98]
+
+I go on to note one or two more examples of real magic in the State
+religion; but they are hard to find. Pliny tells that even in his day
+people believed that a runaway slave who had not escaped out of the city
+might be arrested by a spell uttered by the Vestal virgins.[99] I take
+this to mean that any one who had lost his slave might get the Vestals
+to use the spell as a means of keeping the runaway within the city. The
+word for spell is here _precatio_, _i.e._ a prayer, not _carmen_, which
+is the usual word for a spell; and Pliny evidently thinks of it as
+addressed to some god. But no doubt it was originally at least a genuine
+spell, of the same kind as others used in private life, which we shall
+notice directly; and it implies a belief in some magical power inherent
+in the Vestals, of whom we are told that if they accidentally met a
+criminal being led to punishment they might secure his release.[100] As
+the spell in this case seems to be telepathic, _i.e._ an exercise of
+will-power projected from a distance, it may perhaps be paralleled with
+certain mystical powers exercised by women, especially when their
+husbands are at war, among some savage peoples;[101] but we have no
+information about it beyond the passage in Pliny, and further guessing
+would be useless.
+
+This last is a case of genuine magic, but it is outside the ritual of
+the State, though exercised by a State priesthood. Within that ritual
+there is one other very curious case of what must be classed as a
+magical process, and one that has accidentally become famous. At the
+Lupercalia on February 15, the two young men called Luperci, or, more
+strictly, belonging respectively as leaders to the two collegia of
+Luperci, girt themselves with the skins of the slaughtered victims,
+which were goats, and then ran round the base of the Palatine hill,
+striking at all the women who came near them or offered themselves to
+their blows, with strips of skin cut from the hides of these same
+victims. The object was to produce fertility; on this point our
+authorities are explicit.[102] Thus this particular feature of the whole
+extraordinary ritual of the Lupercalia is unmistakably within the region
+of magic rather than of religion. Some potency was believed to work in
+the act of striking, though apparently without a spoken spell or
+_carmen_, such as usually accompanies acts of this kind; and this part
+of the rite, grotesque though it was, was allowed to survive by the
+grave religious authorities who drew up the calendar of religious
+festivals. It was probably a superstition too deeply rooted in the minds
+of the people to admit of being excluded; and, strange to say, it
+survived, in outward form at least, until Rome had become cosmopolitan
+and even Christian. The Lupercalia has always been a puzzle to students
+of early religion, and as each new theory is advanced, this strange
+festival is seized on for fresh interpretation;[103] but for our present
+purposes it must suffice to point out that we clearly find embedded in
+it a piece of genuine magic, dating beyond doubt from a very primitive
+stage of thought.
+
+There is one other very curious performance, occurring each year on the
+ides of May, which in my view is rather magical than religious, though
+the ancients themselves looked upon it as a kind of purification: I mean
+the casting into the Tiber from the _pons sublicius_ of twenty-four or
+twenty-seven straw puppets by the Vestal virgins, in the presence of the
+magistrates and pontifices. Recently an attempt has been made by Wissowa
+to prove that this strange ceremony was not primitive, but simply a case
+of the substitution of puppets for real human victims as late as the age
+of the Punic wars.[104] These puppets were called Argei, which word
+naturally suggests Greeks; and Wissowa has contrived to persuade himself
+not only that a number of Greeks were actually put to death by drowning
+in an age when everything Greek was beginning to be reverenced at Rome,
+but (still more extraordinary to an anthropologist) that the primitive
+device of substitution was had in requisition at that late date in order
+to carry on the memory of the ghastly deed. And the world of German
+learning has silently followed their leader, without taking the trouble
+to test his conclusions by a careful and independent examination of the
+evidence. It happens that this fascinating puzzle of the Argei was the
+first curiosity that enticed me into the study of the Roman religion,
+and for some thirty years I have been familiar with every scrap of
+evidence bearing on it; and after going over that evidence once more I
+can emphatically state my conviction that Wissowa's theory will not hold
+water for a moment. I shall return to the subject in a later lecture
+dealing with the religious history of the second Punic war; at present I
+merely express a belief that, whatever be the history of the accessories
+of the rite,--and they are various and puzzling,--the actual immersion
+of the puppets is the survival of a primitive piece of sympathetic
+magic, the object being possibly to procure rain. It is, in my opinion,
+quite impossible to resist the anthropological evidence for this
+conclusion, though we cannot really be certain about the object; for
+this evidence I must refer you to my _Roman Festivals_, and to the
+references there given.[105]
+
+This rite of the Argei, then, was a case of genuine magic, and exercised
+by a State priesthood, virgins to whom certain magical powers were
+supposed to be attached; it was, I think, a popular performance, like
+one or two others which are also outside the limit of the Fasti,[106]
+and was embodied in a more complicated ceremonial long after that
+calendar had been drawn up. In the ritual authorised by the State, with
+public objects in view, _i.e._ for the benefit of society as a whole,
+there is hardly a trace of anything that we can call genuine magic
+apart from the examples I have just been explaining. There were, I need
+not say, many survivals of magical processes of which the true magical
+intent had long been lost--ancient magical deposits in a social stratum
+of religion, which I shall notice in their proper place. This is not
+peculiar to the religion of the Romans; it is a phenomenon to be found
+in all religions, even in those of the most highly developed type, and
+it is one apt to cause some confusion as to the true distinction between
+magic and religion.[107] It is easy to find magical processes even in
+Christian worship, if we have the will to do so; but if we steadily bear
+in mind that the true test of magic is not the nature of an act, but the
+intent or volition which accompanies it, the search will not be an easy
+one.
+
+The modern French school of sociologists, which now has to be reckoned
+with in investigating the early history of religion, claims that magic
+was not originally, as we now see it, a matter of individual skill, but
+a sociological fact, _i.e._ it was used for the benefit of the
+community, as religion came to be in a later age. If this be true, as it
+very possibly is, we see at once how the dead bones of magical processes
+might survive, with their original meaning entirely lost, into an age in
+which higher and more reasonable ideas had been developed about the
+relation of Man to the Power manifesting itself in the universe. To take
+a single example from Rome, divination by the examination of a victim's
+entrails was originally a magical process, according to the opinion of
+most modern authorities;[108] but it ceases to be magic when it is used
+simply to determine in the State ritual whether in a religious process
+the victim is perfect and agreeable to the deity. In fact magical
+formulae, magical instruments, unless they are used in the true spirit
+of magic, to compel, not to propitiate a deity, are no longer magic, and
+may be passed over here. When we come to discuss the ritual of sacrifice
+and prayer, of _lustratio_, of vows, of divination, we may find it
+necessary to recall what has here been said. On the whole, we may
+conclude that organised religious cult, from its very nature and object,
+everywhere excluded magic in the true sense of the word; it implies
+prayer and propitiation, both of which are absolutely inconsistent with
+the object and methods of magic. Religion is the product of a higher
+stage of social development; it is the expression of a real advance of
+human thought; and in telling the story of the religious experience of
+the Roman people we are but indirectly concerned with those more rude
+and rudimentary ideas which it displaced.
+
+But in private life, outside of the organised cult of the State and the
+family, magic was all through Roman history abundant, even
+over-abundant, and in this form I cannot pass it over entirely. Though
+the State authorities seem to have taken pains to exclude it rigidly
+from the public rites, and though there is little trace of it in the
+religious life of family and gens, yet there is evidence that it was
+deeply rooted in the nature of the people, and that they must have
+passed through an age in which it was an important factor in their
+social life. This fact, taken together with its almost complete
+elimination from the public religion, throws into relief the persistent
+efforts of the State authorities, from the framing of the old religious
+calendar to the time of the Augustan revival, to keep their relations
+with the Power clear of all that they believed to be unworthy or
+injurious. No better example can be found of the inherent antagonism
+between religion and magic.
+
+Private magic may be divided into two kinds, according as it was used to
+damage another, or only to benefit oneself. In the former case the State
+interfered to protect the person threatened with damage, and treated
+this kind of magic as a crime. The commonest form of it was that of the
+spell, or _carmen_, no doubt often sung, and accompanied by some action
+which would bring it under the head of sympathetic magic; but the spell
+alone is taken cognisance of by the State. Pliny has preserved three
+words from the XII. Tables which tell their own tale: "qui fruges
+excantassit."[109] Servius, commenting on the line of Virgil's 8th
+_Eclogue_, "atque satas alio vidi traducere messes," writes, "magicis
+quibusdam artibus hoc fiebat, unde est in XII. Tabb. 'Neve alienam
+segetem pellexeris.'" These last words, with the verb in the second
+person, are probably not quoted exactly from the ancient text,[110] but
+they help to show us the nature of this hostile spell. There must have
+been a belief that the spirit, or life, or fructifying power of your
+neighbour's crops could be enticed away and transferred to your own.
+This is confirmed by a remark of St. Augustine in the _de Civitate
+Dei_;[111] after quoting the same line from Virgil, he adds, "eo quod
+hac pestifera scelerataque doctrina fructus alieni in alias terras
+transferri perhibentur, nonne in XII. Tabulis, id est Romanorum
+antiquissimis legibus, Cicero commemorat esse conscriptum et ei qui hoc
+fecerit supplicium constitutum?" Given the belief, the temptation can be
+well understood if we reflect that the arable land of the old Romans was
+divided in sections of a square, and that each man's allotment would
+have that of a neighbour on two sides at least.[112] If one man's corn
+were found to be more flourishing than that of his neighbours, what more
+likely than that he should have enticed away the spirit of their crops?
+The process reminds us, as it reminded Pliny, of the _evocatio_ of the
+gods of foreign communities, a rite which belongs to religion and not to
+magic, though it doubtless had its origin in the same class of ideas as
+the _excantatio_.
+
+In more general terms the old Roman law (_i.e._ originally the _ius
+divinum_) forbade the use of evil spells, as we see in another fragment
+of the Tables, "qui malum carmen incantassit." In later times this was
+usually taken as referring to libel and slander, but there can be no
+doubt that the carmina here alluded to were originally magical, and
+became _carmina famosa_ in the course of legal interpretation. Cicero
+seems to combine the two meanings in the _de Rep._ (iv. 10. 2) when he
+says that the Tables made it a capital offence "si quis occentavisset,
+sive carmen condidisset quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri" (to
+bring shame or criminal reproach on another). In the later sense these
+carmina have a curious history, into which I cannot enter now.[113] In
+the earlier sense they existed and flourished without doubt, in spite of
+the law; or it may be that, as the words of the Tables were interpreted
+in the new sense, the old form of offence was tolerated in private. "We
+are all afraid," says Pliny, "of being 'nailed' (_defigi_) by spells and
+curses" (_diris precationibus_).[114] These _dirae_, and all the various
+forms of love-charms, _defixiones_, accompanied by the symbolic actions
+which are found all the world over, lie outside my present subject, and
+are so familiar to us all in Roman literature that I do not need to
+dwell on them.[115]
+
+Nor of the common harmless kind of magic need I say much now. It
+survived, of course, alongside of the religion of the family and State,
+from the earliest times to the latest, as it survives at the present day
+in all countries civilised and uncivilised; and being harmless the State
+took no heed of it. Some assortment of charms and spells for the cure of
+diseases will be found in Cato's book on agriculture, and one or two
+incidentally occur in that of Varro.[116] They performed the work of
+insurance against both fire and accident, and even such a man as Julius
+Caesar was not independent of such arts. Pliny tells us that after
+experiencing a carriage accident he used to repeat a certain spell three
+times as soon as he had taken his seat in a vehicle, and adds
+significantly, "id quod plerosque nunc facere scimus."[117] Such carmina
+were written on the walls of houses to insure them against fire.[118]
+Pliny has a large collection of small magical delusions and
+superstitions, many of which have an interest for anthropologists, in
+the 28th book of his _Natural History_.
+
+Another kind of harmless magic, to which the Romans, like all Italians
+ancient and modern, were peculiarly addicted, is the use of amulets.
+Here there is no spell, or obvious and expressed exercise of will-power
+on the part of the individual, but the potent influence, _mana_, or
+whatever we choose to call it, resides in a material object which brings
+good luck, like the cast horse-shoe of our own times, or protects
+against hostile will-power, and especially against the evil eye. This
+curious and widely-spread superstition was probably the _raison d'etre_
+of most of the amulets worn or carried by Romans. A modern Italian, even
+if he be a complete sceptic and materialist, will probably be found to
+have some amulet about him against the evil eye, "just to be on the
+safe side."[119] A list of amulets, both Greek and Roman, will be
+found in the _Dictionary of Antiquities_, and in Pauly-Wissowa,
+_Real-Encyclopaedie, s.v._ "amulet," and it is not necessary here to
+explain the various kinds in use in Italy; but I must dwell for a moment
+on one type, which had been taken up into the life of the family, and in
+one sense into that of the State, viz. the _bulla_ worn by children,
+both boys and girls.
+
+The bulla was a small object, enclosed in historical times in a capsule,
+and suspended round the child's neck. It was popularly believed to have
+been originally an Etruscan custom,[120] and borrowed by the Romans,
+like so many other ornaments. It is, however, much more probable that
+the custom was old Italian (as indeed the "medicine-bag" is world-wide),
+and that the Etruscan contribution to it was merely the case or capsule,
+which was of gold where the family could afford it--gold itself being
+supposed to have some potency as a charm.[121] The object within the
+case was, as Pliny tells us, a _res turpicula_ as a rule,[122] and this
+may remind us that a _fascinum_ was carried in the car of the
+triumphator as _medicus invidiae_, to use Pliny's pregnant expression.
+The triumphing general needed special protection; he appeared in the
+guise of Jupiter himself, and was for the moment lifted above the
+ordinary rank of humanity. Some feeling of the same kind must have
+originally suggested similar means for the protection of children under
+the age of puberty. They also wore the _toga praetexta_, which, though
+associated by us with secular magistrates, had undoubtedly a religious
+origin. There are distinct signs that children were in some sense
+sacred, and at the same time that they needed special protection against
+the all-abounding evil influences to be met with in daily life.[123]
+Thus this particular form of amulet became a recognised institution of
+family life, and in due time little more than a mark of childhood.
+
+Yet another kind of charm must be mentioned here which was used at
+certain festivals, though apparently not at any of those belonging to
+the authorised calendar. At the Compitalia, Paganalia, and _feriae
+Latinae_ we are told that small images of the human figure, or masks, or
+simply round balls (_pilae_), were hung up on trees or doorways, and
+left to swing in the wind.[124] At the Compitalia the images had a
+special name, _maniae_, of which the meaning is lost; but inasmuch as
+the charms were hung up at cross-roads on that occasion, where the Lares
+compitales of the various properties had their shrine, it was not
+difficult to manufacture out of them a goddess, Mania, mother of the
+Lares.[125] The common word for these figures was _oscilla_, and the
+fact of their swinging in the wind suggested a verb _oscillare_, which
+survives in our own tongue with the same meaning. Until lately it used
+to be believed that they were substitutes for original human sacrifices:
+a view for which there is not a particle of evidence, though it was
+originated by Roman scholars.[126] Modern anthropology has found another
+explanation, which is by no means improbable. Dr. Frazer, in an appendix
+to the 2nd volume of the _Golden Bough_, has collected a number of
+examples of the practice of swinging _by human beings_ as a magical
+rite; they come from many parts of the world, including ancient Athens,
+and even modern Calabria. He also points out that at the _feriae
+Latinae_ the swingers seem to have been human beings, if we accept the
+evidence of Festus, _s.v._ "oscillantes"; thus we are left with the
+possibility that the oscilla were really imitations of men and women,
+though not of human sacrificial victims.
+
+Dr. Frazer is obviously hard put to it to explain the original meaning
+and object of this curious custom. In the Paganalia, as described by
+Virgil in the second _Georgic_,[127] the object would seem to be the
+prosperity of the vine-crop.
+
+                                coloni
+  versibus incomptis ludunt risuque soluto,
+  oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis,
+  et te Bacche vocant per carmina laeta, tibique
+  oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu.
+  hinc omnis largo pubescit vinea fetu, etc.[128]
+
+But here we must leave a question which is still unsolved. All we can
+say is that the old idea of substitutes for human sacrifice must be
+finally given up, and that the _oscilla_, whether or not they were
+substitutes for human swingers, were probably charms intended to ward
+off evil influences from the crops. I am not disposed to put any
+confidence in what Servius tells us, that this was a purification by
+means of air, just as fire and water were also purifying agents; this
+looks like the ingenious explanation of a later and a religious
+age.[129]
+
+So much, then, for magical charms and spells, and the survivals of them
+in the fully developed Roman religion.[130] It might seem hardly worth
+while to spend even so much time on them as I have done, and I cannot
+deny that I am glad now to be able to leave them. My object has simply
+been to show how little of this kind of practice, which meets us on the
+threshold of religion, was allowed to survive by the religious
+authorities of the State; in other words, I wished to make clear that in
+our inquiries into the nature of the Roman religion it is really
+religion and not magic that we have to do with.
+
+It is really religion; it is desire, beginning already to be effective,
+to be in right relation to the Power manifesting itself in the universe.
+The Romans, as I hope to show in the next lecture, when we can begin to
+know and feel an interest in them, had not only begun to recognise this
+Power in various forms and functions as one that must be propitiated,
+because they were dependent on it for their daily needs, but to regulate
+and make permanent the methods of propitiation. What was the relation
+between this simple religion and morality--between ritual and
+conduct--is a very difficult question, to which I shall return later on.
+Dr. Westermarck has recently come to the conclusion that the religion of
+primitive man has no true relation to morality, that it is not apt to
+give a sanction to good action, or to develop the germs of a conscience.
+But so far as I can discern, the idea of active duty, and therefore the
+germ of conscience, must have been so intimately connected with the
+religious practice of the old Latin family that it is to me impossible
+to think of the one apart from the other. Surely it is in that life that
+the famous word "_pius_" must have originated, which throughout Roman
+history meant the sense of duty towards family, State, and gods, as
+every reader of the _Aeneid_ knows. That the formalised religion of
+later times had become almost entirely divorced from morality there is
+indeed no doubt; but in the earliest times, in the old Roman family and
+then in the budding State, the whole life of the Roman seems to me so
+inextricably bound up with his religion that I cannot possibly see how
+that religion can have been distinguishable from his simple idea of duty
+and discipline.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE III
+
+    [81] Westermarck, _Origin etc. of Moral Ideas_, ii. 584.
+
+    [82] Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 33.
+
+    [83] A useful summary of the whole subject, embodying
+    the results and terminology of Tylor, Frazer, and other
+    anthropologists, is Dr. Haddon's _Magic and Fetishism_,
+    in Messrs. Constable's series, _Religions Ancient and
+    Modern_. See also Marett, _On the Threshold of
+    Religion_, passim.
+
+    [84] _Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship_, p.
+    89 foll. For an example not mentioned in the text
+    (_devotio_) see below, p. 206 foll. This may have been
+    originally practised by the Latin kings. I may here
+    draw attention to the almost dogmatic conclusions of the
+    modern French sociological school of research; _e.g._ M.
+    Huvelin, in _L'Annee sociologique_ for 1907, begins by
+    asserting as a fundamental law, proved by MM. Hubert et
+    Mauss, that magic is just as much a social fact as
+    religion: "Les uns et les autres sont des produits de
+    l'activite collective" (_Magie et droit individuel_, p.
+    1). But M. Huvelin's paper is to some extent a
+    modification of this dogma. He seeks to explain the fact
+    that magic is both secret and private, not public and
+    social, in historical times; and in the domain of law,
+    with which he is specially concerned, he concludes that
+    "a magical rite is only a religious rite twisted from
+    its proper social end, and employed to realise the will
+    or belief of an individual" (p. 46). This is the only
+    form in which we shall find magic at Rome, except in so
+    far as a few of its forms survive in the ritual of
+    religion with their meaning changed. In early Roman law,
+    as a quasi-religious body of rules and practices, there
+    are a few magical survivals which will be found
+    mentioned by M. Huvelin in this article; but they are of
+    no importance for our present subject.
+
+    [85] _Primitive Culture_, vol. i. ch. iv. See also
+    Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 36 foll.
+
+    [86] See Schuerer, _Jewish People in the Time of Christ_
+    (Eng. trans.), Division II. vol. iii. p. 151 foll.
+
+    [87] Fowler, _R.F._ p. 232; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 106. The
+    most careful examination of the rite and the evidence
+    for it is that of Aust in _Mythological Lexicon_, _s.v._
+    "Iuppiter," p. 656 foll. See also M.H. Morgan in vol.
+    xxxii. of _Transactions of the American Philological
+    Association_, p. 104.
+
+    [88] Tertullian, _de Jejun_. 16. Petronius, _Sat._ 44,
+    adds that the matrons went in the procession with bare
+    feet and streaming hair (cp. Pliny xvii. 266); but this
+    seems rather Greek than Roman in character, and
+    Petronius is plainly thinking of the town (_colonia_ he
+    calls it) in southern Italy where the scene of
+    Trimalchio's supper is laid; probably a Greek city by
+    origin, Croton or Cumae. A translation of this passage
+    will be found in Dill's _Roman Society from Nero to
+    Marcus Aurelius_, p. 133. The most useful words in it
+    for our purpose are "Jovem aquam exorabant."
+
+    [89] This suggestion was originally made by O. Gilbert,
+    _Roem. Topographie_, ii. 184.
+
+    [90] p. 204 foll.
+
+    [91] p. 657. The story is mixed up with Greek fables,
+    _e.g._ that of Proteus, as Wissowa has pointed out,
+    _R.K._ p. 106, note 10.
+
+    [92] See Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_, vol. i.
+    (ed. 3) p. 270 foll.
+
+    [93] This fragment of Piso is preserved by Gellius, xi.
+    14. 1.
+
+    [94] See, _e.g._, Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_,
+    vol. ii. p. 106.
+
+    [95] Wissowa, _l.c._ Aust in Roscher's _Lexicon_, _s.v._
+    "Iuppiter," p. 657.
+
+    [96] Cumont, _Religions Orientales dans le paganisme
+    romain_, ch. 5. I shall return to this subject in my
+    second course of lectures.
+
+    [97] Mueller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. ch. vii., especially
+    p. 176 foll.
+
+    [98] Cp. below, Lecture XV.
+
+    [99] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 13: "Vestales nostras hodie
+    credimus nondum egressa urbe mancipia fugitiva retinere
+    in loco precationibus."
+
+    [100] Plutarch, _Numa_, 10. Virginity would increase the
+    power of the spell; see Fehrle, _Die kultische
+    Keuschheit im Altertum_, p. 54 foll.
+
+    [101] See, _e.g._, Frazer, _G.B._ i. 360 foll.
+
+    [102] See _R.F._ p. 320, notes 6 and 7.
+
+    [103] Within the last thirty years or so the Lupercalia
+    has been discussed (apart from writers on classical
+    subjects exclusively) by Mannhardt in his _Mythologische
+    Studien_, p. 72 foll.; Robertson Smith, _Semites_, p.
+    459; Deubner in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 481 foll.; and at the
+    moment of writing by E. S. Hartland, _Primitive
+    Paternity_, i. ch. ii. _R.F._ p. 310 foll. See Appendix
+    D.
+
+    [104] This view was originally stated in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _s.v._ "Argei." I endeavoured to confute it in the
+    _Classical Review_, 1902, p. 115 foll., and Wissowa
+    replied in _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 211 foll. Since
+    then my conviction has become stronger that this great
+    scholar is for once wrong. Ennius alluded to the Argei
+    as an institution of Numa, _i.e._ as primitive (frag.
+    121, Vahlen, from Festus p. 355, and Varro, _L.L._ vii.
+    44), yet Ennius was a youth at the very time when
+    Wissowa insists that the rite originated. Wissowa makes
+    no attempt to explain this. See below, p. 321 foll.
+
+    [105] _R.F._ p. 111 foll.
+
+    [106] _e.g._ the October horse, which also occurred on
+    the Ides; see _R.F._ p. 241 foll.; and the festival of
+    Anna Perenna, also on Ides (March 15), _R.F._ p. 50
+    foll. It is just possible that all the three festivals
+    were originally in the old calendar, and dropped out
+    because the mark of the Ides had to be affixed to the
+    day in the first place. See Wissowa, _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 164 foll.; _R.F._ p. 241.
+
+    [107] Thus Messrs. Hubert et Mauss (_Melanges d'histoire
+    des religions_, Preface, p. xxiv.) maintain that there
+    is no real antinomy between "les faits du systeme
+    magique et les faits du systeme religieux." There is in
+    every rite, they insist, a magical as well as a
+    religious element. Yet on the same page we find that
+    they exclude magic from all organised cult, because it
+    is not obligatory, and cannot (if I understand them
+    rightly) be laid down in a code, like religious
+    practice. I think it would have been simpler to consider
+    the magical element in religious rites as surviving,
+    with its original meaning lost, from an earlier stage of
+    thought. M. van Gennep, in his interesting work _Les
+    Rites de passage_, p. 17, goes so far as to call all
+    religious _ceremonies_ magical, as distinguished from
+    the _theories_ (_e.g._ animism) which constitute
+    religion. This seems to me apt to bring confusion into
+    the discussion; for all rites are the outward expression
+    of thought, and it is by the thought (or, as he calls
+    it, theories) that we must trace the sociological
+    development of mankind, the rites being used as indexes
+    only. I cannot but think that (as indeed in these days
+    is quite natural) this French school lays too much
+    stress upon the outward acts, and that this tendency has
+    led them to find real living magic where it is present
+    only in a fossil state.
+
+    [108] _e.g._ Tylor, article "Magic" in _Encycl. Brit._,
+    and _Primitive Culture_, 1. ch. iv.; Marett, _Threshold
+    of Religion_, 83. See below, p. 180.
+
+    [109] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 17 and 18. For the singing
+    or murmuring of spells in many countries, see Jevons,
+    _Anthropology and the Classics_, p. 93 foll.
+
+    [110] Bruns, _Fontes Iuris Romani_, note on this
+    passage.
+
+    [111] _Civ. Dei_, viii. 19.
+
+    [112] See, _e.g._, Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens
+    of Early Latin_, p. 446, for an account of simple land
+    measurement which will suffice to illustrate the point
+    made here.
+
+    [113] The _carmina famosa_ sung at a triumph by the
+    soldiers had the same origin, but were used to avert
+    evil from the triumphator. The best exposition of this
+    is in H. A. J. Munro's _Elucidations of Catullus_, p. 76
+    foll.
+
+    [114] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 19. For the technical sense
+    of _defigere_, _defixio_, see Jevons in _Anthropology
+    and the Classics_, p. 108 foll.
+
+    [115] The most familiar examples are Virgil's eighth
+    _Eclogue_, 95 foll.; Ovid, _Met._ vii. 167, and
+    elsewhere; _Fasti_, iv. 551; Horace, _Epode_ v. 72; cp.
+    article "Magia" in Daremberg-Saglio; Falz, _De poet.
+    Rom. doctrina magica_, Giessen, 1903. There is a
+    collection of Roman magical spells in Appel's _De
+    Romanorum precationibus_, p. 43 foll. Many modern
+    Italian examples and survivals will be found in Leland's
+    _Etruscan Roman Remains in Popular Tradition_, pt. ii.
+
+    [116] Cato, _R.R._ 160; Varro, _R.R._ i. 3.
+
+    [117] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 21.
+
+    [118] _Ib._ xxviii. 20. The following sections of this
+    book are the _locus classicus_ for these popular
+    superstitions.
+
+    [119] See, _e.g._, _Italian Home Life_, by Lina Duff
+    Gordon, p. 230 foll.
+
+    [120] Juvenal v. 164. The idea probably arose, as a
+    passage of Plutarch suggests (_Rom._ 25), from the fact
+    that the triumphator, whose garb was no doubt of
+    Etruscan origin, wore the bulla.
+
+    [121] Frazer, _G.B._ i. 345, note 2, where we learn that
+    gold was taboo in some Greek worships, _e.g._ at the
+    mysteries of Andania, which sufficiently proves that it
+    possessed potency. Pliny, xxxiii. 84, mentions cases of
+    such potency as medicine, and among them its application
+    to children who have been poisoned.
+
+    [122] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 39.
+
+    [123] See an article by the author on the original
+    meaning of the _toga praetexta_ in _Classical Review_,
+    vol. x. (1896) p. 317.
+
+    [124] For the Compitalia, Macrob. i. 7. 34; Festus p.
+    238. For the Paganalia, Probus, _ad Georg._ ii. 385,
+    assuming the _feriae Sementinae_ there mentioned to be
+    the Paganalia (see _R.F._ p. 294). For the _feriae
+    Latinae_, Festus, _s.v._ "oscillantes."
+
+    [125] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 193, with whose view I entirely
+    agree. We learn of the imaginary goddess from Varro,
+    _L.L._ ix. 61. Pais, I may remark in passing, is certain
+    that Acca Larentia was the mater Larum; see his
+    _Lectures on Ancient Legends of Roman History_, p. 60
+    foll.
+
+    [126] 46. Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 354, note 5.
+
+    [127] _Georg._ ii. 380 foll. It is not certain that
+    Virgil is describing the festival generally known as
+    Paganalia, which took place early in January; but it
+    seems probable from line 382 that he is thinking of some
+    festival of the pagus. The _oscilla_ may have been used
+    at more than one.
+
+    [128] Note that Virgil writes of masks used in rude
+    play-acting, as well as of _oscilla_ hung on trees, and
+    conjoins the two as though they had something in common.
+    The evidence of an engraved onyx cup in the Louvre, of
+    which a cut is given in the article "Oscilla" in the
+    _Dict. of Antiquities_, seems to make it probable that
+    masks worn by rustics on these occasions were afterwards
+    hung by them on trees as _oscilla_. Some of these masks
+    on the cup are adorned with horns, which may explain an
+    interesting passage of Apuleius (_Florida_, i. 1):
+    "neque enim iustius religiosam moram viatori obiecerit
+    aut ara floribus redimita ... aut quercus cornibus
+    onerata, aut fagus pellibus coronata," etc. See also
+    _Gromatici veteres_, ii. 241.
+
+    [129] See, however, Dr. Frazer's remarks in _G.B._ ii.
+    p. 454. He thinks that the air might in this way be
+    purged of vagrant spirits or baleful ghosts, as the
+    Malay medicine man swings in front of the patient's
+    house in order to chase away the disease. Cp. _G.B._ ii.
+    343, where a rather different explanation is attempted
+    of the _maniae_ and _pilae_.
+
+    [130] Magic in the old forms, or many of them, has
+    survived not only into the old Roman religion, but to
+    the present day, in many parts of Italy. "The peasants
+    have recourse to the priests and the saints on great
+    occasions, but they use magic all the time for
+    everything," was said by a woman of the Romagna Toscana
+    to the late C.G. Leland (_Etruscan Roman Remains_,
+    Introduction, p. 9). This enterprising American's
+    remarkable book, though dealing only with a small region
+    of northern Italy, deserves more consideration than it
+    has received. The author may have been uncritical, but
+    beyond doubt he had the gift of extracting secrets from
+    the peasantry. He claims to have proved that "la vecchia
+    religione" contains much that has come down direct from
+    pre-Christian times; and the appearance of Mr. Lawson's
+    remarkable book on _Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient
+    Greek Religion_ may tempt some really qualified
+    investigator to undertake a similar work in Italy before
+    it is too late.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE IV
+
+THE RELIGION OF THE FAMILY
+
+
+Some of the survivals mentioned in the last two lectures seem to carry
+us back to a condition of culture anterior to the family and to the
+final settlement on the land. Some attempt has recently been made to
+discover traces of descent by the mother in early Latium;[131] if this
+could be proved, it would mean that the Latins were already in Latium
+before they had fully developed the patriarchal system on which the
+family is based. However this may be, the first real fact that meets us
+in the religious experience of the Romans is the attitude towards the
+supernatural, or "the Power that manifests itself in the Universe," of
+the family as settled down upon the land. The study of religion in the
+family, as we know it in historical times, is also that of the earliest
+organisation of religion, and of the most permanent type of ancient
+Italian religious thought. Aust, whose book on the Roman religion is the
+most masterly sketch of the subject as yet published, writes thus of
+this religion of the family:[132] "Here the limits of religion and
+superstition vanish ... and in vain we seek here for the boundary marks
+of various epochs." By the first of these propositions he means that the
+State has not here been at work, framing a _ius divinum_, including
+religion and excluding magic; in the family, magic of all kinds would be
+admissible alongside of the daily worship of the family deities, and
+thus the family would represent a kind of half-way house between the age
+of magic and all such superstitions, and the age of the rigid
+regulation of worship by the law of a City-state. By the second
+proposition he means that the religious experience of the family is far
+simpler, and therefore far less liable to change than that of the State.
+Greek forms and ideas of religion, for example, hardly penetrated into
+its worship:[133] new deities do not find their way in--the family
+experience did not call for them as did that of the State. It may be
+said without going beyond the truth that the religion of the family
+remained the same in all essentials throughout Roman history, and the
+great priesthoods of the State never interfered with it in any such
+degree as to affect its vitality.[134]
+
+But in order to understand the religion of the family, we must have some
+idea of what the family originally was. When a stock or tribe
+(_populus_) after migration took possession of a district, it was beyond
+doubt divided into clans, _gentes_, which were the oldest kinship
+divisions in Italian society. All members of a clan had the same name,
+and were believed to descend from a common ancestor.[135] According to
+the later juristic way of putting it, all would be in the _patria
+potestas_ of that ancestor supposing that no deaths had ever occurred in
+the gens; and, indeed, the idea that the gens is immortal in spite of
+the deaths of individuals is one which constitutes it as a permanent
+entity, and gives it a quasi-religious sanction. For primitive religion,
+as has been well said, disbelieves in death; most of the lower races
+believe both in a qualified immortality and in the non-reality or
+unnaturalness of death.[136] In regard to the kinship of a clan, death
+at any rate has no effect: the bond of union never breaks.
+
+Now a little reflection will show that a clan or gens of this kind might
+be maintained intact in a nomadic state, or during any number of
+migrations; it is, in fact, manifestly appropriate to such a mobile
+condition of society, and expresses its natural need of union; and when
+the final settlement occurs, this body of kin will hold together in the
+process, whether or no it has smaller divisions within it. We may be
+certain that this was the one essential kin-division of the Latin stock
+when it settled in Latium, and all through Roman history it continues
+so, a permanent entity though families may die.[137] Every Roman lawyer
+will recognise this fact as true, and I need not dwell on it now.
+
+It is when the gens has settled upon the land that the family begins to
+appear as a fact of importance for our purpose. Such operations as the
+building of a permanent house, the clearing and cultivation of a piece
+of land, can best be carried out by a smaller union than the gens, and
+this smaller union is ready to hand in the shape of a section of the
+gens comprising the living descendants of a _living_ ancestor, whether
+of two, three, or even four generations.[138] This union, clearly
+visible to mortal eye, and realisable in every-day work, settles
+together in one house, tends its own cattle and sheep, cultivates its
+own land with the help of such dependants as it owns, slave or other,
+and is known by the word _familia_. This famous word, so far as we know,
+does not contain the idea of kinship, at any rate as its leading
+connotation; it is inseparable from the idea of land-settlement,[139]
+and is therefore essentially _das Hauswesen_, the house itself, with the
+persons living in it, free or servile, and with their land and other
+property, all governed and administered by the paterfamilias, the master
+of the household, who is always the oldest living male ancestor. The
+familia is thus an economic unit, developed out of the gens, which is a
+unit of kin and little more. And thus the religion of the familia will
+be a religion of practical utility, of daily work, of struggle with
+perils to which the shepherd and the tiller of the soil are liable; it
+is not the worship of an idea of kinship expressed in some dimly
+conceived common ancestor; the familia, as I hope to show, had no common
+ancestor who could be the object of worship, except that of the gens
+from which it had sprung. The life of the familia was a realisation of
+the present and its needs and perils, without the stimulus to take much
+thought about the past, or indeed about the future; for it, sufficient
+for the day was the evil thereof; for what had been and what was to come
+it could look to the gens to which it owed its existence. But in
+practical life the gens was not of much avail; and instead of it,
+exactly as we might expect, we find an artificial union of familiae, a
+union of which the essential thing is not the idea of kin, but that of
+the land occupied, and known all over Italy by the word _pagus_.[140]
+Before I go on to describe the religion of the family, it is necessary
+to put the familia into its proper relation with this territorial union.
+
+The pagus is the earliest Italian administrative unit of which we know
+anything; a territory, of which the essential feature was the boundary,
+not any central point within the boundary. In all probability it was
+originally the land on which a gens had settled, though settlement
+produces changes, and the land of gens and pagus was not identical in
+later times. But within this boundary line, of which we shall hear
+something more presently, how were the component parts, the familiae of
+the gens, settled down on the land? Of the village community so familiar
+to us in Teutonic countries, there is no certain trace in Latium.
+_Vicus_, the only word which might suggest it, is identical with the
+Greek [Greek: oikos], a house; later it is used for houses standing
+together, or for a street in a town. But the vicus in the country has
+left no trace of itself as a distinct administrative union like our
+village community; the vico-magistri of the Roman city were urban
+officers; and what is more important, we know of no religious festivals
+of the vicus, like those of the pagus, of which there are well-attested
+records. The probability then is that the unit within the pagus was not
+the village but the homestead, and that these stood at a distance from
+each other, as they do in Celtic countries, not united together in a
+village, and each housing a family group working its own land and owning
+its own cattle.[141] The question of the amount and the tenure of the
+land of this group is a very difficult one, into which it is not
+necessary to enter closely here. There can, however, be no doubt that it
+possessed in its own right a small piece of garden ground (_heredium_),
+and also an allotment of land in the arable laid out by the settlers in
+common--_centuriatus ager_; whether the ownership of this was vested in
+the individual paterfamilias or in the gens as a whole, does not greatly
+matter for our purposes.[142] Lastly, as it is certain that the familia
+owned cattle and sheep, we may be sure that it enjoyed the right of
+common pasture on the land not divided up for tillage.
+
+We see all this through a mist, and a mist that is not likely ever to
+lift; but yet the outlines of the picture are clear enough to give us
+the necessary basis for a study of the religion of the familia. The
+religious points, if I may use the expression--those points, that is,
+which are the object of special anxiety (_religio_)--lie in the
+boundaries, both of the pagus as a whole, and of the arable land of the
+familia, in the house itself and its free inhabitants, and in the family
+burying-place; and to these three may no doubt be added the spring which
+supplied the household with water. Boundaries, house, burying-place,
+spring,--all these are in a special sense sacred, and need constant and
+regular religious care.
+
+Let us begin with the house, the central point of the economic and
+religious unit. The earliest Italian house was little more than a
+wigwam, more or less round, constructed of upright posts connected with
+wattles, and with a closed roof of straw or branches.[143] This would
+seem to have been the type of house of the immigrating people who
+settled on the tops of hills and lived a pastoral life; when they
+descended into the plains and became a settled agricultural people, they
+adopted a more roomy and convenient style of building, suitable for
+storing their grain or other products, and for the maintenance of a fire
+for cooking these. Whether the rectangular house, with which alone we
+are here concerned, was developed under Greek or Etruscan influence, or
+suggested independently by motives of practical convenience, is matter
+of dispute, and must be left to archaeologists to decide.[144]
+
+This is the house in which the Latin family lived throughout historical
+times, the house which we know as the sacred local habitation of divine
+and human beings. It consisted in its simplest form, as we all know, of
+a single room or hall, the atrium, with a roof open in the middle and
+sloping inwards to let the rain fall into a basin (_compluvium_). Here
+the life of the family went on, and here was the hearth (_focus_), the
+"natural altar of the dwelling-room of man,"[145] and the seat of Vesta,
+the spirit of the fire, whose aid in the cooking of the food was
+indispensable in the daily life of the settlers. This sacred hearth was
+the centre of the family worship of later times, until under Greek
+influence the arrangement of the house was modified;[146] and we may be
+certain that it was so in the simple farm life of early Latium. In front
+of it was the table at which the family took their meals, and on this
+was placed the salt-cellar (_salinum_), and the sacred salt-cake, baked
+even in historical times in primitive fashion by the daughters of the
+family, as in all periods for the State by the Vestal virgins. After the
+first and chief course of the mid-day meal, silence was enjoined, and an
+offering of a part of the cake was thrown on to the fire from a small
+sacrificial plate or dish (_patella_).[147] This alone is enough to
+prove that Vesta, the spirit of the fire, was the central point of the
+whole worship, the spiritual embodiment of the physical welfare of the
+family.
+
+Behind the hearth, _i.e._ farther at the back of the _atrium_, was the
+_penus_, or storing-place of the household. _Penus_ was explained by the
+learned Scaevola[148] as meaning anything that can be eaten or drunk,
+but not so much that which is each day set out on the table, as that
+which is kept in store for daily consumption; it is therefore in origin
+the food itself, though in later times it became also the receptacle in
+which that food was stored. This store was inhabited or guarded by
+spirits, the _di penates_, who together with Vesta represent the
+material vitality of the family; these spirits, always conceived and
+expressed in the plural, form a group in a way which is characteristic
+of the Latins, and their plurality is perhaps due to the variety and
+frequent change of the material of the store. The religious character of
+the store is also well shown by the fact, if such it be, that no impure
+person was allowed to meddle with it; the duty was especially that of
+the children of the family,[149] whose purity and religious capability
+was symbolised throughout Roman history by the purple-striped toga which
+they wore, and secured also by the amulet, within its capsule the
+_bulla_, of which I spoke in the last lecture.
+
+Vesta and the Penates represent the spiritual side of the material needs
+of the household; but there was another divine inhabitant of the house,
+the Genius of the paterfamilias, who was more immediately concerned with
+the continuity of the family. Analogy with the world-wide belief in the
+spiritual double of a man, his "other-soul," compels us to think of this
+Genius, who accompanied the Latin from the cradle to the grave, as
+originally a conception of this kind. The Latins had indeed, in common
+with other races, what we may call the breath-idea of the soul, as we
+see from the words _animus_ and _anima_, and also the shadow-idea, as is
+proved by the word _umbra_ for a departed spirit. But the Genius was one
+of those guardian spirits, treated by Professor Tylor as a different
+species of the same genus, which accompany a man all his life and help
+him through its many changes and chances;[150] and the peculiarity of
+this Latin guardian is that he was specially helpful in continuing the
+life of the family. The soul of a man is often conceived as the cause of
+life, but not often as the procreative power itself; and that this
+latter was the Latin idea is certain, both from the etymology of the
+word and from the fact that the marriage-bed was called _lectus
+genialis_. I am inclined to think that this peculiarity of the Latin
+conception of Genius was the result of the unusually strong idea that
+the Latins must have had, even when they first passed into Italy, of
+kinship as determined not by the mother but by the father.[151] It is
+possible, I think, that the Genius was a soul of later origin than those
+I have just mentioned, and developed in the period when the gens arose
+as the main group of kinsmen real or imaginary. I would suggest that we
+may see in it the connecting link between that group and the individual
+adult males within it; in that case the Genius would be that soul of a
+man which enables him to fulfil the work of continuing the life of the
+gens. We can easily imagine how it might eventually come to be his
+guardian spirit, and to acquire all the other senses with which we are
+familiar in Roman literature. With the development of the idea of
+individuality, the individuality of a man as apart from the kin group,
+the idea of the individuality of the Genius also became emphasised,
+until it became possible to think of it as even living on after the
+death of its companion;[152] in this way, in course of time, the Genius
+came to exercise a curious influence on the idea of the Manes. The
+history of the idea of Genius, and its application to places, cities,
+etc., is indeed a curious one, and of no small interest in the study of
+religion; but we must return to the primitive house and its divine
+inhabitants. There is one more of these who calls for a word before I
+pass to the land and the boundaries; we meet him on the threshold as we
+leave the dwelling.
+
+It is, of course, well known to anthropologists that the door of a house
+is a dangerous point, because evil spirits or the ghosts of the dead may
+gain access to the house through it. Among the innumerable customs which
+attest this belief there are one or two Roman ones, _e.g._ the practice
+of making a man, who has returned home after his supposed death in a
+foreign country, enter the house by the roof instead of the door; for
+the door must be kept barred against ghosts, and this man may be after
+all a ghost, or at least he may have evil spirits or miasma about
+him.[153] It was at the doorway that a curious ceremony took place (to
+which I shall ask your attention again) immediately after the birth of a
+child, in order to prevent Silvanus, who may stand for the dangerous
+spirits of the forest, from entering in and vexing the baby.[154] Again,
+a dead man, as among so many other peoples, was carried out of the
+doorway with his feet foremost, so that he should not find his way back;
+and the old Roman practice of burial by night probably had the same
+object.[155] Exactly the same anxiety (_religio_) is seen in regard to
+the gates of a city; the wall was in some sense holy (_sanctus_), but
+the gates, through which was destined to pass much that might be
+dangerous, could not be thus sanctified. Was there, then, no protecting
+spirit of these doors and gates?
+
+St. Augustine, writing with Varro before him, finds no less than three
+spirits of the entrance to a house: Forculus, of the door itself;
+Limentinus, of the threshold; and Cardea, of the hinges of the door; and
+these Varro seems to have found in the books of the pontifices.[156] I
+must postpone the question as to what these pontifical books really
+represented; but the passage will at least serve to show us the popular
+anxiety about the point of entrance to a house, and its association with
+the spirit world. Of late sober research has reached the conclusion that
+the original door-spirit was Janus, whom we know in Roman history as
+residing in the symbolic gate of the Forum, and as the god of
+beginnings, the first deity to be invoked in prayer, as Vesta was the
+last.[157] But Janus is also wanted for far higher purposes by some
+eminent Cambridge scholars; they have their own reasons for wanting him
+as a god of the sky, as a double of Jupiter, as the mate of Diana, and a
+deity of the oak.[158] So, too, he was wanted by the philosophical
+speculators of the last century B.C., who tried to interpret their own
+humble deities in terms of Greek philosophy and Greek polytheism. The
+poets too, who, as Augustine says, found Forculus and his companions
+beneath their notice, played strange tricks with this hoary old god, as
+any one may read in the first book of Ovid's _Fasti_. I myself believe
+that the main features of the theology (if we may use the word) of the
+earliest Rome were derived from the house and the land as an economic
+and religious unit, and I am strongly inclined to see in Janus bifrons
+of the Forum a developed form of the spirit of the house-door; but the
+question is a difficult one, and I shall return to it in a lecture on
+the deities of early Rome.
+
+So far I have said nothing of the Lar familiaris who has become a
+household word as a household deity; and yet we are on the point of
+leaving the house of the old Latin settler to look for the spirits whom
+he worships on his land. The reason is simply that after repeated
+examination of the evidence available, I find myself forced to believe
+that at the period of which I am speaking the Lar was not one of the
+divine inhabitants of the house. When Fustel de Coulanges wrote his
+brilliant book _La Cite antique_, which popularised the importance of
+the worship of ancestors as a factor in Aryan civilisation, he found in
+the Lar, who in historical times was a familiar figure in the house, the
+reputed founder of the family; and until lately this view has been
+undisputed. But if my account of the relation of the family to the gens
+is correct, the family would stand in no need of a reputed founder; that
+symbol of the bond of kinship was to be found in the gens of which the
+family was an offshoot, a cutting, as it were, planted on the land.
+Still more convincing is the fact that when we first meet with the Lar
+as an object of worship he is not in the house but on the land. The
+oldest Lar of whom we know anything was one of a characteristic Roman
+group of which the individuals lived in the _compita_, _i.e._ the spots
+where the land belonging to various households met, and where there were
+chapels with as many faces as there were properties, each face
+containing an altar to a Lar,--the presiding spirit of that allotment,
+or rather perhaps of the whole of the land of the familia, including
+that on which the house stood.[159] Thus the Lar fills a place in the
+private worship which would otherwise be vacant, that of the holding and
+its productive power. In this sense, too, we find the Lares in the hymn
+of the Arval Brethren, one of the oldest fragments of Latin we possess;
+for the spirits of the land would naturally be invoked in the lustration
+of the _ager Romanus_ by this ancient religious gild.[160]
+
+But how, it may be asked, did the Lar find his way into the house, to
+become the characteristic deity of the later Roman private worship
+there? I believe that he gained admittance through the slaves of the
+familia, who had no part in the worship of the dwelling, but were
+admitted to the Compitalia, or yearly festival of which the Lares of the
+compita were the central object. Cato tells us that the vilicus, the
+head of the familia of slaves, might not "facere rem divinam nisi
+Compitalibus in compito aut in foco";[161] which I take to mean that he
+might sacrifice for his fellow-slaves to the Lar at the compitum, or to
+the Lar in the house, if the Lar were already transferred from the
+compitum to the house. In the constant absence of the owner, the
+paterfamilias of Rome's stirring days, the worship of the Lar at the
+compitum or in the house came to be more and more distinctly the right
+of the vilicus and his wife as representing the slaves, and thus too the
+Lar came to be called by the epithet _familiaris_, which plainly
+indicates that in his cult the slaves were included. And as it was the
+old custom that the slaves should sit at the meals of the family on
+benches below the free members (_subsellia_),[162] what more natural
+than that they should claim to see there the Lar whom alone of the
+deities of the farm they were permitted to worship, and that they should
+bring the Lar or his double from the compitum to the house, in the
+frequent absence of the master?[163]
+
+The festival of the Lar was celebrated at the compitum, and known as
+Compitalia or Laralia; it took place soon after the winter solstice, on
+a day fixed by the paterfamilias, in concert, no doubt, with the other
+heads of families in the pagus. Like most rejoicings at this time of
+year, it was free and jovial in character, and the whole familia took
+part in it, both bond and free. Each familia sacrificed on its own
+altar, which was placed fifteen feet in front of the compitum, so that
+the worshippers might be on their own land; but if, as we may suppose,
+the whole pagus celebrated this rite on the same day, there was in this
+festival, as in others to be mentioned directly, a social value, a means
+of widening the outlook of the familia and associating it with the needs
+of others in its religious duties. This is the _religio Larium_ of which
+Cicero speaks in the second book of his _de Legibus_, which was "posita
+in fundi villaeque conspectu," and handed down for the benefit both of
+masters and men from remote antiquity.[164]
+
+There were other festivals in which all the familiae of a pagus took
+part. Of these we know little, and what we do know is almost entirely
+due to the love of the Augustan poets for the country and its life and
+customs; "Fortunatus et ille deos qui novit agrestes," wrote Virgil,
+contrasting himself with the philosopher poet whom he revered. Varro, in
+his list of Roman festivals,[165] just mentions a festival called
+Sementivae, associated with the sowing of the seed, and celebrated by
+all pagi, if we interpret him rightly; but Ovid has given us a charming
+picture of what must be this same rite, and places it clearly in winter,
+after the autumn sowing[166]:--
+
+  state coronati plenum ad praesaepe iuvenci:
+    cum tepido vestrum vere redibit opus.
+  rusticus emeritum palo suspendit aratrum:
+    omne reformidat frigida volnus humus.
+  vilice, da requiem terrae, semente peracta:
+    da requiem terram qui coluere viris.
+  pagus agat festum: pagum lustrate, coloni,
+    et date paganis annua liba focis.
+  placentur frugum matres Tellusque Ceresque,
+    farre suo gravidae visceribusque suis.
+
+Ovid may here be writing of his own home at Sulmo, and what took place
+there in the Augustan age; but we may read his description into the
+life of old Latium, for rustic life is tenacious of old custom,
+especially where the economic conditions remain always the same. We may
+do the same with another beautiful picture left us by Tibullus, also a
+poet of the country, which I have recently examined at length in the
+_Classical Review_.[167] The festival he describes has often been
+identified with Ovid's, but I am rather disposed to see in it a
+lustratio of the _ager paganus_ in the spring, of the same kind as the
+famous one in Virgil's first _Georgic_, to be mentioned directly; for
+Tibullus, after describing the scene, which he introduces with the words
+"fruges lustramus et agros," puts into perfect verse a prayer for the
+welfare of the crops and flocks, and looks forward to a time when (if
+the prayer succeeds) the land shall be full of corn, and the peasant
+shall heap wood upon a bonfire--perhaps one of the midsummer fires that
+still survive in the Abruzzi. Virgil's lines are no less
+picturesque;[168] and though he does not mention the pagus, he is
+clearly thinking of a lustratio in which more than one familia takes
+part--
+
+  cuncta tibi Cererem pubes agrestis adoret.
+
+This is a spring festival "extremae sub casum hiemis, iam vere sereno";
+and I shall return to it when we come to deal with the processional
+lustratio of the farm. Like the descriptions of Ovid and Tibullus, it is
+more valuable to us for the idea it gives us of the spirit of old
+Italian agricultural religion than for exact knowledge about dates and
+details. There was, of course, endless variety in Italy in both these;
+and it is waste of time to try and make the descriptions of the rural
+poets fit in with the fixed festivals of the Roman city calendar.
+
+Nor is it quite safe to argue back from that calendar to the life of the
+familia and the pagus, except in general terms. As we shall see, the
+calendar is based on the life and work of an agricultural folk, and we
+may by all means guess that its many agricultural rites existed
+beforehand in the earlier social life; but into detail we may not
+venture. As Varro, however, has mentioned the Saturnalia in the same
+sentence with the Compitalia, we may guess that that famous jovial
+festival was a part of the rustic winter rejoicing. And here, too, I may
+mention another _festa_ of that month, of which a glimpse is given us by
+Horace, another country-loving poet, who specially mentions the pagus as
+taking part in it. Faunus and Silvanus were deities or spirits of the
+woodland among which these pagi lay, and in which the farmers ran their
+cattle in the summer;[169] by Horace's time Faunus had been more or less
+tarred with a Greek brush, but in the beautiful little ode I am alluding
+to he is still a deity of the Italian farmer,[170] who on the Nones of
+December besought him to be gracious to the cattle now feeding
+peacefully on the winter pasture:--
+
+  ludit herboso pecus omne campo
+  cum tibi Nonae redeunt Decembres:
+  festus in _pratis_ vacat otioso
+      cum bove pagus.
+
+There is one more rite of familia or pagus, or both, of which I must say
+a word before I return for a while to the house and its inhabitants. One
+of the most important matters for the pagus, as for the landholding
+household, was the fixing of the boundaries of their land, whether as
+against other pagi or households, or as separating that land from
+unreclaimed forest. This was of course, like all these other operations
+of the farm, a matter of religious care and anxiety--a matter in which
+the feeling of anxiety and awe (_religio_) brought with it, to use an
+expression of Cicero's, both _cura_ and _caerimonia_.[171] The _religio
+terminorum_ is known to us in some detail, as it existed in historical
+times, from the Roman writers on _agrimetatio_; and with their help the
+whole subject has been made intelligible by Rudorff in the second volume
+of the _Gromatici_.[172] We know that many different objects might serve
+as boundary marks, according to the nature of the land, especially trees
+and stones; and in the case of the latter, which would be the usual
+_termini_ in agricultural land at some distance from forest, we have the
+religious character of the stone and its fixing most instructively
+brought out. "Fruits of the earth, and the bones, ashes, and blood of a
+victim were put into a hole in the ground by the landholders whose lands
+converged at the point, and the stone was rammed down on the top and
+carefully fixed."[173] This had the practical effect--for all Latin
+religion has a practical side--of enabling the stone to be identified in
+the future. But Ovid[174] gives us a picture of the yearly commemorative
+rite of the same nature, from which we see still better the force of the
+_religio terminorum_. The boundary-stone is garlanded, and an altar is
+built; the fire is carried from the hearth of the homestead by a
+materfamilias, the priestess of the family; a young son of the family
+holds a basket full of fruits of the earth, and a little daughter shakes
+these into the fire and offers honey-cakes. Others stand by with wine,
+or look on in silence, clothed in white. The victims are lamb and
+sucking-pig, and the stone is sprinkled with their blood, an act which
+all the world over shows that an object is holy and tenanted by a
+spirit.[175] And the ceremony ends with a feast and hymns in honour of
+holy Terminus, who in Ovid's time in the rural districts, and long
+before on the Capitolium of Rome, had risen from the spirit sanctifying
+the stone to become a deity, closely connected with Jupiter himself, and
+to give his name to a yearly city festival on February 23.
+
+These festivals on the land were, some of them at least, scenes of
+revelry, accompanied with dancing and singing, as the poets describe
+them, the faces of the peasants painted red with minium,[176] according
+to an old Italian custom which survived in the case of the triumphator
+of the glorious days of the City-state. But if we may now return for a
+moment to the homestead, there were events of great importance to the
+family which were celebrated there in more serious and sober fashion,
+with rites that were in part truly religious, yet not without some
+features that show the prevailing anxiety, rooted in the age of taboo,
+which we learnt to recognise under the word _religio_. Marriage was a
+religious ceremony, for we can hardly doubt that the patrician
+_confarreatio_, in which a cake made of the anciently used grain called
+_far_ was offered to Jupiter, and perhaps partaken of sacramentally by
+bride and bridegroom, was the oldest form of marriage, and had its
+origin in an age before the State came into being. We must remember that
+the house was a sacred place, with religious duties carried on within
+it, and the abode of household spirits; and when a bride from another
+family or gens was to be brought into it, it was essential that such
+introduction should be carried out in a manner that would not disturb
+the happy relations of the human and divine inhabitants of the house. It
+was essential, too, that the children expected of her should be such as
+should be able to discharge their duties in the household without
+hurting the feelings of these spirits. Some of the quaint customs of the
+_deductio_ of later times strongly suggest an original anxiety about
+matters of such vital interest; the torch, carried by a boy whose
+parents were both living, was of whitethorn (_Spina alba_), which was a
+powerful protective against hostile magic, and about which there were
+curious superstitions.[177] Arrived at the house, the bride smeared the
+doorposts with wolf's fat and oil, and wound fillets of wool around
+them--so dangerous was the moment of entrance, so sacred the doorway;
+and finally, she was carried over the threshold, and then, and then
+only, was received by her husband into communion of fire and water,
+symbolic of her acceptance as materfamilias both by man and deity.[178]
+
+When the new materfamilias presented her husband with a child, there was
+another perilous moment; the infant, if accepted by the father
+(_sublatus_, _i.e._ raised from the earth on which it had been
+placed),[179] did not immediately become a member of the family in the
+religious sense, and was liable to be vexed by evil or mischievous
+spirits from the wild woodland, or, as they phrased it in later days,
+by Silvanus. I have already alluded to the curious bit of mummery which
+was meant to keep them off. Three men at night came to the threshold and
+struck it with an axe, a pestle, and a besom, so that "by these signs of
+agriculture Silvanus might be prevented from entering." The hostile
+spirits were thus denied entrance to a dwelling in which friendly
+spirits of household life and of settled agricultural pursuits had taken
+up their abode. Nothing can better show the anxiety of life in those
+primitive times, especially in a country like Italy, full of forest and
+mountain, where dwelt mischievous Brownies who would tease the settler
+if they could. But on the ninth day after the birth (or the eighth in
+the case of a girl) the child was "purified" and adopted into the family
+and its sacra, and into the gens to which the family belonged, and
+received its name--the latter a matter of more importance than we can
+easily realise.[180] From this time till it arrived at the age of
+puberty it was protected by amulet and _praetexta_; the tender age of
+childhood being then passed, and youth and maiden endued with new
+powers, the peculiar defensive armour of childhood might be dispensed
+with.[181]
+
+Lastly, the death of a member of the family was an occasion of extreme
+anxiety, which might, however, be allayed by the exact performance of
+certain rites (_iusta facere_). The funeral ceremonies of the City-state
+were of a complicated character, and the details are not all of them
+easy to interpret. But the principle must have been always the
+same--that the dead would "walk" unless they had been deposited with due
+ceremony in the bosom of Mother Earth, and that their natural tendency
+in "walking" was to find their way back to the house which had been
+their home in life. Whether buried or burnt, the idea was the same: if
+burnt, as seems to have been common Roman practice from very early
+times, at least one bone had to be buried as representing the whole
+body. We have seen that certain precautions were taken to prevent the
+dead man from finding his way back, such as carrying him out of the
+house feet foremost; and if he were properly buried and the house duly
+purified afterwards, the process of prevention was fairly complete. His
+ghost, shade, or double then passed beneath the earth to join the whole
+body of Manes in the underworld,[182] and could only return at certain
+fixed times--such at least was the idea expressed in the customs of
+later ages. But if a paterfamilias or his representative had omitted
+_iusta facere_, or if the dead man had never been buried at all, carried
+off by an enemy or some wild beast, he could never have descended to
+that underworld, and was roaming the earth disconsolately, and with an
+evil will. The primitive idea of anxiety is well expressed in the Roman
+festival of the Lemuria in May, when the head of a household could get
+rid of the ghosts by spitting out black beans[183] from his mouth and
+saying, "With these I redeem me and mine." Nine times he says this
+without looking round: then come the ghosts behind him and gather up the
+beans unseen. After other quaint performances he nine times repeats the
+formula, "Manes exite paterni," then at last looks round, and the ghosts
+are gone.[184] This is plainly a survival from the private life of the
+primitive household, and well illustrates its fears and anxieties; but
+the State provided, as we shall see, another and more religious
+ceremony, put limitations on the mischievous freedom of the ghosts, and
+ordained the means of expiation for those who had made a slip in the
+funeral ceremonies, or whose dead had been buried at sea or had died in
+a far country.
+
+I have thus tried to sketch the life of the early Latin family in its
+relations with the various manifestations of the Power in the universe.
+We have seen enough, I think, to conclude that it had a strong desire to
+be in right relations with that Power, and to understand its will; but
+we may doubt whether that desire had as yet become very effective. The
+circumstances of the life of the Latin farmer were hardly such as to rid
+him of much of the _religio_ that he had inherited from his wilder
+ancestors, or had found springing up afresh within him as he contended
+with the soil, the elements, and the hostile beings surrounding him,
+animal, human, and spiritual. He is living in an age of transition; he
+is half-way between the age of magic and a new age of religion and duty.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE IV
+
+    [131] Frazer, _Lectures on the Early History of the
+    Kingship_, lect. viii. Dr. Frazer finds traces of
+    Mutterrecht only in the succession to the kingship of
+    Alba and Rome, of which the evidence is of course purely
+    legendary. If the legends represent fact in any sense,
+    they point, if I understand him rightly, to a kingship
+    held by a non-Latin race, or, as he calls it, plebeian.
+    Binder, _Die Plebs_, p. 403 foll., believes that the
+    original Latin population, _i.e._ the plebs of later
+    times, lived under Mutterrecht.
+
+    [132] Aust, _Religion der Roemer_, p. 212.
+
+    [133] In historical times the household deities were
+    often represented by images of Greek type: _e.g._ the
+    Penates by those of the Dioscuri. Wissowa, _Rel. und
+    Kult._ p. 147, and _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 95
+    foll., and 289. See also De Marchi, _La Religione nella
+    vita privata_, i. p. 41 foll. and p. 90 foll.
+
+    [134] De Marchi, _op. cit._ i. 13 foll. In the ordinary
+    and regular religion of the family the State, _i.e._ the
+    pontifices, did not interfere; but they might do so in
+    matters such as the succession of _sacra_, the care of
+    graves, or the fulfilment of vows undertaken by private
+    persons. See Cicero, _de Legibus_, ii. 19. 47.
+
+    [135] Mucius Scaevola, the great lawyer, defined
+    _gentiles_ as those "qui eodem nomine sunt, qui ab
+    ingenuis oriundi sunt, quorum maiorum nemo servitutem
+    servivit, qui capite non sunt deminuti," Cic. _Topica_,
+    vi. 29. This is the practical view of a lawyer of the
+    last century B.C., and does not take account of the
+    _sacra gentilicia_, which had by that time decayed or
+    passed into the care of _sodalitates_: Marquardt, p. 132
+    foll.; De Marchi, ii. p. 3 foll. The notion of descent
+    from a common ancestor is of course ideal, but none the
+    less a factor in the life of the gens; it crops up,
+    _e.g._, in Virgil, _Aen._ v. 117, 121, and Servius _ad
+    loc._
+
+    [136] Crawley, _The Tree of Life_, p. 47.
+
+    [137] For the alleged extinction of the gens Potitia,
+    and the legend connected with it, Livy i. 7, Festus 237.
+
+    [138] See Marquardt, _Privataltertuemer_, p. 56, and note
+    6.
+
+    [139] There is, I believe, no doubt that the
+    etymological affinities of the word _familia_ point to
+    the idea of settlement and not that of kin; _e.g._ Oscan
+    _Faama_, a house, and Sanscrit _dha_, to settle.
+
+    [140] The exact meaning and origin of the word has been
+    much discussed. It is tempting to connect it with _pax_,
+    _paciscor_, and make it a territory within whose bounds
+    there is _pax_; see Rudorff, _Gromatici veteres_, ii.
+    239, and Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. 8 foll.
+
+    [141] See Rudorff, _Grom. vet._ ii. 236 foll.; Mommsen,
+    _Staatsrecht_, iii. 116 foll.; Kornemann in _Klio_, vol.
+    v. (1905) p. 80 foll.; Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_,
+    p. 1 foll.
+
+    [142] Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, iii. 22 foll.; Kornemann,
+    _l.c._; Roby in _Dict. of Antiquities_, _s.v._
+    "Agrimetatio," p. 85. The view that there was freehold
+    garden land attached to the homestead gains strength
+    from a statement of Pliny (_N.H._ xix. 50) that the word
+    used in the XII. Tables for villa, which was the word in
+    classical times for the homestead, was _hortus_, a
+    garden, and that this was _heredium_, private property.
+    See Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, iii. 23. It would indeed be
+    strange if the house had no land immediately attached to
+    it; we know that in the Anglo-Saxon village community
+    the villani, bordarii and cotagii, had their garden
+    croft attached to their dwellings, apart from such
+    strips as they might hold from the lord of the manor in
+    the open fields. See Vinogradoff, _Villainage in
+    England_, p. 148. For the _centuriatus ager_, Roby
+    _l.c._ We have no direct knowledge of the system in the
+    earliest times, but it is almost certain that it was
+    old-Italian in outline, and not introduced by the
+    Etruscans, as stated, _e.g._, by Deecke-Mueller,
+    _Etrusker_, ii. 128.
+
+    [143] For Latium this is proved by the sepulchral
+    hut-urns found at Alba and also on the Esquiline. One of
+    these in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford shows the
+    construction well. See article "Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _Real-Encyclopaedie_; Helbig, _Die Italiker in der
+    Poebene_, p. 50 foll. Later there was an opening in the
+    roof.
+
+    [144] Von Duhn in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1896,
+    p. 125 foll., and article "Domus" in Pauly-Wissowa.
+
+    [145] This is Aust's admirable expression, _Religion der
+    Roemer_, p. 214.
+
+    [146] See the author's _Social Life at Rome in the Age
+    of Cicero_, p. 242.
+
+    [147] Serv. _Aen._ i. 270; Marquardt, p. 126.
+
+    [148] _Ap. Gellium_, iv. 1. 17. For the sacredness of
+    food and meals, see below (Lect. VIII. p. 172).
+
+    [149] See a paper by the author in _Classical Rev._ vol.
+    x. (1896) p. 317, and references there given. Cp. the
+    passage of Servius quoted above (_Aen._ i. 730), where a
+    boy is described as announcing at the daily meal that
+    the gods were propitious. For the purity necessary I may
+    refer to Hor. _Odes_, iii. 23 _ad fin._, "Immunis aram
+    si tetigit manus," etc.
+
+    [150] _Primitive Culture_, i. 393.
+
+    [151] The feminine counterpart of Genius was Juno, of
+    which more will be said later on. Each woman had her
+    Juno; but this "other-soul" has little importance as
+    compared with Genius.
+
+    [152] See J. B. Carter in Hastings' _Dict. of Religion
+    and Ethics_, i. 462 foll. For Genius in general, Birt in
+    _Myth. Lex._ s.v.; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 154 foll.;
+    Stewart, _Myths of Plato_, p. 450, for the connexion of
+    souls with ancestry.
+
+    [153] See the fifth of Plutarch's _Quaestiones Romanae_,
+    and Dr. Jevons' interesting comments in his edition of
+    Phil. Holland's translation, pp. xxii. and xxxv. foll.
+    Cp. the throwing the fetters of a criminal out by the
+    roof of the Flamen's house.
+
+    [154] _Civ. Dei_, vi. 9. These are deities of the
+    Indigitamenta; see below, p. 84.
+
+    [155] De Marchi, _La Religione_, etc. i. 188 foll.;
+    Marquardt, _Privatleben der Roemer_, p. 336, "la porte
+    est la limite entre le monde etranger et le monde
+    domestique" (A. van Gennep, _Rites de passage_, p. 26,
+    where other illustrations are given).
+
+    [156] See below, Lect. XII. p. 281.
+
+    [157] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 96; Aust, _Rel. der Roemer_, p.
+    117; Roscher in _Myth. Lex._ s.v. "Janus"; J. B. Carter,
+    _Religion of Numa_, p. 13. Cp. Von Domaszewski in
+    _Archiv_, 1907, p. 337.
+
+    [158] Frazer, _Lectures on the Early History of
+    Kingship_, p. 286 foll.; A. B. Cook in _Classical
+    Review_, 1904, p. 367 foll.
+
+    [159] _Gromat. vet._ i. 302, line 20 foll., describes
+    the chapels, but without mentioning the Lares. Varro
+    (_L.L._ vi. 25) supplies the name: "Compitalia dies
+    attributus Laribus Compitalibus; ideo ubi viae competunt
+    tum in competis sacrificatur." Cp. Wissowa, _R.K._ p.
+    148. But the nature of the land thus marked off is not
+    clear to me, nor explained (for primitive times) by
+    Wissowa in _Real-Encycl._, _s.vv._ "Compitum" and
+    "Compitalia."
+
+    [160] "Enos Lases juvate." See Henzen, _Acta Fratr.
+    Arv._ p. 26 foll.
+
+    [161] Cato, _R.R._ 5. Cp. Dion. Hal. iv. 13. 2. In Cato
+    143 the vilica is to put a wreath on the focus on
+    Kalends, Nones and Ides, and to pray to the Lar
+    familiaris pro copia (at the compita?).
+
+    [162] Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 172.
+
+    [163] The controversy about the Lar may be read in the
+    _Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft_, 1904, p. 42 foll.
+    (Wissowa), and 1907, p. 368 foll. (Samter in reply). De
+    Marchi (_La Religione_, etc. i. 28 foll.) takes the same
+    view as Samter, who originally stated it in his
+    _Familienfesten_, p. 105 foll., in criticism of
+    Wissowa's view. See also a note by the author in the
+    _Archiv_, 1906, p. 529.
+
+    [164] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 148; the details as to the
+    altar occur in _Gromatici vet._ i. 302. It was on this
+    occasion that _maniae_ and _pilae_ were hung on the
+    house and compitum ("pro foribus," Macr. i. 7. 35); see
+    above, p. 61. For the _religio Larium_, Cic. _de Legg._,
+    ii. 19 and 27. That the Compitalia was an old Latin
+    festival is undoubted; but as we are uncertain about the
+    exact nature of the earliest form of landholding, we
+    cannot be sure about the nature of the compita in remote
+    antiquity. The passage from the _Gromatici_ (Dolabella),
+    quoted above, refers to the _fines templares_ of
+    _possessiones_, _i.e._ the boundaries marked by these
+    chapels in estates of later times. See Rudorff in vol.
+    ii. p. 263; Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._ "Compitum."
+
+    [165] Varro, _L.L._ vi. 26. I have discussed this
+    passage in _R.F._ p. 294; it is still not clear to me
+    whether Varro is identifying his Paganicae with the
+    Sementivae, but on the whole I think he uses the latter
+    word of a city rite (_dies a pontificibus dictus_), and
+    the former of the country festivals of the same kind.
+
+    [166] _Fasti_, i. 663.
+
+    [167] _Cl. Rev._, 1908, p. 36 foll.
+
+    [168] _Georg._ i. 338 foll.
+
+    [169] See my discussion of Faunus in _R.F._ p. 258 foll.
+    I am still unable to agree with Wissowa in his view of
+    Faunus (_R.K._ p. 172 foll.). I may here mention a
+    passage of the gromatic writer Dolabella (_Gromatici_,
+    i. 302), in which he says that there were three Silvani
+    to each _possessio_ or large estate of later times: "S.
+    domesticus, possessioni consecratus: alter agrestis,
+    pastoribus consecratus: tertius orientalis, cui est in
+    confinio lucus positus, a quo inter duo pluresque fines
+    oriuntur." Faunus never became domesticated, but he
+    belongs to the same type as Silvanus. Von Domaszewski,
+    in his recently published _Abhandlungen zur roem.
+    Religion_, p. 61, discredits the passage about the three
+    Silvani, following a paper of Mommsen. But his whole
+    interesting discussion of Silvanus shows well how many
+    different forms that curious semi-deity could take.
+
+    [170] _Odes_, iii. 18.
+
+    [171] Cic. _de Inventione_, ii. 161.
+
+    [172] pp. 236-284.
+
+    [173] _R.F._ 325, condensed from Siculus Flaccus
+    (_Gromatici_, i. 141).
+
+    [174] _Fasti_, ii. 641 foll.
+
+    [175] See, _e.g._, Jevons, _Introduction_, etc., p. 138;
+    Robertson Smith, _Semites_, p. 321.
+
+    [176] See, _e.g._, Tibullus ii. 1. 55; Virg. _Ecl._ vi.
+    22, x. 27, and Servius on both these passages. Pliny,
+    _N.H._ xxxiii. 111; and cp. below, p. 177. For primitive
+    ideas about the colour red see Jevons, _Introd._ pp. 67
+    and 138; Samter, _Familienfeste_, p. 47 foll. Cp. also
+    the very interesting paper of von Duhn in _Archiv_,
+    1906, p. 1 foll., esp. p. 20: "Es soll eben wirklich
+    pulsierendes kraftvolles Leben zum Ausdruck gebracht
+    werden." His conclusions are based on the widespread
+    custom of using red in funerals, coffins, and for
+    colouring the dead man himself: the idea being to give
+    him a chance of new life--which is what he wants--red
+    standing for blood.
+
+    [177] I am not sure that I am right in calling this
+    whitethorn. For the qualities of the _Spina alba_ see
+    Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 129 and 165, "Sic fatus spinam, quae
+    tristes pellere posset A foribus nexas, haec erat alba,
+    dedit." In line 165 he calls it _Virga Janalis_. See
+    also Festus, p. 289, and Serv. _ad Ecl._ viii. 29;
+    Buecheler, _Umbrica_, p. 136.
+
+    [178] The details are fully set forth in Marquardt,
+    _Roem. Privataltertuemer_, p. 52 foll. The religious
+    character of _confarreatio_ and its antiquity are fully
+    recognised by Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_,
+    p. 427. Some interesting parallels to the smearing of
+    the doorposts from modern Europe will be found collected
+    in Samter, _Familienfeste_, p. 81 foll. The authority
+    for the wolf's fat was Masurius Sabinus, quoted by
+    Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 142 (cp. 157), who adds from the
+    same author, "ideo novas nuptas illo perungere postes
+    solitas, ne quid mali medicamenti inferretur." The real
+    reason was, no doubt, that it was a charm against evil
+    _spirits_, not against poison; but it is worth while to
+    quote here another passage of Pliny (xx. 101), where he
+    says that a squill hung _in limine ianuae_ had the same
+    power, according to Pythagoras. Some may see a
+    reminiscence of totemism in the wolf's fat: in any case
+    the mention of the animal as obtainable is interesting.
+
+    [179] Dieterich, _Mutter Erde_, p. 6 foll. The idea is
+    that the child comes from mother earth, and will
+    eventually return to her.
+
+    [180] For Roman names Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 7
+    foll., and Mommsen, _Forschungen_, i. I foll., are still
+    the most complete authorities. For the importance of the
+    name among wild and semi-civilised peoples, Frazer,
+    _G.B._ i. 403 foll.; Tylor, _Primitive Culture_, ii. 430
+    foll. All these ceremonies of birth, naming, and
+    initiation (puberty) have recently been included by M.
+    van Gennep in what he calls _Rites de passage_ (see his
+    book with that title, which appeared after these
+    lectures were prepared, especially chapters v. and vi.).
+    In all these ceremonies he traces more or less
+    successfully a sequence of rites of separation (_i.e._
+    from a previous condition), of margin, where the ground
+    is, so to speak, neutral, and of "aggregation," when the
+    subject is introduced to a new state or condition of
+    existence. If I understand him rightly, he looks on this
+    as the proper and primitive explanation of all such
+    rites, and denies that they need to be accounted for
+    animistically, _i.e._ by assuming that riddance of evil
+    spirits, or purification of any kind, is the leading
+    idea in them. They are, in fact, quasi-dramatic
+    celebrations of a process of going over from one status
+    to another, and may be found in connection with all the
+    experiences of man in a social state. But the Roman
+    society, of which I am describing the religious aspect,
+    had beyond doubt reached the animistic stage of thought,
+    and was in process of developing it into the theological
+    stage; hence these ceremonies are marked by sacrifices,
+    as marriage, the _dies lustricus_ (see De Marchi, p.
+    169, and Tertull. _de Idol._ 16) most probably, and
+    puberty (_R.F._ p. 56). I do not fully understand how
+    far van Gennep considers sacrifice as marking a later
+    stage in the development of the ideas of a society on
+    these matters (see his note in criticism of Oldenburg,
+    p. 78); but I see no good reason to abandon the words
+    purification and lustration, believing that even if he
+    is right in his explanation of the original
+    performances, these ideas had been in course of time
+    engrafted on them.
+
+    [181] In historical times the _toga pura_ was assumed
+    when the parents thought fit; earlier there may have
+    been a fixed day (_R.F._ p. 56, "Liberalia"). In any
+    case there was, of course, no necessary correspondence
+    between "social and physical puberty"; van Gennep, p. 93
+    foll.
+
+    [182] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 191; J. B. Carter in Hastings'
+    _Dict. of Religion and Ethics_, i. 462 foll.; Dieterich,
+    _Mutter Erde_, p. 77. The whole question of the
+    so-called cult of the dead at Rome calls for fresh
+    investigation in the light of ethnological and
+    archaeological research. The recent work of Mr. J. C.
+    Lawson, _Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek
+    Religion_, seems to throw grave doubt on some of the
+    most important conclusions of Rohde's _Psyche_, the work
+    which most writers on the ideas of the Greeks and Romans
+    have been content to follow. Mr. Lawson seems to me to
+    have proved that the object of both burial and cremation
+    (which in both peninsulas are found together) was to
+    secure dissolution for the substance of the body, so
+    that the soul might not be able to inhabit the body
+    again, and the two together return to annoy the living
+    (see especially chapters v. and vi.). But his answer to
+    the inevitable question, why in that case sustenance
+    should be offered to the dead at the grave, is less
+    satisfactory (see pp. 531, 538), and I do not at present
+    see how to co-ordinate it with Roman usage. But I find
+    hardly a trace of the belief that the dead had to be
+    placated like the gods by sacrifice and prayer, except
+    in _Aen._ iii. 63 foll. and v. 73 foll. In the first of
+    these passages Polydorus had not been properly buried,
+    as Servius observes _ad loc._ to explain the nature of
+    the offerings; the second presents far more difficulties
+    than have as yet been fairly faced.
+
+    [183] For recent researches about beans as tabooed by
+    the Pythagoreans and believed to be the food of ghosts,
+    see Gruppe, _Mythologische Literatur_, p. 370 (Samter
+    and Wuensch). Cp. _R.F._, p. 110.
+
+    [184] Ov. _Fasti_, v. 421 foll.; _R.F._ p. 107.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE V
+
+THE CALENDAR OF NUMA
+
+
+The religion of the household had two main characteristics. First, it
+was a perfectly natural and organic growth, the result of the Roman
+farmer's effective desire to put himself and his in right relations with
+the spiritual powers at work for good or ill around him. His conception
+of these powers I shall deal with more fully in the next lecture; but I
+have said enough to prove that it was not a degrading one. The spirits
+of his house and his land and his own Genius were friendly powers, all
+of them of the greatest importance for his life and his work, and their
+claims were attended to with regularity and devotion. From Vesta and the
+Penates, the Lar, the Genius, the Manes, and the spirits of the doorway
+and the spring, there was nothing to fear if they were carefully
+propitiated; and as his daily life and comfort depended on this
+propitiation, they were really divine members of the _familia_, and
+might become, and perhaps did become, the objects of real affection as
+well as worship. In this well-regulated practical life of the early
+agricultural settlers, with its careful attention to the claims of its
+divine protectors, we may perhaps see the germs of a real religious
+expression of human life.
+
+Secondly, there was doubtless at the same time constant cause for
+anxiety. Beyond the house and the land there were unreclaimed spirits of
+the woodland which might force an entrance into the sacred limits of the
+house; the ghosts of the dead members were constantly wishing to
+return; the crops might be attacked by strange diseases, by storms or
+drought, and man himself was liable to seasonal disease or sudden
+pestilence. The cattle and sheep might stray into the remote forest and
+become the prey of evil beasts, if not of evil spirits. How was the
+farmer to meet all these troubles, caused, as he supposed, by spirits
+whose ways he did not understand? How were they to be propitiated as
+they themselves would wish? How were the omens to be interpreted from
+which their will might be guessed? How were the proper times and seasons
+for each religious operation to be discovered? If my imagination is not
+at fault, I seem to see that the Latin farmer must have had to shift for
+himself in most of his dealings with the supernatural powers about him;
+_religio_, the sense of awe and of dependence, must have been constantly
+with him. But even here we may see, I think, a possible germ of
+religious development; for without this feeling of awe religious forms
+tend to become meaningless: lull _religio_ to sleep, and the forms cease
+to represent effectively man's experience of life. We have to see later
+on how this paralysis of the religious instinct did actually take place
+in early Roman history.
+
+For we now have to leave the religion of the household, and to study
+that of the earliest form of the City-state. We have enjoyed a glint of
+light reflected from later times on the religion of the early Roman
+family, and are about to enjoy another glint--nay, a gleam of real
+light, and not merely a reflected one--which the earliest religious
+document we possess casts on the religion of the City-state of Rome.
+Between the two there is a long period of almost complete darkness. We
+know hardly anything as yet, and it is not likely that we shall ever
+know anything definite, about the stages of development which must have
+been passed before Rome became the so-called city of the Four Regions,
+when her history may be said really to begin. The pagus hardly helps us
+here; it was not an essential advance on the family, and its religion
+was comprehensive, not intensive. Each pagus, however, seems to have
+had within its bounds an _oppidum_, or stronghold on a hill; and such
+oppida were the seven _montes_ of early Rome, which, with the pagi
+belonging to them, survived in name to the end of the Republic, with
+some kind of a religious festival uniting them together, about which we
+have hardly any knowledge.[185] This looks like a stage in the process
+of change from farm to city, and it has generally been believed to mark
+one. Unfortunately nothing to our purpose can be founded on it. We must
+be content with the undoubted fact that about the eighth or seventh
+century B.C. the site of Rome was occupied and strengthened as a bulwark
+against the Etruscan people who were pressing down from the north upon
+the valley of the Tiber;[186] we may take it that the old central
+fortress of Latium, on the Alban hill, was not in the right position for
+defence, and that it was seen to be absolutely necessary to make a
+stronghold of the position offered by the hills which abut on the river
+twenty miles above its mouth--the only real position of defence for the
+Latin settlements in its rear. Here an _urbs_ was made with _murus_ and
+_pomoerium_, _i.e._ material and spiritual boundaries, taking in a space
+sufficient to hold the threatened rural population with their flocks and
+herds, with the river in the front and a common citadel on the
+Capitoline hill, and including the Palatine, Quirinal, Esquiline,
+Caelian and Aventine hills, though the last named remained technically
+outside the pomoerium.[187]
+
+It is to this city that our earliest religious document, the so-called
+Calendar of Numa, belongs. That calendar includes the cult of Quirinus
+on the hill which still bears his name, and that hill was an integral
+part of the city as just described. On the other hand, it tells us
+nothing of the great cult of the _trias_ on the Capitoline--Jupiter,
+Juno, Minerva--which by universal tradition was instituted much later by
+the second Tarquinius, _i.e._ under an Etruscan dynasty; nor does Diana
+appear in it, the goddess who was brought from Latium and settled on the
+Aventine before the end of the kingly period. We have, then, a
+_terminus ex quo_ for the date of the calendar in the inclusion in the
+city of the Quirinal hill, and a _terminus ad quem_ in the foundation of
+the Diana temple on the Aventine.[188] We cannot date these events
+precisely; but it is sufficient for our purpose if it be taken as proved
+that the Fasti belong to the fully developed city, and yet were drawn up
+before that conquest by the Etruscans which we may regard as a
+certainty, and which is marked by the foundations of Etruscan masonry
+which served to support the great Capitoline temple. And this is also
+borne out by the undoubted fact that the calendar itself shows no trace
+of Etruscan influence. But I must now go on to explain exactly what this
+calendar is.
+
+The _Fasti anni Romani_ exist chiefly on stone as inscriptions, and date
+from the Early Empire, between 31 B.C. and A.D. 51. They give us, in
+fact, the calendar as revised by Caesar; but no one now doubts that
+Mommsen was right in detecting in these inscriptions the skeleton of the
+original calendar which the Romans ascribed to Numa.[189] This is
+distinguished from later additions by the large capital letters in which
+it is written or inscribed in all the fragments we possess; it gives us
+the days of the month with their religious characteristics as affecting
+state business, the names of the religious festivals which concern the
+whole state, and the Kalends, Nones, and Ides in each month. Excluding
+these last, we have the names, in a shortened form, of forty-five
+festivals; and these festivals, thus placed by an absolutely certain
+record in their right place in each month and in the year, must be the
+foundation of all scientific study of the religious practice of the
+Roman state, taken together with certain additions in smaller capitals,
+and with such information about them as we can obtain from literary
+sources.[190]
+
+The smaller capitals give us such entries as _feriae Iovi_, _feriae
+Saturno_, _i.e._ the name of a deity to whom a festival was sacred, the
+foundation days of temples, generally with the name of the deity in the
+dative and the position of the temple in the city, and certain _ludi_
+and memorial days, which belong to a much later age than the original
+festivals. But the names of those which are inscribed in large letters
+bear witness beyond all question to their own antiquity; for among them
+there is not one which has anything to do, so far as we know, with a
+non-Roman deity, and we know that foreign deities began to arrive in
+Rome before the end of the kingly period. Here, then, we have genuine
+information about the oldest religious doings of the City-state, in what
+indeed is, as Mommsen said, the most ancient source of our knowledge
+about Roman antiquity generally.
+
+The first point we notice in studying this calendar (putting aside for
+the present the question as to the agency by which it was drawn up) is
+this: it exactly reflects a transition from the life of a rural
+population engaged in agriculture, to the highly-organised political and
+military life of a City-state. In other words, the State, whose
+religious needs and experience it reflects, was one whose economic basis
+was agriculture, whose life included legal and political business, and
+whose activity in the season of arms was war.
+
+This last characteristic is discernible chiefly, if not entirely, in the
+months of March and October; and the former of these bears the name of
+the great deity, who, whatever may have been his origin or the earliest
+conception of him, was throughout Roman history the god of war. All
+through March up to the 23rd the Salii, the warlike priests of Mars,
+were active, dancing and singing those hymns of which an obscure
+fragment has come down to us, and clashing and brandishing the sacred
+spears and shields of the god (_ancilia_).[191] On the 19th these
+ancilia were lustrated--a process to which I shall recur in another
+lecture; and on the 23rd we find in the calendar the festival
+Tubilustrium, which suggests the lustration of the trumpets of the host
+before it took the field. On the 14th of March,[192] and also on the
+27th of February, we find Equirria in the calendar, which must be
+understood as lustrations of the horses of the host, accompanied with
+races. If we may take the ancilia as symbolising the arms of the host,
+we see in the festivals of this month a complete religious process
+preparing the material of war for the perils inevitably to be met with
+beyond the _ager Romanus_, whether from human or spiritual enemies; and
+that the warriors themselves were subjected to a process of the same
+kind we know from the historical evidence of later times.[193] Now in
+October, when the season of arms was over, we find indications of a
+parallel process, which Wissowa was the first to point out clearly, but
+without fully recognising its religious import.[194] It was not so much
+thanksgiving (_Dankfest_) after a campaign that was necessary on the
+return of the army, as purification (or disinfection) from the taint of
+bloodshed, and from contact with strange beings human and
+spiritual.[195] On October 15, the Ides, there was a horse-race in the
+Campus Martius, with a sacrifice of the winning horse to Mars with
+peculiar primitive ritual; this, however, for some reason which I shall
+presently try to discover, was not embodied in the calendar under any
+special name. On the 19th, however, we find the entry ARMILUSTRIUM,
+which tells its own tale. The Salii, too, were active again in these
+days of October, and on the day of the Armilustrium, as it would seem,
+put their shields away (_condere_) in their _sacrarium_ until the March
+following. As Wissowa says, the ritual of the Salii is thus a symbolic
+copy of the procedure of war.[196] From these indications in the
+calendar, helped out by information drawn from the later entries and
+from literary evidence, we see quite plainly that we are dealing with
+the religion of a state which for half the year is liable to be engaged
+in war. Rome was, in fact, a frontier fortress on the Tiber against
+Etruscan enemies; she is destined henceforward to be continually in
+arms, and she has already expressed this great fact in her religious
+calendar.
+
+The legal and political significance of the calendar consists in the
+division of the days of the year into two great groups, _dies fasti_
+and _nefasti_: the former are those on which it is _fas_, _i.e._
+religiously permissible, to transact civil business, the latter those on
+which it would be _nefas_ to do so, _i.e._ sacrilege, because they are
+given over to the gods. We need not, indeed, assume that these marks F
+and N descend in every case from the very earliest times into the
+pre-Julian calendar, or that the few days which have other marks stood
+originally as we find them; but of the primitive character of the main
+division we can have no doubt. In the calendar as we have it 109 days
+belong to the divine, 235 to the human inhabitants of the city. All but
+two of the former are days of odd numbers in the month, and it is
+reasonable to suppose that these two exceptions were later alterations.
+The belief that odd numbers are lucky is a very widely-spread
+superstition, and we do not need to have recourse to Pythagoras to
+explain it; in this rule, as in others, _e.g._ their taboo on eating
+beans, the Pythagoreans were only following a native prejudice of
+southern Italy. "The idea of luck in odd numbers," says Mr. Crooke,[197]
+writing of the Hindus, "is universal." Thus the simpler odd numbers,
+three, five, seven, and nine, all recur constantly in folklore; and the
+result is visible in this calendar. Where a festival occupies more than
+one day in a month, there is an interval between the two of one or three
+days, making the whole number three or five. Thus Carmentalia occur on
+11th and 15th January, and the Lemuria in May are on the 9th, 11th, and
+13th; the Lucaria in July on 19th and 21st. In some months, too, _e.g._
+August and December, perhaps also July and February, there seem to be
+traces of an arrangement by which festivals which probably had some
+connection with each other are thus arranged; _e.g._ in August six
+festivals, all concerned in some way with the fruits of the earth and
+the harvest, occur on the 17th, 19th, 21st, 23rd, 25th, and 27th. It has
+recently been suggested[198] that these are arranged round one central
+festival, which gives a kind of colouring to the others, as the
+Volcanalia in August, the Saturnalia in December. But the reasons von
+Domaszewski gives for the arrangement, and the further speculation that
+where it does not occur we may find traces of an older system, as yet
+unaffected by the so-called Pythagorean prejudice, do not seem to me
+satisfactory. We may be content with the general principle as I have
+stated it, and note that while religious duties _must_ be performed on
+days of odd number, civil duties were not so restricted: the days
+belonging to the gods, which were, so to speak, taboo days, were more
+important than those belonging to men. There are, as I have said, but
+two days marked in the large letters as festivals, which are on days of
+even number, 24th February and 14th March, the Regifugium and the second
+Equirria; and about these we know so little that it is almost useless to
+speculate as to the reason for their exception from the rule. Two
+others, 24th March and 24th May, were partly the property of the gods
+and partly of men, and are marked QRCF (_quando rex comitiavit fas_);
+but the sense in which they partially belonged to the gods is not the
+same as in the case of sacrificial festivals.
+
+This calendar thus shows obvious signs of both military and political
+development; in other words, its witness to the religious experience of
+the Romans proves that they had successfully adjusted the forms and
+seasons of their worship to the processes of government at home and of
+military service in the field. But the most conspicuous feature in it is
+the testimony it bears to the agricultural habits of the people--to the
+fact that agriculture and not trade, of which there is hardly a trace,
+was the economic basis of their life. At the time when it was drawn up,
+the Romans must have been able to subsist upon the _ager Romanus_,
+though, as we shall see later on, it was probably not long before they
+began commercial relations with other peoples; for their food, which was
+almost entirely vegetarian, and their clothing, which was entirely of
+wool and leather,[199] they depended on their crops, flocks, and herds;
+and the perils to which these were liable remain for the State, as for
+the farming household, the main subject of the propitiation of the gods,
+the main object of their endeavours to keep themselves in right relation
+with the Power manifest in the universe.
+
+We can trace the series of agricultural operations in the calendar
+without much difficulty all through the year. The Roman year, we must
+remember, began with March, and March, as we have seen, had under the
+military necessities of the State become peculiarly appropriated to the
+religious preparation of the burgher host for warlike activity. But the
+festivals of April, when crops were growing, cattle bringing forth young
+or seeking summer pasture, all have direct reference to the work of
+agriculture.[200] At the Fordicidia, on the 15th, pregnant cows were
+sacrificed to the Earth-goddess, and their unborn calves burnt,
+apparently with the object of procuring the fertility of the corn; and
+the Cerealia on the 19th, to judge by the name, must have had an object
+of the same kind, though the supersession of Ceres by the Greek Demeter
+had obscured this in historical times. The Parilia on the 19th, recently
+illuminated by Dr. Frazer,[201] was a lustration of the cattle and sheep
+before they left their winter pasture to encounter the dangers of wilder
+hill or woodland, and may be compared with the lustratio of the host
+before a campaign. On the 23rd the Vinalia tells its own tale, and shows
+that the cultivation of the vine was already a part of the agricultural
+work. On the 25th the spirit of the red mildew, Robigus, was the object
+of propitiation, at the time when the ear was beginning to be formed in
+the corn, and was particularly liable to attack from this pest.
+
+The religious precautions thus taken in April were not renewed in May;
+but at the end of that month of ripening the whole of the _ager Romanus_
+was lustrated by the Fratres Arvales. This important rite, for some
+reason which we cannot be sure of, was a movable feast, left to the
+discretion of the brethren, and therefore does not appear in the
+calendar. In June the sacred character of the new crops, now approaching
+their harvest, becomes apparent; the _penus Vestae_, the symbolic
+receptacle of the grain-store of the State, after remaining open from
+the 7th to the 15th, was closed on that day for the rest of the year,
+after being carefully cleansed: the refuse was religiously deposited in
+a particular spot. Thus all was made ready for the reception of the new
+grain, which, as is now well known, has a sacred character among
+primitive peoples, and must be stored and eaten with precaution.[202]
+This was the chief religious work of June; in July, the month when the
+harvest was actually going on, the festivals are too obscure to delay
+us; they seem to have some reference to water, rain, storms, but it is
+not clear to me whether the object was to avert stormy weather during
+the cutting of the crops, or, on the other hand, to avert a drought in
+the hottest time of the year. The true harvest festivals begin in
+August; the Consualia on 21st and Opiconsiva on 25th both seem to
+suggest the operation of storing up (_condere_) the grain, and between
+them we find the Volcanalia, of which the object was perhaps to
+propitiate the fire-spirit at a time when the heat of the sun might be
+dangerous to the freshly-gathered crops.
+
+After the crops were once harvested, ploughing and sowing chiefly
+occupied the farming community until December; and as these operations
+were not accompanied by the same perils which beset the agriculturist in
+spring and summer, they have left no trace in the calendar. Special
+religious action was not necessary on their behalf. It is not till the
+autumn sowing was over, and the workers could rest from their labours,
+that we find another set of festivals, of which the centre-point is the
+Saturnalia on the 17th, Saturnus being the deity, I think, both of the
+operation of sowing and of the sown seed, now reposing in the bosom of
+mother earth.[203] A second Consualia on the 15th, and the Opalia on the
+19th, like the corresponding August festivals, seem to be concerned with
+the housed grain harvested in the previous August; I am disposed to
+think that in all three we should see not only the natural rejoicing
+after the labours of the autumn, but the opening of the granaries and,
+perhaps, the first eating of the grain. For on the Saturnalia there was
+a sacrifice at Saturnus' altar, followed by a feast, which was
+afterwards Graecised, but doubtless originally represented the primitive
+feasting of the farm, in which the whole familia took part. This brings
+us practically to the end of the agricultural year as represented in the
+calendar; for spring sowing was exceptional, the joyful feasts of pagus
+and compitum are not to be found in our document, and the month of
+February is specially occupied with the care and cult of the dead
+(_Manes_).
+
+At this point I wish to notice one or two results of the adoption of a
+religious calendar such as I have been describing, which are more to the
+purpose of these lectures than some of the details I have had to point
+out. First, let us remember that agricultural operations necessarily
+vary in date according to the season, and that most of the rural
+festivals of ancient Italy were not fixed to a particular day, but were
+_feriae conceptivae_, settled perhaps according to the decision of some
+meeting of heads of families or officers of a pagus. That this was so we
+may conjecture from the fact that those which survived into historical
+times, _e.g._ Compitalia and Paganalia, and were celebrated in the city,
+though not as _sacra pro populo_,[204] were of varying date. But all the
+festivals of the calendar were necessarily fixed, and the days on which
+they were held were made over to the gods. Now by being thus fixed they
+would soon begin to get out of relation to agricultural life; just as,
+if the harvest festivals of our churches were fixed to one day
+throughout the country, the meaning of the religious service would
+sooner or later begin to lose something of its force. And how much the
+more would this be so if the calendar itself, from ignorance or
+mismanagement, began to get out of relation with the true season, as in
+course of time was frequently the case? When once under such
+circumstances the meaning of a religious rite is lost, where is its
+psychological efficacy? In the life of the old Latin farmer, as we saw,
+his religion was a reality, an organic growth, coincident at every point
+with the perils he encountered in his daily toil; here, in the
+City-state, it must from the beginning have had a tendency to become an
+unreality, and it ended by becoming one entirely. Some of the old rites
+may have attached new meanings to themselves; it is possible, for
+example, that beneath the military rites of March there was an original
+agricultural significance; the Saturnalia became a merry mid-winter
+festival for a town population. But a great number wholly lost meaning,
+and were so forgotten or neglected in course of time that even learned
+men like Varro do not seem to have been able to explain them. The only
+practical question about them for the later Romans was whether their
+days were _dies fasti_ or _nefasti_ or _comitiales_,--what work might or
+might not be done on them.
+
+Another point, closely connected with the last, and tending in the same
+direction, is that such a calendar as this implies rigidity and routine
+in religious duties. A well-ordered city life under a strong government
+must, of course, be subject to routine; law, religious or civil, written
+or unwritten, forces the individual into certain stereotyped ways of
+life, subjects him to a certain amount of wholesome discipline. The
+value of such routine to an undisciplined people has been well pointed
+out by Bishop Stubbs, in writing of the effect of the rule of the Norman
+and Angevin kings on the English people,[205] where it was also a
+religious as well as a legal discipline that was at work. In neither
+case was it the ignorant and superstitious routine of savage life, which
+of late years we have had to substitute for old fancies about the
+freedom of the savage; it is the willing obedience of civilised man for
+his own benefit. But if it means a routine of religious rites which are
+beginning to lose their meaning; if the relation between them and man's
+life and work is lost; and lastly, if, as was probably the case, the
+Fasti were not published, but remained in the hands of a priesthood or
+an aristocracy,[206]--then there is serious loss as well as gain. You
+begin sooner or later to cease to feel your dependence on the divine
+beings around you for your daily bread, to get out of right relation
+with the Power manifesting itself in the universe.
+
+But, in the third place, we must believe that at first, and indeed
+perhaps for ages, this very routine had an important psychological
+result in producing increased comfort, convenience, and confidence in
+the Roman's relations with the divine inhabitants of his city. A certain
+number of deities have taken up their abode within the walls of the
+city, and are as much its inhabitants, its citizens, as the human beings
+who live there; and all the relations between the divine and human
+citizens are regulated now by law, by a _ius divinum_, of which the
+calendar is a very important part. _Religio_, the old feeling of doubt
+and scruple, arising from want of knowledge in the individual, is still
+there; it is, in fact, the feeling which has given rise to all this
+organisation and routine, the _cura_ and _caerimonia_, as Cicero phrases
+it. But it must be already losing its strength, its life; it was, so to
+speak, a constitutional weakness, and the _ius divinum_ is already
+beginning to act on it as a tonic. Doubt has passed into fixed usage,
+tradition has given place to organisation. Time, place, procedure in all
+religious matters, are guaranteed by those skilled in the _ius divinum_;
+they know what to do as the festival of each deity comes round, and at
+the right time and place they do it with scrupulous attention to every
+detail. Thus the organisation of which the calendar is our best example
+would have as its first result the destruction of fear and doubt in the
+mind of the ordinary Roman; it would tend to kill, or at least to put to
+sleep, the _religio_ which was the original motive cause of this very
+organisation. As the State in our own day has a tendency to relieve
+families of such duties as the care and education of children, so the
+State at Rome relieved the family of constant anxiety about matters in
+which they were ever in danger from the spirit-world. The State and its
+authorities have taken the whole responsibility of adjusting the
+relations of the human and divine citizens.[207]
+
+Entirely in keeping with this psychological result of the calendar is
+the fact, to which I have already alluded, that it supplies us with
+hardly any evidence of the existence of magic, or of those "beastly
+devices of the heathen" which may roughly be included under that word;
+to use the language of Mr. Lang, we find none of those "distressing
+vestiges of savagery and barbarism which meet us in the society of
+ancient Greece." It is true enough that we do not know much about what
+was done at the various festivals of the calendar, but what we do know,
+with one or two exceptions, suggests an idea of worship as clean and
+rational as that of the Homeric poems, which stands in such striking
+contrast to that reflected in later Greek literature.[208] When we do
+read of any kind of grossness in worship or the accompanying
+festivities, it is almost always in the case of some rite which is _not_
+among those in the Fasti. Such was the old festival of Anna Perenna in
+March, where the plebs in Ovid's time spent the day in revelry and
+drinking, and prayed for as many years of life as they could drink cups
+of wine. Such again was that of the October horse, when after a
+chariot-race in the Campus the near horse of the winning team was
+sacrificed, and his tail carried in hot haste to the Regia, where the
+blood was allowed to drip on the sacred hearth; while the head was the
+object of a fight between the men of the Via Sacra and those of the
+Subura.[209] We may perhaps include in the list the ritual of the Argei,
+if it was indeed, as I believe, of great antiquity;[210] on May 15, as
+we have seen, twenty-seven puppets of reeds or straw were thrown into
+the Tiber from the _pons sublicius_, possibly with the object of
+procuring rain for the growing crops. Let us also note that _dies
+religiosi_ were not marked in the Fasti, _i.e._ days on which some
+uncomfortable feeling prevailed, such as the three days on which the
+_mundus_ was open to allow the Manes to come up from their shadowy abode
+below the earth; with the character of such days as "uncanny" the
+calendar has simply nothing to do. It is a document of religious law,
+not of _superstitio_, a word which in Roman usage almost invariably
+means what is outside that religious law, outside the _ius divinum_; and
+it is a document of _religio_ only so far as it is meant to organise and
+carry out the _cura_ and _caerimonia_, the natural results of that
+feeling which the Romans called _religio_. It stands on exactly the same
+footing as the Law of the Israelites, which supplied them in full detail
+with the _cura_ and _caerimonia_, and rigidly excluded all foreign and
+barbarous rites and superstitions.
+
+I do not, of course, mean to say that the State did not recognise or
+allow the festivals which are not marked in the calendar; the pontifices
+and Vestals were present at the ceremony of the Argei, and the Regia was
+the scene of a part of that of the October horse. But those who drew up
+the calendar as the fundamental charter of the _ius divinum_ must have
+had their reasons for the selection of forty-five days as made over to
+the deities who were specially concerned with the State's welfare. And
+on these days, so far as we know, there was a regular ordered routine of
+sacrifice and prayer, with but little trace of the barbarous or
+grotesque. The ritual of the Lupercalia is almost a solitary exception.
+The Luperci had their foreheads smeared with the blood of the victims,
+which were goats, and then this was wiped off with wool dipped in milk;
+after this they were obliged to laugh, probably as a sign that the god
+(whoever he was) was in them, or that they were identified with
+him.[211] They then girt themselves with the skins of the victims and
+ran round the ancient pomoerium, striking at any women they met with
+strips of the same victims in order to produce fertility. This was
+perhaps a rite taken over from aboriginal settlers on the Palatine, and
+so intimately connected with that hill that it could not be omitted from
+the calendar. The ritual of the three days of Lemuria in May, when
+ghosts were expelled from the house, as Ovid describes the process, by
+means of beans,[212] seems also to have been a reminiscence of ideas
+about the dead more primitive than those which took effect in the more
+cheerful Parentalia of February: here again we may perhaps see a
+concession to the popular tradition and prejudice of a primitive
+population. On the other hand, the revelry of the Saturnalia in
+December, of which Dr. Frazer has made so much in the second edition of
+the _Golden Bough_,[213] is nothing more than the licence of the
+population of a great cosmopolitan city, an out-growth, under Greek
+influence, from the rude winter rejoicings of the farmer and his
+_familia_; and for his conjecture that a human victim was sacrificed on
+this occasion in ancient Rome there is simply no evidence whatever.
+There is, indeed, not a trace of human sacrifice at Rome so long as the
+_ius divinum_ was the supreme religious law of the State; in the whole
+Roman literature of the Republic hardly anything of the kind is alluded
+to;[214] it is only when we come to an age when the taste for bloodshed
+was encouraged by the shows of the amphitheatre, and when the
+blood-loving religions of the East were pressing in, that we hear of
+human sacrifice, and then only from Christian writers, who would
+naturally seize on anything that came to hand to hold up paganism to
+derision, without inquiring into the truth or the history of the alleged
+practice.[215]
+
+Thus we may take it as highly probable that those who drew up the
+calendar had the deliberate intention of excluding from the State
+ritual, as far as was possible, everything in the nature of barbarism
+and magic. For the religious purposes of a people occupied in
+agriculture and war, and already beginning to develop some idea of law
+and order, there was no need of any religious rites except such as would
+serve, in decency and order, to propitiate the deities concerned with
+the fertilisation of man, beast, and crop, and with the safety and
+efficacy of the host in its struggle with the enemies of the city. The
+Roman people grew up, in their city life as in the life of the family,
+in self-restraint, dignity, and good order, confident in the course of
+_cura_ and _caerimonia_, itself decent and stately, if soulless, which
+the religious authorities had drawn up for them.
+
+We should naturally like to know something about those authorities, who
+thus placed the religion of the State on a comparatively high level of
+ritualistic decency, if not of theological subtlety. The Romans
+themselves attributed the work to a priest-king, Numa Pompilius, and
+probably their instinct was a right one. Names matter little in such
+matters; but there is surely something in the universal Roman tradition
+of a great religious legislator, something too, it may be, in the
+tradition that he was a Sabine, a representative of the community on the
+Quirinal which had been embodied in the Roman city before the calendar
+was drawn up, and of the sturdy, serious stock of central Italy, which
+retained its _virtus_ longer than any other Italian people.[216] We are
+quite in the dark as to all this, unless we can put any kind of
+confidence in the traditional belief of the Romans themselves. But there
+is one point on which I should like to make a suggestion--a new one so
+far as I know. Numa was said to have been the first Flamen Dialis; but
+that is absolutely impossible, for the ancient taboos on that priesthood
+would have made it impossible for him to become supreme legislator.
+Evidently this Flamen, who could hardly leave his own house, might never
+leave the city, and was at every turn hedged in by restrictions on his
+activity, was a survival of those magician-kings who make rain and do
+other useful things, but would lose their power if they were exposed to
+certain contingencies; the number of possible contingencies increases
+till the unfortunate owner of the powers becomes powerless by virtue of
+the care so painfully taken of him.[217] The priest of Jupiter and his
+taboos carry us back, beyond a doubt, into the far-away dim history of
+primitive Latium. By the time the eternal city was founded on the Tiber,
+he must have been already practically obsolete. My suggestion is that he
+is the representative in the Roman religious system of another and more
+primitive system which existed in Latium, probably at Alba, where
+Jupiter was worshipped on the mountain from time immemorial. When the
+strength of Latium was concentrated at the best strategical point on the
+Tiber, the priest of Jupiter was transferred to the new city, because he
+was too "precious" to be left behind, though even then a relic of
+antiquity. There he became what he was throughout Roman history, a
+practically useless personage, about whom certain sacred traditions had
+gathered, but placed in complete subjection to the new legal and
+religious king, and afterwards to the Pontifex maximus.[218]
+
+If there be any truth in this--and I believe it to be a legitimate
+inference from the legal position of this Flamen, and his permanent
+state of taboo--then I think we may see a great religious change in the
+era of the "calendar of Numa." Inspired with new ideas of the duty and
+destiny of the new city of the four regions, a priest-king, doubtless
+with the help and advice of a council, according to the true Roman
+fashion, put an end for ever to the reign of the old magician-kingship,
+but preserved the magician-king as a being still capable of
+wonder-working in the eyes of the people. As religious law displaced
+magic in the State ritual, so the new kings, with their collegia of
+legal priests, pontifices and augurs, neutralised and gradually
+destroyed the prestige of the effete survivor of an age of barbarism.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE V.
+
+    [185] Kornemann, _op. cit._ p. 87; Wissowa, _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 230 foll.; Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_,
+    iii. p. 790, note 1. For the festival of the
+    Septimontium, Varro, _L.L._ vi. 24; Plutarch, _Quaest.
+    Rom._ 69; Fowler, _R.F._ p. 265 foll. This festival does
+    not appear in the calendar, as not being "feriae populi,
+    sed montanorum modo" (Varro, _l.c._). There are some
+    interesting remarks on the relation between agricultural
+    life and the origin of towns in von Jhering's _Evolution
+    of the Aryan_ (Eng. trans.), p. 86 foll., with special
+    reference to Rome.
+
+    [186] Von Duhn in _J.H.S._ xvi. 126 foll. The latest
+    research (Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._ "Etrusker," p.
+    747) concludes that the arrival of the Etruscans on the
+    west coast of Italy cannot be safely put earlier than
+    the eighth century.
+
+    [187] Huelsen-Jordan, _Rom. Topogr._ iii. 153. In a brief
+    but masterly paper in the publications of the _American
+    School at Rome_, 1908, p. 173 foll., J. B. Carter deals
+    with the whole problem of the pomoerium and the
+    pre-Servian city.
+
+    [188] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 27.
+
+    [189] In _C.I.L._ i.^2, p. 297 foll. See _R.F._ p. 14
+    foll.
+
+    [190] See the Fasti in _R.F._ p. 21 foll.; or in
+    Wissowa, _R.K._, at end of the book.
+
+    [191] _R.F._ p. 38 foll. Marindin's article "Salii,"
+    _Dict. of Antiqq._, is very useful and sensible. There
+    is little doubt that the dress and armour of the Salii
+    represented that of the primitive Latin warrior,
+    calculated to frighten away evil spirits as well as
+    enemies, and that their dances in procession had some
+    object of this kind. It is noticeable that there were
+    two gilds or collegia of them belonging to the Palatine
+    and Quirinal cities respectively; and they are also
+    found at Tibur, Alba, Lanuvium, and other Latin cities.
+
+    [192] Or 15th (Ides), according to the conjecture of
+    Wissowa; see _R.F._ p. 44 and _R.K._ p. 131. It is
+    almost incredible that this should originally have been
+    on a day of even number, contrary to the universal rule
+    of the Fasti.
+
+    [193] See below, p. 212 foll., for further consideration
+    of this so-called purification.
+
+    [194] _R.K._ p. 131.
+
+    [195] See below, p. 217.
+
+    [196] _R.K._ p. 131.
+
+    [197] _Popular Religion and Folklore of India_, ii. 51.
+    For the sacredness of the number three and its
+    multiples, see Diels, _Sibyllinische Blaetter_, p. 40
+    foll.; but he limits it too much to chthonic religious
+    ritual. See also H. Usener, "Dreizahl," in _Rheinisches
+    Museum_, vol. 58, pp. 1 foll., 161 foll., and 321 foll.
+    There is a summary of the results of these papers in
+    Gruppe's _Mythologische Literatur_, 1898-1905, p. 360
+    foll. I may also refer to my friend Prof. Goudy's very
+    interesting _Trichotomy in Roman Law_ (Oxford, 1910), p.
+    8 foll.
+
+    [198] By von Domaszewski in _Archiv_ for 1907, p. 333
+    foll. The learned author's reasoning is often based on
+    mere hypotheses as to the meaning of the festivals or
+    the gods concerned in them, and his ideas as to the
+    agricultural features of the months July, August,
+    December seem to me doubtful; but the paper is one that
+    all students of the calendar must reckon with.
+
+    [199] Marquardt, _Privatleben_, pp. 459 and 569 foll.
+
+    [200] For the festivals mentioned in the following
+    paragraphs see _R.F._, _s.v._, and Wissowa, _R.K._,
+    section 63.
+
+    [201] "St. George and the Parilia," in _Revue des etudes
+    ethnographiques et sociologiques_ for Jan. 1908. I owe
+    my knowledge of this admirable study to the kindness of
+    its author.
+
+    [202] Frazer, _G.B._ ii. 318 foll.
+
+    [203] Varro, _L.L._ v. 64, says, "Ab _satu_ dictus
+    Saturnus." And in Augustine (_Civ. Dei_, vi. 8) he is
+    quoted as holding the opinion "quod pertineat Saturnus
+    ad semina, quae in terram de qua oriuntur iterum
+    recidunt." He was probably the _numen_ of the
+    seed-sowing (Saeturnus), and as his festival comes
+    after the end of sowing, we may presume that he was the
+    _numen_ of the sown as well as of the unsown seed. In
+    the article "Saturnus" in Roscher's _Lexicon_, which has
+    appeared since the above note was written, Wissowa
+    provisionally accepts Varro's etymology.
+
+    [204] Festus, p. 245a, "Publica sacra quae publico
+    sumptu pro populo fiunt, quaeque pro montibus, pagis,
+    curiis, sacellis." See article "Sacra" in _Dict. of
+    Antiqq._ ii. 577.
+
+    [205] "Routine is the only safeguard of a people under a
+    perfect autocracy" (_Select Charters_, Introduction, p.
+    19).
+
+    [206] The annalists believed that the publication first
+    took place in the year 304 B.C.: Livy ix. 46. Mommsen
+    (_Chronologie_, p. 31) thought it possible that it had
+    already been done by the Decemvirs in one of the two
+    last of the XII. Tables, but again withdrawn. The object
+    of keeping the Fasti secret was, of course, to control
+    the times available for legal and political business.
+
+    [207] This paragraph is abridged from a passage in the
+    author's paper in the _Hibbert Journal_ for 1907, p.
+    848.
+
+    [208] See _Anthropology and the Classics_ (Oxford,
+    1908), p. 44.
+
+    [209] _R.F._ p. 241 foll.
+
+    [210] Wissowa holds that it dates from the third century
+    B.C.: Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._, _s.v._ "Argei." I
+    endeavoured to refute this view in the _Classical
+    Review_ for 1902, p. 115 foll., and Dr. Wissowa
+    criticised my criticism in his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 222. It is dealt with at length in
+    _R.F._ p. 111 foll. See below, p. 321 foll.
+
+    [211] This is not exactly the view expressed in _R.F._
+    p. 315 foll., where I was inclined to adopt that of
+    Mannhardt that the laughing symbolised the return to
+    life after sacrificial death. I am now disposed to think
+    of it as parallel with the ecstasy of the Pythoness and
+    other inspired priests, or the shivering and convulsive
+    movements which denote that a human being is "possessed"
+    by a god or spirit. See Jevons, _Introduction_, p. 174.
+    Mannhardt's view seems, however, to gain support from
+    Pausanias' description of the ordeal he underwent
+    himself at the cave of Trophonius, after which he could
+    laugh again: Paus. ix. 39. See also Miss Harrison,
+    _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, p. 580.
+    Deubner in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 501.
+
+    [212] _R.F._ p. 109; Ov. _Fasti_, v. 421 foll. Ovid's
+    account is of a private rite in the house, as elsewhere
+    he tells us of things done by private persons on
+    festival days. We do not know whether there was any
+    public ritual for these days. For further discussion of
+    the contrast between the two festivals of the dead, see
+    below, Lect. XVII. p. 393.
+
+    [213] _G.B._ iii. 138 foll. The attempt to connect the
+    so-called Saturnalia of the army of the Danube in the
+    third century A.D. with the early practice of Roman
+    Saturnalia seems to me to fail entirely, even after
+    reading Prof. Cumont's paper in the _Revue de
+    philologie_, 1897, p. 133 foll. I should imagine that
+    Cumont would now admit that the Saturn who was
+    sacrificed on the Danube as described in the _Martyrdom
+    of St. Dasius_ must have been of Oriental origin, and
+    that the soldiers concerned were in no sense Roman or
+    Italian. For the hellenisation of the Saturnalia, see
+    Wissowa in Roscher's _Lexicon_, _s.v._ "Saturnus," p.
+    432. Wissowa, I may note, does not believe in the
+    accuracy of the account of the "Martyrdom."
+
+    [214] Nothing, that is, in the regular ritual of the
+    Roman State--except in so far as the killing of a
+    criminal who was _sacer_ to a god can be so regarded;
+    and the only instance of any kind that can be quoted is
+    that of the two pairs of Gaulish and Greek men and women
+    who in the stress of the second Punic war and afterwards
+    were buried alive, as it was said, in the Forum Boarium.
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 355 and notes. I shall return to this
+    in Lecture XIV.
+
+    [215] The earliest mention of the slaying of a victim
+    (_bestiarius_) to Jupiter is in Minucius Felix, _Octav._
+    22 and 30, _i.e._ towards the end of the second century
+    A.D. or even later. Cp. Tertull. _Apol._ 9, Lactantius
+    i. 21. I do not go so far as to say with Wissowa (p.
+    109, note 3) that this story is "ganz gewiss apokryph,"
+    but I take it as simply a case of degeneracy under the
+    influence of the amphitheatre and of Orientalism.
+
+    [216] For Numa see Schwegler, _Rom. Gesch._ i. 551 foll.
+
+    [217] See Dr. Frazer's most recent account of this
+    subject, in his _Lectures on the Early History of the
+    Kingship_, chaps, iii.-v. Prof. Ridgeway's idea that the
+    Flamen Dialis was really a Numan institution is of
+    course simply impossible, and the arguments he founds on
+    it fall to the ground. Ovid, probably reflecting Varro,
+    speaks of the Flamen Dialis as belonging to the
+    Pelasgian religion, which at least means that he was
+    aware of the extreme antiquity of the office; _Fasti_,
+    ii. 281. Dr. Doellinger (_The Gentile and the Jew_, vol.
+    ii. p. 72) with his usual insight was inclined to see
+    in this Flamen the "ruins of an older system of
+    ceremonial ordinances."
+
+    [218] He was _sui iuris_ (Gaius i. 130), as soon as he
+    was chosen or taken (_captus_) by the Pontifex maximus;
+    but he was subject to the authority of the P.M., like
+    all the other flamines and the Vestals. See Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 438; Tac. _Ann._ iv. 16.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE VI
+
+THE DIVINE OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
+
+
+We must now turn our attention to what is the most difficult part of our
+subject, the ideas of the early Romans about "the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe." In my first lecture I indicated in outline what
+the difficulties are which beset us all through our studies; they are in
+no part of it so insurmountable as in this. Material fails us, because
+there was no contemporary literature; because the Romans were not a
+thinking people, and probably thought very little about the divine
+beings whom they propitiated; and again, because comparative religion,
+as it is called, is of scant value in such a study. We have to try and
+get rid of our own ideas about God or gods, to keep our minds free of
+Greek ideas and mythology, and, in fact, to abstain from bringing the
+ideas of any other peoples to bear upon the question until we are pretty
+sure that we have some sort of understanding of those Roman ideas with
+which we are tempted to compare them. The first duty of the student of
+any system of religion is to study that religion in and by itself. As M.
+S. Reinach observed in an address at the Congress for the History of
+Religions at Oxford, it is time that we began to attend to differences
+as well as similarities; and this can only be done by the conscientious
+use of such materials as are available for the study of each particular
+religion.
+
+The only materials available in the case of the earliest Rome are (1)
+the calendar which I was explaining in the last lecture, which gives us
+the names of the festivals of the religious year; (2) the names of the
+deities concerned in these festivals, so far as we know them from later
+additions to the calendar, from Roman literature, and from evidence,
+chiefly epigraphical, of the names of deities among kindred Italian
+peoples; (3) the fragments of information, now most carefully collected
+and sifted, about what the Romans did in the worship of their deities.
+The names and order of the festivals, the names of the deities
+themselves, the cult, or detail of worship, including priesthoods and
+holy places,--these are the only real materials we possess, and our only
+safe guides. To trust to legends is fatal, because such legends as there
+were in Italy were never written down until the Greeks turned their
+attention to them, colouring them with their own fancy and with
+reminiscences of their own mythology. For example, no sane investigator
+would now make use of the famous story told by Ovid and Plutarch about
+Numa's interview with Jupiter, and the astute way in which he deceived
+the god, as an illustration of the Roman's ideas of the divine; we know
+that it can be traced back to the greatest liar among all Roman
+annalists,[219] that it was in part derived from a Greek story, and in
+part invented to explain a certain piece of ritual, the _procuratio
+fulminis_. Even what was done in the cult must be handled with knowledge
+and discretion. Dr. Frazer has a theory that the Roman kings personated
+Jupiter, and uses as evidence of this the fact that in the triumph the
+triumphator was dressed after the fashion of the statue of the god in
+the Capitoline temple, with his face reddened with _minium_: forgetting
+that the temple, its cult and its statue, all date from the very end of
+the period of the kingship, and were the work of an Etruscan monarch,
+almost beyond doubt. There may be truth in his theory, but this is not
+the way to prove it; this is not the way to arrive at a true
+understanding of Roman religious ideas.
+
+What did the old Romans know about the nature of the objects of their
+worship? All religion is in its development a process of gaining such
+knowledge: if it makes no progress it is doomed. It is because the Jews
+made such wonderful progress in this path, in spite of formalism and
+backsliding, that they were chosen to produce a Teacher whose life and
+doctrine revealed the will and the nature of His Father for the eternal
+benefit of mankind. The fear of the Lord is imperfect knowledge, it is
+but the beginning of wisdom; but it could become, in a Jew like St.
+Paul, the perfect knowledge of His will. It may seem absurd to think of
+two such religions as the Jewish and the Roman side by side; but the
+absurdity vanishes when we begin to understand the humble beginnings of
+the Jewish religion as scientific research has already laid it bare.
+Knowledge of the Power manifesting itself in the universe is open to all
+peoples alike, and some few have made much progress in it beside the
+Jews. The Romans were not among these, at any rate in all the later
+stages of their history; but we have to ask how far they got in the
+process, and later on again to ask also why they could go no
+farther.[220]
+
+We have seen how one great forward step in the attainment of this
+knowledge was made in the religion of the household, when the house had
+become a kind of temple, being the dwelling of divine as well as human
+beings, and when the cultivated land had been separated by a sacred
+boundary from the mountain or forest beyond, with their wild and unknown
+spiritual inhabitants. We met, however, with nothing in the house or on
+the land that we can properly call a god, if we may use that word for
+the moment in the sense of a personality as well as a name, and a
+personality perfectly distinct from the object in which it resides.
+Vesta seems to be the fire, Penates the store, or at least spirits
+undistinguishable from the substance composing the store. But inasmuch
+as the farmer knew how to serve these spirits and address them, looking
+upon them as friends and co-habitants of his own dwelling, we may go so
+far as to guess that they were somewhat advanced in their career as
+spirits, and might possibly develop into powers of a more definite kind,
+if not into gods, real _dei_ conceived as persons.[221] In other
+words--for it is better to keep as far as we can to the subjective or
+psychological aspect of them--the Roman might realise the Power better
+by getting to think of his nameless spirits as _dei_ at work for his
+benefit if rightly propitiated. There are some signs in the calendar and
+the other sources I mentioned just now that such a process had been
+going on before the State arose; and it is certain that the whole field
+of divine operation had been greatly widened by that time, as we might
+expect from the enlarged sphere of man's experience and activity.
+
+The deities originally belonging to the city of the four regions, _i.e._
+to the city of the calendar of Numa, were known to Roman antiquarians as
+_di indigetes_, in contra-distinction from the _di novensiles_ or
+imported deities, with which at present we have nothing to do. On the
+basis of the calendar, and of the names of the most ancient priesthoods
+attached to particular cults, the Rex and the Flamines, Wissowa (_R.K._
+p. 16) has constructed a list of these _di indigetes_ which may be
+accepted without any further reservation than he himself applies to it.
+They are thirty-three in number, but in two cases we have groups instead
+of individuals, viz. the Lares and the Lemures: the plurality of the
+Lares (_compitales_) we have already explained, and the Lemures, the
+ghosts of departed ancestors, we may also for the present leave out of
+account. Others are too obscure to help us, _e.g._ Carna, Angerona,
+Furrina, Neptunus, Volturnus,[222] except in so far as their very
+obscurity, and the neglect into which they and their cults fell in later
+times, is proof that they were not thought of as lively personal
+deities. Then, again, there are others whose names are suggested by
+certain festivals, Terminus, Fons, Robigus, who seem to be simply
+survivals from the animistic period--spirits inherent in the
+boundary-stone, the spring, or the mildew, and incapable of further
+development in the new conditions of city life. Faunus, the rural
+semi-deity, perhaps representing a group of such beings, appears in the
+list as the deity of the Lupercalia; but this is a point in which I
+cannot agree with Wissowa and the majority of modern authorities.[223]
+
+We are struck, as we examine the list further, by the adjectival
+character of many of the names--Neptunus, Portunus, Quirinus, Saturnus,
+Volcanus, Volturnus: these are not proper names, but clearly express
+some character or function exercised by the power or _numen_ to whom the
+name is given. Saturnus is the most familiar example; the word suggests
+no personality, but rather a sphere of operations (whether we take the
+name as referring to sowing or to seed maturing in the soil) in which a
+certain _numen_ is helpful. Saturnus, Volcanus, Neptunus were indeed
+identified later on with Greek gods of a ripe polytheistic system, and
+have thus become quite familiar to us, far too familiar for a right
+understanding of early Roman ideas. We might naturally expect that the
+identification of Saturnus with Kronos, of Neptunus with Poseidon, would
+give us some clue to the original Roman conception of the _numen_ thus
+Graecised, but it is not so. Neptunus may have had some connection with
+water, rain, or springs, but we have no real proof of it, and it is
+impossible to say why Saturnus became Kronos.[224] The only certain
+result that we can win from the study of these adjectival titles is that
+they represent a transition between animism and polytheism, a transition
+exactly expressed by the one word _numen_.
+
+_Numen_ is so important a word in the Roman religion that it is
+necessary to be perfectly clear as to what was meant by it. It must be
+formed from _nuere_ as _flumen_ from _fluere_, with a sense of activity
+inherent in the verb. As _flumen_ is that which actively flows, so
+_numen_ is that which actively does whatever we understand by the word
+_nuere_; and so far as we can determine, that was a manifestation of
+will. _Adnuere_ is to consent, to give your good will to some act
+proposed or completed, and is often so used of Jupiter in the _Aeneid_.
+_Nuere_ should therefore express a simple exercise of will-power, and
+_numen_ is the being exercising it. In time it came to be used for the
+will of a god as distinct from himself, as in the fourth _Aeneid_
+(269)--
+
+  ipse deum tibi me claro demittit Olympo
+  regnator, caelum ac terras qui numine torquet.
+
+Or in the fourth _Eclogue_ (47)--
+
+  concordes stabili fatorum numine Parcae,
+
+where Servius explains it as "potestate, divinatione, ac maiestate." But
+beyond doubt this use is a product of the literary age, and the word
+originally indicated the being himself who exercised the will--a sense
+familiar to us in the opening lines of the _Aeneid_ ("quo numine laeso")
+and in innumerable other passages. Thus von Domaszewski in his collected
+papers (p. 157) is undoubtedly right in defining a _numen_ as a being
+with a will--"ein wollendes Wesen"; though his account of its evolution,
+and of the way in which in its turn it may produce a _deus_, may be open
+to criticism.
+
+The word thus suggests that the Roman divine beings were functional
+spirits with will-power, their functions being indicated by their
+adjectival names. Proper names they had not as a rule, but they are
+getting cult-titles under the influence of a priesthood, which titles
+may in time perhaps attain to something of the definiteness of
+substantival names. This indeed could hardly have been so in the mind of
+the ordinary Roman even at a later age; and it is quite possible that if
+an intelligent Greek traveller of the sixth century B.C. had given an
+account of the gods of Rome,[225] he would have said, as Strabo said of
+an Iberian people in the time of Augustus, that they were without gods,
+or worshipped gods without names. But the name, even as a cult-title, is
+of immense importance in the development of a spirit into a deity, and
+in most cases, at any rate at Rome, it was the work of officials, of a
+state priesthood, not of the people. To address a deity rightly was
+matter of no small difficulty: how were you to know how he would wish
+to be addressed? Servius tells us that the pontifices addressed even
+Jupiter himself thus: "Iupiter optime maxime, _sive quo alio nomine te
+appellari volueris_." On the other hand, in the same comment he tells us
+that "iure pontificio cautum est, ne suis nominibus di Romani
+appellarentur, ne exaugurari possent," _i.e._ lest they should be
+enticed away from the city by enemies. This last statement seems indeed
+to me to be a doubtful one,[226] but it will serve to illustrate the
+nervousness about divine names, of which there is no doubt whatever. We
+know for certain that those religious lawyers the pontifices were
+greatly occupied with the task of drawing up lists of names by which
+_numina_ should be invoked,--formularising the ritual of prayer, as we
+shall see in another lecture; and this must have become at one time
+almost a craze with them, to judge by the lists of Indigitamenta
+preserved in their books, to which Varro had access, and which were
+copied from him by St. Augustine.[227] But after all it needed the
+stimulus given by actual contact with a polytheistic system to turn a
+Roman numen into a full-fledged personal deity: the pontifices might
+carry the process some way, but they never could have completed it
+themselves without the help of the Greeks.
+
+One deity seems to stand alone in the list--Tellus or Terra Mater,
+Mother Earth.[228] We are coming directly to the great deity of the
+heaven, and we might naturally expect that an agricultural folk would be
+much concerned with her who is his counterpart among so many peoples.
+She does not give her name to any of the festivals of the calendar; but
+at one of them, the Fordicidia in April, at a time when the earth is
+teeming with mysterious power, and when the festivals are of a
+peculiarly agricultural character, she has her own special sacrifice--a
+pregnant cow, whose young are torn from her womb, burnt by the _Virgo
+vestalis maxima_, and their ashes used in certain mystic rites, _e.g._
+at the Parilia which followed on the 21st.[229] She seems to have had
+her function in human life as well; but about this we are much in the
+dark in spite of Dieterich's attempts to elucidate it in his _Mutter
+Erde_.[230] Whether she played a part at the birth of a child we cannot
+be sure; but at marriage there is little doubt that she was originally
+an object of worship, though in later days she gave way before Ceres and
+Juno.[231] And as at death the body was laid in her embrace, we are not
+surprised to find her prominent here also: she was the home of the dead
+whether buried or burnt, and of the whole mass of the Manes. We shall
+presently see how a Roman commander might devote himself and the whole
+army of the enemy to Tellus and the Manes; and it is interesting to find
+that a similar formula of _devotio_, of later date, combines Tellus with
+Jupiter, the speaker touching the ground when he mentions her name, and
+holding his hands upwards to heaven when he names the god.[232] Very
+curious, too, is the rite of the _porca praecidanea_, which in
+historical times was offered to Ceres as well as Tellus immediately
+before harvest; in case a man had wittingly or unwittingly omitted to
+pay the proper rites (_iusta facere_) to his own dead, it was his duty
+to make this offering, lest as a result of the neglect the earth-power
+should not yield him a good harvest.[233] Originally, we need hardly
+doubt, Tellus was alone concerned in this; but Ceres, who at all times
+represented rather the ripening and ripened corn than the seed in the
+bosom of the earth, gradually took her place beside her, and the idea
+gained ground that the offering was more immediately concerned with the
+harvest than with the Manes.[234] When Cato wrote his book on
+agriculture, he included in it the proper formula for this sacrifice,
+without any indication that Tellus or the Manes had any part in the
+business.[235] Tellus was not a deity whose life would be vigorous in a
+busy City-state destined gradually to lose its agricultural outlook;
+there the supply of grain, from whatever quarter it might come, was a
+far more important matter than the process of producing it, and it was
+natural that Ceres and her April festival should become more popular
+than Tellus and her Fordicidia, and that the Cerealia should eventually
+develop into _ludi_ of no less than eight days' duration. Yet Tellus
+survived in such forms as that of the _devotio_; and even under the
+Empire we find her as Terra on sepulchral monuments, _e.g._--
+
+  ereptam viro et matri mater me Terra recepit,
+
+or
+
+  terra mater rerum quod dedit ipsa teget.
+
+And there is a curious story, noticed by Wissowa and by Dieterich after
+him, that on the death of Tiberius the plebs shouted not only "Tiberius
+in Tiberim," but "Terram matrem deosque Manes," in order that his lot
+might be among the _impii_ beneath the earth.[236]
+
+So far we have met with nothing to suggest that the Roman idea of
+divinity had passed much beyond an advanced type of animism; we have
+found little or no trace of personal deities of a polytheistic cast.
+There is, however, a fact of importance now to be considered, which has
+some bearing upon this difficult subject. Some of the _numina_ of the
+calendar had special priests attached to their cults; _e.g._ among those
+I have already mentioned, Volcanus, Furrina, Portunus, and Volturnus, to
+which we may now add Pales, Flora, Carmenta, Pomona, and a wholly
+unknown deity, Falacer. These nine all had flamines, a word which is
+generally derived from _flare_, _i.e._ they were the kindlers of the
+sacrificial fire.[237] Sacrificing priests they undoubtedly always were,
+each limited to the sacrificial rites of a particular cult, unless
+authorised by religious law to undertake those of some other deity whose
+name he did not bear, and who was destitute, like Robigus, of a priest
+of his own.[238] We have no certain evidence that all these flamines
+were of high antiquity; but those attached to deities of the calendar
+were probably of earlier origin than that document, and as we have no
+record of the creation of a new flaminium in historical times until the
+era of Caesar-worship, it is fair to conclude that the others I have
+mentioned were not younger.
+
+Now what bearing has this fact on the question as to how the early
+Romans conceived the objects of their worship? There are, of course,
+so-called priests all the world over, even among the lowest fetishistic
+and animistic peoples, who exercise power over the various kinds of
+spirits by potent charms and spells; these should rather be called
+wizards, medicine-men, magicians, and so on.[239] But the flamines as we
+know them were not such; they were officials of a State, entrusted with
+the performance of definite ritualistic duties, more particularly with
+sacrifice, and therefore, as we may assume from universal Roman practice
+so far as we know it, also with prayer. If they did not actually slay
+the victims themselves--and in historical times this was done by an
+assistant--they superintended the whole process and were responsible for
+its correct performance.[240] Does the existence of such priests come
+into relation with the development of the idea of a _deus_ out of a
+numen or a spirit? What is the influence of the sacrificing priest on
+the divinity whom he serves? This last is a question to which it is not
+easy to find a ready answer; the history of priesthood, and of the moral
+and intellectual results of the institution, has yet to be written. Even
+Dr. Westermarck, in his recently published great work on the development
+of moral ideas, has little to say of it. It is greatly complicated by
+the undoubted fact that among many peoples, perhaps to some extent even
+among the Latins, the earliest real priests had a tendency to personate
+the deity themselves, to be considered as the deity, or in some sense
+divine.[241] But in regard to Roman priests we may, I think, go at least
+as far as this. When a spirit was named and localised as a friendly
+being at a particular spot within the walls of the city, which is made
+over to him, and where he has his _ara_; when the ritual performed at
+this spot is laid down in definite detail, and undertaken by an
+individual appointed for this purpose by the head of the community with
+solemn ceremony; then the spirit, hitherto but vaguely conceived, must
+in course of time become individualised. The priestly if not the popular
+conception of him is fixed; there is now no question who he is or how he
+should be called; "quis deus incertum est"[242] can no longer be said of
+him. Once provided with a flamen and an ordered cult of sacrifice and
+prayer, I conceive that he had now in him the possibility of turning
+into a _deus_ personally conceived, if he came by the chance.[243] A few
+did get the chance; others did not; Volcanus, for example, became a god
+after the model of the Greek Hephaestus, while Volturnus remained a
+numen and made no further progress, though he was doubtless ready to
+"take" the Graecising epidemic when it came. I do not say that he or any
+other numen was the better for the change. But I must not now pursue the
+story of this strange double fate of the old Roman deities; I have
+perhaps said enough to show that city life, with its priesthoods and its
+ordered ritual, had some appreciable effect on the deities who were
+admitted to it.
+
+Among these deities there were four of whom I have as yet said nothing
+at all, though they are the most famous of all the divine inhabitants of
+Rome. I have mentioned nine flamines; there were in all twelve, and
+besides these there was in historical times a priest known as the _rex
+sacrorum_, the republican successor to some of the religious functions
+of the civil king. This rex, and the three _flamines maiores_, so called
+in contra-distinction to the other nine, were specially attached to the
+cults of Janus, Jupiter (_Flamen Dialis_), Mars (_Flamen Martialis_),
+and Quirinus (_Flamen Quirinalis_). I have kept these deities apart from
+the others already mentioned, not only because their priests stand apart
+from the rest, but because they themselves seem from the first to have
+been more really gods (_dei_); Quirinus is the only one who has an
+adjectival name. Two of them, Jupiter and Mars, remained throughout
+Roman history of real importance to the State, and in Jupiter there were
+at least some germs of possible development into a deity capable of
+influencing conduct and enforcing morality. Of Janus this cannot
+possibly be said; and as he is historically the least important of the
+four, I will begin by saying a few words about him as a puzzle and a
+curiosity only.
+
+Janus, ever since he ceased to be an intelligible deity, has been the
+sport of speculators; and this happened long before the Roman religion
+came to an end. In the last century B.C. philosophic writers about the
+gods got hold of him, and Varro tells us that some made him out to be
+the heaven, others the universe (_mundus_).[244] Ovid amused himself
+with this uncertainty of the philosophers, and in the first book of his
+_Fasti_ "interviewed" the god, whose answers are unluckily of little
+value for us.[245] At various times and in different hands Janus has
+been pronounced a sun-god, a heaven-god, a year-god, a wind-god; and now
+a Cambridge school of speculators, to whose learning I am in many ways
+indebted, has claimed him as an oak-god, the mate of Diana, the Jupiter
+of aboriginal Latium, and so on.[246] We have fortunately long left
+behind us the age when it was thought necessary to resolve the Greek and
+Roman gods into personifications of natural phenomena, and to try to
+explain all their attributes on one principle; but my learned friends at
+Cambridge have of late been showing a tendency to return to methods not
+less dangerous; they hanker, for example, after etymological evidence,
+which in the case of deities is almost sure to be misleading unless it
+is absolutely certain, and supported by the history of the name. This is
+unluckily not the case with Janus; his etymology is matter of
+dispute,[247] and he is therefore open, and always will be so, to the
+inquirer who is hunting a scent, and more concerned to prove a point
+than to discover what the early Romans really thought about a god. In
+this lecture I am but humbly trying to do this last, and I may therefore
+leave etymology, with the mythology and philosophy of a later age, and
+confine myself to such facts of the cult of Janus as are quite
+undisputed. They will admit of being put together very shortly.
+
+The first and leading fact is that Janus was the first deity to be
+addressed in all prayers and invocations; of this we have abundant
+evidence, as also of the corresponding fact that Vesta came last.[248]
+Secondly, we know that he was the object of worship on the Kalends of
+January, and probably of every month, and that the sacrificing priest
+was in this case the _rex sacrorum_. Thirdly, we know that he had no
+temple until the year 260 B.C., but that he was associated with the
+famous gateway at the north-east end of the Forum--not a gate in the
+wall, but a symbolic entrance to the heart of the city, as the round
+temple of Vesta at the opposite end, with its eternal fire, was symbolic
+of the common life of the community. Fourthly, we know a few cult-titles
+of Janus, among them Clusius (or Clusivius), and Patulcius, in which the
+connection with gates is obvious; Junonius, which may have originated in
+the fact that Juno also was worshipped on the Kalends; Matutinus, which
+seems to be a late reference to the dawn as the opening or gate of the
+day, and Quirinus, which last is also almost certainly of late origin.
+Clusius and Patulcius are genuine old titles, if the text of the Salian
+hymn is rightly interpreted; so too is another, Curiatius, for it was
+used of the god only as residing in an ancient gateway near the Subura
+called the _tigillum sororium_.[249] These are all the most important
+facts we have to go upon; the double head of Janus on the earliest Roman
+_as_ is of uncertain origin, and Wissowa seems to have conclusively
+shown that this representation was not admitted to the gate called Janus
+Geminus until towards the close of the republican period.[250] The
+connection of the god with the fortress on the hill across the Tiber,
+which still bears his name, admits of no quite satisfactory explanation.
+
+Now if we recall the fact that the entrance to the house and the
+entrance to a city were points of great moment, and the cause of
+constant anxiety to the early Italian mind, we may naturally infer that
+they would be in the care of some particular numen, and that his
+worship would be in the care of the head of the family or community--in
+the case of the city, in the care of the _rex_, whose duties of this
+kind were afterwards taken over by the priest called _rex sacrorum_. The
+fact that the word for an entrance was _ianus_ confirms this conjecture;
+Janus was perhaps the spirit guarding the entrance to the real wall of
+the earliest city, but when the city was enlarged in the age from which
+the calendar dates, a symbolic gateway was set up where you entered the
+forum from the direction of Latium, answering to the symbolic hearth in
+the _aedes Vestae_, and this very naturally took the name of the deity
+associated with entrances. Two other _iani_ probably existed in the
+forum, and the name was later on transferred as a substantive to similar
+objects in Roman colonies, while a feminine form, _ianua_, came to be
+used for ordinary house entrances.[251] Whether there ever was a cult of
+the god at the real gateway of a city we do not know; there was none at
+the symbolic gateway of Rome, which was in no sense a temple. But the
+idea of entrance stuck to the old spirit of the doorway long after the
+reconstruction of the city, and the rex now sacrifices to him on the
+entrance-day of each month, and more particularly on the entrance-day of
+the month which bears his name and is the beginning of the natural year
+after the winter solstice. This is the best account to be had of the
+original Janus,[252] a deity, let it be remembered, of a simple
+agricultural and warlike people, without literature or philosophy. But
+it is not difficult to see how, when philosophy and literature did at
+last come in a second-hand form to this people, they might well have
+overlaid with cobwebs of story and speculation a deity for whom they had
+no longer any real use, who was best known to them by the mysterious
+double-head on the _as_ and the gateway, and for whom they could find no
+conclusive parallel among the gods of Greece.
+
+Next in order of invocation to Janus came Jupiter, and his priest, the
+Flamen Dialis, was likewise the second in rank, according to ancient
+rule, after the _rex sacrorum_. Unlike Janus, Jupiter (to use the
+spelling familiar in England) was at all times a great power for the
+Roman people, and one who could be all the more valued because he was
+intelligible. No one doubted then, and no one doubts now, that he was
+the god of the light and of heaven, _Diovis pater_, or rather perhaps
+the heaven itself[253] with all its manifestations of rain and thunder,
+of blessing and damage to the works of man; the common inheritance of
+the Italian peoples, dwelling and worshipped in their woods and on their
+hills; and, as we know now, also the common inheritance of all Aryan
+stocks, the "European Sky-god," as Mr. A. B. Cook has traced him with
+learning and ingenuity from the Euxine to Britain.[254]
+
+Jupiter must have had a long and important history in Latium before the
+era of the Roman City-state; Dr. Frazer has seen this, and set it forth
+in his lectures on the early history of the kingship, though basing his
+conclusions on evidence much of which will not bear a close
+examination.[255] The one substantial proof of it lies in the unique and
+truly extraordinary character of the taboos placed on his flamen, and to
+some extent on the flamen's wife, by the Roman _ius divinum_. Even if we
+suppose that some of these may have been later inventions of an
+ecclesiastical college like the pontifices (and this is hardly
+probable), many of them are obviously of remote antiquity, and can only
+have originated at a time when the magical power of the man responsible
+for the conduct of Jupiter was so precious that it had to be safeguarded
+in these many curious ways. I have already suggested that the scene of
+the early paramount importance of Jupiter and his flamen, in that age
+perhaps a king of some kind, was Alba Longa, which by universal
+tradition was the leading city of Latium before Rome rose to importance,
+and where the sky-god was worshipped on his holy mountain as the
+religious centre of Latium from the earliest times. I have also
+suggested that when the new warlike city on the Tiber took the place of
+Alba, the worship was transferred thither, but lost its strength in the
+process, and that the flamen was little more than a survival even in the
+most primitive period of what we may call for the moment Roman history.
+This can be accounted for by the fact that the traditions of primitive
+Rome were connected much more closely with Mars than with Jupiter. Not
+till Etruscan kings founded the great temple on the Capitol, which was
+to endure throughout all later ages of Roman dominion, did the sky-god
+become the supreme guardian deity of his people, under the titles of
+Optimus Maximus, the best and greatest of all her deities.
+
+But Jupiter was there; and we know certain facts of his cult which give
+us a pretty clear idea of what the Romans of the pre-Etruscan period
+thought about him. In the calendar all Ides belonged to him, were
+_feriae Iovis_;[256] he seems to be the source of light, whether of sun
+or moon, for neither of which the Romans had any special divinity; in
+the hymn of the Salii he is addressed as Lucetius, the giver or source
+of light. The festivals of the vintage belonged to him, since the
+production of wine specially needed the aid of sun and light, and his
+flamen was employed in the cult on these occasions.[257] When rain was
+sorely needed, the aid of the sky-god was sought under the cult-title
+Elicius, and as Fulgur or Summanus[258] he was the Power who sent the
+lightning by day and by night. The ideas thus reflected in the Roman
+cult were common to all Italian peoples of the same stock; everywhere we
+find him worshipped on the summits of hills, and in woods of oak, ilex,
+or beech,[259] where nothing but the trees he loved intervened between
+the heaven and the earth.
+
+His oldest cult at Rome was on the Capitoline hill, but at all times
+quite distinct from that which became so famous afterwards; he was known
+here as Feretrius, a cult-title of which the meaning is uncertain,[260]
+and here, so far as we can guess, there must have been an ancient oak
+regarded either as the dwelling of the numen or as the numen himself,
+upon which Romulus is said to have hung the _spolia opima_ taken from
+the king of the Caeninenses;[261] here we may see the earliest trace of
+the triumphal procession that was to be. Doubtless an _ara_ was here
+from the first, and then followed a tiny temple, only fifteen feet wide
+as Dionysius describes it from personal knowledge in the time of
+Augustus,[262] who restored it. There was no image of the god, but in
+the temple was kept a _silex_, probably a stone celt believed to have
+been a thunderbolt;[263] this stone the Fetiales took with them on their
+official journeys, and used it in the oath, _per Iovem lapidem_, with
+which they ratified their treaties. As the Romans thought of Jupiter,
+not as a personal deity living in the sky like Zeus, but rather as the
+heaven itself, so they could think of him as immanent in this stone,
+_Iuppiter lapis_. And the use of the flint in treaty-making suggests
+another aspect of the god, which he retained in one way or another
+throughout Roman history; it is his sanction that is called in to the
+aid of moral and legal obligations, resulting from treaties, oaths, and
+contracts such as that of marriage. As Dius Fidius he was invoked in the
+common Roman oath _medius fidius_; as Farreus (if this were an old
+cult-title) he gave his sanction to the solemn contract entered into in
+the ancient form of marriage by _confarreatio_, where his flamen had to
+be present, and where in all probability the cake of _far_ was eaten as
+a kind of sacrament by the parties to the covenant.[264] In much of this
+it is tempting to see, as we can see nowhere else in the Roman religion,
+faint traces of a feeling about the heaven-god brought from a remote
+pastoral life under the open sky, where neither forest nor mountain
+intervened to shelter man from the great Presence;[265] and it is also
+tempting to think that there was here, even for Latins who had learnt to
+worship Jupiter under the form of stocks and stones in the land of their
+final settlement, some chance of the development of a deity "making for
+righteousness."
+
+Third and fourth in the order of invocation came Mars and Quirinus, and
+the same order held good for their flamines. These two priests may have
+been subject to some of the taboos which restricted the Flamen
+Dialis;[266] they too, that is, may have been to some extent precious,
+and have been endowed in a lost period of history with magical powers;
+but if so, the memory and importance of such disabilities was rapidly
+forgotten in the City-state, and they were early allowed to fill civil
+offices, a privilege which the Dialis did not attain till the second
+century B.C.[267] Of the sacrificial duties of the Martialis we know
+nothing for certain, and can get no help from him as to the ideas of the
+early Romans about their great deity Mars.
+
+Mars is in some ways the most interesting of all the Roman deities; but
+except as the familiar war-god of Roman history he remains a somewhat
+doubtful conception. Like Jupiter and Janus he has attained to a real
+name; but of that name, which in various forms is still so often on our
+lips, no convincing account has ever been given. Comparative mythology
+used to be much occupied with him, and he has been compared with Indra,
+Apollo, Odin, and others. But as M. Reinach said, it is time to attend
+more closely to differences; and Mars seems to stand best by himself, as
+a genuine Italian religious conception. His name is found all over
+ancient Italy in various forms--Mavors, Mamers, Marmor, and as Cerfus
+Martius at Iguvium. His wild and warlike character, his association with
+the wolf and the spear, seem to suggest the struggle for existence that
+must have gone on among the tribes that pushed down into a peninsula of
+rugged mountain and dense forest, abounding with the wolves which are
+not yet wholly extinct there. Whether or no his antecedents are to be
+found in other lands, we shall not be far wrong in assuming that the
+Roman Mars was the product of life and experience in Italy, and Italy
+only.
+
+There is an excellent general account of him in Roscher's article in
+his _Lexicon_, which, like that on Janus, has the advantage of being the
+result of a second elaborate study, free from the enticements of the
+comparative method. What we know for certain about his cult at Rome in
+early times can be very briefly stated. First, we have the striking fact
+that he is conspicuous, together with the Lares, in the _carmen_ which
+has come down to us as sung by the Arval Brethren in their lustration of
+the cultivated land of the Roman city:[268] "Neve luerve Marmor sins
+incurrere in pleores, satur fu fere Mars!" One is naturally inclined to
+ask how this wild and warlike spirit can have anything to do with
+cultivation and crops. But there is no mistake; the connection is
+confirmed by the fact that he is also the chief object of invocation in
+the private _lustratio_ of the farm, which Cato has preserved for
+us.[269] In each case the victims are the same, the _suovetaurilia_ of
+ox, sheep, and pig, the farmer's most valuable property. Again, let us
+remember that the month which bears his name is that not only of the
+opening of the war season, but of the springing up of vegetation, and
+that the dances and singing of the Salii at this time may probably have
+been meant, like similar performances of savage peoples,[270] to
+frighten away evil demons from the precious cultivated land and its
+growing produce, and to call on the Power to wake to new life. The clue
+to the mystery is perhaps to be found in the cult-title Silvanus which
+we find in the prayer set down by Cato as proper for the protection of
+the cattle when they are on their summer pasture (_in silva_): "Marti
+Silvano in silva interdius in capita singula boum facito."[271] We know
+that wealth in early Italy consisted chiefly of sheep and cattle; we
+know that these were taken in the warm months, as they still are, into
+the forest (_saltus_) to feed;[272] and from this passage of Cato we
+know that Mars was there. It is only going one step farther if we
+conjecture that Mars, like Silvanus, who may have been an offshoot of
+his own being, was for the early settler never a peaceful inhabitant of
+the farm or the dwelling, but a spirit of the woodland of great
+importance for the cattle-owner, and of great importance, too, in all
+circumambulation of the boundaries which divided the woodland from the
+cultivated land.[273]
+
+But with conjecture I deal on principle but sparingly. It is time to
+turn to the Mars of the City-state of Rome; and it is at once
+interesting to find that until the age of Augustus, who introduced a new
+form of Mars-worship, he had no temple within the walls, and even
+outside only two _fana_, one an altar in his own field the Campus
+Martius, the other a temple dedicated in 388 B.C. outside the Porta
+Capena. "He was always worshipped outside the city," says Dr. J. B.
+Carter in his _Religion of Numa_, "as a god who must be kept at a
+distance." Should we not rather say that the god was unwilling to come
+within those sacred boundaries encircling the works of man? So stated,
+we may see in this singular fact a reminiscence of the time when Mars
+was really the wild spirit of the "outland," where wolves and human
+enemies might be met with; he was perhaps in some sense a _hostis_, a
+stranger, like the many other deities originally strange to Rome who,
+until the second Punic war, were never allowed to settle within the
+sacred precincts.[274] In one sense, however, Mars was actually resident
+in the very heart of the city. In a _sacrarium_ or chapel of the
+regia,[275] the ancient dwelling of the king, were kept the spears and
+shields which the Salii carried in their processions in March and
+October; and that the deity was believed to be there too must be
+inferred from the fact, if it be correctly stated by Servius, that the
+consul who was about to take the field entered the chapel and shook
+these spears and shields together, saying, "Mars vigila." I am, however,
+rather disposed to think that this practice belongs to a time when Mars
+was more distinctly recognised as a god of war, and when the weapons of
+the Salii were thought of rather as symbols of his activity than as
+objects in which he was immanent.[276]
+
+These are the salient facts in the oldest cult of Mars, and they are
+entirely in keeping with all we know of the early history and economy
+of the Roman people--a people economically dependent on agriculture, and
+especially on cattle-breeding, living in settlements in the midst of a
+wilder country, and constantly liable to the attacks of enemies who
+might raid their cattle and destroy their crops. I do not see in him
+only a deity of agriculture, or only a god of war; in my view he is a
+spirit of the wilder regions, where dwell the wolf and woodpecker which
+are connected with him in legend: a spirit who dwells on the outskirts
+of civilisation, and can with profit be propitiated both for help
+against the enemies beyond, and for the protection of the crops and
+cattle within, the boundaries of human activity.
+
+Fourth in invocations came Quirinus, and fourth in order of precedence
+was his flamen. But of Quirinus I need say little; there is, on the
+whole, a consensus of opinion that he was a form of Mars belonging to
+the community settled on the hill that still bears his name. The most
+convincing proof of his identity with Mars (though identity is doubtless
+too strong a word) lies in the well-known fact that there were twelve
+Salii Collini, _i.e._ belonging to the Collis Quirinalis, occupied with
+the cult of Quirinus, answering to the twelve Salii Palatini of the cult
+of Mars. "Quid de ancilibus vestris," Camillus says in Livy's glowing
+rhetoric, "Mars Gradive (the particular cult-title of the warlike Mars),
+tuque Quirine pater?"[277] Now the Quirinal was, of course, _within_ the
+walls, and the Romans who identified the two deities noted this point of
+contrast with the Mars-cult; for Servius writes, "Quirinus est Mars qui
+praeest paci et _intra civitatem_ colitur, nam belli Mars _extra
+civitatem_ templum habet." In keeping with this is the use of the word
+Quirites of the Romans in their civil capacity; but unluckily we are
+altogether uncertain as to the etymology and history of both Quirites
+and Quirinus.[278] And as Quirinus never became, like Mars, an important
+property of the Roman people, but was speedily obscured and only revived
+by the legend of late origin which identified him with Romulus, he is
+not of importance for my subject, and I may leave him to etymologists
+and speculators.
+
+There is one other deity of whom I might naturally be expected to say
+something; I mean Juno. But our familiarity with Juno in Roman
+literature must not be allowed to lead us into believing too rashly that
+she was one of those great _numina_ of the early Roman State with whom I
+have just been dealing. She had no special festival in the
+calendar;[279] her connection with the Kalends she shared, as we have
+seen, with Janus. She had no special priest of her own; for in spite of
+all assertions that the flaminica Dialis was attached to her cult, I am
+convinced that I was right some years ago in maintaining that this is an
+error, though a natural one.[280] It cannot be proved that she had any
+ancient temple in the city; for the oldest known to us as strictly
+indigenous, that of Juno Moneta on the arx, was not dedicated till 344
+_B.C._, and we do not know that there was an older altar on the same
+spot.[281] Assuredly Rome was not in early times a great centre of the
+Juno cult, as were some of the cities in her neighbourhood, _e.g._
+Lanuvium, Falerii, and Veii;[282] and the gradual establishment of her
+position as a truly Roman goddess may be explained by her appearance in
+the trias of deities in the Capitoline temple at the end of the regal
+period, and by the removal to Rome of Juno Regina of Veii still later,
+after the destruction of that city.
+
+What, then, was Juno originally to the Roman religious mind? There is no
+more difficult question than this in our whole subject; as we probe
+carefully in those dark ages she baffles us continually. Undoubtedly she
+was a woman's deity, and we may aptly say of her "varium et mutabile
+semper femina." The most singular fact we know about her cult is that
+women used to speak of their Juno as men spoke of their Genius;[283] and
+it is not by any means impossible that this may be the clue to the
+original Italian conception of her.[284] In that case we should have to
+explain her appearance as a well-defined goddess in so many Latin towns,
+as the anthropomorphising result of that penetration of Greek ideas
+into Latium from the south, of which I shall have something to say later
+on. Such ideas, when they reached Rome, may have produced the notion
+that she was the consort of Jupiter, for which I must confess that I can
+find no sufficient evidence in the early cult of either.[285] But I must
+here leave her, for in truth she does not belong to this lecture; and it
+would need at least one whole lecture to discuss her adequately in all
+her later aspects. The latest German discussion of her occupied sixty
+closely printed pages; and instructive as it was in some ways, arrived
+at the apparently impossible conclusion that she was a deity of the
+earth.
+
+Last in the order of invocation, even to the latest days of Rome, came
+Vesta, "the only female deity among the highest gods of the most ancient
+State,"[286] for Juno can hardly be reckoned among them, and Tellus had
+no special cult or priesthood of her own. We have already noticed Vesta
+as the religious centre of the house, making it into a _home_ in a sense
+almost more vivid than that in which we use the sacred word. Through all
+stages of development from house to city this religious centre must have
+been preserved, and in the Rome of historical times Vesta was still
+there, inherent in her sacred hearth-fire, which was tended by her six
+virgin priestesses, and renewed on the Roman New Year's day (March 1) by
+the primitive method of friction.[287] The Vestals beyond doubt
+represented the unmarried daughters of the primitive Latin family, and
+the _penus Vestae_, a kind of Holy of Holies of the Roman State,
+recalled the _penus_ or store-closet of the agricultural home; this
+_penus_ was cleansed on June 15 for the reception of the first fruits of
+the harvest, and then closed until June 7 of the following year.[288]
+These and other simple duties of the Vestals, all of them traceable to
+the old life on the farm, together with their own sex and maidenhood,
+preserved this beautiful cult throughout Roman history from all
+contamination. Vesta in her _aedes_, a round dwelling which was never a
+temple in the technical sense, was represented by no statue, and her
+title of Mater never suggested to the true Roman worshipper anything but
+her motherly grace and beneficence.[289] Far more than any other cult,
+that of Vesta represents the reality and continuity of Roman religious
+feeling; and the remains of her latest dwelling, and the statues of her
+priestesses with no statue of herself among them, may still give the
+visitor to the Forum some dim idea of the spirit of Roman worship.[290]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE VI
+
+    [219] Arnobius (v. 155) fortunately mentions that this
+    story came from the second book of Valerius Antias,
+    whose bad reputation is well known. It was plainly meant
+    to account for the cult-title of Jupiter Elicius, and
+    the origin of the _procuratio fulminis_, and was
+    invented by Greeks or Graecising Romans at a time (2nd
+    century B.C.) when all reverence for the gods had
+    vanished as completely as in Greece. Yet Dr. Frazer
+    writes of Numa as "an adept at bringing down lightning
+    from heaven" (_Early History of Kingship_, p. 204).
+
+    [220] On this subject, the evolution of the knowledge of
+    God, I may refer to Professor Gwatkin's _Gifford
+    Lectures_ of 1904-5, published by Messrs. T. & T. Clark,
+    Edinburgh.
+
+    [221] The meaning of _deus_ is well put by Mr. C. Bailey
+    in his sketch of _Roman Religion_ (Constable & Co.), p.
+    12.
+
+    [222] Guesses can be made about these, but little or
+    nothing is to be learnt from them to help us in this
+    lecture.
+
+    [223] I adhere to what was said in _R.F._ p.
+    312 foll. We do not know, and probably never shall know,
+    the original deity concerned in that festival. The
+    ritual is wholly unlike that of the _rustica Faunalia_
+    (_R.F._ p. 256 foll.). I believe that it dates from a
+    time anterior to the formation of real gods--possibly
+    from an aboriginal people who did not know any. (I am
+    glad to see this view taken in the latest summary of
+    German learning on this subject, _Einleitung in die
+    Altertumswissenschaft_, by Gaercke and Norden, vol. ii.
+    p. 262.) At the moment of printing an interesting
+    discussion of the Lupercalia, by Prof. Deubner, who
+    treats it as a historical growth, in which are embodied
+    ideas and rites of successive ages, has appeared in
+    _Archiv_ (1910, p. 481 foll.). See Appendix B.
+
+    [224] Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 170 and 250 foll.
+
+    [225] Strabo, p. 164. Cp. Usener, _Goetternamen_, p. 277,
+    whose comment is, "Die Goetter aller dieser Staemme waren
+    'namenlos,' weil sie nicht mit Eigennamen sondern durch
+    Eigenschaftsworte benannt wurden. Fuer einen
+    griechischen Reisenden vorchristlicher Zeit waren sie
+    nicht fassbar." Arnobius iii. 43, Gellius ii. 28. 2 are
+    good passages for the principle. The latter alludes to
+    the anxiety of _veteres Romani_ on this point, "ne alium
+    pro alio nominando falsa religione populum alligarent."
+    Hence the formulae "si deus si dea," or "sive quo alio
+    nomine fas est nominare," Serv. _Aen._ ii. 351;
+    "quisquis es," _Aen._ iv. 576. See also Farnell,
+    _Evolution of Religion_, 184 foll.; Dieterich, _Eine
+    Mithrasliturgie_, p. 110 foll.
+
+    [226] Serv. _Aen._ ii. 351. I am inclined to think it is
+    only an inference from the want of substantival names in
+    so many Roman deities; surely, it would be argued, the
+    pontifices must have had some reason for this. It is
+    contradicted by the fact that in such ancient formulae
+    as that of the _devotio_ (Livy viii. 9) the great gods
+    are called by their own names, though the army was in
+    the field and in presence of the enemy. There was,
+    however, an old idea that the name of the special
+    tutelary god of the city was never divulged, lest he
+    should become _captivus_, and that the true name of the
+    city itself was unknown; see Macrob. iii. 9. 2 foll. I
+    believe that these ideas were encouraged by the
+    pontifices, but were not founded on fact.
+
+    [227] For the Indigitamenta see below, p. 159; _R.F._ p.
+    341; R. Peter's able article in _Myth. Lex._, _s.v._
+    Scholars do not seem to me to have reckoned sufficiently
+    with the tendency of a legal priesthood, devoted to the
+    strict maintenance of religious minutiae, to elaborate
+    and organise the material for god-making which was
+    within their reach. To judge by the elaboration of the
+    ritual at Iguvium, the same tendency must have existed
+    in other kindred Italian communities, both to develop
+    ritualistic priesthoods, and through them to elaborate
+    the ritual. This is, I think, the weak point of Usener's
+    reasoning in his _Goetternamen_, and as applied to Roman
+    deities it is the weak point of an interesting article
+    by von Domaszewski, reprinted in his _Abhandlungen zur
+    roem. Religion_, p. 155 foll.
+
+    [228] The best account of Tellus is in Wissowa, _R.K._
+    p. 159 foll.
+
+    [229] _R.F._ p. 71; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 631 foll. This
+    was a festival of the populus as a whole, and also of
+    each Curia, like the Fornicalia in February. Both were
+    clearly agricultural in origin, though the Curia as we
+    know it was probably an institution of the city. I must
+    own that I am quite uncertain as to what the thing was
+    which was originally meant by the word Curia; my friend
+    Dr. J. B. Carter may have something to say on the
+    subject in his book on the Roman religion in the Jastrow
+    series.
+
+    [230] Dieterich, _Mutter Erde_, pp. 11 and 73 foll.
+
+    [231] Virg. _Aen._ iv. 166, "prima et Tellus et pronuba
+    Iuno Dant signum"; commenting on which Servius wrote,
+    "quidam sane etiam Tellurem praeesse nuptiis tradunt;
+    nam et in auspiciis nuptiarum invocatur: cui etiam
+    virgines, vel cum ire ad domum mariti coeperint, vel iam
+    ibi positae, diversis nominibus vel ritu sacrificant."
+    There is little doubt that Tellus is frequently
+    concealed under the names of Ceres, Dea Dia, etc. For
+    Ceres and Juno in marriage rites, see Marquardt,
+    _Privatleben_, p. 49.
+
+    [232] See below, p. 206 foll.; Macrob. iii. 9. 11;
+    Deubner in _Archiv_, 1905, p. 66 foll.
+
+    [233] See De Marchi, _La Religione_, _etc._, i. p. 188
+    and reff. (The reference to Gellius should be iv. 6. 7,
+    not iv. 67.) Like some other operations of the Roman
+    religion, this became a form, and was used as a kind of
+    insurance, whether or no there had been any omission;
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 160.
+
+    [234] That Ceres represented the _fructus_ is shown by
+    the fact that in the XII. Tables the man who raided a
+    field of standing corn at night was made _sacer_ to her;
+    Pliny, _N.H._ xviii. 12.
+
+    [235] Cato, _R.R._ 134. De Marchi, _op. cit._ p. 135.
+    Janus, Jupiter, and Juno are concerned in this rite,
+    Ceres coming last. Varro has preserved the part of
+    Tellus for us: "quod humatus non sit, heredi porca
+    praecidanea suscipienda Telluri et Cereri, aliter
+    familia non pura est" (_ap. Nonium_, p. 163).
+
+    [236] The verses are quoted by Dieterich, _Mutter Erde_,
+    p. 75, among others from Buecheler's _Anthology of Roman
+    Epitaphs_, Nos. 1544 and 1476. The story is told in
+    Suetonius' _Life of Tib._ c. 75, and again of Gallienus
+    by Aurelius Victor (_Caes._ c. 33).
+
+    [237] Marquardt, p. 326, who notes that the Romans
+    themselves derived the word from _filum_, a fillet;
+    _e.g._ Varro, _L.L._ v. 84, "quod in Latio capite velato
+    erant semper, ac caput cinctum habebant _filo_." Modern
+    etymologists equate the word with _Brahman_.
+
+    [238] Thus the Flamen Quirinalis sacrificed at the
+    Robigalia, _R.F._ p. 89, and with the Pontifices and
+    Vestals took part in the Consualia, Marq. 335.
+
+    [239] We may note here that the most general Latin name
+    for a priest was _sacerdos_, which seems to have
+    excluded all magic, etc.; it means an office sanctioned
+    by the State. On the general question of the origin of
+    priesthood see Jevons, _Introduction_, _etc._, ch. xx.,
+    with whose explanations, however, I cannot entirely
+    agree. I should prefer to keep the word priest for an
+    official who sacrifices and prays to his god. In this
+    view I am at one with E. Meyer, _Geschichte des
+    Altertums_, i.^2 p. 121 foll. God and priest go together
+    as permanent, regular in function, and entrusted by a
+    community with certain duties.
+
+    [240] Marquardt, p. 180; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 427. The
+    popa or victimarius is seen in many artistic
+    representations of sacrifice, _e.g._ Schreiber, _Atlas
+    of Classical Antiquities_, plate xvii. figs. 1 and 3.
+
+    [241] Jevons, ch. xx.; Frazer, _G.B._ i. 245 foll., and
+    _Lectures on Early History of Kingship_, Lectures ii.
+    and v.
+
+    [242] Virg. _Aen._ viii. 352.
+
+    [243] In a valuable paper in his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_ (p. 284) Wissowa says that "personal
+    conception of deity is absolutely strange to the old
+    Roman religion of the _di indigetes_." I believe this to
+    be essentially true; but my point is that localisation
+    and ritual prepared the way for the reception of Greek
+    ideas of personality. The process had already begun in
+    the religion of the house; but it was not likely there
+    to come in contact with foreign germs. When Janus and
+    Vesta, who were in every house (Wissowa, p. 285), were
+    localised in certain points in a city, they would be far
+    more likely to acquire personality, if such an idea came
+    in their way, than in the worship of the family.
+
+    [244] Aug. _Civ. Dei_, vii. 28, "quem alii caelum, alii
+    dixerunt esse mundum." Dr. Frazer, citing this passage
+    (_Kingship_, p. 286) in support of his view that Janus
+    was a duplicate of Jupiter, has omitted to notice that
+    some theorisers fancied he was the _universe_, which by
+    itself is enough to betray the delusive nature of this
+    kind of theological speculation. Varro elsewhere gives
+    us a clue to the liability of Janus to be exalted in
+    this unnatural fashion, _L.L._ vii. 27, "divum deo" (in
+    the Salian hymn), if this be taken as referring to
+    Janus, as it may be, comparing Macrob. i. 9. 14. But
+    this is easily explained by the position of Janus in
+    prayers; cp. Cic. _Nat. Deor._ ii. 27. 67, "cum in
+    omnibus rebus vim haberent maximam prima et extrema,
+    principem in sacrificando Ianum esse voluerunt." The
+    phrase "Deorum" or "Divum deus" is indeed remarkable,
+    and unparalleled in Roman worship; but no one acquainted
+    with Roman or Italian ritual will for a moment suspect
+    it of meaning "God of gods" in either a Christian or
+    metaphysical sense. I shall have occasion to notice the
+    peculiar use of the genitive case and of genitival
+    adjectives in worship later on. See below, p. 153 foll.
+
+    [245] _Fasti_, i. 89 foll.; _R.F._ p. 281 foll.
+
+    [246] Frazer, _l.c._ (a page of which every line appears
+    to me to be written under a complete misapprehension of
+    the right methods of research into the nature of Roman
+    gods); A. B. Cook, _Classical Review_, vol. xviii. 367
+    foll.; Professor Ridgeway, _Who were the Romans?_ p. 12,
+    where, among other remarkable statements, Janus is
+    confidently said to have been introduced at Rome by the
+    Sabine Numa, and therefore to have been a Sabine deity,
+    an assumption quite irreconcilable with those of Dr.
+    Frazer and Mr. Cook. In striking contrast with such
+    speculations is a sensible paper on Janus in M.
+    Toutain's _Etudes de mythologie et d'histoire_, p. 195
+    foll. (Paris, 1909).
+
+    [247] Dr. Frazer is aware of this; see his _Kingship_,
+    p. 285, note 1. See also Roscher in _Myth. Lex._, _s.v._
+    "Janus," p. 45 foll.
+
+    [248] For the evidence for this and the following facts,
+    see Roscher's article just cited, or Wissowa, _R.K._ p.
+    91 foll.; cp. _R.F._ p. 280 foll. The cult epithets of
+    Janus are thus explained by von Domaszewski,
+    _Abhandlungen_, p. 223, note 1, "Bei Ianus tritt
+    regelmaessig der Begriff des Wesens hinzu, dessen Wirkung
+    er von Anfang an bestimmt, so I. Consevius der Anfang
+    der in Consus wirkenden Kraft, und in derselbe Weise I.
+    Iunonius, Matutinus," etc. This is reasonable, but it
+    does not suit with I. Patulcius-Clusius, and I cannot
+    accept it with confidence at present.
+
+    [249] Roscher, _op. cit._ p. 34.
+
+    [250] Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 284 foll.
+
+    [251] Festus, p. 185.
+
+    [252] It is due to the good sense and learning of Dr.
+    Roscher; he had previously, when working on the old
+    methods, tried to prove that Janus was a "wind-god"
+    (_Hermes der Windgott_, Leipzig, 1878); but a more
+    searching inquiry into the Roman evidence, when the
+    prepossessions had left him which the comparative method
+    is so likely to produce, brought him to the view I have
+    explained in outline, which has been adopted in the main
+    by Wissowa, Aust, and J. B. Carter, as well as by myself
+    in _R.F._ The last word about so puzzling a deity can of
+    course never be said; but if we indulge in speculations
+    about him we must use the Roman evidence with adequate
+    knowledge of the criticism it needs.
+
+    [253] This difference between Zeus and Jupiter has been
+    pointed out by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 100; Jupiter stands
+    for the heaven even in classical Latin literature, as we
+    all know.
+
+    [254] See his papers in the _Classical Review_, vol.
+    xvii. 270 and xviii. 365 foll., and in _Folklore_, vol.
+    xv. 301; xvi. 260 foll.
+
+    [255] _Kingship_, p. 196 foll.
+
+    [256] Macrobius i. 15. 14. In historical times a white
+    victim, _ovis idulis_, was taken to the Capitol by the
+    _via sacra_ in procession (Ov. _Fasti_, i. 56. 588).
+    Festus says that some derived the term _via sacra_ from
+    this procession (p. 290); and to this Horace may be
+    alluding in _Ode_ iii. 30. 8, "dum Capitolium Scandet
+    cum tacita virgine pontifex."
+
+    [257] _R.F._ pp. 86, 204.
+
+    [258] _R.F._ p. 160.
+
+    [259] No doubt Jupiter was specially connected with the
+    oak, as Mr. Cook has shown with great learning in the
+    paper cited above, note 36; but at Rome he had an
+    ancient shrine among beeches, and was known as I.
+    Fagutalis: Varro, _L.L._ v. 152; Paulus 87. For I.
+    Viminalis, see _R.F._ p. 229.
+
+    [260] See Aust's article "Jupiter" in _Myth. Lex._ p.
+    673.
+
+    [261] Aust gives a cut of a coin of the consul Claudius
+    Marcellus (223 B.C.) dedicating _spolia opima_ in this
+    little temple, according to the ancient fashion,
+    supposed to be initiated by Romulus, Livy i. 10.
+
+    [262] Dionys. Hal. ii. 34.
+
+    [263] _R.F._ p. 230.
+
+    [264] See De Marchi's careful investigation, _La
+    Religione_, _etc._, i. p. 156 foll.; Gaius i. 112. The
+    cult-title should indicate that the god was believed to
+    be immanent in the cake of _far_, rather than that it
+    was offered to him (so I should also take I. Dapalis,
+    though in later times the idea had passed into that of
+    sacrifice, Cato, _R.R._ 132), and if so, the use of the
+    cake was sacramental; cp. the rite at the Latin
+    festival, _R.F._ p. 96.
+
+    [265] There are distinct traces of a practice of taking
+    oaths in the open air, _i.e._ under the sky; of Dius
+    Fidius, unquestionably a form of Jupiter, Varro says
+    (_L.L._ v. 66), "quidam negant sub tecto per hunc
+    deiurare oportere." Cp. Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 28;
+    _R.F._ p. 138. For the conception of a single great
+    deity as primitive, see Lang, _The Making of Religion_,
+    ch. xii.; Flinders Petrie, _Religion of Egypt_ (in
+    Constable's shilling series), ch. i.; Ross, _The
+    Original Religion of China_, p. 128 foll.; Warneck, _Die
+    Lebenskraefte des Evangeliums_, p. 20 (of the Indian
+    Archipelago). The last reference I owe to Professor
+    Paterson, of Edinburgh University.
+
+    [266] Serv. _Aen._ viii. 552, "more enim veteri sacrorum
+    neque Martialis flamen neque Quirinalis omnibus
+    caerimoniis tenebantur quibus flamen Dialis, neque
+    diurnis sacrificiis distinebatur." It is, however,
+    possible that under the word _caerimonia_ Servius is not
+    here including taboos, but active duties only.
+
+    [267] See my paper, "The Strange History of a Flamen
+    Dialis," in _Classical Review_, vol. vii. p. 193.
+
+    [268] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 26.
+
+    [269] Cato, _R.R._ 141; Henzen, _op. cit._ p. 48.
+
+    [270] Frazer, _G.B._ iii. 123, note 3; _R.F._ p. 40, for
+    further examples. It may be worth while to point out
+    here that the coupling of all farm animals except goats
+    took place in spring or early summer; Varro, _R.R._ ii.
+    2 foll. Isidorus (_Orig._ v. 33), who embodies Varro and
+    Verrius to some extent, derived the name Mars from
+    _mares_, because in the month of March "cuncta animalia
+    ad mares aguntur."
+
+    [271] I prefer, with De Marchi, to take Silvanus here as
+    a cult-title, though we do not meet with it elsewhere;
+    see _La Religione_, _etc._, p. 130 note; but Wissowa,
+    who has a prejudice against the view that Mars was
+    connected with agriculture, insists on taking Marti
+    Silvano as a case of asyndeton, _i.e._ as two deities.
+
+    [272] See, _e.g._, Varro, _L.L._ v. 36, "quos agros non
+    colebant propter silvas aut id genus, ubi pecus possit
+    pasci, et possidebant, ab usu salvo saltus nominarunt."
+
+    [273] Cato, _R.R._ 141. Mars is there invoked as able to
+    keep off (_averruncare_) evil influences and to make the
+    crops grow, etc.; he has become in the second century
+    B.C. a powerful deity in the actual processes of
+    husbandry, just as he became in the city a powerful
+    deity of war. But as he was not localised either on the
+    farm or in the city, I prefer to think that he was
+    originally conceived as a Power outside the boundary in
+    each case, but for that very reason all the more to be
+    propitiated by the settlers within it.
+
+    [274] See below, p. 235.
+
+    [275] So Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 131. Cp. _R.F._ p. 39, note
+    4. Deubner in _Archiv_, 1905, p. 75.
+
+    [276] Servius, commenting on line 3 of _Aen._ viii.
+    (_utque impulit arma_) writes: "nam is qui belli
+    susceperat curam, sacrarium Martis ingressus, primo
+    ancilia commovebat, post hastam simulacri ipsius,
+    dicens, Mars vigila." The mention of a statue shows that
+    this account belongs to a late period. But Varro seems
+    to have stated that there was originally only a spear;
+    see a passage of Clement of Alexandria in the fragments
+    of the _Ant. rer. div._, Agahd, p. 210, to which Deubner
+    (_l.c._) adds Arnobius vi. 11. Deubner calls this spear
+    a fetish, which is not the right word if the deity were
+    immanent in it in the sense suggested by "Mars vigila."
+    See above, p. 116. If Servius correctly reports the
+    practice, it must be compared with the clashing of
+    shields and spears by the Salii, which may thus have had
+    a positive as well as negative object.
+
+    [277] Livy v. 52.
+
+    [278] Mr. A. B. Cook (_Classical Review_, 1904, p. 368)
+    has tried to connect both names with the Greek word
+    [Greek: prinos], and Professor Conway, quoted by him, is
+    inclined to lend the weight of his great authority to
+    the conjecture. Thus Quirinus would be an oak-god, and
+    Quirites oak-spearmen. We must, however, remember that
+    Mr. Cook is, so to speak, on an oak scent, and his
+    keenness as a hunter leads him sometimes astray. One is
+    a little perplexed to understand why Jupiter, Janus,
+    Mars, and Quirinus should all be oak-gods (and all in
+    origin identical as such!). On the other hand, it is
+    fair to note that the original spear was probably of
+    wood, with the point hardened in the fire, like the
+    _hasta praeusta_ of the Fetiales: Festus, p. 101. If
+    _quiris_ has really anything to do with oaks, it would
+    be more natural to explain the two words as springing
+    from an old place-name, Quirium, as Niebuhr did long
+    ago, and to derive that again from the oaks among which
+    it may have stood. But I am content to take _quiris_ as
+    simply a spear, as Buecheler did; see Deubner, _op.
+    cit._ p. 76. Since the above was written, the article
+    "Quirinus" by Wissowa in the _Myth. Lex._ has appeared.
+    Naturally it does not add anything to our knowledge; but
+    Wissowa holds to the opinion that the most probable
+    derivation of the name Quirinus is from Quirium,
+    possibly the name of the settlement on the Quirinal; and
+    compares _Q. pater_ (_e.g._ Livy v. 52. 7) with the
+    _Reatinus pater_ of _C.I.L._ ix. 4676.
+
+    [279] The Nonae Caprotinae (July 7), the day when women
+    sacrificed to Juno Caprotina under a wild fig-tree in
+    the Campus Martius, is not known to us except from
+    Varro. See _R.F._ p. 178, where (note 8) is a suggestion
+    that the festival had to do with the _caprificatio_, or
+    method of ripening the figs, which Dr. Frazer has
+    expanded in his _Lectures on Kingship_, p. 270,
+    believing the process to be that of fertilisation.
+
+    [280] _Classical Review_, vol. ix. p. 474 foll. The same
+    view has recently been taken independently by W. Otto in
+    _Philologus_, 1905, pp. 215 foll., 221. It is perfectly
+    clear that the monthly sacrifice to Juno was the duty of
+    the wife of the _rex sacrorum_; a pontifex minor is also
+    mentioned (Macrob. i. 15. 19).
+
+    [281] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 116.
+
+    [282] _Ib._ p. 114.
+
+    [283] See Ihm's article "Iunones" in _Myth. Lex._ vol.
+    ii. 615; Pliny, _N.H._ ii. 16.
+
+    [284] Dr. J. B. Carter tells me that he has abandoned
+    this explanation of the evolution of Juno. On the other
+    hand, von Domaszewski seems in some measure to accept it
+    (_Abhandlungen_, p. 169 foll.), when he says that
+    "similar functions, when exercised by different
+    _numina_, can eventually produce a god. _Auf diese Weise
+    ist Iuno geworden._" He means that the creative power is
+    called Juno in a woman, or in a people (Iuno Populonia),
+    or in the curiae (Iuno Curitis), and that an independent
+    deity, Juno _par excellence_, emerges from all these.
+    But so far I cannot follow him.
+
+    [285] There is no real evidence from purely Roman
+    sources of this fancied conjugal or other relation, if
+    we exclude that of the alleged cult of Juno by the
+    Flaminica Dialis. This has been well seen and expressed
+    by W. Otto, _l.c._ p. 215 foll.; see also _Classical
+    Review_ as quoted above. As we shall see in the next
+    lecture, Dr. Frazer is much concerned to show that
+    Jupiter and Juno are actually a married pair, and
+    consequently he will have nothing to do with my opinion
+    on this point: _Early History of Kingship_, p. 214
+    foll., and _Adonis_, _Attis,_ _Osiris_, ed. 2, p. 410,
+    note 1.
+
+    [286] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 141.
+
+    [287] Festus, p. 106; Macrob. i. 12. 6.
+
+    [288] I have discussed the Vestalia and the nature of
+    Vesta and her cult in _R.F._ p. 145 foll. See also
+    Marquardt, p. 336 foll., and Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 141
+    foll.
+
+    [289] Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 296, says that he had been
+    stupid enough to believe that there was a statue in the
+    _aedes Vestae_, but found out his mistake:--
+
+      esse diu stultus Vestae simulacra putavi;
+         mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo.
+
+    The passage is interesting as showing how natural it was
+    for a Roman of the Graeco-Roman period to suppose that
+    his deities must be capable of taking iconic form. For
+    anthropomorphic representations of Vesta in other places
+    and at Pompeii, see Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_,
+    p. 67 foll.
+
+    [290] See Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Ancient
+    Rome_, p. 223 foll. The statues of the _virgines
+    vestales maximae_, discovered in the Atrium Vestae, all
+    belong to the period of the Empire. They are now in the
+    museum of the Baths of Diocletian.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE VII
+
+THE DEITIES OF THE EARLIEST RELIGION: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS
+
+
+In the last lecture we interrogated the calendar as to the deities whose
+festivals are recorded in it, with the aid of what we know of the most
+ancient priesthoods attached to particular cults. The result may be
+stated thus: we found a number of impersonal _numina_, with names of
+adjectival form, such as Saturnus, Vertumnus, and so on; others with
+substantival names, Tellus, Robigus, Terminus; the former apparently
+functional deities, concerned in the operations of nature or man, and
+the latter spirits immanent in objects--Mother Earth herself, a stone,
+the mildew, or (like Janus and Vesta) the entrance and the hearth-fire
+of human dwellings or cities. Lastly, we found from the evidence,
+chiefly of the priesthoods, that certain more important divinities stand
+out from the crowd of spirits, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and
+Vesta; and we found some reason to think that these, and possibly a few
+of the others, by becoming the objects of priestly _cura_ and
+_caerimonia_ at particular spots in the city, were not unlikely to
+become also in some sense personal deities, to acquire a quasi-human
+personality, if they came by the chance. In the present lecture I must
+go rather more closely into such evidence as we possess bearing on the
+mental conception which these early Romans had formed of the divine
+beings whom they had admitted within their city.
+
+And, first, we must be quite clear that in those early ages there was
+nothing in Rome which we can call a temple, as we understand the word;
+nor was there any such representation of a deity as we can call an image
+or _eidolon_. The deities were settled in particular spots of ground,
+which were made _loca sacra_, _i.e._ handed over to the deity by the
+process of _consecratio_ authorised by the _ius divinum_.[291] It was
+matter of no moment what might be erected on this bit of ground; there
+might be a rude house like that of Vesta, round in shape like the oldest
+Italian huts; there might be a gateway like that of Janus; or the spot
+might be a grove, or a clearing within it (_lucus_), as in the case of
+Robigus or the Dea Dia of the Arval Brethren. All such places might be
+called by the general name _fanum_; and as a rule no doubt each _fanum_
+contained a _sacellum_, _i.e._ a small enclosure without a roof,
+containing a little altar (_ara_). These "altars" may at first have been
+nothing more than temporary erections of turf and sods; permanent stone
+altars were probably a later development. Servius tells us that in later
+times it was the custom to place a sod (_caespes_) on the top of such a
+stone altar, which must be one of the many survivals in cult of the
+usages of a simpler age.[292]
+
+With such spots as these we cannot associate anything in the nature of
+an image of the deity established there; and we have every reason to
+believe that no such thing was known at Rome until the Etruscan temple
+of the Capitoline trias was built near the end of the regal period.
+Varro expressly declared that the Romans remained for more than 170
+years without any images of their gods, and added that those who first
+introduced such images "civitatibus suis et metum dempsisse et errorem
+addidisse."[293] What he had in his mind is clear; he had indeed no
+direct knowledge of those early times, but he is thinking of a definite
+traditional date in the kingly period--the last year of the reign of
+Tarquinius Priscus, who, according to Varro's own account, built the
+temple on the Capitol and placed in it a statue of Jupiter.[294] That
+was the oldest image of which he knew anything; and, as Wissowa has
+remarked, his belief is entirely corroborated by the fact that in every
+single case in which the image of a god has any part in his cult, it is
+always either this Capitoline Jupiter or some deity of later
+introduction and non-Roman origin. It is also borne out by another
+significant and interesting fact--that the next image to be introduced,
+that of Diana in the temple on the Aventine, was a copy of the [Greek:
+xoanon] of Artemis at Massilia, itself a copy of the famous one at
+Ephesus.[295] Let us note that these two earliest statues were placed in
+roofed temples which were the dwelling-places of gods in an entirely new
+sense; so far no Roman deity of the city had been so housed, because he
+could not be thought of in terms of human life, as visible in human form
+and needing shelter. But this later and foreign notion of divinity so
+completely took possession of the minds of the Romans of the
+cosmopolitan city that Varro is the only writer who has preserved the
+tradition of the older way of thinking. In the religion of the family
+Ovid indeed has charmingly expressed it, perhaps on the authority of
+some lost passage of Varro[296]:--
+
+  ante focos olim scamnis considere longis
+    mos erat, et mensae credere adesse deos.
+
+Tibullus in one passage has mentioned what seems to be some rude attempt
+to give outward shape and form to an ancient pastoral deity[297]:--
+
+  lacte madens illic suberat Pan ilicis umbrae
+    et facta agresti lignea falce Pales.
+
+And Propertius hints at a like representation of Vertumnus, the garden
+deity. But without some corroborative evidence it is hardly safe to take
+these as genuine examples of early iconic worship.
+
+Thus we may take it as certain that even the greater deities of the
+calendar, Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, and Vesta, were not thought of
+as existing in any sense in human form, nor as personal beings having
+any human characteristics. The early Romans were destitute of
+mythological fancy, and as they had never had their deities presented to
+them in visible form, could hardly have invented such stories about
+them as sprang up in a most abundant crop when Greek literature and
+Greek art had changed their mental view of divinity. Roman legends were
+occupied with practical matters, with kings and the foundation of
+cities; and even among these it is hardly possible to detect those which
+may be really Roman, for they are hidden away, like rude ancient
+frescoes, under the elaborate decorations of the Greek artists, who
+seized upon everything that came to hand, including the old deities
+themselves, to amuse themselves and win the admiration of their dull
+pupils at Rome. He who would appreciate the difficulty of getting at the
+original rude drawings must be well acquainted with the decorative
+activity of the Alexandrian age.
+
+Thus we might well presume _a priori_ that the old Roman gods were not
+conceived as married pairs, nor as having children; and this is indeed
+the conclusion at which we have arrived after half a century or more of
+most careful and conscientious investigation by a series of German
+scholars. But quite recently in this country the contrary view has been
+put forward by an author of no less weight than Dr. Frazer; and another
+eminent Cambridge scholar, Mr. A. B. Cook, evidently inclines to the
+same view. I should in any case be reluctant to engage in controversy
+with two valued personal friends; but it is just possible that in what
+follows I may be able to throw some faint light on the evolution of the
+idea of marriage among divine beings; and on the strength of this I am
+content for the moment to be controversial. Dr. Frazer's arguments, with
+strictures on my opinions, will be found in an appendix to his book on
+_Adonis,_ _Attis_, _Osiris_, 2nd edition.
+
+In pure animism the spirits are nameless; when their residence and
+functions are more clearly recognised they acquire names, and these
+names are naturally masculine or feminine among peoples whose language
+is not genderless, as was the case with the Sumerians of
+Babylonia.[298] This would seem to be the first step on the path to a
+personal conception of divinity. But there are signs that the Romans had
+not got very far on this path when we begin to know anything about their
+religion. I have already alluded to the formula "Sive deus sive dea,"
+which occurs in the ritual of the Fratres Arvales, in the formula given
+by Cato for making a new clearing, and elsewhere;[299] and indeed there
+seems to have been always some uncertainty about the sex of one or two
+well-known deities, such as Pales and Pomonus or Pomona.[300] It is not,
+therefore, _a priori_ probable that the process of personalisation (if I
+may coin the word) should have proceeded, at the period we are treating
+of, so far as to ascribe to these named deities of both sexes the
+characteristics of human beings in social life and intercourse. Yet
+Varro, as Dr. Frazer points out, is quoted by St. Augustine as saying
+that his ancestors (that is, as Augustine adds), "veteres Romanos,"
+believed in the marriage of gods and in their procreative power.[301] If
+Varro wrote "maiores meos," as he seems to have done, of whom was he
+really thinking? Was Augustine's comment based on the rest of Varro's
+text, or was he jumping to a conclusion which would naturally serve his
+own purpose? Varro, of course, was not a Roman, but from Reate in the
+Sabine country. But even if he were thinking of Rome, how far back would
+his knowledge extend? The Romans had known Greek married gods for three
+or four centuries before his time, and he may quite well be thinking of
+these. Of the _di indigetes_ of an earlier period he could hardly know
+more than we do ourselves; his only sources of information were the
+facts of the cult and the books of the pontifices. The facts of the
+cult, so far as he and others have recorded them, suggest no pairing of
+deities, no "sacred marriage."[302] The pontifical books, which
+contained rules and formulae for the proper invocation of deities by
+their right names, do indeed seem to have suggested a certain
+conjunction of male and female divine names; and it is just possible
+that this is what Varro had in his mind when he wrote the passage seized
+upon by Augustine. I will proceed at once to examine this evidence, as
+it is incidentally of great interest in the history of Italian religion;
+and Dr. Frazer will probably allow that his conclusion must stand or
+fall by it.
+
+The evidence to which I allude is preserved in the 13th book of the
+_Noctes Atticae_ of Aulus Gellius (ch. xxiii.), and extracted from
+"libri sacerdotum populi Romani," as "comprecationes deorum
+immortalium"; these also occur, he says, in _plerisque antiquis
+orationibus_, _i.e._ in the invocations to the gods made by the orator
+at the beginning or end of his speech.[303] Among these Gellius found
+the following conjunctions of divine names: Lua Saturni, Salacia
+Neptuni, Hora Quirini, Virites Quirini, Maia Volcani, Herie Iunonis,
+Moles Martis, and Neriene Martis, or Nerio Martis. Now among these
+conjunctions there are three which obviously do not express pairs of
+deities, married or other, viz. Virites Quirini, Moles Martis, and Herie
+Iunonis; the first two of which plainly mean the strength or force of
+Quirinus and Mars, and the third conjoins two female names. The question
+is whether the others are to be understood as giving us the names of the
+"wives" of Saturnus, Neptunus, Quirinus, Volcanus, and Mars. The fact
+that these are associated with others which cannot mean anything of the
+kind is itself against this conclusion; but I have carefully examined
+each pair by the light of such stray information about them as we
+possess, and have failed to find anything to suggest Dr. Frazer's
+emphatic conclusion that these are married pairs. I should be tedious if
+I were to go through the evidence in detail in a lecture like this; but
+I will take the pair which Gellius himself discusses, and on which Dr.
+Frazer chiefly relies, Neriene or Nerio Martis: it is the pair about
+which we know most, and in every way is the most interesting of the
+set.[304]
+
+After giving the list of names, Gellius goes on to express his own
+opinion that _Nerio Martis_ means (like _Moles Martis_) the _virtus_ or
+_fortitudo_ of Mars, _Nerio_ being a Sabine word meaning strength or
+courage;[305] and a little further he sums up his view thus: "Nerio
+igitur Martis vis et potentia et maiestas quaedam esse Martis
+demonstratur." This seems to fit in very comfortably with what can be
+guessed of the meaning of two of the other pairs, Virites Quirini and
+Maia Volcani: Maia was explained by another Roman scholar as equivalent
+to Maiestas.[306]
+
+But Gellius goes on to quote three passages from old Latin authors in
+which Nerio (or Neria) appears positively as the wife of Mars; and again
+concludes that there was also a tradition that these two were
+_coniuges_. Of these passages we luckily have the context of one, for it
+occurs in the _Truculentus_ of Plautus: turning this out (line 515) we
+find that a rough soldier, arriving at Athens, salutes his sweetheart
+with the words "Mars peregre adveniens salutat Nerienen uxorem
+suam"--words which Plautus must have adapted from his Greek original in
+such a way as to make them intelligible to a Roman audience. Gellius
+says that he had often heard a learned friend blame Plautus for thus
+putting a false notion about Mars (that he had a wife) into the mouth of
+his soldier--"nimis comice"--merely to produce a comic effect. But, he
+adds, there was some justification for it; for if you read the third
+book of the annals of Gellius (a namesake who lived in the second
+century B.C.) you will find that he puts into the mouth of Hersilia,
+pleading for peace before Ti. Tatius, words which actually make Nerio
+the wife of Mars: "De tui, inquit, coniugis consilio, Martem scilicet
+significans." Little, I fear, can be said to the credit of this
+Gellius;[307] he lived in an age when annalists were many and inventive,
+and long after the Romans had grown accustomed to Greek ideas of the
+gods; but we may take this passage as evidence of what may have been in
+his day a popular idea of Mars and his consort. Lastly, Aulus Gellius
+quotes a brace of lines from one Licinius Imbrex, an old comic writer of
+the same century, who, in a _fabula palliata_ called Neaera, wrote:--
+
+  nolo ego Neaeram te vocent, aut Nerienem,
+  cum quidem Marti es in connubium data.
+
+The real question is whether these passages from comic writers and an
+annalist of no reputation combine to prove that there was an ancient
+popular idea of Mars as a married god; as to the priestly view of the
+matter they can, of course, prove nothing. It seems to me that Dr.
+Frazer is entitled to argue that in the second century B.C. such a
+popular idea existed,[308] which the Roman state religion did not
+recognise, and which Aulus Gellius, as we have seen, could not agree
+with. I do not, however, think him entitled to go farther, and to infer
+that this was an idea of divinity native to Italy or of very old
+standing. Is it not much simpler to suppose, with a cool-headed scholar
+whom Dr. Frazer is willing to follow when it suits his turn, that pairs
+or conjunctions of this kind, the true meaning of which I hope to
+explain directly, were easily mistaken by the vulgar mind for married
+god and goddess?[309] In those degenerate days of the Roman religion,
+after the war with Hannibal, to which these writers belong--and all are
+later than Ennius, the first to make mischief by ridiculing the
+gods--nothing could be easier than to take advantage of what looked like
+married life to invent comic passages to please a Roman audience, now
+consisting largely of semi-educated men who had lost faith in their own
+religion, and of a crowd of smaller people of mixed descent and
+nationality. Such passages, in fact, cannot safely be used as evidence
+of religious ideas, apart from the tendencies of the age in which they
+were written. Had there really been religious beliefs, rooted in the old
+Roman mind, about the wedded life of gods and goddesses, it would even
+then have been dangerous to use them mockingly in comedy. And once more,
+had there been such genuinely Roman ideas, why, in an age that made for
+anthropomorphism, did they not find their way into the Roman
+Pantheon,--why did they survive only in literary allusions, to the
+bewilderment of scholars like Aulus Gellius?
+
+The real explanation of these curious conjunctions of masculine and
+feminine names is, I think, not very hard to come by. Let us remember,
+in the first place, that they were found in the books of the priests,
+and that they belonged to forms of prayer--_comprecationes deorum
+immortalium_; in other words, they do not represent popular ideas of the
+deities, but ritualistic forms of invocation. As such they may indeed no
+doubt be regarded as expressing, or as growing out of, a popular way of
+thinking of the Power manifesting itself in the universe; but they are
+themselves none the less, like those strange lists of divine names
+called _Indigitamenta_, with which I shall deal directly, the creations
+of an active professional priesthood, working upon the principle that
+every deity must be addressed in precisely the correct way and no other,
+and accounting the name of the deity, as indicating his or her exact
+function, the most vitally important thing in the whole invocation. I
+have already pointed out how difficult the early Latin must have found
+it to discover how to address the _numina_ at work around him, and I
+shall return to the subject in another lecture; at present all I want to
+insist upon is that the priests of the City-state relieved him of this
+anxiety, and indeed must have carried the work so far as to develop a
+kind of science of divine nomenclature. Every one who has studied the
+history of religions knows well how strong the tendency is, when once
+invocation has become ritualised, for the names and titles of the
+objects of worship to abound and multiply. The Roman Church of to-day
+still shows this tendency in its elaborate invocation of the Virgin.
+
+With the old Romans the common method of elaboration lay in the
+invention of cult-titles, of which the different kinds have been
+distinguished and explained by Dr. J. B. Carter in his treatise "de
+Deorum Romanorum cognominibus."[310] Most of them are suggestive of
+function or character, as, _e.g._, Janus Patulcius Clusivius, or Jupiter
+Lucetius, Ops Opifera; sometimes they doubled the idea, as in Aius
+Locutius, or Anna Perenna, or Fors Fortuna; and in one or two cases
+they seem to have combined two deities together in rather puzzling
+conjunctions, which usually, however, admit of some possible
+explanation, as Janus Junonius, or Ops Consiva (_i.e._ Ops belonging to
+Consus).[311] In the Iguvian ritual, which is the highly-elaborated work
+of a priesthood as active as the Roman, we find combinations of not less
+than four names:[312] Cerfe Martie, Praestita Cerfia Cerfi Martii, Tursa
+Cerfia Cerfi Martii, which may perhaps be rendered "Spirit of Mars,
+protecting (female) spirit of the (male) spirit of Mars, fear-inspiring
+(female) spirit of the (male) spirit of Mars."
+
+Such strange multiple combinations as these suggest that expressions
+like Moles Martis or Virites Quirini are only another form of the usual
+cult-title, expressing adoration of the power of the deity addressed;
+and it is only reasonable to explain the others of the same group on the
+same principle. As we have seen, Roman scholars themselves explained
+Nerio Martis as equivalent to Virtus Martis; Herie Iunonis probably
+means something of the same kind; the others are not so easily
+explained, and guesswork about them is unprofitable. But I hope I have
+said enough to show that there is absolutely no good ground for
+supposing that these combinations of names in nominative and genitive
+indicate a relationship of any kind except a qualitative one. Abstract
+qualities, let us note, are usually feminine in Latin, and I think it is
+not improbable that abstractions such as Fides and Salus, which were
+deified at a very early period at Rome, may have reached divinity by
+attachment to some god from whom they subsequently became again
+separated.[313] And lastly, we can trace the same tendency to combine
+names and ideas together far down the course of Roman history; witness
+the combination of Genius with cities, legions, gods, etc., as well as
+with the individual man, and again such expressions as Pietas Legionis,
+by analogy with which von Domaszewski, wrongly as I think, would explain
+those we have been discussing.[314]
+
+Before leaving this complicated and cloudy system of divine
+nomenclature, it is as well to ask the question once more, even if we
+cannot answer it, whether if left to itself it might have developed into
+a polytheistic system of personal deities. I will give my own opinion
+for what it is worth. I do not think that such a result could have been
+reached without the magic touch of the Greek poet and artist, or the
+arrival of Greek deities and their images in Latium. Professor Sayce, in
+his Gifford lectures on the religion of Babylonia, has shown how the
+non-Semitic Sumerians knew only of spirits and demons until the Semite
+arrived in the Persian Gulf with his personal gods of both sexes;[315]
+and I gather that he does not suppose that without such immigration the
+Sumerian ideas of divinity could have become personalised. The question
+is not exactly the same at Rome; for there the spirit world had passed
+into the hands of an organised priesthood occupied with ritual, and
+especially with its terminological aspect; and the chance of
+personalisation, if it were there at all, lay in the importance of the
+functional name. But the question is after all beside the mark; we shall
+see what happened when the Greeks arrived. We may be content at present
+to note the fact that they found the functional terminology sufficiently
+advanced to take advantage of it, and to revolutionise the whole Roman
+conception of the divine.
+
+Dr. Frazer gives me an opportunity of adverting to another point bearing
+on the question we are discussing,--the way in which the old Roman
+thought of his deities. "It is difficult," he says,[316] "to deny that
+the epithets Pater and Mater, which the Romans bestow on so many of
+their gods, do really imply paternity and maternity; if this implication
+be admitted, the inference appears to be inevitable that these divine
+beings were supposed to exercise sexual functions, etc." In a footnote
+he adds a number of formidable-looking references, meant, I suppose, to
+prove this point. I have closely examined these passages; what they do
+prove is simply that many deities were called Pater and Mater. Not one
+even suggests that paternity and maternity were in such cases to be
+understood literally and, so to speak, physically. The two that come
+nearest to what he is looking for are those from Varro and Lactantius.
+Varro says[317] that Ops was called Mater because she was identical with
+Terra, who was, of course, Terra Mater: "Haec enim--
+
+  'terris gentes omnes peperit et resumit denuo,
+
+quae dat cibaria,' ut ait Ennius."[318] It is clear, then, that neither
+Varro nor Ennius understood this title of Ops and Terra in Dr. Frazer's
+sense of the word. The quotation from the early Christian father
+Lactantius, which contains three well-known lines of Lucilius, might
+possibly deceive those who neglect to turn it out and read the context;
+there we find at once that not even Lactantius could attribute to these
+epithets the meaning which Dr. Frazer wishes to put on them. He would
+have been as glad to do so as Dr. Frazer himself, though for a very
+different reason; but what he actually wrote is this:--
+
+"Omnem Deum qui ab homine colitur, necesse est inter solennes ritus et
+precationes patrem nuncupari, non tantum honoris gratia, verum etiam
+rationis; quod et antiquior est homine, et quod vitam, salutem, victum
+praestat, ut pater. Itaque ut Iuppiter a precantibus pater vocatur,
+etc."[319]
+
+Dr. Frazer's quotation begins with this last sentence; it is a pity that
+he did not read the context. If he had read it, his candour would have
+compelled him to confess that not even a Christian father, with a keen
+sense of what was ridiculous or degrading in the pagan religion,
+understood the fatherhood of the gods as he wishes to understand it.
+
+But I am wasting time in pressing this point. Dr. Frazer would hardly
+have used such an argument if he had not been hard put to it. The
+figurative use of human relationships is surely a common practice, when
+addressing their deities, of all peoples who have reached the stage of
+family life. As another distinguished anthropologist says: "The very
+want of an object tends to supply an object through the imagination; and
+this will be either the vital energy inherent in things, or the reflex
+of the human father, who once satisfied his needs (_i.e._ of the
+worshipper). So, in Aryan religions, the supreme god is father, [Greek:
+Zeus pater], Diespiter, Marspiter. Ahura-Mazda is a father.... Another
+analogy shows the relationship of brother and friend, as in the case of
+Mithra."[320] The Romans themselves were familiar from the first with
+such figurative use of relationship, as was natural to a people in whom
+the family instinct was so strong; we have but to think of the _pater
+patratus_ of the Fetiales,[321] of the Fratres Arvales, or the Fratres
+Attiedii of Iguvium. What exactly they understood by Pater and Mater
+when applied to deities is not so easy to determine: we have not the
+necessary data. They were never applied, I believe, to imported deities,
+_di novensiles_; always to _di indigetes_, those on whom the original
+Roman stock looked as their fellow-citizens and guardians. And we shall
+not be far wrong if we conclude that in general they imply the
+dependence of the human citizen upon his divine protector, and thus
+bring the usage into line with that of other Aryan peoples. Behind this
+feeling of dependence there may have been the idea, handed down from
+remote ages, that Father Sky and Mother Earth were in a sense the
+parents of all living things; but there is nothing in the Roman religion
+to suggest that the two were thought of as personally uniting in
+marriage or a sexual act.
+
+I will sum up this part of the discussion by translating an admirable
+passage in Aust's book on the Roman religion, with which I am in cordial
+agreement[322]:--
+
+"The deities of Rome were deities of the cult only. They had no human
+form; they had not the human heart with its virtues and vices. They had
+no intercourse with each other, and no common or permanent residence;
+they enjoyed no nectar and ambrosia ... they had no children, no
+parental relation. They were indeed both male and female, and a male and
+female deity are often in close relations with each other; but this is
+not a relation of marriage, and rests only on a similarity in the sphere
+of their operations.... These deities never become independent
+existences; they remain cold, colourless conceptions, _numina_ as the
+Romans called them, that is, supernatural beings whose existence only
+betrays itself in the exercise of certain powers."
+
+They were, indeed, cold and colourless conceptions as compared with the
+Greek gods of Olympus, whose warmth and colour is really that of human
+life, of human passions; but the one remarkable and interesting thing
+about these Roman and Italian numina is the life and force for good or
+evil which is the very essence of their being. The puzzling combinations
+we have just been studying are quite enough to illustrate this
+character. Moles, Virites, Nerio, and perhaps others too, seem to mean
+the strength or force inherent in the numen; Cerfius, or Cerus, as the
+Latins called it, Liber, Genius, all are best interpreted as meaning a
+functional or creative force. Jupiter is the sky or heaven itself, with
+all its manifestations of activity; Tellus is Mother Earth, full of
+active productive power. At the bottom of these cold and colourless
+conceptions there is thus a real idea of power, not supernatural but
+rather natural power, which may both hurt and benefit man, and which he
+must attempt to enlist on his side. This enlistment was the task of the
+Roman priesthood and the Roman government, and so effectually was it
+carried out that the divine beings lost their vitality in the process.
+
+We shall be better able to follow out this curious fate of the Roman
+deities in later lectures; here I wish to note one other aspect of the
+Roman idea of divinity, which will help to explain what I have just been
+saying about the life and force inherent in these numina.
+
+In most cursory accounts of the Roman religion it has been the practice
+to lay particular stress upon an immense number of "gods," as they used
+to be called, each of which is supposed to have presided over some
+particular act or suffering of the Roman from the cradle to the
+grave--from Cunina, the "goddess" of his cradle, to Libitina who looked
+after his interment. I have as yet said nothing about all these. I will
+now briefly explain why I have not done so, and why I hesitate to
+include them, at any rate in the uncompromising form in which they are
+usually presented, among the genuine religious conceptions of the
+earliest period. Later on I shall have further opportunity of discussing
+them; at the end of this lecture I can only sum up the results of recent
+research into this curious cloud of so-called deities.
+
+We know of them mainly, but not entirely, from Tertullian, and the _de
+Civitate Dei_ of St. Augustine.[323] These scholarly theologians,
+wishing to show up the absurdity of the heathen religions, found a mine
+of material in the great work of Varro on the Roman religious
+antiquities; and though they found him by no means so elegant a writer
+as Cicero, they studied him with pains, and have incidentally added
+immensely to our knowledge both of Varro himself and of the Roman
+religion. St. Augustine tells us that it was in the last three books of
+his work that Varro treated of the Roman deities, and that he divided
+them under the heads of _di certi_, _di incerti_, and _di selecti_. In
+the first of these he dealt chiefly with those with which we are now
+concerned: they were _certi_ because their names expressed their
+supposed activity quite clearly.[324] We know for certain that Varro
+found these names in the books of the pontifices, and that they were
+there called Indigitamenta:[325] a word which has been variously
+interpreted, and has been the subject of much learned disputation. I
+believe with Wissowa that it means "forms of invocation," _i.e._ the
+correct names by which gods should be addressed.
+
+Thus these lists of names come down to us at third hand: Varro took them
+from the pontifical books, and the Christian fathers took them from
+Varro. It is obvious that this being the case they need very careful
+critical examination; and till recently they were accepted in full
+without hesitation, and without reflection on such questions as, _e.g._,
+whether they are psychologically probable, or whether they can be
+paralleled from the religious experience of other peoples. Some
+preliminary critical attempts were made about fifty years ago in this
+direction,[326] but the first thoroughgoing examination of the subject
+was published by R. Peter in the article "Indigitamenta" in Roscher's
+_Mythological Lexicon_. This most industrious scholar, though his
+interpretation of the word Indigitamenta is probably erroneous,[327] was
+the first to reach the definite conclusion that the lists are not really
+primitive, and do not, as we have them, represent primitive religious
+thought. It was after a very careful study of this article, which is
+long enough to fill a small volume, that I wrote in my _Roman Festivals_
+of the Indigitamenta as "based on"--not actually representing, I might
+have added--"old ideas of divine agency, now systematised by something
+like scientific terminology and ordered classification by skilled legal
+theologians"; and as "an artificial priestly exaggeration of a primitive
+tendency to see a world of nameless spirits surrounding and influencing
+all human life."[328]
+
+I was not then specially concerned with the Indigitamenta, and only
+alluded to them in passing. But before my book was published there had
+already appeared a most interesting work on the names of deities
+(_Goetternamen_) by H. Usener, a brilliant investigator, which drew fresh
+attention to the subject. Usener found in mediaeval records of the
+religion of the heathen Lithuanians what seemed to be a remarkable
+parallel with this old Roman theology, and he also compared these
+records with certain facts in what we may call the pre-Olympian
+religious ideas of the Greeks. "The conclusion which he draws," writes
+Dr. Farnell[329]--and I cannot state it better--"is that the
+Indo-Germanic peoples, on the way to the higher polytheism, passed
+through an earlier stage when the objects of cult were beings whom he
+designated by the newly-coined words 'Augenblickgoetter' and
+'Sondergoetter'" (gods of momentary or limited function). He went further
+than this, and claimed that the anthropomorphic gods of Greece and
+Italy, of the Indo-Iranians, Persians, and Slavs, were developed out of
+these spirits presiding over special functions and particular moments of
+human life; but with this latter part of his theory I am not now
+concerned. What we want to know now is whether in writing thus of the
+Roman Indigitamenta Usener was using a record which really represents an
+early stage of religious thought in Italy; and I may add that we should
+be glad to know whether his Lithuanian records are also to be
+unhesitatingly relied on.[330] As regards Greece, Dr. Farnell has
+criticised his theories with considerable effect.
+
+The most recent contribution to the discussion of the Roman part of the
+subject is that of Wissowa, who in 1904 published a paper on "True and
+False Sondergoetter at Rome";[331] this is a piece of most valuable and
+weighty criticism, but extremely difficult to follow and digest. I here
+give only the main results of it. Wissowa takes two genuine examples of
+Sondergoetter which have come down to us from other sources, and more
+directly than those mentioned above: the first from Fabius Pictor, the
+oldest Roman historian,[332] and the other from the Acta Fratrum
+Arvalium.[333] Fabius said that the flamen (Cerealis?), when sacrificing
+to Tellus and Ceres, also invoked the following deities: Vervactor, for
+the first ploughing, as Wissowa interprets it; Redarator, for the second
+ploughing; Imporcitor, for the harrowing; Insitor, for the sowing;
+Oberator, for the top-dressing; Occator, Sarritor, Subrincator, Messor,
+Convector, Conditor, Promitor, for subsequent operations up to the
+harvest and actual distribution of the corn for food. Secondly, in the
+Acta of the Arval Brethren we find, on the occasion of a _piaculum_
+caused by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the temple of Dea Dia,
+at the end of a long list of deities invoked, and before the names of
+the _divi_ of the Imperial families, the names of three Sondergoetter,
+Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda, and on another occasion, Adolenda and
+Coinquenda; these seem beyond doubt to refer to the process of getting
+the obnoxious tree down from the roof, of breaking it up, and burning
+it.
+
+In both these examples, which have come down to us more directly than
+the lists in the Fathers, Wissowa sees assistant or subordinate deities
+(if such they can be called) grouped around a central idea, that of the
+main object of sacrifice in each case;[334] these are the result of the
+_cura_ and _caerimonia_ supervised and over-elaborated by pontifical law
+and ritual. It is, I may add on my own account, most unlikely, and
+psychologically almost impossible, that any individual farmer should
+have troubled himself to remember and enumerate by name twelve deities
+representing the various stages of an agricultural process; and Cato, in
+fact, says nothing of such ritual. It was the flamen of the City-state,
+who, when sacrificing to Tellus and Ceres before harvest,[335] pictured,
+or recalled to mind, the various processes of a year of what we may call
+high farming rather than primitive, under the names of deities plainly
+invented out of the words which express those processes--words which
+themselves are certainly not all antique. And in the second example,
+which dates from the second century A.D., we see that the process of
+destroying the intruding fig-tree is represented in ritual in exactly
+the same curious way: the names of the deities, Deferunda and the rest,
+being invented for the occasion out of the words which express the
+several acts of the process of destruction. These Arval Brethren of the
+second century inherited the traditions of their predecessors of an
+earlier age, and carried out the work of amplification in their
+invocations by pedantically imitating the pontifices of five or six
+centuries earlier. They held, in a way which to us is ludicrous, to the
+old notion that you should try and cover as much ground as possible in
+worship, and to cover it in detail, so that no chance might be missed
+of securing the object for which you were taking so much trouble.
+
+Now to return to Varro and his lists of names. What is Dr. Wissowa's
+conclusion about these, after examining the two examples of Sondergoetter
+which have not come down to us through so much book-learning as the
+rest?
+
+Varro's _di certi_, he says[336]--and I think there is no doubt that he
+is right--included the name of every deity, great or small, of which he
+could feel sure that he knew something, as he found it in the books of
+the pontifices; and the part of those books in which he found these
+names, known as Indigitamenta, probably contained formulae of
+invocation, _precationum carmina_,[337] of the same kind as the
+_comprecationes deorum immortalium_ from which Gellius quoted the pairs
+of male and female deities which we discussed above. Varro arranged all
+these names in groups of principal and subordinate or assistant deities,
+the latter amplifying in detail the meaning and scope of the former, as
+we have just seen; and of this grouping some traces are still visible in
+the accounts of Augustine and Tertullian. But the good Fathers tumbled
+the whole collection about sadly in their search for material for their
+mockery, having no historical or scientific object in view; with the
+result that it now resembles the bits of glass in a kaleidoscope, and
+can no longer be re-arranged on the original Varronian plan. The
+difficulty is increased by the etymologies and explanations which they
+offer of the divine names, which, as a rule, are even more absurd than
+the divinities themselves.[338]
+
+But, in the last place, the question must be asked whether these
+Sondergoetter of the real kind, such, for example, as those twelve
+agricultural ones invoked by the flamen at the Cereale sacrum, had their
+origin in any sense in popular usage or belief. At the end of his paper
+Wissowa emphatically says that he does not believe it. For myself, I
+would only modify this conclusion so far as this: they must, I think,
+have been the theological, or perhaps rather the ritualistic outcome,
+of a psychological tendency rooted in the popular mind. I have already
+noticed that curious bit of folklore in which three spirits of
+cultivation were invoked with a kind of acted parable at the birth of a
+child;[339] and I cannot regard this custom as a piece of pontifical
+ritualism, though the names may have been invented by the priests to
+suit the practice. The old Roman seems to have had a tendency to ascribe
+what for want of a better word we may call divinity, not only to animate
+and inanimate objects, but to actions and abstractions; this, I take it,
+is an advanced stage of animism, peculiar, it would seem, to a highly
+practical agricultural people, and it is this stage which is reflected
+in the ritualistic work of the priests. They turned dim and nameless
+powers into definite and prehensible deities with names, and arranged
+them in groups so as to fall in with the life of the city as well as the
+farm. What was the result of all this ingenuity, or whether it had any
+popular result at all, is a question hardly admitting of solution. What
+is really interesting in the matter, if my view is the right one, is the
+curious way in which the early Roman seems to have looked upon all life
+and force and action, human or other, as in some sense associated with,
+and the result of, divine or spiritual agency.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE VII
+
+    [291] For _loca sacra_ and _consecratio_ see Marquardt,
+    p. 148 foll.; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 400.
+
+    [292] Serv. _ad Aen._ xii. 119, "Romani moris fuerat
+    cespitem arae super imponere, et ita sacrificare." Cp.
+    some valuable remarks of Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p.
+    23. The altar of the Fratres was in front of their
+    grove; they used also a movable one (_foculus_) of
+    silver, but _cespiti ornatus_ (_ib._ p. 21): this was
+    for the preliminary offering of wine and incense
+    (Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 351).
+
+    [293] In Aug. _Civ. Dei_, iv. 31; Agahd's edition of the
+    fragments of Varro's _Ant. rer. div._ p. 164.
+
+    [294] Aug. _Civ. Dei_, iv. 23; Agahd, p. 159. See
+    Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 280 foll.
+
+    [295] Strabo iv. 180.
+
+    [296] _Fasti_, vi. 305.
+
+    [297] Tibull. ii. 5. 27. The lines of Propertius are iv.
+    (v.) 2. 59, "Stipes acernus eram, properanti falce
+    dolatus, Ante Numam grata pauper in urbe deus." The
+    question is whether these are genuine examples of the
+    natural evolution of a "stock or stone" into something
+    in the nature of an anthropomorphic image of a deity, or
+    whether they are the result of the introduction of Greek
+    statues acting on the popular mind in rustic parts of
+    Italy. The passages, so far as I know, stand alone, and
+    we have no means of deciding whether the anthropomorphic
+    tendency was native or foreign. Vortumnus was, however,
+    undoubtedly of Etruscan origin; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 233.
+    The subject of iconic development of this kind is well
+    summarised in E. Gardner's little volume on _Religion
+    and Art in Ancient Greece_, ch. i.
+
+    [298] See Sayce, _Gifford Lectures on the Religions of
+    Egypt and Babylonia_, p. 302. An interesting paper on
+    the evolution of _dei_ at Rome out of functional
+    _numina_ will be found in von Domaszewski's
+    _Abhandlungen zur roem. Religion_, p. 155 foll., based on
+    Usener's theory of Sondergoetter. It is ingenious and
+    imaginative, but in my view does not square with the
+    facts as far as we know them. His stages are: (1)
+    momentary function of _numina_, _e.g._ lightning; (2)
+    elevation of this into a permanent power or function;
+    (3) consequent limitation of the numen to a special
+    well-marked function; (4) elevation of the numen to a
+    _deus_, conceived in the likeness of man, and male or
+    female, because man cannot think of power otherwise than
+    on the analogy of male or female creative energy.
+    Lastly, when the _deus_ is complete, the functions of
+    the former numen become attributes or qualities, traces
+    of which we find in the pairs of deities in Gellius,
+    xiii. 23, which are discussed later on in this lecture.
+    Some of these, of course, eventually became separate
+    deities--Salacia, Maia, Lua. As I cannot accept the view
+    that the earliest Roman idea of the supernatural is to
+    be found in _comprecationes_ of a comparatively late
+    period, _i.e._ in the so-called Indigitamenta, this
+    charmingly symmetrical account has no charm for me
+    beyond its symmetry.
+
+    [299] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ pp. 144, 146; Cato,
+    _R.R._ 139; _C.I.L._ vi. 110 and 111. Other references
+    are given by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 33, note 2.
+
+    [300] For Pales, _R.F._ p. 80 note; for Pomona, Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 165.
+
+    [301] The passage runs thus (Aug. _C.D._ iv. 32):
+    "Dicit enim (Varro) de generationibus deorum magis ad
+    poetas quam ad physicos fuisse populos inclinatos, et
+    ideo et sexum et generationes deorum maiores suos (id
+    est veteres credidisse Romanos) et eorum constituisse
+    coniugia." There is an amusing passage in Lactantius, i.
+    17 (_de Falsa Religione_), which Dr. Frazer might read
+    with advantage. It begins, "Si duo sunt sexus deorum,
+    sequitur concubitus." Then he goes on mockingly to argue
+    that the gods must have houses, cities, lands which
+    they plough and sow, which proves them mortal. Finally
+    he takes the whole series of inferences backwards,
+    finishing with "si domibus carent, ergo et concubitu. Si
+    concubitus ab his abest, et sexus igitur foemineus,"
+    etc. All this, he means, can be inferred from the fact
+    that gods are of both sexes; but that they have
+    _concubitus_ can no more be inferred from his argument
+    than that they plough and sow.
+
+    [302] Dr. Frazer conjectures a sacred marriage of
+    Jupiter and Juno under the forms of Janus and Diana, in
+    _Kingship_, p. 214; but he is well aware that it is pure
+    guesswork. There was, indeed, at Falerii such a marriage
+    of Juno with an unknown deity (Ovid, _Amores_, iii. 13),
+    of which, however, we do not know the history. Falerii
+    was one of those cities, like Praeneste, where Etruscan,
+    Greek, and Latin influences met. The "Orci nuptiae" on
+    which Frazer lays stress was simply the Greek marriage
+    of Pluto and Proserpine: "Orci coniux Proserpina," Aug.
+    _C.D._ vii. 23 and 28, Agahd, p. 152. Wissowa shows this
+    conclusively, _R.K._ p. 246. Orcus was Graecised as
+    Plutus, but was himself totally without personality.
+
+    [303] Dr. Frazer wrongly translates this as "ancient
+    prayers" (p. 411), adding "the highest possible
+    authority on the subject." _Oratio_ is never used in
+    this sense until Christian times: the word is always
+    _precatio_. All scholars are agreed that what is meant
+    is invocations to deities in old speeches, such as occur
+    once or twice in Cicero (_e.g._ at the end of the
+    _Verrines_); cp. Livy xxix. 15. As the recording of
+    speeches cannot be assumed to have begun before the
+    third century B.C., this does not carry us very far
+    back. That century is also the age in which the
+    pontifices were probably most active in drawing up
+    _comprecationes_; see below, p. 285 foll.
+
+    [304] See Appendix B at end of volume.
+
+    [305] Cp. Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 850, "_forti_ sacrificare
+    deae." In _R.F._ p. 60 foll., I have criticised the
+    attempts, ancient and modern, to make this Nerio the
+    subject of myths.
+
+    [306] Macrob. i. 12. 18. This word Maiestas shows the
+    doubtful nature of these feminine names, and probably
+    betrays the real meaning of Maia. I may mention here
+    that Bellona instead of Nerio is ascribed as wife to
+    Mars by Seneca ap. Aug. _C.D._ vi. 10; also Venus to
+    Volcanus instead of Maia. Neither have any connection,
+    so far as we know, with the gods to whom Seneca ascribes
+    them as wives: Venus-Vulcan is, of course, Greek. Both
+    Augustine and Dr. Frazer might with advantage have
+    abstained from citing Seneca on such a point: as a
+    Spaniard by birth he was not likely to know much about
+    technical questions of Roman ritual.
+
+    [307] See Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_, i. 274.
+
+    [308] In the Graeco-Roman age Mars seems to have been
+    rather a favourite subject of myth-making; see Usener's
+    article on Italian myths in _Rhein. Mus._ vol. xxx.;
+    Roscher in _Myth. Lex._ for works of Graeco-Etruscan
+    art in which he appears in certain mythical scenes.
+
+    [309] H. Jordan, quoted in _R.F._ p. 61 note. I relegate
+    to an appendix what needs to be said about the other
+    pairs of deities mentioned by Gellius.
+
+    [310] Leipzig, 1898, p. 7 foll.
+
+    [311] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 168. Carter, _op. cit._ p. 21.
+
+    [312] See Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 22 and 98.
+
+    [313] So Fides is usually explained, as originally
+    belonging to Jupiter (Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 103 foll.); but
+    a different view is taken by Harold L. Axtell in his
+    work on the _Deification of Abstract Ideas at Rome_
+    (Chicago, 1907), p. 20.
+
+    [314] In the Festschrift f. O. Hirschfeld, p. 243 foll.
+
+    [315] _Religion of the Babylonians_, introductory
+    chapter.
+
+    [316] _Op. cit._ p. 412.
+
+    [317] _L.L._ v. 64.
+
+    [318] This fragment is No. 503 in Baehrens, _Fragm.
+    Poet. Rom._
+
+    [319] Lactantius, _Div. inst._ iv. 3.
+
+    [320] Crawley, _The Tree of Life_, p. 256; Farnell,
+    _Evolution of Religion_, p. 180; von Domaszewski,
+    _Abhandlungen_, p. 166, "Man ruft sie an im Gebete als
+    pater und mater zum Zeichen der Unterwerfung unter ihren
+    Willen, wie der Sohn dem Gebote des paterfamilias sich
+    fuegt. Der sittlich strenge Gehorsam, der das
+    Familienleben der Roemer beherrscht, die pietas, ist der
+    Sinn der roemischen religio." Cp. also Appel, _de Rom.
+    precationibus_, pp. 102-3, who thinks that they regarded
+    the gods "velut patriarchas sive patres familias." He
+    quotes Preller-Jordan i. 55 and Dieterich, _Eine
+    Mithrasliturgie_, p. 142 sq. So too with mater--"velut
+    mater familias."
+
+    [321] The expression seems to mean "a father made for
+    the purpose of the embassy." Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 477,
+    note 3.
+
+    [322] p. 19. This was written, it may be noted, several
+    years after Aust had thoroughly investigated the cult of
+    Jupiter for his article in the _Mythological Lexicon_;
+    in which cult, if anywhere, one may be tempted to see
+    evidence of a personal conception of deities. As Dr.
+    Frazer has referred to the cult of Jupiter at Praeneste,
+    to which I referred him as evidence of a possibly
+    personal conception of the god in that Latin city, I may
+    say here that I adhere to what I said about this in
+    _R.F._ p. 226 foll.; no piece of antique cult has
+    occupied my attention more than this, and I have tried
+    to lay open every source of confirmation or criticism.
+    Wissowa has expressed himself in almost exactly the same
+    terms in _R.K._ p. 209: we arrived at our conclusions
+    independently.
+
+    [323] Tertullian, _ad Nationes_ 11, and _de Anima_, 37
+    foll.; Aug. _de Civ. Dei_, iv. _passim_, and especially
+    ch. xi.; R. Peter compiled a complete list (_Myth.
+    Lex._, _s.v._ "Indigitamenta," p. 143) from these and
+    other sources.
+
+    [324] Aug. _C.D._ vii. 17. That this was what Varro
+    meant by _di certi_ was first affirmed by Wissowa in a
+    note to his edition of Marquardt, p. 9; it has been
+    generally accepted as the true account. A full
+    discussion will be found in Agahd's edition of the
+    fragments of Varro's work, p. 126 foll.; cf. Peter's
+    article quoted above, and Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 61 and 65.
+    A somewhat different view is given in Domaszewski's
+    article in _Archiv_ for 1907, p. 1 foll., suggested by
+    Usener's _Goetternamen_.
+
+    [325] The evidence for this will be found in Marquardt's
+    note 4 on p. 9. I have no doubt that Wissowa is right in
+    explaining Indigitamenta as "Gebetsformeln," formulae of
+    invocation; in which the most important matter, we may
+    add, would be the name of the deity. See his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, p. 177 foll. The Indigitamenta contained,
+    as one section, the invocations of _di certi_.
+
+    [326] Chiefly by Ambrosch in his _Religionsbuecher der
+    Roemer_. Peter's article contains a useful account of the
+    whole progress of research on this subject.
+
+    [327] _Lex._ p. 137; it was that of his master
+    Reifferscheid. Cp. Wissowa, _op. cit._ (_Ges. Abhandl._
+    p. 306 foll.).
+
+    [328] _R.F._ pp. 191, 341.
+
+    [329] "The place of the Sondergoetter in Greek
+    Polytheism," printed in _Anthropological Essays
+    addressed to E. B. Tylor_, p. 81. Usener's discussion of
+    the Roman and Lithuanian Sondergoetter is in his
+    _Goetternamen_, p. 73 foll.
+
+    [330] Wissowa writes (_Ges. Abhandl._ p. 320 note) that
+    he has reason to believe that a great number of the
+    Lithuanian Sondergoetter only became such through the
+    treatment of the subject by the mediaeval writers on
+    whom Usener relied!
+
+    [331] _Ges. Abhandl._ p. 304 foll.
+
+    [332] Servius (Interpol.) _ad Georg._ i. 21.
+
+    [333] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 147; _C.I.L._ vi.
+    2099 and 2107.
+
+    [334] _Op. cit._ p. 323 foll.; for _famuli_ and _anculi
+    divi_, Henzen, _op. cit._ p. 145.
+
+    [335] See above, p. 121.
+
+    [336] p. 312; cp. 320, where he further asserts his
+    belief that Varro is responsible himself for the
+    creation of a great number of these Sondergoetter, owing
+    to his extreme desire to fix and define the function of
+    every deity in relation to human life; just as the
+    mediaeval writers Laskowski and Pretorius may have
+    created many Lithuanian Sondergoetter. As I am not quite
+    clear on this point, I have not mentioned it in the
+    text.
+
+    [337] _Op. cit._ p. 314, note 1. See above, note 33.
+
+    [338] _e.g._ Vaticanus, "qui infantum vagitibus
+    praesidet"; _Rusina_ from _rus_; _Consus_ from
+    _consilium_, etc.
+
+    [339] See above, p. 84.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE VIII
+
+RITUAL OF THE _IUS DIVINUM_
+
+
+I have already frequently mentioned the _ius divinum_, the law governing
+the relations between the divine and human inhabitants of the city, as
+the _ius civile_ governed the relations between citizen and
+citizen.[340] When we examined the calendar of Numa, we were in fact
+examining a part of this law; we began with this our studies of the
+religion of the Roman city-state, because it is the earliest document we
+possess which illuminates the dark ages of city life, so far as religion
+is concerned. The study of the calendar naturally led us on to consider
+the evidence it yields, taken together with other sources of
+information, as to the nature of the deities for whose worship it fixes
+times and seasons, or, more accurately, the amount of knowledge to which
+the Romans had attained about their divine beings. But we must now
+return to the _ius divinum_, and study it in another aspect, for which
+the calendar itself does not suffice as evidence.
+
+Perhaps the simplest way of explaining this _ius_ is to describe it as
+laying down the rules for the maintenance of right relations between the
+citizens and their deities; as ordaining what things are to be done or
+avoided in order to keep up a continual _pax_, or quasi-legal covenant,
+between these two parties. The two words _ius_ and _pax_, we may note,
+are continually meeting us in Roman religious documents. In a prayer
+sanctioned by the pontifices for use at the making of a new clearing, we
+read: "Si deus, si dea sit cuius illud sacrum est, _ut tibi ius siet_
+porco piaculo facere illiusce sacri coercendi ergo,"[341] _i.e._ "O
+unknown deity, whether god or goddess, whose property this wood is, let
+it be legally proper to sacrifice to thee this pig as an expiatory
+offering, for the sake of cutting down trees in this wood of thine."
+"Pacem deorum exposcere" (or "petere") is a standing formula, as all
+readers of Virgil know;[342] and it occurs in many other authors and
+religious documents. When Livy wants to express the horror of the old
+patrician families at the idea of plebeians being consuls--men who had
+no knowledge of the _ius divinum_ and no right to have any--he makes
+Appius Claudius exclaim, "Nunc nos, tanquam iam nihil pace deorum opus
+sit, omnes caerimonias polluimus."[343] How can we maintain our right
+relations with the gods, if plebeians have the care of them?
+
+Thus it is not going too far to describe the whole Roman religion of the
+city-state as a _Rechtsverkehr_,[344] a legal process going on
+continually. When a _colonia_ was founded, _i.e._ a military outpost
+which was to be a copy in all respects of the Roman State, it was
+absolutely essential that its _ius divinum_ should be laid down; it must
+have a religious charter as well as a civil one. Even at the very end of
+the life of the Republic, when Caesar founded a colony in Spain, he
+ordained that, within ten days of its first magistrates taking office,
+they should consult the Senate "quos et quot dies festos esse et quae
+sacra fieri publice placeat et quos ea sacra facere placeat," _i.e._ as
+to the calendar, the ritual, and the priesthood.[345] The Romans, of
+course, assumed that Numa, their priest-king, had done the same thing
+for Rome; Livy describes him as ordaining a pontifex to whom he
+entrusted the care of all these matters, with written rules to
+follow.[346] This was the imaginary religious charter of the Roman
+State. Without it the citizen, or rather his official representative,
+would not know with the necessary accuracy the details of the _cura_ and
+_caerimonia_; without it, too, the deities could not be expected to
+perform their part of advancing the interests of the State, and indeed,
+as I think we shall find, could not be expected to retain the strength
+and vitality which they needed for the work. Support was needed on each
+side; the State needed the help of the gods, and the gods needed the
+help of the State's care and worship.
+
+The ways and means towards the maintenance of this _pax_ were as
+follows. First, the deities must be duly placated, and their powers kept
+in full vigour, by the ritual of sacrifice and prayer, performed at the
+proper times and places by authorised persons skilled in the knowledge
+of that ritual. Secondly, there must be an exact fulfilment of all vows
+or solemn promises made to the deities by the State or its magistrates,
+or by such private persons as might have made similar engagements.
+Thirdly, the city, its land and its people, must be preserved from all
+evil or hostile influences, whether spiritual or material or both, by
+the process broadly known as _lustratio_, which we commonly translate
+_purification_. Lastly, strict attention must be paid to all outward
+signs of the will of the gods, as shown by omens and portents of various
+kinds. This last method of securing the _pax_ became specially prominent
+much later in Roman history, and I prefer to postpone detailed
+discussion of it for the present; but the other three we will now
+examine, with the help of evidence mainly derived from facts of cult,
+not from the fancies of mythologists.
+
+First, then, I take sacrifice, dealing only with the general principles
+of sacrificial rites, so far as we can discern them in the numerous
+details which have come down to us. The word _sacrificium_, let us note,
+in its widest sense, may cover any religious act in which something is
+made _sacrum_, _i.e._ (in its legal sense) the property of a deity;[347]
+I am not now concerned to conjecture what exactly may have been the
+meaning of this immortal word before it was embodied in the _ius
+divinum_. "Sacrificium" is limited in practical use by the Romans
+themselves to offerings, animal or cereal, made on the spot where the
+deity had taken up his residence, or at some place on the boundary of
+land or city (_e.g._ the gate) which was under his protection, or (in
+later times at least) at a temporary altar erected during a campaign.
+Thus it was as much a sacrificium when the paterfamilias threw at each
+meal a portion of the food into the fire, the residence of Vesta, as
+when the consul offered a victim to Mars on the eve of a battle.
+
+Sacrifices have generally been divided into the three classes of (1)
+honorific, where the offering is believed to be in some sense a gift to
+the deity; (2) piacular, or sin-offerings, where the victim was usually
+burnt whole, no part being retained for eating (though this was not the
+case at Rome); (3) sacramental sacrifices, where the worshippers enter
+into communion with the deity by partaking of the sacred offering
+together with him.[348] The two former are constant and typical in the
+Roman religion; but traces of the sacramental type, which Robertson
+Smith believed to be the oldest, are also found, and it will clear the
+ground if I refer to them at once. By far the most interesting example
+is that of the Latin festival on the Alban mount, where the flesh of the
+victim, a white heifer that had never felt the yoke, was partaken of by
+the deputies of all the cities of the Latin league, great importance
+being attached to the due distribution.[349] Here the Latin race "yearly
+acknowledges its common kinship of blood, and seals it by partaking in
+the common meal of a sacred victim," thus entering into communion with
+Jupiter, the ancient god of the race, and with each other, by
+participation in the flesh of the sacred animal. "This common meal is
+perhaps a survival from the age when cattle were sacred animals, and
+were never slain or eaten except on the solemn annual occasions when the
+clan or race renewed its kinship and its mutual obligations by a solemn
+sacrament." It is tempting to compare with this great sacrament the
+_epulum Iovis_ on the Ides of September, the dedication-day of the
+Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, which three deities
+seem to have been present in visible form to share the meal with the
+magistrates and senate.[350] But we have not yet arrived at the age when
+this temple was built, and we have no evidence enabling us to carry the
+rite back in any form to the pre-Etruscan period. There are, however,
+faint indications that the old Italians believed the deities to be in
+some sense present at their meals, though not in visible form; and at
+one festival, the Fornacalia, which was a concern not of the State as a
+whole, but of the thirty _curiae_ into which it was divided,[351] there
+seems to be no doubt that a common meal took place in which the gods
+were believed to have a part, or at any rate to be present though
+invisible. Yet the _ius divinum_ of the Roman State assuredly did not
+encourage this kind of sacrament; for in the regular round of State
+festivals, in which we cannot include even the _feriae Latinae_, the
+sacrifices, so far as we are informed, were all honorific or piacular.
+If I am not mistaken, the idea of participation by the people in solemn
+sacred rites was discouraged by the Roman priesthood; in the _ius
+divinum_ the line drawn between _sacrum_ and _profanum_ was clear;
+scenes of gluttony or revelry, like the Greek hecatombs, were eliminated
+from the _sacra publica_, as I have already pointed out. Not till the
+advent of the Sibylline books and the _Graecus ritus_ did the people
+take an active part in the State religion; their duty was merely to
+abstain from disturbance during the performance of sacred rites. "Feriis
+iurgia amovento" is the only reference in Cicero's imaginary sketch of
+the _ius divinum_ to the conduct of the citizen on festival days.[352]
+Within the family, the curia, the gens, there might be direct and active
+participation in daily or yearly ceremonies, but it was an essential
+principle of the life of the city-state that its business, religious as
+well as civil, should be carried out for the citizens by officials
+specially appointed.
+
+In the typical and organised worship of the State, _i.e._ sacrifice
+honorific and piacular, sanctioned by the _ius divinum_, the utmost care
+was taken that the whole procedure should be in every sense acceptable
+to the deity; that nothing _profanum_ should cross the threshold of the
+divine; hence it was quiet, orderly, dignified. The feeling that
+communication with the deity invoked was impossible save under such
+conditions was very strong in the Roman mind, stronger perhaps than with
+any other people whose religious practice is known to us; and the sense
+of obligation and duty, _pietas_, as they called it, was thus very early
+developed, and of infinite value to the State in its youth. This is
+entirely in keeping with what we have learnt in the last two lectures of
+the ideas of the Romans about the nature of their deities, and throws
+additional light on those ideas. They did not as yet know too much about
+the divine beings and their powers and wishes; familiarity had not yet
+bred contempt; _religio_, as we saw, was still strong among them--the
+feeling of awe that is likely to diminish or disappear when you have
+your god before you in the form of an idol. It is a principle of human
+nature that where knowledge is imperfect, care must be taken to be on
+the safe side; this is true of all practical undertakings, and as the
+religion of the Romans was that of a practical people with a practical
+end in view, it was particularly true of them.
+
+First then, in order that the worship might be entirely acceptable to
+the deity invoked, it was essential that the person who conducted it
+should be also acceptable. At the head of the whole system was the rex,
+who was priest as well as king. We do not know, of course, exactly how
+the rex was appointed; but in the case of the typical priest-king Numa,
+Livy has described his _inauguratio_ in terms of the _ius divinum_ of
+later times for the appointment of priests, and we may take it as fairly
+certain that the same principle held good from the earliest times.[353]
+After being summoned (so the story ran) from the Sabine city of Cures by
+the Senate, he consulted the gods about his own fitness. He was then
+conducted by the augur to the arx on the Capitol, and sat down on a
+stone facing the south. The augur took his seat on his left hand (the
+lucky side) with veiled head, holding the _lituus_[354] of his office
+in his right hand, with which, after a prayer, he marked out the
+_regiones_ from east to west, the north being to the left, the south to
+the right, and silently noted some object in the extreme distance of the
+_ager Romanus_, as the farthest point where the appearance of an omen
+might be accepted. Then, passing the _lituus_ to his left hand, he laid
+his right on the head of Numa, and uttered this prayer: "Father Jupiter,
+if it be thy will (_fas_) that this Numa Pompilius, on whose head my
+hand is laid, be king of Rome, I pray thee give us clear token within
+the limits which I have marked out." Then he said aloud what auspicia he
+sought for (_i.e._ whether of birds, lightning, or what); and when they
+appeared, Numa descended as rex from the citadel. This process was
+called _inauguratio_; it is attested for the confirmation of the
+election of the three flamines maiores, the rex, and the augurs, in
+historical times,[355] whatever was the method of that election, and
+without it the priest was not believed to be acceptable to the gods. It
+is not mentioned by Roman writers in connection with the Pontifices or
+the Vestals; if this be not merely from dearth of evidence, it is not
+easy to account for, unless the reason were that neither body was
+specially concerned with sacrifice. But the principle is perfectly
+clear--that the person who is to represent the community in worship must
+be one of whom the _numina_ openly express approval.
+
+A priest, _sacerdos_, is thus a person set apart by special ritual for
+the service of the _sacra populi Romani_. The rex no doubt himself made
+the selection and supervised the inauguratio of the other priests at
+whose head he was. When the kingship came to an end, his powers of this
+kind passed to the pontifex maximus; and it may be as well to add at
+once that his sacrificial powers, though they were in a special sense
+inherited by a priest who took his title, the _rex sacrorum_, passed
+with the civil power to all magistrates _cum imperio_, who wore the
+_toga praetexta_ symbolic of priestly function, and had the right of
+presiding at sacrificial rites both at home and in the field. Thus
+magistrate and priest, though quite distinct under the Republic from the
+point of view of public law, have certain characteristics in common as
+deriving from a common source in the powers of the rex.[356]
+
+But to return to the period of Numa and the calendar: it was not only
+necessary that the priest should be acceptable to the gods, but that he
+should be marked off from the rest of the community as being dedicated
+to their service. As Dr. Jevons says,[357] in all early religions
+priests are marked off from other worshippers, partly by what they do,
+and partly by what they may not do; and what he means is (1) that the
+priest originally was the person who alone could slay a victim; (2) that
+in consequence of his sacredness he was subject to a great number of
+restrictions. I have already spoken of these restrictions or priestly
+taboos in my second lecture; and as I believe that in the period we are
+now dealing with they were little more than a survival, I shall not
+return to them now. But of the outward insignia, which marked off the
+priest as alone entitled to perform the essential act of worship, the
+sacrifice, and which bring him out of the region of the _profanum_ into
+that of _sacrum_, I must say a few words before going farther.
+
+In historical times the actual slaying of the victim was done by
+subordinates, _popae_, _victimarii_, etc.; but there is no doubt
+whatever that it was originally the work of the priest, for he seems at
+all times to have used one gesture which is clearly symbolic of it,[358]
+and there are traces also of a practice of wearing the toga in such a
+way as to leave the right arm free for the act.[359] That toga, or any
+other special robe worn by the priest, was always in whole or part red
+or purple. The purple-edged _toga praetexta_ was worn both by priests
+and magistrates, and by children under age; and I think there is good
+reason to believe that in all these cases the original idea was the
+same--that they took part, directly or indirectly, as primary or
+secondary agents in sacrificial acts. The Salii and the augurs wore the
+_trabea_, which was of purple or red, or both; the flamines had a
+special robe about the colour of which we are not informed, but the
+Flaminica Dialis wore a purple garment called _rica_, and a red veil
+called _flammeum_, which was also worn by the bride in the religious
+ceremony of marriage. Whether we are to see in this prevalence of red or
+purple any symbolism of the shedding of blood in sacrifice I cannot be
+sure, but the inference is a tempting one, and has been put forward with
+confidence by some recent investigators. It is worth noting that the
+Vestals, who did not sacrifice animals, wore white only.[360] If the red
+colour has anything to do with blood-shedding, it is probably more than
+merely symbolic; it may mean that the sacrificing priest partakes of
+that life and strength which he passes on to the god through the blood,
+that is the life, of the victim.[361]
+
+The Roman priests had also other insignia, of which the original meaning
+is less evident. The Flamen Dialis, and probably all the flamines, wore
+a cap with an olive-twig fastened to the top of it; this is well shown
+in the sculptures of the Ara Pacis of Augustus.[362] The flaminicae had
+a head-dress called _tutulus_, which consisted in part, at least, of a
+purple fillet or ribbon. The flamines, when actually sacrificing, wore a
+_galerus_, or hood of some kind made of the skin of a victim, and the
+Flamen Dialis in particular wore one made of the skin of a white heifer
+sacrificed to Jupiter.[363] In these various ways all priests were
+outwardly shown to be holy men, _sacerdotes_, marked off from the
+_profanum vulgus_. Only for the pontifices we have no information as to
+a special dress, just as we also have none as to their inauguratio.[364]
+
+Thus there is no question that the priests were chosen and separated
+from the people in such a way as to meet with the approval of the gods;
+and even the acolytes, _camilli_ and _camillae_, boys and girls who
+frequently appear in sacrificial scenes on monuments, wore the _toga
+praetexta_, and, in order to be acceptable, must be the children of
+living parents.[365] This rule has lately been the subject of a
+discussion by Dr. Frazer, on which he has brought to bear, as usual, a
+great range of learning. He regards the restriction not so much as a
+matter of good omen, _i.e._ of freedom from contamination by the death
+of a parent, but as pointing to a notion that they were "fuller of life
+and therefore luckier than orphans."[366] Whether or no this explanation
+is the right one, it is quite consistent, as we shall see directly, with
+the general idea of sacrifice at Rome, and the learning by which it is
+supported is in any case of interest and value.
+
+There is abundant evidence from historical times that all worshippers,
+and therefore _a fortiori_ all priests, when sacrificing, had to be
+personally clean and free from every kind of taint; a rule which also
+held good for the utensils used in the worship, which in many cases at
+least were of primitive make and material, not such as were in common
+use.[367] The need of personal purity is well expressed by Tibullus in
+his description of a rural festival[368]:--
+
+  vos quoque abesse procul iubeo, discedat ab aris
+    cui tulit hesterna gaudia nocte Venus.
+  casta placent superis: pura cum veste venite
+    et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam.
+
+These lines indicate an approach at least to the idea of mental as well
+as material purity; and Cicero in his _ius divinum_ in the _de
+Legibus_[369] actually reaches that idea: "caste iubet lex adire ad
+deos, animo videlicet, in quo sunt omnia: nec tollit castimoniam
+corporis," etc. But this is the language of a later age, and does not
+reflect the notions of the old Roman, but rather those of the religious
+philosophy of the Greek. The personal purity which the Roman rule
+required was a survival from a set of primitive ideas, closely connected
+with taboo, which we are only now beginning to understand fully. They
+are common to all or almost all peoples who have made any progress in
+systematising their sacrificial worship. As Dr. Westermarck has
+recently expressed it,[370] "they spring from the idea that the contact
+of a polluting substance with anything holy is followed by injurious
+consequences. It is supposed to deprive a deity or holy being of its
+holiness.... So also a sacred act is believed to lose its sacredness by
+being performed by an unclean individual." And in the next sentence he
+goes still farther back in the history of the belief, pointing out that
+a polluting substance is itself held to contain mysterious energy of a
+baneful kind. But I must leave this interesting subject now; the story
+of the evolution of the habit of cleanliness from these ancient ideas
+will be found in the thirty-ninth chapter of his _Origin and Development
+of Moral Ideas_.
+
+Coming next to the act of sacrifice itself, it is needless to say that
+the victim must be as exactly fitted to please the deity--if that be the
+right way to express the obligation--as the priest who sacrificed it. It
+must be of the right kind, sex, age, colour; it must go willingly to the
+slaughter, adorned with fillets and ribbons (_infulae_, _vittae_), in
+order to mark it off from other animals as holy; in the case of oxen, we
+hear also of the gilding of the horns, but this must have been costly
+and unusual.[371] All these details were doubtless laid down in the _ius
+divinum_, and in later times, when the deities dwelt in roofed temples,
+they were embodied in the _lex_ or charter of each temple.[372] I do not
+need to go into them here minutely; for my present purpose, the
+elucidation of the meaning which the Romans attached to sacrificial
+worship, it will be sufficient to point out that all victims, so far as
+we know, were domestic animals, and in almost all cases they were
+valuable property (_pecunia_), such as belonged to the stock of the
+Latin farmer, ox, sheep, pig, varying according to age and sex. Goats
+were used at the Lupercalia, and a horse was sacrificed to Mars, as we
+have seen, on October 15, and at the Robigalia in April a red dog was
+offered to the spirit of the mildew. But though time forbids me to
+explain all these rules, a careful study of the evidence for them is
+most useful for any one who wishes to understand the influence of the
+_ius divinum_ on the mind of the early Roman. In the family what rules
+were needed were matter of tradition; deities were few, and offerings
+limited. But in the city-state it was very different; here even the _di
+indigetes_ were many, with diverse wishes and likings as well as
+functions: how were these to be ascertained and remembered at the right
+moment? Here, as in all methods of securing the _pax deorum_, a central
+supervising authority was needed, in whose knowledge and wisdom the
+whole community had confidence; and he was found in the rex, as is
+clearly shown in the whole traditional account of the priest-king Numa.
+Very naturally tradition also ascribed to Numa the institution of the
+pontifices, whom the historical Romans knew as succeeding the rex in the
+supervision of religious law.[373]
+
+If all went well, the victim going willingly and no ill omen
+supervening, the actual slaughter followed at the altar. During the
+whole operation silence was enjoined; the priests' heads were veiled
+with the folds of the toga;[374] pipers (_tibicines_) continued to play,
+in order that no unlucky sound or word might be heard which would make
+it necessary to start afresh with another victim (_instauratio_).
+Immediately before the slaughter the victim was made holier than ever by
+sprinkling upon it fragments of sacred cake made of _far_ (_immolatio_),
+and by pouring on it libations of wine from a _foculus_ or movable altar
+containing this holy condiment, together with incense if that were used
+in the rite. As soon as it was dead, the internal organs were examined
+to make sure that there was no physical defect or abnormal growth, for
+it was, of course, quite as necessary that the animal should be "purus"
+within as without; this was the only object of the examination, until
+the Etruscan art of _extipicina_ made its way to Rome. What became of
+the blood we are not told; I have already remarked that blood has
+curiously little part in Roman ritual and custom.[375] But the _exta_,
+_i.e._ internal organs of life, were separated from the rest of the
+carcase, and carefully cooked in holy vessels, before being laid upon
+the altar (_porrectio_), together with certain slices of flesh called
+_magmenta_, or increase-offerings, while the rest of the flesh, which
+had now lost its holiness, was retained for the use of the priests.[376]
+The time occupied in the actual slaughter and inspection of the organs
+was not long; but the cooking of these must have been often a lengthy
+process. Ovid tells us how on April 25 he met the Flamen Quirinalis
+carrying out the exta of a dog and a sheep, which had been sacrificed at
+Rome to Robigus that morning, in order to lay them on the altar of that
+deity at the fifth milestone on the Via Claudia.[377] Certain days in
+the calendar, called _endotercisi_, which were _nefasti_ in morning and
+evening, were _fasti_ in the middle of the day, between the slaying of a
+victim and the placing of its exta on the altar (_inter hostiam caesam
+et exta porrecta_).[378]
+
+I have so far purposely omitted one important detail--the prayer which,
+so far as we know, invariably accompanied the sacrifice. It is not
+absolutely certain at what moment of the rite it was said at Rome; in
+the ritual of Iguvium we find it occurring immediately before the
+placing of the exta on the altar;[379] but as that ritual is a
+processional one, concerned with sacrifices at several spots, the two
+chief parts of the rite, the slaughter and the _porrectio_, probably
+followed closely on one another. We may perhaps guess that where these
+two parts were separated by a considerable interval, as in the majority
+of Roman festivals, the prayer was said by the priest also at the moment
+of _porrectio_. The prayer is so important a detail as to need separate
+handling--important because it helps us to interpret the ideas of the
+Romans about their sacrifices, and the attitude in which they conceived
+themselves as standing towards the deities whom they thus approached. I
+propose to occupy the rest of this lecture in considering this most
+interesting topic. I wish first to draw attention to a particular
+feature, or rather expression, which occurs in the authentic wording of
+certain prayers which we are lucky enough to possess, because I think it
+throws some light on the meaning which the Romans attached to the
+sacrifice it accompanied; and secondly, to consider the character of
+Roman prayers generally, in view of a question now being largely
+discussed, _i.e._ whether prayer is a development from spell or charm,
+belonging in its origin to the region of magic.
+
+We have various forms of prayer surviving in Roman literature: some of
+them are versified by the poets, and therefore give us a general
+impression of the contents without the actual and genuine wording; we
+have also two fragments of ancient _carmina_ which have the form of
+prayers, those of the Salii and the Fratres Arvales; and we have certain
+forms used on special occasions, such as the _evocatio_ of the gods of a
+hostile community, or the formulae of vows (_vota_) which I must
+postpone to the next lecture. But the only unquestionably genuine old
+Roman prayers used at sacrifice, taken from the books of the pontifices
+and preserved word for word, are those which Cato embodied in his
+treatise on agriculture in the second century B.C., as proper to be used
+with sacrifice on certain occasions in the agricultural year.[380] It is
+here that we meet with the phrase, familiar in another form to all Latin
+scholars, on which I wish to lay stress now. It occurs in all the four
+forms of prayer which Cato copied down. The first is at the time of the
+flowering of the pear-trees, on behalf of the oxen: "Iuppiter dapalis,
+quod tibi fieri oportet in domo familia mea culignam vini dapi eius
+rei[381] ergo, _macte hac illace dape polucenda esto_." And again, when
+the wine is offered: "Iuppiter dapalis, _macte istace dape polucenda
+esto. Macte vino inferio esto_." So in the piacular sacrifice when a
+clearing is made, the unknown deity is addressed in the last words of
+the prayer thus: "harum rerum ergo _macte hoc porco piaculo immolando
+esto_." We find this _macte esto_ again in the prayer for the ceremony
+of lustratio, at the end of the formula: "_macte hisce suovetaurilibus
+lactentibus immolandis esto_." In the rite of the _porca praecidanea_,
+to which I have already referred, the instruction for the invocation of
+Jupiter runs: "_Fertum_ (_i.e._ a kind of cake) _Iovi obmoveto et
+mactato sic, Iuppiter, te hoc ferto_ obmovendo bonas preces precor, uti
+sies volens propitius mihi liberisque meis domo familiaeque meae _mactus
+hoc ferto_." Janus gets another kind of cake (_strues_) and a
+wine-offering, and is addressed in the same way. Then we read, "Iovi
+fertum obmoveto _mactatoque item_, ut prius feceris."
+
+What is the real meaning of this phrase _macte esto_, which must surely
+have been in universal use at sacrifices, not only at private rites like
+those of Cato, since it came to be used in common speech of
+congratulation or felicitation, e.g. _macte virtute esto_?[382] Servius
+in commenting on Virgil has made it sufficiently clear. He explains it
+as _magis aucte_, and connects it with _magmentum_, increase-offering,
+_quasi magis augmentum_, and adds that when the victims had been slain
+and their exta placed on the altar, they were said to be _mactatae_. So,
+too, in another comment he seems to connect the word with the victim
+rather than with the deity. But he is quite clear as to the meaning of
+the word, as signifying an increase or addition of some kind; and though
+his etymology is wrong, we may be sure that he was right in this
+respect, for it is beyond doubt built on a base, _mac_ or _mag_, which
+produced _magnus_, _maius_, _maiestas_, and so on. "Macte nova virtute
+puer" means "Be thou increased, strengthened in _virtus_"; a fragment of
+Lucilius (quoted by Servius) brings this out well, "_Macte inquam
+virtute simulque his viribus esto_," and another from Ennius, "Livius
+inde redit magno _mactatus_ triumpho."[383] We might almost translate it
+in these passages by "glorified"; but it most certainly includes the
+meaning of "strengthened" or "increased in might."
+
+Now in the formulae of Cato we have seen that it is applied to the
+deity and not to the victim; this naturally did not occur to Servius,
+whose mind was occupied rather with Virgil and the literary use of the
+word than with the original use and meaning of the language of prayer.
+Undoubtedly he has made a mistake here, which Cato's piety has enabled
+us to detect. It was, in fact, the deity whose strength was to be
+increased by the offerings; so much at least seems to me to be beyond
+doubt. There is, indeed, no certain trace in the ritual, or in Roman
+literature, that the gods were supposed to consume the exta, or the
+cakes and wine offered them; that primitive notion must have been
+excluded from the _ius divinum_. But instead of it we find the more
+spiritual idea that by placing on the altar the organs of the life of
+the victim, with ancient forms of sacred cake and offerings of wine, the
+vitality of the deity, his power to help his worshippers, to make the
+corn grow and the cattle bring forth young, to aid the State against
+enemies, or what not, was really increased in this semi-mystic way. Let
+us remember that the Roman numina were powers constantly at work in
+their own sphere; they are the various manifestations of the one Power
+as conceived in immediate relation to man and his wants; they are
+sometimes addressed in prayer, as we have seen, by additional titles
+which suggest their strength and vitality: Virites Quirini, Nerio
+Martis, Moles Martis, Maia or Maiestas Volcani. What, then, could be
+more natural than that the Roman should call upon his divine
+fellow-citizen to accept that which, according to ancient tradition and
+practice, will keep up his strength, and at the same time increase his
+glory and his goodwill towards his worshippers? This is, then, the idea
+which I believe to have been at the root of Roman sacrificial ritual,
+and it seems to confirm the dynamic theory of sacrifice recently
+propounded by some French anthropologists, _i.e._ that a mystic current
+of _religious force_ passed through the victim, from priest to deity,
+and perhaps back again.[384] I believe that we have here a transitional
+idea of the virtue of sacrifice--an idea that bridges over the gulf
+between the crude notion that the gods actually partake of the offering,
+and the later more spiritual view that the offering is an honorary gift
+"to the glory of God." It seems also to be found in the Vedic religion.
+Dr. Farnell writes: "In the Vedic ritual we find a pure and spiritual
+form of prayer; yet a certain spell-power may attach even to the highest
+types, for we find not infrequently the conception that not only the
+power of the worshipper, but the power of the deity also is nourished
+and strengthened by prayer, and the prayer itself is usually accompanied
+by a potent act (such as that of sacrifice). "May our prayers increase
+Agni": "The prayers fill thee with power and strengthen thee, like great
+rivers the Sindhu."[385]
+
+I must now turn to the form and manner of Roman prayers, in order to
+gain further light on the question as to the mental attitude of the
+worshipper towards the deity invoked. Of late years there has been a
+strong tendency to find the origin of prayer in spell; or, in other
+words, to discover a bridge between that mental attitude which believes
+that a deity can be forced into a certain course of action by magical
+formulae, and the humble attitude of the petitioner in prayer, which
+assumes that the power of the deity altogether transcends that of his
+worshipper. The evidence of Roman prayers is, I think, of considerable
+value in dealing with this question; but it needs to be carefully
+studied and handled. The general impression conveyed by those who have
+written on the subject is that Roman prayers were dull, dry formulae,
+which were believed to have a constraining influence on the deity simply
+as formulae, if they were repeated with perfect precision the right
+number of times. Dr. Westermarck, for example, has no shadow of a doubt
+about this; quoting Renan, he says that "in the Roman, as in the
+majority of the old Italian cults, prayer is a magic formula, producing
+its effect by its own inherent quality." And again, he writes that the
+Romans were much more addicted to magic than to religion; "they wanted
+to compel the gods rather than to be compelled by them. Their _religio_
+was probably near akin to the Greek [Greek: katadesmos], which meant not
+only an ordinary tie, but also a magic tie or knot or a bewitching
+thereby."[386] I need not stop to point out the misconception of the
+word _religio_ which suggested the whole of this passage; the supposed
+derivation from _ligare_ was quite enough to suggest magic to those who
+are on the trail of it.[387] Let us go on to examine the prayers
+themselves; I think we shall find that though there is much truth in the
+common view of them, it is not quite the whole truth.
+
+The oldest Roman prayers we possess are usually called hymns, because
+the Latin word for them was _carmen_, viz. the _Carmen Saliare_, which
+is too obscure and fragmentary to be of use to us, and the _Carmen_ of
+the Arval Brethren, which is preserved on stone and is quite
+intelligible.[388] The word _carmen_, let us notice, was used by the old
+Romans for any kind of metrical formula, whether hymn, prayer, or spell.
+Pliny, when writing of magic and incantations, plainly includes prayer
+among them;[389] and Dr. Jevons has recently pointed out that singing,
+and especially singing in a low voice or muttered tones, is a
+characteristic of magic not only in Greece and Rome, but in many parts
+of the world at the present day.[390] The evidence of the word is thus
+strongly in favour of the view that these ancient _carmina_ of Roman
+worship were really spells; and the _Carmen Arvalium_ itself does not
+contradict it. After an elaborate sacrificial ceremonial the priests,
+using a written copy of the _carmen_ (_libellis acceptis_), danced in
+triple rhythm (_tripodaverunt_) while they sang it; it consisted of six
+clauses, each repeated three times. "_Enos Lases iuvate! Neve luerve
+Marmar sins incurrere in pleores! Satur fu fere Mars, limen sali, sta
+berber! Semunes alternei advocapit cunctos! Enos Marmar iuvato!
+Triumpe!_" With the precise interpretation of these words I am not now
+concerned; but they obviously contain invocations to the Lares and Mars,
+which may be either petitions or commands, and which perhaps are really
+on the borderland between the two; and as thrice repeated, and
+accompanied with dancing and gesticulation, they seem certainly to
+belong rather to the region of magic than of religion proper.
+
+It is interesting to compare with this _carmen_ the prayers of the guild
+of brethren (_Attiedii_) at Iguvium; these are the best preserved of all
+old Italian prayers, and though not Roman, are the product of the same
+race. In the lustratio of the _arx_ (_Ocris Fisius_) of Iguvium we find
+three several deities invoked, with elaborate sacrificial ritual, at
+three gates, and a long prayer addressed to each deity, thrice repeated,
+as in the _Carmen Arvale_. It is to be said under the breath (_tacitus
+precator totum_, vi. A. 55), which was a common practice also at Rome,
+and is believed to be characteristic of the magical spell;[391] and
+except in the case of the first prayer, which is addressed to the chief
+deity Jupiter Grabovius, it is accompanied by some kind of dancing or
+rhythmical movement (_tripodatio_).[392] Thus in outward form this
+ritual seems to show but little advance on the Roman prayer of the
+Arvales, and indeed it may in substance go back to a time as remote as
+that in which the latter had its origin. But when we examine the matter
+of the prayer, we find that it is cast in the language of petition
+beyond all doubt--if it be rightly interpreted, as we may believe it
+is:--
+
+"Te invocavi invoco divum Grabovium pro arce Fisia, pro urbe Iguvina,
+pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine: _volens sis, propitius sis_ arci
+Fisiae, urbi Iguvinae, arcis nomini, urbis nomini. Sancte, te invocavi
+invoco divum Grabovium. Sancti fiducia te invocavi invoco divum
+Grabovium. Dive Grabovie te hoc bove opimo piaculo pro arce Fisia, etc.
+Dive Grabovi, illius anni quiquomque in arce Fisia ignis ortus est, in
+urbe Iguvina ritus debiti omissi sunt, pro nihilo ducito. Dive Grabovi,
+quicquid tui sacrificii vitiatum est, peccatum est, peremptum est,
+fraudatum est, demptum est, tui sacrificii visum invisum vitium est,
+dive Grabovi, quicquid ius sit, hoc bove opimo piaculo piando.... Dive
+Grabovi, piato arcem Fisiam, piato urbem Iguvinam. Dive Grabovi, piato
+arcis Fisiae, urbis Iguvinae, nomen, magistratus, ritus, viros, pecora,
+fundos, fruges: piato, _esto volens propitius pace tua_ arci Fisiae,
+etc. Dive Grabovi, salvam servato arcem Fisiam salvam servato urbem
+Iguvinam .... Dive Grabovi, te hoc bove opimo piaculo pro arce Fisia,
+pro urbe Iguvina, pro arcis nomine, pro urbis nomine, Dive Grabovi, te
+invocavi."[393]
+
+That in this prayer, and the others which accompany it, exactness of
+wording was believed to be essential, as in the ritual which preceded it
+exactness of performance, there is no doubt; for at the end of the whole
+document (vi. B. 48) we find that if there had been any slip in the
+ritual, the Brethren had to go back to the first gate and begin all over
+again. There is plainly present the idea, surviving from an age of
+magic, that the deities had strong feelings about the right way of
+invocation, and would not respond to the performance unless those
+feelings were understood and appealed to; that they would miss something
+and decline to do their part. Yet are we justified in going on to assume
+that they were bound, as by a solemn contract, to perform their part, if
+there were no slip in the ritual? I confess it is difficult for me to
+take this further step, in view of the language of the prayers, which is
+so clearly that of petition, nay, of humble petition. We are not dealing
+here with _vota_, to which I shall come in the next lecture, and in
+which there is a kind of legal contract between the man and the god--the
+former undertaking to do something pleasing to the deity, if the latter
+shall have faithfully performed what is asked of him. These _vota_, so
+abundant in historical times, are really responsible for the idea that
+Roman prayer is simply a binding formula--a magical spell, let us say,
+which in the hands of a city priesthood has become a quasi-legal
+formula. But these prayers are not _vota_; they do not contain any
+language which betrays the notion of binding the deity. They seem to me
+to mark a process of transition between the age of spell and magic and
+the age of prayer and religion; they retain some of the outward
+characteristics of spell, but internally, _i.e._ in the spirit in which
+they were intended, they have the real characteristics of prayer.[394]
+The numina to whom they were addressed were powerful spirits, unknown,
+unfamiliar, until their wishes were discovered by the organised
+priesthood which handed down these forms of petition.
+
+To return to Rome, and to the prayers in Cato's book, to which I
+referred just now when discussing the word _macte_. Attempts have been
+made to prove that these were originally written in metre;[395] and this
+is quite possible. If so, it only means that they retained the outward
+form of the primitive spell; it must not lead us on to fancy that the
+sacrifice which accompanied the prayer was a magical act, or that the
+whole process was believed to compel the deity. No doubt there was
+believed to be efficacy in the exact repetition, as is shown by the
+directions for piacular sacrifices in case of error of any kind.[396]
+But the language is the language of prayer, not of compulsion, nor even
+of bargaining: "Eius rei ergo te hoc porco piaculo immolando bonas
+preces precor, ut sies volens propitius mihi, domo familiaeque
+meis."[397] "Mars pater, te precor quaesoque uti sies volens propitius
+mihi, domo," etc.[398] No amount of vain repetition or scruple can
+deprive this language of its natural meaning. The god is powerful in his
+own sphere of action, and man has no control over him; man is fully
+recognised as liable to misfortune unless the god helps him; but he can
+worship in full assurance of faith that his prayer will be answered, if
+it be such as the authorities of the State have laid down as the right
+wording, and if the ritual accompanying it is equally in order. The
+faith is, indeed, thus founded upon man's devices rather than the god's
+good-will as such; it is a belief in the State and its authorities and
+_ius divinum_, which is conceived, not indeed as constraining the deity,
+but as calling upon him (_invocare_) to perform his part, in formulae
+which he cannot well neglect, simply because it would be unreasonable
+to do so, contrary to his nature as a deity of the Roman State and its
+_ager_.
+
+It is obvious in all this sacrificial ritual that the officiating person
+or persons were expected to observe the traditional forms with the
+utmost care and exactness. Any slip or omission was, in fact, a
+_piaculum_, or _sacrum commissum_--terms of the _ius divinum_ which seem
+to suggest, if I may use the expression, the obverse side of holiness.
+It is now well known that cleanness and uncleanness, holiness and its
+opposite, can be expressed in religious vocabulary by the same terms,
+for in both cases there is something beyond the ordinary, something
+dangerous, uncanny; thus we are not surprised to find that such words as
+I have just mentioned can be used to express some kind of impurity
+caused by a breach of ritual as well as that ritual itself. If we accept
+the latest theory of sacrifice, _i.e._ the dynamic theory, as it is
+called, we explain this intense nervousness about a ritualistic flaw as
+occasioned by the consciousness of a breach in the current of "religious
+force" (the expression is that of Messrs. Hubert and Mauss[399]), which
+must pass in regular sequence from the sacrificer through the victim to
+the deity, or vice versa. If this is the true explanation--and at
+present it may be said to hold the field--then the extreme exactness of
+the Roman ritual was a survival from an age when this strange feeling
+was a reality; but no more than a survival, for, so far as I can
+discover, the Roman idea was rather that the deity to whom the ritual
+was addressed was in some way offended by the omission.[400] The dynamic
+notion is lost, if it ever were there, and its place has been taken by
+one that we may perhaps call theological. But however that may be, the
+culprit was regarded as in a state of sin or impurity, "un etre sacre,"
+and had to get rid of this sin or impurity by another sacrifice before
+the whole ritual could be started afresh (_instaurare_).
+
+According to the "dynamic" theory of sacrifice, we might naturally
+expect that the victim, as being destined to carry away the unholiness
+(or whatever we choose to call it) of the culprit, would be burnt whole,
+not offered to the deity in the form of exta, or eaten by the
+sacrificers.[401] But this does not seem to have been the case in the
+Roman practice; in all the examples of _piacula_ of which we have
+details, the exta are laid on the altar as in the typical
+sacrifice.[402] The inference seems to be that the theological idea of
+sacrifice had established itself completely ever since the formation of
+the _ius divinum_; the victim is not a scapegoat in any sense, but
+really an expiatory offering; and not only does the sacrificer yield up
+something of value, but he offers it to increase the strength of the
+deity as well as to appease his anger.
+
+A curious point may be noticed in the last place. The practical Roman
+mind seems to have invented a kind of sacrificial insurance, by which a
+piacular sacrifice might be offered beforehand to atone for any omission
+in the ritual which was to follow. Thus the Fratres Arvales, if they had
+to take an iron implement into their sacred grove, offered a piaculum
+before as well as after this breach of religious rule.[403] Again, the
+_porca praecidanea_, which I have already mentioned as offered before
+harvest, was an example of the same system of insurance; for the first
+cutting of the corn was a sacred rite, and one in which it was easy to
+take a false step. Writing of this, Gellius says in general terms that
+_hostiae praecidaneae_ are those which are offered the day before
+_sacrificia solennia_.[404]
+
+The term "piacular sacrifice" (_piaculum_) had a wide range of meaning,
+apart from the examples here given. With one important form of it I
+shall deal in the next lecture:[405] others we shall come across later
+on.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE VIII
+
+    [340] See Appendix C.
+
+    [341] Cato, _R.R._ 139, where the language suggests that
+    as the deity was unknown, the _ius_ of the religious act
+    was also uncertain, _i.e._ the ritual was not laid down.
+    De Marchi translates (_La Religione_ _nella vita
+    domestica_, i. 132) "sia a te fatto il debito
+    sacrificio," etc., which sufficiently expresses the
+    anxiety of the situation. Keil reads here "ut tibi ius
+    _est_," and gives no variant in his critical note; but
+    the words just below, "uti id recte factum siet," seem
+    to me to suggest the subjunctive. In any case there is
+    no doubt about _ius._ In _Tab. Iguv._ vi. A. 28
+    (_Umbrica_, p. 58) Buecheler translates the Umbrian
+    _persei mersei_ by "quicquid ius sit," and compares this
+    passage of Cato, together with Gellius i. 12. 14, where
+    the phrase is used of the duties of a Vestal under the
+    _ius divinum_ in the formula used by the Pontifex
+    Maximus, _cum virginem capiat_: "Sacerdotem Vestalem,
+    quae sacra faciat, quae ius siet sacerdotem Vestalem
+    facere pro pop. Rom." etc.
+
+    [342] _e.g._ _Aen._ iv. 56, x. 31 ("si sine pace tua
+    atque invito numine," etc.). Cp. _Tab. Iguv._ vi. 30,
+    33, etc. (_Umbrica_, p. 59), "esto volens propitiusque
+    pace tua arci Fisiae."
+
+    [343] Livy vi. 41 _ad fin._
+
+    [344] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 318, and p. 319 for the
+    illustrations that follow. Cp. Cicero, _Part. Or._ xxii.
+    78, where _religio_ is explained as "iustitia erga
+    deos."
+
+    [345] _Lex Coloniae Genetivae_, cap. 64; _C.I.L._ ii.,
+    supplement No. 5439.
+
+    [346] Livy i. 20. 5.
+
+    [347] This follows from the definition in Festus, p.
+    321, and in Macrobius iii. 3. 2. This last is quoted
+    from Trebatius _de religionibus_: "sacrum est quicquid
+    est quod deorum habetur." In common use _sacrificium_
+    seems to be reserved for animal sacrifice, but the verb
+    _sacrificare_ is not so limited. Festus, p. 319: "mustum
+    quod Libero sacrificabant pro vineis ... sicut
+    praemetium de spicis, quas primum messuissent,
+    sacrificabant Cereri." It has been suggested to me by
+    Mr. Marett that the termination of the word
+    _sacrificium_ may have reference to the use of _facere_
+    for animal sacrifice, as in Greek [Greek: rhezein,
+    erdein, dran]; but on the whole I doubt this. _Facere_
+    and _fieri_ are in that sense, I think, euphemisms,
+    occasioned by the mystic character of the act (examples
+    are collected in Brissonius _de formulis_, p. 9). _Rem
+    divinam facere_ seems to be the general expression, as
+    in Cato, _R.R._ 83; or the particular victim is in the
+    ablative, _e.g. agna Iovi facit_ (Flamen Dialis) in
+    Varro, _L.L._ vi. 16; cp. Virg. _Ecl._ iii. 77.
+
+    [348] This classification, originally due to R. Smith,
+    article "Sacrifice" in _Encycl. Brit._, ed. 10, has
+    lately been criticised by Hubert et Mauss, in _Melanges
+    d'histoire des religions_, p. 9 foll.; but it is
+    sufficiently complete for our purposes. At the same time
+    it is well to be aware that no classification of the
+    various forms of sacrifice can be complete at present;
+    that which these authors prefer, _i.e._ constant and
+    occasional sacrifices, is, however, a useful one.
+
+    [349] _R.F._ p. 95 foll. Cp. Robertson Smith, _Rel. of
+    Semites_, Lect. VIII.
+
+    [350] _R.F._ p. 217 foll.
+
+    [351] _R.F._ p. 302 foll. Meals in connection with
+    sacrifice are also found at the Parilia (_R.F._ p. 81,
+    and Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 743 foll.) and Terminalia (Ovid,
+    _Fasti_, ii. 657); but in both cases Ovid seems to be
+    describing rustic rites; nor is it certain that the meal
+    was really sacramental. What does seem proved is that
+    the old Latins and other Italians believed the deities
+    of the house to be present at their meals--
+
+      ante focos olim scamnis considere longis
+        mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos (_Fasti_, vi. 307),
+
+    and thus the idea was maintained that in some sense all
+    meals had a sacred character, _i.e._ all in which the
+    members of a _familia_ (see above, p. 78), or of _gens_
+    or _curia_, met together. Cp. R. Smith, _op. cit._ p.
+    261 foll. We may remember that the Penates were the
+    spirits of the food itself, not merely of the place in
+    which it was stored; it had therefore a sacred
+    character, which is also shown by the sanctification of
+    the firstfruits (_R.F._ pp. 151, 195). (The _cenae
+    collegiorum_, dinners of collegia of priests, were in no
+    sense sacrificial meals; see Marquardt, p. 231, note 7;
+    Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ pp. 13, 39, 40.)
+
+    [352] Cic. _de Legibus_, ii. 8. 19.
+
+    [353] Livy i. 18. For constitutional difficulties in
+    this passage, see, _e.g._, Greenidge, _Roman Public
+    Life_, p. 50.
+
+    [354] For this and the augurs generally, see Lecture
+    XII.
+
+    [355] The passages are collected by Wissowa, _R.K._ p.
+    420, note 3. There is no doubt about the inauguratio of
+    the three great flamines and the rex sacrorum, who were
+    all specially concerned with sacrifice, and of the
+    augurs, who would obviously need it in order to perform
+    the same ceremony for others--as a bishop needs
+    consecration for the same reason. As regards the
+    pontifices, Dionysius (ii. 73. 3) clearly thought it was
+    needed for them, and we might a priori assume that one
+    who might become a pontifex maximus would need it; but
+    Wissowa discounts Dionysius' opinion, and I am unwilling
+    to differ from him on a point of the _ius divinum_, of
+    which he is our best exponent. If he is right, it may be
+    that the three _flamines maiores_, who were reckoned in
+    strict religious sense as above the pontifices,
+    including their head (Festus, p. 185), needed "holiness"
+    more than any pontifex, and so with the augurs. The
+    insignia of the pontifices, as well as many historical
+    facts, show that the pontifices were competent to
+    perform sacrifice in a general sense (Marq. p. 248
+    foll.); but it is possible that they never had the
+    right, like the flamines, actually to slay the victim. I
+    do not feel sure that the _securis_ was really one of
+    their symbols, though Horace seems to say so in _Ode_
+    iii. 23. 12. The whole question needs further
+    investigation. It may be found that the essential
+    distinction between the pontifices and magistrates _cum
+    imperio_ on the one hand, and the flamines on the other,
+    is to be sought in the ideas of holiness connected with
+    the shedding of blood in sacrifice. The flamen is
+    permanently holy, having charge of constant sacrifices;
+    _e.g._ the Dialis had duties every day. He is the duly
+    sanctified guide for all rites within his own religious
+    range.
+
+    [356] Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 339, 410 foll.
+
+    [357] The whole subject of the preparation of the
+    sacrificer for his work, and of the steps by which he
+    becomes separated from the profane, is well treated by
+    Hubert et Mauss, _Melanges d'histoire des religions_, p.
+    23 foll. The reference to Dr. Jevons is _Introduction_,
+    ch. xx. p. 270 foll.
+
+    [358] Serv. _Aen._ xii. 173; Virgil wrote "dant fruges
+    manibus salsas, et tempora ferro Summa notant pecudum";
+    to which Servius adds that the symbolic movement was a
+    (pretended) cut from head to tail of the victim.
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 352.
+
+    [359] Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl., s.v._ "cinctus
+    Gabinus."
+
+    [360] Marquardt, p. 340. The Vestals were never, so far
+    as we know, directly concerned in animal sacrifice.
+
+    [361] See below, p. 190. For the colour of the garments,
+    and the explanation referred to, see Samter,
+    _Familienfeste_, p. 40 foll.; Diels, _Sibyllinische
+    Blaetter_, p. 70; and cp. von Duhn's paper, "Rot und Tot"
+    in _Archiv_, 1906, p. 1 foll. That red colouring was
+    used in various ways in sacred and quasi-sacred rites
+    there is no doubt (see above, p. 89, note 46); but
+    whether it can be always connected with bloodshed is by
+    no means so certain (Rohde, _Psyche_, i. 226). In the
+    case of women it is at least hard to understand. The
+    idea of consecration through blood, which is very rare
+    in Roman literature, comes out curiously in the words
+    which Livy puts into the mouth of Virginius after the
+    slaughter of his daughter (iii. 48): "Te Appi tuumque
+    caput sanguine hoc consecro" (_i.e._ to a deity not
+    mentioned). The sentence to which this note refers was
+    written before the appearance of Messrs. Hubert et
+    Mauss' essay on sacrifice (_Melanges d'histoire des
+    religions_, pp. 1-122). The theory there developed, that
+    the victim is the intermediary in all cases between the
+    sacrificer and the deity, and that the _force
+    religieuse_ passes from one to the other in one
+    direction or another, does not essentially differ from
+    the words in the text; but the French savants would, I
+    imagine, prefer to look on the insignia in a general
+    sense as bringing the person wearing them within the
+    region of the _sacrum_, the force of which would react
+    on him still more strongly after the destruction of the
+    victim (see p. 28 foll.).
+
+    [362] See, _e.g._, _Roman Sculpture_ by Mrs. Strong,
+    Plates xi. and xv.
+
+    [363] For this and other insignia see Marquardt, p. 222
+    foll. The question is under discussion whether some of
+    these insignia are not old Italian forms of dress (see
+    Gruppe, _Mythologische Literatur_, 1898-1905, p. 343).
+    For the wearing of the skin of a victim, which meets us
+    also at the Lupercalia (_R.F._ p. 311), see Robertson
+    Smith, _Semites_, p. 416 foll.; Jevons, _Introduction_,
+    p. 252 foll.; Frazer, _G.B._ iii. 136 foll.
+
+    [364] They, of course, wore the _praetexta_ when
+    performing religious acts. Cp. the Fratres Arvales, who
+    laid aside the _praetexta_ after sacrificing. Henzen,
+    _Acta Fr. Arv._ pp. 11, 21, and 28.
+
+    [365] Serv. _Aen._ xi. 543. The _camillae_ assisted the
+    _flaminicae_, Marquardt, p. 227. This is one of the most
+    beautiful features of the stately Roman ritual, and has
+    been handed on to the Roman Church. It was, of course,
+    derived from the worship of the household (see above, p.
+    74).
+
+    [366] _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, p. 413 foll. Dr. Frazer
+    is criticising Dr. Farnell, who had touched on the
+    subject in the _Hibbert Journal_ for 1907, p. 689, and
+    had taken the more obvious view that death in a family
+    disqualified for actions requiring extreme holiness.
+
+    [367] The passages are collected in Marquardt, p. 174
+    foll.; we may notice in particular Livy xlv. 5. 4,
+    where, though only the washing of hands is referred to,
+    we have the important statement that "omnis praefatio
+    sacrorum," _i.e._ the preliminary exhortation of the
+    priest, enjoined _purae manus_. Livy must be using the
+    language of Roman ritual, though he is not speaking here
+    of a Roman rite. For the material of sacred utensils see
+    Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 30.
+
+    [368] Tibullus ii. 1. 11.
+
+    [369] Cic. _de Legibus_, ii. 10. 24.
+
+    [370] Westermarck, _Origin and Development of Moral
+    Ideas_, ii. 352 foll.; consult the index for further
+    allusions to the subject. Cp. Farnell, _Evolution of
+    Religion_, Lecture III. [Fehrle, _Die kultische
+    Keuschheit im Altertum_ (Giessen, 1910), has reached me
+    too late for use in this chapter.]
+
+    [371] Full details, with the most important references
+    quoted in full, are in Marquardt, p. 172 foll.; but some
+    of the latter are applicable only to the Graeco-Roman
+    period.
+
+    [372] So we may gather from the Lex Furfensis of 58 B.C.
+    (_C.I.L._ ix. 3513), and that of the Ara Augusti at
+    Narbo of A.D. 12 (_C.I.L._ xii. 4333).
+
+    [373] The real origin of the pontifices and their name
+    is unknown to us. If they took their name from the
+    bridging of the Tiber, as Varro held (_L.L._ v. 83) and
+    as the majority of scholars believe (see O. Gilbert,
+    _Rom. Topographie_, ii. 220, note), the difficulty
+    remains that they are found in such a city as Praeneste,
+    where there was no river to be bridged, and where they
+    could not well have been merely an offshoot from the
+    Roman college; see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 432, note. Nor can
+    we explain how they came to be set in charge of the _ius
+    divinum_; and where there are no data conjecture is
+    useless.
+
+    [374] The covering of the head (_operto capite_, as
+    opposed to _aperto capite_ of the _Graecus ritus_) is
+    usually explained as meant to shut out all sounds
+    belonging to the world of the _profanum_; and the
+    playing of the tibicines is interpreted in the same way.
+    Hubert et Mauss explain the covered head differently:
+    "le rituel romain prescrivit generalement l'usage du
+    voile, signe de separation et partant de consecration"
+    (p. 28). Miss Harrison, _Prolegomena to_ _the Study of
+    Greek Religion_, p. 522, also holds that it is the
+    outward sign of consecration; cp. S. Reinach, _Cultes,
+    mythes, et religions_, i. 300 foll. The fact, noted by
+    Miss Harrison, that in Festus's account of the _ver
+    sacrum_ (p. 379, ed. Mueller) the children expelled were
+    veiled, seems to point to the idea of
+    dedication--unless, indeed, _velabant_ here means that
+    they blindfolded them.
+
+    [375] The wine was poured over the altar as well as on
+    the victim, which suggests a substitution for blood;
+    Arnobius vii. 29 and 30; Dion. Hal. vii. 72. I cannot
+    find that any one of the many utensils used in sacrifice
+    were for pouring out blood. Blood was, however, poured
+    on the stone at the Terminalia (_R.F._ pp. 325-326); but
+    the rite here described by Ovid seems to be a rural one,
+    outside the _ius divinum_. In the sacrifice of victims
+    to Hecate in Virg. _Aen._ vi. 243 foll., which cannot be
+    _ritus Romanus_, the warm blood is collected in
+    _paterae_; but nothing is said of what was done with it,
+    nor does Servius help. Cp. _Aen._ viii. 106. In
+    Lucretius v. 1202, "aras sanguine multo spargere
+    quadrupedum," the context shows that the ritual alluded
+    to is not old Roman. In Livy's description of the
+    "occulti paratus sacri" of the Samnites (ix. 41), we
+    find "_respersae fando nefandoque sanguine arae_, et
+    dira exsecratio ac furiale carmen." Livy seems to think
+    of this blood-sprinkling, whether the blood be human or
+    animal, as unusual and horrible. Ancient, no doubt, is
+    the practice, recorded in the _Acta Fratr. Arv._ (see
+    Henzen, pp. 21 and 23), of using the blood in a
+    religious feast, in the process of cooking: "porcilias
+    piaculares epulati sunt et sanguem." (There is a mention
+    of the pouring of blood in an inscription from Lusitania
+    in _C.I.L._ ii. 2395.) For the use of wine as a
+    substitute for blood, see the recently published work of
+    Karl Kircher, "Die sakrale Bedeuting des Weines," in
+    _Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche, etc._, p. 82 foll.,
+    where, however, the subject is not worked out.
+
+    [376] According to Luebbert (_Commentarii pontificales_,
+    p. 121 foll.) _magmentum_ is the same as _augmentum_,
+    which word is also found (Varro, _L.L._ v. 112). Festus,
+    p. 126, "magmentum magis augmentum"; Serv. _Aen._ iv.
+    57, to which passage I shall return. For the equivalent
+    in the Vedic ritual of the cooking and offering of the
+    exta, see Hubert et Mauss, _op. cit._ p. 60 foll.
+
+    [377] _R.F._ p. 89.
+
+    [378] _ib._ p. 10.
+
+    [379] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 60, 69, etc. Of course
+    the prayer might be said while other operations were
+    going on. For the constant connection of prayer and
+    sacrifice, see Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 10, "quippe
+    victimam caedi sine precatione non videtur referre aut
+    deos rite consuli." If Macrobius is right (iii. 2. 7
+    foll.) in asserting that the prayer must be said while
+    the priest's hand touches the altar, one may guess that
+    this was done at the same time that the exta were laid
+    on it. Ovid saw the priest at the Robigalia offer the
+    exta and say the prayer at the same time (_Fasti_, iv.
+    905 foll.), but does not mention the hand touching the
+    altar. For this see Serv. _Aen._ vi. 124; Horace, _Ode_
+    iii. 23. 17, and Dr. Postgate on this passage in
+    _Classical Review_ for March 1910.
+
+    [380] Cato, _R.R._ 132, 134, 139, and 141. That these
+    formulae were taken from the books of the pontifices is
+    almost certain, not only from the internal evidence of
+    the prayers themselves, but because Servius (Interpol.)
+    on _Aen._ ix. 641 quotes the words: "macte hoc vino
+    inferio esto," which occur in 132, introducing them
+    thus: "et in pontificalibus sacrificantes dicebant
+    deo...."
+
+    [381] The verb is omitted here for some ritualistic
+    reason, as in the Iguvian prayers (_Umbrica_, p. 55).
+
+    [382] Virg. _Aen._ ix. 641, "macte nova virtute puer,
+    sic itur ad astra," etc., and many other passages. The
+    verb _mactare_ acquired a general sense of sacrificial
+    slaying, as did also _immolare_, though neither had
+    originally any direct reference to slaughter. The best
+    account I find of the word is in H. Nettleship's
+    _Contributions to Latin Lexicography_, p. 520. He takes
+    _mactus_ as the participle of a lost verb _maco_ or
+    _mago_, to make great, increase, equivalent to _augeo_,
+    which is also a word of semi-religious meaning, as
+    Augustus knew. Nettleship quotes Cicero _in Vatinium_,
+    14, "puerorum extis deos manes mactare."
+
+    [383] Baehrens, _Fragm. Poet. Lat._ 180; Lusilius fragm.
+    143; Nonius, 341, 28 has "versibus."
+
+    [384] It may possibly be objected that some of the
+    deities were powerful for evil as well as good, _e.g._
+    Robigus, the spirit of the red mildew, and that the
+    power of such a deity was not to be encouraged or
+    increased. But all such deities (and I cannot mention
+    another besides Robigus) were of course conceived as
+    able to restrain their own harmful function; they were
+    not invoked to go away and leave the ager Romanus in
+    peace, but to limit their activity in the land where
+    they had been settled for worship. We have no prayer to
+    Robigus (or Robigo, feminine, as Ovid has it) except
+    that which Ovid somewhat fancifully versified after
+    hearing the Flamen Quirinalis say it (_Fasti_, iv. 911
+    foll.), in which of course the word _macte_ does not
+    occur. As the victim was a dog, an uneatable one, it is
+    possible that the ritual was not quite the usual one.
+    But the language of the prayer is interesting and brings
+    out my point:
+
+      aspera Robigo, parcas Cerialibus herbis.
+        vis tua non levis est;...
+      parce precor, scabrasque manus a messibus aufer
+        neve noce cultis: posse nocere sat est.
+
+    It concludes by praying Robigo to direct her strength
+    and attention to other objects, _gladios et tela
+    nocentia_; but this is the poet's fancy.
+
+    [385] _Evolution of Religion_, p. 212, quoting _Vedic
+    Hymns_, pt. ii. pp. 259 and 391.
+
+    [386] _Origin and Development of Moral Ideas_, vol. ii.
+    p. 585 foll.; cp. 657. See also Farnell, _Evolution of
+    Religion_, p. 195.
+
+    [387] See above, p. 9. _Religio_ in the sense of an
+    obligation to perform certain ritualistic acts is in my
+    view a secondary and later use of the word. See
+    _Transactions of the Congress of Historical Religion for
+    1908_, vol. ii. p. 169 foll.
+
+    [388] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 26 foll.; _C.I.L._
+    vi. 2104, 32 foll.; Buecheler und Riese, _Carmina Lat._,
+    epigr. pars ii., no. 1. All surviving Roman prayers are
+    collected in Appel's _De Romanorum precationibus_,
+    Giessen, 1909.
+
+    [389] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 10 foll.
+
+    [390] In _Anthropology and the Classics_, p. 94.
+
+    [391] Cp. Tibullus ii. 1. 84, "vos celebrem cantate deum
+    pecorique vocate, Voce palam pecori, clam sibi quisque
+    vocet." This murmuring was certainly characteristic of
+    Roman magic; see Jevons, p. 99, and especially the
+    reference to a Lex Cornelia, which condemned those "qui
+    susurris magicis homines occiderunt" (Justinian, _Inst._
+    iv. 18. 5).
+
+    [392] On the nature of this _tripodatio_ see Henzen,
+    _op. cit._ p. 33. Buecheler, _Umbrica_, p. 69, gives the
+    Umbrian verb a different meaning, though he translates
+    it _tripodato_.
+
+    [393] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 13 and 52.
+
+    [394] Wissowa, _R.K._, 333, inclines to the belief that
+    prayer had a legal binding force upon the deity; but he
+    does not cite any text which confirms this view, and is
+    arguing on general grounds. I gather from the language
+    of Aust (_Religion der Roemer_, p. 30) that he thinks
+    there was a germ which might have developed into a more
+    truly religious attitude towards the gods, if it had not
+    been killed by priestly routine and quasi-legal
+    formulae. With this opinion I am strongly inclined to
+    agree. Cp. the story of Scipio Aemilianus audaciously
+    altering and elevating the formula dictated by the
+    priest in the censor's lustratio (Val. Max. iv. 1. 10),
+    to which I shall return in the proper place.
+
+    [395] Westphal, quoted by De Marchi, _La Religione,
+    etc._, i. p. 133, note.
+
+    [396] See, _e.g._, ch. 141 _ad fin._ The prayer in the
+    Acta of the Ludi Saeculares to the Moirae is an
+    imitation of old prayers. See below, p. 442.
+
+    [397] _ib._ ch. 139.
+
+    [398] _ib._ ch. 141.
+
+    [399] Hubert et Mauss, _Melanges d'histoire des
+    religions_, p. 74.
+
+    [400] So Cato, _R.R._ 141, "si minus in omnes litabit,
+    sic verba concipito; Mars pater, quod tibi illuc porco
+    neque satisfactum est, te hoc porco piaculo." (The word
+    for the slaughter is here euphemistically omitted; De
+    Marchi, p. 134.)
+
+    [401] Hubert et Mauss, _op. cit._ p. 55 foll.; Leviticus
+    vi. I doubt whether the theory of the learned authors
+    will hold good generally on this point.
+
+    [402] Marquardt, p. 185, asserted the contrary, but
+    cited no evidence except Serv. _Aen._ vi. 253, which
+    does not prove the practice of the holocaust to be
+    really Roman. Wissowa's exactness is well illustrated in
+    his detection of this error; see _R. K._ p. 352, note 6.
+    Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 135, leaves no doubt on
+    the question possible.
+
+    [403] Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 131. See above, p.
+    35. Festus, p. 218.
+
+    [404] Gellius iv. 6. 7.
+
+    [405] _i.e._ lustratio. That this was a form of piaculum
+    is clear from the use of the word _pihaklu_ of the
+    victim in the lustratio of the arx of Iguvium, _e.g._
+    Buecheler, _Umbrica_, index, 5, v.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE IX
+
+RITUAL--_continued_
+
+
+In the last lecture we found that the magical element in the Roman
+ritual is exaggerated by recent writers. But it has also long been the
+practice to describe that ritual as a system of bargaining with the
+gods: as partaking of the nature of a legal contract. "The old Roman
+worship was businesslike and utilitarian. The gods were partners in a
+contract with their worshippers, and the ritual was characterised by the
+hard formalism of the legal system of Rome. The worshipper performed his
+part to the letter with the scrupulous exactness required in pleadings
+before the praetor."[406] This is an excellent statement of a view very
+generally held, especially since Mommsen, whose training in Roman law
+made him apt to dwell on the legal aspects of Roman life, wrote the
+famous chapter in the first volume of his history. I now wish to examine
+this view briefly.
+
+No doubt it was suggested by the necessary familiarity of the Roman
+historian with _vota publica_, the vows so frequently made on behalf of
+the State by its magistrates, in terms supplied by the pontifices, and
+dictated by them to the magistrate undertaking the duty. Some few of
+these formulae have survived, and it may certainly be said of them that
+they are analogous to legal formulae, and express the quasi-contractual
+nature of the process. Such legalised religious contracts seem to be
+peculiar to Rome; they are curiously characteristic of the Roman genius
+for formularisation, which in course of time had most important effects
+in the domain of civil law. But the vow as such is, of course, by no
+means peculiar to Rome; it is familiar in Greek history, and is found in
+an elementary form among savages at the present day.[407] But at Rome
+both in public and private life it is far more frequent and striking
+than elsewhere. This is a phenomenon that calls for careful study; and
+we must beware that we are not misled by quasi-legal developments into
+missing the real significance of it from the point of view of morality
+and religion.
+
+The _vota privata_, which include vows and offerings made to deities by
+private individuals, had never been adequately examined till De Marchi
+wrote his book on the private religion of the Romans; nor could they
+have been so examined until the _Corpus Inscriptionum_ was fairly well
+advanced. There the material is extraordinarily abundant, but it is, of
+course, almost entirely of comparatively late date, and the great
+majority of votive inscriptions belong to the period of the Empire. Yet
+it is quite legitimate to argue from this to an origin of this form of
+worship in the earliest times, and we have enough early evidence to
+justify the inference. Among the oldest Latin inscriptions are some
+found on objects such as cups or vases, showing that the latter were
+votive offerings to a deity: thus we have _Saeturni poculum, Kerri
+poculum_, and other similar ones which will be found at the beginning of
+the first volume of the _Corpus_.[408] They give only the name of the
+deity as a rule, and do not tell us why the object was offered to him;
+but they must have been thank-offerings for some supposed blessing. In
+one case, not indeed at Rome, but not far away at Praeneste, we have
+proof of this; for a mother makes a dedication to Fortuna _nationu
+cratia_, which plainly expresses gratitude for good luck in
+childbirth;[409] and this inscription is one of the oldest we possess.
+Nor do they tell us whether there was a previous vow or promise of which
+the offering is the fulfilment. But in the majority of inscriptions of
+late date the familiar letters V.S.L.M. (_votum solvit lubens merito_)
+betray the nature of the transaction, and it is not unreasonable to
+guess that there was usually a previous undertaking of some kind, to be
+carried out if the deity were gracious.
+
+But these private _vota_ were not, strictly speaking, legal
+transactions, supposed to bind both parties in a contract, as we shall
+see was to some extent the case with the _vota publica_. They could not
+have needed the aid of a pontifex, or a solemn _voti nuncupatio_, _i.e._
+statement of the promise; they were rather, as De Marchi asserts,[410]
+spontaneous expressions of what we may call religious feeling; and it
+may be that he is right in maintaining that throughout Roman history
+they remained as expressions of the religious sense and of the better
+feeling of the lower classes. The practice implies three conceptions:
+(1) of the deity as really powerful for good and evil; (2) of the gift,
+a work of supererogation, as likely to please him; (3) of the grateful
+act and feeling as good in themselves. Surely there must have been in
+this practice a germ of moral development; I am surprised that Dr.
+Westermarck has not mentioned in his chapter on gratitude the
+extraordinary abundance of Roman votive offerings and inscriptions.
+Doubtless there lies at the root of it the idea of _Do ut des_, or
+rather of _Dabo ut des_; doubtless also it could be turned to evil
+purposes in the form of _devotio_, when promises were made to a deity on
+condition that he killed or injured an enemy; but in the ordinary and
+common example it is impossible to deny that the final act, the
+performance of the vow, must have been accompanied by a feeling of
+gratitude. The merest recognition of a supposed blessing is of value in
+moral development.
+
+But it is in the _vota publica_ that we undoubtedly find something in
+the nature of a bargain--covenant would be a more graceful word--with a
+deity in the name of the State. Even here, however, the impression is
+rather produced by the use of legal terms and the formularisation of the
+process, than by any assumed attitude of contempt towards, or even of
+equality with, the deity concerned. There is no trace in early Roman
+religious history of any tendency to abuse or degrade the divine beings
+if they did not perform their part, such as is well known in China,[411]
+or even, strange to say, occasionally met with in the southern Italy of
+to-day; the attitude towards the deity in cult (though not invariably in
+the later Graeco-Roman literature) was ever respectful, as it was
+towards the magistrates of the State. The farthest the Romans ever went
+in condemning their gods was when misfortune persuaded them that they
+were become indifferent or useless; then they began to neglect them, and
+to turn to other gods, as we shall see in subsequent lectures.
+
+The public _vota_ were of two kinds: the ordinary, or regularly
+recurring, and the extraordinary, which were occasioned by some
+particular event. Of the ordinary, the most familiar is that undertaken
+by the consul, and no doubt in some form by the Rex in the days of the
+kingship, for the benefit of the State on the first day of the official
+year. Accompanied by the Senate and a crowd of people, the consuls went
+up to the Capitoline temple, and performed the sacrifice which had been
+vowed by their predecessors of a year before; after which they undertook
+a new _votum_, "_pro reipublicae salute_."[412] We have not the formula
+of this vow, and cannot tell what resemblance it bore to a bargain; but
+the ceremony itself must have been most impressive, and calculated to
+remind all who were present of the greatness and goodwill of the supreme
+deity who watched over the interests of the State. So too at the
+_lustrum_ of the censors, which took place in the Campus Martius every
+five years, it is almost certain that the _votum_ of the predecessors in
+office was fulfilled by a sacrifice, and a new one undertaken. Here
+again we are without the formula, but that there was one we know from a
+very interesting passage of Valerius Maximus. He tells us that Scipio
+Aemilianus, when as censor he was conducting this sacrifice, and the
+_scriba_ (on behalf of the pontifex?) was dictating to him the _solemne
+precationis carmen ex publicis tabulis_, in which the immortal gods were
+besought to make the prosperity of the Roman State "better and
+greater," had the audacity to interrupt him, saying that the condition
+of the State was sufficiently good and great: "itaque precor ut eas
+(res) perpetuo incolumes servent." This change, Valerius says, was
+accepted, and the formula altered accordingly in the _tabulae_.[413]
+This story, which is probably genuine and is quite characteristic of
+Scipio, must convince an impartial mind that in this votive ceremony
+there was enough truth and dignity to suggest a real advance in
+religious thought, so far at least as the State was concerned.
+
+The extraordinary _vota_ were innumerable. They were occasioned by
+dangers or misfortunes of various kinds, the magistrate undertaking to
+dedicate something to the god concerned if the State should have come
+safely through the peril. Many temples had their origin in this
+practice;[414] we meet also with _ludi_, special sacrifices, or a tithe
+of the booty taken in war. In two or three cases Livy has copied the
+formula from the _tabulae_ of the pontifices; thus before the war with
+Antiochus in 191 B.C., the consul recited the following words after the
+pontifex maximus: "Si duellum quod cum Antiocho rege sumi populus
+iussit, id ex sententia senatus populique Romani confectum erit; tum
+tibi Iuppiter populus Romanus ludos magnos dies decem continuos faciet
+... quisquis magistratus eos ludos quando ubique faxit, hi ludi recte
+facti, donaque data recte sunto."[415] This document dates from the days
+of the decay of the Roman religion, and is, of course, modernised by
+Livy; but it may give an idea of what is meant by writers who speak of
+an element of bargain or covenant in these _vota_. Still more elaborate,
+and probably more antique, is the famous formula of the vow of the _ver
+sacrum_ in the darkest hour of the war with Hannibal.[416] This very
+curious rite, which proves beyond question the devotion of the Italian
+stocks to the principle of the _votum_, consisted of a promise to
+dedicate to Mars or Jupiter all the valuable products of a single
+spring, including the male children born at that time; to this the
+Romans had recourse for the last time in 217 B.C., and Livy has
+fortunately preserved the words of the vow. These, with the exception of
+the dedication of the children, which is judiciously omitted, probably
+stand much as they had come down from a remote antiquity. The _votum_ is
+put in the form of a _rogatio_ to the people, without whose sanction it
+could not be put in force; are they willing to dedicate to Jupiter all
+the young of oxen, sheep, or pigs born in the spring five years after
+date, if the State shall have been preserved during those years from all
+its enemies? The curious feature of the document is, not that it binds
+the deity to any course of action, but that it secures the individual
+Roman against his anger in case of any chance slip in his part of the
+process, and the people against any evil consequences arising from such
+a slip or from misdoing on the part of an individual. "Si quis clepsit,
+ne populo scelus esto neve cui cleptum erit: si atro die faxit insciens,
+probe factum esto."[417] Of this formula a recent writer of great
+learning and ability has written thus: "The well-known liturgical
+archive containing Rome's address to Jupiter in the critical days of the
+Hannibalic war is a wary and cleverly drawn legal document, intended to
+bind the god as well as the State."[418] He is no exception to the rule
+that those who have not habitually occupied themselves with the Roman
+religion are liable to misinterpret its details. This is not an address
+to Jupiter, nor is there any sign in it that the god was considered as
+bound to perform his part as in a contract; the covenant is a one-sided
+one, the people undertaking an act of self-renunciation if the god be
+gracious to them, and thereby going far to assure themselves that he
+will so be gracious. And the legal cast of the language, which seems so
+apt to mislead the unwary,[419] is only to be found in the clauses which
+guarantee the people against the contingency of the whole vow being
+ruined by the inadvertence or the rascality of an individual; surely a
+very natural and inevitable _caveat_, where for once the whole people,
+and not only their priests or magistrates, were concerned in the
+transaction.
+
+A curious form of the _votum_, which, however, I can only mention in
+passing, is that addressed to the gods of a hostile city, with a view to
+induce them to desert their temples and take up their abode at Rome;
+this is the process called _evocatio_, which was successfully applied at
+the siege of Veii, when Juno Regina consented to betray her city.[420]
+Macrobius, commenting on Virgil's lines (_Aen._ ii. 351),
+
+  excessere omnes adytis arisque relictis
+  di quibus imperium hoc steterat,
+
+has preserved the _carmen_ used at the siege of Carthage.[421] It is
+cast in the language of prayer: "Si deus si dea est cui populus
+civitasque Carthaginiensis est in tutela ... precor venerorque veniamque
+a vobis peto ut vos populum civitatemque Carthaginiensem deseratis,"
+etc.; but it ends with a vow to build temples and establish _ludi_ in
+honour of these deities if they should comply with the petition. It is
+worth noting here that it was, of course, impossible to make a bargain
+with strange or hostile gods, or in any way to force their hand; the
+promise is entirely one-sided; and I am inclined to think that in
+dealing with his own gods the mental attitude of the Roman was much the
+same, though his faith in them was undoubtedly greater.
+
+This is the proper place to mention another very curious rite, closely
+allied to the _votum_, but differing from it in one or two important
+points, which is almost peculiar to the Romans and most characteristic
+of them; I mean the _devotio_ of himself on the field of battle by a
+magistrate _cum imperio_.[422] The famous example, familiar to us all,
+is that of Decius Mus at the battle of Vesuvius in the great Latin
+war[423] (340 B.C.): the same story is told of his son in a war with
+Gauls and Samnites, and of his grandson in the war with Pyrrhus.[424]
+The historical difficulties of these accounts do not concern us now; by
+common consent of scholars the method and formula of the _devotio_ are
+authentic, and the rite must have had its origin in remote antiquity.
+
+The story runs[425] that Decius, at whose preliminary sacrifice before
+the battle with the Latins the liver of the victim had been found
+imperfect, while that of his colleague was normal, perceived that his
+wing of the army was giving way. He therefore resolved to sacrifice
+himself by _devotio_, and called on the pontifex maximus, who was
+present, to dictate for him the correct formula. He was directed to put
+on the toga praetexta, to wear it with the cinctus Gabinus, to veil his
+head with it, to touch his chin with his hand under the folds of the
+robe, and to stand upon a spear. He then repeated after the pontifex the
+following formula: "Iane, Iuppiter, Mars pater, Quirine, Bellona, Lares,
+divi Novensiles, di Indigetes, divi quorum est potestas nostrorum
+hostiumque, diique Manes, vos precor, veneror, veniam peto feroque, uti
+populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriamque prosperetis, hostesque populi
+Romani Quiritium terrore formidine morteque adficiatis. Sicut verbis
+nuncupavi, ita pro re publica Quiritium, exercitu legionibus auxiliis
+populi Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium _mecum_ deis
+Manibus Tellurique devoveo" (Livy ix. 9). He then mounted his horse and
+rode into the midst of the enemy to meet his death. The Latins were
+seized with panic and the Romans were victorious.
+
+Here the vow is made and fulfilled almost at the same moment,--_the
+fulfilment takes place before the gods have done their part_. Here too
+the offering made is the life of a human being which brings the act
+within the domain of sacrifice. Its sacrificial nature is obvious in all
+the details.[426] The dress is that of the sacrificing priest or
+magistrate;[427] Decius was therefore priest and victim at the same
+time, and the two characters seem to be combined in the symbolic
+touching of the chin, which has been rightly explained,[428] I think, as
+analogous to the laying on of hands in the consecratio of the Rex, as we
+saw it in the case of Numa, and perhaps to the _immolatio_ of a victim
+by sprinkling the _mola salsa_ on its head; where the object of
+consecration is made holy by contact with holy things.[429] The
+standing on the spear is difficult to explain; it may have been a
+symbolic dedication to Mars, whose spear or spears, as we have seen,
+were kept in the Regia.[430]
+
+The formula contains certain points of great interest. Firstly, it is
+not only the Roman gods of all sorts and conditions who are invoked, but
+those of the enemy also, or, in vague language, those who have power
+over both Romans and Latins.[431] Secondly, it begins with a prayer
+combined with a curse upon the enemy: in which respect it resembles the
+prayer at the _lustratio populi_ at Iguvium[432] (which I shall mention
+again directly) and to a later type of _devotio_ used at the siege of
+Carthage and preserved by Macrobius.[433] Thirdly, in spite of this
+religious aspect of the formula, it ends with what can only be called a
+magical spell. By the act of self-sacrifice, which is the potent element
+in the spell, Decius exercises magical power over the legions of the
+enemy, and devotes them with himself to death,--to the Manes and Mother
+Earth.[434]
+
+The story suggests to me that the rite had been at one time well known;
+the pontifex maximus was ready with the instructions and formula. It was
+a survival from an age of magic, but the priests have given it a
+religious turn, and the language of the first part is quite as much that
+of prayer as is the language of the collect to be said in time of war
+which still disfigures the Anglican prayer-book.[435] What is still more
+remarkable is that it has not only a religious but an ethical character.
+The idea of service to the State is here seen at its highest point. The
+sacrifice is a vicarious one.[436] Livy significantly adds that a
+private soldier might be chosen by the commander to represent him, and
+that if this man were not killed by the enemy an image seven feet long
+must be buried in the earth and a piacular sacrifice offered.[437] Later
+on it would seem that instead of sacrificing himself, the consul might
+implore the gods to accept the hostile army or city as his substitutes:
+"eos _vicarios_ pro me fide magistratuque meo pro populi Romani
+exercitibus do devoveo, ut me exercitumque nostrum ... bene salvos
+siritis esse."[438] The idea here, and indeed in the _devotio_ of
+Decius, bears some analogy to that which lies at the root of the old
+Roman practice, of making a criminal _sacer_ to the deity chiefly
+concerned in his crime; when this was done, any man might kill him, and
+he was practically a victim offered as _vicarius_ for the Roman people,
+who had been contaminated by his deed.[439]
+
+
+But I must now pass on the last kind of ritual to be explained in these
+lectures, and far the most impressive of all, that of _lustratio_, or
+the purification, as it is commonly called, of land, city, human beings,
+or even inanimate objects, by means of a solemn procession accompanied
+with sacrifice.
+
+So important a part did these processional rites play in the public life
+of the Roman people,--so characteristic are they too of the old Roman
+habit of thought and action, that they have given a wonderful word to
+the Latin language. _Lustrare_ has many meanings; but the one which is
+immediately derived from the rites I speak of, that of slow processional
+movement, is the most beautiful and impressive of them all. When Aeneas
+first sees Dido in all her stately beauty, he says:[440]
+
+  in freta dum fluvii current, _dum montibus umbrae
+  lustrabunt convexa_, polus dum sidera pascet,
+  semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque manebunt,
+  quae me cunque vocant terrae.
+
+"So long as the cloud-shadows move slowly over the hollows of the
+hills." Here in Scotland you must have all seen this procession of the
+shadows, as I have watched it when fishing in Wales; let us always
+associate it with the magic of a poet of nature as well as with the
+religious processions of his people.
+
+_Lustrare_, _lustratio_, are words which, as I think, belong to an age
+of religion, that is, according to our formula, of effective desire to
+be in right relation with the Power manifesting itself in the Universe.
+In other processes which are usually called purificatory, magic seems to
+survive: the word _februum_, from which comes the name of our second
+month, meant an object with magical potency, such as water, fire,
+sulphur, laurel, wool, or the strips of the victims sacrificed at the
+Lupercalia, and the verb _februare_ meant to get rid of certain
+unwholesome or miasmatic influences by means of these objects.[441] What
+was the really primitive idea attached to these words need not concern
+us now; but Varro, and Ovid following him, explicitly explain them as
+meaning _purifying_ agents and processes,[442] from which we may infer
+that they had a magical power to produce certain desired conditions, or
+to protect from evil influences, like charms and amulets. But _lustrare_
+and _lustratio_ seem to belong to an age when the thing to be driven or
+kept away is rather spiritual mischief, and when the means used are
+sacrifices and prayers, with processional movement.
+
+What is the original meaning of the word _lustrare_? It seems to be a
+strong form of _luere_; and _luere_ is explained by Varro as equivalent
+to _solvere_.[443] The word _lustrum_, he says, _i.e._ the solemn
+five-yearly ceremony in the Campus Martius, is derived from _luere_ in
+the sense of _solvere_, to pay; because every fifth year the
+contract-moneys for the collection of taxes and for public undertakings
+were paid into the treasury through the censors. Servius,[444] doubtless
+following him, explains such expressions as _peccata luere_, _supplicium
+luere_, on the same principle--in the sense of payment, just as we speak
+of paying the penalty. We might thus be tempted to fancy that the
+root-idea of _lustrare_ is to perform a duty and so get rid of it, as we
+do in paying for anything we buy; but this would be to misapprehend the
+original meaning of the word as completely as Varro did when he
+explained _luere_ by reference to the payments of contractors. Varro
+and Servius do, however, suggest the right clue; they see that the idea
+lurking in the word is that of getting rid of something, but they
+understand that something in the light, not of primitive man's
+intelligence, but of the duty of man in a civilised State. What exactly
+it was that was to be got rid of is a more difficult question; but all
+that we have so far learnt about the early religious ideas of the Romans
+strongly suggests that they were in what we may call an advanced
+_animistic_ stage of religious ideas, and that whatever may have been
+the notion of their primitive ancestors, they themselves, in these rites
+as we know them, saw the means of getting rid of and so keeping away
+hostile spirits. A French sociologist, M. van Gennep, whose book _Les
+Rites de passage_ I have read with great interest, has kindly written me
+a long letter in which he insists that this animistic interpretation of
+_lustratio_ is really superfluous, and that the idea of separation
+alone, _i.e._ of separation between sacred and profane, without any
+reference to spirits or _dei_, is a fully sufficient explanation. So no
+doubt it may be among many savage peoples; but he would probably allow
+that as a people advances from one stage of superstition to another,
+while it retains in outline the scheme of its rites, it will apply new
+meanings to them in keeping with the changes in its mental attitude.
+This is one of the most interesting processes with which modern research
+has been occupied; we are now familiar with the adoption of
+pre-Christian ceremonies, with a complete change of meaning, in the
+ritual of the Christian Church. These very processions of _lustratio_,
+which had already been once metamorphosed in an animistic period, were
+seized upon by the Roman Church with characteristic adroitness, adapted
+to its ritual, and given a new meaning; and the Catholic priest still
+leads his flock round the fields with the prayers of the _Litania maior_
+in Rogation week, begging a blessing on the flocks and herds, and
+deprecating the anger of the Almighty.[445]
+
+But let us now pass briefly in review the more important of these rites
+of lustration and compare them with each other; we shall find the
+essential features the same in all of them.
+
+The first permanent difficulty of new settlers in Latium was to mark off
+their cultivated land from the forest or waste land beyond it, and so,
+as M. van Gennep would phrase it,[446] to make a margin of separation
+between the sacred and the profane, within which the sacred processes of
+domestic life and husbandry might go forward, undisturbed by
+dangers--human, spiritual, or what not--coming from the profane world
+without. The boundary was marked out in some material way, perhaps by
+stones (_cippi_) or posts, placed at intervals;[447] and thus "a fixed
+piece of ground is appropriated by a particular social group, so that if
+any stranger penetrated it he would be committing a sacrilege as
+complete as he would if he trespassed in a sacred grove or a temple."
+This boundary-line was made sacred itself by the passage round it
+(_lustratio_) at some fixed time of the year, usually in May, when crops
+were ripening and especially liable to be attacked by hostile
+influences, of a procession occupied with sacrifice and prayer. The two
+main features of the rite, as formulated by Cato in his treatise on
+agriculture, are--1, the procession of the victims, ox, sheep, and pig
+(_suovetaurilia_), the farmer's most valuable property; 2, the prayer to
+Mars pater, after libations to Janus and Jupiter, asking for his kindly
+protection of the whole _familia_ of the farm, together with the crops
+of all kinds and the cattle within the boundary-line.[448] We are not
+expressly told that this procession followed the boundary throughout,
+but the analogy of other lustrations forbids us to doubt it; and thus
+the rite served the practical purpose of keeping it clear in the
+memory,--a matter of the utmost importance, especially for the practical
+Roman. In Cato's formula the farmer's object is to ward off disease,
+calamity, dearth, and infertility; and it is Mars who is invoked, _i.e._
+a great god who has long ago emerged from the crowd of impersonal
+spirits; but we may safely believe that the primitive farmer used other
+language, addressing the spirits of disease and dearth themselves; and
+we may guess, if we will, that again before that there was no invocation
+or sacrifice at all, but that the object was only to mark the boundary
+between land civilised and sacred and land uncivilised and profane.
+
+As we have seen, the farms and homesteads of the early Latins were
+grouped together in associations called _pagi_; and we can hardly doubt
+that these were subjected to the same process of _lustratio_ as the
+farms themselves. We have no explicit account of a circumambulation in
+this case, but we have in the later poets several charming allusions to
+a _lustratio pagi_, and it is of a rite of this kind that Virgil must
+have been thinking when he wrote the beautiful passage in the first
+Georgic beginning "In primis venerare deos";[449] and the lines
+
+  terque novas circum felix eat hostia fruges,
+  omnis quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes, etc.,
+
+clearly imply a procession with the object of keeping away harmful
+influences from the crops at a critical time. And when the city-state
+came into being we may be equally sure that its _ager_, so long at least
+as it was small enough to admit of such a processional ritual, was
+lustrated in the same way. In historical times this _ager_ had become
+too extensive, and there is no procession to be found among the duties
+of the Fratres Arvales as we know them when they were revived by
+Augustus; but we have not, of course, the whole of the "acta" of the
+Brethren, and even if we had, it would not be likely that we should find
+any trace of a practice which must have been dropped in course of time
+as the Roman territory increased. Let us go on to the beginnings of the
+city, where we shall find the same principle and practice applied in
+striking fashion.
+
+As it was necessary to protect the homestead and its land by a sacred
+boundary, so the city had to be clearly marked off from all that was
+outside of it. Its walls were sacred, or, strictly speaking, a certain
+imaginary line outside of them called the _pomoerium_ was sacred. This
+is well shown in the traditional method of founding a city even in
+historical times, _e.g._ a _colonia_, as described by Varro, Servius,
+and Plutarch.[450] A white ox and a white cow were harnessed to a
+plough, of which the share must be made of bronze--a rule which shows at
+once the antiquity and the religious character of the rite, for iron, as
+we saw, was taboo in most religious ceremonies. A rectangular furrow was
+drawn where the walls of the city were to be; the earth was turned
+inwards to mark the future line of the wall, and the furrow represented
+the future _pomoerium_. When the plough came to the place where there
+was to be a gate, it was lifted over it, and the ploughing resumed
+beyond it. This probably meant, as Plutarch expressed it, that the walls
+(or rather the _pomoerium_), were sacred while the gates were profane;
+had the gates been holy, scruple would necessarily have been felt about
+the passage in and out of them of things profane. Thus the _pomoerium_
+was a boundary line between the sacred and the profane, like that of the
+farm; but in historical times it acquired a more definite religious
+meaning, for within it there could only dwell those deities who belonged
+to the city and its inhabitants, _i.e._ the _di indigetes_, and who were
+recognised as its divine inhabitants.[451] And only within its limits
+could the _auspicia_ of the city be taken.
+
+We should naturally expect that this sacred boundary would have its
+holiness secured or revived by an annual _lustratio_ like that of the
+farm and _pagus_; and so no doubt it was. But the memory of this
+survives only in the word _amburbium_, which, on the analogy of
+_ambarvalia_, must mean a rite of this processional kind. Luckily we
+have definite knowledge of the real _lustratio_ of a city in those
+ritualistic inscriptions of Iguvium which I have more than once referred
+to.[452] It is the _lustratio_ of the _arx_, the citadel of Iguvium,
+which we may guess to have been the original _oppidum_ or germ of the
+historical city. The details are complex, and show clear traces of
+priestly organisation; but the main features stand out unmistakably. A
+procession goes round the _arx_ (_ocris Fisia_), with the
+_suovetaurilia_--ox, sheep, and pig--as in the Latin _lustratio_; at
+each gate it stops, while sacrifice and prayer are offered on behalf of
+the citadel, the city, and the whole people of Iguvium. There were three
+gates, and each of them is the scene of sacrifice and prayer, because
+they are the weak points in the wall, and they need to be strengthened
+by annual religious operations; such at least is the most obvious
+explanation. Whether the Fratres Attiedii would have been able to
+explain it thus we may doubt; neither in the sacrificial ritual nor in
+the prayers, as recorded in the inscription, do we find any clear trace
+of a distinction between the sacred and the profane, or of the idea of a
+hostile spiritual world outside the sacred boundary. So far as we can
+judge from the prayers, the object is really a religious one, to implore
+the deities of the city to preserve it and all within it. The language
+of these prayers hardly differs from that in which a Christian Church of
+to-day asks for a blessing on a community.[453]
+
+So far I have been speaking of the permanent separation of land or city
+by a sacred boundary line from the profane world without. But human
+beings _en masse_ might be subjected to the same process--an army, for
+example, at the opening of the season of war; and so, too, might its
+appurtenances--horses, arms, and trumpets. In the account of the census
+and _lustrum_ in the Campus Martius given by Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
+who passed some years in Rome in the time of Augustus, we find the
+_suovetaurilia_ driven three times round the assembled host and
+sacrificed to Mars. This was doubtless the early form of the political
+census, which had a military meaning and origin. But we have a more
+exact and reliable account of a similar rite in the Iguvian documents,
+which contain instructions for the _lustratio_ of the people apparently
+before a campaign.[454] So far as we can gather from the Umbrian text,
+the male population was assembled in a particular spot in its military
+divisions, and round this host a procession went three times; at the end
+of each circuit there was sacrifice and prayer to Mars and two female
+associates of his power, the object of which, as we can read in the
+words of the prayer, was to bless the people of Iguvium and to curse its
+enemies, who were to be confounded and frightened and paralysed.
+
+Here religion of a rude sort has been superimposed on the originally
+magical ceremonial. For the idea must have been that by drawing a "magic
+circle" around the host, which might have to march against enemies
+living far beyond the pale of the _ager Romanus_ (or Iguvinus), where
+hostile magical influences might be brought to bear against them, they
+were in some mysterious way marked off, rendered "holy," and so
+protected against the wiles of the enemy. A later and animistic age
+would think of them as needing protection against hostile spirits, of
+whose ways and freaks they were of course entirely ignorant. Of these
+primitive ideas about the danger of entering hostile territory and of
+leaving your own, Dr. Frazer has collected some examples in his _Golden
+Bough_ (i. 304 foll.), both from savage tribes and from Greek usage. A
+single parallel from the pen of a Roman historian, which Dr. Frazer has
+not mentioned, may suffice us here. Livy tells us that the method in
+Macedonia was to march the whole host in spring between the severed
+limbs of a dog:[455] the principle is here the same as in Italy, but the
+method differs slightly. In each case some mysterious influence is
+brought to bear on the whole army without exception; but in the one case
+a line is drawn round it, in the other it passes through the parts of an
+object which must have been supposed to be endowed with magical power.
+
+And once more, in spring before the season of arms, all the belongings
+of the host were subjected to some process of the same kind. I have
+alluded to this in my lecture on the calendar, and need not now
+reproduce the evidence of the Equirria at the end of February and on
+March 14, or of the Quinquatrus on March 19, when the _lustratio_ took
+place of the shields (_ancilia_) of the Salii, the war-priests of Mars,
+and the Tubilustrium on March 23, which tells its own tale.[456] But I
+may recall the fact that the calendar supplies us also with evidence
+that on the return of the host to their own territory all these
+lustrations had to be repeated in order to rid men, horses, arms, and
+trumpets of such evil contagion as they might have contracted during
+their absence. It may be that one special object of lustration after the
+return of an army was to rid it, with all belonging to it, of the taint
+of bloodshed, just as the Jewish warriors and their captives were
+purified before re-entering the camp.[457] But in the Roman pontifical
+law this idea is hardly discernible, and the only trace I can find of it
+is a statement of Festus that the soldiers who followed the general's
+car in a triumph wore laurel wreaths "ut quasi purgati a caede humana
+intrarent urbem."[458] I may add here that the passage of a triumphing
+army through the Porta triumphalis, which was probably an isolated arch
+in the Campus Martius just outside the city wall,[459] most likely had
+as its original meaning the separation of the host from the profane
+world in which it had been moving; and the triumphal arches of later
+times, which were within the city, were thus developed architecturally
+from an origin which belongs to the region of magic.[460] To the same
+class of ideas, if I am not much mistaken, belongs the familiar Italian
+practice of compelling a surrendered army to pass under the yoke. As
+Livy explains this when he first mentions it, it was symbolical of
+subjection: "ut exprimatur confessio subactam domitamque esse
+gentem";[461] and this was no doubt the idea in the minds of the
+historical Romans. But it may well have been that it had its root in a
+process which was supposed to deprive the conquered enemy of all
+dangerous contagion--to separate them from their own land and people
+before they came into peaceful contact with their conquerors.
+
+A last word before I leave this part of my subject. Though it is
+interesting to try to get at the root-idea of these processes of
+_lustratio_, we must remember that in the Rome of history they had lost
+not only such magical meaning as they ever had, but also much of the
+religious meaning which in course of time was superimposed upon it. The
+sacrifices and the prayers remained, but the latter were muttered and
+unheard by the people. And except in the country districts these
+ceremonies were more and more absorbed, as time went on, into the
+social, military, and political life of the community, as _e.g._ the
+lustration of the host became a political census; or they tended to
+disappear altogether, like the _ambarvalia_ and perhaps the _amburbium_.
+They grew up in the religious experience of the Romans, beginning with
+its very earliest and quasi-magical forms; but they came at last to
+represent that experience no longer, and when we meet with them in
+historical times it is impossible to ascribe to them any real influence
+on life and conduct. _Lustratio_ never in pagan Italy developed an
+ethical meaning as _catharsis_ did in Greece.[462] But meaningless as
+they were, the stately processions remained, and could be watched with
+pride by the patriotic Roman all through the period of the Empire, until
+the Roman Church adapted them to its own ritual and gave them, as we
+saw, a new meaning. As the cloud-shadows still move slowly over the
+hollows of the Apennines, so does the procession of the patron saint
+pass still through the streets of many an Italian city.[463]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE IX
+
+    [406] Dill, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the
+    Western Empire_, p. 63.
+
+    [407] See Westermarck, _Origin and Development of Moral
+    Ideas_, ii. 615 foll.
+
+    [408] _C.I.L._ i. Nos. 43 foll.
+
+    [409] _C.I.L._ xiv. 2863. See _R.F._ p. 224, and
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 209.
+
+    [410] _Op. cit._ vol. i. p. 252; cp. 271.
+
+    [411] See Sir Alfred Lyall's _Asiatic Studies_, Series
+    I. ch. vi. No one would call the vow of Aeneas, in
+    _Aen._ vi. 69, a bargain with Apollo and the Sibyl.
+
+    [412] Marquardt, p. 266; Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, i.^2
+    594 foll. The ceremony is best described by Ovid, _Ex
+    Ponto_, iv. 9. 5 foll. He is addressing the consul of
+    the year from his place of exile:
+
+      at cum Tarpeias esses deductus in arces,
+        dum caderet iussu victima sacra tuo,
+      me quoque secreto grates sibi magnus agentem
+        audisset media qui sedet aede deus.
+                                    (II. 28 foll.)
+
+    [413] Valerius Maximus iv. 1. 10.
+
+    [414] A list of these is given in Aust, _De aedibus
+    sacris populi Romani_ (Marpurg, 1889). A valuable work,
+    which will be of service to us later on.
+
+    [415] Livy xxxvi. 2. 3.
+
+    [416] _Ib._ xxii. 10.
+
+    [417] _Ib._ sec. 6. The meaning is that if any one has
+    stolen an animal which was intended to be dedicated, no
+    blame attaches to the person so robbed; and that if a
+    man performs his dedication on a day of ill omen
+    unwittingly, it will hold good none the less.
+
+    [418] Farnell, _Evolution of Religion_, p. 195.
+
+    [419] The fact that words like _reus_ and _damnatus_
+    were applied respectively to persons who had made a vow
+    and to those who had performed it, _i.e._ as being
+    liable like a defendant, and then released from that
+    position by a verdict or sentence (see Wissowa, _R.K._
+    p. 320), is of course significant of the idea of the
+    transaction in the mind of the Roman, who, as Macrobius
+    says (iii. 2. 6) _se numinibus obligat_, as an accused
+    person is _obligatus_ to the authorities of the State
+    (Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, 189 foll.). It is the natural
+    tendency of the Roman mind to give all transactions a
+    legal sanction; but it does not thence follow that the
+    original idea was really thought of as a contract, and
+    we have only to reflect that the final act was a
+    thank-offering to see the difference between the civil
+    and the religious process.
+
+    [420] Livy v. 21.
+
+    [421] Macr. iii. 9, 6. He says that he found it in the
+    fifth book of _Res reconditae_ by one Sammonicus
+    Serenus, and that the latter had himself found it "in
+    cuiusdam Furii vetustissimo libro."
+
+    [422] On this subject see article "Devotio" in
+    Pauly-Wissowa.
+
+    [423] Livy viii. 10, "licere consuli dictatori
+    praetori...." Cp. Cic. _de Nat. deorum_, ii. 10, "at
+    vero apud maiores tanta religionis vis fuit, ut quidam
+    imperatores etiam se ipsos dis immortalibus capite
+    velato certis verbis pro republica devoverent."
+
+    [424] See Muenzer's article "Decii" in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _Real-Encycl._; Soltau, _Die Anfaenge der roem.
+    Geschichtschreibung_, p. 48 foll.
+
+    [425] Livy viii. 9 foll.; Dio Cassius, fragment, xxxv.
+    6; Ennius, _Ann._ vi. 147, Baehrens. The latter fragment
+    is the oldest reference to the event which we possess,
+    and just sufficient to confirm Livy's account: "Divi hoc
+    audite parumper, ut pro Romano populo prognariter armis
+    certando prudens animum de corpore mitto."
+
+    [426] It is worth remarking that the sacrificial aspect
+    struck St. Augustine. In _Civ. Dei_, v. 18, he writes:
+    "Si se occidendos certis verbis quodam modo consecrantes
+    Decii devoverunt, ut illis cadentibus et iram deorum
+    sanguine suo placantibus Romanus liberaretur exercitus,"
+    and goes on to compare the Decii with Christian martyrs.
+    I am indebted for this reference to Mayor's note on
+    Cicero, _de Nat. deor._ ii. 3. 10.
+
+    [427] See above, p. 176; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 352, note 1.
+
+    [428] By Deubner in _Archiv_, 1905, p. 69 foll. This
+    touching of the chin seems to be an example of that
+    personal contact which makes a man or thing holy; see,
+    _e.g._, Westermarck, _op. cit._ i. 586. Decius makes
+    himself holy for the sacrifice (as victim) by touching
+    (as priest) the only part of his person which was
+    exposed. For the magic touch of the hand see O.
+    Weinrich, _Antike Heiligungswuender_, p. 63 foll., and
+    Macrobius iii. 2. 7, for the touching of the altar by a
+    sacrificing priest.
+
+    [429] See above, p. 180.
+
+    [430] This is Deubner's explanation, which he elaborates
+    at length by examples of the worship of the spear or
+    sword among various peoples.
+
+    [431] This is peculiar to the formula in Livy viii. 9.
+    Is it possible that it may have some reference to the
+    fact that the Romans were fighting their own kin, the
+    Latins?
+
+    [432] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 22 and 102: "hastatos
+    inhastatos completo timore tremore, fuga formidine, nive
+    nimbo, fragore furore, senio servitio," where, however,
+    the translator from the Umbrian is assisted by the Latin
+    formulae we are discussing.
+
+    [433] Macrobius iii. 9. 10, "exercitum quem ego me
+    sentio dicere fuga formidine terrore compleatis," etc.
+    This is of comparatively late origin, as it is addressed
+    to Dis pater, who only became a Roman deity in 249 B.C.
+    (Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 257). The interesting feature in
+    this _devotio_, used at the siege at Carthage, is that
+    it is not himself whom the commander devotes--the common
+    sense of the Romans had got beyond that--but the enemy
+    as substitutes for himself. "Eos vicarios pro me fide
+    magistratuque meo pro populo Romano exercitibus do
+    devoveo, ut me meamque fidem imperiumque legiones
+    exercitumque nostrum bene salvos siritis esse." Thus the
+    enemy is made the victim, and this is why the only gods
+    invoked are the Di Inferi, Dis pater, Veiovis, Manes,
+    while in the older formula it is the gods of Romans and
+    Latins. Pacuvius in a praetextata called _Decius_ wrote:
+    "Lue patrium hostili fusum sanguen sanguine" (Ribbeck,
+    p. 280). This is the language Ennius used before him of
+    the sacrifice of Iphigenia: "ut hostium eliciatur
+    sanguis sanguine," where, however, the word _eliciatur_
+    shows that it is magic. The curious thing in this last
+    passage is that the parallel passage in the Euripidean
+    _Iph. in Aul._ (1486) does not suggest magic. Is the
+    idea Italian? The curse (for such it really is) is to be
+    witnessed by Tellus and Iuppiter, and the celebrant
+    points down and up respectively in invoking them, as
+    also in the _devotio_ of Curtis in the Forum (Livy vii.
+    6), which was an abnormal _procuratio prodigii_.
+
+    [434] Cp. the language used by Livy of the second Decius
+    (x. 29): "prae se agere formidinem ac fugam ...
+    contacturum funebribus diris signa tela arma hostium."
+    For spells or curses of this kind see Westermarck i.
+    563: a curse is conveyable by speech, especially if
+    spoken by a magistrate or priest. "Among the Maoris the
+    anathema of the priest is regarded as a thunderbolt that
+    an enemy cannot escape." See also Robertson Smith,
+    _Semites_, p. 434, for the Jewish ban, by which impious
+    sinners, or enemies of the city and its God, were
+    devoted to destruction. He remarks that the Hebrew verb
+    to ban is sometimes rendered "consecrate": Micah iv. 13;
+    Deut. xiii. 16; and Joshua vi. 26 (Jericho), which
+    exactly answers to the consecratio of Carthage. For
+    curses conveyable by sacrifices, as in all the cases I
+    have mentioned, see Westermarck ii. 618 foll. 624, and
+    the same author's paper on conditional curses in
+    Morocco, in _Anthropological Essays_, addressed to E. B.
+    Tylor, p. 360.
+
+    [435] "Abate their pride, assuage their malice, and
+    confound their devices." I well remember hearing this
+    read in church throughout the Crimean war.
+
+    [436] "Pro republica Quiritium," in the formula quoted
+    above.
+
+    [437] Livy viii. 10 _ad fin._
+
+    [438] See above, note 28.
+
+    [439] See Marquardt, p. 276 and notes; Mommsen,
+    _Strafrecht_, 900 foll. The subject has generally been
+    treated from the legal point of view rather than the
+    religious; but from the religious point of view it has
+    generally been assumed that the sacrifice was to appease
+    the god. So no doubt it was; but I venture also to
+    conjecture that the victim was _vicarius_ for the
+    contamination of the community. On the subject generally
+    Westermarck's two chapters on human sacrifice and
+    blood-revenge (xix. and xx. in vol. i.) are extremely
+    well worth reading.
+
+    [440] _Aen._ i. 607 foll. Cp. _Aen._ iii. 429--
+
+      praestat Trinacrii metas lustrare Pachyni
+      cessantem, longos et circumflectere cursus,
+
+    where the slow movement and circuitous course of a
+    lustratio must have been in Virgil's mind. The movement
+    round an object for lustral purposes is seen in _Aen._
+    vi. 229, "idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda," where
+    Servius explains _circumtulit_ by _purgavit_. As early
+    as Livius Andronicus (second century B.C.) we find
+    "classem lustratur" of fishes swimming round a fleet
+    (Ribb. _Trag. Fragmenta_, p. 1).
+
+    [441] Marquardt, p. 324, for the _februa_ of the
+    Luperci, _R.F._ p. 320 foll., and the explanations there
+    given. More will be found alluded to in Van Gennep, _Les
+    Rites de passage_, p. 249. To my mind none are quite
+    convincing. The Romans believed that blows with these
+    _februa_ (strips of the victim's skin) made women
+    fertile; they were therefore clearly magical implements,
+    but beyond this we do not seem to get. (See also Deubner
+    in _Archiv_, 1910, p. 495 foll.)
+
+    [442] Varro, _L.L._ vi. 13, "Februum Sabini purgamentum,
+    et id in sacris nostris verbum." Cp. Varro, _ap.
+    Nonium_, p. 114; Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 19 foll., where he
+    calls _februa piamina, purgamenta_, in the language of
+    the _ius divinum_.
+
+    [443] _L.L._ vi. 11.
+
+    [444] Servius, _ad Aen._ x. 32; xi. 842; cp. i. 136.
+
+    [445] See _R.F._ p. 127, for the same rite in the Church
+    of England (Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, p. 292).
+
+    [446] _Les Rites de passage_, ch. ii.
+
+    [447] For boundary marks in historical times see
+    _Gromatici auctores_, vol. ii. p. 250 foll. (Rudorff).
+
+    [448] If the cattle were in the woodland beyond the
+    settlement, as they would be in summer, they could not
+    be protected in this way: like an army going into the
+    country of _hostes_ (see above, p. 216) they were
+    treated in another way, which we may connect with the
+    ritual of the Parilia, as Dr. Frazer has beautifully
+    shown in his paper on St. George and the Parilia (_Revue
+    des etudes ethnographiques et sociologiques_, 1908, p. 1
+    foll.).
+
+    [449] _Georg._ i. 338 foll.
+
+    [450] Varro, _L.L._ v. 143; Servius, _Aen._ v. 755 (from
+    Cato); Plutarch, _Romulus_, xi.
+
+    [451] See above, p. 117.
+
+    [452] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 12 foll. and 42 foll.
+
+    [453] The deities of the city were invoked to preserve
+    the name, the magistrates, rites, men, cattle, land, and
+    crops: a list in which the name is the only item that
+    carries us back to pre-Christian times.
+
+    [454] Buecheler, _Umbrica_, pp. 21 and 84 foll.
+
+    [455] Livy xl. 6 init.
+
+    [456] See above, p. 96.
+
+    [457] Numbers xxxi. 19.
+
+    [458] Festus, p. 117.
+
+    [459] See Huelsen-Jordan, _Roem. Topographie_, vol. iii.
+    p. 495; Von Domaszewski, _Abhandlungen_, p. 217 foll.
+
+    [460] Suggested by Van Gennep, _Les Rites de passage_,
+    p. 28.
+
+    [461] Livy iii. 28. 11.
+
+    [462] Farnell, _Evolution of Religion_, p. 132 foll.
+
+    [463] The account of _lustratio_ given in this lecture
+    is adapted from the author's chapter on the same subject
+    in _Anthropology and the Classics_, Oxford University
+    Press, 1908.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE X
+
+THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF NEW CULTS IN ROME
+
+
+I said in my first lecture that the whole story of Roman religious
+experience falls into two parts: first, that of the formularisation of
+rules and methods for getting effectively into right relations with the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe; secondly, that of the gradual
+discovery of the inadequacy of these, and of the engrafting on the State
+religion of Rome of an ever-increasing number of foreign rites and
+deities. The first of these stories has been occupying us so far, and
+before I leave it for what will be practically an introduction to
+succeeding lectures, it will be as well for me to sum up the results at
+which we have already arrived.
+
+I began with what I called the protoplasm of religion, the primitive
+ideas and practices which form the psychological basis of the whole
+growth. The feeling of awe and anxiety about that which is mysterious
+and unknown, the feeling which the Romans called _religio_, seems to
+have manifested itself in Italy, as elsewhere, in those various ways
+which I discussed in my second and third lectures, in the various forms
+of magic, negative and positive. We find unmistakable evidence of the
+existence of those strict rules of conduct called taboos, which fetter
+the mind and body of primitive man, which probably arise from an
+ineffective desire to put himself in right relations with forces he does
+not understand, and which have their value as a social discipline.
+Again, we find surviving in historical Rome numerous forms of active or
+positive magic, by which it was thought possible to compel or overcome
+those powers, so as to use them for your own benefit and against your
+enemies. But I was careful to point out that on the whole little of all
+this evidence of the early existence of magic at Rome is to be found in
+the public religion of the Roman State, and that the natural inference
+from this is that at one time or another there must have been a very
+powerful influence at work in cutting away these obsolete root-leaves of
+the plant that was to be, and in making of that plant a neat,
+well-defined growth.
+
+I went on to deal with the first stage in the working of this influence,
+which we found reflected in the religion of the family as we know it in
+historical times. The family, settled on the land, with its homestead
+and its regular routine of agricultural process, developed a more
+effective desire to get into right relation with the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. Anxiety is greatly lessened both in the house
+and on the land, because within those limits there is a "peace" (or
+covenant) between the divine and human inhabitants who have taken up
+their residence there. The supernatural powers, conceived now (whatever
+they may have been before) as spirits, are friendly if rightly
+propitiated, and much advance has been made in the methods of
+propitiation; magic and religion are still doubtless mixed up together
+in these, but the tendency seems to be to get gradually rid of the more
+inadequate and blundering methods. In fact, man's knowledge of the
+Divine has greatly advanced; spirits have some slight tendency to become
+deities, and magic is in part at least superseded by an orderly round of
+sacrifice and prayer, which is performed daily within the house, and
+within the boundary of the land at certain seasons of the year. This
+stage of settlement and routine was the first great revolution in the
+religious experience of the Romans, and supplied the basis of their
+national character.
+
+The second revolution which we can clearly discern, and far the most
+important as a factor in Roman history, is that of the organisation of
+the religion of the city-state of Rome. Doubtless there were stages
+intermediate between the two, but they are entirely lost to us. We had
+to concentrate our attention on the city of the four regions--the first
+city we really know--and to examine the one document which has survived
+from it, the so-called calendar of Numa. In my fifth lecture I explained
+the nature of that calendar, and noted how it reflects the life of a
+people at once agricultural and military, and how it must presuppose the
+existence of a highly organised legal priesthood, or of some powerful
+genius for political as well as religious legislation. The tradition of
+a great priest-king is not wholly to be despised, for it expresses the
+feeling of the Romans that religious law and order were indispensable
+parts of their whole political and social life. During the rest of these
+lectures I have been trying to interrogate this religious calendar, with
+such help as could be gained from any other sources, on two points: (1)
+the conception, or, if we can venture to use the word, the knowledge,
+which the Romans of that early city-state had of the Divine; (2) the
+chief forms and methods of their worship. We saw that they did not think
+of the divine beings as existing in human form with human weaknesses,
+but as invisible and intangible functional powers, _numina_. Each had
+its special limited sphere of action; and some were now localised within
+the _pomoerium_, or just outside it within the _ager Romanus_, and
+worshipped under a particular name. I suggested that this very
+settlement had probably some influence in preparing them for assuming a
+more definite and personal character, should the chance be given them.
+In regard to the forms of cult with which they were propitiated, I found
+in the ritual of sacrifice and prayer a genuine advance towards a really
+religious attitude to the deity, the sacrifices being meant to increase
+his power to benefit the community, and the prayers to diminish such
+inclination as he might have to damage it; but that there are in these
+certain survivals of the age of magic, which are, however, only formal,
+and have lost their original significance. I found some curious
+examples of such survivals in the rite of _devotio_, and in vows
+generally a somewhat lower type of method in dealing with the
+supernatural. But, on the other hand, the forms of _lustratio_, at the
+bottom of which seems to lie the idea of getting rid of evil spirits and
+influences, present very beautiful examples of what we may really call
+religious ceremony.
+
+There was, then, in this highly-organised religion of the city-state, in
+some ways at least, a great advance. But in spite of this gain, it had
+serious drawbacks. Most prominent among these was the fact that it was
+the religion of the State as a whole, and not of the individual or the
+family. Religion, I think we may safely say, had placed a certain
+consecration upon the simple life of the family, which was, in fact, the
+life of the individual; for the essence of religion in all stages of
+civilisation lies in the feeling of the individual that his own life,
+his bodily and mental welfare, is dependent on the Divine as he and his
+regard it. But to what extent can it be said that religion so
+consecrated the life of the State as to enable each individual in his
+family group to feel that consecration more vividly? That would have
+constituted a real advance in religious development; that was the
+result, if I am not mistaken, of the religion of the Jewish State, which
+with all the force of a powerful hierarchical authority addressed its
+precepts to the mind and will of the individual. But at Rome, though the
+earliest traces and traditions of law show a certain consecration of
+morality, inasmuch as the criminal is made over as a kind of
+propitiatory sacrifice to the deity whom he has offended, yet in the
+ordinary course of life, so far as I can discern, the individual was
+left very much where he was, before the State arose, in his relation to
+the Divine.
+
+In no other ancient State that we know of did the citizen so entirely
+resign the regulation of all his dealings with the State's gods to the
+constituted authorities set over him. His obligatory part in the
+religious ritual of the State was simply _nil_, and all his religious
+duty on days of religious importance was to abstain from civil business,
+to make no disturbance. Within the household he used his own simple
+ritual, the morning prayer, the libation to the household deities at
+meals; and it is exactly here that we see a _pietas_, a sense of duty
+consecrated by religion, which seems to have had a real ethical value,
+and reminds us of modern piety. But in all his relations with the gods
+_qua_ citizen, he resigned himself to the trained and trusted
+priesthoods, who knew the secrets of ritual and all that was comprised
+in the _ius divinum_; and by passive obedience to these authorities he
+gradually began to deaden the sense of _religio_ that was in him. And
+this tendency was increased by the mere fact of life in a city, which as
+time went on became more and more the rule; for, as I pointed out, the
+round of religious festivals no longer exactly expressed the needs and
+the work of that agricultural life in which it had its origin.
+
+It would be an interesting inquiry, if the material for an answer were
+available, to try and discover how this gradual absorption of religion
+(or rather religious duties) by the State and its authorities affected
+the morality of the individual Roman. It has often been maintained of
+late that religion and morality have nothing in common; and even Dr.
+Westermarck,[464] who, unlike most anthropologists, treats the whole
+subject from a psychological point of view, seems inclined to come to
+this conclusion. For myself, I am rather disposed to agree with another
+eminent anthropologist,[465] that religion and morality are really
+elemental instincts of human nature, primarily undistinguishable from
+each other; and if that be so, then the over-elaboration of either the
+moral or religious law, or of the two combined, will tend to weaken the
+binding force of both. If, as at Rome, the citizen is made perfectly
+comfortable in his relations with the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe, owing to the complete mastery of the _ius divinum_ by the
+State and its officials, there will assuredly be a tendency to paralyse
+the elemental religious impulse, and with it, if I am not mistaken, the
+elemental sense of right and wrong. For in the life of a state with such
+a legalised religious system as this, so long at least as it thrives and
+escapes serious disaster, there will be few or none of those moments of
+peril and anxiety in which "man is brought face to face with the eternal
+realities of existence,"[466] and when he becomes awakened to a new
+sense of religion and duty. In the life of the family, the critical
+moments of birth, puberty, marriage, and death regularly recur, and keep
+up the instinct, because man is then brought face to face with these
+eternal facts; there is no need of extraordinary perils, such as
+tempests or pestilences, to keep the instinct alive. But in the life of
+the State as such there were no such continually recurring reminders;
+even the old agricultural perils were out of sight of the ordinary
+citizen. Thus the farthest we can go in ascribing a moral influence to
+the State religion is in giving it credit for helping to maintain that
+sense of law and order which served to keep the life of the family sound
+and wholesome. That it did to some extent perform this service I have
+already pointed out;[467] and it is a remarkable fact that the decay of
+the State religion was coincident, in the last two centuries B.C., with
+the decay of the family life and virtues. But on the whole, as we shall
+see, the _ius divinum_ had rather the effect of hypnotising the
+religious and moral instinct than of keeping it awake. It needed new
+perils for the State as a whole to re-create that feeling which is the
+root of the growth of conscience; and when the craving did at last come
+upon the Roman, which in times of doubt and peril has come upon
+individuals and communities in all ages, for support and comfort from
+the Unseen, it had to be satisfied by giving him new gods to worship in
+new ways--aliens with whom he had nothing in common, who had no home in
+his patriotic feeling, no place in his religious experience.[468]
+
+I wish to conclude this first part of my subject by giving some account
+of the first beginning of this introduction of new deities, _di
+novensiles_ as they were called,[469] into the old Roman religious
+world. Those, however, of whom I shall speak here were not introduced as
+the result of disaster or distress, but were simply the inevitable
+consequence of the growing importance of the city on the Tiber--of the
+beginnings of her commercial and political relations with her
+neighbours, and also of her own development in the arts of civilisation.
+The religious system with which I have so far been dealing was the
+exclusive property, we must remember, of those _gentes_, with the
+families composing them, which formed the original human material of the
+State, and were known as _patrician_. If we had no other reason for
+being sure of this, the fact that all State priesthoods were originally
+limited to patrician families would be sufficient to prove it;[470] even
+down to the latest times the _rex sacrorum_, the three _flamines
+maiores_, and the _Salii_ were necessarily of patrician birth--a fact
+which had much to do with their tendency to disappear in the last age of
+the Republic.
+
+But in the course of the period within which the Numan calendar was
+drawn up, this community of patrician burghers began to suffer certain
+changes. A population of "outsiders," as in so many Greek cities, had
+gained admittance to the site of Rome, though not into its political and
+religious organism.[471] So solid a city, in such an important position,
+was sure to attract such settlers, whether from the Latins dwelling
+about it, or from the Etruscans on the north, or the Greek cities along
+the coast southwards and in Sicily. The Latins were, of course, of the
+same stock as the Romans, and already in some loose political relation
+to them; and as each Latin city was open, like Rome, to Greek and
+Etruscan influences, we should probably see in Latium an indirect
+channel of communication between those peoples and Rome, to be reckoned
+in addition to the direct and obvious one. As Dr. J. B. Carter has well
+said,[472] "the Latins, becoming rapidly inferior to Rome, were enabled
+to do her at least this service, that of absorbing the foreign
+influences which came, and in certain cases of Latinising them, and thus
+transmitting them to Rome in a more or less assimilated condition." As
+Dr. Carter has been the first to explain the arrival of these new
+religious influences to English readers, I shall in what follows closely
+follow his footsteps. They indicate and also reflect a change from
+agricultural economy and habits to a society interested in trade and
+travel: I say interested, because we cannot be quite sure how far the
+old Romans engaged in such pursuits themselves, as well as admitting
+from outside those who did, with their worships. They indicate also the
+growth of an industrial population, organised in gilds, as in the Middle
+Ages; here beyond doubt the workers were mainly of native birth. Lastly,
+they indicate an advance in military efficiency and, as a result of this
+military progress, some change in the relation of Rome to her
+fellow-communities of Latium.
+
+Perhaps the first of these new deities to arrive was the famous Hercules
+Victor or Invictus of the _ara maxima_ in the Forum Boarium, who
+continued for centuries to accept the tithes of the booty of generals
+and the profits of successful merchants. Virgil in the eighth
+_Aeneid_[473] makes Evander show his guest this altar and the
+celebration of its festival, and tell him the tale of Cacus and the oxen
+and the cave on the Aventine hard by; the poet, like every one else
+until the last few years, believed the cult to be primeval and Roman.
+But one of the many gains for the history of Roman religion which have
+recently been secured--even since the publication of my _Roman
+Festivals_--is the certainty that the Italian Hercules is really the
+Greek Heracles acclimatised in the sister peninsula, and that the cult
+of the _ara maxima_, though that altar was inside the sacred boundary of
+the _pomoerium_, was not native in Rome.[474] It seems, however, almost
+certain that it did not come direct from any part of Hellas, though its
+position, close to the Tiber and its landing-place, might naturally lead
+us to think so. It is almost impossible to believe that Heracles would
+have been allowed inside the _pomoerium_, had he been introduced by
+foreigners in the strict sense of the word. No doubt much has yet to be
+learnt about Hercules in Italy; but recent painstaking researches have
+made it possible for us to acquiesce in the belief that this Hercules of
+the _ara_ came from a Latin city,--from that Tibur which by tradition
+was of Greek origin--"Tibur Argeo positum colono,"--and which, like its
+neighbour Praeneste, was curiously receptive of foreign influence.[475]
+It is believed that the Greek traders from Campania and Magna Graecia
+made their way northwards through Latium, and thus eventually reached
+Rome with the deity whom they seem to have always carried with them. He
+was, in the words of Dr. Carter,[476] a deity of whom, by the contagion
+of commerce, the Romans already felt a great need, a god of great power
+from whom came success in the practical undertakings of life; and it was
+quite natural that his shrine should be in the busy cattle-market of the
+city, if we remember that the wealth of the early Romans, _pecunia_ as
+they called it, mainly consisted in sheep and oxen. As Heracles in
+various forms was to be met with all over the Mediterranean coasts, it
+would indeed be strange if he were not found in the growing city
+commanding the central water-way of Italy; and his appearance there may
+be said to have put Rome in touch with the Mediterranean business of
+that day. There he was destined to remain, with all the honour of an
+oldest cult, though other cults of the same god came in later, and were
+established quite close to him; and though never a State deity of much
+importance, he exercised a wholesome influence in matters of trade, as
+the god who sanctioned your oath, and who accepted the tithe of your
+gain which you had vowed at the outset of an enterprise.[477]
+
+In the same period, though the traditional date of their temple is
+later, came the Twin Brethren, Castor and Pollux, and found their way,
+like Hercules, into the city within the _pomoerium_. The famous temple
+of Castor (before whom his brother gradually gave way) was at the end
+of the Forum under the Palatine, close to the fountain of Juturna, where
+the Twins watered their horses after the battle of Lake Regillus; and
+there the beautiful remains of the latest reconstruction of it still
+stand.[478] This position alone should make us feel confident that the
+cult did not come direct from Greek sources; and it had its origin,
+perhaps, in the period when Rome was in close relation with Latin
+cities, which themselves had been gradually absorbing the cults and
+products of the Greeks of Campania. There is a strong probability that
+it came from Tusculum, with which the legend of the Regillus battle is
+closely connected, and where the cult had beyond doubt taken strong
+root.[479] Like the Hercules of the _ara maxima_, the Twins were no
+doubt brought by the course of trade, which was continually pushing up
+from the south; for they too were favourites of the merchant adventurer,
+and throughout Hellas were the special protectors of the seafarer. Their
+connection with horses is well known, and not as yet satisfactorily
+explained in its Roman aspect; but Dr. J. B. Carter thinks that they
+first became prominent in Greece when the Homeric use of chariots was
+abandoned for a primitive kind of cavalry, and that "the Castor-cult
+moved steadily northward (from Magna Graecia), carried, as it were, on
+horseback," and that when it reached Rome it became connected with the
+reorganisation of the cavalry. This seems to be almost pure guess-work,
+and, attractive as it is, I fear we cannot put much faith in it.[480]
+The position in the Forum, and the well-known connection of both twins
+with oaths,[481] seem to me rather to suggest a more natural origin in
+trade. I would suggest that the equine character of the cult in Latium
+was secondary, and that the connection of the temple and cult with the
+Roman cavalry was a natural result, but not a primary feature, of its
+introduction. I should be inclined to look on it as coming in with the
+building of the temple, which was probably of later origin than the
+original introduction of the cult.
+
+Some time after the calendar was drawn up, a deity was established on
+the Aventine, _i.e._ not within the _pomoerium_, whose arrival marks a
+development in the organisation of handicraft. We cannot indeed _prove_
+that the settlement of Minerva on the Aventine took place so early, but
+we have strong grounds for the conclusion.[482] This temple was in
+historical times the religious centre of trade-gilds; and these gilds
+were by universal Roman tradition ascribed to Numa as founder, which
+simply means that they were among the oldest institutions of the
+City-state. As Minerva does not appear in the calendar, had no _flamen_,
+and therefore must have been altogether outside the original patrician
+religious system, the natural inference is that the temple was founded,
+like the shrines of Hercules and the Twin Brethren, towards the end of
+the period we are dealing with, and was from the first the centre of the
+gilds. Of those mentioned by Plutarch in his life of Numa (ch. 17), we
+know that the following gilds belonged to Minerva: _tibicines_, _fabri_
+(carpenters?), _fullones_, _sutores_; and it is a reasonable guess that
+the others, _coriarii_, _fabri aerarii_, and _aurifices_, were also
+under her protection. These trades, as Waltzing remarks in his great
+work on Roman gilds,[483] are all in keeping with the rudimentary
+civilisation of primitive Rome; they are those which were first carried
+on outside of the family. Workers in iron are not among them; bronze is
+still the common metal.
+
+Now of course we must not go so far as to assume that none of these
+trades existed before the cult of Minerva came to Rome; but from her
+close association with them all through Roman history, and from the fact
+that the Romans were originally an agricultural folk, as the calendar
+shows, with a simple economy and simple needs, it is legitimate to
+connect the arrival of the goddess with the growth of town life and the
+demand for articles once made in rude fashion chiefly on the farms, and
+with a period of improvement in manufacture, and the use of better
+materials and better methods. Whence, then, did these improvements come?
+This is only another way of asking the question, Whence did Minerva
+come?
+
+By the common consent of investigators she came from the semi-Latin town
+of Falerii in southern Etruria, where these arts were practised by
+Etruscans, or those who had learnt of Etruscans.[484] Her name is
+Italian, not Etruscan;[485] she was an old Italian deity taken over by
+the invading Etruscans from the peoples whose land they occupied. But
+while in the hands of Etruscans she had adopted Greek characteristics,
+especially those of Athene, the patroness of arts and crafts. She soon,
+indeed, appeared with some of the character of Athene Polias, as we
+shall see at the end of this lecture; but her real importance, far down
+into the period of the Empire, was in the temple on the Aventine, and in
+connection with the crafts. The dedication day of the temple was March
+19, which was known, as we learn on the best authority, also as
+_artificum dies_.[486]
+
+There was another famous temple on the Aventine which by universal
+consent is attributed to the same period as that of Minerva. Diana does
+not appear in the calendar, and had no _flamen_; Roman tradition
+ascribed her arrival to Servius Tullius, and we shall not be far wrong
+if we place it at or towards the end of the age of the kingship. The
+temple was celebrated as containing an ancient statue of Diana, the
+oldest or almost the oldest representation of a deity in human form
+known at Rome, which was a copy of a rude image of Artemis at Massilia,
+of the type of the famous [Greek: xoanon] of the Ephesian Artemis.[487]
+It also contained a _lex templi_ in Greek characters, and a treaty or
+charter of a federation of Latin cities with Rome as their head, which
+was seen by Dionysius of Halicarnassus when in Rome in the time of
+Augustus.[488]
+
+The explanation of the arrival of Diana is simple. The _dies natalis_ of
+the temple is the same as that of the famous shrine of the same goddess
+at Aricia--the Ides of August.[489] Aricia was at this time the centre
+of a league of cities including Tusculum and Tibur, with both of which,
+as we have just seen, Rome was closely connected at this time; a league
+which is generally supposed to have superseded that of Alba, marking
+some revolution in Latium consequent on the fall of Alba.[490] Diana
+was a wood-spirit, a tree-spirit, as Dr. Frazer has taught us, with some
+relation to the moon and to the life of women; of late she has become
+familiar to every one, not as she was known later, in the disguise of
+Artemis, but as the deity of that shrine--"pinguis et placabilis ara
+Dianae"--of which the priest was the Rex Nemorensis: he who "slew the
+slayer and shall himself be slain."[491] But in those days it was only
+the fact that she was the chief local deity of Aricia, the leading city
+of the new league, which brought her suddenly into notice. When the
+strategic position of Rome gave her in turn the lead in Latium, Diana
+passed on from Aricia to the Tiber, entered on a new life, and
+eventually took over the attributes of Artemis, with whom she had much
+in common. The Diana whom we know in Roman literature is really Artemis;
+but Diana of the Aventine, when she first arrived there, was the
+wood-spirit of Aricia, and her temple was an outward sign of Rome's new
+position in Latium: it was built by the chiefs of the Latin cities in
+conjunction with Rome, and is described by Varro as "commune Latinorum
+Dianae templum."[492] It was appropriately placed on the only Roman hill
+which was then still covered with wood, and was outside the _pomoerium_.
+
+There was one other goddess, a Latin one, who was traditionally
+associated with this period, and especially with king Servius
+Tullius--Fortuna, or Fors Fortuna; she does not appear in the calendar,
+had no _flamen_, and must have been introduced from outside. But it was
+long before Fortuna became of any real importance in Rome, and I shall
+leave her out of account here. She had two homes of renown in Latium, at
+Antium and Praeneste, and was in each connected with a kind of oracle,
+which seems to have been specially resorted to by women before and after
+childbirth. She was also very probably a deity of other kinds of
+fertility; and in course of time she took on the characteristics of the
+Greek Tyche, and became a favourite deity of good luck.[493]
+
+Let us pause for one moment to reflect on the character of these new
+deities of whom I have been speaking: Hercules, Castor, Minerva, Diana.
+It must be confessed that, as compared with the great deities of the
+calendar, they are uninteresting; with the exception, perhaps, of
+Hercules, they do not seem to have any real _religious_ significance.
+They are local deities brought in from outside, and have no root in the
+mind of the Roman people as we have so far been studying it. They seem
+to indicate the growth of a population in which the true old Roman
+religious instinct was absent; they represent commerce, business,
+handicraft, or politics, pursuits in which the old Roman and Latin
+farmers were not directly interested; they were suffered to be in Rome
+because the new population and the new interests must of necessity have
+their own worships, but they were not taken into the heart and mind of
+the people. So at least it seems to us, after we have been examining the
+development of the native religious plant from its root upwards. But we
+must remember that of that new population, its life and its needs, we
+know hardly anything, and it would not be safe to assume that the
+conception of Minerva had no influence on the conscience of the artisan,
+or that of Hercules no power of binding the trader to honest dealing and
+respect for his oath. As for Diana, though, as Dr. Carter says, she had
+been introduced "as part of a diplomatic game, not because Rome felt any
+religious need of her," the fact that the Latin treaty was kept in her
+temple has a certain moral as well as political significance which ought
+not to be overlooked. It is impossible to put ourselves mentally in the
+position of the men who brought these cults to Rome, or of the Romans
+who granted them admittance; but we shall be on the safe side if we
+imagine the former at least to have had a conviction that their dealings
+at Rome would not prosper unless they were carried out with the blessing
+of their own gods.
+
+But we now come, in the last place, to the foundation of a cult of a
+very different kind from these, and of far greater import than any of
+them in the history of Roman religious experience. We have seen that the
+temple of Diana on the Aventine meant the transference of the headship
+of the Latin league from Aricia to Rome. When Rome took over this
+headship, and by removing its religious centre to Rome--or, perhaps more
+accurately, by offering Diana of Aricia a new home by the Tiber--removed
+also any danger of a new power growing up in Latium outside her own
+influence, she seems to have taken another important step in the same
+direction. Archaeological evidence confirms the tradition that at this
+time the temple of Jupiter Latiaris, the real and original god of the
+league, on the Alban hill, was rebuilt;[494] and as the remains of its
+foundation are of Etruscan workmanship, we may believe that the work was
+undertaken at that period of an Etruscan dominion in Rome which no one
+now seriously doubts, and which is marked by the Etruscan name
+Tarquinius, and by the old tradition that Servius Tullius was really an
+Etruscan bearing the Etruscan name Mastarna.[495] Now those in power at
+Rome at this time, whoever they were, not content with rebuilding the
+ancient temple of Jupiter on the Alban hill, conceived the idea of also
+building a great temple at Rome, on the steep rock overlooking the
+Forum, to the same deity of the heaven who had long presided over the
+Latin league. The tradition was that this temple was vowed by the first
+Tarquinius, begun by the second, and finally dedicated by the first
+consul Horatius in the year 509.[496] It is quite possible that this
+tradition indicates the truth in outline--that it was an Etruscan who
+conceived the idea of the great work, and that the foreign domination
+gave way to a Roman reaction before the temple was ready for dedication.
+We cannot know what exactly was the Etruscan intention as to the cult;
+but we know that the temple was built in the Etruscan style, that its
+foundations were of Etruscan masonry,[497] and that the deities
+inhabiting it were three--a _trias_--a feature quite foreign to the
+native Roman religion.[498] Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva had each a
+separate dwelling (_cella_) within the walls of the temple, which, in
+order to meet this innovation, was almost as broad as it was long.
+Whether this trias was the one originally intended by the Etruscan king
+or kings it is impossible to say; but I have great doubts of it. I
+confess that I have no ground but probability to go on when I conjecture
+that a long period elapsed between the beginning of this great
+undertaking and the final completion, and that in the meantime many
+things had happened of which we have no record; that when the temple was
+finished it was in Roman hands, though retaining its Etruscan
+characteristics, and especially the combination of three deities; and
+that those three deities were essentially Roman in conception. Roman,
+too, was the idea that one of the three should be paramount; the two
+goddesses never attained to any special significance, and the temple
+always remained essentially the dwelling of the great Jupiter, the
+Father of heaven.[499]
+
+The cult-titles of this Jupiter, Optimus Maximus, the best and greatest,
+seem to raise him to a position not only far above his colleagues in the
+temple, but above all other Jupiters in Latium or elsewhere, and
+presumably above all other deities. They thus suggest a deliberate
+attempt to place him in a higher position than even the Jupiter Latiaris
+of the Mons Albanus, whose temple had been rebuilt in the same period.
+The very novelty of such cult-titles betrays both power and genius in
+their originator; they are wholly unlike any we have met with so far;
+they do not suggest a function or a locality or a connection with some
+other deity; they stand absolutely alone in the history of the Roman
+religion till far on in the Empire.[500] Here is no _numen_ needed at a
+particular season to bless some agricultural operation; Jupiter Optimus
+Maximus seems hardly to be limited by space or season, and is to be
+always there looking down on his people from his seat on the hill which
+was henceforward to be called Capitolinus, because the space which had
+been prepared there for his reception bore the name of Capitolium, the
+place of headship.[501] These titles, Best and Greatest, call for
+reflection, for more thought than we are apt to give them; one wonders
+whether they can be as old as tradition claimed, and in fact at least
+one recent writer has been tempted, without sufficient reason, to date
+the whole foundation two centuries later than the Tarquinii.[502] To me
+they rather suggest the hypothesis that the break-up of the Etruscan
+domination in Rome was the work of a man or men inspired by a new
+national feeling which ascribed the revolution to the great god of the
+race, to whose shrine on the same hill the kings had been used to bring
+the spoils of their enemies[503]; and that they took advantage of the
+uncompleted Etruscan temple, with its huge foundations and underground
+_favissae_, to settle there a new Jupiter, better and greater than any
+other, to whom his people would be for ever grateful, and in whom they
+would for ever put their trust. All older associations with cults of the
+Heaven-god were to be banished from the Capitolium, just as all other
+deities were believed to have fled from the spot, save only Terminus;
+the ancient priest of Jupiter, the Flamen Dialis, had no special
+connection with this temple and its cult, which were under the immediate
+charge of an _aedituus_ only.[504] Here was the centre of the public
+worship of the State as a whole, not only of the old patrician State;
+and no such ancient curiosity as the Flamen Dialis, who, as I have
+suggested, was a survival from some older era of Latin religious
+history, was to be supreme there. Here the Consul of the free Republic
+was to offer, on entering office, the victim--the white heifer of the
+Alban cult--which his predecessor had vowed, and himself to bind his
+successor to a like sacrifice; and this he did on behalf of patrician
+and plebeian alike. Here the victorious general was to deposit his
+spoils, reaching the temple in the solemn procession of the _triumphus_,
+and wearing the _ornamenta_ of the deity himself; for here, contrary to
+all precedent in the worship of Romans, there was an image of the god
+wrought in terra cotta and brought from Etruria.[505] It is in
+connection with such solemn events as these that we may find the origin
+of those imposing processions which for centuries were to impress the
+minds of the Roman people, and indeed of their enemies also, with the
+might and magnificence of their Empire; for apart from the triumphal
+processions with which we are all familiar, the scene at the entrance of
+new consuls on their office must have been most impressive. They were
+accompanied by the other magistrates, the Senate, the priests in their
+robes of office, and by an immense crowd of citizens. After the ceremony
+the Senate met _in the temple_ to transact the first religious business
+of the year. Here too the tribal assembly met for the purpose of
+enrolling the new levies before each season of war, in order that the
+youths who were to fight the battles of Rome might realise the presence
+of Rome's great protecting deity. Even in the most degenerate days of
+the Roman religion, though Jupiter had suffered from the ridicule of
+playwrights or the speculations of philosophers, an orator's appeal to
+the Best and Greatest looking down on the Forum from his seat above it,
+could not fail to move the hearers; "Ille, ille Iuppiter restitit,"
+cried Cicero in the peril of the Catilinarian conspiracy, "ille
+Capitolium, ille haec templa, ille cunctam urbem, ille vos omnes salvos
+esse voluit."[506]
+
+Nor was it only the State as represented by its officials that could and
+did address itself to the worship of this great god. It seems probable
+that the new idea of a single guardian deity, with his two attendant
+goddesses, for which the Romans were indebted to the genius (whoever he
+may have been) who released them from the yoke of the Etruscan, opened
+the cult to the individual in a way which must have been a novelty in
+the religious life of the people.[507] The most memorable example of
+this is in the famous story told of Scipio, the conqueror of Hannibal,
+which is not likely to be an invention of the annalists. As Gellius
+records it, it stands thus: Scipio was wont to ascend to the temple just
+before daylight, to order the _cella Iovis_ to be opened for him, and
+there to remain alone for a long time, as if taking counsel with the
+god about the affairs of the State. The dogs, it was said, which guarded
+the entrance, astonished the temple-keepers by treating him always with
+respect, while they would attack or bark at others.[508]
+
+The reader may remark, that during the last few minutes I have wandered
+quite away from the Roman religion which we have so far been trying to
+understand, and he will be right. I have but just touched on this great
+cult, which properly belongs to Rome of the Republic, in order to show
+how great a change must have taken place, how great a revolution must
+have been consummated, when this temple arose on its Etruscan
+substructures. We have marked two forward steps in the social and
+political experience of the Romans: the settlement of the family on the
+land and the organisation of the City-state with its calendar. Here is a
+third, the liberation of that State from a foreign dominion, and the
+development, in matters both internal and external, which subjection and
+liberation alike brought with them. In regard to religious experience,
+the first produced the ordered worship of the household, which had a
+lasting effect on the Roman character; the second produced the _ius
+divinum_, the priesthoods and the ritual for the service of the various
+_numina_ which had consented to take up their abode in the city and its
+precincts. These two taken together changed doubt and anxiety into
+confidence, stilled the _religio_ natural to uncivilised man, and
+developed the machinery of magic into forms and ceremonies which were
+more truly religious. Now we note a third great social step forward,
+which brings with it a new conception and expression of the religious
+unity of the State; henceforward, alongside of a multiplicity of cults
+and of priests attached to them, we have one central worship to which
+all free citizens may resort, and a trinity of guardian deities, of whom
+one, Jupiter Best and Greatest, is the one presiding genius of the whole
+State.
+
+Lastly, there can hardly be a doubt that this new cult marks a more
+extensive communication with neighbouring peoples than the State had as
+yet experienced or encouraged. Etruria, Latium, and Greece, all seem to
+have had a hand in it. Of its relation to the Latins and Etruscans I
+have already spoken. It only remains for me to note the fact that it was
+here, in this Capitoline temple, according to unanimous tradition, that
+those legendary "Sibylline books" were deposited which came from a Greek
+source, and according to the story, from Cumae.[509] These mysterious
+books were destined to change the whole character of the religion of the
+Romans during the next two centuries; and this is why the dedication of
+the great temple is a convenient halting-place on our journey. I propose
+to begin the second part of my subject by examining the nature of this
+change, and then to pass on to others, until we have reached the end of
+the religious experience of the genuine Roman people.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE X.
+
+    [464] _Origin and Development of Moral Ideas_, chapters
+    l.-lii.: "Gods as guardians of morality."
+
+    [465] Crawley, _The Tree of Life_, in a remarkable
+    chapter on the function of religion (ch. ix.),
+    especially p. 287 foll. "Morality," says Mr. Crawley,
+    "is one of the results of the religious impulse." What
+    he means here by morality is not "that elaborated by
+    abstract thinkers," but the "morality of elemental human
+    nature." "Elemental morality" may be a somewhat obscure
+    term; but I think it is highly probable that Mr. Crawley
+    is, in part at least, right in ascribing the origin of
+    morality to the religious impulse.
+
+    [466] Crawley, _op. cit._, p. 265.
+
+    [467] Above, pp. 107-8.
+
+    [468] See the author's article in _Hibbert Journal_ for
+    July 1907, p. 894.
+
+    [469] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 15 foll.
+
+    [470] _Ib._ p. 421: Aust, _Religion der Roemer_, p. 47.
+
+    [471] I am, of course, well aware that quite recently
+    attempts have been made to explain the _plebs_ as the
+    original inhabitants of Latium, and the Romans as
+    conquering invaders; _e.g._ by Prof. Ridgeway in his
+    paper, "Who were the Romans," read to the British
+    Academy, and by Binder in his recently published volume
+    _Die Plebs_. The theory is a natural one, and not out
+    of harmony with the facts as known; but it has yet to be
+    further developed and tested, and as those who hold it
+    are not as yet in agreement with each other, and as the
+    evidence which alone can prove it is of a very special
+    character, archaeological and linguistic, I have
+    expressed myself in terms of the older view.
+
+    [472] _The Religion of Numa_, p. 30.
+
+    [473] _Aen._ viii. 184 foll.; the description of the
+    festival is in 280 foll.; where the interesting points
+    are the priests of the gentes appointed to look after
+    the cult (the Potitii only are here mentioned) "pellibus
+    in morem cincti," and the Salii "populeis evincti
+    tempora ramis."
+
+    [474] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 219 foll.; Carter, _Religion of
+    Numa_, p. 31 foll. The ground had been prepared for the
+    new view by the elaborate articles in Roscher's
+    _Mythological Lexicon_, vol. ii. pp. 2253 foll. and 2901
+    foll. Of late a painstaking discussion by J. G. Winter
+    has appeared in the _University of Michigan Studies for
+    1910_, p. 171 foll.; he mainly confirms Wissowa's
+    conclusions, but provisionally accepts a suggestion of
+    mine (_R.F._ 197) that the tithe practice of the _ara
+    maxima_ may possibly have been of Phoenician origin, and
+    points out that E. Curtius made the same suggestion as
+    long ago as 1845. On p. 269 he also dwells, very
+    properly, I think, on the part which the Etruscans may
+    have had in the dissemination of the myth and cult of
+    the Greek Heracles. Wissowa, however, stoutly maintains
+    that these are simply Greek and of commercial origin. It
+    has been Wissowa's special and valuable function to
+    elucidate the Greek origin of many Roman cults and
+    legends; but I doubt if he has adequately considered the
+    influence of other peoples, and in particular of
+    Phoenicians and Etruscans. Certainly the Hercules
+    question is not finally settled by his masterly analysis
+    of it in _R.K._ p. 220 foll. But most of what I said in
+    _R.F._ about the Hercules of the _ara maxima_ may now be
+    considered obsolete; and I may add that my remarks on
+    the supposed connection of Hercules with Genius, Dius
+    Fidius, and Jupiter in the same work, p. 143 foll., have
+    lost much strength since Wissowa's book appeared. Yet I
+    am not prepared to accept the view which would deny to
+    Hercules on Italian soil all contamination with Italian
+    ideas; as Willamowitz-Moellendorf puts it (_Herakles_,
+    ed. 2, vol. i. p. 25), "Die Italiker haben dem Koerper,
+    den sie uebernahmen, den Odem ihrer eigenen Seele
+    eingeblasen: aber wie der Name ist der Gestalt des
+    Hercules hellenischer Import." There are points in
+    connection with the Roman Hercules, _e.g._ the _nodus
+    herculaneus_ of the bride's girdle, which Wissowa does
+    not explain, and which, so far as I can see, can only be
+    explained by assuming that, as might have been expected,
+    the Greek Hercules became to some extent entangled in
+    the web of Italian thought.
+
+    [475] The cult was Greek in detail; _Graeco ritu_,
+    according to Varro as quoted by Macrobius iii. 6. 17;
+    see also references in Wissowa, _R.K._ 222, note 2.
+    Following R. Peter in the articles in Roscher, I
+    assumed, in _R.F._ p. 194, that this might be a later
+    reconstruction of an originally Italian cult; but for
+    the present it is safer to look on the _Graecus ritus_
+    as primitive, and on the presence of Salii, a genuine
+    Italian institution, as brought from Tibur by the gens
+    Pinaria, of which there is a trace in that city
+    (_C.I.L._ xiv. 3541). There also Salii were engaged in
+    the cult of Hercules Victor, to whom tithes were also
+    offered (_C.I.L._ xiv. 3541). The evidence for the
+    theory that the cult came to Rome from Tibur is
+    summarised by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 220.
+
+    [476] _Op. cit._, p. 37.
+
+    [477] For the connection of the cult with trade,
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ 225; and the story told in Macrobius
+    iii. 6. 11, from Masurius Sabinus, of a _tibicen_ who
+    became a merchant and had an interview with the god in a
+    dream. For the connection with _oaths_, _R.F._ p. 138. I
+    may say before leaving Hercules that though I accept the
+    latest hypotheses provisionally, I am far from believing
+    that the last word has been said on the subject.
+
+    [478] See, _e.g._, Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of
+    Ancient Rome_, p. 271 foll. The date of the temple is
+    482 B.C., but it was vowed in 496 after the Regillus
+    battle. The three columns still standing date from 7
+    B.C.
+
+    [479] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 217, who points out that the
+    Dioscuri never appear in _lectisternia_ at Rome, as they
+    do at Tusculum, which shows that the latter cult was
+    more directly Greek than that at Rome, and that the
+    Roman authorities admitted it as a Latin cult without
+    the Greek details.
+
+    [480] Carter, _op. cit._ p. 38. There seemed to be
+    difficulties in the way of his conclusion; the Dioscuri
+    were very strong in the Peloponnese, yet the Spartans
+    neglected the use of cavalry. At any rate the theory
+    needs careful historical testing. See article "Dioscuri"
+    in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._ It would seem natural
+    that when once the cult had been introduced by traders
+    it might become specially attached to the cavalry, owing
+    to the ancient connection of the Twins with horses.
+
+    [481] Ecastor and Edepol, which were oaths used
+    especially by women, who were not allowed to swear by
+    Hercules, Gell. xi. 6.
+
+    [482] The reasoning will be found in full in Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 203 foll., and in his article "Minerva" in the
+    _Mythological Lexicon_. See also Carter, _Religion of
+    Numa_, p. 45 foll. For the position of this temple and
+    that of Diana on the Aventine, a suburb which cannot be
+    proved to have been then within any city wall, see
+    Carter in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical
+    Society for 1909_, p. 136 foll.
+
+    [483] Waltzing, _Etude historique sur les corporations
+    romaines_, vol. i. pp. 63 and 199. The relation between
+    town life and trades is stated with his usual insight by
+    von Jhering, _Evolution of the Aryan_, p. 93 foll.
+
+    [484] See Mueller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. 47; Deecke,
+    _Falisker_, p. 89 foll.
+
+    [485] Minerva or Menrva is assuredly not Etruscan,
+    though frequently found on Etruscan monuments; see
+    Deecke, _l.c._ p. 89 foll.
+
+    [486] Fasti Praenestini in _C.I.L._ i.^2 March 19.
+    "Artificum dies (quod Minervae) aedis in Aventino eo die
+    est (dedicata)." This is one of those additional notes
+    in the Fast. Praen., which are believed to have been the
+    work of Verrius Flaccus: see _Roman Festivals_, p. 12.
+
+    [487] Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 288. We
+    know the fact from Strabo's account of Massilia, Bk. iv.
+    p. 180.
+
+    [488] Dion. Hal. iv. 26. See _R.F._ p. 198.
+
+    [489] Statius, _Silvae_ iii. 1. 60. See Wissowa's
+    article "Diana" in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._
+
+    [490] Wissowa, _l.c._ p. 332.
+
+    [491] _Golden Bough_, i. p. 1 foll.; _Early History of
+    the Kingship_, Lecture I.
+
+    [492] Varro, _L.L._ 5. 43; Carter, _op. cit._ p. 55.
+
+    [493] See on Fortuna the exhaustive article by R. Peter
+    in the _Mythological Lexicon_; Wissowa, _R.K._ 206
+    foll.; _R.F._ p. 161 foll., and 223 foll.; Carter, _op.
+    cit._ p. 50 foll. Dr. Carter seems to me to be too
+    certain of the absence of any idea of luck or chance in
+    the original conception of Fortuna: the word _fors_, so
+    far as we know, never had any other meaning, and the
+    deity Fors must be a personification of an abstraction,
+    like Ops, Fides, and Salus. See Axtell, _Deification of
+    abstract idea in Roman literature_, p. 9, with whom I
+    agree in rejecting the notion of Marquardt and Wissowa
+    that she was a deity of horticulture. He rightly points
+    out that she is not included in the list of agricultural
+    deities in Varro, _R.R._ i. 1. 6.
+
+    [494] See Aust in his article "Jupiter" in the _Myth.
+    Lex._ p. 689, where the evidence for the contemporaneous
+    origin of the temple on the Alban hill and that on the
+    Capitol is fully stated. In this case excavations have
+    confirmed the Roman tradition, which ascribed the former
+    temple to one or other of the Tarquinii. Jordan, _Roem.
+    Top._ i. pt. 2. p. 9.
+
+    [495] See the speech of Claudius the emperor, _C.I.L._
+    xiii. 1668, printed in Furneaux' _Tacitus' Annals_, vol.
+    ii. Gardthausen, _Mastarna_, p. 40; Mueller-Deecke,
+    _Etrusker_, i. 111. For the Etruscan name Mastarna, see
+    Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_^3, ii. 506
+    foll.: Gardthausen gives a cut of the painting found in
+    a tomb at Vulci in which he appears with the name
+    attached. Even the ultra-sceptical Pais does not doubt
+    the fact of an Etruscan domination in Rome; but he does
+    not believe the Tarquinii and Mastarna to have been
+    historical personages, and will not date the temples
+    attributed to this age earlier than the fourth century
+    B.C. See his _Ancient Legends of Roman History_, ch.
+    vii.; _Storia di Roma_, i. 310 foll. But the names of
+    these kings do not concern us, except so far as they
+    connect Etruria with Roman history in the sixth century.
+
+    [496] Cic. _Rep._ ii. 24. 44; Livy i. 38. and 55;
+    Dionys. iii. 69; iv. 59. 61. The whole evidence will be
+    found collected in Jordan, _Topogr._ i. pt. ii. p. 9
+    foll., and in Aust, _Myth. Lex._, _s.v._ Jupiter, p. 706
+    foll. If the date 509 were seriously impugned Roman
+    chronology would be in confusion, for this is believed
+    to be the earliest date on which we can rely, and on it
+    the subsequent chronology hangs: Mommsen, _Roem.
+    Chronologie_, ed. 2, p. 198.
+
+    [497] Aust, p. 707 foll.; Jordan, _op. cit._, p. 9.
+
+    [498] _i.e._ the admission of more than one deity into a
+    single building. The word "trias" is sometimes used of
+    the three old Roman deities, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus
+    (_e.g._ by Wissowa, _Myth. Lex._ _s.v._ Quirinus), but
+    this is in a different sense. On the idea of a trias
+    generally, see Kuhfeldt, _de Capitoliis imperii Romani_,
+    p. 82 foll.; Cumont, _Religions orientales dans le
+    paganisme romain_, p. 290, note 51.
+
+    [499] The technical name of the temple was aedes Iovis
+    Opt. Max.: for other indications of Jupiter's supremacy
+    see Aust, p. 720.
+
+    [500] On Oriental developments of Jupiter Opt. Max. see
+    an interesting paper by Cumont in _Archiv_ for 1906, p.
+    323 foll. (_Iuppiter summus exsuperantissimus_). A
+    relief in the Berlin Museum has a dedication _I.O.M.
+    summo exsuperantissimo_; but Prof. Cumont believes the
+    deity to have been really Oriental, introduced by Greek
+    philosophical theologians in the last century B.C., but
+    probably Chaldaean in origin.
+
+    [501] Jordan, _op. cit._ p. 7 and note. It is uncertain
+    whether the whole hill had any earlier name. The Mons
+    Saturnius of Varro, _L.L._ v. 42, with the legend of an
+    oppidum _Saturnia_, and the Mons Tarpeius (_Rhet. ad
+    Herenn._, iv. 32. 43; Pais, _Ancient Legends_, chs. v.
+    and vi.) need not be taken into account.
+
+    [502] Pais, _Ancient Legends of Roman History_, ch. v.
+
+    [503] See above, p. 130.
+
+    [504] This is an inference from the fact that this
+    Flamen is nowhere mentioned as connected with the
+    Capitoline cult. Macrob. i. 15, 16, speaks of the ovis
+    Idulis as sacrificed on every ides _a flamine_, and
+    this, it is true, took place on the Capitolium (Aust, in
+    _Lex._ _s.v._ Jupiter, 655), but (1) Festus, 290,
+    mentions sacerdotes, Ovid, _Fasti_ i. 588, castus
+    sacerdos only; and (2) this sacrifice may well, as O.
+    Gilbert conjectured, have originally taken place in the
+    Regia (_Gesch. und Topogr. Roms_, i. 236). In any case
+    the Flamen was not in any special sense priest of Iup.
+    Opt. Max.
+
+    [505] The _locus classicus_ for this is Pliny, _N.H._
+    xxxv. 157. The artist was said to have been one Volcas
+    of Veii. Ovid, _Fasti_ i. 201, says that the god had in
+    his hand a _fictile fulmen_. Varro believed this to be
+    the oldest statue of a god in Rome; see above, p. 146,
+    and Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 280, accepts
+    his statement as probably correct.
+
+    [506] Cic. _Catil._ iii. 9. 21.
+
+    [507] Jordan, _Topogr._ i. 2. pp. 39 and 62, notes. The
+    most convincing passages quoted by him are Suet. _Aug._
+    59, and Serv. _Ecl._ iv. 50 (of boys taking toga virilis
+    who "ad Capitolium eunt"); but was not this to sacrifice
+    to Liber or Iuventas? _R.F._ p. 56.
+
+    [508] Gellius vi. 1. 6, from C. Oppius et Iulius
+    Hyginus. In his famous character of Scipio (xxvi. 19)
+    Livy seems to think that Scipio did this to make people
+    think him superhuman or of divine descent.
+
+    [509] Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 158. 257; Virg. _Ecl._ iv. 4,
+    _Aen._ vi. 42; Marquardt, 352, note 7, for evidence that
+    the books came to Cumae from Erythrae. See also Diels,
+    _Sibyllinische Blaetter_, p. 80 foll.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XI*
+
+CONTACT OF THE OLD AND NEW IN RELIGION
+
+
+I said at the beginning of my first lecture that Roman religious
+experience can be summed up in two stories. The first of these was the
+story of the way in which a strong primitive religious instinct, the
+desire to put yourself in right relation with the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe, _religio_ as the Romans called it, was gradually
+soothed and satisfied under the formalising influence of the settled
+life of the agricultural family, and still more so under the organising
+genius of the early religious rulers of the City-state. This story I
+tried to tell in the last few lectures. The second story was to be that
+of the gradual discovery of the inadequacy of this early formalised and
+organised religion to cope with what we may call new religious
+experience; that is, with the difficulties and perils met with by the
+Roman people in their extraordinary advance in the world, and with the
+new ideas of religion and morals which broke in on them in the course of
+their contact with other peoples. This story I wish to tell in the
+present course of lectures. It is a long and complicated one, including
+the introduction of new rites and ideas of the divine, the anxious
+attempts of the religious authorities to put off the evil day by
+stretching to the uttermost the capacity of the old forms, and the final
+victory of the new ideas as Roman life and thought became gradually
+hellenised.
+
+    [*] This Lecture was the first of a second and separate
+    course.
+
+I propose to divide the story thus. In the latter part of this first
+lecture I will deal with the first introduction of Greek rites into the
+State worship under the directions of the so-called Sibylline books.
+Then I will turn to the efforts of the lay priesthoods, pontifices and
+augurs, to meet the calls of new experience by formalising the old
+religion still more completely in the name of the State, until it became
+a mere skeleton of dry bones, without life and power. That will bring us
+to the great turning-point in Roman history, the war with Hannibal, to
+the religious history of which I shall devote my fourth lecture; and the
+fifth will pursue the subject into the century that followed. In the
+next lecture I hope to sketch the influence on Roman religious ideas of
+the Stoic school of philosophy, and in the seventh to discuss, so far as
+I may be able, the tendency towards mysticism prevalent in the last
+period of the life of the Republic. My eighth lecture I intend to devote
+to the noble attempt of Virgil to combine religion, legend, philosophy,
+and consummate art in a splendid appeal to the conscience of the Roman
+of that day. Then I turn to the more practical attempt of Augustus to
+revive the dying embers of the old religion; and in my last lecture I
+shall try to estimate the contribution, such as it was, of the religious
+experience we have been discussing, to the early Christian church.
+
+We shall shortly hear so much of petrifaction and disintegration, that
+it may be as well, before I actually begin my story, to convince
+ourselves that the old religion was in its peculiar way a real
+expression of religious feeling, and not merely a set of meaningless
+conventions and formulae. It was the positive belief of the later Romans
+that both they and their ancestors were _religiosissimi mortales_,[510]
+full to the brim, that is, of religious instinct, and most scrupulous in
+fulfilling its claims upon them; for the word _religio_ had come, by the
+time (and probably long before the time) when it was used by men of
+letters, to mean the fulfilment of ritualistic obligation quite as much
+as the anxious feeling which had originally suggested it.[511] Cicero,
+writing in no rhetorical mood, declared that, as compared with other
+peoples, the Romans were far superior "in religione, id est cultu."[512]
+This is in his work on the nature of the gods; in an oration he
+naturally puts it more strongly: "We have overcome all the nations of
+the world, because we have realised that the world is directed and
+governed by the will of the gods."[513] Sallust, Livy, and other Roman
+prose writers have said much the same thing[514]; the _Aeneid_ as a
+whole might be adduced as evidence, and in a less degree all the poets
+of the Augustan age. Foreigners, too, were struck with the strange
+phenomenon, in an age of philosophic doubt. Polybius in the second
+century B.C. declared his opinion that what was reckoned among other
+peoples as a thing to be blamed, _deisidaimonia_, both in public and
+private life, was really what was holding together the Roman state.[515]
+Even in the wild century that followed, Posidonius could repeat the
+assertion of Polybius, and in the age of Augustus, Dionysius of
+Halicarnassus, then resident at Rome, looking back on the early history
+of Rome, stated his conviction that one needed to know the _pietas_ of
+the Romans in order to understand their wonderful career of
+conquest.[516] Aulus Gellius, in a curious passage in which he notes
+that the Romans had no deity to whose activity they could with
+certainty ascribe earthquakes, describes them as "in constituendis
+religionibus atque in dis immortalibus animadvertendis _castissimi
+cautissimique_,"--a rhetorical but happy conjunction of epithets. He
+means that they would order religious rites, though ignorant of the
+_numen_ to whom they were due.[517]
+
+It might be argued that these later writers knew really little or
+nothing about the primitive Romans, and that these passages only prove
+that this people had an extraordinary scrupulosity about forms and
+ceremonies in this as in other departments of action. But the argument
+will not hold; the survival of all this formalism into an age of
+disintegration really proves beyond a doubt that there must have been a
+time when these forms really expressed anxieties, fears, convictions,
+the earliest germs of _conscience_.
+
+May we not take the constant occurrence in literature of such phrases as
+_dis faventibus_, _dis iuvantibus_ or _volentibus_, as evidence of an
+idea deeply rooted at one time in the Roman mind, that nothing should be
+undertaken until the will of the deities concerned had been ascertained
+and that early form of conscience satisfied? Let us remember that the
+whole story of the _Aeneid_ is one of the bending of the will of the
+hero, as a type of the ideal Roman, to the ascertainable will of the
+powers in the universe.
+
+And we have abundant evidence that as a matter of fact the good-will of
+the divine inhabitants of house and city was asked for whenever any kind
+of work was undertaken,--even the ordinary routine work of the farm or
+of government. In the household every morning some offering with prayer
+was made to the Lar familiaris in historical times, and again before the
+_cena_, the chief meal of the day.[518] On Kalends, Nones, Ides, and on
+all _dies festi_ a _corona_ was placed on the hearth, and prayer was
+made to the Lar; we know that this was so in the old Roman home, because
+in the second century B.C. Cato instructs the _vilicus_ to discharge
+these duties on behalf of the absent or non-resident owner.[519] Before
+the flocks were taken out to summer pasture, and doubtless when they
+returned, some religious service (so we should call it) was held,[520]
+just as in the Catholic cantons of Switzerland the blessing of God is
+asked when the cows first ascend to the alpine pastures, and again when
+they leave them for the valleys. Before a journey the later Romans
+prayed for good fortune;[521] in the old times travelling was of course
+unusual, and when it did occur the traveller was surrounded by so many
+spiritual as well as material dangers that _special_ religious measures
+must have been taken, as by fetials or armies on entering foreign
+territory. The survival of the same kind of belief and practice is also
+seen in private life in the religious commendations of some authors at
+the outset of their literary work; Varro, for example, at the beginning
+of his work on agriculture, calls on all the agrarian deities (_iis deis
+ad venerationem advocatis_) before he goes on to mention even the
+bibliography of his subject.[522] Livy in the last sentence of his
+preface would fain imitate the poets in calling on the gods to bless and
+favour his undertaking. And in all time of their tribulation, even if
+not in all time of their wealth, the pious Romans sought help from the
+deities from whom help might be expected; if, at least, the many
+instances occurring in Roman poetry may point to a practice of the
+ordinary individual and family.[523] So too, if we may judge by many
+passages in the plays of Plautus and Terence,[524]--if here we have
+genuine Roman usage, as is probable,--the feeling of dependence on a
+Power manifesting itself in the affairs of daily life is shown also in
+the expression of _thankfulness_ which followed success or escape from
+peril. Gratitude was not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, but I
+have already remarked on the presence of it in the practice of the
+_votum_, and there is at least some evidence that it was recognised as
+due to benignant deities as well as human beings.[525]
+
+In public life, throughout Roman history, the forms of religious rites
+were maintained on all important occasions. When Varro wrote a little
+manual of Senatorial procedure for the benefit of the inexperienced
+Pompeius when consul in 70 B.C., he was careful to mention the
+preliminary sacrifice and _auspicatio_, performed by the presiding
+magistrate, who also had to see that the business _de rebus divinis_
+came first on the paper of agenda.[526] At one time every speaker
+invoked the gods at the beginning of his oration, as well indeed he
+might in a situation so unusual and trying for a Roman before the days
+of Greek education; and the earliest speeches preserved in the literary
+age, _e.g._ those of Cato and the Gracchi, retained the religious
+exordium.[527] We have a trace of the Gracchan practice in a famous
+passage at the end of the work called _Rhetorica ad Herennium_ of
+_circ._ 82 B.C., where the death of Ti. Gracchus is graphically
+described.[528] But there is no need to multiply examples of public
+religious formalism on occasions of all kinds, on entering on an office,
+founding a colony, leaving Rome for a provincia, and so on; some of them
+I have already mentioned, others are familiar to all classical students.
+
+So let us not hesitate for a moment to give this people credit for their
+religiousness. True, their neighbours, Greeks like Polybius, approved of
+it only with an ironical smile on their lips, as we may smile at the
+devoted formalism of extreme Catholic or Protestant, while we
+secretly--if we have some sympathy with strangely varying human
+nature--admire the confidence and regularity that we cannot ourselves
+claim. At the moment where I have thus paused before beginning my second
+story, at the end, that is, of the regal period, I believe that this
+religious system, though perhaps beginning to harden, still meant a
+profound belief in the Power thus manifested in many forms, and an
+ardent and effective desire to be in right relation to it. I believe
+that it contained the germ of a living and fruitful growth; but that
+growth was at this very moment arrested by the beginning of a process of
+which I shall have much to say in the next two or three lectures.
+
+But it is hard to realise this better side of the religion of a hard and
+practical people, and all the more so since it is the worse side that is
+almost always presented to us in modern books. It is hard to realise
+that it was not merely a system of insurance, so to speak, against all
+kinds of material evils,--and here again all the more so because there
+is a tendency just now to reduce both religion and law to an origin in
+magic, leaving the religious instinct, the _feeling of dependence_, the
+progenitor of conscience, quite out of account. One must indeed be
+thoroughly familiar with Roman literature and antiquities to overcome
+these difficulties, to discover the spiritual residuum in the Roman
+character beneath all its hardness and utilitarianism. Before we pass on
+to the task before us, let me make two suggestions for the help of those
+who would endeavour to find this spiritual residuum. The first is that
+they should consider the history and true meaning of three great words
+which Latin language has bequeathed to modern speech,--_religio_, the
+feeling of awe, taking practical shape in the performance of authorised
+ceremonies; _sacrum_, that which by authoritative usage is made over
+without reserve to the divine inhabitants of the city; and last but not
+least, _pietas_, the sense of duty to god and man alike, to all divine
+and human beings having an authorised claim upon you. And this word
+_pietas_ shall introduce my second suggestion--that there is no better
+way of getting to understand the spirit of the Roman religion than by
+continual study of the _Aeneid_, where the hero is the ideal Roman,
+_pius_ in the best and widest sense. What makes the _Aeneid_ so helpful
+in this way is the poet's intimate and sympathetic knowledge of the
+religious ideas of the Italians, in which we may see reflected those of
+the Roman of the age we are now dealing with: his love too of antiquity
+and of all ancient rites and legends; and his conviction that the great
+work of Rome in the world had been achieved not only by _virtus_ but by
+_pietas_. What has been won by _virtus_ must be preserved by _pietas_,
+by the sense of duty in family and State,--that is the moral of the
+_Aeneid_. In no other work of Roman genius is this idea found in
+anything like the same degree of prominence and consistency; and when a
+student has steeped his mind well in the details of the Roman worship,
+and begins to weary of what must seem its soulless Pharisaism, let him
+take up the _Aeneid_ and read it right through for the story and the
+characters. I will venture to say that he will think better both of the
+Romans and their poet than he ever did before. But of the _Aeneid_ I
+shall have more to say later on; at present let us turn to the less
+inspiring topics which must occupy us for the next few lectures.
+
+The last fact of Roman religious history which I mentioned last year was
+the building of the great Capitoline temple of Jupiter, Juno, and
+Minerva, and I then explained why this constituted a religious
+revolution. The next temple of which tradition tells us was destined for
+another trias, Ceres, Liber, and Libera; the traditional date was 493
+B.C., the cause a famine, and the site was at the foot of the Aventine,
+the plebeian quarter outside the pomoerium, close to the river where
+corn-ships might be moored.[529] Ceres, Liber, and Libera are plainly
+neither more nor less than the three Greek corn deities, Demeter,
+Dionysus, and Persephone, in a Latin form,[530] whose worship was
+prominent in South Italy and Sicily; and unless we throw tradition
+overboard entirely, as indeed has often been done, the inference is
+obvious that this trias came from the Greeks of the south with an
+importation of corn to relieve a famine which pressed especially on the
+plebs. It is a fact that the temple and its cult remained always closely
+connected with the plebs; they were under the charge of the plebeian
+aediles, who also in historical times had the care of the corn-supply
+necessary for the city population.[531] Thus, though we need not accept
+in full Livy's statement that the very next year corn was imported from
+Etruria, Cumae, and Sicily, it cannot be denied that there is a strong
+consensus in the various traditions about the temple, which taken
+together suggest a Greek, non-patrician, and early origin. That the cult
+had at all times a Greek character is undisputed fact.
+
+But I am not so much concerned with the temple itself as with the date
+and the manner of its foundation. It was said to have been founded in
+the year 496, and dedicated in 493, in obedience to directions found in
+"the Sibylline books," which books, according to the well-known
+tradition, had been acquired by the last Tarquin, after some haggling,
+from an old woman, and placed in the charge of _duoviri sacris
+faciundis_. The story itself is worthless in detail; but the question
+for us is whether it can be taken as showing that the Sibylline
+influence then pervading the Greek world gained a footing at Rome in any
+form so early as this. Was the temple really founded in 496, or at some
+time thereabout? And was it founded in obedience to some Sibylline
+direction? These questions are of real importance, for upon our answer
+to them depends the date of the beginning of a gradual metamorphosis of
+the Roman religious practice. The so-called Sibylline books and their
+keepers were responsible, as we shall see directly, for the introduction
+at Rome of what was known as the _Graecus ritus_,--for the foundation of
+temples to deities of Greek origin, and for other rites which initiated
+an entirely new type of religious feeling. We need to be sure when all
+this began.
+
+In the first place, so far as I can judge, it is almost impossible to
+dissociate the origin of the temple from Sibylline influence. As we have
+seen, the cult was Greek, and all such Greek cults of later times were
+introduced by the keepers of the Sibylline books; and further, the
+records of temple foundations were among the most carefully preserved
+facts in Roman annals.[532] I think it is hardly possible to suppose
+that a cult which came, not from Latium or southern Etruria, like those
+of Diana, Minerva, and the Capitoline deities, but from some Greek
+region to the south, and probably from Sicily, could have been
+introduced by Roman authorities unaided by Greek influence. If that be
+so, and if we can show that the temple really belongs to this early age,
+then we have a strong probability that the Sibylline influence gained a
+footing at Rome at the very beginning of the republican period.[533]
+
+There is one curious fact in connection with the temple that in my
+opinion goes far to prove that the traditional date is not far out.
+Pliny tells us explicitly that the two Greek artists who decorated the
+temple, Damophilus and Gorgasus, inscribed their names on the walls, and
+he added that the work of the former would be found on the right and
+that of the latter on the left.[534] Nothing more is known about them;
+but I am assured that the fact that they signed their names and added
+these statements suits the character of Greek art in the archaic age 580
+to 450 B.C. No signatures of artists are known earlier than about 580;
+then comes a period when signatures are found, sometimes with statements
+such as these. And lastly, about 450, we begin to find simple signatures
+without any other words.[535] Thus the presumption is a strong one that
+the temple belongs to a time earlier than 450; and if that be so, then I
+think the inference holds good that the Sibyl first gained a footing at
+Rome about the same time. There are indeed some reasons why we should
+not put this event in the period of the kings;[536] but if we accept the
+traditional date of the temple we may put it any time between 509 and
+496.
+
+I have purposely used vague terms, such as Sibylline _influence_,
+instead of speaking in the old manner of Sibylline _books_ or oracles,
+because it is almost incredible that at so early a date it could have
+been possible to divulge any contents of a store of writings such as
+must have been most carefully treasured and concealed. This has been
+shown conclusively to be out of the question in Diels' now famous little
+book "_Sibylline Leaves_." But we may also follow Diels in assuming that
+about the end of the sixth century some kind of Greek oracle or oracular
+saying did actually arrive at Rome, purporting to be an utterance of the
+famous Sibyl of Cumae.[537]
+
+But what _was_ this Sibylline influence which thus penetrated to Rome,
+if I am right, at the beginning of the fifth century? It is no part of
+my design to discuss the history of Greek mysticism, though we shall
+hear something more of it in a later lecture. It will be enough to
+remind you that in the sixth century Greece was not only full of Orphism
+and Pythagoreanism, but of floating oracular _dicta_ believed to emanate
+from a mystic female figure, a weird figure of whom it is hard to say
+how far she was human or divine; and of whose origin we know nothing,
+except that her original home was, as we might expect, Asia Minor. She
+was inspired by Apollo,[538] it was said, like the Pythia, and like her
+too became [Greek: entheos] (_possessed_) when uttering her prophecies;
+this is the earliest fact we know about her, for a famous fragment of
+Heracleitus represents her as uttering sayings "with frenzied
+lips,"[539]--a tradition of which Virgil has made good use in the sixth
+_Aeneid_:
+
+                    non vultus, non color unus,
+  non comptae mansere comae; sed pectus anhelum,
+  et rabie fera corda tument.
+
+But more to our purpose is the sober judgment of Plato a century after
+the first Roman experience of her, who in the _Phaedrus_ classes her
+among those who have wrought _much good_ by their inspired
+utterances.[540] This passage may help us to understand how ready men
+were at that time to turn for aid in tribulation to what they believed
+to be divine help, to an inspired wisdom beyond the range of the local
+deities of their own city-states.
+
+This Sibyl became gradually localised in certain Greek cities, and
+thereby broke up, as it were, into several Sibyls. One of these
+Sibylline homes was at Cumae in Campania, the oldest Greek city in
+Italy, and this enables us to explain easily how the name and fame of
+the Sibyl reached Rome. Dim as is all early Roman history, the one clear
+fact of the sixth century is, as we have seen, the rapid advance of the
+Etruscans, their occupation of Rome, Praeneste, and other Latin cities,
+and their conquest of Campania, which is now ascribed to that same
+age.[541] Legend told in later days how the last Etruscan king had taken
+refuge at Cumae after his expulsion from Rome, and it is just possible
+that it may here be founding upon some dim recollection of a fact.
+However this may be, it is plain that it was through the great Etruscan
+disturbance of that period that Rome came to make trial of Sibylline
+utterances. In a moment of distress--the famine of which I spoke just
+now, and which I take to be historical because the remedy, the temple
+under the Aventine, was so closely connected with the corn-supply--she
+sent for or admitted an utterance of the Sibyl of Cumae, with whom she
+had come into some kind of contact through her Etruscan kings.
+
+Let us consider that this foreign dynasty must have brought a new
+population to the city on the Tiber, the chief strategic point of middle
+Italy,--a new element of plebs, whatever the old one may have been.[542]
+We have seen signs, even in the religious history of this age, that
+commerce and industry were increasing, and that their increase was due
+to a movement from without, rather than to the old patrician _gentes_.
+When the Etruscan dynasty fell and the old patrician influence was
+restored, the government must have been face to face with new
+difficulties, and among them the supply of corn for an increasing
+population in years of bad harvest. With a fresh source of supply from
+the south came the cult of the Greek corn-deities at the bidding of a
+Sibylline utterance; and henceforward that remedy was available for
+other troubles. But the patrician rulers of Rome were true, it would
+seem, as far as was possible, to the old ways, and for a long time they
+used this foreign remedy very sparingly. At what date the utterances
+were collected in "books" and deposited in the Capitoline temple we do
+not know, nor have we any certain knowledge of their original nature or
+form. Tradition said that the collection dated from the last king's
+reign, and that it was placed in the care of _duoviri sacris faciundis_,
+as we have seen, who in 367 B.C. gave way to _decemviri_, five of whom
+might be members of the plebs. I am myself inclined to conjecture that
+this comparatively late date may be the real date of the origin of a
+_permanent collection_ and a _permanent college of keepers_, and that
+the earlier _duoviri_ were only temporary religious officers, _sacris
+faciundis_, _i.e._ for the carrying out of the directions of Sibylline
+utterances specially sought for at Cumae. They would thus be of the same
+class as other special commissions appointed by the Senate for
+administrative purposes;[543] while the decemviri, though retaining the
+old title, were permanent religious officers appointed to collect and
+take charge of a new and important set of regulations for the benefit of
+the community, and one which concerned the plebs at least as much as the
+patricians.
+
+But I must turn to the more important question how far, down to the war
+with Hannibal, when I shall take up the subject afresh, the Roman
+religion was affected for good or harm by these utterances and their
+keepers. They took effect in two ways: either by introducing new deities
+and settling them in new temples, or by ordering and organising new
+ceremonies such as Rome had never seen before.
+
+The introduction of a new deity now and again was not of great account
+from the point of view of religion, except in so far as it encouraged
+the new ceremonies; the Romans had never taken much personal interest in
+their deities, and the arrival (outside the pomoerium in each case) of
+Hermes under the name of Mercurius, or Poseidon bearing the name of the
+old Roman water _numen_ Neptunus, or even of Asclepios with a Romanised
+name Aesculapius, would not be likely to affect greatly their ideas of
+the divine. These facts have rather a historical than a religious
+significance; Hermes Empolaios, for example, suggests trade with Greek
+cities, perhaps in grain,[544] and belongs therefore to the same class
+as Ceres, Liber, Libera, of whom I have already spoken. The arrival of
+Poseidon-Neptune may mean, as Dr. Carter has suggested, a kind of
+"marine insurance" for the vessels carrying the grain from Greek
+ports.[545] The settling of Aesculapius in the Tiber island in 293, as
+the result of a terrible pestilence, is interesting as being the first
+fact known to us in the history of medicine at Rome; the temple became a
+kind of hospital on the model of Epidaurus, where the god had been
+brought in the form of a snake by an embassy sent for the purpose, and
+the priests who served it were probably Greeks skilled in the healing
+art.[546] This last case is a curious example of new Roman religious
+experience, but it can hardly be said to have any deep significance in
+the religious history of Rome. Of the obliteration of the old _numen_
+Neptunus by the Greek god who took his name we know nothing for good or
+ill; we are ignorant of the real meaning of the old _numen_, and cannot
+tell whether the loss of him was compensated by the usefulness of his
+name in Roman literature to represent the Greek god of the sea.
+
+Let us turn to the much more important subject of the new ceremonies
+ordered by the Sibylline "books." The first authentic case of such
+innovation occurred in 399 B.C., during the long and troublesome siege
+of the dangerous neighbour city Veii; I call it authentic because all
+the best modern authorities so reckon it, though it occurred before the
+destruction of old records during the capture of the city by the Gauls.
+The circumstances were such as to fix themselves in the memory of the
+people, and in one way or another they found their way into the earliest
+annals, probably those of Fabius Pictor, composed during the Second
+Punic War.[547]
+
+The previous winter, Livy tells us,[548] was one of extraordinary
+severity; the roads were blocked with snow, and navigation on the Tiber
+stopped by the ice. This miserable winter was followed too suddenly by a
+hot season, in which a plague broke out which consumed both man and
+beast, and continued so persistently that the Senate ordered the
+Sibylline books to be consulted. This persistence is the first point we
+should notice; "Cuius insanabili pernicie quando nec causa nec finis
+inveniebatur,"--so wrote Livy, evidently meaning to express an extremity
+of trouble which would not give way to ordinary religious remedies. We
+may compare his account of the next recorded consultation of the books
+(Livy vii. 2), when neither the old rites nor even the new ones were
+sufficient to secure the _pax deorum_ and abate another pestilence, and
+recourse was had to yet another remedy in the form of _ludi scenici_.
+The times were out of joint,--the peace of the gods was broken, and thus
+the community was no longer in right relation to the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. The result was a revival of _religio_, of the
+feeling of alarm and anxiety out of which the whole religious system had
+grown. The old deities might seem to be forsaking their functions, since
+the old rites had ceased to appeal to them. Mysterious and persistent
+pestilence is a great tamer of human courage; it is a new experience
+that man knows not how to meet, and in ancient life it was also a new
+_religious_ experience.
+
+The remedy was as new as the pestilence, and almost as pernicious.
+During eight days Rome saw three pairs of deities reclining in the form
+of images on couches, before which were spread tables covered with food
+and drink. Whether in this first case they were taken out of the temples
+and exposed to view in certain places, _e.g._ the forum, is not clear;
+later on, in the days of _supplicationes_, of which more will be said
+presently, they were visited in procession. The three pairs were Apollo
+and Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercurius and Neptunus; all of them
+Greek, or, as in the case of Diana, Mercurius, and Neptunus, Roman
+deities in their new Greek form. We cannot trace the special
+applicability of all of them to the trouble they were thus invoked to
+appease,--another point that suggests a complete revolution in the Roman
+ways of contemplating divine beings. These are not functional _numina_,
+but foreigners whose ways were only known to the manipulators of the
+Sibylline utterances. They seem like quack remedies, of which the action
+is unknown to the consumer.
+
+New also, but better in its effect, was the publicity of these
+proceedings, and the part taken in them by the whole population,
+patrician and plebeian, men, women, and children. If we can trust Livy's
+further statements, every one left his door open and kept open house,
+inviting all to come in, whether known or unknown; all old quarrels were
+made up, and no new ones suffered to begin; prisoners were freed from
+their chains, and universal good-will prevailed. These eight days were
+in fact kept as holidays, and doubtless by the novelty of the whole
+scene the astute authorities hoped to inspire fresh hope and confidence,
+and to divert attention from the prevailing misery, just as our soldiers
+in India are induced to forget the presence of cholera in a station by
+constant games and amusements. That this was really one leading object
+of the whole show is not generally recognised by historians; but it
+seems fully explained by the fact I mentioned just now, that in the
+similar trouble of 349 B.C. recourse was had for the first time to _ludi
+scenici_ in order to amuse the people. In the history of the Hannibalic
+war we shall have plenty of opportunity of noting this kind of
+expedient. The Roman people, we must remember, were getting more and
+more to be inhabitants of a large city, and, as such, to seek for
+entertainment, like all citizens in all ages. The religious rites of the
+old calendar were perhaps by this time getting too familiar, losing
+their original meaning; whether they had ever been very entertaining to
+a city population may be doubted. Something more showy was needed;
+processions had always been to the taste of the Roman, and banquets,
+such as the epulum Iovis, which I have already noticed, often
+accompanied the processions.
+
+Now, this love of show and novelty, of which we have abundant evidence
+later on as a Roman characteristic, taken together with the anxiety and
+alarm--the new _religio_--arising from the pestilence, will sufficiently
+explain the _lectisternia_, as these shows were called. We have here in
+fact the first appearance, constantly recurring in later Roman history,
+of a tendency to seek not only for novelty, but for a more emotional
+expression of religious feeling than was afforded by the old forms of
+sacrifice and prayer, conducted as they were by the priest on behalf of
+the community without its active participation. Those old forms might do
+for the old patrician community of farmers and warriors, but not so well
+for the new and ever-increasing population of artisans and other
+workmen, whether of Roman or foreign descent. It would seem, indeed, as
+if the sensitiveness of the human fibre of a primitive community
+increases with its increasing complexity, and with the greater variety
+of experience to which it is exposed; and in the case of Rome, as if the
+simple ancient methods of dealing with the divine inhabitants of the
+city were no longer adequate to the needs of a State which was steering
+its way to empire among so many difficulties and perils. It is not
+indeed certain that the new rites, or some points in them, may not have
+had their prototypes in old Italian usage, though the _lectisternia_,
+the actual display of gods in human form and in need of food like human
+beings, are almost certainly Greek in origin.[549] But so far as we can
+guess, the emotional element was wholly new. True, Livy tells us in two
+passages of his third book of occasions when men, women, and children
+flocked to all the shrines (_omnia delubra_) seeking for the _pax
+deorum_ at the invitation of the senate; but the early date, the great
+improbability of the senate taking any such step, and the absence of any
+mention of the priesthoods, makes it difficult to believe that these
+assertions are based on any genuine record. We must be content to mark
+the first _lectisternia_ in 399 as the earliest authentic example of the
+emotional tendency of the Roman plebs.[550]
+
+If we can judge of this period of Roman religious history by the general
+tendency of the policy of the Roman government, we may see here a
+deliberate attempt to include the new population in worship of a kind
+that would calm its fears, engage its attention, and satisfy its
+emotion, while leaving uncontaminated the old ritual that had served the
+State so long. If this conclusion be a right one, then we must allow
+that the new ceremonial had its use. Dr. Frazer has lately told us in
+his eloquent and persuasive way, of how much value superstition has been
+in building up moral habits and the instinct of submission to civil
+order. His thesis might be illustrated adequately from the history of
+Rome alone. But from a purely religious point of view the story of the
+_lectisternia_ is a sad one. The old Roman invisible _numen_, working
+with force in a particular department of human life and its environment,
+was a far nobler mental conception, and far more likely to grow into a
+power for good, than the miserable images of Graeco-Roman full-blown
+gods and goddesses reclining on their couches and appearing to partake
+of dinner like a human citizen. Such ideas of the divine must have
+forced men's religious ideas clean away from the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe, and must have dragged down the Roman _numina_
+with them in their corrupting degradation. According to our definition
+of it, religion was now in a fair way to disappear altogether; what was
+destined to take its place was not really religion at all. Nor did it in
+any way assist the growth of an individual conscience, as perhaps did
+some of the later religious forms introduced from without. It was of
+value for the moment to the State, in satisfying a population greatly
+disturbed by untoward events; and that was all.
+
+Closely connected with the _lectisternia_, and following close upon them
+in chronological order, were the processional ceremonies called
+_supplicationes_. The historical relation between the two is by no means
+clear; but if we conclude, as I am fairly sure we may, that the
+_lectisternia_ were shows of a joyful character, accompanied, as Livy
+describes the first one, with private entertainments, and meant to keep
+up the spirits of the plebeian population, and if we then turn to the
+early _supplicationes_, in which men, women, and children, _coronati_,
+and carrying laurel branches, went in procession to the temples, and
+there prostrated themselves after the Greek fashion, the women "crinibus
+passis aras verrentes," we shall be disposed to look on them as, in
+origin at least, distinct from each other.[551] We may conjecture that
+the appearance of the gods in human form at the doors of their temples
+suggested to the plebeian women a kind of emotional worship which was
+alien to the old Roman feeling, but familiar enough to those (and they
+must have been many) who knew the life of the Greek cities of Italy. It
+may be that they had tried it even in earlier times; but anyhow, in the
+fourth and third centuries B.C. advantage was taken of the _pulvinaria_
+to use them as stopping-places in the procession of a _supplicatio_, and
+the phrase becomes a common one in the annals, "supplicatio ad omnia
+pulvinaria indicta." The _lectisternia_ were ordered five times in the
+fourth century;[552] by that time, it would seem likely, the
+_supplicationes_ had become an authorised institution, and had perhaps
+embodied the practice of _lectisternia_ in the way suggested above. We
+shall meet with them again when we come to the religious history of the
+war with Hannibal.
+
+One word more before I leave this subject for the present. In all this
+innovation we must not forget to note the growth of individual feeling
+as distinguished from the old worship of civic grouping, in which the
+individual, as such, was of little or no account. I pointed out the
+first signs of this individualism when speaking of the temple of the
+Capitoline Jupiter, and we shall have reason to mark its rapid growth
+further. We are now, in fact, and must realise that we are, in a period
+in which, throughout the Graeco-Roman world, the need was beginning to
+be felt of some new rule of individualistic morality. The Roman
+population, now recruited from many sources, was but reflecting this
+need unconsciously when it insisted on new emotional rites and
+expiations. The Roman authorities were forced to satisfy the demand; but
+in doing so they made no real contribution to the history of Roman
+religious experience. It was impossible that they should do so; they
+represented the old civic form of religion, "bound up with the life of a
+society, and unable to contemplate the individual except as a member of
+it."[553] The new forms of worship, the _supplicatio_ and
+_lectisternium_, could not be, as the old forms had in some sense been,
+the consecration of civic and national life. They were to the Romans as
+the worship of Baal to the Jews of the time of the Kings; and, unlike
+that poisonous cult, they could never be rooted out.[554][555]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XI
+
+    [510] This is the expression of Sallust, _Catil._ 12. 3.
+
+    [511] See my paper on the Latin history of the word
+    _religio_, in _Transactions of the Congress for the
+    History of Religions_, 1909, vol. ii. p. 172. W. Otto in
+    _Archiv_, 1909, p. 533 foll.
+
+    [512] Cic. _de Nat. Deorum_, ii. 8.
+
+    [513] Cic. _Harusp. resp._ 19.
+
+    [514] Livy xliv. 1. 11; Sallust, _l.c._; Gellius, _Noct.
+    Att._ ii. 28. 2.
+
+    [515] Polyb. vi. 56.
+
+    [516] Posidonius ap. Athenaeum vi. 274 A; Dion.
+    Hal. ii. 27. 3.
+
+    [517] Gell. ii. 28.
+
+    [518] Marquardt, iii. 126.
+
+    [519] Cato, _R.R._ 142.
+
+    [520] Calpurnius, _Eclogue_, v. 24. I have described a
+    similar scene in the Alps in _A Year with the Birds_,
+    ed. 2, p. 126.
+
+    [521] Petronius, _Sat._ 117: "His ita ordinatis, quod
+    bene feliciterque eveniret precati deos, viam
+    ingredimur." I owe this reference, as others in this
+    context, to Appel's treatise _de Romanorum
+    precationibus_, p. 56 foll.
+
+    [522] Varro, _R.R._ i. 1.
+
+    [523] _e.g._ Virg. _Aen._ v. 685 (Aeneas during the
+    burning of the fleet); _Aen._ xii. 776 (Turnus in
+    extremity). Cp. Tibull. iii. 5. 6 (in sickness).
+
+    [524] A good example is _Captivi_, 922: "Iovi disque ago
+    gratias merito magnas quom te redducem tuo patri
+    reddiderunt," etc.
+
+    [525] For gratitude to human beings see Valerius Maximus
+    v. 2. A good example of gratitude to a deity is in Gell.
+    _N.A._ iv. 18; but it is told of Scipio the elder, who
+    was eccentric for a Roman. When accused by a tribune of
+    peculation in Asia he said, "Non igitur simus adversum
+    deos ingrati et, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem hunc,
+    eamus hinc protinus Iovi Optimo Maximo gratulatum."
+    Public gratitude to the gods is frequent in later
+    _supplicationes_, _e.g._ Livy xxx. 17. 6.
+
+    [526] Gellius, _N.A._ xiv. 7. 9.
+
+    [527] Servius ad _Aen._ xi. 301 ("praefatus divos solio
+    rex infit ab alto").
+
+    [528] This was in a _contio_: "Cum Gracchus deos
+    inciperet precari." See above, Lecture VII. note 13.
+
+    [529] See _R.F._ p. 74 foll.; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 243.
+    For the relation of the pomoerium to the wall, see
+    above, p. 94.
+
+    [530] The process is amusingly explained by Carter in
+    _The Religion of Numa_, p. 72 foll.
+
+    [531] _R.F._ p. 75.
+
+    [532] See Aust, _De aedibus sacris P.R._, passim.
+
+    [533] Lately this has been denied by Pais, _Storia di
+    Roma_, i. 339.
+
+    [534] Pliny, _N.H._ 35, 154.
+
+    [535] I owe the information to my friend Prof. Percy
+    Gardner.
+
+    [536] See Carter, _op. cit._ p. 66; but I am not sure
+    that his reasons are conclusive.
+
+    [537] Diels, _Sibyllinische Blaetter_, p. 6 foll., and
+    cp. 79.
+
+    [538] It should be noted that the cult of Apollo in Rome
+    was older than the introduction of Sibylline influence;
+    so at least it is generally assumed. Wissowa, however
+    (_R.K._ p. 239), puts it as "gleichzeitig." The date of
+    the Apollinar in pratis Flaminiis, the oldest Apolline
+    fanum in Rome (outside pomoerium), is unknown; that of
+    the temple on the same site was 431 (Livy iv. 25 and
+    29). There is little doubt that the Apollo-cult spread
+    from Cumae northwards, and was by this time well
+    established in Italy. (The foundation of the temple of
+    431, consisting of opus quadratum, still in part
+    survives: Huelsen-Jordan, _Rom. Topographie_, iii. 535).
+
+    [539] Heracleitus, _fragm._ xii., ed. Bywater.
+
+    [540] _Phaedrus_, p. 244.
+
+    [541] So Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._, _s.v._
+    "Etrusker."
+
+    [542] The present tendency is to take the plebs as
+    representing an older population of Latium before the
+    arrival of the patricians; see, _e.g._, Binder, _Die
+    Plebs_, p. 358 foll. But the plebs of later days is not
+    to be explained on one hypothesis only.
+
+    [543] _e.g._ in religious matters the _duoviri aedi
+    dedicandae_; Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, ii. 601 foll.
+
+    [544] Carter, _Religion of Numa_, p. 77 foll. It is
+    uncertain whether there was a Roman Mercurius of earlier
+    origin, or whether the name Mercurius (_i.e._ concerned
+    in trade) was a new invention to avoid using the Greek
+    name, as in the case of the trias Ceres, Liber, Libera.
+
+    [545] Carter, _op. cit._ 81. The connection of this
+    Poseidon-Neptunus and Hermes-Mercurius is confirmed by
+    the fact that the two were paired in the first
+    _lectisternium_, 399 B.C. Livy v. 13.
+
+    [546] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 254.
+
+    [547] See Diels, _Sib. Blaetter_, p. 12, note 1.
+
+    [548] Livy v. 13.
+
+    [549] I have discussed the possibility of the epulum
+    Iovis being an old Italian rite in _R.F._ p. 215 foll.
+    For the Greek origin of these shows see _Dict. of
+    Antiquities_, ed. 2, _s.v._ "lectisternia."
+
+    [550] Livy iii. 5. 14, and 7. 7.
+
+    [551] The plebeian tendencies of the time are suggested,
+    _e.g._, by the fact that immediately before the first
+    _lectisternium_ a plebeian was elected military tribune
+    (Livy v. 13). The fourth century is of course the period
+    of plebeian advance in all departments, and ends with
+    the opening of the priesthoods to the plebs by the lex
+    Ogulnia, and the publication of the Fasti. Plebeian too,
+    I suspect, was the keeping open house and promiscuous
+    hospitality which is recorded by Livy of the first
+    _lectisternia_; this was the practice of the plebs on
+    the Cerealia (April 19), and was perhaps an old custom
+    connected with the supply of corn and the temple of
+    Ceres (see above, p. 255). It was not imitated by the
+    patrician society, with its reserve and exclusiveness,
+    till the institution of the Megalesia in 204 B.C. See
+    Gellius xviii. 2. 11.
+
+    [552] The expression _crinibus demissis_ is found in a
+    lex regia (Festus, _s.v._ "pellices"); the harlot who
+    touches Juno's altar has to offer a lamb to Juno
+    "crinibus demissis." This is therefore Roman practice.
+
+    [553] For the _supplicationes_ see Wissowa, _R.K._ 357
+    foll.; Marq. 48 and 188; and the author's article in
+    _Dict. of Antiquities_. The passages already referred to
+    as doubtful evidence (Livy iii. 5. 14, 7. 7) describe
+    all the features of the _supplicatio_ as early as the
+    first half of the fifth century. A list of later
+    passages in Livy will be found in Marq. 49, note 4. On
+    the whole I doubt if much was made of these rites before
+    the third century and the Punic wars.
+
+    [554] Wissowa, _R.K._ 356, note 7.
+
+    [555] Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 46.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XII
+
+THE PONTIFICES AND THE SECULARISATION OF RELIGION
+
+
+In the last lecture we saw how the new experiences of the Roman people,
+during the period from the abolition of the kingship to the war with
+Hannibal, led to the introduction of foreign deities and showy
+ceremonies of a character quite strange to the old religion. But there
+was another process going on at the same time. The authorities of that
+old religion were full of vigour in this same period; it may even be
+said, that as far as we can trace their activity in the dim light of
+those early days, they made themselves almost supreme in the State. And
+the result was, in brief, that religion became more and more a matter of
+State administration, and thereby lost its chance of developing the
+conscience of the individual. It is indeed quite possible, as has
+recently been maintained,[556] that it stood actively in the way of such
+development. I have no doubt that there was a germ of conscience, of
+moral feeling, in the _religio_ of old days--the feeling of anxiety and
+doubt which originally suggested the _cura_ and _caerimonia_ of the
+State; but the efforts of the authorities in this period were spent in
+gradually destroying that germ. True, they did not interfere with the
+simple religion of the family, which had its value all through Roman
+history; but the attitude of the individual towards public worship will
+react on his attitude towards private worship, which may also have lost
+some part of its vitality in this period.
+
+The religious authorities of which I speak are of course the two great
+colleges of pontifices and augurs. Of the latter, and of the system of
+divination of which they held the secrets, I will speak in the next
+lecture. Here we have to do with the pontifices and their work in this
+period, a thorny and somewhat technical subject, but a most important
+one for the history of Roman religious experience.
+
+I have so far assumed that this college existed in the age of the kings,
+and assisted the Rex in the administration of the _ius divinum_. It is
+legitimate to do this, but as a matter of fact we do not know for
+certain what was the origin of the college itself, or of its mysterious
+name. In the period we have now reached we come, however, upon a
+striking fact, which is luckily easy to interpret; the king's house, the
+_Regia_, has become the office of the head of the college, the pontifex
+maximus, and also the meeting-place of the college for business.[557]
+Obviously this head, whether or no he existed during the kingly period,
+has stepped into the place of the Rex in the control of the _ius
+divinum_. Again, we know that in the third century B.C., when written
+history begins, the pontifices and their head had reached a very high
+level of power, as we shall presently see more in detail; the process of
+the growth of this power must therefore lie in the two preceding
+centuries, during which Rome was slowly attaining that paramount
+position in Italy in which we find her at the time of the Punic wars.
+Thirdly, we know that in that third century B.C. the college was laid
+open to plebeians as well as to members of the old patrician gentes, and
+that one of the most famous of all its many distinguished heads was not
+only not a patrician, but a Latin from Cameria, Ti. Coruncanius. Putting
+these three facts together we can divine in outline the history of the
+pontifices during these two centuries. With the instinct for order and
+organisation that never failed them, the Romans have constructed a
+_permanent_ power to take charge of their _ius divinum_, _i.e._ all
+their relations to the deities with whom they must maintain a _pax_; the
+circumstances of their career during two centuries have exalted this
+power to an extraordinary degree of influence, direct and indirect,
+internal and external; and, lastly, in a period which saw the gradual
+amalgamation into a unified whole of privileged and unprivileged,
+_patres_ and _plebs_, they have with wonderful wisdom thrown open to all
+citizens the administration of that _ius_ which was essential to the
+welfare of the united community. These are indisputable facts; and they
+are thoroughly characteristic of the practical wisdom of the Roman
+people in that early age.
+
+In order to understand how the pontifices attained their great position,
+the one thing needful is to examine the nature of their work. This I
+propose to do next, and then to attempt to sum up the result of their
+activity on the Roman religious system.
+
+It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the college in the
+early history of Roman law; and for us in particular that importance
+lies in the fact that they were the sole depositaries of the religious
+law in the period during which the civil law was being slowly
+disentangled from it. If we look at the so-called _leges regiae_, which
+are probably the oldest rules of law that have come down to us (though
+they may have been made into a collection as late as the very end of the
+Republic),[558] we see at once that they belong to the _ius divinum_;
+and there is little doubt that they were extracted from those books of
+the pontifices which I shall have to explain later on.[559] In other
+words, it is the maintenance of the _pax deorum_ that they are chiefly
+concerned with; the crime of the citizen is a violation of that _pax_,
+and the deity most concerned will punish the community unless some
+expiatory step is taken to re-establish the right relation between the
+human and divine inhabitants of the city. "Pellex aram Iunonis ne
+tangito; si tanget, Iunoni crinibus demissis agnum feminam caedito." "Si
+parentem puer verberit, ast olle plorassit, puer divis parentum sacer
+esto."[560] The harlot who touches the altar of Juno, the deity of
+married women, breaks the _pax_ with that deity, and she must offer a
+piacular sacrifice to renew it; the son who strikes a parent is made
+over as the property of the _divi parentum_, _i.e._ those of the whole
+community,[561] the peaceful relation with whom his act has imperilled.
+With such rules as these the civil magistrate of the republic can have
+had nothing to do; they belong to an older period of thought and of
+government, and survived in the books of the college which under the
+republic continued to administer the _ius divinum_; for these rules
+doubtless continued to exist side by side with the civil law as it
+gradually developed itself, and the necessary modes of expiation were
+known to the pontifices only. Roman society was indeed so deeply
+penetrated for many ages with the idea of _religio_--the dread of
+violating the _pax deorum_,--that the idea of law as a matter of the
+relation of man to man, as "the interference of the State in the
+passions and interests of humanity only," must have gained ground by
+very slow degrees. This primitive religious law then, _i.e._ the
+regulation of the proper steps to be taken to avoid a breach of the _pax
+deorum_, was entirely in the hands of the religious authorities, the Rex
+at first and then the pontifices, as the only experts who could know the
+secrets of the _ius divinum_; and from their decisions and prescriptions
+there could be no appeal, simply because there was no individual or body
+in the State to whom an appeal was conceivable. But after the rule of
+the Etruscan kings, with all its disturbing influences, and after the
+revolution which got rid of them, there must have been an age of new
+ideas and increased mental activity, and also of increasing social
+complexity, the signs of which in the way of trade and industry we have
+already found in certain facts of religious history. In the domain of
+law this meant new problems, new difficulties; and these were met in the
+middle of the fifth century B.C., if the received chronology is to be
+accepted,[562] by the publication of the XII. Tables.
+
+In order to get some idea of the work of the pontifices at this time,
+let us consider one or two of these difficulties and problems.
+
+Within the family every act, every relation, was matter of religion; the
+_numina_ had to be considered in regard to it. The end and aim, then as
+throughout Roman history, was the maintenance of the _sacra_ of the
+family, without which it could not be conceived as existing--the due
+worship of its deities, and the religious care of its dead. Take
+marriage as an example: "the entry of a bride into the household--of one
+who as yet had no lot in the family life--meant some straining of the
+relation between the divine and human members,"[563] and the human part
+of the family must be assured that the divine part is willing to accept
+her before the step can be regarded as complete. She has to enter the
+family in such a way as to share in its _sacra_; and if _confarreatio_
+was (as we may believe) the oldest form of patrician marriage,[564] the
+bride was subjected to a ceremony which was plainly of a sacramental
+character--the sacred cake of _far_ being partaken of by both bride and
+bridegroom in the presence of the highest religious authority of the
+State. In the simplest form of society there would be no call for
+further priestly interference in marriage; but in a society growing more
+numerous and complex, exceptions, abnormal conditions begin to show
+themselves, and new problems arise, which must be solved by new
+expedients, prescriptions, permissions, devices, or fictions. For these
+the religious authorities are solely responsible; for what is a matter
+of religious interest to the family is also matter of religious interest
+to the State, simply because the State is composed of families in the
+same sense as the human body is composed of cellular tissue. All this,
+we believe, was once the work of the Rex, perhaps with the college of
+pontifices to help him; when the kingship disappeared it became the work
+of that college solely, with the pontifex maximus as the chief
+authority.
+
+So, too, in all other questions which concerned the maintenance of the
+family, and especially in regard to the devolution of property. I am
+here only illustrating the way in which the pontifical college acquired
+their paramount influence by having a quantity of new and difficult work
+forced upon them, and it is not part of my plan to explain the early
+history of adoptions and wills; but I may give a single concrete
+illustration for the benefit of those who are not versed in Roman law.
+It must constantly have happened, in that disturbed period which brought
+the kingship to an end, that by death or capture in war a family was
+left without male heirs. Daughters could not take their place, because
+the _sacra_ of a family could not be maintained by daughters, who would,
+in the natural order of things, be sooner or later married and so become
+members of other families. Hence the expedient was adopted of making a
+_filius familias_ of another family a member of your own; and this, like
+marriage, involved a straining of the relations between the human and
+divine members of your family, and was thus a matter for the religious
+authorities to contrive in such a manner as to preserve the _pax_
+between them. The difficulty was overcome by the practical wisdom of the
+pontifical college, which held a solemn inquiry into the case before
+submitting it to the people in specially summoned assembly (_comitia
+calata_);[565] and thus the new _filius familias_ was enabled not only
+to renounce his own _sacra_ (_detestatio sacrorum_), but to pass into
+the guardianship of another set of _sacra_, without incurring the anger
+of the _numina_ concerned with the welfare of either.
+
+Such difficult matters as these, and many more connected directly or
+indirectly with the devolution of property, such as the guardianship of
+women and of the incapable, the power to dispose of property otherwise
+than by the original rules of succession, the law of burial and the care
+of the dead,--all these, at the time of which I am speaking, must have
+been among the secrets of the pontifices; and we can also suspect,
+though without being sure of our facts, that the great increase of the
+importance of the _plebs_ under the Etruscan dynasty offered further
+opportunities for the growth alike of the work and influence of the
+college.[566] Above all, we must remember that this work was done in
+secret, that the mysteries of adjustment were unknown to the people when
+once they had passed out of the ken of family and gens, and that there
+could have been no appeal from the pontifices to any other body. Nay,
+more, we must also bear in mind that this body of religious experts was
+_self-electing_. Until the lex Domitia of 104 B.C. both pontifices and
+augurs filled up their own colleges with persons whom they believed
+qualified both by knowledge and disposition. Thus it would seem that
+there was every chance that in that early Rome, where neither in family
+nor State could anything be undertaken without some reference to the
+religious authority, where the _pax deorum_ was the one essential object
+of public and private life, a power might be developed apt one day not
+only to petrify religion and stultify its worshippers, but thereby also
+to cramp the energies of the community, acting as an obstacle to its
+development within its walls and without. Had Roman law remained
+entirely in the hands of this self-electing college, one of two things
+must have happened: either that college would have become purely secular
+in character, or the wonderful legal system that we still enjoy would
+never have had space to grow up. But this was not to be; with the
+publication of the XII. Tables a new era opens.
+
+If we reject, as we conscientiously may, the latest attempts of
+criticism to post-date the drawing up of the Tables,[567] and in fact to
+destroy their historical value for us, what is their significance for
+our present purpose? It is simply that in the middle of the fifth
+century B.C. the pontifices lost a monopoly--ceased to be the sole
+depositaries of the rules of law affecting the _pax deorum_, and that
+new rules are being set down in writing, on the basis of old custom,
+which more especially affect the relations between the human citizens.
+For both the _ius divinum_ and the _ius civile_ are to be found in this
+collection, but the latter is beginning to assert its independence. I
+think we may say, without much hesitation, that this event, however
+doubtful its traditional details, did actually save Rome from either of
+the two consequences to which I alluded just now. The constitution
+developed itself on lay and not on ecclesiastical lines, leaving the
+pontifices other work to do, and Roman civil law was eventually able to
+free itself from the trammels of the _ius divinum_.
+
+But for another century the college still found abundant legal work to
+do, for it was not likely that at Rome, the most conservative of all
+city-states, it could be quickly set aside, or that the old ideas of law
+could so speedily disappear. What then was this work?
+
+When rules of civil law were written down, it was still necessary to
+deal with them in two ways which were open to the pontifices, and indeed
+at this early time to no one else. First, it was necessary to make their
+provisions effectual by prescribing in each case the proper method of
+procedure (_actio_). Now it is most important to grasp the fact that
+procedure in the _ius civile_ was originally of precisely the same
+nature as procedure in the _ius divinum_, and that precisely the same
+rigid exactness is indispensable in both. Action and formula in civil
+law belong to the same class of practices as sacrifice and prayer in
+religious law, and spring from the same mental soil. Thus, for example,
+the most familiar case of action and formula in civil law, the
+_sacramentum_, was, as the name proves, a piece of religious procedure,
+_i.e._ the deposition in a sacred spot of a sum of money which the
+suitor in the case would forfeit if he lost it, together with the
+utterance of a certain formula of words which must be correctly spoken.
+If we choose to go back so far, we may even see in this combination of
+formularised act and speech a survival of magical or quasi-magical
+belief;[568] but this is matter rather for the anthropologist than the
+historian of religion. The point for us at this moment is that these
+acts and formulae (_legis actiones_, as they are known in Roman law)
+could not suddenly or rapidly pass out of the hands of that body of
+skilled experts which had so long been in sole possession of them; the
+publication of old and new rules of law in the XII. Tables made no
+immediate difference in this respect. The consuls, the new civil
+executive, were still in no sense necessarily skilled in such matters,
+and were without the prestige of the former executive, the Rex; they
+were also doubtless busy with other work, especially in the field.
+Nothing could be more natural than that the pontifices should continue
+to provide the procedure for the now written law, just as they had
+formerly supplied it for the unwritten.[569]
+
+So, too, with the _interpretation_ of the Tables; this was the second
+part of the work that still remained to them. Writing was in that age a
+mystery to the mass of the population, and doubtless the idea was still
+in their minds that there was something supernatural about it. Writing,
+in fact, as well as formularised action and speech, may have had the
+flavour of magic about it. However that may be, there can be no doubt
+that the interpretation of a legal document was in those days a much
+more serious, if a less arduous business, than it is now. Here again,
+then, it seems perfectly natural that there should be no rapid or
+violent change in the _personnel_ of those deemed capable of such
+interpretation; there was no other body of experts capable of the work;
+the pontifices remained _iuris-consulti_, _i.e._ interpreters and
+advisers, and in the course of two and a half centuries accumulated an
+amount of material that formed a basis for the first published system of
+Roman law, the _ius Aelianum_ or _tripartita_ of 200 B.C. It is most
+useful to remember, as proof of this, that one member of the college was
+selected every year for the special purpose of helping the people with
+advice in matters of civil law, both in regard to interpretation and the
+choice of _legis actiones_; so we are expressly told by Pomponius, who
+adds that this practice continued for about a hundred years after the
+publication of the Tables, _i.e._ till the election of the first praetor
+in 366.[570] After that date the _ius civile_ emerges more distinctly
+from the old body of law, which included also the _ius divinum_, and its
+interpretation was no longer a matter purely for religious experts. In
+337 we hear of the first _plebeian_ praetor--truly a momentous event,
+showing that the old profound belief is dying out, which demanded a
+religious and patrician qualification for all legal work. And at the end
+of the fourth century comes the publication, not only of the _legis
+actiones_, but of the Fasti, _i.e._ even of that most vital part of the
+_ius divinum_, which distinguished the times and seasons belonging to
+the numina from those belonging to the human citizens.[571] One might
+well suppose that the power of the pontifices was on the wane, for they
+had lost another monopoly.
+
+And indeed in one sense this was so. It must have been so, for as the
+range of the State's activity increased, the sphere of religious
+influence became relatively less. Marriage, for example, though it still
+needed a religious ceremony in common opinion, ceased to need it in the
+eye of the law--a change which is familiar to us in our own age. The
+pontifex was no longer indispensable to the suitor at law, nor to the
+citizen who wished to know on what day he might proceed with his suit.
+The college undoubtedly ceased to be the powerful secretly-acting body
+in whose hands was the entire _religio_ of the citizen, _i.e._ the
+decision of all points on which he might feel the old anxious
+nervousness about the good-will of the gods. But now we mark a change
+which gave the old institution new life and new work. At the end of this
+fourth century (300 B.C.) it was thrown open to plebeians by the lex
+Ogulnia; and, as I have already mentioned, within a few years we come
+upon a plebeian pontifex maximus, who was not even a Roman by birth, yet
+one of the most famous in the whole series of the holders of that great
+office. Most probably, too, the numbers of the members have already been
+increased from five to nine, of whom five must be plebeian. These
+members begin to be found holding also civil magistracies, and the
+pontifex maximus was often a consul of the year. It is quite plain then
+that this priestly office is becoming more and more secularised; it
+expands with the new order of things instead of shrinking into itself.
+It leaves religion, in the proper sense of the word, far behind. The
+sacrificing priests, the flamines, etc., who were the humbler members in
+a technical sense of the same college, go on with their proper and
+strictly religious work under the supervision of the pontifex
+maximus,[572] but they steadily become of less importance as the greater
+members become secularised in their functions and their ambitions. And
+these greater members, instead of becoming stranded on a barren shore of
+antique religion, boldly venture into a new sphere of human life, and
+add definite secular work to their old religious functions.
+
+The events of the latter part of the fourth century B.C., culminating in
+the publication of the Fasti and the _legis actiones_, probably meant
+much more for the Romans than we can divine by the uncertain light of
+historical imagination. It is the age of expansion, internal and
+external; the old patrician exclusive rule was gone beyond recall; the
+plebeians had forced their way into every department of government,
+including at last even the great religious _collegia_; the old Latin
+league had been broken up, and the Latin cities organised in various new
+relations to Rome, each one being connected with the suzerain city by a
+separate treaty, sealed with religious sanctions. After the Samnite wars
+and the struggle with Pyrrhus, further organisation was necessary, and
+there arose by degrees a loose system of union which we are accustomed
+to call the Italian confederation. The adaptation of all these new
+conditions to the existing order of things at Rome was the work of the
+senate and magistrates so far as it concerned human beings only; but so
+far as it affected the relations of the divine inhabitants of the
+various communities it must have been the work of the pontifices. That
+work is indeed almost entirely hidden from us, for Livy's books of this
+period are lost, and Livy is the only historian who has preserved for us
+in any substance the religious side of Rome's public life. But what we
+have learnt in the course of these lectures will have made it plain that
+no political changes could take place without involving religious
+adaptation, and also that the only body qualified to undertake such
+adaptation was the pontifical college.
+
+We may thus be quite certain, that though they had lost their old
+monopoly of religious knowledge, the pontifices found plenty of fresh
+work to do in this period. It is my belief that they now became more
+active than they ever had been. From this time, for example, we may
+almost certainly date their literary or quasi-literary activity; I mean
+the practice of recording the leading events of each year, which may
+have had its origin a century earlier, with the eclipse of the sun in or
+about 404 B.C.[573] I should guess that after the admission of the
+plebeians to the college in 300 B.C., the new members put fresh life and
+vigour into the old work, and developed it in various directions. It is
+in this period that I am inclined to attribute to the college that zeal
+for compiling and perhaps inventing religious formulae of all kinds,
+which took shape in the _libri_ or _commentarii pontificum_, and
+embodied that strange manual of the methods of addressing deities, which
+we know as _Indigitamenta_. And again, in the skilled work of the
+admission of new deities and the dedication of their temples, occasioned
+by the new organisation and condition of Italy, and lastly, in the
+supervision of the proper methods of expiating _prodigia_, which (though
+the habit is doubtless an old one) began henceforward to be reported to
+the Senate from all parts of the ager Romanus and even beyond, their
+meetings in the Regia must have been fully occupied. Our loss is great
+indeed in the total want of detail about the life and character of the
+great plebeian pontifex maximus of the first half of the third century
+B.C., that Titus Coruncanius whom I have already mentioned as being a
+Latin by birth; for Cicero declares that the _commentarii_ of the
+college showed him as a man of the greatest ability,[574] whose
+reputation remained for ages as one who was ready with wise counsel in
+matters both public and private. Coupling him with two other memorable
+holders of the office, he says that "et in senatu et apud populum et in
+causis amicorum et domi et militiae consilium suum fidemque
+praestabant."[575] This passage should be remembered as a valuable
+illustration of the way in which the college and its head were becoming
+more and more occupied with secular business; it is worth noting, too,
+that this great man was himself consul in the year 280, and took a
+useful part in the first campaign against Pyrrhus.[576] Yet Cicero makes
+it plain that he looked on him also as a great figure in religious
+matters--nay, even as a man whom the gods loved.[577]
+
+I will finish this lecture by illustrating briefly this renewed and
+extended activity of the pontifices, so far as we can dimly trace it in
+this third century B.C. Most of it is connected more or less directly
+with the State religion, yet with a tendency to become more and more
+secular and perfunctory; the word _cura_ would express it better than
+_caerimonia_, and _caerimonia_ better than _religio_. The care of the
+calendar, for example (a technical matter which lies outside my province
+in these lectures), was originally of religious importance, because the
+oldest religious festivals marked operations of husbandry, and these,
+when fixed in the calendar, must occur at the right seasons.[578] It was
+the duty of the pontifices so to adjust the necessary intercalations as
+to effect this object--a duty to which they were, as it turned out,
+quite unequal. But continued city life broke the connection between the
+festivals and the agricultural work to which they originally
+corresponded, and what was once a _cura_ of religious import became a
+secular matter of which the value was not appreciated. So too with
+another duty, for which both the Romans and ourselves have more reason
+to be grateful to them--the recording of the leading events of national
+history.
+
+It is uncertain what prompted the college, or rather its head, to begin
+making these records, though there is no doubt about the fact. But it
+would be natural enough that those who had charge of the calendar, which
+would necessitate some record of years for purposes of intercalation,
+should go on to mark the names of the consuls and such striking events
+as would make a year memorable. In any case this was what actually
+happened. The pontifex maximus, we are told with precision, kept a
+_tabula_, or whited board, on which these events were noted down, with
+the consuls' names attached to them, or possibly a kind of almanac, made
+out for the whole year, on which they could append their notes to
+particular days.[579] This yearly _tabula_ was no doubt at first kept
+secret, like all the pontifical documents, but sooner or later, perhaps
+at the same time as the publication of the _fasti_ and _legis actiones_,
+it was exposed to public view in or at the Regia.[580] This went on for
+at least two centuries, and the records, which in the nature of things
+must have grown in length and detail as events became more startling and
+numerous, were edited in eighty books by the pontifex maximus P. Mucius
+Scaevola in 123 B.C.--the year of the first tribunate of C. Gracchus.
+The large number of these books has long been a stumbling-block to the
+learned, for we are expressly told that the _annales maximi_, as the
+records were called, were (in spite of their name) of a very meagre
+character; and many conjectures have quite recently been made to explain
+it.[581] But guessing is almost useless, seeing that there are no data
+for it. The editor may have added matter of his own, amplifying and
+adorning after the manner of writers of his day; or he may have worked
+in the contents of other pontifical books, _libri_ or _commentarii
+pontificales_. The point for us is simply the continued activity of the
+pontifex maximus in this work, which must have become almost entirely
+secular in character. The notes may have been jejune, but they were
+probably accurate, and free from the perversions of family vanity or
+such lengthy rhetorical ornamentation as became the universal fashion
+among private writers of annalistic history. They were, we may suppose,
+exactly what our modern historical conscience demands. But all that is
+left of them, or almost all, is the list of consuls (_fasti consulares_)
+and of triumphs (_fasti triumphales_) which in their present form must,
+or at least may, have been extracted from them.[582] On the whole, we
+may reckon them as the most valuable work of the college; and they may
+be taken as marking a growing sense of the importance of Rome and her
+history, the commemoration of which is thus committed to an official
+who, as an individual, had invariably served the State well, and in whom
+all classes had perfect confidence.[583]
+
+One important part of the work of the college in this century must have
+been the adjustment of the civic religion of the Italian communities to
+that of Rome. What deities were to be made citizens of Rome? Which were
+to be left in their old homes undisturbed? No doubt many other questions
+must have called for attention in religious matters after the conquest
+of Italy, but this is the one of which we know most. The temple
+foundations of this period have all been carefully put together (chiefly
+from Livy's invaluable records) by Aust,[584] and show that there was a
+certain tendency to bring in deities from outside, not so much because
+they represented some special need of the Romans, corn or art or
+industry, as two centuries earlier, but simply because they were deities
+of the conquered whom it might be prudent to adopt. The great Juno
+Regina of Veii was long ago induced by _evocatio_ to migrate to Rome;
+Fors Fortuna from Etruria, Juturna from Lavinium, Minerva Capta from
+Falerii, Feronia, a famous Latin goddess from Capena, Vortumnus from
+Volsinii,[585] all attest the same liberal tone in religious matters
+which on the whole marks the secular Italian policy of the Senate in
+this period. If we had but more information about the former, we should
+be able to understand the latter far better. We should like to know why
+in some cases the chief deity of a community came to Rome, while in
+others there is not trace of migration. The famous Vacuna of Reate, for
+example, never left her home in the Apennines, possibly because she was
+a kind of Vesta, who could not be spared from Reate, and was not wanted
+at Rome.[586]
+
+The list of foundations also points to other tendencies and experiences
+of the time. We might guess that there was some attempt, with the aid of
+pontifical skill, to encourage agriculture or give it a fresh start
+after the invasion of Pyrrhus; for between 272 and 264, the years of the
+pacification of Italy, we find temples built to four agricultural
+deities, three indigenous Roman ones, Consus, Tellus, Pales, and one
+Etruscan garden god, Vertumnus.[587] Then we have a group of foundations
+in honour of deities connected with water--Juturna, Fons, Tempestates,
+which seem to have some reference to the naval activity of the first
+Punic war; they all fall between 259 and 241 B.C.[588] Lastly, we notice
+a fresh accession of deified abstractions,--Salus (an old deity in a new
+form), Spes, Honos et Virtus, Concordia, and Mens.[589] I am glad to
+find that the latest investigator of these religious abstractions is at
+one with me in believing that they simply mark a developed stage in the
+religious bent of the earliest Roman. If the old Romans had the habit of
+spiritualising a great variety of material objects, in other words, if
+they were in an advanced animistic stage, there seems to be no reason
+why they should not have begun to spiritualise mental concepts also (for
+which they had words, as for the material objects), even at a very early
+period. The whole psychological aspect of such abstractions is most
+interesting, but I must pass it over here, merely suggesting that each
+of these abstractions was doubtless deified for some particular reason,
+under the direction, or with the sanction, of the pontifices.[590]
+
+But we have not as yet reached what is, after all, for our purposes the
+most instructive part of the work of the pontifices--I mean the archives
+or memoranda (_libri_ or _commentarii_) which they kept, and from which,
+indirectly, much of what I have had to say about the _ius divinum_ has
+been drawn. It is here that we see the policy of maintaining the _pax
+deorum_ carried to its highest point. These books contained a vast
+collection of formulae for every kind of process in which the deities
+were in any way concerned; here was the complete _pharmacopoeia_ of the
+_ius divinum_.[591] We must remember that the pontifex maximus and his
+assessors had to be ready at any moment with the correct formula for all
+religious acts, whether extraordinary, like the _devotio_ of Decius or
+the expiation of some startling "prodigium," or belonging to the
+ordinary course of city life, such as prayers in sacrificial ritual,
+_vota_ both public and private, charters (_leges_) of newly founded
+temples, and so on. The idea that the spoken formula (ultimately, as we
+saw, derived from an age of magic) was efficient only if no slip were
+made, seems to have gained in strength instead of diminishing, as we
+might have expected it to do with advancing civilisation; and the
+pontifices not only responded to its importunity, but actually
+stimulated it. _Vires acquirit eundo_ are words which apply well in all
+ages to the passion for organisation and precision. Though we cannot
+prove it, I myself have little doubt that the members of the college, or
+some of them, collected and invented formulae simply for the pleasure of
+doing it, and that the work became as congenial to them as the
+systematisation of the law to Jewish scribes after the captivity, or as
+casuistry to the confessors of the middle ages. When the art of writing
+became familiar to experts, the natural and primitive desire of the
+Roman to have exactness in the spoken word affected him also in his
+relations with the word as written. The scribe and the Pharisee found
+their opportunity. The whole public religion of the State, and to some
+extent also the private religion of the family, became a mass of forms
+and formulae, and never succeeded in freeing itself from these fetters.
+
+We can best illustrate this superfluity of priestly zeal in that strange
+list of forms of invocation called _Indigitamenta_, which I have already
+explained with the help of Wissowa.[592] Working upon the old Roman
+animism, and the popular fondness for formulae, the pontifices drew up
+those lists in the fourth and third centuries B.C., which have so
+seriously misled scholars as to the genuine primitive religious ideas of
+the Romans. They are in the main priestly inventions, the work of
+ingenious formulators. We may even be tempted to look on them as an
+attempt to rivet the yoke of priestly formalism on the life of the
+individual as well as on the life of the State as a whole. But if ever
+this was the intention, it was too late. A people that was beginning to
+get into touch with the civilisation of Hellas could not possibly bear
+such a yoke. In the last lecture we have already seen a tendency towards
+emotional religion independent of the old State worship; the philosophy
+of individualism was to complete the work of emancipation in the last
+two centuries B.C. The old State religion remained, but in stunted form
+and with paralysed vitality; Rome was the scene of an _arrested
+religious development_. The feeling, the religious instinct (_religio_)
+was indeed there, though latent; the Romans were human beings, like the
+rest of us. But as we go on with the story we shall find that, when
+trouble or disaster brought it out of its hiding-place, it was no longer
+possible to soothe it on Roman principles or by Roman methods. These
+methods--in other words, the _ius divinum_ as formulated by the
+authorities--had been meant to soothe it, and had indeed so effectually
+lulled it to sleep, that when at last it awoke again they had lost the
+power of dealing with it. When the craving did come upon the Roman,
+which in time of peril or doubt has come upon individuals and
+communities in all ages, for support and comfort from the Unseen, it had
+to be satisfied by giving him new gods to worship in new ways, gods from
+Greece and the East, some of them concealed under Latin names, but still
+aliens, not citizens of his own State, aliens with whom he had little or
+nothing in common, who had no home in his patriotic feeling, no place in
+his religious experience.[593] As I said at the beginning of the last
+lecture, we must not underrate the religiousness of the Roman
+character, which was never entirely lost; but the secret of its
+comparative uselessness lies in this--that the natural desire to be
+right with the Power manifesting itself in the universe, and to know
+more of that Power, became weakened and destroyed by an over-scrupulous
+attention to the means taken to realise it, and by the introduction of
+foreign methods which had no root in the mental fibre of the people, and
+reflected no part of its experience. Religion was effectually divorced
+from life and morality.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XII
+
+    [556] See Mulder, _De notione conscientiae, quae et
+    qualis fuerit Romanis_, Leyden, 1908, cap. 2. On p. 56
+    he quotes Luthard (_Die antike Ethik_, p. 131), who says
+    of the Roman religion that it was even more an affair of
+    the State than with any other people; hence its peculiar
+    legal character. Though Mulder overworks his point, his
+    chapter (especially p. 61 foll.) is full of interest.
+
+    [557] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 431. The first chapter of
+    Ambrosch's _Studien und Andeutungen_, in which the
+    nature and history of the Regia was first really
+    investigated, is still valuable. An excellent short
+    account is given by Mr. Marindin in his article in the
+    _Dict. of Antiquities_, ed. 2. It is now generally
+    maintained that the Regia in historical times was rather
+    a building for sacred purposes than a residence for a
+    man and his family, and this I hold to be correct; but
+    it may for all that have originally been the residence
+    of the Rex and of the Pont. Max. when the Rex had
+    disappeared.
+
+    [558] See Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_, i. 43,
+    where a succinct account is given of modern opinion as
+    to the so-called _ius Papirianum_. The main argument for
+    the late date of the collection is that Cicero does not
+    seem to have known of it when he wrote the letter _ad
+    Fam._ ix. 21 in 46 B.C. This of course in no way affects
+    the primitive character of the rules themselves.
+
+    [559] The inference that the rules were found in the
+    _Libri pontificum_ is inevitable in any case, but seems
+    proved by the fact that one of them, that relating to
+    the _spolia opima_, is stated by Festus, p. 189 (_s.v._
+    "opima"), to have been extracted from those books.
+
+    [560] Festus, _s.v._ "pellices" and _s.v._ "plorare,"
+    which latter word is interpreted as = _inclamare_.
+
+    [561] The _divi parentum_ are here generally taken as
+    those of the particular family, and this may have been
+    so; but cf. Wissowa, _R.K._ 192.
+
+    [562] For the attempts of Pais in Italy and Lambert in
+    France to date the Tables at the end of the fourth
+    century or later, see Schanz, _op. cit._ i. 41. In
+    Germany opinion is universally in favour of the
+    traditional date.
+
+    [563] See _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p.
+    135.
+
+    [564] On the religious character of _confarreatio_ see
+    De Marchi, _La Religione nella vita privata_, i. p. 145
+    foll.
+
+    [565] Cic. _de Domo_, 12. 14; Gellius, v. 19.
+
+    [566] See, _e.g._ Launspach, _State and Family in Early
+    Rome_, p. 256 foll. The last three chapters of this
+    little book, on Patria potestas, Marriage, and
+    Succession, will be found useful by those who cannot
+    enter into the many disputes and difficulties which have
+    arisen out of the attempts of writers on Roman law to
+    adjust legal ideas to the dim early history of Rome.
+    Binder, in his work _Die Plebs_, starts from the
+    improbable hypothesis that the plebs was the population
+    of the Latin part of the city as distinct from that
+    Sabine part on the Quirinal, which he believes to have
+    been the only patrician body; and he further believes
+    that the plebs lived originally under "Mutterrecht," the
+    patres under "Vaterrecht." Such a condition of society
+    would, of course, have greatly added to the pontifical
+    work of religious adjustment; it would have been more
+    than even the pontifices could have successfully
+    achieved.
+
+    [567] See above, note 7. Binder, _Die Plebs_, p. 488
+    foll., discusses, and in the main rejects, the arguments
+    of Pais and Lambert.
+
+    [568] So Huvelin, in a paper in _L'Annee sociologique_,
+    1905-6, p. 1 foll., criticised by Hubert et Mauss,
+    _Melanges d'histoire des religions_, p. xxiii. foll.
+
+    [569] From the religious point of view the _legis
+    actiones_ are best explained in Marquardt, 318 foll. Cp.
+    Muirhead, _Roman Law_, ed. 1899, pp. 246-7; Greenidge,
+    _Roman Public Life_, index _s.v._ "legis actio," and
+    especially p. 87.
+
+    [570] The famous passage of Pomponius is in the
+    _Digest_, i. 2. 2, sec. 6 (for the work of Aelius, see
+    _Dig._ i. 2. 2, 38) "ex his legibus ... actiones
+    compositae sunt, quibus inter se homines disceptarent:
+    quas actiones ne populus prout vellet institueret,
+    certas sollemnesque esse voluerunt.... Omnium tamen
+    harum et interpretandi scientia et actiones apud
+    collegium pontificum erant, ex quibus constituebatur,
+    quis quoquo anno praeesset privatis."
+
+    [571] Livy ix. 46 "civile ius, repositum in penetralibus
+    pontificum, evulgavit (Cn. Flavius), fastosque circa
+    forum in albo proponit, ut quando lege agi posset
+    sciretur." Cp. Val. Max. ii. 5. 2. _Civile ius_ is here
+    usually taken as meaning the procedure; but this is a
+    passage which may give some countenance to those who
+    would put the publication of the XII. Tables later than
+    the traditional date.
+
+    [572] For the relation of the Flamines, Vestals, and Rex
+    sacrorum to the pontifex maximus, see Wissowa, _R.K._
+    432 foll.
+
+    [573] See above, p. 283. For the eclipse, Cic. _Rep._ i.
+    16. 25; and for the various scientific determinations of
+    its exact date, Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Lit._ vol. i.
+    (ed. 2) p. 37. "Ex hoc die," writes Cicero, "quem apud
+    Ennium et in maximis annalibus consignatum videmus,
+    superiores solis defectiones reputatae sunt."
+
+    [574] Cic. _Brutus_, 55 "longe plurimum ingenio
+    valuisse."
+
+    [575] _De Orat._ iii. 33. 134.
+
+    [576] See _Dict. of Classical Biography_, _s.v._
+    "Coruncanius."
+
+    [577] _Nat. deor._ ii. 165. Coruncanius is mentioned as
+    one of those whom the gods love, if indeed they take an
+    interest in human affairs.
+
+    [578] See above, p. 100 foll.; and _Roman Festivals_, p.
+    3.
+
+    [579] Our knowledge of this _tabula_ chiefly depends on
+    a passage in the Danielian scholiast on Virg. _Aen._ i.
+    373: "ita enim annales conficiebantur. Tabulam dealbatam
+    quotannis pontifex maximus habuit, in qua praescriptis
+    consulum nominibus et aliorum magistratum, digna
+    memoratu notare consueverat domi militiaeque terra
+    marique gesta per singulos dies. Cuius diligentiae
+    annuos commentarios in octoginta libros veteres
+    retulerunt, eosque a pontificibus maximis, a quibus
+    fiebant, annales maximos appellarunt." The explanation
+    of the name is no doubt wrong; but all the rest of this
+    passage can be relied on; cp. Cic. _de Orat._ ii. 12.
+    52; Dion. Hal. i. 73, 74; Gell. ii. 28. 6; Cic. _Legg._
+    i. 2. 6. For the idea of the almanac, see Cichorius in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._, _s.v._ "annales maximi."
+
+    [580] _Proponebat tabulam domi_, Cic. _de Orat._ ii. 12.
+    52. This must refer to the official residence of the
+    Pont. Max.; see above, p. 271.
+
+    [581] These attempted solutions of an insoluble problem
+    may be found in brief in Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Lit._
+    i. 37. Perhaps the boldest is that of Cantorelli, that
+    the annales were constructed not out of the tabula but
+    out of the commentarii; but this is in conflict with the
+    passage in the scholiast on Virgil. To me the difficulty
+    does not seem overwhelming; events occurring "domi
+    militiaeque, terra marique," may have filled
+    considerable space, and yet have been meagre in the eyes
+    of the rhetoricians of the last century B.C.
+
+    [582] Schanz, _op. cit._ p. 35.
+
+    [583] The great authority of the Pont. Max. is well
+    shown in the story of Tremellius the praetor, who in the
+    middle of the second century B.C. was fined (by a
+    tribune?) "quod cum M. Aemilio pontifice maximo
+    iniuriose contenderat, sacrorumque quam magistratuum ius
+    potentius fuit." Livy, _Epit._ 47.
+
+    [584] _De aedibus sacris populi Romani_, p. 10 foll.
+
+    [585] Aust, _op. cit._ p. 14 foll. See also _R.F._ p.
+    340 foll.
+
+    [586] For Vacuna, Wissowa, _R.K._ pp. 44 and 128. She
+    was later, but probably without good reason, identified
+    with Victoria. The conjecture that she was a hearth
+    deity rests on the lines of Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 305,
+    which I have before referred to in another context:
+
+      ante focos olim scamnis considere longis
+        mos erat et mensae credere adesse deos.
+      nunc quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae,
+        ante Vacunales stantque sedentque focos.
+
+    [587] Aust, p. 14. For Vertumnus the _locus classicus_
+    is Propert. v. 2. It is not certain that the connection
+    with gardens was primitive.
+
+    [588] _R.F._ p. 341.
+
+    [589] _R.F._ p. 341.
+
+    [590] See Axtell, _The Deification of Abstract Ideas in
+    Roman Literature and Inscriptions_ (Chicago, 1907), p.
+    59 foll., where the views of Mommsen, Boissier,
+    Marquardt, and Wissowa are discussed. Axtell's own
+    conclusion is given on p. 62 foll. In the main it seems
+    to agree with that hazarded in my _Roman Festivals_, p.
+    190.
+
+    [591] For the evidence as to the contents of the
+    _commentarii_, which are now generally identified with
+    the _libri_, see Wissowa, _R.K._ 32 and 441; Schanz,
+    _op. cit._ i. 32; and the article "Commentarii" in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._ As Wissowa remarks (p.
+    441, note 6), we are greatly in need of a complete
+    collection of all fragments of these archives.
+
+    [592] See above, p. 159 foll. The conviction that these
+    lists are of comparatively late and priestly origin,
+    which has long been growing on me, was originally
+    suggested by the learned article "Indigitamenta" by R.
+    Peter in Roscher's _Lexicon_, vol. ii. p. 175 foll.
+
+    [593] I have here adopted some sentences from my article
+    in the _Hibbert Journal_ for 1907, p. 854.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XIII
+
+THE AUGURS AND THE ART OF DIVINATION
+
+
+"The one great corruption to which all religion is exposed is its
+separation from morality. The very strength of the religious motive has
+a tendency to exclude, or disparage, all other tendencies of the human
+mind, even the noblest and best. It is against this corruption that the
+prophetic order from first to last constantly protested.... Mercy and
+justice, judgment and truth, repentance and goodness--not sacrifice, not
+fasting, not ablutions,--is the burden of the whole prophetic teaching
+of the Old Testament."[594]
+
+The over-formalising, or ritualising, of any religion is sure to bring
+about that result against which the Jewish prophets protested. We saw at
+the end of the last lecture how the pontifices contributed to such a
+result. We are now to study the contribution of the other great college,
+the augurs. For instead of developing, as did the wise man or seer of
+Israel, into the mouthpiece of God in His demand for the righteousness
+of man, the Roman diviner merely assisted the pontifex in his work of
+robbing religion of the idea of righteousness. Divination seems to be a
+universal instinct of human nature, a perfectly natural instinct,
+arising out of man's daily needs, hopes, fears; but though it may have
+had the chance, even at Rome, it never has been able, except among the
+Jews, to emerge from its cramping chrysalis of magic and become a really
+valuable stimulant of morality.
+
+By divination I mean the various ways and methods by which, in all
+stages of his development, man has persuaded himself that what he is
+going to do or suffer will turn out well or ill for him. It is probably
+judicious, with Dr. Tylor and with the majority of recent
+anthropologists, to consider it as belonging to the region of
+magic;[595] and it is obvious that it affords excellent examples of that
+inadequacy which characterises magical attempts to overcome the
+difficulties man meets with in his struggle for existence.[596] It
+belongs, like other forms of magic, to a stage in which man's idea of
+his relation to the Power manifesting itself in the universe is both
+rude and rudimentary. But it shares with magic the power or property of
+surviving, in form at least, through the animistic stage into that of
+religion, and it is largely practised at the present day even among
+highly civilised peoples.
+
+But I must observe, before I go on, that divination as an object of
+anthropological inquiry still stands in need of a thorough scientific
+examination. At present it seems to puzzle anthropologists;[597] and the
+reason probably is that the material for studying it inductively has not
+as yet been collected and sifted. Strange to say, it does not appear in
+the index to Dr. Westermarck's great work, which I have so often quoted:
+it is hardly to be found even in the _Golden Bough_: nor can I find a
+thoroughgoing treatment of it in any other books about the early
+history of mankind. And any sort of guesswork under these circumstances
+only increases our difficulties. Some years ago the great German
+philosophical lawyer, von Jhering, in an interesting work called the
+_Evolution of the Aryan_, made some most ingenious attempts to explain
+the origin of Roman divination. He fancied that the practice of
+examining the entrails of a victim, for example, began in the course of
+Aryan migration, because when you encamped in a new region you would
+catch and kill some of the native cattle in order to see whether they
+were wholesome enough to tempt you to stay.[598] Again, the study of the
+flight of birds was prompted by the desire to get information about the
+mountain passes and the course of great rivers; and this study grew into
+an elaborate art as the leader of the host, the prototype of the Roman
+augur, gained experience by constant observation from elevated
+ground.[599] Such a theory as this last might be worth something if it
+were based upon known facts; as it is, it is only most ingenious
+guesswork. This great legal writer did not know, as we do now, that
+divination by both these methods is found all over the world, and cannot
+be explained by any supposed needs of migrating Aryans.
+
+Whatever be the origin of the several forms of divination, the object of
+the practice in ancient Italy and Greece is beyond doubt--to find out
+whether the Power with whom you wish to be in right relation is
+favourable to certain human operations, or willing to aid in removing
+certain forms of human suffering. According to our definition, it was a
+part of religion, whether or no it belonged originally to magic. It was
+a practical expression of that doubt or anxiety to which I believe the
+Romans attached the word _religio_. In the agricultural period it must
+have been specially useful and even inevitable,[600] because the tiller
+of the soil is always in need of knowledge as to the best times and
+seasons for his operations, and his out-of-door life gives him constant
+opportunity of observing natural phenomena, _diosemeia_, signs from
+heaven, and the utterances and movements of birds and other animals. It
+is interesting to reflect that these last may often be of real service
+in foretelling the weather, which is so important to the farmer. As I
+write this on a December day I recall the fact that I have myself within
+the last week successfully foretold a spell of cold after observing a
+great arrival of winter thrushes from the north. This particular branch
+of augury is, in fact, neither so inadequate nor so absurd as most
+others. Von Jhering may turn out to be right in his notion that at least
+some forms of divination have their origin in practical needs and in the
+skill of uncivilised man in discerning the signs of the weather--a skill
+which it is well to remember far exceeds that of the house-dweller of
+modern civilisation. But with the growth of the City-state and the
+habits of life in a town, these early instincts and methods of the
+agriculturist came to be caught up into a system of religious practice,
+adapted to the conditions of civil and political existence; thus they
+gradually lost their original meaning and such real value as they ever
+possessed. I have pointed out that the Roman festivals and the ritual of
+the oldest calendar gradually got out of relation with the agricultural
+life in which they for the most part originated:[601] so it was with
+divination, which in the hands of the State authorities became
+formalised into a set of rules for ascertaining the good-will of the
+gods, and obtaining their sanction for the operations of the community,
+which had no scientific basis whatever, no relation to truth and fact.
+Of all the methods for putting yourself in right relation with the
+Power, this was the least valuable, and indeed the most harmful; it came
+in course of time to be a positive obstacle to efficiency and freedom of
+action, it wasted valuable time, and it often served as the means of
+promoting private ends to the detriment of the public interest.
+
+Before I go on to consider the development of the highly formalised
+system of public divination, let me clear the ground by a few remarks
+about such forms of the practice as were not sanctioned by the State.
+That these existed throughout Roman history there is no doubt, as they
+existed in Greece, among the Jews, and elsewhere in the East, alongside
+of the advanced and organised methods of official and authorised
+experts.
+
+Our information about private divination is scattered about in Roman
+literature, and even when brought together there is not a great deal of
+it. What is prominent both in Roman literature and Roman history is the
+divination authorised by the State and systematised by its authorities;
+even in Cicero's treatise _de Divinatione_, though the subject-matter is
+of a general kind, drawn from Greece as well as Rome, it is, I think,
+apart from philosophical questions, chiefly the art of augurs and
+haruspices that interests the writer, who was himself an augur when he
+wrote it. In Greek literature exactly the opposite is the case; there we
+hear little of State-authorised divination, and a great deal of
+wandering soothsayers, soothsaying families, and oracles which (except
+at Delphi) were not under the direct control of a City-state.[602] The
+methods of divination are much the same in both peninsulas, and indeed
+vary little all the world over; the difference lies simply in
+this,--that at Rome the adoption and systematisation by the State of
+certain methods, especially those which dealt with birds and lightning,
+had the effect of discrediting, if not excluding, an immense amount of
+private practice of this kind. I mean that if the State strongly
+sanctions some forms of divination, working them by its own officials,
+it casts a shadow of discredit over the rest. As the _ius divinum_
+tended to exclude magic and the barbarous in ritual, so did the _ius
+augurale_, which was a part of it, exclude the quack in divination. And
+in this particular department of human delusion the result may be said
+to have been happy; for though divination belongs to religion as having
+survived from an earlier stage into a religious one, yet it is the least
+valuable, the least fruitful, part of it.[603] True, the augural
+systematisation, as we shall see, had a sinister effect on political
+progress; but even there the very emptiness and absurdity of the whole
+business helped to bring contempt on it, and, as Cicero tells us in a
+well-known passage, even old Cato declared that he could not imagine why
+a _haruspex_ did not laugh when he met a brother of the craft.[604] In
+Greece, on the contrary, it might, I believe, be shown that the absence
+of systematisation by the State only served to prolong the credit and
+influence of the professional quack.
+
+Greece was at all periods full of these quacks; did the sham prophet
+exist at Rome in the period we have now under review? Later on the
+Oriental soothsayer found his way there; of these _Chaldaei_ and
+_mathematici_ I shall have a word to say in another lecture, and we
+shall see how the State authorities made occasional attempts to exclude
+them. Of the _frantic_ type of diviner, the [Greek: entheos], so common
+in Greece, we hear nothing in the sober Roman annals; the idea of a
+human being "possessed by a spirit of divination" seems foreign to the
+Roman character.[605] The only soothsayer, so far as I know, who appears
+in Roman legend in a private capacity is that Attus Navius who gave
+Tarquinius Priscus the benefit of his knowledge; and he is represented
+as a respectable Sabine, and his art as an augural one learnt from the
+Etruscans.[606] There are, indeed, ancient traces of a prophetic art at
+Rome, but, as the historian of divination has well observed, they are
+all connected not with human beings, but with divinities, a fact which
+explains the Latin word _divinatio_.[607] To take what is perhaps the
+best example, the ancient deity Carmenta, who had a flamen and a double
+festival in the month of January, may very probably represent some dim
+tradition of a _numen_ at whose shrine women might gain some knowledge
+as to their fortunes in childbirth, just as outside Rome, at Praeneste
+and Antium, Fortuna seems to have had this gift in historical
+times.[608] So St. Augustine interpreted Carmenta,[609] probably
+following Varro; and to Virgil she was the "_vates fatidica_, cecinit
+quae prima futuros Aeneadas magnos et nobile Pallanteum."
+
+But Carmenta, Picus, Faunus, are dim mythical figures which for us can
+have no bearing on Roman religious experience; it would be more to the
+point to ask what was the original meaning and history of the word
+_vates_, if the question were answerable in the absence of an early
+Roman literature. All we can say about this is that this word had, as a
+rule, a certain dignity about it, which enabled it eventually to stand
+for a poet, and that it rarely has a sinister sense, unless accompanied
+by some adjective specially used in order to give it.[610] The real word
+for a quack is _hariolus_, and the fact that it is comparatively rare
+suggests that the character it expresses was not a common one. It occurs
+here and there in fragments of old plays, where, unluckily, we cannot be
+quite sure whether it represents a Greek or a Latin idea. The following
+lines from the Telamo of Ennius shows us the _hariolus_, as well as the
+word _vates_ with a discreditable adjective attached:
+
+  sed superstitiosi vates impudentesque harioli
+  aut inertes, aut insani, aut quibus egestas imperat,
+  qui sibi semitam non sapiunt, alteri monstrant viam,
+  quibu' divitias pollicentur, ab iis drachmam ipsi petunt.[611]
+
+A more satisfactory bit of evidence as to the existence of the quack in
+the second century B.C., when Greece and the East were beginning to pour
+their unauthorised religionists into Italy, is the interesting passage
+in old Cato's book on agriculture, in which he urges that the bailiff of
+an estate should not be permitted to consult either a _haruspex_,
+_augur_, _hariolus_, or _Chaldaeus_.[612] But on the whole, such little
+evidence as we possess seems to confirm the view I hazarded just now,
+that the overwhelming prestige of State authority at Rome discouraged
+and discredited the quack diviner both in public and private life. His
+work in private life was largely that of fortune-telling, of foretelling
+the future in one sense or another; and this was exactly what the State
+authorities never did and never countenanced, at any rate until the
+stress of the Hannibalic war, and then only in a very limited sense.
+Their object was a strictly religious one, to get the sanction of the
+divine members of the community for the undertakings of the human ones.
+Even the so-called Sibylline oracles, as we saw, were not prophecies;
+and the augural art never provided an answer to the question, "What is
+going to happen?" but only to that much more religious one, "Are the
+deities willing that we should do this or that?"[613]
+
+But before I leave the subject of private divination, I must note that
+there was a department of it which may be called legitimate, as
+distinguished from that of the quack. I mean the _auspicia_ of the
+family religion, and also the comparatively harmless folklore about
+omens of all sorts and kinds.
+
+Naturally we have little information about legitimate _auspicia_ in the
+life of the family; but we have seen that the religious instinct of the
+Roman forbade him to face any important undertaking or crisis without
+making sure of the sanction of the _numina_ concerned, and among the
+methods of insurance (if I may use a convenient word) the _auspicia_
+must have had a place from the earliest times. No important thing was
+done, says Cicero in the _de Divinatione_, "nisi auspicato, ne privatim
+quidem."[614] Valerius Maximus says the same in so many words, and some
+other evidence has been collected by De Marchi in his work on the
+private religion of the Romans.[615] But only in the case of marriage do
+we hear of _auspicia_ in historical times, and even there they seem to
+have degenerated into a mere form. "Auspices nuptiarum, re omissa, nomen
+tantum tenent"--so Cicero wrote of his own time;[616] he seems to be
+thinking of augury by means of birds, for he adds, "nam ut nunc extis
+sic tunc avibus magnae res impetrari solebant." As we have already seen,
+the object of the examination of a victim's entrails was simply to
+ascertain its fitness to be offered; but by Cicero's time the Etruscan
+art of divination by this method must have penetrated into private life.
+I think we may conjecture that in the life of the family on the land the
+_auspicia_, as the word itself implies, were worked chiefly by
+observation of birds. Nigidius Figulus, the learned mystic of Cicero's
+time, wrote a book, _de Augurio Privato_, of which one fragment survives
+which has to do with this kind of divination, and with the distinction
+between omens from birds seen on the right or left, and from high or low
+flyers.[617] In the familiar ode of Horace beginning, "Impios parrae
+recinentis omen,"[618] the _corvus_ and _cornix_ are mentioned besides
+the _parra_, and in that wholesome old out-of-door life of the farm, as
+I said just now, there was a certain basis of truth and fact in the
+observation of such presages. But Horace mentions other animals, wolf,
+fox, and snake, and some at least of the folklore about omens which is
+to be found in Pliny's descriptions of animals may help us to appreciate
+the nature of the old Roman ideas on this subject. The tiller of the
+land and the shepherd on the uplands used their eyes and ears, not
+wholly without advantage to themselves; but in the life of the city such
+observation became gradually formal and meaningless, and degenerated
+into the superstition reflected in Horace's ode. I must parenthetically
+confess to a personal feeling of regret that this people, who in their
+early days had good opportunities, made little or no contribution to the
+knowledge of animals and their habits.[619] But I must pass on to the
+more important subject of divination as developed and formalised by the
+authorities of the State.
+
+In explaining the ritual of the _ius divinum_ I laid stress on the fact
+that its main object was to maintain the _pax deorum_, the right
+relation between the divine and human citizens.[620] To make this _pax_
+secure, it was necessary that in every public act the good-will of the
+gods should be ascertained by obtaining favourable auspices--it must be
+done _auspicato_. To take the first illustration that occurs, Livy
+describes a dictator about to fight a battle as leaving his camp
+_auspicato_, after sacrificing to obtain the _pax deorum_.[621] It is
+for this reason that the _auspicia_ have a leading place in the
+foundation legends of the city. We are all familiar with the story of
+the _auspicia_ of Romulus and Remus, which goes back at least as far as
+Ennius;[622] and we find them also in the foundation of _coloniae_ in
+historical times.[623] I do not know that I can better express the place
+which the _auspicia_ occupied in the mind of the Roman than by quoting
+the words which Livy puts into the mouth of Appius Claudius in 367 B.C.,
+when supposed to be inveighing against the opening of the consulship to
+plebeians: "Auspiciis hanc urbem conditam esse, auspiciis bello ac pace,
+domi militiaeque, omnia geri, quis est qui ignoret?" He goes on to argue
+that these _auspicia_ belong to patricians only, that no plebeian
+magistrate is created _auspicato_, that the man who wants to allow
+plebeians to become curule magistrates, _tollit ex civitate auspicia_.
+"Nunc nos, tanquam iam nihil pace deorum opus sit, omnes caerimonias
+polluimus."[624] This is, of course, only Livy's rhetoric, but it
+represents the fundamental Roman idea of the public _auspicia_.
+
+The passage is also useful because it alludes to the fact that the right
+of taking the _auspicia_ belonged ultimately to the whole patrician body
+of fully qualified citizens.[625] But so far as we can discern in the
+dim light of the earliest period, this body entrusted the right and duty
+to its chief magistrate, the Rex, exactly as it entrusted him with the
+_imperium_, the supreme power of command in civil matters. Thus the
+_auspicia_ and the _imperium_ were indissolubly connected; as Dr.
+Greenidge says,[626] "they are the divine and human side of the same
+power," and may be found together in a thousand passages in Roman
+literature and inscriptions. But at the side of the Rex we find,
+according to tradition, two helpers or advisers called _augures_, the
+three together perhaps forming a _collegium_.[627] Now there was
+certainly an important difference between the Rex and the augurs; the
+latter were aiders and interpreters, but the Rex only was said _habere
+auspicia_, just as the whole patrician body had this right, though they
+delegated it to the Rex during his lifetime, and on his death received
+it again. The man who "habet auspicia" has the right of _spectio_,
+_i.e._ of taking the auspices in a particular case,[628] of watching the
+sky or the conduct of the sacred fowls in eating; this right the augurs
+never had. Their power was limited to guidance and interpretation. This
+follows necessarily from the fundamental principle that the _auspicia_
+and the _imperium_ were indissolubly connected; for the augur, of
+course, never possessed the _imperium_ by virtue of his office. It is
+true that of the augur in the regal period we know almost nothing; his
+art, as we shall see directly, was kept strictly secret, and he was
+bound by oath not to reveal it.[629] But we may safely argue back in
+general terms from the relation of magistrate and augur under the later
+Republic to the relation of augur and Rex, from whom descended the
+magistrate's _imperium_. The one essential thing to remember is that _it
+was in all periods the magistrate who was responsible_, under the
+sanction and advice of his assistants the pontifices and augurs, for the
+maintenance of the _pax deorum_. The lay element in the actual working
+of the constitution never lost this prerogative. Rome was never
+hierarchically governed.
+
+It would be going beyond the scope of these lectures if I were to plunge
+at this point into the thorny question of the exact relation between
+magistrate and augur in respect of details. Nor do I propose to go into
+the minutiae of augural lore, which are not instructive, like those of
+sacrifice, for our survey of Roman religious experience. It will be
+sufficient to state in outline what I believe to be necessary for our
+purpose.[630] The person who had the _auspicia_, _i.e._ originally the
+Rex, like the later magistrate, had to watch for signs from heaven; in
+order to do so he marked out a _templum_, a rectangular space, by noting
+certain objects, trees or what not, beyond which, whether he looked at
+earth or sky, he need take no notice of what he saw. The spot where he
+took up his position for this purpose was itself a rectangular
+space,[631] marked out on a similar principle; in each case the space
+was _liberatus effatus_, _i.e._ freed from previous associations by a
+form of words, and ready, if need were (as in the case of _loca sacra_)
+to be further handed over to the deities as their property; this
+consecration, however, did not, of course, follow in the ordinary
+procedure of the _auspicia_. In the _urbana auspicia_ all _loca effata_
+must be within the sacred boundary of the _pomoerium_. Within this the
+magistrate watched in silence at the dead of night for such signs as he
+especially asked for (_auspicia impetrativa_); those which offered
+themselves without such specification (_oblativa_) he was not bound to
+take cognisance of unless some one claimed his attention for them. The
+signs were originally in the regal period, if we may guess from the word
+_auspicium_, only such as birds supplied, and the space in which they
+were watched for was not complicated by the divisions of the later
+augural art.[632] The business of the augur was, we may suppose, to see
+that the details were carried out correctly, and to interpret the signs;
+but those signs were not sent to _him_, for he was not the actual
+representative of the State in this ritual.
+
+If the constitutional position and duty of the augurs have now been made
+sufficiently clear, I may go on to explain briefly, as in the case of
+the pontifices, how the office became gradually secularised, and the
+duty formalised, so that if there ever had been anything of a really
+religious character in this art, any genuine belief in the manifestation
+by the Power of his will in matters of State life, such character, such
+belief, had become by the second century B.C. entirely paralysed and
+destroyed. But the history of the augurate is much more difficult to
+follow than that of the pontificate. The work of the pontifices touched
+the life of every day, public and private, at many points, with the
+result that their secrets ceased to be secrets by the end of the fourth
+century B.C. The work of the augurs was occasional, and more technical
+than that of the other college; it can hardly be said to have affected
+the religion of family life, nor did it continually bear upon public
+life, as did the pontifical knowledge of the _ius divinum_ and the
+calendar. Hence the augural lore was never published, under pressure of
+public opinion, and neither ancient nor modern scholars have had to
+waste their time in investigating it. Books were indeed written about it
+in later times by one or two curious students, but in the time of
+Cicero, who was himself an augur, the neglect of it was general, even by
+members of the college.[633]
+
+This mysterious augural lore was preserved in books, like that of the
+pontifices; and in all probability these books were put together in the
+same period as the latter, viz., the two centuries immediately following
+the abolition of the kingship.[634] I think there is a strong
+probability that the augurate emerged from the age of Etruscan rule
+which marks the latter part of the kingly period, with increased
+importance and fresh activity, the result of immediate contact with
+Etruscan methods of divination.[635] It is likely that they began in
+this way to cultivate the art of divination by lightning, which was
+peculiarly Etruscan, and to divide their _templum_ into _regiones_,
+which, as I said just now, were not apparently needed for the
+observation of omens from birds. How far they carried this art we cannot
+tell, owing to the loss of their books and the commentaries upon them;
+but about the Etruscan discipline we do know something. Those who wish
+to have a glimpse of it may consult the first chapter of the fourth
+volume of Bouche-Leclercq's _History of Divination_, as a more
+intelligible account than any known to me.[636] But all I need to insist
+on now is the likelihood that the augurs began the Republican period
+with a power of interpretation which was the more important because the
+art was changed; it is now the depository not only of the old bird lore,
+but of the new lightning lore. And as this last became the peculiar
+characteristic of the art of public divination, and as the augurs were,
+like the pontifices, a close self-electing corporation until 104 B.C.
+and a close self-electing _patrician_ body until the lex Ogulnia of 300
+B.C., holding secret meetings every month on the _arx_,[637] and
+recording their lore in books which were never made public, they might
+well have grown into a powerful hierarchy, _if they had only been
+possessed of the right of spectio_. What saved Rome from this fate was
+simply the fact that the college was a body of interpreters only, or, in
+other words, the principle that the _auspicia_ belonged exclusively to
+the magistrate. The _auspicia_ were in fact a matter of public law, not
+of religion, properly speaking; the idea on which they were based, that
+the sanction of the deities was needed for every public action, very
+early lost its true significance, and the process of taking them became
+a mere form, the religious character of which was almost entirely
+forgotten. They ceased to be matter of religion just as the amulet or
+any other form of preventive magic fails to be reckoned as within the
+sphere of religion; the feeling was there that they must be attended to
+(though even that feeling lost its strength in course of time), but only
+as a matter of custom, not because the Power was really believed to
+sanction an act in this way.
+
+Thus it seems that the importance of the augurs belongs to Roman public
+law, and not to the history of Roman religious experience. It will be
+found fully explained, in that connection, in Mommsen's _Staatsrecht_,
+or in Dr. Greenidge's volume on _Roman Public Life_.[638] All we have to
+note here is the complete secularisation of what was once really a part
+of the Roman religion; the augurs themselves were public men and could
+hold magistracies, and their art of interpretation came to be used for
+secular and political purposes only. They could declare a magistrate
+_vitio creatus_, whether they had been present at the taking of the
+auspices or not; they could also on appeal stop the proceedings at a
+public assembly, whether for election or legislation; it may be said of
+them that in one way or another they had a veto on every public
+transaction.[639] As Cicero expresses it in his _ius divinum_, in the
+second book of his work on the constitution: "Quae augur iniusta nefasta
+vitiosa dira defixerit inrita infectaque sunto, quique non paruerit,
+capital esto."[640] But in spite of the fine words _iniusta nefasta
+vitiosa_, there was no religious principle involved in this solemn
+injunction. When Bibulus in 59 B.C. sought as consul to stop Caesar's
+proceedings by using his right of _spectio_, all he had to do was to
+announce that he was going to look for lightning (_obnuntiare_); and if
+there had been the smallest remnant of religious belief left in the
+Roman mind about such transactions, it would quietly have acquiesced, in
+the conviction that Jupiter would send lightning to the Roman magistrate
+who asked for it; as it was, Caesar took no notice, and the Roman people
+only laughed. Caesar was at the time, let us note, the head of the Roman
+religion, pontifex maximus. So with the augurs as the interpreters of
+the magisterial _spectio_; proud as Cicero was of becoming an augur,
+with all the old surviving elective ritual,[641] he never, we may be
+sure, believed for a moment that he had the power of interpreting the
+will of the gods. A century before his augurship the whole business of
+public divination had been regulated by statute, like any other secular
+matter; and in his own day it was an open question with men of education
+whether there were such a thing as divination at all.[642] True, as we
+shall see, the _illegitimate_ forms of divination were at this very time
+gaining ground, as the current of superstition increased in strength
+which marks this last period of the republic; but the augur's art and
+the _spectio_ of the magistrate were still surviving as mere
+constitutional fossils, and were not destined to share largely in
+Augustus' heroic attempt to put fresh life into the _ius divinum_. _Vile
+damnum_, as Tacitus said of the foreign quacks banished to Sardinia by
+Tiberius; for neither in the sphere of religion nor later in that of
+politics can the art of divination be said to have had any lasting
+value.
+
+I have not dealt at any length with the augurs and the State system of
+divination, but I hope I have said enough to show that, as I hinted at
+the beginning of this lecture, it affords an excellent illustration of
+the way in which the religious instinct, the desire to be in right
+relation with the Power manifesting itself in the universe, was first
+soothed and satisfied, then hypnotised and paralysed, by the
+formalisation and gradual secularisation of religious processes. The
+desire to obtain the sanction of the Power by seeking for favourable
+signs or omens seems to be a universal instinct of human nature, though
+a perverse one; if left to itself it will apparently pass into the
+region of harmless folklore, where it does not seriously interfere with
+human progress, either secular or religious; but where, as at Rome, it
+is taken up into the ritual of a religious system, and is further
+allowed to express itself mechanically in the region of public law, it
+exhausts itself rapidly, loses all its original significance, and
+becomes a clog on human progress.
+
+In ancient Italy this instinct for divination was nowhere so strongly
+and so perversely developed into a mechanical system as in Etruria, and
+it is highly probable that this development contributed largely to the
+rapid political and moral decay of the Etruscan people. The narrow
+aristocratic constitution of the Etruscan cities, worked by a kind of
+priestly nobility, seems to have afforded great opportunities for the
+cultivation of the perverse art which (as we are now beginning to
+recognise) this people had brought with them from the East.[643] I have
+already suggested that an Etruscan dominion at Rome had very probably
+unfortunate results in developing and formalising the art of the augurs.
+But the age of the Tarquinii was not the only one in which the sinister
+influence of this strange people was brought to bear on Roman religious
+institutions; and before I close this lecture I must say a very few
+words about a second invasion of Etruscan perversity, which began some
+two centuries and a half later. This was the result of that renewed
+_religio_, that feeling of anxiety and sometimes of despair
+characteristic of the last half of the third century B.C., the perilous
+era of the Punic wars, with which I shall deal more particularly in the
+next lecture. The state religion could not soothe it; neither pontifices
+nor augurs had any sufficient native remedy for it, and as the ritual of
+worship was reinforced from Greece and the East, so the ritual of
+divination was reinforced from Etruria.
+
+The Etruscans seem to have educated their diviners with care and system.
+We do not know the details of such education, but it seems likely that
+there were schools of these prophets, by means of which the art was
+handed down and developed.[644] The word for the person thus trained was
+_haruspex_ in its Italian form as known to us, though it had an Etruscan
+original.[645] The art acquired was of three kinds--the interpretation
+of lightning; the explanation and interpretation of the entrails of
+victims, and especially of the liver; and, thirdly, the explanation and
+expiation of portents and prodigia.[646] All three departments seem to
+have been carried to an extreme degree of perverse development. To give
+an idea of it I need but refer to recent discussions of the relation
+between the divisions marked on a bronze model of a victim's liver
+(found in 1877 at Piacenza), in which are written the Etruscan names of
+a great number of deities, and the somewhat similar divisions of the
+templum of the heavens as given by Martianus Capella in explanation of
+the celestial dwellings of the Italian deities. A study of this
+unprofitable subject, of which the only interest lies in the
+illustration it offers of the prostitution of human ingenuity, will be
+found in a little work by Carl Thulin, published in the series called
+_Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten_.[647]
+
+Just as the Roman authorities had recourse from time to time to the
+Sibylline books, so also they occasionally, though not apparently before
+the Punic wars, sought the help of the trained Etruscan diviners. We
+shall come across instances of this in the next two lectures, and I need
+not specify them now. They seem to have used their art in all its
+departments; and in the most degraded of these, the examination of
+entrails, it was found so convenient to have their services in a
+campaign that in course of time one at least seems to have accompanied
+every Roman army.[648] The complicated art of augury might in fact be
+dispensed with if you had a _haruspex_ ready and willing at a moment's
+notice to give you a good report of the victim's liver. To keep up the
+supply of experts, the senate, probably in the second century B.C.,
+determined to select and train ten boys of noble family in each Etruscan
+city. This was the last service that the degenerate Etruscan people
+rendered to its conquerors, and a more degrading one it is impossible to
+imagine. These foreign diviners were never admitted to the dignity of a
+_collegium_;[649] they rather played the part of the domestic chaplain
+kept to say grace before meat. For a moment they attract our attention
+in connection with the persecution of Cicero by his political enemies,
+and the _consecratio_ after his exile of the site of his house on the
+Palatine hill.[650] For a moment again we meet with them in the reign of
+Claudius, who was interested in the Etruscans and wrote a work about
+them, and once raised the question in the senate of the revival of the
+haruspices and their art--such part of it, at least, as might seem worth
+preserving--"ne vetustissima Italiae disciplina per desidium
+exolesceret."[651] And strange to say, though in fact no part of this
+ancient Italian discipline was in the least worth preserving, it
+survived in outward form into the fourth century of the empire.[652] We
+read with astonishment in the code of the Christian emperor Theodosius,
+that if the imperial palace or other public buildings are struck by
+lightning the haruspices are to be consulted, according to ancient
+custom, as to the meaning of the portent.[653] Thirteen years after the
+death of Theodosius, in 408, Etruscan experts offered their services to
+Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, to save the city from the Goths. Pompeianus
+was tempted, but consulted Innocent, the Bishop of Rome, who "did not
+see fit to oppose his own opinion to the wishes of the people at such a
+crisis, but stipulated that the magic rites should be performed
+secretly." What followed is uncertain. "The Christian historian says
+that the rites were performed, but were unavailing; the pagan Zosimus
+affirms that the aid of the Tuscans was declined."[654] So hard died the
+futile arts of the most unfruitful of all Italian races.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XIII
+
+    [594] Stanley's _Jewish Church_ (ed. 1906), vol. i. p.
+    398 foll.
+
+    [595] _Hist. de divination dans l'antiquite_, vol. i. p.
+    7 foll.; divination is "contemplative," magic "active."
+    But this learned author did not deal with divination
+    except as it existed in Greece and Italy; and in view of
+    our present extended knowledge this differentia is not
+    instructive.
+
+    [596] See Tylor's article in the last edition of the
+    _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, and his _Gifford Lectures_,
+    Pt. ii. ch. iv.; Haddon, _Magic and Fetishism_, p. 40.
+    Bouche-Leclercq, _Hist. de divination dans l'antiquite_,
+    vol. i. p. 7, distinguishes divination from magic; but
+    his knowledge of the subject was limited to civilised
+    races.
+
+    [597] Mr. Marett seems doubtful about it: see his
+    _Threshold of Religion_, pp. 42 and 83. In the latter
+    passage he says that it may or may not be treated as a
+    branch of magic, and may be "originally due to some dim
+    sort of theorising about causes, the theory engendering
+    the practice rather than the practice the theory." I
+    should doubt whether, when the facts have been fully
+    collected, this will be the conclusion to which they
+    point.
+
+    [598] _Evolution of the Aryan_, Drucker's translation,
+    p. 369.
+
+    [599] _Ib._ pp. 364, 374.
+
+    [600] A curious survival of divination from the
+    agricultural period, which was taken over by the State,
+    but not fixed to a day in the calendar, is the _augurium
+    canarium_. The exta of red puppies which had been
+    sacrificed were consulted, apparently with a view to
+    ascertain the probability of the corn ripening well
+    (Festus, p. 285, quoting Ateius Capito). See _R.F._ p.
+    90, and the references there given; also Cic. _de
+    Legibus_, ii. 20; Fest. 379; and Wissowa in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, p. 2328.
+
+    [601] See above, p. 102.
+
+    [602] See Dr. Jevons' account in Gardner and Jevons,
+    _Manual of Greek Antiquities_, ch. vii.
+
+    [603] Bouche-Leclercq in the introduction to his first
+    volume (p. 3) expresses a different opinion. He thinks
+    that the benefit conferred by divination in the conduct
+    of life was the most valuable part of religion. With
+    this I entirely disagree.
+
+    [604] Cic. _de Divinatione_, ii. 51.
+
+    [605] See Bouche-Leclercq, iv. 119 foll. In a recently
+    published essay, _De antiquorum daemonismo_, by J.
+    Tamburnino (Giessen, 1909), the only genuine Roman
+    evidence adduced of possession is Minucius Felix,
+    _Octavius_, ch. 27, _i.e._ it belongs to the late second
+    century A.D. In the so-called Italian oracles there is
+    no question of it: _e.g._ the lots at Praeneste were
+    worked by a boy (Cic. _de Div._ ii. 86).
+
+    [606] Livy i. 36; Cic. _de Div._ i. 17. It is Dion. Hal.
+    iii. 70 who says that his art was Etruscan.
+
+    [607] Bouche-Leclercq, iv. 120.
+
+    [608] For Carmenta see _R.F._ 167 and 291 foll. For
+    Fortuna, _ib._ 223 foll.; cp. 170 foll.
+
+    [609] Aug. _de Civ. Dei_, iv. 11; he uses the plural
+    _Carmentes_; see _R.F._ as above. Virgil, _Aen._ viii.
+    336.
+
+    [610] As "superstitiosi vates" in the passage of Ennius
+    quoted below. In his imaginary _ius divinum_ Cicero uses
+    the word for "fatidici" authorised by the State (_de
+    Legg._ ii. 20). He is perhaps thinking of the
+    haruspices.
+
+    [611] Ribbeck, _Fragm. tragicorum Romanorum_, p. 55. For
+    hariolus outside the play-writers, Cic. _de Nat. Deor._
+    i. 20. 55, where it is combined with haruspices,
+    augures, vates, and coniectores (interpreters of
+    dreams). _Ad Att._ viii. 11. 3.
+
+    [612] Cato, _R.R._ ch. 54; cp. Columella, i. 8 and xi.
+    1.
+
+    [613] See P. Regell, _De augurum publicorum libris_, p.
+    6 "Omnia illa auguria quae futurarum rerum aliquid
+    predicunt ... augurum publicorum disciplinae abroganda
+    sunt: aut privati sunt augurii, aut Tuscorum
+    disciplinae." Cp. Cic. _de Har. Resp._ 9. 18.
+
+    [614] Cic. _de Div._ i. 16. 28; Val. Max. ii. 1. 1.
+
+    [615] _La Religione nella vita domestica_, i. 153 foll.;
+    232 foll.
+
+    [616] Cic. _de Div._ i. 16, 28.
+
+    [617] This fragment is preserved in Gellius vii. 6. 10.
+    Nigidius may be responsible for many of Pliny's omens.
+    Regell, _op. cit._ p. 8.
+
+    [618] Hor. _Odes_, iii. 27. 1 foll.
+
+    [619] Exactly the same misfortune occurred in the middle
+    ages. The monks had abundant opportunity of observation,
+    but were occupied with other matters, and have left
+    behind them no works on natural history.
+
+    [620] See above, p. 169 foll.
+
+    [621] Livy vi. 12.
+
+    [622] See the fragment of Ennius' _Annales_ in Cic. _de
+    Div._ i. 107.
+
+    [623] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 450; _Lex coloniae Genetivae_,
+    66 and 67.
+
+    [624] Livy vi. 41.
+
+    [625] See a good account in the _Dict. of Antiquities_,
+    vol. i. 252 and 255; and Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa,
+    _s.v._ "auspicia."
+
+    [626] _Roman Public Life_, p. 162.
+
+    [627] Wissowa, _R.K._ 451, note 2; Marq. 241.
+
+    [628] Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, i. 86.
+
+    [629] Wissowa, _R.K._ 451, note 7; Plut. _Quaest. Rom._
+    99; Pliny, _Ep._ 4. 8. Plutarch asks why an augur can
+    never be deprived of his office, and answers that the
+    secrecy of his art made it impossible. Cp. Paulus, 16.
+
+    [630] The latest authoritative account of the auspicia
+    is in Pauly-Wissowa, _s.v._, where the necessary
+    literature and material will be found for a study of an
+    extremely complicated subject.
+
+    [631] The technical term was _templum minus_, in
+    contradistinction to the _templum maius_, _i.e._ the
+    space in which he was to look for signs. See
+    Bouche-Leclercq, iv. 197; Fest. 157. The usual place was
+    the _arx_, where was the _auguraculum_, on which the
+    magistrate taking the auspices "pitched his tent"
+    (_tabernaculum_), looking to the east, with the north as
+    his left or lucky side. Von Jhering, _op. cit._ p. 364,
+    makes some ingenious use of this procedure to support
+    his theory that the origin of such institutions is to be
+    found in the period of migration.
+
+    [632] That the division of the _templum_ into _regiones_
+    was necessary only for the _auguria caelestia_, and not
+    for the observation of birds, is the conclusion drawn by
+    Wissowa (_R.K._ 457, note 2) from the words of Cicero
+    (_de Legibus_, ii. 21) in his _ius divinum_: "caelique
+    fulgura regionibus ratis temperanto" (_i.e._ the
+    magistrates).
+
+    [633] Cicero expressly says that even old Cato
+    complained of the neglect of the auspicia by the
+    college: _de Div._ i. 15. 28; above, in sec. 25, he had
+    said the same thing of the augurs of his own day, _i.e._
+    including himself. We know of a work on the _auspicia_
+    by M. Messalla, an augur, from which Gellius, xiii. 15,
+    quotes a lengthy extract (cp. ch. 14). This man was
+    consul in 53 B.C.; Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Lit._, ii.
+    492. Just at the same time Appius Claudius, Cicero's
+    predecessor as governor of Cilicia, wrote _libri
+    augurales_, to which Cicero more than once alludes in
+    his correspondence with Appius: _ad Fam._ iii. 9. 3 and
+    11. 4. It is plain that the old augural lore is now
+    treated only as a curiosity, of which the secrecy need
+    no longer be respected.
+
+    [634] P. Regell, _De augurum publicorum libris_, whose
+    excellent little work has never been superseded, thinks
+    (p. 19) that the _libri_ were the result of the neglect
+    of the art, _i.e._ that it was necessary to put it in
+    writing, because otherwise it would be forgotten. "Tota
+    eius vita," he says, "lenta est mors." The lore was
+    complete about the time of the decemvirate, but
+    _decreta_ must have been continually added (p. 23). The
+    nucleus may be represented in Cicero, _de Legibus_, ii.
+    20. 21, and perhaps existed in Saturnian verse (Festus,
+    290). The additions in the way of decree or comment
+    would probably range over the fourth and third centuries
+    B.C. like those of the pontifices. No doubt the
+    Hannibalic war had the effect of diminishing the
+    importance of the lore, as the next lecture should show.
+    On the whole we may put the great period of the college
+    between the decemvirate and the war with Hannibal.
+
+    [635] This is the opinion of Bouche-Leclercq, _op. cit._
+    vol. iv. p. 205 foll.; cp. Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 457.
+    Cicero calls the augurs "interpretes Iovis Optimi
+    maximi" (_de Legibus_, ii. 20), and herein could hardly
+    have made a mistake, as he was himself an augur. As the
+    great deity was of Etruscan origin in this form, I
+    should conjecture that the college took new ground and
+    gained new influence under the Etruscan dynasty.
+
+    [636] Cp. also Mueller-Deecke, _Die Etrusker_, ii. 165
+    foll. Our knowledge comes chiefly from the learned but
+    obscure writer Martianus Capella (ed. Eyssenhardt), who
+    wrote under the later Empire.
+
+    [637] For these meetings see Cic. _de Div._ i. 41. 90;
+    Regell, p. 23. They were obsolete in Cicero's time, but
+    seem to have still existed in the time of Scipio
+    Aemilianus: Cic. _Lael._ 2. 7.
+
+    [638] _Staatsrecht_, i. 73 foll.; Greenidge, _Roman
+    Public Life_, p. 172 foll.
+
+    [639] The best account of the constitutional power of
+    the augurs is in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclopaedie_,
+    _s.v._ "augur," vol. i. p. 2334 foll.; cp. Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ 457-8.
+
+    [640] _De Legibus_, ii. 21.
+
+    [641] The outward form of _co-optatio_ was still
+    preserved, like our "election" of a bishop by a chapter.
+    Cicero was co-opted by Hortensius after nomination by
+    two other augurs. See his interesting account of this in
+    his _Brutus_, ch. i. The survival may be taken as
+    throwing light on the original secrecy and closeness of
+    the _collegium_.
+
+    [642] For the _leges Aelia et Fufia_, cf. Greenidge,
+    _op. cit._ p. 173. The Stoics of the last century B.C.
+    were divided on this point. See below, p. 399. In the
+    second book of his _de Divinatione_, following the
+    Academic or agnostic school, he himself confutes his
+    brother Quintus' argument for divination contained in
+    Bk. I.
+
+    [643] This is the view of Thulin, _Die Goetter des
+    Martianus Capella und der Bronzeleber von Piacenza_
+    (Giessen, 1906), p. 7 foll., and it seems at present to
+    hold the field: see Gruppe, _Die mythologische Literatur
+    aus den Jahren 1898-1905_, p. 336.
+
+    [644] Mueller-Deecke, vol. ii. p. 7 foll.
+
+    [645] See Deecke's note on p. 12 of Mueller-Deecke, vol.
+    ii. It is possibly connected with _hariolus_.
+
+    [646] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 470, and Mueller-Deecke, vol.
+    ii. 165 foll.
+
+    [647] See above, note 50.
+
+    [648] References to Livy will be found in Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ p. 473, note 11. One of these, to Livy xxvii. 16.
+    14, is worth quoting as suggesting that a _haruspex_
+    might give useful advice in spite of his art: "Hostia
+    quoque caesa consulenti (Fabio) deos haruspex, cavendum
+    a fraude hostili et ab insidiis, praedixit."
+
+    [649] They were not _sacerdotes publici Romani_, nor is
+    a _collegium_ mentioned till the reign of Claudius: Tac.
+    _Ann._ xi. 15. The proper term seems to have been
+    _ordo_, which occurs in inscriptions of the Empire:
+    Marq. p. 415.
+
+    [650] typo fixed: 54: See the oration _De haruspicum
+    responsis_ (especially 5. 9), the genuineness of which
+    is now generally acknowledged. Asconius quotes it as
+    Cicero's (ed. Clark, p. 70): so also Quintilian, v. 11.
+    42.
+
+    [651] Tac. _Ann._ 11. 15.
+
+    [652] The _haruspices_ mentioned in inscriptions (above,
+    note 56) were not the genuine article; they were Romans
+    and _equites_. Probably this was only one of the many
+    ways of finding dignity or employment for persons of
+    good birth under the Empire.
+
+    [653] _Cod. Theod._ xvi. 10. 1 (of the year 321 A.D.),
+    quoted by Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 475, note 1. In ix. 16. 3.
+    5, however, the practice of consulting such experts is
+    strictly prohibited.
+
+    [654] The story is told in Prof. Dill's _Roman Society
+    in the Last Century of the Western Empire_, ed. 1, p.
+    41.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XIV
+
+THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+
+We have noticed two different, if not opposing, tendencies in Roman
+religious experience since the disappearance of the kingship. First,
+there was a tendency towards the reception of new and more emotional
+forms of worship, under the direction of the Sibylline books and their
+keepers; secondly, we have seen how, in the hands of pontifices and
+augurs, religious practice became gradually so highly formularised and
+secularised that the real religious instinct is hardly discernible in
+it, except indeed in the degraded form of scruple as to the exact
+performance of the ritual laid down. There was also, towards the end of
+that period, a third tendency beginning to show itself, which was
+eventually to complete the paralysis of the old religion--a tendency to
+neglect and despise the old religious forms. This need not surprise us,
+if we keep in mind two facts: (1) that Rome is now continually in close
+contact with Greece and her life and thought; (2) that it seems to be
+inevitable in western civilisation that a hard and fast system of
+religious rule should eventually arouse rebellion in certain minds.
+Already there are a few signs that the regulations of the _ius divinum_
+are not invariably treated with respect.
+
+As long ago as 293 B.C. and the last struggle with the Samnites, we find
+a trace of this neglect or carelessness. One of the chicken-keepers
+(_pullarii_) reported falsely to the consul Papirius that the sacred
+chickens had given good omen in their eating: this was discovered by a
+young nephew of Papirius, "iuvenis ante doctrinam deos spernentem
+natus," as Livy calls him, and came to the consul's ears. Papirius'
+reception of the news was characteristic of the way in which a Roman
+could combine practical common-sense with the formal respect claimed by
+his _ius divinum_; he declared that the omen had been reported to him as
+good, and therefore "populo Romano exercituique egregium auspicium est."
+The umpire had decided favourably for him, and there was an end of the
+matter, except indeed that that umpire was placed in the forefront of
+the battle that the gods might punish him themselves, and there of
+course he died.[655] A generation later we have a case of far more
+pronounced contempt in the familiar story of P. Claudius Pulcher and his
+colleague Junius, each of whom lost a Roman fleet after neglecting the
+warning of the _pullarius_: of Claudius it is told that he had the
+sacred chickens thrown into the sea.[656] Another well-known story is
+that of Flaminius, the democrat consul who, as we shall learn directly,
+was defeated and killed at Trasimene after leaving Rome with none of
+his religious duties performed.[657] The famous Marcellus of this second
+Punic war, though himself an "augur optimus," according to Cicero,
+declined to act upon an _auspicium ex acuminibus_--electric sparks seen
+at the end of the soldiers' spears--and was accustomed to ride in his
+litter with blinds drawn, so that he should not see any evil omen.[658]
+Assuredly the transition from superstition to reason had its ludicrous
+side even in public life.
+
+But it is not the gradual approach of rationalism that is the subject of
+this lecture. For years after the death of Flaminius we have no trace of
+it: that was no time for speculating, and it would have been dangerous.
+The religious history of the time, as recorded by Livy, shows on the
+contrary that _religio_ in the old sense of the word is once more
+occupying the Roman mind--the sense of awe in the presence of the
+Unknown, the sense of sin or of duties omitted, or merely a vague sense
+of terror that suggested recourse to the supernatural. No wonder: for
+though Italy had been invaded within the memory of living man, it was
+not then invaded by one who had sworn to his father in infancy to
+destroy the enemy root and branch. Instinctively both Romans and loyal
+Italians knew that they were face to face with a struggle for life and
+death. It is hard for us to realise the terror of the situation as it
+must have been in those days of slow communication and doubtful news. It
+is to Livy's credit that he recognised it fully, and all who look on
+history as something more than wars and battles must be eternally
+grateful to him for searching the records of the pontifices for evidence
+of a people's emotion and the means taken to soothe it. Polybius has
+nothing to tell us of this but a few generalisations, drawn from his own
+experience a century later.[659] In all essential attributes of a Roman
+historian Livy is far the better of the two. I propose to follow his
+guidance in trying to gain some knowledge of the revived _religio_ of
+the age and the way in which it was dealt with by the authorities.
+
+It is in the winter of 218-17, when Hannibal was wintering in north
+Italy after his victory at the Trebbia, that Livy first brings the
+matter before us.[660] He uses the word I have just now and so often
+used: men's minds were _moti in religionem_, and they reported many
+_prodigia_ which were uncritically accepted by the vulgar. He begins
+with Rome, and here it is worth noting that these portents issue from
+the crowded haunts of the markets, the _forum olitorium_, and the _forum
+boarium_, both close to the river and the quays. In the latter place,
+for example, an ox was said to have climbed to the third story of a
+house, whence it threw itself down, terrified by the panic of the
+inhabitants--a story which incidentally throws light on the housing of
+the lower population at the time.[661] Other wonders were announced from
+various parts of Italy,[662] and the decemviri were directed to have
+recourse to the Sibylline books, except for the _procuratio_ of one
+miracle, common in a volcanic country, the fall of pebble-rain.[663]
+This had a _procuratio_ to itself by settled custom, the _novendiale
+sacrum_,[664] an expiation parallel with that which, in the religion of
+the family, followed a birth or a death. For the rest, the whole city
+was subjected to _lustratio_,[665] and, in fact, the whole population
+was busy with the work. A _lectisternium_ was ordered for Iuventas,[666]
+the deity of the young recruits, a _supplicatio_ for Hercules at
+one of his temples, and five special victims were ordered for
+_Genius_--directions which have been variously interpreted. I am
+disposed to think of them as referring to the capacity of the State to
+increase its male population in the face of military peril. That the
+authorities were looking ahead is clear from the fact next stated, that
+one of the praetors had to undertake a special vow if the State should
+survive for ten years. These measures, ordered by the books, "magna ex
+parte levaverant religione animos." Unfortunately, the wayward consul
+Flaminius spoilt their endeavours by wilfully neglecting his religious
+duties at the Capitol, and also at the Alban mount, where he should have
+presided at the Latin festival, and hurrying secretly to the seat of
+war, lest his command should be interfered with by the aristocrats.
+
+Spring came on, and with the immediate prospect of a crisis the
+_religio_ broke out afresh.[667] Marvels were reported from Sicily and
+Sardinia, as well as Italy and Rome. We need not trouble ourselves with
+them, except so far as to note that one, at least, was pure invention;
+at Falerii, where there was an oracle by lots,[668] one tablet fell out
+of the bundle with the words written on it, _Mavors telum suum
+concutit_. The mental explanation of all this is lost to us;[669] it
+would be interesting to know how the reports really originated and were
+conveyed to Rome. That a widely spread _religio_ is really indicated we
+can hardly doubt. The steps taken to soothe it, the religious
+prescriptions, are of more value to us. The Senate received the reports,
+and the consul then introduced the question of procuration. Besides
+decreeing, no doubt with the sanction of the pontifices, certain
+ordinary measures, the Senate referred the matter to the decemviri and
+the Sibylline books. A _fulmen_, weighing fifty pounds, was awarded to
+Jupiter, and gifts of silver to his consorts in the Capitoline temple.
+Then follow directions which show that the _religio_ of women was to be
+particularly cared for. Juno Regina of the Aventine was to have a
+tribute collected by matrons, and she and the famous Juno Sospita of
+Lanuvium were to have special sacrifices; and it is probable that
+another Juno Regina, she of Ardea, was the object of a sacrifice, which
+the decemviri themselves undertook in the forum of that city.[670] This
+prominence of Juno may be a counterpart, I think, to the special
+attention shown to Hercules and Genius in the previous winter.[671] And
+it is interesting to notice that the libertinae were directed to collect
+money for their own goddess Feronia.[672]
+
+It is evident that Livy, in detailing these directions from the books of
+the pontifices,[673] took them in the chronological order in which they
+were to be carried out; for the day sacred to Juno Regina of the
+Aventine is September 1, that of Feronia November 13, and the last
+instruction he mentions is in December, when Saturnus was to have a
+sacrifice and _lectisternium_ at his own temple in the forum (prepared
+by senators), and a _convivium publicum_. This meant, we note with
+interest, the Graecising of this old Roman cult, which now took the form
+which is so familiar to us of public rejoicing by all classes, including
+slaves.[674] But long before these dates the terrible disaster of
+Trasimene had forced the Senate, at the urgent persuasion of the
+dictator Fabius, to have recourse to the sacred books again.[675] Never
+before had they been so frequently consulted; the ordinary _piacula_ of
+the pontifices were not thought of; a consul had grievously broken the
+_pax deorum_, and what remedy was possible no Roman authority could
+tell. The prescriptions of the books were many and various; the most
+interesting of them is the famous _ver sacrum_, an old Italian custom,
+already referred to, but here prescribed by a Greek authority. This was
+submitted to the people in Comitia, and carried with quaint provisions
+suited to protect them against any unconscious mistake in carrying out
+the vow, such as might produce further _religio_. We will only notice
+that though, according to the old tradition, it was to Mars that the
+Italian stocks were wont in time of famine and distress to dedicate the
+whole agricultural produce of the year, together with the male children
+born that spring,[676] in this crisis it is to Jupiter that the vow is
+made. It is the Roman people only who here make the vow, and they make
+it, I doubt not, to that great Jupiter of the Capitol who for 300 years
+has been their guardian, and in whose temple are kept the sacred books
+that ordered it.[677]
+
+But the authorities were determined to make now a supreme effort to
+still the alarm, and to restore the people to cheerfulness. They went on
+to vow _ludi magni_, _i.e._ extra games beside the usual yearly _ludi
+Romani_, at a cost of 333,333 and one-third asses, three being the
+sacred number. Then a _supplicatio_ was decreed, which was attended not
+only by the urban population, but by crowds from the country, and for
+three days the decemviri superintended a _lectisternium_ on a grand
+scale, such as had never been seen in Rome before, in which twelve
+deities in pairs, Roman and Greek indistinguishable from each other,
+were seen reclining on cushions. If Wissowa interprets this
+rightly,[678] as I think he does, it marks a turning-point in the
+religious history of Rome. The old distinction between _di indigetes_
+and _di novensiles_ now vanishes for good; the showy Greek ritual is
+applied alike to Roman and to Greek deities; the Sibylline books have
+conquered the _ius divinum_, and the decemviri in religious matters are
+more trusted physicians than the pontifices. The old Roman State
+religion, which we have been so long examining, may be said henceforward
+to exist only in the form of dead bones, which even Augustus will hardly
+be able to make live.
+
+So far, however, all had been orderly and dignified. But after Cannae we
+begin to divine that the stress of disaster is telling more severely on
+the nervous fibre of the people. Two Vestals were found guilty of
+adultery always a suspicious event; in such times a wicked rumour once
+spread would have its own way. One killed herself; the other was buried
+alive at the Colline gate. A _scriba pontificis_, who had seduced one of
+them, was beaten to death by the pontifex maximus. Such a violation of
+the _pax deorum_ was itself a prodigium, and again the books were
+consulted, and an embassy was sent to Delphi with Fabius Pictor as
+leader.[679] Greece is looming ever larger in the eyes of the frightened
+Roman.
+
+Under such circumstances it is hardly astonishing to read of a new (or
+almost new) and horrible rite, in which a Greek man and woman and a
+Gallic man and woman (slaves, no doubt) were buried alive in the _forum
+boarium_ in a hole closed by a big stone, which had already, says Livy,
+been used for human victims--"minime Romano sacro." As in the case of
+the Vestals, blood-shedding is avoided, but the death is all the more
+horrible. What are we to make of such barbarism? Technically, it must
+have been a sacrifice to Tellus and the Manes, like the _devotio_ of
+Decius, and like that also, it probably had in it a substratum of
+magic.[680] As regards the choice of victims it baffles us, for if we
+can understand the selection of a Gallic pair at a time when the Gauls
+of North Italy were taking Hannibal's side, it is not so easy to see why
+the Greeks were just now the objects of public animosity. Diels has
+suggested that Gelo, son of Hiero of Syracuse, deserted Rome for
+Carthage after Cannae,[681] and wanting a better explanation we may
+accept this, and imagine, if we can, that the cruel death of a pair of
+Greek slaves need not be taken as expressing any general feeling of
+antagonism or hatred for things Greek. But, after all, the most
+astonishing fact in the whole story is this--that the abominable
+practice lasted into the Empire; Pliny, at least, emphatically states
+that his own age had seen it, and heard the solemn form of prayer which
+the magister of the quindecemviri used to dictate over the victims.[682]
+Pliny, we may note, also speaks of the _forum boarium_ as the scene of
+the sacrifice, where also the first gladiatorial games were
+exhibited.[683] Rome was already accustomed to see horrors there.
+
+As we have now reached the climax of the religious panic of these years,
+I may pause here for a moment to refer to an interesting matter which I
+mentioned in my third lecture. At this very time, if we accept Wissowa's
+conjecture, the twenty-seven puppets of straw known as Argei, which were
+thrown over the _pons sublicius_ by the Vestals on the ides of May, were
+being substituted as surrogates for the sacrifice by drowning of the
+same number of Greeks (Argei); an atrocity which he fancies actually
+took place somewhere in the interval between the first and second Punic
+wars, under orders found in the Sibylline books.[684] All scholars know
+that there were in the four regions of the old city twenty-seven (or
+twenty-four) chapels, _sacella_, which were also called Argei, and have
+caused great trouble to topographers and archaeologists.[685] To
+complete his hypothesis, Wissowa conjectures that these too date from
+this same age, and were distributed over the city in order to take away
+the miasma caused by some great pestilence or other trouble, of which,
+owing to the loss of Livy's second decade, we have no information. But
+neither have we a scrap of information about the building of the
+chapels, or the drowning of the twenty-seven Greeks, an atrocity so
+abominable that the only way in which we might conceivably account for
+its disappearance in the records would be the hypothesis of a conspiracy
+of silence, an impossible thing at Rome. The loss of Livy's second
+decade cannot of itself be an explanation; such an event is just what an
+epitomator would have seized on, yet there is no trace of it in the
+surviving epitomes, nor in any other author who may have had Livy before
+him. Varro knew nothing of it, so far as we can tell; where he refers to
+the Argei he makes no mention of such an astonishing origin either of
+puppets or chapels. If there had been a record in the books of the
+pontifices, it is impossible to imagine that he was not aware of it.
+
+On the contrary, he quotes no official record, but a line of Ennius
+which attributes the origin of the Argei to Numa:[686]
+
+  libaque fictores Argeos et tutulatos.
+
+Now Ennius was born in 239[687] B.C., and was, therefore, living when
+the whole astonishing business began. How does he come to ascribe to
+Numa institutions which were to himself exactly as the building of the
+Forth Bridge might be to an Edinburgh man of middle age? Why, too, if
+these institutions were of such recent date, did the Romans of the last
+two centuries B.C. invent all sorts of wild explanations of them, at
+which Wissowa very properly scoffs? It is for him to explain why these
+explanations were needed. It is inconceivable that in a large city, with
+colleges of priests preserving religious traditions and formulae, all
+memory of the remarkable origin of _sacella_ and puppets should have so
+completely vanished as to leave room for the growth of such a crop of
+explanations. These will be found in my _Roman Festivals_, p. 112, and
+whoever reads them will conclude at once, I am sure, that the Romans
+knew nothing at all about the true history of the Argei. We may still
+class this curious ceremony with some of the primitive magical or
+quasi-magical rites of the ancient settlement. We are not entitled to
+cite it as an example of the growing savagery of this trying period; and
+if it be argued that it is an example rather of humanity, because for
+the original victims straw puppets were substituted, the answer is that
+even if we were to grant the human sacrifice, the surrogation of puppets
+is a most unlikely thing to have happened.[688] It is a rare practice;
+Wissowa himself judiciously rejects it as an explanation of such objects
+as _oscilla_ and _maniae_. You cannot adopt it when you choose, to
+explain a difficulty, and then reject it when you choose. Why, one may
+ask, was this humane method not applied also to the two pairs of Gauls
+and Greeks just mentioned? But I need not pursue the subject further; we
+may be satisfied to reflect that from an anthropological point of view
+the Argei need never have been anything more than puppets.[689]
+
+But to return to the religious history of the war. It would seem that
+the extraordinary series of performances ordered during the depression
+and despair that followed Cannae had succeeded for the time in quieting
+the _religio_. Fabius Pictor too had returned from Delphi,[690] and
+brought home in what seems to be hexameter verse instructions as to the
+worship of certain deities, with injunctions to the Romans to send gifts
+to the Pythian Apollo if prosperity should return to them, and ending
+with the significant words, "lasciviam (disorderly excitement) a vobis
+prohibete," which may be interpreted as "keep quiet, and do not get into
+a religious panic." The hexameters were Greek, but were translated for
+the benefit of the people; and Fabius publicly told how he had himself
+obeyed the voice of the oracle by sacrificing to the deities it named,
+and had worn the wreath, the sign that he was accomplishing religious
+work, during the whole of his journey home. This wreath he now deposited
+on the altar of Apollo. This was in 216, and it is remarkable that we
+hear of no new outbreak of _prodigia_, the normal symptom of _religio_,
+till the next year. Then we have a list; as Livy says,[691] "simplices
+et religiosi homines" were ready with them at any time. A panic arose in
+Rome, not strictly of a religious kind, which shows the nervousness of
+the population; a rumour went about that an army had been seen on the
+Janiculum, but men who were on the spot refuted it. In this case the
+Sibylline books were not consulted, but Etruscan haruspices were called
+in, who simply ordered a _supplicatio_ of the new kind, at the
+_pulvinaria_. This is the first, or almost the first instance of these
+experts being consulted; earlier statements of the kind are probably
+apocryphal, as I pointed out in the last lecture. It is not clear why
+the authorities had recourse to them at this moment; but I am inclined
+to think that the old remedies even of the Sibylline books and their
+keepers were getting stale, and that while it was thought undesirable to
+excite the people by new rites, it was felt that the familiar ones might
+gain some new prestige by being recommended by new experts. The old
+prescription, given by a new physician, may gain in authority. The next
+year again, 213, brought another crop of _prodigia_, but Livy dismisses
+them with the simple words, "His procuratis ex decreto pontificum."[692]
+It is reasonable to suppose that a reaction was taking place in the
+minds of the senators and pontifices, and that they were determined to
+take as little notice as possible of disturbing symptoms, relying on the
+prestige of the Delphic oracle, and acting on its advice to suppress
+_lascivia_.
+
+But in this same year the _lascivia_ broke out again with unprecedented
+force. The cause was not only, as Livy explains it, the dreary
+continuance of the war with varying success; if we read between the
+lines we may guess that the break-up of family life occasioned by the
+deaths of so many heads of houses and their sons, had opened the way for
+_feminine_ excitement and for the introduction of external rites such as
+an old Roman _paterfamilias_ would no more have tolerated than the
+pontifices themselves. "Tanta religio," says Livy,[693] "et ea magna ex
+parte externa, civitatem incessit, _ut aut homines, aut dii repente alii
+viderentur facti_"; it seemed as if the old religious system, in spite
+of all its highly formalised apparatus of expiation, was being
+deliberately set aside. "Nec iam in secreto modo atque intra parietes
+abolebantur Romani ritus: sed in publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque
+(this is the hardest cut of all) _mulierum_ turba erat, nec
+sacrificantium nec precantium deos patrio more." To understand such an
+amazing religious rebellion against the _ius divinum_ we must remember
+that 80,000 men had fallen at Cannae, besides great numbers in the two
+previous years, and that therefore the real effective human support of
+that _ius_ had in great part given way. Private priests and prophets,
+vermin to be found all over the Graeco-Roman world, had captured for
+gain the minds of helpless women, and of the ruined and despairing
+population of the country now flocking into Rome. The aediles and
+triumviri capitales, responsible for the order of the city, could do
+nothing; the Senate had to commission the praetor urbanus to rid the
+people of these _religiones_. When in those days the Senate and
+magistrates took such a matter in hand, further rebellion was
+impossible. All we are told is that the praetor issued an edict ordering
+that all who possessed private forms of prophecy or prayer, or rules of
+sacrifice, should bring them to him before the kalends of April next;
+and that no one should sacrifice in public with any strange or foreign
+rite. I do not know that the wonderful good sense of this decree has
+ever been commented on. To take violent or cruel measures would have
+been dangerous in the extreme at such a psychological moment. Livy tells
+this story at the very end of the year 213, and the kalends of April
+referred to must be those of the next year; there was, therefore, plenty
+of time to obey the order, and in the meantime the excitement might
+subside of itself. The mischief was not absolutely and suddenly
+stopped; in private houses the new rites were allowed to go on,--a
+policy adhered to in time to come,--but the _ius divinum_ of the Roman
+State, the public worship of the Roman deities, must not be tampered
+with. This wise policy seems to have succeeded for the time; for even
+after the capture of Tarentum by Hannibal, and the prospect of an attack
+in that direction from Macedonia, we do not hear of any renewed
+outbreak. _Prodigia_ are reported as usual, but the remedy thought
+sufficient is only a single day's _supplicatio_ and a _sacrum
+novendiale_. The consuls, however, in the true Roman spirit, devoted
+themselves for several days to religious duties before leaving Rome for
+their commands.
+
+This was at the beginning of the year 212. But after the Latin festival
+at the end of April we hear of a new _religio_, and a very curious
+one.[694] It looks as though certain Latin oracles, written in Saturnian
+verse, and attributed to an apocryphal _vates_ of the suspicious name of
+Marcius, had got abroad in the panic of the previous year, and had been
+confiscated by the praetor urbanus charged, as we saw, with the
+suppression of religious mischief. He had handed them on to the new
+praetor urbanus of 212. One of them prophesied the disaster of Cannae
+which had already happened; the other gave directions for instituting
+games in honour of Apollo, including one which placed the religious part
+of these _ludi_ in the hands of the decemviri. I strongly suspect that
+the whole transaction was a plan on the part of the Senate and the
+religious colleges, in order to quiet the minds of the people by a new
+religious festival in honour of a great deity of whose prestige every
+one had heard, for he had been long established in Rome; he is now to
+take a more worthy place there, to be incorporated in the _ius divinum_
+in a new sense, in gratitude perhaps for his recent advice given to
+Fabius Pictor at Delphi. Possibly also he is to be regarded here as the
+Greek deity of healing, though we do not hear of any pestilence at the
+time; but four years later it was in consequence of an epidemic that
+these _ludi_ were renewed and made permanent. The main object of the
+moment was no doubt to amuse the people and occupy their minds. The
+whole population took part in the games, wearing wreaths as partakers in
+a sacred rite; the matrons were not left out; and every one kept his
+house door open and feasted before the eyes of his fellow-citizens.[695]
+
+If it be asked why these games in honour of a Greek god should have been
+suggested by a Latin oracle, the answer is, I think, that the latter was
+used rather as a pretext for a pre-conceived plan; if it be true that
+the Marcian verses had won some prestige among the vulgar, it was an
+adroit stroke to invent one that might be used in this way. This is the
+only way in which we can satisfactorily account for the direction to the
+decemviri to undertake the necessary sacrifices. The government seizes a
+chance of taking the material of _religio_ out of the hands of the
+vulgar and utilising it for its own purposes. It was clever too to give
+the alleged Latin oracles the sanction of the _Graecus ritus_;
+"decemviri Graeco ritu hostiis sacra faciant," says the oracle. The
+keepers consulted the sacred books as to the projected _ludi_, and
+henceforward, as it would seem, these Latin oracles were placed in their
+keeping to be added to the Sibylline books in the collection on the
+Capitol. The amalgamation of Roman and Greek religion is complete. If
+there were any doubt of it after the _lectisternia_ to the twelve gods
+which we noticed just now, all such doubt is removed by the religious
+events of this year 212--that famous year in which Hannibal came within
+sight of Rome, and fell away again, never to return.
+
+The student of Roman religious history, and of all religious psychology,
+as he follows carefully the extracts from the priestly records which
+Livy has embodied in his story of the last years of the great struggle,
+will find much to interest him. Even little things have here their
+significance. He will still find relics of the scruple about the
+minutiae of the _ius divinum_ to which the Romans had become habituated
+under priestly rule--_religio_ in that sense in which it is least really
+religious. He will find a Flamen Dialis resigning his priesthood because
+he had made a blunder in putting the _exta_ of a victim on the
+altar;[696] only too ready, it may have been, to take an opportunity of
+getting free of those numerous taboos which deprived the priest of
+Jupiter of all possibility of active life. Such a conjecture finds
+support in the curious fact that his successor was a youth of such bad
+character that his relations induced the pontifex maximus to select him
+for the sacred post, in hopes that the restrictive discipline he would
+have to undergo might improve his morals and make him a better
+citizen.[697] About the later history of this youth I may have something
+to say in the next lecture. Again, we find _religio_ of the scrupulous
+kind sadly worrying the stout old warrior Marcellus shortly before his
+death[698]: "Aliae atque aliae obiectae animo religiones tenebant." One
+of these _religiones_ was a curious one; he had vowed a temple of Honos
+and Virtus--two deities together; and the pontifices made difficulties,
+insisting that two deities could not inhabit the same _cella_, for if it
+should be struck by lightning, how were you to tell, in conducting the
+_procuratio_, to which of them to sacrifice? The difficulty was solved
+by building two temples. Such quaintnesses of the old type of religious
+idea are thus still found, but they are becoming mere survivals.
+
+The _prodigia_ continue, and occasionally, as a new crisis in the war
+was known to be approaching, became exacerbated. In 208, just before the
+old consul Marcellus left the city to meet his death, he and his
+colleague were terribly pestered with them, and could not succeed in
+their sacrificing (_litare_). For many days they failed to secure the
+_pax deorum_.[699] When it was known that Hasdrubal was on his way from
+Spain, and that the greatest peril of the war was approaching, special
+steps were taken to make sure of that _pax_.[700] The pontifices ordered
+that twenty-seven maidens--a number of magical significance both in
+Greece and Italy[701]--should chant a _carmen_ composed by the poet
+Livius Andronicus; and in the elaborate ritual that followed, as the
+result of the striking of the temple of Juno on the Aventine by
+lightning, the decemviri and haruspices from Etruria also had a share.
+The procession of the maidens, singing and dancing through the city till
+they reached the temple of Juno by the Clivus Publicius, was a new
+feature in ritual, and must have been a striking one. Doubtless it was
+all a part of a deliberate policy to keep the women of the city in good
+humour, and in touch with the religion of the State, instead of going
+after other gods, as they had already gone and were again to go with
+amazing and perilous fervour. For Juno Regina of the Aventine was their
+special deity; and in this case they were authorised--all _matronae_
+living within ten miles of the city--to contribute in money to a noble
+gift to the temple.
+
+Hasdrubal was defeated and killed (207), and the danger passed away.
+Then, when the news reached Rome (if Livy's account may be relied on),
+there followed such an outburst of gratitude to the deities as we have
+never yet met with, and shall not meet with again in Roman history.[702]
+It was not only that the State ordered a _supplicatio_ of three days
+thanksgiving; men and women alike took advantage of it to press in
+crowds to the temples, the materfamilias with her children, and in her
+finest robes: "cum omni solutae metu, perinde ac si debellatum foret,
+deis immortalibus grates agerent." I would draw attention to the fact
+that here is no mere fulfilment of a vow, of a bargain, as some will
+have it; in this moment of real religious emotion the first thought is
+one of thankfulness that the _pax deorum_ is restored, and that the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe, though in the humble form of
+these dwellers in Roman temples, would permit the long-suffering people
+once more to feel themselves in right relation to him. As we go on with
+our studies in the two centuries that follow, let us bear this moment in
+mind; it will remind us that the religious instinct never entirely dies
+out in the heart of any people.
+
+I would fain stop at this point, and have done with the war and its
+religious troubles; but there is one more event which cannot be
+omitted,--the solemn advent of a new deity, this time neither Greek nor
+Italian. After the Metaurus battle, the dreaded Hannibal yet remained in
+Italy, and so long as he was there the Romans could know no security. So
+far as religion could help them every possible means had been used;
+there seemed no expedient left. In 205 a pretext for inspecting the
+Sibylline books was found in an unusual burst of pebble-rain; and there,
+as it was given out, an oracle was deciphered, which foretold that
+Hannibal would have to leave Italy if the Magna Mater of Pessinus were
+brought to Rome.[703] In whose brain this idea originated we do not
+know, but it was a brilliant one. The eastern cult was wholly unknown at
+Rome, was something entirely new and strange, a fresh and hopeful
+prescription for an exhausted patient. The project was seized on with
+avidity, and supported by the influence of Delphi and of that strange
+soldier mystic the great Scipio.[704] The best man in the State was to
+receive the goddess, and when, after many months, she came to Italy in
+the form of a black stone, it was Scipio who was chosen for the duty.
+For Attalus, king of Pergamus, had consented to let her go from her
+Phrygian home; and when she arrived at Ostia, Scipio with all the Roman
+matrons went thither by land; alone he boarded the ship, received the
+goddess from her priests, and carried her to land, where the noblest
+women of the State received her,--received the black stone, that
+is,--and carried it in their arms in turns, while all Rome poured out to
+meet her, and burned incense at their doors as she passed by. And
+praying that she might enter willingly and propitiously into the city,
+they carried her into the temple of Victory on the Palatine on the 4th
+of April, henceforward to be a festal day, the popular Megalesia.
+
+This Magna Mater was the first Oriental deity introduced into Rome, and
+the last deity introduced by the Sibylline books. It is probable that no
+Roman then knew much about the real nature of her cult and its noisy
+orgiastic character and other degrading features; it was sufficient to
+have found a new prescription, and once more to have given the people,
+and especially the women, a happy moment of hope and confidence. But the
+truth came out soon enough; and though the goddess must have her own
+priests, it was ordered by a _Senatusconsultum_ that no Roman should
+take part in her service.[705] Though established in the heart of the
+city, and ere long to have her own temple, she was to continue a foreign
+deity outside the _ius divinum_. As such she belongs to those worships
+with which I am not called upon by the plan of these lectures to deal.
+
+Hannibal withdrew at last from Italy, and in 202 the war came to an end.
+Looking at the divine inhabitants of the city in that year, we may see
+in them almost as much a _colluvies nationum_ as in the human population
+itself. Under such circumstances neither the old City-state nor its
+religion could any longer continue to exist. The decay of the one
+reflects that of the other; the failure to trust the _di indigetes_, the
+constant desire to try new and foreign manifestations of divine power,
+were sure signs that the State was passing into a new phase. In the next
+two centuries Rome gained the world and lost her own soul.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XIV
+
+    [655] The story is told in Livy x. 40 and 41, and must
+    have been taken by him from the records of the
+    pontifices, which had almost certainly begun by this
+    date (see above, p. 283). While on these chapters the
+    reader may also note the curious vow of this Papirius to
+    Jupiter Victor at the end of ch. xlii.; and the
+    description of the religious horrors of the Samnites
+    witnessed by the army, and especially the words
+    "respersae fando infandoque sanguine arae" (see above,
+    p. 196), which clearly indicate a practice abhorrent to
+    Romans.
+
+    [656] Val. Max. i. 5. 3 and 4; Cic. _de Div._ i. 16. 29;
+    Livy, _Epit._ xix.
+
+    [657] The _locus classicus_ is Livy xxi. 63.
+
+    [658] Cic. _de Div._ ii. 36. 77. I find an illustration
+    of this effect of lightning in Major Bruce's _Twenty
+    Years in the Himalaya_, p. 130: "Directly the ice-axes
+    begin to hum (in a storm) they should be put away."
+
+    [659] He notices it in connection with the war only in
+    iii. 112. 6, after the battle of Cannae: a striking
+    passage, but cast in general language.
+
+    [660] Livy xxi. 62 foll. Wissowa comments on this
+    passage in _R.K._ p. 223.
+
+    [661] See the author's _Social Life at Rome in the Age
+    of Cicero_, p. 28 foll.
+
+    [662] The rule seems to have been that no _prodigia_
+    were accepted, and _procurata_ by the authorities, which
+    were announced from beyond the ager Romanus. See Mommsen
+    in O. Jahn's edition of the _Periochae_ of Livy's books,
+    and of Iulius Obsequens, preface, p. xviii. But this
+    does not appear from the records of this war; and, at
+    any rate, the religious panic was Italian as well as
+    Roman.
+
+    [663] Red sand still occasionally falls in Italy,
+    brought by a sirocco from the Sahara, and this accounts
+    for the _prodigium_, "_pluit sanguine_," which is often
+    met with. I have a record of it in the _Daily Mail_ of
+    March 11, 1901. But the _lapides_ were probably of
+    volcanic origin.
+
+    [664] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 328.
+
+    [665] This must have been a special performance of the
+    yearly Amburbium, of which unluckily we known hardly
+    anything (Wissowa, _R.K._ 130).
+
+    [666] _R.F._ p. 56, where unfortunately the word is
+    misprinted Pubertas. Wissowa, _R.K._ 126, thinks of Hebe
+    in a Latin form; in his view it must be a Greek deity,
+    being brought in by the decemviri and the books. But we
+    shall find that these begin now to interfere with Roman
+    cults, and in such a crisis we need not wonder at it.
+    Wissowa allows that we do not know where this Hebe can
+    have come from, nor, I may add, why she should have
+    come. That there was some special meaning in the
+    combination Juventas, Hercules, Genius I feel sure, and
+    I conjecture that it may be found in the urgent need of
+    a supply of _iuvenes_. Hercules and Genius seem both to
+    represent the male principle of life (_R.F._ 142 foll.).
+    Juventas speaks for herself, but we may remember that
+    the _tirones_ sacrificed to her on the day of the
+    Liberalia (17th March), and that Liber is almost
+    certainly another form of Genius (_R.F._ 55).
+
+    [667] Livy xxii. 1.
+
+    [668] It is only from this passage that we know of the
+    oracle. See Bouche-Leclercq, _Hist. de divination_, iv.
+    146. That of Caere is mentioned in Livy xxi. 62. Both
+    cities were mainly Etruscan.
+
+    [669] Livy xxvii. 37 betrays some knowledge of the
+    infectious nature of prodigy-reporting: "Sub unius
+    prodigii, ut fit, mentionem, alia quoque nuntiata."
+
+    [670] Pliny, _N.H._ xxxv. 115, where the verses are
+    quoted as inscribed on the paintings in her temple at
+    Ardea. Note that Juno is here called the wife of Jupiter
+    by a Greek artist from Asia.
+
+    [671] For Juno as the woman's deity and guardian spirit,
+    see above, p. 135. To refer this prominence of the
+    goddess to her connection with Carthage and mythical
+    enmity to the Romans, as we see it in the _Aeneid_, is
+    premature; we must suppose that each Juno was still a
+    local deity, and no general conception in the later
+    Greek sense is as yet possible.
+
+    [672] For Feronia, see _R.F._ 252 foll.
+
+    [673] The _procurationes_ ordered were doubtless
+    recorded in the _annales maximi_. The books of the
+    decemviri, we must suppose, were burnt with the oracles
+    in 38 B.C. (Diels, _Sib. Blaetter_, p. 6 note).
+
+    [674] Wissowa, _R.K._ 170; Marq. 586 foll.
+
+    [675] Livy xxii. 9-10.
+
+    [676] See above, p. 204 foll.; Strabo, p. 250; Festus,
+    p. 106.
+
+    [677] If it be asked why Jupiter is here without his
+    titles Optimus Maximus, the answer is that just below,
+    where _ludi magni_ are vowed to him, as all such _ludi_
+    were, he is also simply Jupiter.
+
+    [678] _R.K._ 356. In his view the new amalgam of twelve
+    gods was known as _di Consentes_, an expression of
+    Varro's which has been much discussed. See
+    Mueller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. 83; _C.I.L._ vi. 102;
+    Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, 190 foll. In _de Re
+    Rust._ i. 1, Varro speaks of twelve _dei consentes,
+    urbani_, whose gilded statues stood in the forum.
+
+    [679] Livy xxii. 57.
+
+    [680] See above, p. 207. Orosius' account of this is
+    worth reading; he calls it "obligamentum hoc magicum"
+    (iv. 13). He mentions a Gallic pair and a Greek woman,
+    and dates it in 226 (227 according to Wissowa,
+    _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 227). Cp. Plut. _Marcell._
+    3. Livy's words, "iam ante hostiis humanis, minime
+    Romano sacro, imbutum," agree with this. There must have
+    been an outbreak of feeling and recourse to the
+    Sibylline books in the stress of the Gallic war.
+
+    [681] _Sib. Blaetter_, p. 86.
+
+    [682] Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 12 and 13. Plutarch, _l.c._,
+    confirms him. Pliny, it may be noticed, is here writing
+    of spells, etc., among which he classes the _precatio_
+    of this rite.
+
+    [683] The first gladiatorial show was in 264 B.C. (Val.
+    Max. ii. 4. 7).
+
+    [684] The arguments are stated fully in his _Gesammelte
+    Abhandlungen_, 211 foll.
+
+    [685] The best account of these, or rather of the Argean
+    itinerary, of which fragments are preserved in Varro,
+    _L.L._ v. 45 foll., is still that of Jordan in his
+    _Roemische Topographie_, ii. 603 foll. The extracts seem
+    to be from a record of directions for the passage of a
+    procession round the _sacella_ (or _sacraria_, Varro v.
+    48). Though quoting these, Varro has nothing to say of
+    their origin, which would be strange indeed if they were
+    of such comparatively late date.
+
+    [686] In Varro, _L.L._ vii. 44. There is no doubt that
+    the line is from Ennius; it is also quoted as his in
+    Festus, p. 355.
+
+    [687] Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_, vol. i. ed.
+    3, p. 110.
+
+    [688] Some examples of substitution will be found in
+    Westermarck, _Origin and Development of the Moral
+    Ideas_, i. 469. It is of course a well-known phenomenon,
+    but is now generally rejected as an explanation of
+    _oscilla_, _maniae_, etc. (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 355,
+    and Frazer, _G.B._ ii. 344). I know of no case of it on
+    good evidence at Rome, unless it be one in the
+    _devotio_, of an effigy for the soldier, ("ni moritur,"
+    Livy viii. 10).
+
+    [689] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 117, with references to
+    Mannhardt; Frazer, _G.B._ ii. 256; Farnell, _Cults of
+    the Greek States_, v. 181.
+
+    [690] Livy xxiii. 11. See also Diels, _Sib. Blaetter_,
+    pp. 11 and 92.
+
+    [691] Livy xxiv. 10.
+
+    [692] _Ib._ xxiv. 44.
+
+    [693] _Ib._ xxv. 1.
+
+    [694] _Ib._ xxv. 12. On the Marcian oracles and their
+    metre, see Bouche-Leclercq, _Hist. de divination_, iv.
+    128 foll.; Wissowa, _R.K._ 463 note 2; Diels, _op. cit._
+    p. 7 foll.
+
+    [695] See above, Lect. xi. p. 262. For the Apolline
+    games, _R.F._ p. 179 foll.
+
+    [696] Livy xxvi. 23.
+
+    [697] _Ib._ xxvii. 8.
+
+    [698] _Ib._ xxvii. 25; Plut. _Marcellus_, p. 28.
+
+    [699] _Ib._ xxvii. 23.
+
+    [700] _Ib._ xxvii. 37.
+
+    [701] The idea that this number was "chthonic" and a
+    monopoly of the Sibylline utterances was started by
+    Diels, _Sib. Blaetter_, p. 42 foll., with imperfect
+    anthropological knowledge, and has led Wissowa and
+    others into wrong conclusions, _e.g._ as to the Argei.
+    See an article criticising Wissowa in _Classical Rev._
+    1902, p. 211. On the whole subject of the number three
+    and its multiples, see Usener, "Dreizahl," in
+    _Rheinisches Museum_ for 1903, and Goudy, _Trichotomy in
+    Roman Law_ (Oxford, 1910), p. 5 foll.
+
+    [702] Livy xxvii. 51. For gratitude among Romans, see
+    above, p. 202. A gift of thanksgiving was sent to Delphi
+    (Livy xxviii. 45).
+
+    [703] _Ib._ xxix. 10 foll. For other references see
+    _R.F._ p. 69 foll.
+
+    [704] _Ib._ xxix. 10.
+
+    [705] Dion. Hal. ii. 19; _R.F._ p. 70.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XV
+
+AFTER THE HANNIBALIC WAR
+
+
+
+The long and deadly struggle with Hannibal ended in 201 B.C., and no
+sooner was peace concluded than the Senate determined on war with
+Macedon. This decision is a critical moment in Roman history, for it
+initiated not only a long period of advance and the eventual supremacy
+of Rome in the Eastern Mediterranean, but also an age of narrow
+aristocratic rule which remained unquestioned till revolution broke out
+with Tiberius Gracchus. But we cannot safely deny that it was a just
+decision. Hannibal was alive, and his late ally, Philip of Macedon, now
+in sinister coalition with Antiochus of Syria, might be capable of
+invading exhausted Italy. To have an enemy once more in the peninsula
+would probably be fatal to Rome and Italy, and one more effort was
+necessary in order to avert such a calamity; an effort that must be made
+at once, while Carthage lay prostrate.
+
+It is necessary to grasp fully the danger of the moment if we are to
+understand the part played by religion (if I may use the word) in
+bringing about the desired result. It was most difficult to persuade a
+people worn out by one war that it was essential for their safety that
+they should at once face another. Historians naturally look on the
+success of the Senate in this task as due to its own prestige, and to
+the skilful oratory of the Consul in the speech to the people which Livy
+has reproduced in his own admirable rhetoric. But a closer examination
+of the chapters at the beginning of the historian's thirty-first book
+will show that religion too was used, in accordance with the experience
+of the late war, to put pressure on the voters and to inspire their
+confidence. As we saw in the last lecture, they had been constantly
+cheered and braced by religious expedients,--their often-recurring
+_religio_ had been soothed and satisfied; now the same means were to be
+used positively rather than negatively, to help in urging them to a
+definite course of action. Some sixty years later Polybius, writing of
+the extreme religiousness of the Romans, expressed his conviction that
+religion was invented for political objects, and only serves as the
+means of bridling the fickle and unreasoning Demos; for if it were
+possible to have a State consisting of wise men only, no such
+institution would be necessary.[706] The philosophic historian is here
+thinking mainly of the way in which religion was turned to account by
+the Roman authorities in his own lifetime. We cannot have a better
+illustration of this than the events of the year 200 B.C.
+
+Already, in the autumn of the previous year, the ground had been
+prepared. To the plebeian games in November there had been added a feast
+of Jupiter (_Iovis epulum_), as had been done more than once during the
+late war.[707] Jupiter, in the form of his image in the Capitoline
+temple, lay on his couch at the feast of the outgoing plebeian
+magistrates, with his face reddened with minium as at a triumph, and
+Juno and Minerva sat each on her _sella_ on either side of him; and to
+give practical point to this show, corn from Africa was distributed at
+four asses the modius, or at most one quarter of the normal price. When
+the new consuls entered on office on the ides of the following March,
+further religious steps were at once taken; the political atmosphere was
+charged with religiosity. On the first day of their office the consuls
+were directed by the Senate, doubtless with the sanction of the
+pontifices, to _sacrifice to such deities as they might select_, with a
+special prayer for the success of the new war which Senate and people
+(the latter by a clever anticipation) are contemplating. Haruspices from
+Etruria had been adroitly procured, and no doubt primed, who reported
+that the gods had accepted this prayer, and that the examination of the
+victims portended extension of the Roman frontier, victory, and
+triumph.[708] Yet, in spite of all this, the people were not yet
+willing; in almost all the centuries, when the voting for the war took
+place, they rejected the proposal of the Senate. Then the consul
+Sulpicius was put up to address them, and at the end of Livy's version
+of his speech we find him clinching his political arguments with
+religious ones. "Ite in suffragium, bene iuvantibus dis, et quae Patres
+censuerunt, vos iubete. Huius vobis sententiae non consul modo auctor
+est, sed etiam di immortales; qui mihi sacrificanti ... laeta omnia
+prosperaque portendere." Thus adjured, the people yielded; and as a
+reward, and to stifle any _religio_ that might be troubling them, they
+are treated to a _supplicatio_ of three days, including an "_obsecratio
+circa omnia pulvinaria_" for the happy result of the war; and once more,
+after the levy was over,--a heavy tax on the patience of the
+people,--the consul made vows of _ludi_ and a special gift to Jupiter,
+in case the State should be intact and prospering five years from that
+day.[709]
+
+Exactly the same religious machinery was used a few years later to gain
+the consent of the people for a war of far less obvious necessity,--that
+with Antiochus of Syria. It was at once successful. The haruspices were
+again on the spot and gave the same report; and then, _solutis religione
+animis_, the centuries sanctioned the war. The vow that followed, of
+which Livy gives a modernised wording, was for _ludi_ to last ten
+continuous days, and for gifts of money at all the _pulvinaria_, where
+now, as we gather from these same chapters, the images of the gods were
+displayed on their couches during the greater part of the year.[710]
+
+We may realise in accounts like these how far we have left behind us the
+old Roman religion we discussed in earlier lectures. That religion did
+not any longer supply the material needed; it was not suited to be the
+handmaid of a political or military policy; it was a real religion, not
+invented for political purposes, to use Polybius' language, but itself a
+part of the life of the State, whether active in war, or law, or
+politics. In the ceremonies I have just been describing almost all the
+features are foreign,--the _pulvinaria_, the haruspices, perhaps even
+the _Iovis epulum_; and we feel that though the _religio_ in the minds
+of the people is doubtless a genuine thing, yet the means taken to
+soothe it are far from genuine,--they are _mala medicamenta_, quack
+remedies. Such is the method by which a shrewd, masterly government
+compels the obedience of a _populus religiosus_. After long experience
+of such methods, can we wonder that Polybius could formulate his famous
+view of religion, or that a great and good Roman lawyer, himself
+pontifex maximus, could declare that political religion stands quite
+apart from the religion of the poets, or that of the philosophers, and
+must be acted on, whether true or false?[711]
+
+The reporting of _prodigia_ goes on with astonishing vigour in this
+period, and seems to have become endemic. I only mention it here (for we
+have had quite enough of it already) because the question arises whether
+it is now used mainly for political purposes, or to annoy a personal
+rival or enemy. This does not appear clearly from Livy's accounts, but
+in an age of personal and political rivalries, as this undoubtedly was,
+it can hardly have been otherwise. Certain it is that the interests of
+the State were grievously interfered with in this way. The consuls at
+this time, and until 153 B.C., did not enter on office until March 15,
+and they should have been ready to start for their military duties as
+soon as the levies had been completed; instead of which, they were
+constantly delayed by the duty of expiating these marvels. In 199
+Flamininus, whose appointment to the command in Macedonia had of course
+annoyed the friends of the man he was superseding, was delayed in this
+way for the greater part of the year, and yet he is said to have left
+Italy at an earlier date than most consuls.[712] Thus the change to
+January 1 for the beginning of the consular year, which took place in
+153 B.C., was an unavoidable political necessity. Even the Sibylline
+books came to be used for personal and political purposes. In the year
+144 the praetor Marcius Rex was commissioned to repair the Appian and
+Aniensian aqueducts and to construct a new one. The _decemviri sacris
+faciundis_, consulting the books, as it was said, for other reasons,
+found an oracle forbidding the water to be conveyed to the Capitoline
+hill, and seem on this absurd ground to have been able to delay the
+necessary work. Our information is much mutilated, but the real
+explanation seems to be that there was some personal spite against
+Marcius, who, however, eventually completed the work.[713] Nearly a
+century later a Sibylline oracle, beyond doubt invented for the purpose,
+was used to prevent Pompeius from taking an army to Egypt to restore
+Ptolemy Auletes to his throne. But all students of Roman history in the
+last two centuries B.C. are familiar with such cases of the prostitution
+of religion or religious processes, and I have already said enough about
+it in the lecture on divination.[714]
+
+I do not, of course, mean to assert that personal and political motives
+account for all or the greater number of _prodigia_ reported. There is
+plenty of evidence that the genuine old _religio_ could be stirred up by
+real marvels, which the government were bound to expiate in order to
+satisfy public feeling. Thus in 193 B.C. earthquakes were so frequent
+that the Senate could not meet, nor could any public business be done,
+so busy were the consuls with the work of expiation. At last the
+Sibylline books were consulted and the usual religious remedies applied;
+but the spirit of the age is apparent in the edict of the consuls,
+prompted by the Senate, that if _feriae_ had been decreed to take place
+on a certain day for the expiation of an earthquake, no fresh earthquake
+was to be reported on that same day.[715] This delicious edict,
+unparalleled in Roman history, caused the grave Livy to declare that the
+people must have grown tired, not only of the earthquakes, but of the
+_feriae_ appointed to expiate them.
+
+Let us turn to another and more interesting feature of this age, which
+is plainly visible in the sphere of religion, as in other aspects both
+of private and public life: I mean the growth of _individualism_. Men,
+and indeed women also, as we shall see, are beginning to feel and to
+assert their individual importance, as against the strict rules and
+traditions, civil or religious, of the life of the family and the State.
+This is a tendency that had long been at work in Greece, and is
+especially marked in the teaching of the two great ethical schools of
+the post-Alexandrian period, the Epicureans and Stoics. The influence of
+Greece on the Romans was already strong enough to have sown the seeds of
+individualism in Italy; but the tendency was at the same time a natural
+result of enlarged experience and expanding intelligence among the upper
+classes. The second century B.C. shows us many prominent men of strong
+individual character, who assert themselves in ways to which we have not
+been accustomed in Roman history, _e.g._ Scipio the elder, Flamininus,
+Cato, Aemilius Paulus and his son, Scipio Aemilianus; and among lesser
+and less honourable men we see the tendency in the passionate desire for
+personal distinction in the way of military commands, triumphs, and the
+giving of expensive games. This is the age in which we first hear of
+statues and portrait busts of eminent men; and magistrates begin to put
+their names or types connected with their families on the coins which
+they issue.[716]
+
+In religion this tendency is seen mainly in the attempts of the
+individual, often successful, to shake himself free of the restrictions
+of the old _ius divinum_. I pointed out long ago that it was a weak
+point in the old Roman religion that it did little or nothing to
+encourage and develop the individual religious instinct; it was
+formalised as a religion of family and State, and made no appeal, as did
+that of the Jews, to the individual's sense of right and wrong.[717] The
+sense of sin was only present to the Roman individual mind in the form
+of scruple about omissions or mistakes in the performance of religious
+duties. Thus religion lost her chance at Rome as an agent in the
+development of the better side of human nature. As an illustration of
+what I mean I may recall what I said in an early lecture, that the
+spirit of a dead Roman was not thought of as definitely individualised;
+it joined the whole mass of the Manes in some dimly conceived abode
+beneath the earth; there is no singular of the word Manes. It is only in
+the third century B.C. that we first meet with memorial tombstones to
+individuals, like those of the Scipios, and not till the end of the
+Republican period that we find the words Di Manes representing in any
+sense the spirit of the individual departed.[718]
+
+In practical life the quarrel of the individual with the _ius divinum_
+takes the form of protest against the restrictions placed on the old
+sacrificing priesthoods, these of the Flamines and the Rex sacrorum,
+who, unlike the pontifices and augurs, were disqualified from holding a
+secular magistracy.[719] These priesthoods must be filled up, and when a
+vacancy occurred, the pontifex maximus, who retained the power of the
+Rex in this sphere, as a kind of _paterfamilias_ of the whole State,
+selected the persons, and could compel them to serve even if they were
+unwilling. But the interests of public life are now far more attractive
+than the duties of the cults,--the individual wishes to assert himself
+where his self-assertion will be noted and appreciated.
+
+These attempts at emancipation from the _ius divinum_ were not at first
+successful. In 242 a flamen of Mars was elected consul; he hoped to be
+in joint command with his colleague Lutatius of the naval campaign
+against Carthage. But the _ius divinum_ forbade him to leave Italy, and
+the pontifex maximus inexorably enforced it.[720] Of this quarrel we
+have no details; but in 190 a similar case is recorded in full. A flamen
+Quirinalis, elected praetor, who had Sardinia assigned him as his
+province, was stopped by the _ius divinum_ administered by another
+inexorable pontifex maximus; and it was only after a long struggle, in
+which Senate, tribunes, and people all took part, that he was forced to
+submit. So great was his wrath that he was with difficulty persuaded not
+to resign his praetorship.[721] Naturally it became difficult to fill
+these priesthoods, for it was invidious to compel young men of any
+promise to commit what was practically political suicide. The office of
+_rex sacrorum_ was vacant for two years between 210 and 208;[722] and in
+180 Cornelius Dolabella, a _duumvir navalis_, on being selected for this
+priesthood, absolutely refused to obey the pontifex maximus when ordered
+to resign his secular command. He was fined for disobedience, and
+appealed to the people; at the moment when it became obvious that the
+appeal would fail, he contrived to escape by getting up an unlucky omen.
+_Religio inde fuit pontificibus inaugurandi Dolabellae_; and here we
+have the strange spectacle of the _ius divinum_ being used to defeat its
+own ends. Such a state of things needs no comment.[723]
+
+But the most extraordinary story of this kind is that of a flamen of
+Jupiter,--a story which many years ago I told in detail in the
+_Classical Review_. Here I may just be allowed to reproduce it in
+outline. In the year 209 a young C. Valerius Flaccus, the black sheep of
+a great family, was inaugurated against his will as Flamen Dialis by the
+pontifex maximus P. Licinius.[724] It was within the power of the head
+of the Roman religion to use such compulsion, but it must have been
+difficult and unusual to do so without the consent of the victim's
+relations. In this case, as Livy expressly tells us, it was used because
+the lad was of bad character,--_ob adolescentiam negligentem
+luxuriosamque_; and it is pretty plain that the step was suggested by
+his elder brother and other relations, in order to keep him out of
+mischief. For, as we have seen, the taboos on this ancient priesthood
+were numerous and strict, and among the restrictions laid on its holder
+was one which forbade him to leave his house for a single night. Thus we
+learn not only that this priesthood was not much accounted of in those
+days, but also that for the _cura_ and _caerimonia_ of religion a pure
+mind was no longer needed. But it might be utilised as a kind of penal
+settlement for a libertine noble; and it is not impossible that a
+century and a quarter later the attempt to put the boy Julius Caesar
+into the same priesthood, though otherwise represented by the
+historians, may have had the same object.[725] But the strange thing in
+the case of Flaccus is that this very _cura_ and _caerimonia_, if Livy's
+account is to be trusted, had such a wholesome disciplinary effect, that
+the libertine became a model youth, the admiration of his own and other
+families. Relying on his excellent character he even asserted the
+ancient right of this flamen to take his seat in the Senate, a right
+which had long been in abeyance _ob indignitatem flaminum priorum_; and
+he eventually gained his point, in spite of obstinate opposition on the
+part of a praetor. Some years later, in 200, this same man was elected
+curule aedile.[726] This was clearly the first example of an attempt to
+combine the priesthood with a magistracy, for a difficulty at once arose
+and was solved in a way for which no precedent is quoted. Among the
+taboos on this priest there was one forbidding him to take an oath; yet
+the law demanded that a magistrate must take the usual oath within five
+days of entering on office.[727] Flaccus insisted on asserting his
+individuality in spite of the _ius divinum_, and the Senate and people
+both backed him up. The Senate decreed that if he could find some one to
+take the oath for him, the consuls might, if they chose, approach the
+tribune with a view to getting a relieving _plebiscitum_; this was duly
+obtained, and he took the oath by proxy. In his year of office as aedile
+we find him giving expensive _ludi Romani_; and in 184 he only missed
+the praetorship by an unlucky accident.[728] In this story we find the
+self-assertion of an individual supported by Senate, consuls, and people
+in breaking loose from the antiquated restrictions of a bygone age, and
+we cannot but sympathise with it. But Roman history is full of
+surprises, and among these I know none more amazing than the successful
+attempt of Augustus two centuries later to revive this priesthood with
+all its absurdities.[729]
+
+The self-assertion of members of the great families against the _ius
+divinum_ was inevitable, and in the instances just noticed the attitude
+of compromise taken up by the government was only what was to be
+expected in an age of stress and change and new ideas. But in less than
+twenty years after the peace with Carthage this government found itself
+suddenly face to face with what may be called a religious rebellion
+chiefly among the lower orders, including women; and the authorities
+unhesitatingly reverted to the position of conscientious guardians of
+the religious system of the City-state. They began to realise that they
+had been holding a wolf by the ears ever since the beginning of the
+Hannibalic war; that they had a population to deal with which was no
+longer pure Roman or even pure Italian, and that even the genuine Romans
+themselves were liable to be moved by new currents of religious feeling.
+During the war they had done all that was possible to meet the mental as
+well as the material troubles of this population, even to the length of
+introducing the worship, under certain restrictions, of the great
+Phrygian Mother of the gods. But now, in 186, the sudden outbreak of
+Dionysiac orgies in Italy showed them that all their remedies were stale
+and insufficient, and that the wolf was getting loose in their hands.
+
+Dionysus had long been housed at Rome, under the name of Liber, in that
+temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera which was discussed in detail in my
+eleventh lecture.[730] But it is not likely that many Romans recognised
+the identity of Liber and Dionysus, and it is quite certain that the
+characteristic features of the Dionysiac ritual were entirely unknown at
+Rome for three centuries after the foundation of the temple. That
+ritual, as it existed in Greece from the earliest times, retaining the
+essential features which it bore in its original Thracian home,[731] has
+lately been thoroughly examined and clearly expounded by Dr. Farnell in
+the fifth volume of his _Cults of the Greek States_, and the student of
+the Roman religious history of this period would do well to study
+carefully his fifth chapter. In most Greek states, as at Athens, in
+spite of occasional outbreaks, the wilder aspects of the cult had not
+been encouraged, but at Delphi and at Thebes, _i.e._ on Parnassus and
+Cithaeron, the more striking phenomena of the genuine ritual are found
+down to a late period. Dr. Farnell has summed these up under three heads
+at the beginning of his account: "The wild and ecstatic enthusiasm that
+it inspired, the self-abandonment and communion with the deity achieved
+through orgiastic rites and a savage sacramental act, and the prominence
+of women in the ritual, which in accordance with a certain psychic law
+made a special appeal to their temperament."[732] It meant in fact
+exactly that form of religious ecstasy which was peculiarly abhorrent to
+the minds of the old Romans, who had built up the _ius divinum_ with its
+sober ritual and its practical ideas of the supernatural powers around
+them. We found nothing in our studies of this religion to lead us to
+suppose for an instant that it had any mental effect such as "the
+transcending of the limits of the ordinary consciousness and the feeling
+of communion with the divine nature."[733] The Latin language indeed had
+no native words for the expression of such emotions.[734]
+
+But it would be a great mistake to suppose that there was no soil in
+Italy, or even at Rome, where such emotional rites might take root. We
+may believe that the dignity and sobriety of the Roman character was in
+part at least the result of the discipline of ordered religion in family
+and state; but this is not to say that the Romans were never capable of
+religious indiscipline,--far from it. The Italian rural festival, then
+as now, was lively and indecorous, so far as we can guess from the few
+glimpses we get of it; and at Rome the ancient festival of Anna Perenna,
+in which women took part, was a scene of revelry as Ovid describes
+it,[735]--of dancing, singing, and intoxication, and we need not wonder
+that it found no place in the ancient calendar of the _ius divinum_. And
+we have lately had occasion to notice, in the new ritual instituted
+under the direction of the Sibylline books, and more especially during
+the great war, clear indications that the natural emotions of women,
+even of Roman women, had to be satisfied by shows and processions in
+which they could share, and that the ideal dignity of the Roman matron
+had often given way under the terrible stress of public and domestic
+anxiety and peril. No wonder then that when Roman armies had been for
+years in Greece, and Greeks were flocking into Rome in larger numbers
+every year, the Dionysiac rites should find their way into Italy, and no
+wonder too that they should instantly find a congenial soil, exotics
+though they were.
+
+The story of the Bacchanalia is told by Livy in his best manner, and
+whether or no it be literally true in every particular, is full of life
+and interest. It is the fashion now to reject as false whatever is
+surprising; and the latest historian of Rome dismisses Livy's account of
+the discovery of the mischief as "an interesting romance."[736]
+Fortunately we are not now concerned with this romance, if such it be; I
+only propose to dwell on one or two points more nearly concerned with
+our subject.
+
+First, let us note that the seeds of this evil crop were sown in
+Etruria, the most dangerous neighbour of the Romans from a religious
+point of view; for it is hardly too much to say that all Greek
+influences that filtered through Etruria on their way to Rome were
+contaminated in the process. According to the story,[737] a common Greek
+religious quack (_sacrificulus et vates_, as Livy calls him), of the
+type held up to scorn by Plato in the _Republic_,[738] came to Etruria
+and began to initiate in the rites; drunkenness was the result, and with
+drinking came crime and immorality of all kinds. From Etruria the
+mischief spread to Rome, and was there discovered accidentally.
+According to the evidence given, it began with a small association of
+women, who met openly in the daytime only three times a year. Then it
+fell under the direction of a priestess from Campania,--Rome's other
+most dangerous neighbour in regard to religion and morals,--who gave it
+a sinister turn. The meetings were held at night, and were accompanied
+not only by the characteristic features of the old Thracian ritual, but,
+as in Etruria, by the most abominable wickedness. It was said to have
+infected a large part of the population, including young members of
+noble families; for with the true missionary instinct, young people only
+were admitted by the hierophants. We need not necessarily believe all
+this; but it is certain, from the steps taken by the government, about
+which there is no doubt, that it is in the main a true account. The
+storm and stress of the long war with Hannibal would be enough to
+account for the phenomena, even if they were not in keeping with
+well-known psychical facts.
+
+Let us now turn for a moment to the attitude of the government in this
+extraordinary episode of Roman religious experience. The danger is dealt
+with entirely by the Senate and the magistrates; the authorities of the
+_ius divinum_ as such have nothing to do with it. It is characteristic
+of the age that it is not dealt with as a matter of religion merely, but
+as a conspiracy--_coniuratio_.[739] This is the word used by Livy, and
+we find it also in the document called _Senatusconsultum de
+Bacchanalibus_, part of which has most fortunately come down to us. This
+is the word also used, we may note, of the conspiracy of Catiline in the
+century following, and it always conveys the idea of _rebellion_ against
+the order and welfare of the State. In this case it was rebellion
+against the whole body of the _mos maiorum_, the [Greek: ethos] of the
+City-state of Rome. For it was an attempt to supersede the ancient
+religious life of that State by _externa superstitio, prava
+religio_--_prava_, because _deorum numen praetenditur sceleribus_; and
+hence, as Livy expresses it in the admirable speech put into the mouth
+of the consul, the Roman gods themselves felt their _numen_ to be
+contaminated.[740] All the speeches in Livy, except perhaps the military
+ones, are worth careful study by those who would enter into the Roman
+spirit as conceived by an Augustan writer; and this is one of the most
+valuable of them.
+
+Lastly, let us note the steps taken by the government in this emergency.
+It is treated as a matter of police, both in Rome and Italy; the guilty
+are sought out and punished as conspirators against the State, and a
+precedent of tremendous force is hereby established for all future
+dealings with _externa superstitio_, which held good even to the last
+struggle with Christianity. Where foreign rites are believed to be
+dangerous to the State or to morality, they must be rigidly suppressed
+in the Roman world; when they are harmless they may be tolerated, or
+even, like the cult of the Magna Mater, received into the sacred circle
+of Roman worships.[741] But there is yet another lesson to be learnt
+from the conduct of the government at this crisis. Who would have
+suspected, while reading the horrible story, and noting the almost
+arbitrary energy with which the _coniuratio_ was stamped out, that the
+Dionysiac rites would even now be tolerated under certain conditions?
+That this was so is a fact attested not only by Livy, but by the
+_Senatusconsultum_ itself.[742] The government was now forced to
+recognise the fact that there were Romans for whom the _ius divinum_ no
+longer sufficed, and who needed a more emotional form of religion. If
+any one (so ran in effect the _Senatusconsultum_) felt conscientiously
+that he could not wholly renounce the new religion, he might apply in
+person to the praetor urbanus; and the praetor would lay the matter
+before a meeting of the Senate, at which not less than a hundred must be
+present. The Senate may give leave for the worship, provided that no
+more than five persons be present at it; and that there be no common
+fund for its support, nor any permanent priest to preside at it. These
+clauses, says Aust,[743] are a concession to the strong spiritual
+current of feeling which sought for something fresher and better to take
+the place of the old religion of forms; and on the whole we may agree
+with him. All religious revivals are liable to be accompanied by moral
+evil, but they all express unmistakably a natural and honourable
+yearning of the human spirit.
+
+Not long after this, in 181, the government put its foot down firmly on
+what seems to have been another attempt, though in this case a ludicrous
+one, to introduce strange religious ideas at Rome. We have the story of
+this on the authority not only of Livy, but of the oldest Roman
+annalist, Cassius Hemina, from whose work Pliny has preserved a fragment
+relating to this matter.[744] Cassius must almost certainly have been
+alive in 181, and would remember the event;[745] and though his account
+and Livy's differ in details, we may take the story as in the main true.
+A secretary (_scriba_), who had land on the Janiculan hill, dug up there
+a stone coffin with an inscription stating that the king Numa was buried
+in it. No remains of a body were found, but in a square stone casket
+inside the coffin were found books written on paper (_charta_) and
+supposed to be writings of Numa about the Pythagorean philosophy. These
+writings were read by many people, and eventually by a praetor, who at
+once pronounced them to be subversive of religion. That anything
+supposed to emanate from Numa should have this character was of course
+impossible; and it is plain that the writings were believed even at the
+time to be absurd forgeries, drawn up with the idea of investing strange
+doctrines with the authority of Numa's name; for the legend of a
+religious connection between Numa and Pythagoras must have been known at
+the time. The discoverer appealed to the tribunes, who referred the
+matter to the senate; and the senate authorised the praetor to burn the
+books in the Comitium, which was done in the presence of a large
+assembly.
+
+In a later lecture I shall have something to say of the revival of
+Pythagoreanism in the time of Cicero, and I need not now attempt to
+explain what such a revival might mean. All we need to note is that
+something subversive of the Roman religion was believed to be
+circulating in 181 in Roman society under the assumed authority of
+Numa's name, and that the senate, warned by recent experience,
+determined to stamp it out at once. They seem to have suddenly become
+alive to the fact that Greece, and in this instance mainly Magna
+Graecia, was sending clever agents to Rome for the propagation of ideas
+which might make the people less tractable to authority. In the stress
+of the great war, indeed for years afterwards, they had probably never
+had leisure to reflect on the inevitable result of the writings of a man
+like Ennius, who was not improbably responsible for the propagation of
+these very Pythagorean notions.[746] Now a reaction seems to set in
+against the flowing tide of admiration for everything Greek;[747] but it
+was too late to arrest the flood. All that could be hoped for was that
+in the lives and minds of the wiser Romans the new Greek civilisation
+might so leaven the old Roman ignorance that no permanent harm should be
+done to the instincts of _virtus_ and _pietas_: and to some extent this
+hope was realised. But for the masses there was no such hope. What Greek
+teaching reached their minds was almost wholly that of the _ludi
+scenici_; and I must now say a word in conclusion about this unwholesome
+influence--unwholesome, that is, so far as it affected the old religious
+ideas.
+
+I had occasion, when dealing with Dr. Frazer's notion that the Roman
+religion admitted such ideas as the marriage of the gods with all its
+natural consequences,[748] to point out that his evidence was almost
+wholly derived from the play-writers of the very period on which we are
+now engaged. I said that he seems to be justified in concluding that
+there was a popular idea of such a kind, which the State religion did
+not recognise; but that it can very easily be explained as the natural
+effect of a degenerate Greek mythology, popularised by Greek dramas
+adapted to the Roman stage, upon certain peculiarities of the Roman
+theology, and especially the functional combination of male and female
+divine names in Italian invocations of the deities. Nothing could be
+more natural than that playwrights should take advantage of such
+combinations to invent or translate comic passages to please a Roman
+audience, "now largely consisting of semi-educated men who had lost
+faith in their own religion, and a host of smaller people of mixed
+descent and nationality." We do not know enough of the older comedies to
+be at all sure how far they had gone in this direction, though we are
+certain, to use the words of Zeller,[749] that it was impossible to
+transplant Greek poetry to Roman soil without bringing Greek mythology
+with it; or, as I should put it, without subordinating the old
+reasonable idea of the Power manifesting itself in the universe to the
+Greek fancy for clothing that Power in the human form and endowing it
+with human faults and frailties.
+
+But of the two great literary figures of the age we have now reached,
+Ennius and Plautus, we know beyond all doubt that they taught the
+ignorant Roman of their day not only to be indifferent to his deities,
+but to laugh at them. Just at the very time when the forged books of
+Numa were being burnt in the Comitium, Ennius' famous translation of the
+_Sacred History of Euhemerus_ was becoming known at Rome, in which was
+taught the doctrine of the human origin of all deities; and though we
+have hardly a fragment left of the comedies of Ennius, we may presume
+that he would not have hesitated for a moment to make the gods
+ridiculous on the stage. It was he who wrote the celebrated lines in his
+tragedy of Telamo:[750]
+
+  ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum,
+  sed eos non curare opinor quid agat humanum genus,
+
+which (as I have said elsewhere)[751] strike a direct blow at the
+efficacy of sacrifice and prayer by openly declaring that the gods did
+not interest themselves in mankind. This is the same Epicurean doctrine
+afterwards preached by Lucretius, and I must return to it in the next
+lecture. At present let us select a couple of specimens of the more
+explicit evidence of the extant plays of Plautus, which began to be
+exhibited at Rome just about the end of the war with Hannibal.
+
+Here is an example of the way in which the family relationships of Greek
+gods could be made amusing under Roman names. Alcesimarchus in the
+_Cistellaria_ wishes to make a strong asseveration, and begins:[752]
+
+  at ita me di deaeque, superi et inferi et medioxumi,
+
+but immediately goes on to specify these deities more particularly by
+their names and relationships--_and gets the latter wrong_. Melaenis
+corrects him in a way which (as Aust notes)[753] could only have seemed
+comical to a Roman audience if they had already some acquaintance with
+the divine family gossip.
+
+      itaque me Iuno regina et Iovi' supremi filia
+      itaque me Saturnus eiius patruos--ME. ecastor, pater.
+  AL. itaque me Ops opulenta, illius avia--ME. immo mater quidem.
+
+Perhaps it was the fancy of the age for divine genealogy that is here
+being made fun of rather than the gods themselves; but in any case the
+passage shows how irrecoverably lost was the real impersonal character
+of the old Roman _numen_, and how impossible it must have been in such
+an age to believe that anything was really to be gained by the once
+solemn rites of the _ius divinum_.
+
+But the most remarkable evidence is in the Amphitruo,[754] where Jupiter
+and Mercurius are among the _dramatis personae_. This comedy is
+extremely amusing, and was quite capable of entertaining the Parisians
+in the form given it by Moliere; but for them it could hardly have been
+so funny as for the Greeks in the age of the New Comedy and their
+disciples the Romans of Plautus' day, who saw Zeus and Hermes, Jupiter
+and Mercurius, brought by their own misdoings into absurd and degrading
+situations. Jupiter personates Amphitruo, and so gains admission to his
+wife, Alkmene! Comment is needless, unless we take the last line of the
+play as a comment:--
+
+  Nunc, spectatores, Iovi' summi causa clare plaudite!
+
+I do not propose to follow further the downfall of the old Roman ideas
+about the objects of worship, or the neglect and decay of the _ius
+divinum_. They do not fall within the scope of my subject--the religious
+experience of the Roman people. So long as there was any life in these
+ideas and in the cult which was the practical expression of them, they
+formed part of that experience. But I think I have sufficiently proved
+that the life has gone out of the ideas, and that the worship has
+consequently become meaningless. Ideas about the divine may be discussed
+by philosophers as the Romans begin to read and in some degree to think;
+and the outward forms of the cult may be maintained in such particulars
+as most closely concern the public life of the community; but as a
+religious system expressing human experience we have done with these
+things.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XV
+
+    [706] Polybius vi. 56.
+
+    [707] Livy xxxi. 4 _ad fin._, cp. xxv. 2, xxvii. 36,
+    etc. For the _Iovis epulum_ see _R.F._ 216 foll. and the
+    references there given. Wissowa, _R.K._ foll. 111. 385
+    foll. I am not sure that I am right in limiting the
+    human partakers of the epulum of Nov. 13 to the plebeian
+    magistrates.
+
+    [708] Livy xxxi. 5. The importance of the words
+    "prolationem finium" does not seem to have been noticed
+    by historians. If they are genuine they indicate an
+    undoubtedly aggressive attitude.
+
+    [709] Livy xxxi. 7 and 8.
+
+    [710] Livy xxxvi. 1.
+
+    [711] Augustine, _Civ. Dei_, iv. 27: "Relatum est in
+    litteras doctissimum pontificem Scaevolam disputasse
+    tria genera tradita deorum: unum a poetis, alterum a
+    philosophis, tertium a principibus civitatis. Primum
+    genus nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis
+    fingantur indigna, etc. Expedire igitur falli in
+    religione civitates."
+
+    [712] Livy xxxii. 9, cp. 28. In connection with these
+    _prodigia_ it may be worth noting that in xxxii. 30 we
+    are told that a consul vowed a temple to Juno Sospita,
+    who had in her famous seat at Lanuvium been a constant
+    centre of marvel-mongering. Livy xxxiv. 53 places the
+    building of this temple _in foro olitorio_ three years
+    later, if we may read there Sospitae instead of the
+    Matutae of the MSS. with Sigonius: (cp. Aust, _de
+    Aedibus_, p. 21, and Wissowa, _R.K._ 117). This
+    interesting deity had been taken into the Roman worship
+    in 338 B.C., but not moved from Lanuvium, which had
+    peculiar religious relations with Rome. See _Myth. Lex._
+    vol. ii. p. 608, where the attributes of this Juno in
+    art are described by Vogel. The date of the temple at
+    Rome was 194. Whether the object of it was to diminish
+    the portents at Lanuvium it is impossible to say, but
+    judging from the records of _prodigia_ in Julius
+    Obsequens it had that effect. I find only four
+    _prodigia_ reported from Lanuvium after this date.
+
+    [713] See the passage in Frontinus, _de Aqueductibus_,
+    i. 7 (C. Herschel's edition gives the reading of the
+    best MS.), and the mutilated passage in the new epitomes
+    of Livy found by Grenfell and Hunt in Egypt
+    (_Oxyrrhyncus Papyri_, vol. iv. pp. 101 and 113). The
+    general bearing of the two passages taken together seems
+    to me to be that given in the text.
+
+    [714] Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 1 and 2. A somewhat similar case
+    in 190 B.C. will be found in Livy xxxviii. 45, where the
+    oracle forbade a Roman army to cross the Taurus range.
+
+    [715] Livy xxxiv. 55.
+
+    [716] Livy xxxviii. 56, mentions statues which were
+    believed to be those of Scipio the elder, his brother
+    Lucius, and Ennius, "in Scipionum monumento" outside the
+    Porta Capena, and another of Scipio at Liternum, where
+    he had a villa; this one Livy says that he saw himself
+    blown down by a storm. On statues and busts at Rome, see
+    Pliny xxxiv. 28 foll.; Mrs. Strong, _Roman Sculpture_,
+    p. 28 foll.; _Cambridge Companion to Latin Studies_, p.
+    550 foll.; and for coins, p. 456.
+
+    [717] See above, p. 240, for the remarkable exception in
+    the case of the elder Scipio, whose practice when in
+    Rome was to go up to the Capitoline temple before
+    daybreak and contemplate the statue of Jupiter; the dogs
+    never barked at him, and the aedituus opened the _cella
+    Iovis_ at his summons. I see no good ground for
+    rejecting this story, which is not likely to have been
+    invented. It can be traced back to two writers, Oppius,
+    the friend of Caesar, and Julius Hyginus, the librarian
+    of Augustus (Gell. vi. 1. 1), and was probably based on
+    tradition. Livy mentions it in xxvi. 19, and suggests
+    that this and other ways of Scipio were assumed to
+    impress the multitude. The Roman mind was naturally
+    averse from such individualism in religion; but Scipio
+    was beyond doubt more familiar than his contemporaries
+    with Greek ideas. In a chapter on Idealism in his little
+    book on _Religion and Art in Ancient Greece_, Professor
+    Ernest Gardner writes: "The statue (of Athene) by
+    Phidias within the Parthenon offered not merely that
+    form in which she would choose to appear if she showed
+    herself to mortal eyes, but actually showed her form as
+    if she had revealed it to the sculptor. To look upon
+    such an image helped the worshipper as much as--perhaps
+    more than--any service or ritual, to bring himself into
+    communion with the goddess, and to fit himself, as a
+    citizen of her chosen city, to carry out her will in
+    contributing his best efforts to its supremacy in
+    politics, in literature, and in art." That Scipio had
+    some feeling of this kind need not be doubted, though
+    the statue was not a great work of art like that of
+    Phidias. Cp. Lucretius, vi. 75 foll.
+
+    [718] See below, p. 386.
+
+    [719] Marquardt, 332, and Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, i. ed.
+    2, p. 463 foll.
+
+    [720] Livy, _Epit._ xix.
+
+    [721] Livy xxxvii. 51: "Religio ad postremum vicit, ut
+    dicto audiens esset flamen pontifici." Here _religio_ is
+    used in the sense of obligation to the _ius divinum_.
+
+    [722] Livy xxvii. 6; cp. 36.
+
+    [723] This story is told in Livy xl. 42.
+
+    [724] Livy xxvii. 8. For the compelling power (_capere_)
+    of the Pont. Max., see Marq. 314. The story may have
+    come from the annals of the Valerii Flacci, and also
+    from those of the pontifices; it was apparently well
+    known, as Valerius Maximus knew it (vi. 9. 2).
+
+    [725] Velleius ii. 43.
+
+    [726] Livy xxxi. 50.
+
+    [727] For the oath see "Lex incerta reperta Bantiae,"
+    lines 16 and 17, in Bruns, _Fontes Iuris Romani_. The
+    oath taboo is mentioned by Gellius 10. 15. 3.; Festus
+    104, and Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 113.
+
+    [728] Livy xxxii. 7; xxxix. 39.
+
+    [729] Tac. _Ann._ iv. 16.
+
+    [730] See above, p. 255.
+
+    [731] Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. v. p.
+    85 foll. Very interesting is the modern survival of
+    Dionysiac rites recently discovered in Thrace by Mr.
+    Dawkins (_Hellenic Journal_, 1906, p. 191).
+
+    [732] Farnell, _op. cit._ vol. v. p. 150.
+
+    [733] Quoted by Farnell, p. 151, from Rohde's _Psyche_.
+
+    [734] It is possible that _superstitio_ may originally
+    have had some such meaning; see W. Otto in _Archiv fuer
+    Religionswissenschaft_, 1909, p. 548 foll.; Mayor's
+    edition of Cic. _de Nat. Deorum_, note on ii. 72 foll.
+
+    [735] Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 523 foll. See also _Roman
+    Society in the Age of Cicero_, p. 289.
+
+    [736] See Mr. Heitland's _History of the Roman
+    Republic_, vol. ii. p. 229 note, and cp. Wissowa in
+    Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encycl._ _s.v._ "Bacchanalia."
+
+    [737] Livy xxxix. 8 foll.
+
+    [738] Plato, _de Rep._ 364 B; cp. _Laws_, 933 D.
+
+    [739] "Quaestio de clandestinis coniurationibus decreta
+    est," Livy xxxix. 8; so also in chs. 14 and 17. Cp.
+    _Sctm. de Bacchanalibus_, line 13, "conioura (se)." This
+    document is, strictly speaking, a letter to the
+    magistrates "in agro Teurano" in Bruttium embodying the
+    orders of the Senatus consultum. It will be found in
+    Bruns, _Fontes Iuris Romani_, or in Wordsworth,
+    _Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin_.
+
+    [740] Livy xxxix. 16: "Omnia, dis propitiis
+    volentibusque, faciemus, qui quia suum numen sceleribus
+    libidinibusque contaminari indigne ferebant," etc.
+
+    [741] Mommsen, _Strafrecht_, p. 567 foll.
+
+    [742] Livy xxxix. 18 _ad fin._ _Sctm. de Bacch._ lines 3
+    foll.
+
+    [743] _Religion der Roemer_, p. 78.
+
+    [744] Livy xl. 29 seems to have put his account together
+    from Cassius Hemina and other annalists, so far as we
+    can judge from the reference to them in Pliny, _N.H._
+    xiii. 84; Valerius Antias, who simply stated that the
+    writings were Pythagorean as well as Numan, Livy
+    rejects as ignorant of the chronological impossibility
+    of making the king contemporary with the philosopher.
+    The fragment of Cassius Hemina is quoted in Pliny, sec.
+    86; Val. Max. i. 1, and Plutarch, _Numa_ 22, add nothing
+    to our knowledge of the incident.
+
+    [745] See Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_, i. 268;
+    Pliny, _loc. cit._, calls him "vetustissimus auctor
+    annalium," but his work was later than the _Annals_ or
+    _Origines_ of Cato.
+
+    [746] Ennius came from South Italy (Rudiae in Messapia),
+    the home of Pythagoreanism. For traces of it in his
+    works, see Reid on Cicero, _Academica priora_, ii. 51.
+
+    [747] This is the view taken by Colin, _Rome et la
+    Grece, 200-146 B.C._, p. 269 foll. This reaction was
+    probably only a part of the general reversion to
+    conservatism which we have been noticing in the action
+    of the government in religious matters.
+
+    [748] See above, p. 149 foll.
+
+    [749] Quoted by Aust, _Religion der Roemer_, p. 64. The
+    passage is in Zeller's _Religion und Philosophie bei den
+    Roemern_, a short treatise reprinted in his _Vortraege und
+    Abhandlungen_, ii. 93 foll.
+
+    [750] Ribbeck, _Fragmenta Tragicorum Latinorum_, p. 54.
+
+    [751] _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p.
+    334.
+
+    [752] _Cistellaria_, ii. 1. 45 foll.
+
+    [753] Aust, _op. cit._ p. 66.
+
+    [754] See Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_, vol. i.
+    p. 75.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XVI
+
+GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND ROMAN RELIGION
+
+
+I said at the end of the last lecture that ideas about the Divine might
+be discussed at Rome by philosophers, as the Romans began to read and in
+some degree to think. At the era we have now reached, the latter half of
+the second century B.C., this process actually began, and I propose in
+this lecture to deal with it briefly. But my subject is the Roman
+religious experience, and I can only find room for philosophy so far as
+the philosophy introduced at Rome had a really religious side. Another
+reason forbidding me to give much space to it is that it was at Rome
+entirely exotic, did not spring from an indigenous root in Roman life
+and thought, and never seriously affected the minds of the lower and
+less educated population. And I must add that the types of Greek
+philosophy which concern us at all have been fully and ably dealt with,
+the one in vol. ii. of Dr. Caird's lectures on this foundation on _The
+Evolution of Theology in the Greek Philosophers_, a work from which I
+have learnt much, and the other by Dr. Masson in his most instructive
+work on the great Epicurean poet Lucretius.
+
+We have seen in the two last lectures that in that second century B.C.
+the Roman was fast becoming religiously destitute--a castaway without
+consolation, and without the sense that he needed it. He was destitute,
+first, in regard to his idea of God and of his relation to God; for if
+we take our old definition of religion, which seems to me to be
+continually useful, we can hardly say of that age that it showed any
+effective desire to be in right relation with the Power manifesting
+itself in the universe. The old idea of the manifestation of the Power
+in the various _numina_ had no longer any relation to Roman life; the
+kind of life in which it germinated and grew, the life of agriculture
+and warlike self-defence, had passed away with the growth of the great
+city, the decay of the small farmer, and the extension of the empire;
+and no new informing and inspiring principle had taken its place.
+Secondly, he was destitute in regard to his sense of duty, which had
+been largely dependent on religion, both in the family and in the State.
+No new force had come in to create and maintain conscience. In public
+life, indeed, the religious oath was still powerful, and continued to be
+so, though there are some signs that its binding force was less strong
+than of yore, especially in the army.[755] But in a society so complex
+as that of Rome in the last two centuries B.C. much more was wanted than
+a bond sanctioned by civil and religious law; there was needed a sense
+of duty to the family, the slave, the provincials, the poor and
+unfortunate. There was no spring of moral action, no religious
+consecration of morality, no stimulus to moral endeavour. The individual
+was rapidly developing, emancipating himself from the State and the
+group-system of society; but he was developing in a wrong direction. The
+importance of self, when realised in high and low alike, was becoming
+self-seeking, indifference to all but self. We have now to see whether
+philosophy could do anything to relieve this destitution of the Romans
+in regard both to God and duty.
+
+The first system of philosophy actually to make its appearance at Rome
+was that of Epicurus[756]; but it speedily disappeared for the time, and
+only became popular in the last century B.C., and then in its most
+repulsive form. It was indeed destined to inspire the noblest mind among
+all Roman thinkers with some of the greatest poetry ever written; but I
+need say little of it, for it was never really a part of Roman religious
+experience. Though capable of doing men much good in a turbulent and
+individualistic age, it did not and could not do this by establishing a
+religious sanction for conduct. The Epicurean gods were altogether out
+of reach of the conscience of the individual. They were superfluous even
+for the atomic theory on which the whole system was pivoted;[757] and
+what Epicurus himself understood by them, or any of his followers down
+to Lucretius, is matter of subtle and perplexing disputation.[758] One
+point is clear, that they had no interest in human beings;[759] and the
+natural inference would be that human beings had no call to worship
+them; yet, strange to say, Epicurus himself took part in worship, and in
+the worship of the national religion of his native city. Philodemus, the
+contemporary of Lucretius, expressly asserts this,[760] and even insists
+that Epicurism gave a religious sanction to morality which was absent in
+Stoicism.[761] Lucretius himself clearly thought that worship was
+natural and possible. "If you do not clear your mind of false notions,"
+he says, "nec delubra deum placido cum pectore adibis."[762] Man might
+go on with his ancestral worship, but entirely without fear, and as with
+"placid mind" he took part in the rites of his fathers, a mysterious
+divine influence might enter his mind; "the images of a Zeus, a
+Heracles, an Athene, might pass in and impress on him the aspect and
+character of each deity, and carry with them suggestions of virtue, of
+courage, of wise counsel in difficulty."[763] Evidently both Epicurus
+and his followers had felt the difficulty and the peril of breaking
+entirely with the religious habits of the mass of the people, and had
+conscientiously done their best to reconcile their own belief with
+popular practice--an attempt which has its parallel in the religious
+speculation of the present day.
+
+But for the Roman follower of Epicurus, wholly unused to such subtle
+ideas as the passage of divine influence into the mind by means of
+religious contemplation, this lame attempt to bring apathetic gods into
+relation with human life must have been quite meaningless. Cicero well
+expresses the common sense of a Roman at the very beginning of his
+treatise on the _Nature of the Gods_.[764] "If they are right who deny
+that the gods have any interest in human affairs, where is there room
+for _pietas_, for _sanctitas_, for _religio_?" What, he adds, is the use
+of worship, of honour, of prayer? If these are simply make-believes,
+_pietas_ cannot exist, and with it we may almost assume that _fides_ and
+_iustitia_, and the social virtues generally, which hold society
+together, must vanish too. Such criticism is characteristically Roman,
+and we may take it as representing accurately the feeling of the
+old-fashioned Roman of Cicero's day, as well as of the Stoic or Academic
+critic of Epicurism. On the other hand, the believing Epicurean at Rome
+was not more likely to accept the compromise; he had done with his own
+gods and their worship, and such a "ficta simulatio" was not likely to
+attract him. Even Lucretius, whose mind was in a sense really religious,
+does no more in the passage I quoted just now than _allude_ to actual
+worship of the gods, and he makes it quite clear that the tranquillity
+and happiness coming from contemplation, and the punishment that follows
+misdoing, are both purely subjective; the gods are not active in
+influencing man's life, but man influences that life himself by opening
+his mind to the contemplation of the gods. This passage of Lucretius
+(vi. 68 foll.) is, if I am not mistaken, the nearest approach to real
+religion that we find in the history of Roman Epicurism; yet so far as
+we know it bore no fruit. It seems to me to express a genuine feeling, a
+_religio_, but the expression is blurred by a consciousness of
+inconsistency.
+
+The fact is that in the system of Epicurus the Power manifesting itself
+in the universe is not a divine Power, but a mechanical one; the gods
+have nothing to do with it, they cannot be active, their perfection is
+found in repose; they are an adjunct, an after-thought in the system.
+Thus all attempts to reconcile the Power with the popular religion must
+inevitably be failures, and more especially so in the Roman world. At
+best the Epicurean gods could but set an example of quietism which could
+not possibly be a force for good in that active world of business and
+government.[765] The real force of Epicurism, for the Roman at least, if
+I am not mistaken, was _analogous_ to a religious force, though far
+indeed from being one in reality--I mean the profound and touching
+belief in the Founder himself as a saviour, which is so familiar to all
+readers of Lucretius.[766] And the real legacy of Lucretius himself to
+Roman religion is only indirectly a religious one--I mean the wholesome
+contempt for "_superstitio_" and all the baser side of religious belief
+and practice, old and new.[767] If his devotion to the Master had been
+rooted more in the love of goodness and less in the admiration for his
+speculations, and if his contempt for _superstitio_ had been less
+harshly dogmatic, had he been more sympathetic and generous in his
+attitude to the Italian ideas of the divine--the power of Lucretius
+might possibly have been strong and permanent.
+
+Thus for the Roman's destitution in regard to God Epicurism could find
+no remedy, and as a consequence it could provide no religious sanction
+for his conduct in life. What power it had upon conduct as a system of
+ethics is a question outside the range of my subject. No doubt a certain
+type of mind, naturally pure and good, and apt to retire upon itself,
+might find in Epicurism not only no harm but even positive help; perhaps
+the best way to appreciate this fact, too often overlooked, is to read
+the defence of the Epicurean ethics put into the mouth of Torquatus, in
+the first book of the _de Finibus_,[768] by one who was far from being
+in sympathy with the creed. But for the Roman of that age, when ideas of
+duty and discipline were losing strength, this enticing faith, with
+pleasure as its _summum bonum_, and with quietism as its ideal of human
+life,[769] could hardly be a real stimulus to active virtue; the Roman
+needed bracing, and this was not a tonic, but a sedative. Far more
+valuable in every way, and far better suited to the best instincts of
+the Roman character, was the rival creed of Stoicism, and I must devote
+the rest of this lecture to the consideration of its religious aspect.
+
+It was most fortunate for Rome that her best and ablest men in the
+second century B.C. fell into the hands, not of Epicureans, but of
+Stoics--into the hands, too, of a single Stoic of high standing, fine
+character, and good sense. For destitute as the Roman was both in regard
+to God and to Duty, he found in Stoicism an explanation of man's place
+in the universe,--an explanation relating him directly to the Power
+manifesting itself therein, and deriving from that relation a _binding_
+principle of conduct and duty. This should make the religious character
+of Stoicism at once apparent. It is perfectly true, as the late Mr.
+Lecky said long ago,[770] that "Stoicism, taught by Panaetius of Rhodes,
+and soon after by the Syrian Posidonius, became the true religion of the
+educated classes. It furnished the principles of virtue, coloured the
+noblest literature of the time, and guided all the developments of moral
+enthusiasm." To this I only need to add that it woke in the mind an
+entirely new idea of Deity, far transcending that of Roman _numina_ and
+of Greek polytheism, and yet not incapable of being reconciled with
+these; so that it might be taken as an inpouring of sudden light upon
+old conceptions of the Power, glorifying and transfiguring them, rather
+than, like the Epicurean faith, a bitter and contemptuous negation of
+man's inherited religious instincts. But before we go on to consider
+this illumination more closely, let me say a few words about Panaetius
+the Stoic missionary, and Scipio Aemilianus, his most famous disciple.
+
+Scipio, born 184, was a happy combination of the best Roman aristocratic
+character and the receptive intelligence which for a Roman was the chief
+result of a Greek liberal education. He had been educated by his famous
+father, Aemilius Paulus, in a thoroughly healthy way; he was no mere
+book-student, but a practical courageous Roman, with a solid mental
+foundation of moral rectitude (_pietas_) fixed firmly in the traditions
+and instincts of his own family. On this foundation, as has been well
+said,[771] a superstructure of intellectual culture might be built
+securely without destroying it, and this was exactly what did take
+place, both for Scipio and for that circle of friends of his which has
+become so famous in Roman history. In very early life he became the
+intimate friend of Polybius, whose account of their first unreserved
+intercourse is one of the most delightful passages in all ancient
+literature;[772] and from Polybius he doubtless learnt to think. He must
+have learnt to understand the real nature of the Roman empire, to
+appreciate the forces which had called it into being,[773] the qualities
+which had preserved it through the fearful struggle with Hannibal, and
+the duty of a noble Roman in regard to it. From Polybius, indeed, it is
+not likely that he gained much light on matters either of religion or
+morality; but that statesman and historian must inevitably have
+accustomed him, in the course of their long intercourse, to think more
+deeply than Roman had ever yet thought, about the world in which he
+lived and was to act for many years the leading part. Thus he was well
+prepared for the friendship of a more spiritual guide.
+
+Panaetius, who was probably about the same age as Scipio, had the
+advantage, as a visitor at Rome, of being a Rhodian, _i.e._ a citizen of
+the one Greek State which had been almost continuously on good terms
+with Rome, and of great value to her. He was also a scion of an old and
+honoured family in that city, and was thus in every way a fit friend and
+companion for a great Roman noble. When their friendship began we do not
+know for certain; but it is a fact that he lived for some two years,
+together with Polybius, in the house of Scipio, and these years were
+probably between 144 and 141 B.C., after Scipio's return from the
+conquest of Carthage.[774] When Scipio in 141 was commissioned by the
+Senate to go and set things in order in the eastern Mediterranean, he
+took Panaetius with him,[775] and brought him home to live with him
+again as a guest, perhaps until he left for the Numantine war in 134,
+after which it is not likely that they met again before Scipio's sudden
+death in 129. I am particular about the extent of their intimacy,
+because I wish to make it clear that this was no ordinary or fleeting
+friendship between a commonplace Greek philosopher and an average Roman
+statesman. Both statesman and philosopher were far above the usual level
+of their kind, and in the course of this long intimacy must have had
+full opportunity of learning from each other. From Scipio Panaetius
+would learn the secrets of the Roman temperament, and divine the right
+methods of dealing with it, and the result of this was a happy
+modification of the old rigidity of the Stoic principles--an adaptation
+of them to the Roman character which had far-reaching consequences. From
+Panaetius Scipio and his friends would learn a new and illuminating
+conception of man's place in the universe, and of his relation to the
+Power manifested in it. To understand the power of Stoicism on the mind
+of these Romans and their intellectual successors, it is necessary to
+have a clear idea of this illumination.
+
+Hitherto there had been nothing in the religion of Rome, or of any other
+city-state, to make it inevitable, reasonable, that man should worship
+the Power, except tradition and self-interest, involved in the tradition
+and self-interest of the family and the city. The gods belonged, as we
+saw, to family or city as divine inhabitants, and if you neglected them
+they would show their anger against you. Originally it was _religio_,
+the feeling of awe for something distinct from man and unknown to him,
+which forced him to propitiate that which he might fear, but had no
+reason, except the instinct of self-preservation, to reverence; and
+later on, as he came to know his _numina_ better, to make them, so to
+speak, his own, and to formulate the methods of propitiating them, he
+gradually came also to take them for granted, and to worship them as a
+matter of traditional duty. The idea of conforming his life to the will
+of any of these _numina_ would, of course, be absolutely strange to
+him--the expression would have no meaning whatever for him. The help
+which he sought from them was not moral help, but material.[776] But
+now, when the _religio_ has been hypnotised and soothed away, and when
+the tradition of ceremonial observance was growing dim and weak, when he
+is left alone with his fellow-men, and without any binding reason for
+right conduct towards them, he may learn from Stoicism that there is a
+Power above and beyond all his _numina_, yet involving and embracing
+them all, to which, and by the help of which, as a man endowed with
+reason, he _must_ conform his life.
+
+The theology held and taught by Panaetius, in common with all Stoics at
+all periods, was based upon two leading thoughts, in the correlation of
+which lay the kernel of the Stoic ethical system. The first of these
+thoughts is this: the whole universe, in all its forms and
+manifestations, shows unmistakably the work of Reason, of Mind; without
+mind, reason, _spiritus_, as Cicero calls it,[777] the universe could
+not exist. I need not go here into the origin and history of this
+thought; what is important for us is to make clear the theological
+consequences of it. Obviously it was natural that the Stoic should be
+led on to the conviction that this universe endowed with Reason--with a
+Reason far transcending all human capacity--must itself be God. The
+Stoic arguments in support of this further step are indeed lame, as they
+inevitably must be; they are well set forth at the beginning of Book ii.
+of Cicero's work _de Natura Deorum_ (based upon one by Posidonius, the
+successor and disciple of Panaetius), where they seem to us rather cold
+and formal. That step is indeed incapable of being made convincing by
+any syllogism; it is only when we try to think with the minds of those
+old thinkers, living in a world of unmeaning worship, that we begin to
+realise the nobility of a conviction which they tried in vain to reduce
+to a syllogism. _Sapiens a principio mundus, et deus habendus est_;[778]
+these words, which sound like an article of a creed, suffice for us
+without the laborious arguments of Cleanthes and Chrysippus which we may
+read in the fifth and sixth chapters of Cicero's book. Cicero has added
+to these a characteristic illustration from city life, which I may quote
+as more useful for us. "If a man enters a house or a gymnasium or a
+forum, and sees reason, method, and discipline reigning there, he cannot
+suppose that these came about without a cause, but perceives that there
+is someone there who rules and is obeyed: how much more, when he
+contemplates the motions and revolutions to be seen in the universe
+(_e.g._, in the heavenly bodies), must he conclude that they are all
+governed by a conscious Mind!" And this Mind can be nothing else but
+God.
+
+This sounds like the Deism of the eighteenth century, and might be
+described as "natural religion"; but the Stoics took yet another step,
+and developed their thought into Pantheism. The idea of a personal
+Deity, distinct from the universe and its Creator, was obnoxious to
+them; it would have committed them to a dualism of Mind and Matter
+which, from the very outset of their history, they emphatically
+repudiated; their conviction was of a Unity in all things, and to this
+they consistently held in spite of constant and damaging criticism. The
+theological result of this conviction has lately been well expressed by
+Dr. Bussell.[779] He is speaking of Seneca in particular, but what he
+says applies to all Stoics equally well: "Though he yearns to see God
+in 'the moral order of the Universe,' he is forced in the interests of
+Unity to identify Him with every other known force. As He is everything,
+so any name will suit Him. He is the sum of existence: or the secret and
+abstract law which guides it: He is Nature or Fate. The partial names of
+special deities are all His, and together they make up the fulness of
+the divine title; but _they disappear in the immense nothingness_,
+rather than colour or qualify it." This is a point of immense importance
+for the study of Stoicism at Rome; it was fully developed by Posidonius,
+and copied from him both by Cicero and Varro. "God," says Cicero in the
+book I have been quoting, "pervading all nature (_pertinens per naturam
+cuiusque rei_), can be understood as Ceres on the land, as Neptune on
+the sea, and so on, and may be and should be worshipped in all these
+different forms;" not in superstitious fear and grovelling spirit--the
+mental attitude which Lucretius had condemned years before this treatise
+was written--but with pure heart and mind, following the one and true
+God in all his various manifestations.[780] Thus the Stoic Pantheism, in
+spite of its weak points, could find room for the deities of the
+city-state, and put new illuminating life into them. To us it may seem,
+as it seems to Dr. Bussell, that they would disappear in an immense
+nothingness; but to the Roman mind of Scipio's age, if I am not
+mistaken, they might, on the contrary, save the great Pantheistic idea
+from so itself disappearing. I cannot but think that the Roman's idea of
+divinity, the force or will-power which he called _numen_,[781] would
+find here a means of reviving its former hold on the Roman mind, and
+enabling it to grasp as a concrete fact, and not merely as an abstract
+idea, the "deus pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei." In particular the
+Roman conception of the great Jupiter, the father of heaven, might gain
+new life for the people who had so long been used to call him "the Best
+and Greatest." Almost from the very beginning of Stoicism the school had
+seized upon Zeus to convey, under the guise of a personality and a name,
+some idea of the Reason in the universe;[782] and the same use might
+just as well, perhaps even better, be made of the great deity of the
+Capitoline temple, whom his people recognised as the open heaven with
+all its manifestations, the celestial representative of good faith and
+righteous dealing, and the special protector of the destinies of Rome
+and her empire.
+
+The second thought which lies at the base of the religion or theology of
+Stoicism, is this: that Man himself, alone in all the Universe, shares
+with God the full possession of Reason. In other words, Man alone,
+besides God, is strictly individual, self-conscious, capable of
+realising an end and of working towards it; he is so utterly different
+from the animals, so far above them (or if we call him an animal, he is,
+in Cicero's language,[783] _animal providum, sagax, multiplex, acutum,
+memor, plenum rationis et consilii_), that he must surely be of the same
+nature as God. And this is what, in strict conformity with all Stoic
+teaching, Cicero in this same passage expressly says--man is _generatus
+a deo_. So too in the famous hymn of Cleanthes,[784] quoted by St. Paul
+at Athens ("For we are also his offspring,"):--
+
+  Chiefest glory of deathless Gods, Almighty for ever,
+  Sovereign of Nature that rulest by law, what name shall
+    we give thee?
+  Blessed be Thou, for on Thee should call all things that are mortal.
+  For that we are Thy offspring: nay, all that in myriad motion
+  Lives for its day on the earth bears one impress, Thy likeness,
+    upon it;
+  Wherefore my song is of Thee, and I hymn Thy power for ever.
+
+In these splendid lines it is plain that not Man only is thought of, but
+all living things, animals included with Man; and this is in accordance
+with the true Stoic Pantheism. But none the less on this account did
+the Stoics believe Man to be the one living thing in the universe
+comparable with God, and capable of communion with him by virtue of the
+possession of Reason. As Cicero says, a few lines farther on in the work
+I am quoting, "virtus eadem in homine ac deo est, neque ullo alio
+ingenio praeterea." And since every creature seeks to maintain and
+augment its own being, to bring it to perfection, to express it fully,
+by an innate law of its nature, Man being endowed with Reason above all
+other creatures, strives, or should strive, to bring himself to a
+perfect expression, by identifying himself with the divine principle
+which he shares with God. As Dr. Caird puts it,[785] "the ruling power
+of Reason so dominates his nature that he cannot be described as
+anything but a self-conscious _ego_ (_i.e._ in contrast with other
+animals); and just because of this, all his impulses become concentrated
+in one great effort after self-realisation." But the self that he tries
+to realise must be his true self, not his irrational impulses: the self
+which is a part of the divine principle. He must desire to realise
+himself as having Reason, and so to come into close communion with God,
+the Reason of the universe. Those who are at all familiar with the later
+Roman Stoics, Seneca and Marcus Aurelius, and Epictetus, if we may
+include him among them, will recognise in this inspiring thought, vague
+and impalpable as it may seem, the germ of many beautiful expressions of
+the relation of Man to God, which seem to bring Stoicism into closer
+spiritual connection with Christianity than any other doctrine of the
+ancient world.
+
+The work of Cicero from which I have been quoting, the first book of his
+treatise on the Laws, _i.e._ the Roman constitution, is very probably
+based on one by Panaetius himself,[786] of whom we are expressly told
+that he used to discuss that constitution together with Polybius and
+Scipio in the days of their happy intimacy at Rome.[787] In any case we
+may find it helpful, taken together with the earlier fragmentary work
+_de Republica_, in trying to form some idea of the effect of this second
+leading Stoic thought on the best Roman minds of the last ages of the
+Republic. We find, as we might expect, that it is not on Man simply as
+individual that stress is here laid. Man is not thought of as hoping to
+realise his own Reason in isolation; the Stoics, though, like their
+rivals, they represent a reaction of the individual against the State,
+were all along perfectly clear that man in isolation would be helpless,
+and that his own reason bade him realise himself in association with his
+fellow-men.[788] It is the position of Man, as associated, 1, with God,
+2, with other men, that is here made prominent; and the bond of
+connection is in each case Law, which is indeed only one name for the
+Supreme Reason and the highest Good. I must say a word about these two
+aspects of Man's position in the world, in order to explain what I
+believe to have been the effect of this teaching on the Roman mind.
+
+1. In explaining the relation of Man to God Cicero uses an expression
+which some years before he had developed in a fine passage in the
+Republic: _true law_, he says, _is right reason_.[789] In the Laws he
+takes it up again, and argues that as both God and Man have reason,
+there must be a direct relation between them.[790] And as Law and right
+reason are identical, we may say that Law is the binding force of that
+relation. And again, this means that the universe may be looked on as
+one great State (_civitas_), of which both God and Man (or gods and men)
+are citizens, or in another way as a State of which the constitution is
+itself the Reason, or God's law, which all reasonable beings must obey.
+Such obedience is itself the effort by which Man realises his own
+reason: he is a part of a reasonable universe, and he cannot rebel
+against its law without violating his own highest instinct. It is not
+hard to see how this way of expressing the Stoic theological principle
+would appeal to the Roman mind. That mind was wholly incapable of
+metaphysical thinking; but it could without effort understand, with the
+help of its social and political principles and experience, the idea of
+supreme intelligent rule--a supreme _imperium_, as it were, to rebel
+against which would be a moral _perduellio_, high treason against a
+supreme Law, unwritten like his own, and resting, as he thought of his
+own as resting, on the best instincts, tradition, reason, of his
+community; from his own constitution and laws he could lift his mind
+without much difficulty to the constitution and law of the _communis
+deorum et hominum civitas_. The idea of God in any such sense as this
+was indeed new to him; but he could grasp it under the expression
+"universal law of right reason" when he would have utterly failed, for
+example, to conceive of it as "the Absolute." He can feel himself the
+citizen of a State whose maker and ruler is God, and whose law is the
+inevitable force of Reason; he can realise his relationship to God as a
+part of the same State, gifted with the same power of discerning its
+legal basis, nay, even helping to administer its law by rational
+obedience.
+
+2. Reason as thus ruling the universe can also provide a basis for Man's
+reasonable association with his fellow-men, and a religious basis if
+conceived as God; for Man's recognition of the divine law, the _recta
+ratio_, as binding on him, is followed quite naturally by his
+recognition of the application of that law to the world he lives in.
+"Human law comes into existence," says Zeller, explaining this
+point,[791] "when man becomes aware of the divine law, and recognises
+its claim on him." Here, again, it is easy to see how illuminating would
+be this conception of law for the Roman of Scipio's time. So far the
+Roman idea and study of law (as I have elsewhere expressed it)[792] had
+been of a crabbed, practical character, wanting in breadth of treatment,
+destitute of any philosophical conception of the moral principles which
+lie behind all law and government. The new doctrine called up life in
+these dry bones, and started Roman lawyers, many of whom were Stoics
+more or less pronounced, on a career of enlightened legal study which
+has left one of the most valuable legacies inherited by the modern
+world from ancient civilisation. In another way too it had, I think, an
+immediate effect on Scipio himself and his circle, and on their mental
+descendants, of whom Cicero was the most brilliant: it made them look on
+the law and constitution of their State as eminently reasonable, and on
+rebellion against it as unreason, or as the Romans call it, _lascivia_,
+wanton disregard of principle. So far as I know, no great Roman lawyer
+was ever a revolutionary like Catiline or Clodius, nor yet an obstinate
+conservative like Cato, whose Stoicism was of the older and less
+Romanised type; the two of whom we know most in the century following
+the arrival of Panaetius were both wise, just, and moderate men, Mucius
+Scaevola and Servius Sulpicius, of whom it may be truly said they
+contributed as much to civilisation as the great military and political
+leaders of the same period.[793]
+
+There now remains the question whether this noble Stoic religion, as we
+may fairly call it, with its ideas of the relation of Man to God and to
+his fellow-men, had, after all, sufficient definiteness for a Roman to
+act as a grip on his conscience and his conduct in his daily dealings
+with others. It could deduce the existence and beauty of the social
+virtues from its own principles; if Man partakes of the eternal Reason,
+or, as they otherwise put it, if he is through his Reason a part of God
+himself in the highest sense, and if God and Reason are in the highest
+sense good, then in realising his own Reason, in obeying the voice of
+the God within him,[794] he must be himself good by the natural instinct
+of his own being. Accordingly, these social virtues, duties, _officia_,
+as the Romans called them, were set forth by Panaetius in two books,
+which in a Latinised form we still fortunately possess,--the first two
+of Cicero's work _de Officiis_,--and without the uncompromising rigidity
+which characterised the original Stoic ethical doctrine inherited from
+the Cynics.[795] In the first book he treated of the good simply
+(_honestum_), in the second of the useful (_utile_), and in a third,
+which it was left for Cicero to execute, of the cases of conflict
+between these two. In this charming work there is much to admire, and
+even much to learn: the social virtues--benevolence, justice,
+liberality, self-restraint, and so on, are enlarged upon and illustrated
+by historical examples[796] in perfect Latin by Cicero; and as we read
+it we cannot but feel that the influence of Panaetius upon his educated
+Roman pupils must have been eminently wholesome.
+
+But at the same time we inevitably feel that there is something wanting.
+What power could such a discussion really have to constrain an ordinary
+man to right action? The constraint, such as it is, seems purely an
+intellectual process, and this is indeed noticeable in the Stoic ethics
+of all periods. No Stoic brought his doctrine nearer to a religious
+system than Epictetus; yet this is how Epictetus puts the matter:[797]
+"If a man could be thoroughly penetrated, as he ought to be, with this
+_thought_, that we are all in an especial manner sprung from God, and
+that God is the Father of men as well as gods, full sure he would never
+conceive aught ignoble or base of himself.... Those few who _hold_ that
+they are born for fidelity, modesty, and unerring rightness in dealing
+with the things of sense, never conceive aught base or ignoble of
+themselves." He means that, for the real Stoic, _self-respect is the
+necessary consequence of his intellectual conception of his place in the
+universe_, and that self-respect must as inevitably result in virtue.
+Can this intellectual attitude really act as a constraining force on the
+will of the average man? This is far too complicated a question for me
+to enter upon here, and I can but suggest the study of it for anyone who
+would wish to test the actual life-giving moral power of this
+philosophy. Suffice it to say that their idea of the universe as Reason
+and God naturally led the Stoics into a kind of Fatalism, a destined
+order in the world which nothing could effectually oppose;[798] and they
+were naturally in some difficulty in reconciling this with the freedom
+of Man's will. That freedom they constantly and consistently asserted;
+but it comes after all to this, that Man is free to bring his will into
+conformity, _through knowledge_, with the Power and the universal
+Reason; or, as Dr. Caird puts it,[799] "Man has the choice whether he
+will be a willing or an unwilling servant (of the universal Reason):
+unwilling, if he makes it his aim to satisfy his particular self, an aim
+which he can only attain so far as the general system of things allows
+him; willing, if he identifies himself with the divine reason which is
+manifested in that system." But that identification of himself with the
+divine Reason is again an intellectual process; it can only be realised
+by minds highly trained in thinking; it could not have the smallest grip
+on the conduct of the ordinary ignorant man, or on the minds of women
+and children.
+
+And here we come upon another weak point in Stoicism as presented to the
+Roman world in this last century B.C. It was an age in which gentleness,
+tenderness, pity, and the philanthropic spirit were most sadly needed,
+and it cannot be said of Stoicism that it had any mission to encourage
+their growth. The Stoics looked on the mass of men as ignorant and
+wicked,[800] and it never occurred to them that it was a duty of the
+Good Man to teach and redeem them,--to sacrifice his life, if need be,
+in the work of enlightenment. They seem to have thought even of women
+and children as hardly partaking of Reason; their ideally good man was
+virtuous in a strictly virile way,[801] and it never occurred to them
+that training in goodness must begin from the earliest years, and be
+gradually developed with infinite sympathy and tenderness. If a man is
+to learn that there is something within him which partakes of God, and
+which should naturally lead him to right conduct, he must begin to learn
+this truth in his infancy.[802] But the absence of a place for emotion
+and sympathy in the Stoic system, resulting from the purely intellectual
+nature of their central doctrine of Reason, meant also the absence of
+any spirit of enthusiastic propaganda. Their notion that emotion or
+passion is "a movement of mind contrary to reason and nature,"[803]
+lamed their whole system as a progressive force in the world of that
+day. Such religious power as it could exercise worked simply through
+the radiating influence of a few wise and good men, by nature pure and
+unselfish, who gradually familiarised the educated part of society with
+a nobler idea of God than the old religion had ever been able to supply,
+and with that other inspiring idea of the near relation of Man to God as
+partaking of His nature. But the active enthusiasm of a real
+religion--the _effective_ desire to be in right relation with the
+Power--was strange to Stoicism. In one way or another it had many
+excellent results; it cleared the ground, for example, for a new and
+universal religion by putting into the shade, if not altogether out of
+the way, the old local cults with their narrow and limited civic force:
+it glorified the idea of law and order in an age when the Roman world
+seemed to be forgetting what these sacred words meant; _but a real
+active enthusiasm of humanity was wanting in it_. Hence there is a
+certain hopelessness about Stoicism, which increased rather than
+diminished as the world went on, and such as is seen in a kind of sad
+grandeur in Marcus Aurelius, the Stoic emperor. Of him it may be said,
+both as emperor and philosopher, as has been said of the Stoic in
+general, that "he was essentially a soldier left to hold a fort
+surrounded by overpowering hosts of the enemy. He could not conquer or
+drive them away, but he could hold out to the last and die at his post."
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XVI.
+
+    [755] See, _e.g._ Livy iii. 20: "Sed nondum haec, quae
+    nunc tenet saeculum, neglegentia deum venerat; nec
+    interpretando sibi quisque iusiurandum et leges aptas
+    faciebat, sed suos potius mores ad ea accommodabat." Cp.
+    Cic. _de Off._ iii. 111.
+
+    [756] Two Epicureans were expelled from Rome in 173
+    (probably), Athenaeus, p. 547. Cicero, _Tusc._ iv. 3, 7,
+    gives some idea of the later popularity of the school in
+    the first half of the last century B.C.
+
+    [757] So Masson, _Lucretius_, i. 263, 271.
+
+    [758] See Masson i. ch. xii. and ii. p. 141 foll.;
+    Mayor's Cicero _de Nat. Deor._ vol. i. xlviii. and 138
+    foll.; Guyau, _La Morale d'Epicure_ (ed. 4), p. 171
+    foll.
+
+    [759] Cic. _N.D._ i. 19, 49 foll., and many other
+    passages; Diog. Laert. x. 55; Zeller, _Stoics,
+    Epicureans, and Sceptics_, p. 441 foll.; Masson i. 292,
+    who aptly quotes Cotta the academic critic in Cicero's
+    dialogue: "When Epicurus takes away from the gods the
+    power of helping and doing good, he extirpates the very
+    roots of religion from the minds of men" (Cic. _N.D._ i.
+    45. 121). One may add with Dr. Masson (i. 416 foll.)
+    that a machine cannot command worship; the _Natura_ of
+    Lucretius, _i.e._, was really a machine.
+
+    [760] Masson i. p. 284, and citations of Philodemus
+    there given.
+
+    [761] Mayor's Cic. _N.D._ vol. i. p. xlix.
+
+    [762] Lucr. vi. 68 foll.
+
+    [763] Masson i. p. 285.
+
+    [764] Cic. _N.D._ i. 2. 3.
+
+    [765] Cic. _N.D._ i. 37. 102; to believe the gods idle
+    "etiam homines inertes efficit."
+
+    [766] For this profound reverence for Epicurus see also
+    Cic. _N.D._ i. 8. 18. It amounted to a faith. In this
+    passage the Epicurean is described as "nihil tam verens
+    quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur, tanquam modo ex
+    deorum concilio et ex Epicuri intermundiis
+    descendisset." See also sec. 43 and Mayor's note; Cic.
+    _de Finibus_, i. 5. 14; Masson i. 354-5, who quotes the
+    most striking passages from Lucretius, _e.g._ v. 8-10:
+
+             deus ille fuit, deus, inclyte Memmi,
+      qui princeps vitae rationem invenit eam quae
+      nunc appellatur sapientia, etc.
+
+
+    In a paper entitled "Die Bekehrung (conversion) im
+    klassischen Altertum," by W. A. Heidel (_Zeitschrift fuer
+    Religionspsychologie_, vol. iii. Heft 2), the author, an
+    American disciple of W. James, argues that the exordium
+    of Bk. iii. indicates a psychological conversion of
+    Lucretius.
+
+    [767] See Masson's chapter (p. 399 foll.) on the
+    teaching and personality of Lucretius. _Social Life at
+    Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p. 327 foll., and references
+    there given. I may note here that the power of Epicurism
+    as a faith depended also largely on the directness,
+    downrightness, and audacity of its system, working on
+    minds weary of philosophers' disputations and political
+    quarrels.
+
+    [768] Cic. _de Finibus_, i. viii. to end (translation by
+    J. S. Reid, Camb. Univ. Press). The following sentence
+    in ch. 18, sec. 57, puts the Epicurean ethics in a
+    nutshell: "Clamat Epicurus, is quem vos nimis
+    voluptatibus esse deditum dicitis, non posse iucunde
+    vivi nisi sapienter, honeste, iusteque vivatur, nec
+    sapienter, honeste, iuste, nisi iucunde."
+
+    [769] What this quietism might mean for a Roman may be
+    gathered from the following passage in Cic. _de
+    Finibus_, i. 13. 43, in which _sapientia_ is practical
+    wisdom, the Aristotelian [Greek: phronesis] or the _ars
+    vivendi_, as Cicero has explained it just before:
+    "Sapientia est adhibenda, quae, et terroribus
+    cupiditatibusque detractis et omnium falsarum opinionum
+    temeritate derepta, certissimam se ducem praebeat ad
+    voluptatem. Sapientia enim est una, quae maestitiam
+    pellat ex animis, quae nos exhorrescere metu non sinat;
+    qua praeceptrice in tranquillitate vivi potest, omnium
+    cupiditatum ardore restincto. Cupiditates enim sunt
+    insatiabiles, quae non modo singulos homines, sed
+    universas familias evertunt, totam etiam labefactant
+    saepe rempublicam. Ex cupiditatibus odia discidia
+    discordiae seditiones bella nascuntur." And so on to the
+    end of the chapter. The message of Lucretius to the
+    Roman was practically the same. The remedy was the wrong
+    one in that age; though it does not necessarily entail
+    withdrawal from public life with all its enticements
+    and risks, it must inevitably have a strong tendency to
+    suggest it; and such withdrawal had, as a matter of
+    fact, been one of the characteristics of the Epicurean
+    life. See Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., ch. xx.; Guyau, _La
+    Morale d'Epicure_, p. 141 foll.
+
+    [770] _History of European Morals_ (1899), vol. i. p.
+    225. The treatment of Stoicism in this work, though not,
+    strictly speaking, philosophical, is in many ways most
+    instructive.
+
+    [771] F. Leo, _Die griechische und lateinische
+    Literatur_, p. 337. See the author's _Social Life at
+    Rome in the Age of Cicero_, p. 105.
+
+    [772] Polybius xxxii. 9-16.
+
+    [773] See a discussion by the author of the meaning of
+    [Greek: tyche] in Polybius, _Classical Review_, vol.
+    xvii. p. 445, and the passages there quoted relating to
+    the growth of the Roman dominion.
+
+    [774] See Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 3 foll.
+
+    [775] _Ib._ p. 6, note 3.
+
+    [776] See above, p. 251.
+
+    [777] Cic. _N.D._ ii., end of sec. 19. He is translating
+    the Greek [Greek: pneuma], which in Stoicism is not a
+    spiritual conception, but a material one, in harmony
+    with their theory of the universe as being itself
+    material, including reason and the soul. This is one of
+    the weak points of the Stoic idea of Unity. For the
+    meaning of _spiritus_ see Mayor's note on the passage;
+    it is "the ether or warm air which penetrates and gives
+    life to all things, and connects them together in one
+    organic whole."
+
+    [778] Cic. _N.D._ ii. xiii. 36 _ad fin._ On all this
+    department of the Stoic teaching see Zeller, _Stoics_,
+    etc., p. 135 foll.; Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii.,
+    Lectures 16 and 17.
+
+    [779] _Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics_, by F. W.
+    Bussell p. 42.
+
+    [780] Cic. _N.D._ ii. ch. 28 (secs. 70-72), with Mayor's
+    commentary; Zeller, _op. cit._ p. 327 foll.; Mayor,
+    introduction to vol. ii. of his edition of Cic. _N.D._
+    xi. foll.; _Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero_,
+    p. 334 foll. It is important to note the distinction
+    drawn by Cicero between religion and superstition; what
+    Lucretius called _religio_ as a whole Cicero (and Varro
+    too, cf. Aug. _Civ. Dei_, vi. 9) thus divided. See
+    Mayor's valuable note, vol. ii. p. 183. Some interesting
+    remarks on the Stoic way of dealing with popular
+    mythology will be found in Oakesmith's _Religion of
+    Plutarch_, p. 68 foll.
+
+    [781] See above, p. 118 foll.
+
+    [782] See Mayor's note on Cic. _N.D._ ii. 15. 39 (vol.
+    i. p. 130), with quotation from Philodemus. Zeller,
+    _Stoics_, etc., p. 337 foll.
+
+    [783] Cic. _de Legibus_, i. 7. 22.
+
+    [784] _Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum_, Paris, 1883.
+    I have borrowed the beautiful translation of my friend
+    Hastings Crossley, printed p. 183 foll. of his _Golden
+    Sayings of Epictetus_, in Macmillan's Golden Treasury
+    Series.
+
+    [785] _Gifford Lectures_, ii. p. 94.
+
+    [786] So Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 61 foll. The
+    evidence is not conclusive, and the process of argument
+    is one of elimination; but it raises a fairly strong
+    probability.
+
+    [787] Cic. _de Rep._ i. 21. 34.
+
+    [788] See Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 294 foll.
+
+    [789] Cic. _de Rep._ iii. 22. 33.
+
+    [790] Cic. _de Legibus_, i. 7. 22 foll.: "Est igitur,
+    quoniam nihil est ratione melius, eaque in homine et in
+    deo, prima homini cum deo rationis societas. Inter quos
+    autem ratio, inter eosdem etiam recta ratio communis
+    est," etc.
+
+    [791] Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 226 foll.
+
+    [792] _Social Life at Rome_, p. 117.
+
+    [793] _Ib._ p. 118 foll.
+
+    [794] I may take this opportunity of noting that a Roman
+    might better understand this notion of his Reason as the
+    voice of God within him, or conscience, from his own
+    idea of his "other soul," or genius; see above, p. 75.
+    But we do not know for certain that it was presented to
+    him in this way by Panaetius, though Posidonius (_ap.
+    Galenum_, 469) used the word [Greek: daimon] in this
+    sense, as did the later Stoics; see Mulder, _de
+    Conscientiae notione_, p. 71. Seneca, _Ep._ 41. 2, uses
+    the word _spiritus_: "Sacer intra nos spiritus sedet ...
+    in unoquoque virorum bonorum, quis deus incertum est,
+    habitat deus" (from Virg. _Aen._ viii. 352). Cp. Marcus
+    Aurelius iii. 3. Seneca uses the word genius clearly in
+    this sense in _Ep._ 110 foll. On the Stoic daemon
+    consult Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 332 foll.; Oakesmith,
+    _Religion of Plutarch_, ch. vi.
+
+    [795] See, _e.g._, Zeller, p. 268.
+
+    [796] This habit of illustrating by historical examples
+    had an educational value of its own, but serves well to
+    show how comparatively feeble was the appeal of Stoicism
+    to the conscience. It may be seen well in Valerius
+    Maximus, whose work, compiled of fact and fiction for
+    educational purposes, is far indeed from being an
+    inspiring one. See _Social Life at Rome_, p. 189.
+
+    [797] Arrian, _Discourses_, i. 3. 1-6 (_Golden Sayings
+    of Epictetus_, No. 9).
+
+    [798] Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 190 foll.
+    (Panaetius), and 244 foll. (Posidonius), Zeller 160
+    foll. This is the Fate or Providence on which the moral
+    lesson of the _Aeneid_ is based; see below, p. 409
+    foll. Aeneas is the servant of Destiny. If he had
+    persisted in rebelling against it by remaining at
+    Carthage with Dido, that would not have changed the
+    inevitable course of things, but it would have ruined
+    him.
+
+    [799] _Gifford Lectures_, ii. 96.
+
+    [800] Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 255. This, of course,
+    did not diminish the duty of general benevolence, _ib._
+    p. 310 and references, where fine passages of Cicero and
+    Seneca are quoted about duties to one's inferiors. But
+    an enthusiasm of humanity was none the less wanting in
+    Stoicism, and this was largely owing no doubt to their
+    hard and fast distinction between virtue and vice, and
+    their want of perception of a growth or evolution in
+    society. See Caird, _op. cit._ ii. 99; Lecky, _Hist. of
+    European Morals_, i. 192 foll.; Zeller 251 foll.
+
+    [801] See some excellent remarks in Lecky, _op. cit._ i.
+    p. 242 foll.
+
+    [802] See above, note 40.
+
+    [803] Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 229. Cic. _de Finibus_,
+    iii, 10, 35; _Tusc. Disp._ iv. 28, 60.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XVII
+
+MYSTICISM--IDEAS OF A FUTURE LIFE
+
+
+We have now reached the end of the period of the Republic; but before I
+go on to the age of Augustus, with which I must bring these lectures to
+an end, I must ask attention to a movement which can best be described
+by the somewhat vague term Mysticism, but is generally known to
+historians of philosophy as Neo-pythagoreanism. The fact is that such
+tendency as there ever was at Rome towards Mysticism--which was never
+indeed a strong one till Rome had almost ceased to be Roman[804]--seems
+to have taken the form of thinking known as Pythagorean. The ideas at
+the root of the Pythagorean doctrine, the belief in a future life, the
+conception of this life as only preparatory to another, the conviction
+of the need of purgation in another life and of the preparatory
+discipline and asceticism to be practised while we are here,--these are
+truly religious ideas; and even among Romans the religious instinct,
+though it might be hypnotised, could never be entirely destroyed. When
+it awoke from time to time in the minds of thinking men it was apt to
+express itself in Pythagorean tones. With the ignorant and vulgar it
+might find a baser expression in superstition pure and simple,--in the
+finding of portents, in astrology, in Dionysiac orgies; but with these
+Pythagoreanism must not be reckoned. These, as they appeared on the soil
+of Italy, were the bastard children of quasi-religious thought. But the
+movement of which I speak marks a reaction, among men who could both
+feel and think, against the whole tendency of Roman religious experience
+as we have been tracing it; against the extreme formalism, now
+meaningless, of the Roman State religion; against the extreme scepticism
+and indifference so obvious in the last century and a half of the
+republican era; against the purely intellectual appeal of the ethical
+systems of which I have been recently speaking. Stoicism indeed, as we
+shall see, held out a hand to the new movement, simply because Stoicism
+had a religious side which was wanting in Epicurism. But the thought
+that our senses and our reason are not after all the sole fountains of
+our knowledge, a thought which is the essence of mysticism, was really
+foreign to Stoicism; and when this thought did find a soil in the mind
+of a thinking Roman of this age, it was likely to spring up in a
+transcendental form which we may call Pythagoreanism.
+
+South Italy was indeed the true home of the Pythagorean teaching. There
+its founder had established it, and there, mixed up with more popular
+Orphic doctrine and practice, it must have remained latent for
+centuries.[805] "Tenuit magnam illam Graeciam," says Cicero of
+Pythagoras, "cum honore disciplinae, tum etiam auctoritate; multaque
+saecula post sic viguit Pythagoreorum nomen, ut nulli alii docti
+viderentur."[806] To South Italy Plato is said to have travelled to
+study this philosophy, and to learn the doctrine of the immortality of
+the soul; and the story is generally accepted as true.[807] But of any
+missionary attempt of Pythagoreanism on Rome we know nothing--and
+probably there was nothing to tell--till that mysterious plot to
+introduce it after the Hannibalic war which I mentioned in a recent
+lecture.[808] That war brought Rome into close contact with Tarentum and
+southern Italy, and it is likely enough that the attempt to connect King
+Numa with the philosopher, both in the familiar legend and in the
+alleged discovery of the stone coffin with its forged manuscripts, had
+its origin in this contact. The Senate could not object to the legend,
+but it promptly stamped out this grotesque attempt at propagandism. Then
+we hear no more of the doctrine for a century at least; but in the last
+century B.C. we know that there appeared a number of Pythagorean
+writings, falsely attributed to the founder himself or his
+disciples,[809]--a method of propagandism which, like that of the
+previous century, may perhaps be taken as marking the religious nature
+of the doctrine, which needed the _ipse dixit_ of the founder or
+something as near it as possible.[810] But of the immediate influence of
+these writings we know nothing. The person really responsible for the
+tendency to this kind of mysticism was undoubtedly the great Posidonius,
+philosopher, historian, traveller, who more than any other man dominated
+the Roman world of thought in the first half of the last century B.C.,
+and whose writings, now surviving in a few fragments only, lie at the
+back of nearly all the serious Roman literature of his own and indeed of
+the following age.[811] Panaetius, there can be little doubt, had done
+something to leaven Stoicism with Platonic-Aristotelian psychology,[812]
+the general tendency of which was towards a dualism of Soul and Body.
+The Stoics, in the strict sense of the name, "could not be content with
+any philosophy which divided heaven from earth, the spiritual from the
+material." "They rebelled against the idea of a transcendent God and a
+transcendent ideal world, as modern thought has rebelled against the
+supernaturalism of mediaeval religion and philosophy."[813] In their
+passion for unity they would not separate soul and body. But when once
+Panaetius had hinted at a reversion to the older mode of thought, it was
+natural and easy to follow his lead in a society which had long ago
+abandoned burial for cremation, and bidden farewell to the primitive
+notion that the body lived on under the earth: in a society, too, which
+had always believed in that "other soul," the _Genius_ of a man, as
+distinct from his bodily self of this earthly life.[814]
+
+Now as soon as this dualism of body and soul was suggested, it was taken
+up by Posidonius into what we may call his neo-Stoic system, and at once
+gave mysticism,--or transcendentalism, if we choose so to call it--its
+chance. For in such a dualistic psychology it is the soul that gains in
+value, the body that loses. Life becomes an imprisonment of the soul in
+the body; the soul seeks to escape, death is but the beginning of a new
+life, and the imagination is set to work to fathom the mysteries of
+Man's future existence, nay, in some more fanciful minds, those of his
+pre-existence as well. This kind of speculation, half philosophic, half
+poetical, is the transcendental side of the Platonic psychology, and in
+the last age of the Republic was able to connect Platonism and
+Pythagoreanism without deserting Stoicism.[815] We can see it reflected
+from Posidonius in the Dream of Scipio, the beautiful myth, imitated
+from those of Plato, with which Cicero concluded his treatise on the
+State, written in the year 54 B.C., after his retirement from political
+life. In this, and again in the first book of his _Tusculan
+Disputations_, composed nearly ten years later, Cicero is beyond doubt
+on the tracks of Posidonius, and therefore also of Pythagoreanism.[816]
+Listen to the words put into the mouth of the elder Scipio and addressed
+to his younger namesake: "Tu vero enitere et sic habeto, non esse te
+mortalem, sed corpus hoc; non enim tu es, quem forma ista declarat; sed
+_mens cuiusque is est quisque_, non ea figura quae digito demonstrari
+potest."[817] Here is the body plainly losing, the soul gaining
+importance. But he goes still further: "_deum igitur te scito esse_: si
+quidem deus est qui viget qui sentit qui meminit: qui providet, qui tam
+regit et moderatur et movet id corpus cui propositus est, quam hunc
+mundum ille princeps deus, et ut mundum ex quadam parte mortalem ipse
+deus aeternus, sic fragile corpus animus sempiternus movet."[818]
+
+With such a view of the soul in relation to the body, we can understand
+how in this myth it is described as flying upwards, released from
+corporeal bondage, and ascending through heavenly stations to pure
+aether, if at least (and here we may note the characteristic Roman
+touch) its abode on earth has been the body of a good citizen.[819] All
+that is of earth earthy, all old ideas of burial, all notions of a
+gloomy abode below the earth, are here fairly left behind. So too in the
+first book of the _Tusculans_, written after the death of his beloved
+daughter, Cicero would persuade himself and others that death cannot be
+an evil if we once allow the soul to be immortal: for from its very
+nature it must rise into aethereal realms, cannot sink like the body
+into the earth.[820] Into its experiences in the aether I do not need to
+go here. Enough has been said to show that, as it were, the heavens were
+opened, and with the psychological separation of soul from body the
+imaginative faculty was released also; not indeed that any Roman, or
+even Posidonius himself, could revel in cosmological dreams as did
+Plato, but they found in him all they needed, and it would seem that
+they made much use of it. Plato's _Timaeus_ was made by Posidonius the
+subject of a commentary,[821] and by Cicero himself it was in part at
+least translated, about the time when he was writing the _Tusculans_,
+and still deeply moved by his recent loss. Of this translation a
+fragment survives; and in the introductory sentences he indicates a
+second stimulus to his Pythagorean tendencies, besides Posidonius. He
+tells how he had met at Ephesus, when on his way to his province of
+Cilicia, the famous Pythagorean Nigidius Figulus, and had enjoyed
+conversation with him.[822] Nigidius was an old friend, who had helped
+Cicero in his consulship; he was one of those "polyhistores" who are
+characteristic of the age, like Posidonius and Varro, and wrote works on
+all kinds of subjects of which but few fragments remain. But his
+reputation as a Pythagorean survived for centuries;[823] and this
+mention of him by Cicero is only another proof of the direction the
+thoughts of the latter were taking in these last two years of his life.
+
+
+Clearly, then, Cicero in his philosophical writings of these years was
+affected by the current of mysticism that was then running. But to me it
+is still more interesting to find it moving him in a practical matter of
+which he has himself left the truth on record; for Cicero is a real
+human being for whom all who are familiar with his letters must have
+something in the nature of affection, and with whom, too, we feel
+genuine sympathy in the calamity which now fell upon him. It was early
+in 45 B.C. that he lost his only and dearly loved daughter, and the blow
+to his sensitive temperament, already hardly tried by political anxiety,
+was severe. We still have the private letters which he wrote to Atticus
+after her death from his solitude at Astura on the edge of the
+melancholy Pomptine marshes;[824] and here, if our minds are
+sufficiently divested of modern ideas and trained to look on death with
+Roman eyes, we may be startled to find him thinking of her as still in
+some sense surviving, and as divine rather than human: as a deity or
+spirit to whom a _fanum_ could be erected. He makes it clear to Atticus,
+who is acting as his business agent at Rome, that he does not want a
+mere tomb (_sepulcrum_), but a _fanum_, which as we have seen was the
+general word for a spot of ground sacred to a deity. "I wish to have a
+_fanum_ built, and that wish cannot be rooted out of my heart. I am
+anxious to avoid any likeness to a tomb, not so much on account of the
+penalty of the law, as in order to attain as nearly as possible to an
+_apotheosis_. This I could do if I built it in the villa itself, but ...
+I dread the changes of owners. Wherever I construct it on the land, I
+think that I could secure that posterity should respect its
+sanctity."[825] The word here translated sanctity is _religio_; we may
+remember that all burial places were _loca religiosa_, not consecrated
+by the State, yet hallowed by the feeling of awe or scruple in
+approaching them; but Cicero is probably here using the word rather in
+that wider sense in which it so often expresses the presence of a deity
+in some particular spot.[826]
+
+Atticus was a man of the world and probably an Epicurean, and his
+friend in two successive letters half apologises for this strong
+desire. "I should not like it to be known by any other name but
+_fanum_,--unreasonably, you will perhaps say." And again, "you must bear
+with these silly wishes (_ineptiae_) of mine."[827] But this only makes
+the intensity of his feeling about it the more plain and significant; he
+really seems to want Tullia to be thought of as having passed into the
+sphere of divinity, however vaguely he may have conceived of it. Perhaps
+he remembered his own words in Scipio's dream, "Deum te esse scito."
+The ashes of Tullia rested in the family tomb, but the godlike thing
+imprisoned in her mortal body was to be honoured at this _fanum_, which,
+strange as it may seem to us, her father wished to erect in a public and
+frequented place. She does not fade away into the common herd of Manes,
+but remains, though as a spirit, the same individual Tullia whom her
+father had loved so dearly.
+
+I long ago explained the old Roman idea of Manes,[828] a vague
+conception of shades of the dead dwelling below the earth, and hardly,
+if at all, individualised. But in Tullia's case we meet with a clear
+conception of an individual spirit; and this alone would lead us to
+suspect a Pythagorean influence at work, such as that under which Virgil
+wrote the famous words "Quisque suos patimur Manes," which simply mean
+"Each individual of us must endure his own individual ghosthood."[829]
+This process of individualisation must have been gradually coming on,
+but the steps are lost to us; we only know that the earliest sepulchral
+inscription which speaks to it, in the vague plural Di Manes so familiar
+in later times, is dateable somewhere about this very time.[830] My
+friend Dr. J. B. Carter would explain it, in part at least, by the Roman
+conception of Genius to which I alluded just now, and doubtless this
+must be taken into account. For myself I would rather think of it as the
+natural result of the growth of individualism in the living human being
+during the last two centuries B.C. Surely it was impossible for
+personality to grow as it did in that period without a corresponding
+growth of the idea of individual immortality in the minds of all who
+believed in a future life of any kind at all. The Epicureans did not so
+believe; but Roman Stoics instructed by Panaetius and Posidonius might
+not only believe in immortality but in an immortality of the individual.
+
+Let me take this opportunity of noting that there was, of course, no
+sort of restriction on a man's belief about this or any other religious
+question. It was perfectly open to every one to hold what view best
+pleased him about the state of the dead: all that the State required of
+him was that he should fulfil his obligations at the tombs of his own
+kin. No dogma reigned in the necropolis, only duty, _pietas_,--and that
+_pietas_ implied no conviction. The Parentalia in February were
+originally, so far as we can discern, only a yearly renewal of the rite
+of burial on its anniversary;[831] this implies civilisation and some
+kind of calendar, but not a creed. Later on, in the Fasti of the
+City-state, the day was fixed for all citizens without regard of
+anniversaries; and here the rites become a matter of _ius_, the _ius
+Manium_, to the observance of which the Manes are entitled. Still there
+is no creed, though Cicero speaks of this _ius_ as based on the idea of
+a future life.[832] As a fact these rites are a survival from an age in
+which the dead man was believed to go on living in the grave, but that
+primitive idea was no longer held by the educated. Each man was free in
+all periods to believe what he pleased about the dead, and as the Romans
+began to think, this freedom becomes easy to illustrate. Cicero himself
+is usually agnostic, as is in keeping with his Academic tendency in
+philosophy; even in one of these very letters he seems to speak of his
+own non-existence after death.[833] So, too, the excellent Servius
+Sulpicius, in the famous letter of condolence written to Cicero at this
+time from Athens, seems to be uncertain.[834] We all know the words of
+Caesar (reported by Sallust), which are often quoted with a kind of holy
+horror, as though a pontifex maximus might not hold any opinion he
+pleased about death, and as though his doubt were not the common doubt
+of innumerable thinking men of the age.[835] Catullus wrote of death as
+"nox perpetua dormienda"; Lucretius, of course, gloried in the thought
+that there is no life beyond. In the following century the learned Pliny
+could write of death as the relapsing into the same nothingness as
+before we were born, and could scoff at the absurdities of the cult of
+the dead.[836]
+
+But when a man like Cicero was deeply touched by grief, his emotional
+nature abandoned its neutral attitude, and turned for consolation to
+mysticism. As I have said, he was persuading himself that Tullia was
+still living,--a glorified spirit. We can gain just a momentary glimpse
+of what was in his mind by turning to the fragments of the _Consolatio_
+which he was now writing at Astura.
+
+This was a _Consolatio_ of the kind which was a recognised literary form
+of this and later times,[837] though in this case it was addressed by
+the writer to himself; to write was for Cicero second nature, and he was
+sure to take up his pen when he had feelings that needed expression. It
+is unfortunately lost, all but one fragment, which he quotes himself in
+the first book of his _Tusculans_, and one or two more preserved by the
+Christian writer Lactantius, a great admirer of Cicero, who came near to
+catching the beauty of his style. The passage quoted by himself is
+precious.[838] It insists on the spiritual nature of the soul, which can
+have nothing in common with earth or matter of any kind, seeing that it
+thinks, remembers, foresees: "ita quicquid est illud, quod sentit, quod
+sapit, quod vivit, quod viget, caeleste et divinum, ob eamque rem
+aeternum sit necesse est." And in the concluding words he hints strongly
+at the _divinity_ of the soul, which is of the same make as God
+himself,--of the same immaterial nature as the only Deity of whom we
+mortals can conceive. His daughter, therefore, is not only still living
+in a spiritual life, but she is in some vague sense divine; that word
+_apotheosis_, which he twice uses in the letters, has a real meaning for
+him at this moment; and in a fragment of the _Consolatio_ quoted by
+Lactantius he makes this quite plain; "Te omnium optimam doctissimamque,
+approbantibus dis immortalibus ipsis, in eorum coetu locatam, ad
+opinionem omnium mortalium consecrabo."[839]
+
+Undoubtedly Cicero is here under the influence of the Pythagoreans as
+well as of his own emotion. In another chapter Lactantius seems to make
+this certain;[840] he begins by combining Stoics and Pythagoreans as
+both believing the immortality of the soul, goes on to deal with the
+Pythagorean doctrine (or one form of it) that in this life we are
+expiating the sins of another, and ends by quoting Cicero's _Consolatio_
+to that effect: "Quid Ciceroni faciemus? qui cum in principio
+Consolationis suae dixit, luendorum scelerum causa nasci homines,
+iteravit id ipsum postea, quasi obiurgans eum qui vitam poenam non esse
+putet." Another lost book, the _Hortensius_, which was written
+immediately after the _Consolatio_, March to May 45,[841] shows in one
+or two surviving fragments exactly the same tendency of thought and
+reading.[842] Our conclusion then must be that Cicero, always
+impressionable, and in his way also religious, had in this year 45 a
+real religious experience. He was brought face to face with one of the
+mysterious facts of life, and with one of the great mysteries of the
+universe, and the religious instinct awoke within him. How many others,
+even in that sordid and materialistic age, may have had the like
+experience, with or without a mystical philosophy to guide their
+thoughts? In the last words of the famous Laudatio Turiae, of which I
+have written at length in my _Social Life in the Age of Cicero_,[843] we
+may perhaps catch an echo of a similar religious feeling: "Te di Manes
+tui ut quietam patiantur atque ita tueantur opto" (I pray that thy
+divine Manes may keep thee in peace and watch over thee). These words,
+expressing the hope of a practical man, not of a philosopher, are very
+difficult to explain, except as the unauthorised utterances of an
+individual. They hardly find a parallel either in literature or
+inscriptions. We must not press them, yet they help us to divine that
+there was in this last half-century B.C. some mystical yearning to
+realise the condition of the loved ones gone before, and the relation of
+their life to that of the living. This religious instinct, let us note
+once for all, is not identical with the old one which we expressed by
+the formula about the Power manifesting itself in the universe. The
+religious instinct of the primitive Roman was concerned only with this
+life and its perils and mysteries; the religious instinct of Cicero's
+time was not that of simple men struggling with agricultural perils, but
+that of educated men whose minds could pass in emotional moments far
+beyond the troubles of this present world, to speculate on the great
+questions, why we are here, what we are, and what becomes of us after
+death.
+
+But what of the ordinary Roman of this age--what of the man who was not
+trained to think, and had no leisure or desire to read? What did he
+believe about a future life, or did he believe anything? This brings us
+to a curious question about which I must say a very few words--did this
+ordinary Roman, as Lucretius seems to insist, believe in Hades and its
+torments? Not in one passage only does Lucretius insist on this. "That
+fear of Hell" (so Dr. Masson translates him) "must be driven out
+headlong, which troubles the life of man from its inmost depth, and
+overspreads everything with the blackness of death, and permits no
+pleasure to be pure and unalloyed."[844] I need not multiply quotations;
+evidently the poet believed what he said, though he may be using the
+exaggeration of poetical diction. And to a certain extent he is borne
+out by the literature of his time. In fact Polybius, writing nearly a
+century earlier of the Romans and their religion, implies that such
+notions were common, and that they were invented by "the ancients" to
+frighten the people into submission.[845] Cicero, though he of course
+thinks of them as merely the fables of poets, seems to suggest that the
+ordinary man did believe in them; thinking of his own recent loss, he
+says that our misery would be unbearable when we lose those we love, if
+we really thought of them as "_in iis malis quibus vulgo
+opinantur_."[846] Of course all these fables were Greek, not Roman.
+There is no reason to believe that the old Romans imagined their own
+dead experiencing any miseries in Orcus--the old name, as it would seem,
+for the dimly imagined abode of the Manes, afterwards personified after
+the manner of Plutus.[847] No doubt they believed that the dead were
+ghosts, desiring to get back to their old homes, who, in the
+well-ordered religion of the City-state, were limited in this strong
+desire to certain days in the civic year.[848] But their first
+acquaintance with Hades and its tortures may probably be dated early,
+_i.e._ when they first became acquainted with Etruscan works of art,
+themselves the result of a knowledge of Greek art and myth.[849] Early
+in the second century B.C. Plautus in the _Captivi_ alluded to these
+paintings as familiar;[850] and we must not forget that the Etruscans
+habitually chose the most gruesome and cruel of the Greek fables for
+illustration, and especially delighted in that of Charon, one likely
+enough to strike the popular imagination. The play-writers themselves
+were responsible for inculcating the belief, as Boissier remarked in his
+work on the Roman religion of the early empire.[851] In the theatre,
+with women and children present, Cicero says in the first book of his
+_Tusculans_, the crowded auditorium is moved as it listens to such a
+"grande carmen" as that sung by a ghost describing his terrible journey
+from the realms of Acheron; and in another passage of the same book he
+mentions both painters and poets as responsible for a delusion which
+philosophers have to refute.[852] I need not say that the Roman poets
+too continually use the imagery of Tartarus; but they use it as
+literary tradition, and in the sixth _Aeneid_ it is used also to enforce
+the idea of duty to the State which is the real theme of the poem.
+
+As Dr. Masson truly observes, we have the literature but we have not the
+folklore of the age of Cicero and Virgil; and it must be confessed that
+without the folklore such scanty literary evidence as I have just
+mentioned does not come to much. Dr. Masson indeed concludes on this
+evidence that the fear of future torments played a considerable part in
+the religious notions both of the common people and possibly of some of
+the educated. I think it may have been so, but on other grounds, which I
+must briefly explain.
+
+From all that I have said in these lectures about the religious ideas
+represented in the earliest calendar, _i.e._ those of the governing
+Romans of the earliest City-state, it will be plain that a gruesome
+eschatology was an impossibility for them. Just the same may be said of
+the Greek ideas represented in the Homeric poems; for with the exception
+of the Nekuia of the _Odyssey_, which almost all scholars agree in
+attributing to a later age than the bulk of the two Homeric epics, in
+this poetry _il se fait grand jour_.[853] This is not the first time
+that I have compared the religion of the Roman patricians to that of
+Homer;[854] and there is a growing conviction among experts that we have
+in each case the ideas of a comparatively civilised immigrant
+population, whose religion, though it has developed in very different
+ways, has the common characteristic of cleanness and brightness. In
+Italy it is practical, in Homer imaginative; but in both it is free from
+the brutal and the grotesque. Even the eschatology of the eleventh
+_Odyssey_ is not cruel, it is comparatively colourless; and, as I said
+just now, this also may be said of the Roman ideas of Orcus and the
+Manes.
+
+In each case it is life, not death, that is of interest to the living;
+death is rather a negation than anything distinctly realised. The state
+of the dead in Homer is shadowy and _triste_, a state not to be desired,
+as Achilles so painfully expresses it in a famous passage; but the
+_life_ of the Achaean in the poems is vivid--nay, such a vivid
+realisation of life can alone account for the production of such poems.
+So, too, the immigrant population at Rome, to whom is due the regulation
+of the religion as we know it, and the inspiring force that made for
+ordered government and warlike enterprise, was too full of practical if
+not of imaginative vitality to be apt to dwell upon the possibilities of
+existence after death, to conceive of such existence as either happy or
+miserable, the reward or the punishment for things done in this world.
+
+But in each peninsula this immigrant race was living in the midst of a
+far more primitive population; and it is perhaps to this population that
+we must look for the origin of the more detailed and imaginative notions
+of the life of the dead. Of the Greeks in this matter I have not space
+here to speak, nor am I competent to do so. But the conviction is
+steadily gaining ground that in early Rome we have to recognise the
+existence of two races; whether the older of these was Ligurian, as
+Prof. Ridgeway thinks, or primitive Latin, _i.e._ old Italic, as Binder
+believes, does not matter for our present purpose;[855] nor are the
+arguments drawn from religion which these writers have used at all
+convincing to my intelligence. But they have not noticed what is to me a
+really valid argument, viz. the double festival of the dead in the
+calendar of Numa. In February we find the cheerful and orderly festival
+of the Parentalia, the yearly renewal of the seemly rite of burial; in
+May, on the other hand, the student of the calendar is astonished to
+find three several days called Lemuria, the rites belonging to which are
+never mentioned, except where Ovid treats us to a grotesque account of
+the driving out of ancestral spirits from the house.[856] No one
+doubts, I think, that the Lemuria represents an older stratum of thought
+about the dead than the other festival,[857] but no one, so far as I
+know, has ventured to claim the Lemures and their three days as
+belonging to the religion of the more primitive race. If I make this
+suggestion now, it must be taken as a hypothesis only, but as a
+hypothesis it can at least do no harm. If I am asked why Lemuria should
+have been admitted into the patrician calendar, I answer that I have
+long held that a few of the non-patrician religious customs were
+absorbed into the religion of the city of the four regions, the
+Lupercalia, for example;[858] and nothing could be more likely than that
+the old barbarous ideas about the dead should win this amount of
+respect, seeing that by the limitation to three days in the year order
+and decency might be brought into their service. I may repeat, with a
+slight addition, what I wrote ten years ago about these two Roman
+festivals of the dead: "If we compare Ovid's account of the grotesque
+domestic rites of the Lemuria with those of February, which were of a
+systematic, cheerful, and even beautiful character, we may feel fairly
+sure that the latter represent the organised life of a City-state, the
+former the ideas of an age when life was wilder and less secure, and the
+fear of the dead, of ghosts and demons, was a powerful factor in the
+minds of the people. If we may argue from Ovid's account, it is not
+impossible that the Lemuria may have been one of those periodical
+expulsions of demons of which we hear so much in the _Golden Bough_, and
+which are performed on behalf of the community as well as in the
+domestic circle among savage peoples. It is noticeable that the offering
+of food to the demons is a feature common to these practices, and that
+it also appears in those described by Ovid."[859] To this I should now
+add the suggestion above made, that the Lemuria represents the ideas of
+the older race that occupied the site of Rome, while the Parentalia is
+originally the festival of the patrician immigrants.
+
+But what has all this to do with the eschatology which Lucretius
+attributes to the common people at Rome in his own day? Simply this,
+that the ideas at the root of the Lemuria may well have provided the raw
+material for such an eschatology, while those at the root of the
+Parentalia could not have done this. Dr. Westermarck has recently shown
+that primitive religions do spontaneously generate the idea of moral
+retribution after death, _e.g._ the notion that the souls of bad people
+may reappear as evil spirits or obnoxious animals.[860] We have no proof
+whatever of the existence of such notions at Rome; but I contend that
+the permanence of this type of belief about the dead which is
+represented by the Lemuria--a permanence which is attested by Ovid's
+description--raises a presumption that the lower stratum of the Roman
+population, if the chance were given it, would the more readily
+understand the pictures of Etruscan artists and the allusions of Greek
+playwrights, and the more easily become the prey of the eschatological
+horrors which Lucretius describes as terrifying them. The material was
+there from the earliest times, and all that was needed was for Greeks
+and Etruscans to work upon it.
+
+Before leaving this point it may be worth while to remember that though
+the well-to-do and educated classes cremated their dead, the poor of the
+crowded city population of the period I am now dealing with enjoyed no
+such orderly and cleanly funeral rites. The literary evidence is
+explicit on this point, and has been confirmed by modern excavation on
+the Esquiline, where we know from Varro and Horace that the poor and the
+slaves were thrown _en masse_ into _puticuli_, _i.e._ holes where it was
+impossible that any memorial ceremonies could be kept up.[861] Horace's
+lines are familiar (_Sat._ 8. 8):
+
+   huc prius angustis eiecta cadavera cellis
+   conservus vili portanda locabat in arca.
+   hoc miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrum, etc.
+
+It is dangerous to be too confident about the effect on the religious
+imagination of different ways of dealing with the dead; but it is at
+least not improbable that any inherited tendency to believe in a
+miserable future for the soul would be confirmed and maintained by so
+miserable a fate for the body. The mass of the population had little
+chance of ridding itself of eschatological superstition.
+
+Thus I am inclined to come to Dr. Masson's conclusion, though on
+somewhat different grounds. I think it quite possible that the
+uneducated in the age of the poet may have really been inoculated with
+these ideas of cruel retribution, and that in many cases this may have
+resulted in despair or at least discomfort. Only we must remember that
+in a great city like Rome, as in Paris or London to-day, both the
+miseries and the enjoyments of life would tend to accustom the minds of
+the lower strata to consider the present rather than the future; the
+necessities and pleasures of the moment are with them the only material
+of thought. Neither comfort nor remonstrance could reach them from
+pulpit or from missioner; neither fear nor hope could largely enter into
+their lives. In fact I half suspect that most of them were, after all,
+so long as they were healthy and active, much what Lucretius would have
+them be--free from all religious scruple; but, alas, utterly destitute
+of the intellectual support which he claimed from the study of
+philosophy. We can well understand how it was among the lower population
+of the great cities that early Christianity found its chance. They had
+no education or philosophy to stand between them and the gospel of
+redemption.
+
+I must say one word about another kind of transcendentalism which was
+pushing its way into favour in Roman society at this time--I mean
+astrology. One may call it transcendental because it was based, in its
+original home in the East, on a mystical notion of sympathy between the
+phenomena of the starry heavens and the phenomena of human life;[862]
+and that this notion was carefully inculcated by those who taught the
+"science" at Rome is shown by the long and wearisome poem on astrology
+written by Manilius in the succeeding age. But it is not likely that
+this form of mysticism had become really popular before the period of
+the Empire, and in any case it can hardly be called a part of Roman
+religious experience. I only mention it here as helping to illustrate
+the way in which men's minds were now beginning to turn with interest to
+speculations altogether beyond the range of that practical ethical
+philosophy which was natural and congenial to the Roman, altogether
+beyond the horizon of man's daily prospect in this world. The growing
+interest in Fortuna, both as natural force and deity, which became
+intense under the Empire, is another indication of the same
+tendency.[863]
+
+As soon as Rome had come into close contact with Greece, which had long
+before been overrun by the eastern astrology--by the Chaldaeans or
+_mathematici_, as they are so often called--these experts began to
+appear also in Italy. We first hear of them from old Cato, who advises
+that the steward of an estate should be strictly forbidden to consult
+_Chaldaei_, _harioli_, _haruspices_, and such gentry.[864] In 139
+B.C.--a year in which there happened to be in Rome an embassy from Simon
+Maccabaeus--Chaldaeans were ordered to leave Rome and Italy within ten
+days; but I think there is some evidence that these were really Jews who
+were trying to propagate their own religion.[865] For some time we hear
+nothing more of these intruders; but they probably gained ground again
+in the course of the Mithridatic wars, which were responsible for the
+introduction of much Oriental religion into Italy. They are mentioned in
+87, together with [Greek: thytai] and Sibyllistae, as persuading the
+ill-fated Octavius to remain in Rome to meet his death, as it turned
+out, at the hands of the Marians.[866] But no Roman seems to have taken
+up astrology as a quasi-scientific study till that Nigidius, of whom I
+have already said a word, was persuaded thus to waste his time and
+brains. He is said to have foretold the greatness of Augustus at his
+birth in 63 B.C.;[867] and from this time forward the taking of
+horoscopes or _genethliaca_ became a favourite pursuit at
+Rome--unfortunately for the people of Europe, who caught the infection
+and kept it endemic for at least fifteen centuries.
+
+Astrology is in no sense religion, and I must leave it with these few
+remarks. It represents the individual and his personal interests, not
+even the advantage of the community, and it was for this reason that the
+Chaldaei were disliked by the Roman government. The individual is not
+satisfied with legitimate Roman means of divination; he is employing
+illegitimate ways when he entrusts himself to these Orientals, who, most
+of them doubtless, well deserved the scathing contempt which Tacitus has
+contrived to put into six words: "Genus hominum potentibus infidum,
+sperantibus fallax," adding, with no less contempt for the Roman
+authorities who had to deal with them, that they will always be
+forbidden, and always will be found at Rome.[868]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XVII
+
+    [804] For the Pythagoreanism of the Neo-platonic
+    movement in the third century A.D. consult Bussell,
+    _Marcus Aurelius and the Later Stoics_ (Edin. 1910), p.
+    30 foll., who explains the reaction from Stoicism to
+    Neo-Platonism. See also Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, ii.
+    162 foll.
+
+    [805] Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 403, says that
+    it had ceased to exist for centuries as a philosophy,
+    but cautiously adds in a note that the knowledge of it
+    was not extinct. The famous Orphic tablets from South
+    Italy are taken as dating from the third and fourth
+    centuries B.C., and if not actually Pythagorean, they
+    are next door to being so. See Miss Harrison,
+    _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_, p. 660.
+
+    [806] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 38.
+
+    [807] See, _e.g._, Prof. Taylor's little book on Plato
+    (Constable), p. 11.
+
+    [808] See above, p. 349.
+
+    [809] Sextus Empiricus, _adv. Physicos_, ii. 281 foll.
+
+    [810] For the devotion of the believers to the founder
+    and his _ipse dixit_, see Cicero, _Nat. Deor._ i. 5. 10.
+
+    [811] The relation of Posidonius to Roman literature has
+    been much discussed of late. See, _e.g._, Norden,
+    Virgil, _Aen._ vi., index, _s.v._ "Stoa"; Schmekel, _Die
+    mittlere Stoa_, 85 foll., 238 foll.
+
+    [812] For Panaetius' enthusiasm for Plato and his
+    teaching, see Cic. _Tusc. Disp._ i. 32. 79; the whole
+    passage indicates, though it does not exactly prove, an
+    approach to the Platonic psychology.
+
+    [813] Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 85.
+
+    [814] See above, p. 75. The idea that the practice of
+    cremation influenced the ideas of the Roman about the
+    soul was first, I think, suggested by Boissier,
+    _Religion romaine_, i. 310. Cicero himself hints at this
+    conclusion in _Tusc. Disp._ i. 16. 36: "In terram enim
+    cadentibus corporibus, hisque humo tectis, e quo dictum
+    est humari, sub terra censebant reliquam vitam agi
+    mortuorum. Quam eorum opinionem magni errores consecuti
+    sunt; quos auxerunt poetae."
+
+    [815] This point is well put by Dill, p. 493 of _Roman
+    Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius_. See also
+    Dieterich, _Eine Mithras-Liturgie_, p. 200 fol.;
+    Stewart, _Myths of Plato_, 352-53.
+
+    [816] Schmekel, _Die mittlere Stoa_, p. 400 foll.
+
+    [817] _De Rep._ vi. 26.
+
+    [818] _Ib._ The word _providet_ reminds us that this
+    transcendental philosophy supplied the later Stoics with
+    an explanation of divination. See Bouche-Leclercq,
+    _Hist. de divination_, i. 68; Dill, _op. cit._ p. 439;
+    Seneca, _Nat. Quaest._ ii. 52, fully accepted
+    divination. Cp. Cic. _Tusc. Disp._ i. 37. 66, where he
+    quotes his own _Consolatio_; see above, p. 388.
+    Panaetius, however, had courageously denied divination:
+    Cic. _Div._ i. 3. 6; Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., p. 352.
+
+    [819] _De Rep._ vi. 15, 26, and 29.
+
+    [820] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 16. 36 foll. On the whole subject
+    of the rise of the soul after death see Dieterich, _Eine
+    Mithras-Liturgie_, p. 179 foll.
+
+    [821] Schmekel, _op. cit._ p. 438; Stewart, _Myths of
+    Plato_, p. 300.
+
+    [822] For Nigidius, see Schanz, _Gesch. der roem.
+    Literatur_ (ed. 2), vol. ii. p. 419 foll.
+
+    [823] "Nigidius Figulus Pythagoreus et magus in exilio
+    moritur" is the notice of him in St. Jerome's Chronicle
+    for the year 45 B.C.
+
+    [824] These letters are in the 12th book of those to
+    Atticus, Nos. 12-40.
+
+   [825] _Ad Att._ xii. 36. The translation is Shuckburgh's.
+
+    [826] A good example is Virg. _Aen._ viii. 349, but it
+    is needless to multiply instances of the _religio loci_.
+    Serv. _ad Aen._ i. 314 defines _lucus_ as "arborum
+    multitudo cum religione."
+
+    [827] _Ad Att._ xii. 36; cp. 35. He uses the Greek word
+    [Greek: apotheosis] in 35. 1, which seems to have come
+    into use in his own time; see Liddell & Scott, _s.v._
+
+    [828] See above, p. 58.
+
+    [829] _Aen._ vi. 743. The meaning of these words seems
+    to be quite plain, though commentators have worried
+    themselves over them from Servius downwards. The mistake
+    has been in not sufficiently considering the force of
+    _quisque_, and puzzling too much over the vague word
+    _Manes_. Henry discerned the true meaning in our own
+    time. See his _Aeneidea_, vol. iii. p. 397. Cp. the
+    words quoted above from _Somn. Scip._: "mens cuiusque is
+    est quisque." M. S. Reinach (_Cultes_, etc. ii. 135
+    foll.) is not far out: "Nous souffrons chacun suivant le
+    degre de souillure de nos ames."
+
+    [830] _C.I.L._ i. 639, with Mommsen's note.
+
+    [831] See _R.F._ p. 308.
+
+    [832] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 12. 27. For the "ius Manium," _de
+    Legibus_, ii. 22 and 54 foll.
+
+    [833] _Ad Att._ xii. 18: "Longum illud tempus _cum non
+    ero_ magis me movet quam hoc exiguum," etc. Cp. _Tusc._
+    i. _ad fin._
+
+    [834] _Ad Fam._ iv. 5. 6: "Quod si quis apud inferos
+    sensus est, qui illius in te amor fuit pietasque in
+    omnes suos, hoc certe illa te facere nonvult."
+
+    [835] Sall. _Cat._ ch. 51: "Mortem cuncta mortalium
+    dissolvere, ultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse."
+    This is the Epicurean doctrine, which Caesar was said to
+    hold.
+
+    [836] Catull. 5. 6; Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 188. The whole
+    passage is worth quoting: "Post sepulturam vanae Manium
+    ambages. Omnibus a supremo die eadem quae ante primum,
+    nec magis a morte sensus ullus aut corpori aut animae
+    quam ante natalem. Eadem enim vanitas in futurum etiam
+    se propagat et in mortis quoque tempora sibi vitam
+    mentitur, alias immortalitatem animae, alias
+    transfigurationem, _alias sensum inferis dando et Manes
+    colendo deumque faciendo qui iam etiam homo esse
+    desierit_, ceu vero ullo modo spirandi ratio ceteris
+    animalibus praestet, aut non diuturniora in vita multa
+    reperiantur quibus nemo similem divinat immortalitatem,"
+    etc.
+
+    [837] There is an essay on this form of literature in
+    the _Etudes morales sur l'antiquite_ of Constant Martha,
+    p. 135 foll.
+
+    [838] _Tusc. Disp._ i. 27. 66.
+
+    [839] Lact. _Inst._ i. 15. 20.
+
+    [840] Lact. iii. 18.
+
+    [841] See Schanz, _Gesch. der roem. Literatur_, vol. ii.
+    p. 376.
+
+    [842] Fragments 54 and 55.
+
+    [843] P. 158 foll.
+
+    [844] Lucr. vi. 764 foll. Cp. iii. 966 foll.; Masson,
+    _Lucretius_, i. p. 402. Mr. Cyril Bailey also reminds me
+    of Lucr. iii. 31-93, and 1053 to end; and adds a decided
+    opinion that the poet is not here thinking of the common
+    Roman, but of the educated Roman brought up on Greek and
+    Graeco-Roman poetry and philosophy.
+
+    [845] Polyb. vi. 56.
+
+    [846] _Tusc._ i. 46. 111.
+
+    [847] See Roscher's _Myth. Lex._ _s.v._ "Orcus";
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 192.
+
+    [848] See above, p. 107.
+
+    [849] Mueller-Deecke, _Etrusker_, ii. 108 foll.
+    Illustrations can be seen in Dennis, _Cities and
+    Cemeteries of Etruria_, ed. 2.
+
+    [850] _Captivi_, v. 4. 1.
+
+    [851] _La Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins_, vol.
+    i. p. 310.
+
+    [852] Cic. _Tusc._ i. 16. 37. For the eschatology of the
+    sixth _Aeneid_, a curious melange of religion,
+    philosophy, and folklore, see Norden's work on Virgil,
+    _Aeneid_, vi. (index, p. 468). Norden believes, I may
+    note, that the philosophical and religious elements in
+    it are mainly derived from Posidonius. Cp. also Glover,
+    _Studies in Virgil_, ch. x. (Hades). For popular
+    beliefs in Hades, etc., under the Empire, see
+    Friedlaender's _Sittengeschichte_, vol. iii. last
+    chapter.
+
+    [853] Weil, _Etudes sur l'antiquite grecque_, p. 12,
+    quoted by Glover, p. 218.
+
+    [854] See above, p. 105.
+
+    [855] Since this lecture was written a most interesting
+    discussion of Greek ideas, Achaean and Pelasgic, about
+    the relation of soul and body after death, has appeared
+    in Mr. Lawson's _Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek
+    Religion_, especially in chapters v. and vi., confirming
+    me, to some extent at least, in the conjecture I had
+    here hazarded. The working of the imagination in regard
+    to a future state is in Greece, in his view, peculiar to
+    the older or Pelasgic population; and if the Etruscans
+    were of Pelasgic stock, as is now believed by many,
+    their imaginative grotesqueness, a degraded form perhaps
+    of the original characteristic, acting on the ideas of a
+    still more primitive population of which the Lemuria is
+    a survival, might explain the later prevalence of a
+    gruesome eschatology at Rome. But whoever studies Mr.
+    Lawson's chapters closely will find serious difficulties
+    in the way even of such a hypothesis as this.
+
+    [856] Ovid, _Fasti_, v. 430 foll.; _R.F._ p. 109.
+    Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 192, attributes the ideas of larvae
+    (ghosts) and of Orcus, not to religion, but to popular
+    superstition. If he here means by religion the State
+    religion and the _Parentalia_ in particular, I can agree
+    with him.
+
+    [857] Dr. Carter allows this in Hastings' _Dict. of
+    Religion and Ethics_, vol. i. (Roman section of article
+    "Ancestor Worship.")
+
+    [858] See _R.F._ p. 334.
+
+    [859] _R.F._ p. 107.
+
+    [860] _Origin and Development of Moral Ideas_, ii. 693
+    foll.
+
+    [861] Varro, _L.L._ v. 25; Paulus p. 216;
+    Huelsen-Jordan, _Roem. Topogr._ iii. p. 268 foll. The
+    remains of these puticuli were unluckily very
+    imperfectly reported, and have been lost in the building
+    of the Rome of to-day. On the question of the religious
+    aspect of the two ways of disposing of the dead, burial
+    and cremation, it is as well to remember Dieterich's
+    warning in _Mutter Erde_, p. 66, note: "den Versuch, aus
+    der Verbreitung und dem Wechsel der Sitte des
+    Verbrennens und Begrabens fuer meine Untersuchung
+    Schluesse zu gewinnen, habe ich voellig aufgegeben, als
+    ich angesichts der ungeheueren Materialen meines
+    Kollegen von Duhn die Unmoeglicheit solcher Schluesse
+    einsehen musste." In Mr. Lawson's book quoted above it
+    seems to me to be proved that the object of both methods
+    is the same, viz. to destroy the body as quickly as
+    possible in order to prevent the soul from re-entering
+    it and annoying the survivors.
+
+    [862] This is well explained by Cumont in his _Religions
+    orientales dans le paganisme romain_, p. 196 foll.,
+    following Bouche-Leclercq's work on astrology in Greece.
+    Cumont thinks that astrology took over the business of
+    the augurs and haruspices, which was now dropped, and
+    this is true in the main as regards the individual, but
+    not as regards the State; see above, p. 308 foll.
+
+    [863] For Fortuna in the writings of Caesar, etc., see
+    _Classical Review_, vol. xvii. p. 153. The _locus
+    classicus_ for Fortuna as a deity under the early empire
+    is Pliny, _N.H._ ii. 22.
+
+    [864] Cato, _R.R._ ch. v. 4.
+
+    [865] Val. Max. i. 3. 2, who no doubt was following
+    Livy; for in the Epitomes of some lost books of Livy
+    discovered at Oxyrrhyncus by Grenfell and Hunt (_Oxyrrh.
+    Papyri_, vol. iv. p. 101), the same fact is alluded to.
+    For the embassy, Maccab. i. 14. 24; xv. 15-24. Two
+    extracts from the text of Valerius, which is here lost,
+    both state that proselytising Jews were at this time
+    driven from Rome; the Jupiter Sabazius, whose cult they
+    were propagating, can hardly be other than that of
+    Jehovah; see Schuerer, _Jewish People in the Time of
+    Christ_, pt. ii. vol. ii. p. 233 of the English
+    translation. The expulsion of Chaldaei may, however,
+    have been a separate measure of the praetor Hispalus.
+
+    [866] Plutarch, _Marius_, 42.
+
+    [867] Suet. _Aug._ 1. I have seen a learned work about a
+    century old, now entirely forgotten, in which it is
+    maintained that Virgil's fourth Eclogue is simply a
+    genethliacon of Augustus; the arguments, which are
+    ingenious but futile, are drawn from the poem of
+    Manilius.
+
+    [868] Tacitus, _Hist._ i. 22.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XVIII
+
+RELIGIOUS FEELING IN THE POEMS OF VIRGIL
+
+
+My justification for devoting a whole lecture to Virgil must be that
+this great poet, more warmly and sympathetically than any other Latin
+author, gives expression to the best religious feeling of the Roman
+mind. And this is so not only in regard to the tendencies of religion in
+his own day; he stands apart from all his literary contemporaries in
+that he sums up the past of Roman religious experience, reflects that of
+his own time, and also looks forward into the future. No other poet, no
+historian, not even Livy, who sprang from the same region and in his
+tone and spirit in some ways resembles Virgil, has the same broad
+outlook, the same tender interest in religious antiquity, the same
+all-embracing sympathy for the Roman world he knew, and the same
+confident and cheerful hope for its future. Each of the Augustan
+poets--Horace, Ovid, Propertius, Tibullus--has his own peculiar gift and
+charm; but those who know Virgil through and through will at once
+acknowledge the difference between these and the man possessed of
+spiritual insight. They are helpful in various ways to the student of
+Roman religion, and Tibullus especially has a simple reverence for the
+old religion which has inspired a few exquisite descriptions of this
+aspect of Italian life. But, if I may use the word, they had no
+mission; they were true poets, yet not poets of the prophetic order;
+they had not thought deeply and reached conviction, like Lucretius and
+Virgil. A few words from the conclusion of an Edinburgh professor's
+admirable work on Virgil will sufficiently express what I mean. "His
+religious belief," says Sellar, "like his other speculative convictions,
+was composite and undefined; yet it embraced what was purest and most
+vital in the religions of antiquity, and in its deepest intuitions it
+seems to look forward to the belief which became dominant in Rome four
+centuries later."[869] In fact, Virgil gathers up what was valuable in
+the past of Rome and adds to it a new element, a new source of life and
+hope. It was this that made it possible for a great French critic to
+assert that for those who have read Virgil there is nothing astonishing
+in Christianity.[870] Let us try and realise what these writers mean.
+The Scotsman is sober and earnest, the Frenchman epigrammatically
+exaggerating; but the feeling that underlies both utterances is a true
+one.
+
+We have traced the gradual paralysis of the secularised State religion.
+We have glanced at the two types of philosophical thought which took the
+place of that religion in the minds of the cultivated section of Roman
+society, neither of which could adequately supply the Roman and Italian
+mind with an expression of its own natural feeling, never wholly
+extinct, of its relation to the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe. Stoicism came near to doing what was needed, by rehabilitating
+itself on Italian soil and indulging Roman preconceptions of the divine;
+but it could not greatly affect the mass of men, and its appeal was not
+to feeling, but to reason. Epicurism, though perhaps more popular, was
+in reality more in conflict with what was best in the Italian nature,
+and the passionate appeal of Lucretius to look for comfort to a
+scientific knowledge of the _rerum natura_ had no enduring power to
+cheer. Lastly, we have examined the tendency of the same age towards
+mysticism and Cicero's doubting and embarrassed expression of it, and we
+found that this tendency rather illustrates a sense of something
+wanting than hopefully satisfies it. We may well feel ourselves, now we
+have arrived at the close of the Republican era, just as the best men of
+that day felt, that there _is_ something wanting. In their minds this
+feeling almost amounted to despair; in ours, as we read the story of the
+troublous time after the death of Caesar, it is pity and wonder. There
+was, in fact, more than a sense of weariness and discomfort, moral and
+material, in the Roman mind of that generation--there was also what we
+may almost call a sense of sin, such a feeling, though doubtless less
+real and intense, as that which their prophets, from time to time, awoke
+in the Jewish people, and one not unknown in the history of Hellas. It
+was essentially a feeling of neglected duty--of neglected duty to the
+Power and of goodwill wanting towards men. Lucretius had been
+unconsciously a powerful witness to this feeling, but had not found the
+remedy. In the early Augustan age it is again expressed by Horace, by
+Sallust, and more deeply and truly in the beautiful preface to Livy's
+History.[871] Livy there says that he devoted himself to the early
+annals of Rome that he might shut his eyes to the evils of his own
+time--"tempora quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus."
+
+This something wanting was then a feeling, a _religio_, if we can
+venture to use the old word once more in the sense which I have so often
+attributed to it. Not an unreasonable or ungovernable feeling, not a
+_superstitio_, but a feeling of happy dependence on a higher Power, and
+a desire to conform to His will in all the relations of human life. This
+is the kind of feeling that had always lain at the root of the Roman
+_pietas_, the sense of duty to family and State, and to the deities who
+protected them. In the jarring of factions, the cruelty and bloodshed of
+tyrants, and the luxurious self-indulgence of the last two generations,
+the voice of _pietas_ had been silenced, the better instincts of
+humanity had gone down. We have to see what was done by our poet to
+awake that voice again and to put fresh life into those instincts. Only
+let us remember that more permanent good is done in this world by a
+beautiful nature giving itself its natural expression, than by precept
+or denunciation; and beware of attributing to Virgil more direct
+consciousness of his mission than he really felt. It is the nature of
+the man that is of value to us in our studies, as it was to the Romans
+in their despair, a nature ruled by sweet, calm feeling, full of
+sympathy and full of hope.
+
+The something wanting in others which we find in Virgil only, or in him
+more convincingly felt and more resonantly expressed, is a kindly and
+hopeful outlook on the world, with a deep and real sympathy for all
+sorrow and pain. It is not the result of any definite religious
+conviction; it is in the nature of the man, and is of the very fibre of
+his being; but it made him a better religious teacher than the rest,
+just because real religion is not a matter of reason only, or of
+convention, or of art, but of feeling. This was the true antidote to
+despair or depression--a sympathy with man in all he does or suffers,
+not an indignant cry of remonstrance like that of Lucretius. Virgil's
+sympathetic outlook includes not only Man, but the animal world, and
+there can be no better proof that his feeling was genuine. The
+nightingale robbed of her young,[872]
+
+                            quem durus arator
+  observans nido implumes detraxit: at illa
+  flet noctem, ramoque sedens miserabile carmen
+  integrat et maestis late loca questibus implet;
+
+the cattle smitten by the plague,[873] the migrating birds coming in
+from the sea,[874] and many another tender touch, all show us the
+feeling of which I am speaking; for he who could so feel towards animals
+must needs have a soul of pity for man. So, too, with the inanimate
+nature of Italy; the land in which Virgil's shepherds and husbandmen
+live and work is one full of such detailed loveliness as might suggest a
+beneficent Power presiding over it all, inviting man to lift up his
+heart in gratitude or prayer. As Sellar has well remarked,[875] the
+sense of natural beauty is in the _Georgics_ intertwined with the toil
+of man, raising, as it were, the toiler to a higher level of humanity as
+he lifts his eyes from his work. And this natural beauty is made real
+for the reader by the life and force that everywhere pervades it; all
+nature is alive and full of feeling; the fruit trees, for example, in
+the second _Georgic_ seem instinct with an almost human life.[876] The
+moment this comes home to us we see how it harmonises with all we have
+learnt of the old Italian conception of the divine, of the forceful
+_numina_ working for man's benefit if properly propitiated. And even
+when Virgil is using the language of the Stoics to explain the life of
+nature, we feel that behind the philosophical theory there lies this
+feeling of the Italian:
+
+                  deum namque ire per omnes
+  terrasque tractusque maris caelumque profundum:
+  hinc pecudes, armenta, viros, genus omne ferarum.[877]
+
+This is the religious spirit of the _Georgics_; the divine forces are
+everywhere, and a man must submit himself to them and seek their aid. He
+finds his true resource rather in prayer than in philosophy, his part in
+the world is "laborare et orare." The hard lot of the Hesiodic labourer
+is not that of the _agricola_ of the _Georgics_, who carries on his
+campaign of toil with a cheerful heart and a clear conscience, for he is
+in right relation with the Power manifesting itself in the life around
+him.
+
+This, then, so far as I can describe it without going too far into
+detail, is the feeling, the _religio_, which was needed in the Italy of
+that day. We may, perhaps, venture to compare its revival in the work of
+Virgil with the return to nature in the English poetry of a century ago,
+which also brought with it a revival of religious fervency. Though
+Virgil and Wordsworth are in many ways as unlike as two poets can be,
+they are alike in the possession of that gentle and trustful outlook on
+the world of nature which stimulates the mind to think of itself in its
+relation to the Power. We do not need to analyse the process or to put
+it into any logical shape; we may rest content with it as a fact in the
+history of Roman religious experience.
+
+In Virgil's case, as in Wordsworth's, this feeling had the effect of
+reconciling the poet's mind to the old forms of religious worship.
+Reconcile is, perhaps, hardly the right word; we may doubt whether he
+had ever quarrelled with them. As he believed in the Power and its
+manifestations, so too he believed in the traditional modes of
+propitiating it, not asking himself the _raison d'etre_ of this or that
+ceremony, still less looking on them with pity and contempt, like
+Lucretius, but accepting them in his broad humanity as part of the life
+and thought of man in Italy.
+
+  fortunatus et ille Deos qui _novit_ agrestes.[878]
+
+Let us mark the word _novit_. The husbandman has come to recognise these
+emanations of the Power and to know them as friends; the word could not
+have been used of malignant spirits. As I said in an early lecture, man
+advances in his knowledge of the Power as he advances in civilisation.
+So the rural rites have a claim on his sympathy no less than the men who
+performed them; he knew them in their detail, and he knew them in the
+spirit which animated them. He must have studied them in detail, and not
+only the rural cults, but those of the city too; every gesture in
+worship has an interest for him, and so great is our respect for his
+accuracy that we accept what he tells us even if we cannot explain
+it.[879] His careful learning in all these details has been the means of
+preserving for us large sources of knowledge; for Servius, Macrobius,
+and other commentators accumulated stores of it in endeavouring to
+interpret him.
+
+Now, this is not mere antiquarianism in Virgil, any more than is the
+detail of old life which abounds in Scott's poems and novels. These two
+men had the same wide, sympathetic outlook on the world. Scott was
+interested in everything and everybody, whether living or dead long ago,
+and in all they did; and I think we may say the same of Virgil, though
+he is said to have been rather reserved and shy than genial and
+talkative like Scott. Virgil's mind was not so much "curious," I think,
+as sympathetic, and his delight in these religious details arises from
+his love of Italy and all that man did in it. He caught the spirit of
+the old Italian worship, which, as we saw, demanded that each act should
+be performed accurately according to rules laid down. He recognises the
+necessity, and with true Italian instinct he acts upon it as he writes.
+He knows that these acts of cult are one outward expression of that
+quality which had made Rome great--_pietas_, the sense of duty to
+family, State, and Deity.
+
+So far I have been considering what I may call the psychological basis
+of Virgil's religion--the man's sympathetic nature and wide outlook,
+which included in its love of Italy even the old practical worship of
+Italians. I have now to go on to the poet's greatest work, in which the
+idea of duty was not merely recognised in religious acts but exemplified
+in an ideal Roman. It is mainly in the _Aeneid_ that we see him looking
+forward as well as backward, for it is there that we have the chart of
+the Roman's duty drawn to the scale of his past history, and meant to
+guide him in the future in still more glorious travel.
+
+There are two ways in which we may contemplate the _Aeneid_ as a whole
+and the teaching it offered the Roman of that day. We may think of it
+(if I may for a moment use musical language) as a great fugue, of which
+the leading subject is the mission of Rome in the world. Providence,
+Divine will, the Reason of the Stoics, or, in the poetical setting of
+the poem, Jupiter, the great protecting Roman deity, with the Fates
+behind him somewhat vaguely conceived,[880] had guided the State to
+greatness and empire from its infancy onwards, and the citizens of that
+State must be worthy of that destiny if they were to carry out the great
+work. This mighty theme pervades the whole poem and, like the subject of
+a fugue, enters and re-enters from time to time in thrilling tones. It
+is given out in the prophecy put into the mouth of Jupiter himself at
+the beginning of the first book; it is heard in still more magnificent
+music from the shade of old Anchises in the last moments of the hero's
+visit to Hades in the sixth book, and again in the description of the
+shield which Venus gives her son.[881] Though the poem is unequal and
+some parts of it are left without the final touches, yet whenever the
+poet comes upon this great theme the tone is that of a full organ. This
+is, I think, apart from those exquisite beauties of detail which are for
+those only who have been initiated in the Virgilian mysteries, what
+chiefly moves the modern reader of Virgil. There are drawbacks which,
+for us moderns at least, detract from the general effect: the
+intervention of gods and goddesses after the Homeric manner, but without
+the charm of Homer; the seeming want of warm human blood in the hero;
+the stern decrees of Fate overruling human passions and interests; but
+he who keeps the great theme ever in mind, watching for it as he reads,
+as one watches for the new entry of a great fugue-subject, will never
+fail to see in the _Aeneid_ one of the noblest efforts of human art--to
+understand what makes it the world's second great epic.
+
+But this great destiny of Rome has been accomplished by the service of
+man; by his loyalty, self-sacrifice, and sense of duty; by that quality
+known to the Romans as _pietas_; and the second lesson or reminder of
+the _Aeneid_ lies in the exemplification of this truth in the person and
+character of the hero. We moderns find it hard to interest ourselves in
+the character of Aeneas. But as Prof. Nettleship remarked long ago,[882]
+a Roman reader would not have thought him dull or uninteresting; if that
+had been so, the poem could hardly have become popular from the moment
+of its publication. I am inclined to think that the _development_ of the
+character of Aeneas under stress of perils, moral and material, was much
+more obvious to the Roman than it is to us, and much more keenly
+appreciated. For him it was the chief lesson of the poem, which makes it
+as it were a "whole duty of the Roman"; and as this lesson is really a
+part of Roman religious experience I am going to occupy the rest of this
+lecture with it.
+
+The development of the character of Aeneas, under the influence of
+perils and temptations through which he is guided by Jupiter and the
+Fates, is not a subject which has received much attention from modern
+criticism.[883] Yet to me, at least, it would be surprising if the
+leading character of the poem were, so to speak, a statue once and for
+all conceived and executed by the artist, instead of a human being
+subjected to various experiences which work upon his character as well
+as his career. There were circumstances in Virgil's time which made it
+natural that a poet of a serious and philosophical turn of mind should
+be interested in the development of character and make it part of his
+great subject. We have more than once had occasion to notice the growth
+of individualism in the last two centuries B.C. Beyond doubt personal
+character had a great interest at this time for thinking men, apart from
+its development; the world was ruled by individuals, and at no time has
+so much depended on the disposition of individuals. Men had long begun
+to take themselves very seriously, and to write their own biographies.
+So entirely had the individual emancipated himself from the State, that
+he had almost forgotten that the State existed and claimed his _pietas_;
+he worked and played for his own ends.[884] Even the armies of that
+melancholy age were known and thought of, not as the servants of the
+State, but as Sullani, Pompeiani, and so on. This almost arrogant
+self-assertion of the individual was a fact of the time, and could not
+be suppressed entirely; it was henceforward impossible to return to the
+old times when the State was all in all and the individual counted for
+little.
+
+But in the _Aeneid_, if I am not mistaken, there is an almost perfect
+balance between the two conflicting interests. The State is the pivot on
+which turns all that is best in individual human character; in other
+words, Aeneas is not playing his own game, but fulfilling the order of
+destiny which was to bring the world under Roman dominion. Individualism
+of the wrong type, that of Dido, Turnus, Mezentius, has to be escaped or
+overcome by the hero, for whom the call of duty is that of the State to
+be; but, all the same, the hero is an _individual_, and one conceived
+not merely as a type or a force. True, he is typical of Roman _pietas_,
+and bears his constant epithet accordingly; but if we look at him
+carefully we shall see that his _pietas_ is at first imperfect, and that
+his individualism has to be tamed and brought into the service of the
+State _with the help of the State's deities_. This is what makes the
+_Aeneid_ a religious poem; the character of Aeneas is pivoted on
+religion; religion is the one sanction of his conduct. There is no
+appeal in the _Aeneid_ to knowledge, or reason, or pleasure,--always to
+the will of God. _Pietas_ is Virgil's word for religion, as it had been
+Cicero's in his more exalted moments. In the Dream of Scipio we read
+that "_piis_ omnibus retinendus est animus in custodia corporis: nec
+iniussu eius a quo ille est vobis datus, ex hominum vita migrandum est,
+_ne munus humanum adsignatum a deo defugisse videamini_."[885] In these
+words, as is shown by those that follow, the _munus hominum_ is exactly
+what it is in the _Aeneid_, duty to Man and the State, and as it is laid
+down for man by God, it is also duty to Him. The State finds its
+perfection in the individual so long as he thus fulfills the will of
+God.[886]
+
+Let us now go on to watch Aeneas as he gradually develops this perfect
+balance of motive.
+
+Aeneas is marked at the very outset of the poem as "insignem pietate
+virum"; the key-note of his character is sounded here at once with
+skill, and the key thus suggested (to use musical metaphor once more) is
+maintained steadily throughout it. The quality demanded by the gods from
+every true Roman who would take his part in carrying out the divine
+mission of Rome must be emphasised in the ideal Roman. Yet, as we read
+on, we soon discover that Aeneas was by no means as yet a perfect
+character. It can hardly be by accident that the poet has described him
+as yielding to despair and bewailing his fate on the first approach of
+danger--forgetting the mission before him and the destiny driving him
+on, and wishing that he were lying dead with Hector under the walls of
+Troy (i. 92 foll.). It would have been easy enough for Virgil to have
+taken up at once the heroic vein in the man, as it was left him by
+Homer,[887] and to have made him urge his men to bestir themselves or to
+yield bravely to fate. And this is precisely what Aeneas does _when the
+storm is over and the danger past_ (198 foll.); yet even then he is not
+whole-hearted about it:
+
+  talia voce refert, curisque ingentibus aeger
+  _spem voltu simulat_, premit alto corde dolorem.
+
+At the very moment, that is, when he expresses his belief in his destiny
+and the duty of making for Italy, he still has misgivings, though he
+dare not express them.
+
+Heinze has remarked[888] that before this, at the sack of Troy, he had
+shown a want of self-control, and yielded to a mad passion of desperate
+fighting that is not to be found in the Aeneas of the last six books
+(ii. 314 foll.):
+
+  arma amens capio nec sat rationis in armis.
+
+_Furor_ and _ira_ drive him headlong; we are reminded of the mad fury of
+Mezentius or Turnus.
+
+Again, after the death of Priam Venus has to remind him of his duty to
+his father, wife, and son (ii. 594 foll.), reproaching him for his loss
+of sanity and self-control:
+
+  nate, quis indomitas tantus dolor excitat iras?
+  quid furis, aut quonam nostri tibi cura recessit?
+  non prius aspicies ubi fessum aetate parentem
+  liqueris Anchisen, superet coniunxne Creusa
+  Ascaniusque puer?[889]
+
+During the wanderings narrated in the third book it is Anchises who
+leads, and who receives and interprets the divine warnings; he seems to
+be the guardian and guide of his son: to that son he is "omnis curae
+casusque levamen" (iii. 709), and he is "felix nati pietate" (iii. 480).
+He is, in fact, the typical Roman father, who, unlike Homer's Laertes,
+maintains his activity and authority to the end of his life, and to whom
+even the grown-up son, himself a father, owes reverence and obedience.
+As Boissier has pointed out,[890] the death of Anchises is postponed in
+the story as long as possible, and it is only after his death that
+Aeneas is exposed to a really dangerous temptation; it is immediately
+after this event that, as we saw, he loses heart at the first storm, and
+then, on landing in Africa, falls a victim for the moment to the queenly
+charms of Dido. We may notice that up to this point his _pietas_ has
+been a limited one, hardly called upon for exercise beyond the bounds of
+family life and duty; when he is himself at the head, not only of the
+family, but, so to speak, of the State, it has to take a wider range,
+and to be put to a severe test.
+
+To all that has at different times been written about Virgil's treatment
+of the Dido legend I must venture here to add another word. Heinze has
+shown[891] that no certain origin can be discovered for the form of the
+story as Virgil tells it; it may have been Naevius who first took Aeneas
+to Sicily, but we do not know whether he or any successor of his
+invented the essential point of Virgil's story,--the suicide of Dido as
+a consequence of her desertion by Aeneas.[892] In any case the question
+arises, why our poet should have deliberately abandoned the current and
+popular version, and exposed his hero to such imminent danger of
+deserting the path which Jupiter and the Fates had marked out for
+him,--of sacrificing his great mission to the passion of a magnificent
+woman, and to the prospect of illicit ease and unsanctioned dominion.
+Heinze is of opinion that Virgil's motive was here a purely artistic
+one; he wanted an opportunity to introduce the pathetic element into his
+epic. "There was no lack of models; the latest bloom of Greek poetry had
+been in nothing more inventive than in dealing with all the phenomena of
+the passion of love,--its agony, shame, and despair, and the
+self-immolation of its victims."[893] He enforces this view with great
+learning, and all he writes about it is of value; but I must confess
+that he has not convinced me that this was Virgil's chief motive. He
+seems to me to leave out of account two important considerations: first,
+that though the poet drew freely on every available source, Greek and
+Roman, for the enrichment of his subject and its treatment, yet the
+whole design and purpose of the _Aeneid_ is Roman and not Greek, and the
+introduction of a love-story _as such_ would have been foreign to that
+design, and also to the aims and hopes of Augustus and the best men of
+the age. Secondly, Heinze seems to forget, like so many others who have
+written about the Dido episode, that Virgil had before his very eyes
+facts sufficiently striking, a romance quite sufficiently appalling, to
+suggest the adoption of the form of the story as we have it in the
+fourth book. Twice in his own lifetime did a single formidable woman
+work a baleful spell upon the destinies of the Roman empire. In neither
+case did the spell take fatal effect; Julius escaped in time from the
+wiles and the splendour of Cleopatra; Antony failed indeed to escape,
+but brought himself and her to fortunate ruin. It is to me inexplicable,
+considering how all Virgil's poems abound with allusions to the events
+of his time, and with side-glances at the chief agents in them, that
+neither Heinze nor Norden should have even touched on the possibility
+that Cleopatra was in the poet's mind when he wrote the fourth book. It
+is perhaps difficult for one who puts the poem on the dissecting-board,
+and whose attention is continually absorbed in the investigation of
+minute points in the fibre of it, to bear in mind the extraordinary
+events of the poet's lifetime,--the civil war, the murder of Julius, the
+division of the Roman world, the distraction of Italy, the attempt of
+Antony, or rather, indeed, of his enslaver, to set up a rival Oriental
+dominion, and the rescue of Romanism and civilisation by Augustus. Had
+Lucretius himself lived in that generation, he could hardly have escaped
+the influence of these appalling facts. Whoever will turn to the late
+Prof. Nettleship's essay on the poetry of Virgil, appended to his
+_Ancient Roman Lives of Virgil_,[894] can hardly fail to be convinced
+that on the later poet's mind they had produced a profound impression,
+the effects of which are traceable throughout the whole mass of his
+work. His Roman readers, whose state and empire had been brought to the
+verge of ruin by the exaltation of individual passions and ambitions,
+would look for these constant allusions and understand them far better
+than we can.
+
+I maintain, then, that the poet adopted his version of the story of Dido
+not simply as an affecting and pathetic episode, but (in keeping with
+his whole design) to emphasise the great lesson of the poem by showing
+that the growth and glory of the Roman dominion are due, under
+providence, to Roman _virtus_ and _pietas_--that sense of duty to
+family, State, and gods, which rises, in spite of trial and danger,
+superior to the enticements of individual passion and selfish ease.
+Aeneas is sorely tried, but he escapes from Dido to perform the will of
+the gods; it is Jupiter, ruler of the Fates and the Roman destinies, who
+rescues him, and thus the divine care for Rome, an idea of which
+Augustus wished to make the most, is carefully preserved in the tale. If
+for us the character of Aeneas suffers by his desertion of Dido, that is
+simply because the poet, seized with intense pity for the injured queen,
+seems for once, like his own hero, to have forgotten his mission in the
+poem, and at the very moment when he means to show Aeneas performing the
+noblest act of self-sacrifice, renouncing his individual passion and
+listening to the stern call of duty, human nature gets the better of
+him, and what he meant to paint as a noble act has come out on his
+canvas as a mean one.
+
+In Virgil's story, then, we have in contrast and conflict the opposing
+principles of duty and pleasure, of patriotism and selfishness, and the
+victory of the latter in the person of Aeneas by the help of the great
+god who was the guardian of the destinies of Rome, and of the goddess
+who was the mother of the hero and the reputed progenitor of the Julian
+family. When once this great trial is over, the way is clear for the
+accomplishment of Aeneas' mission, though he still has trials to face,
+and as yet is not fully equipped for meeting them.
+
+Whoever, after reading the stormy scenes of the fourth book, will go
+straight on to the fifth, cannot but be struck with a change of tone
+which would have been doubly welcome to a man of that true Roman feeling
+which Virgil was counting on as well as inculcating throughout his
+work--doubly welcome, because he would find it not only in the
+incidents, but in the character of Aeneas. We here leave self and
+passion behind, and are introduced to scenes where the careful
+performance of religious and family duties seems to produce ease of mind
+and the tranquillity that comes of a soothed conscience. For the first
+time in the poem we meet with a characteristic of that best Roman life
+which was dear to the heart of Augustus, and with which we may be quite
+certain that the poet himself was entirely in sympathy. Strange, indeed,
+it is that this should be the case in a book so wholly based for its
+externals on Greek poetical traditions; but it is none the less true,
+and it is a striking example of Virgil's wonderful genius for
+transforming old things with new light and meaning.[895]
+
+It is not only then, or even mainly, the traditional necessity of
+describing games in an epic poem, that is the _raison d'etre_ of the
+fifth book; the object was rather, as I understand it, to gain the
+needful contrast to the stormy passion of the fourth, and a relief for
+the mind of the Roman reader before he approached the awful scenery and
+experiences of the sixth, while at the same time there could be
+indicated--and for a Roman reader more than indicated--the _first
+beginning of a change_ in the character of the hero. All this is
+effected with wonderful skill by making Aeneas perform with detailed
+carefulness the Roman ritual of the _Parentalia_ as it was known to the
+Romans of the Augustan age. The _Parentalia_, as I have said
+elsewhere,[896] were not days of terror or ill-omen, but rather days on
+which the performance of duty was the leading idea in men's minds; that
+duty was a pleasant and cheerful one, for the dead were still members of
+the family, and there was nothing to fear from them so long as the
+living performed their duties towards them under the due regulations of
+the _ius divinum_. The ritual indicates the idea of the yearly renewal
+of the rite of burial, with the propitiation of the departed which was
+necessary for the welfare of the family; and when the liturgical nine
+days were over, the living members met together in the _Caristia_, a
+kind of love feast of the family, at which all quarrels were to be
+forgotten, and from which all guilty members were excluded. In families
+of wealth and distinction in Virgil's time the days of mourning might be
+followed by _games in honour of the departed_. Thus a Roman would at
+once recognise the fact that Aeneas is here presented to us for the
+first time as a Roman father of a family, discharging the duties
+essential to the continuance and prosperity of that family with
+cheerfulness as well as with _gravitas_; and that his _pietas_ here
+takes a definite, practical, and truly Roman form, though it is not as
+yet extended to its full connotation as the performance of duty towards
+the State and its gods.
+
+All this is quite in keeping with the little touches of characterisation
+which we can also notice in this book. In the second line Aeneas pursues
+his way _certus_, even while he gazes at the flames of Dido's funeral
+pyre, not knowing what they meant. He presides at the games with the
+dignity of a Roman magistrate, and reproachingly consoles the beaten
+Dares with words which seem to reflect his late experience at Carthage
+(v. 465):
+
+  infelix, quae tanta animum dementia cepit?
+  non vires alias conversaque numina sentis?
+  _cede deo_.
+
+When the ships are burnt he does not give way to despair, as in the
+storm of the first book, but prays for help to the omnipotent Jupiter,
+in whose hand were the destinies of his descendants (v. 687 foll.). But
+he is not yet perfect in his sense of duty; he feels the blow severely,
+and for a moment wavers (v. 700 foll.):
+
+                 ... casu concussus acerbo
+  nunc huc ingentis, nunc illuc pectore curas
+  mutabat versans, Siculisne resideret arvis
+  oblitus fatorum, Italasne capesseret oras.
+
+It needs the cheering advice of old Nautes (_quicquid erit, superanda
+omnis fortuna ferendo est_), and the appearance of the shade of
+Anchises, to confirm his wavering will with renewed sense of his
+mission. This appearance of his father, "omnis curae casusque levamen,"
+with the summons to meet him in Hades, is, as Heinze has seen,[897] a
+turning-point in the fortunes and the character of Aeneas, and prepares
+us for the final ordeal and initiation which he undergoes in the
+following book.
+
+I here use the word initiation because I have no doubt that Virgil had
+in his mind when writing it the Greek idea of initiation into mysteries
+preparatory to a new life. An actual initiation was, of course, out of
+the question; on the other hand a _catabasis_, a descent into Hades, was
+part of the epic inheritance he derived from Homer, and this, like the
+funeral games in the fifth book, he might use with an earnestness of
+purpose wanting in Homer, to work in with the great theme of his poem,
+not merely as an artistic effort. The purpose here was to make of Aeneas
+a new man, to regenerate him; to prepare him by mystic enlightenment for
+the toil, peril, and triumph that await him in the accomplishment of his
+divine mission. We must not look too closely into the process; it is a
+strange melange of popular and philosophic ideas and scenery, made at
+once intelligible and magnificent by the wonderful resources of the
+poet; but we may be sure that it has the same general meaning as the
+visions of Dante long afterwards. As Mr. Tozer has said, Dante's
+conversion and ultimate salvation were the primary object of his journey
+through the three realms of the spiritual world.[898] In this sense it
+can be called an initiation, an ordeal, a sacrament.
+
+So much has been written about this wonderful book that I do not need
+to dwell upon it here. I will content myself with pointing out very
+briefly a fact which struck me when I last read it. The ordeal of
+preparation is not complete till the very end of the book, when the
+shade of Anchises has shown his son all the great things to come, the
+due accomplishment of which depends on his sense of duty, his _pietas_.
+Up to that moment Aeneas is always thinking and speaking of the past,
+while in the last six books he is always looking ahead, absorbed in the
+work each hour placed before him, and in the prospect of the glory of
+Rome and Italy. The poet had contrived that his hero should himself
+narrate the story of the sack of Troy and his subsequent wanderings, and
+narrate them to the very person who would have made it impossible for
+him ever again to look forward on the path of duty. Surely this is
+significant of a moral as well as an artistic purpose; the passionate
+love of the queen urges her to keep his mind fixed on the past, to
+engage him in the story of events that concerned himself and not his
+mission (i. 748):
+
+  necnon et vario noctem sermone trahebat
+  infelix Dido, longumque bibebat amorem
+  multa super Priamo rogitans, super Hectore multa, etc.
+
+After the shade of Creusa had told him of his destiny, which she was not
+to share, the past was still in his mind, and he seems to have forgotten
+the warning; he calls himself an exile (iii. 10):
+
+  litora cum patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo
+  et campos ubi Troia fuit. Feror exsul in altum--
+
+I find an exception after the meeting with Andromache, when he thinks of
+the future for a moment, but even then half-heartedly as it seems to me,
+with a very distinct reluctance to face the dangers to come, and with a
+touching envy of those who could "stay at home at ease" (iii. 493
+foll.). His want of faith in the future is again shown in Book v., in
+the passage quoted just now; and even in Book vi. he is at first
+purposely depicted as "slack," as having his attention caught by what is
+for the moment before him, or with the figures of old friends and
+enemies whom he meets, until the last awakening revelation of Anchises.
+Thus no sooner has he landed in Italy than he is attracted by the
+pictures in the temple of Apollo and incurs a rebuke from the priestess
+(vi. 37 foll.):
+
+  non hoc ista sibi tempus spectacula poscit;
+  nunc grege de intacto septem mactare iuvencos
+  praestiterit, etc.;
+
+so also a little farther on she has to warn him again (50 foll.) at the
+entrance to the cave:
+
+             "cessas in vota precesque,
+  Tros" ait "Aenea, cessas?"
+
+It may be fancy in me to see even in his prayer which follows a leaning
+to think of Troy and his past troubles (56 foll.). But I cannot but
+believe that in this book he is meant to take a last farewell of all who
+have shared his past fortunes, have helped him or injured him; he meets
+Palinurus, Dido, Tydeus, Deiphobus, and the rest, and while meditating
+over these he has once more to be hurried by his guide (538):
+
+  sed comes admonuit breviterque adfata Sibylla est:
+  nox ruit, Aenea, nos flendo ducimus horas.
+
+When Anchises appears the whole tone changes, and his famous words seem
+to me to show conclusively that hesitation and want of fixed,
+undeviating purpose had been so far his son's chief failing (806):
+
+  et dubitamus adhuc virtutem extendere factis,
+  aut metus Ausonia prohibet consistere terra?
+
+The father's vision and prophecy are of the _future_ and the great deeds
+of men to come, and henceforward Aeneas makes no allusion to the past
+and the figures that peopled it, abandons talk and lamentations,
+"virtutem extendit factis." At the outset of Book vii. we feel the ship
+moving at once; three lines suffice for the fresh start; Circe is passed
+unheeded. "Maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo," says the poet in line 43;
+"maius opus moveo;" for the real subject of the poem is at last reached,
+and a heroic character by heroic deeds is to lay the foundation of the
+eternal dominion of Rome.
+
+A very few words shall suffice about the Aeneas of the later books. Let
+us freely allow that he is not strongly characterised; that for us
+moderns the interest centres rather in Turnus, who is heroic as an
+individual, but not as a pioneer of civilisation divinely led; that
+there is no real heroine, for feminine passion would be here out of
+place and un-Roman, and the courtship of Lavinia is undertaken, so to
+speak, for political reasons. The role of Aeneas, as the agent of
+Jupiter in conquest and civilisation, would appeal to a Roman rather
+than to a modern, and it was reserved for the modern critic to complain
+of a lack of individual interest in him. So, too, it is in Jewish
+history; we feel with Esau more than with Jacob, and with David more
+than with Moses, who is none the less the grandest typical Israelite in
+the Old Testament. And, indeed, Virgil's theme here is less the
+development of a character or the portraiture of a hero than the
+idealisation of the people of the Italy which he loved so well, who
+needed only a divinely guided leader and civiliser to enter upon the
+glorious career that was in store for them.
+
+I cannot escape the belief, as I read again through these books, that
+Virgil did intend to depict in Aeneas his ideal of that Roman character
+to which the leading writers of his day ascribed the greatness of their
+race. His _pietas_ is now confirmed and enlarged, it has become a sense
+of duty to the will of the gods as well as to his father, his son, and
+his people, and this sense of duty never leaves him, either in his
+general course of action or in the detail of sacrifice and propitiation.
+His courage and steadfastness never fail him; he looks ever forward,
+confident in divine protection; the shield he carries is adorned--a
+wonderful stroke of poetic genius--with scenes of the future, and not of
+the past (viii. 729 foll.):
+
+  talia per clipeum Volcani, dona parentis,
+  miratur rerumque ignarus imagine gaudet
+  attollens umero famamque et fata nepotum.
+
+He is never in these books to be found wanting in swiftness and
+vigilance; when he cheers his comrades it is no longer in a half-hearted
+way, but as at the beginning of the eleventh book, with the utmost
+vigour and confidence, "Arma parate, animis et spe praesumite bellum"
+(xi. 18).
+
+His _humanitas_ again is here more obvious than in his earlier career,
+and it is plainly meant to be contrasted with the heroic savagery of
+Mezentius and Turnus. So keenly did the poet feel this development in
+his hero's character, that in his descriptions of the death of Lausus
+and the burial of Pallas--noble and beautiful youths whom he loved in
+imagination as he loved in reality all young things--his tenderness is
+so touching that even now we can hardly read them without tears. And not
+only is the hero heroic and humane, but he is a just man and keeps
+faith; when, in the twelfth book, the Rutulians break the treaty, and
+his own men have joined in the unjust combat (xii. 311):
+
+  at pius Aeneas dextram tendebat inermem
+  nudato capite atque suos clamore vocabat:
+  "quo ruitis? quove ista repens discordia surgit?
+  o cohibete iras; ictum iam foedus et omnes
+  compositae leges: mihi ius concurrere soli."
+
+He claims for himself alone, under the guiding hand of providence, the
+right to deal with Turnus, the enemy of humanity and righteousness. And
+we may note that when it came to that last struggle, though conquering
+by divine aid, he was ready to spare the life of the conquered till he
+saw the spoils of the young Pallas upon him.
+
+The character of Aeneas, then, though not painted in such strong light
+as we moderns might expect or desire, is _intentionally_ developed into
+a heroic type in the course of the story--a type which every Roman would
+recognise as his own natural ideal. And this growth is the direct result
+of religious influence. It is partly the result of the hero's own
+natural _pietas_, innate within him from the first, as it was in the
+breast of every noble Roman; partly the result of a gradually enlarged
+recognition of the will of God, and partly of the strengthening and
+almost sacramental process of the journey to Hades, of the revelation
+there made of the mysteries of life and death, and of the great future
+which Jupiter and the Fates have reserved for the Roman people. In these
+three influences Virgil has summed up all the best religious factors of
+his day: the instinct of the Roman for religious observance, with all
+its natural effect on conduct; the elevating Stoic doctrine which
+brought man into immediate relation with the universal; and, lastly,
+the tendency to mysticism, Orphic or Pythagorean, which tells of a
+yearning in the soul of man to hope for a life beyond this, and to make
+of this life a meet preparation for that other.
+
+Only one word more. We can hardly doubt the truth of the story that the
+poet died earnestly entreating that this greatest work of his life
+should perish with him, and this may aptly remind us that though I have
+been treating the Aeneid as a poem of religion and morals, yet, after
+all, Virgil was a poet rather than a preacher, and thought of his
+Aeneid, not as a sermon, but as a work of art. Had he thought of it as a
+sermon he could hardly have wished to deprive the Roman world of it. The
+true poet is never a preacher except in so far as he is a poet. If the
+Greeks thought of their poets as teachers, says the late Prof. Jebb,
+"this was simply a recognition of poetry as the highest influence,
+intellectual and spiritual, that they knew." "It was not merely a
+recreation of their leisure, but a power pervading and moulding their
+whole existence." Surely this is also true of Virgil, and of the best at
+least of his Roman readers. No one can read the sixth Aeneid, the
+greatest effort of his genius, without feeling that poetry was all in
+all to him; that learning, legend, philosophy, religion, whatever in the
+whole range of human thought and fancy entered his mind, emerged from it
+as poetry and poetry only.[899]
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XVIII
+
+    [869] Sellar, _Virgil_, p. 371.
+
+    [870] Sainte-Beuve, _Etude sur Virgile_, p. 68.
+
+    [871] Horace, _Epode_ 16, where, however, he is not
+    quite so much in earnest as in _Odes_ iii. 6. Sallust,
+    prefaces to Jugurtha and Catiline: these do not ring
+    quite true.
+
+    [872] _Georg._ iv. 511 foll.
+
+    [873] _Georg._ iii. 440 foll. The famous lines (498
+    foll.) about the horse smitten with pestilence will
+    occur to every one.
+
+    [874] _Aen._ vi. 309.
+
+    [875] _Op. cit._ p. 231. He cites _Georg._ i. 107 and
+    187 foll.
+
+    [876] Sellar, _Virgil_, p. 232.
+
+    [877] _Georg._ iv. 221 foll.
+
+    [878] _Georg._ ii. 493.
+
+    [879] Prof. Hardie recently asked me an explanation of
+    the double altar that we meet with more than once in
+    Virgil in connection with funeral rites: _e.g._, _Ecl._
+    5. 66; _Aen._ iii. 305; v. 77 foll. Servius tries to
+    explain this, but clearly did not understand it. Of
+    course I could offer no satisfactory solution. Yet we
+    are both certain that there is a satisfactory one if we
+    could only get at it.
+
+    [880] Much has been written about the part of the Fates
+    in the _Aeneid_ and their relation to Jupiter. See
+    Heinze, _Vergils epische Technik_, p. 286 foll.; Glover,
+    _Studies in Virgil_, 202 and 277 foll. I may be allowed
+    to refer also to my _Social Life at Rome in the Age of
+    Cicero_, p. 342 foll.
+
+    [881] _Aen._ i. 257 foll., vi. 756 foll., viii. 615
+    foll.
+
+    [882] _Suggestions preliminary to a Study of the
+    Aeneid_, p. 36.
+
+    [883] It is not likely to strike us unless we read the
+    whole _Aeneid_ through, without distracting our minds
+    with other reading, and this few of us do. I did it some
+    ten years ago; before that the development of character
+    had not dawned on me fully. I later on found it shortly
+    but clearly set forth in Heinze's _Vergils epische
+    Technik_, p. 266 foll.; and this caused me to read the
+    poem through once more, with the result that I became
+    confirmed in my view, and read a paper on the subject
+    to the Oxford Philological Society, which I have in part
+    embodied in this lecture.
+
+    [884] This is dwelt on in _Social Life at Rome in the
+    Age of Cicero_, p. 124 foll.
+
+    [885] _De Republica_, vi. 15.
+
+    [886] It may be as well to note here that the actual
+    representation of God in the _Aeneid_ is its weakest
+    point. It was an epic poem, and could not dispense with
+    the Homeric machinery: hence Jupiter is practically the
+    representative of the Stoic all-pervading deity, with
+    the Fates behind him. But it is not unlikely that Virgil
+    may thus have actually helped to make the way clear for
+    a nobler monotheistic idea by damaging Jupiter in the
+    course of this treatment; see _Social Life at Rome in
+    the Age of Cicero_, p. 341 foll.
+
+    [887] On the Homeric Aeneas there are some good remarks
+    in Boissier's _Nouvelles Promenades
+    archaeologiques_ (_Horace et Virgile_), p. 130
+    foll. Of all the Homeric heroes he seems to come
+    nearest, though but slightly sketched, to the Roman
+    ideal of heroism.
+
+    [888] Heinze, _Vergils epische Technik_, p. 17.
+
+    [889] I should be disposed to consider this passage as
+    decisive of the point, but that it immediately follows
+    upon the doubtful lines 567-588, in which Aeneas is
+    tempted in his mad fury to slay Helen; and if those
+    lines are not Virgil's, we have not sufficient
+    explanation of the rebuke which Venus here administers
+    to her son. On the other hand, if they were really
+    Virgil's, and omitted (as Servius declares) by the
+    original editors Tucca and Varius, we should have a
+    convincing proof that the poet meant his hero, in these
+    terrible scenes, to come so short of the true Roman
+    heroic type as to be capable of slaying a woman in cold
+    blood, and while a suppliant at an altar of the gods.
+    Into this much-disputed question I must not go farther,
+    except to note that while Heinze is absolutely confident
+    that Virgil never wrote these lines, the editor of the
+    new Oxford text of Virgil is equally certain that he
+    did. My opinion is of no value on such a point; but I am
+    disposed to agree with Mr. Hirtzel that "versus valde
+    Vergilianos, ab optimis codicibus omissos, iniuria
+    obleverunt Tucca et Varius." They are certainly in
+    keeping with the picture of Aeneas' _impotentia_ which
+    is generally suggested in Book ii. If it should be
+    argued that this _impotentia_, _i.e._ want of
+    self-control, is only put into the mouth of Aeneas in
+    order to heighten the effect of his stirring narrative,
+    it will be well to remember the remonstrances of Venus,
+    which make such a hypothesis impossible.
+
+    [890] _Op. cit._ p. 231.
+
+    [891] _Vergils epische Technik_, p. 113 foll.
+
+    [892] The original story was, that unable to escape from
+    an enforced marriage with Iarbas, she killed herself to
+    mark her unflinching faithfulness to her first husband
+    Sicharbas. Servius quotes Varro as stating that it was
+    not Dido, but Anna who committed suicide for love of
+    Aeneas (on _Aen._ iv. 682); and as Varro died before the
+    Aeneid was begun, this may be taken as proving that
+    Virgil's version of the love-story was not his own
+    invention. But it is quite possible that Servius here
+    only means that Varro's version differed in this point
+    from that which the poet soon afterwards adopted; it may
+    be that the story in the poem is thus practically his
+    own.
+
+    [893] _Op. cit._ p. 116.
+
+    [894] _Ancient Lives of Vergil_, Clarendon Press, 1879.
+
+    [895] The critics have, I think, been weaker in dealing
+    with the fifth book than with any of the others. Prof.
+    Tyrrell is too violent in his contempt for it to admit
+    of quotation here. Heinze has some good and acute
+    remarks on Virgil's motive in placing the book where it
+    is, but seems to me to miss the real importance of it
+    (_op. cit._ 140 foll.). Even Boissier, whose delightful
+    account of the scenery of Eryx should be read by every
+    one who would appreciate this book (_op. cit._ p. 232),
+    goes so far as to say that it is the one book with which
+    we feel we might easily dispense so far as the story is
+    concerned.
+
+    [896] _Roman Festivals_, p. 307.
+
+    [897] _Op. cit._ p. 270.
+
+    [898] _Commentary on Dante's Divina Commedia_, pp. 615
+    foll. I am indebted for this reference to Stewart's
+    _Myths of Plato_, p. 367.
+
+    [899] Nettleship remarked most truly that there is no
+    better way of appreciating the heroic Aeneas of these
+    last books than by studying carefully the early part of
+    the eleventh.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XIX
+
+THE AUGUSTAN REVIVAL
+
+
+It is a long descent from the inspiring idealism of Virgil to the cool,
+tactical attempt of Augustus to revive the outward forms of the old
+religion. It seems strange that two men so different in character and
+upbringing should have been working in the same years in the same
+direction, yet on planes so far apart. How far the two were directly
+connected in their work we cannot know for certain. It is said that the
+subject of the Aeneid was suggested to Virgil by Augustus, and it is
+quite possible that this may be true; but it by no means follows from
+this that the inspiration of the poem came from any other source but
+Virgil's own thought and feeling. We also know that Augustus from the
+first appreciated the Aeneid, and that he saved it for all time; but it
+is by no means clear that it inspired him in his efforts towards moral
+and religious regeneration. Perhaps the truth is that both were moved by
+the wave of mingled depression and hope that swept over Italy for some
+years after the death of Julius, and that each used his experience in
+his own way and according to his opportunities. They had at least this
+in common, that they utilised the past to encourage the present age, and
+that by filling old forms and names with new meaning they set men's
+minds upon thinking of the future.[900]
+
+Yet the revival of the State religion by Augustus is at once the most
+remarkable event in the history of the Roman religion, and one almost
+unique in religious history. I have repeatedly spoken of that State
+religion as hypnotised or paralysed, meaning that the belief in the
+efficacy of the old cults had passed away among the educated classes,
+that the mongrel city populace had long been accustomed to scoff at the
+old deities, and that the outward practice of religion had been allowed
+to decay. To us, then, it may seem almost impossible that the practice,
+and to some extent also the belief, should be capable of resuscitation
+at the will of a single individual, even if that individual represented
+the best interests and the collective wisdom of the State. For it is
+impossible to deny that this resuscitation was real; that both _pax
+deorum_ and _ius divinum_ became once more terms of force and meaning.
+Beset as it was by at least three formidable enemies, which tended to
+destroy it even while they fed on it, like parasites in the animal or
+vegetable world feeding on their hosts,--the rationalising philosophy of
+syncretism, the worship of the Caesars, and the new Oriental cults,--the
+old religion continued to exist for at least three centuries in outward
+form, and to some extent in popular belief.
+
+We must remember the tenacious conservatism of the Roman mind: the
+emotional stimulus of the age of depression and despair which preceded
+this revival: and the conscientious care with which the successors of
+Augustus, Tiberius in particular, carried out his religious policy.[901]
+Then as we become more familiar with the Corpus of inscriptions and the
+writings of the early Christian fathers, we begin to appreciate the fact
+that the natural and inherited religion of a people cannot altogether
+die, and that to describe this old Roman religion as _dead_ is to use
+too strong a word. The votive inscriptions of the Empire show us
+overwhelming proof of surviving belief in the great deities of the olden
+time, and of the care taken of their temples. Antoninus Pius is honoured
+"ob insignem erga caerimonias publicas curam et religionem."[902] Marcus
+Aurelius himself did not hesitate in times of public distress to put in
+action the whole apparatus of the old religion.[903] Constantius in A.D.
+329 was shown round the temples when he visited Rome for the first time,
+and in spite of his Christianity took a curious interest in them.[904]
+That the private worship, too, went on into the fourth century we know
+from the Theodosian code, where in the interest of Christianity the
+worship of Lares Penates and Genius is strictly forbidden.[905] Again,
+the constant ridicule with which the Christian writers speak of the
+_minutiae_ of the heathen worship makes it quite plain that they knew it
+as actually existing, and not merely from books like those of Varro.
+They do not so much attack the Oriental religions of their time as the
+genuine old Roman cults; more especially is this the case with St.
+Augustine, from whose _de Civitate Dei_ we have learnt so much about the
+latter. The very necessity under which the leaders of Christianity
+found themselves of suiting their own religious character, and in some
+ways even their own ceremonies, to the habits and prejudices of the
+pagans, tells the same story. But the question how far Latin
+Christianity was indebted to the religion of the Romans must be
+postponed to my last lecture; I have said enough to indicate in which
+direction we must go for evidence that the work of Augustus was not in
+vain, that it gave fresh stimulus to a plant that still had some life in
+it.
+
+If, then, the Augustan revival was not a mere sham, but had its measure
+of real success, how are we to account for this? I think the explanation
+is not really difficult, if we bring to bear upon the problem what we
+have learnt from the beginning about the religious experience of the
+Romans. Let us note that Augustus troubled himself little about the
+later political developments of religion, which we have lately been
+examining,--about pontifices, augurs, and Sibylline books; these
+institutions, which had been so much used in the republican period for
+political and party purposes, it was rather his interest to keep in the
+background. But in one way or another he must have grasped the
+fundamental idea of the old Roman worship, that the prosperity and the
+fertility of man, and of his flocks and herds and crops on the farm, and
+the prosperity and fertility of the citizen within the city itself,
+equally depended on the dutiful attention (_pietas_) paid to the divine
+beings who had taken up their abode in farm or city.[906] The best
+expression of this idea in words is _pax deorum_,--the right relation
+between man and the various manifestations of the Power,--and the
+machinery by which it was secured was the _ius divinum_.[907] We shall
+not be far wrong if we say that it was Augustus' aim to re-establish the
+_pax_ by means of the _ius_; but if we wished to explain the matter to
+some one who has not been trained in these technical terms, it would be
+better to say that he appealed to a deeply-rooted idea in the popular
+mind,--the idea that unless the divine inhabitants were properly and
+continually propitiated, they would not do their part in supporting the
+human inhabitants in all their doings and interests. This popular
+conviction he deliberately determined to use as his chief political
+lever.
+
+This has, I think, been insufficiently emphasised by historians, who
+contemplate the work of this shrewd statesman too entirely from the
+political point of view. I am sure that he had learnt from his
+predecessors in power that reform on political lines only was without
+any element of stability, and that he knew that it was far more
+important to touch a spring in the feeling of the people, than to occupy
+himself, like Sulla, in mending old machinery or inventing new. If he
+could but induce them to believe in him as the restorer of the _pax
+deorum_, he knew that his work was accomplished. And I believe that we
+have what is practically his own word for this conviction; not in his
+Res Gestae, the _Monumentum Ancyranum_, which is a record of facts and
+of deeds only, but in the famous hymn which Horace wrote at his instance
+and to give expression to his ideas, for use in the Secular Games of 17
+B.C., to which I am coming presently. Ferrero has lately described that
+hymn as a magnificent poem,[908] an opinion which to me is
+incomprehensible. It is neat, and embodies the necessary ideas
+adequately, but it is far too flat to be the genuine offspring of such a
+poet as Horace. To me it reads as though Augustus had written it in
+prose and then ordered his poet to put it into metre; and assuredly it
+expresses exactly what we should have expected Augustus to wish to be
+sung by his youthful choirs. I shall refer to it again shortly to
+illustrate another point; all I need say now is that he who reads it
+carefully and thinks about it will find there the conviction of which I
+have been speaking, that prosperity and fertility, whether of man,
+beast, or crop, depend on the Roman's attitude toward his deities;
+religion, morality, fertility, and public concord are the points which
+the astute ruler wished to be emphasised.[909] That this hymn was a
+really important part of the ceremony is certain from the fact that it
+was given to the best living poet to write, and that his name is
+mentioned as its author in the inscription, discovered not many years
+ago, which commemorated the whole performance: "CARMEN COMPOSUIT Q.
+HORATIUS FLACCUS."[910]
+
+If, then, I am right, this strange movement was not merely a revival of
+religious ceremonies, but an appeal through them to the conscience of
+the people. A revival of religious _life_ it, of course, was not, for
+what we understand by that term had never existed at Rome; but it was an
+attempt to give expression, in a religious form and under State
+authorisation, to certain feelings and ideas not far removed in kind
+from those which in our own day we describe as our religious experience.
+Whether Augustus himself shared in these feelings and ideas it is, of
+course, impossible to conjecture. But as a man's religious convictions
+are largely the result of his own experience and of that of the society
+in which he lives, and as Augustus' own experience for the twenty years
+before he took this work in hand had been full of trial and temptation,
+I am disposed to guess that he was rather expressing a popular
+conviction which he shared himself than merely standing apart and
+administering a remedy. And this view seems to me to be on the whole
+confirmed by the tone and spirit of the great literary works of the age.
+
+Augustus did not become pontifex maximus till the year 12 B.C., nineteen
+years after he had crushed Antony at Actium; he waited with scrupulous
+patience until the headship of the Roman religion became vacant by the
+death of Lepidus.[911] But this did not prevent him from pursuing his
+religious policy with great earnestness before that date, for he had
+long been a member of the pontifical college, as well as augur and
+quindecemvir. No sooner had he returned to Rome from Egypt than the work
+of temple restoration began, the outward and visible sign to all that
+the _pax deorum_ was to be firmly re-established. The fact of the
+restoration he has told us in half a dozen words in his own Res
+Gestae:[912] "Duo et octaginta templa deum in urbe ex decreto senatus
+refeci," adding that not one was neglected that needed repair. Among
+them was that oldest and smallest temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the
+Capitol to which I referred in a former lecture;[913] and his personal
+interest in the work is attested by Livy, who says that he himself heard
+Augustus tell how he had found an inscription, relating to the second
+_spolia opima_ dedicated there, when he went into the temple bent on the
+work of restoration.[914] It needs but a little historical imagination
+to appreciate the psychological importance of all this work. We have to
+think not only of the bystanders who watched, but of the very workmen
+themselves, rejoicing at once in new employment and in the revival of an
+old sense of religious duty. Little more than twenty years earlier, no
+workman could be found to lay a hand upon the newly-built temple of
+Isis, when the consul Aemilius Paulus gave orders for its destruction as
+a centre of _superstitio_;[915] now abundant work was provided which
+every man's conscience would approve. When I think of the Rome of that
+year 28, with all its fresh hope and confidence taking visible shape in
+this way, even Horace's famous lines seem cold to me (_Od._ ii. 6. 1):
+
+  delicta maiorum immeritus lues
+  Romane, donec templa refeceris
+    aedesque labentis deorum et
+      foeda nigro simulacra fumo.
+
+The restoration of the temple buildings implies also a revival of the
+old ritual, the _cura et caerimonia_. As to this we are very imperfectly
+informed,--we have no correspondence of this age, as of the last, and
+the details of life in the Augustan city are not preserved in abundance.
+But Ovid comes to the rescue here, as in secular matters, and on the
+whole the evidence in his _Fasti_ suggests that the old sacrificing
+priesthoods, the Rex and the flamines, were set to their work again. He
+tells us, for example, how he himself, as he was returning to Rome from
+Nomentum,[916] had seen the flamen Quirinalis carrying out the _exta_ of
+a dog and a sheep which had been sacrificed in the morning in the city,
+to be laid on the altar in the grove of Robigus. In spite of all its
+disabling restrictions, it was possible once more to fill the ancient
+priesthood of Jupiter; and of the Rex sacrorum and the other flamines we
+hear in the early Empire.[917] They were in the _potestas_ of the
+pontifex maximus, and as after 12 B.C. that position was always held by
+the Princeps himself, it was not likely that they would be allowed to
+neglect their duties. Other ancient colleges were also revived or
+confirmed by the inclusion of the Emperor himself among their members (a
+fact which Augustus was careful to record in his own words), _e.g._ the
+Fetiales, of whom he had made use when declaring war with Antony and
+Cleopatra;[918] the Sodales Titienses, an institution of which we have
+lost the origin and meaning; the Salii, Luperci, and above all the
+Fratres Arvales, the brotherhood whose duty it had once been to lead a
+procession round the crops in May, and so to ensure the _pax deorum_ for
+the most vital material of human subsistence. The corn-supply now came
+almost entirely from Africa and Egypt; the inner meaning of this old
+ritual could not be revived, and we must own that all this restoration
+of the old _caerimonia_ must have appealed rather to the eye than the
+mind of the beholder. It was necessary to put some new element into it
+to give it life. Here we come upon a most important fact in the work of
+Augustus, which will become apparent if we take a rapid glance at the
+work and history of the Fratres, and then go on to find further
+illustration of the curious mixture of old and new which the Roman
+religion was henceforward to be.
+
+The fortunate survival of large fragments of the records of the
+Brotherhood, dating from shortly after the battle of Actium, show that
+it continued to work and to flourish down to the reign of Gordian (A.D.
+241), and from other sources we know that it was still in existence in
+the fourth century.[919] These records have been found on the site of
+the sacred grove, at the fifth milestone on the via Campana between Rome
+and Ostia, which from the time of this revival onwards was the centre of
+the activity of the Fratres.
+
+The brethren were twelve in number, with a _magister_ at their head and
+a flamen to assist him; they were chosen from distinguished families by
+co-optation, the reigning Emperor being always a member.[920] Their
+duties fell into two divisions, which most aptly illustrate respectively
+the old and the new ingredients in the religious prescriptions of
+Augustus, as they were carried out by his successors. The first of these
+is the performance of the yearly rites in honour of the Dea Dia, the
+goddess or _numen_ without a substantival name (a form perhaps of Ceres
+and Tellus), whose home was in the sacred grove, and who was the special
+object of this venerable cult. Secondly, the care of vows, prayers, and
+sacrifices for the Emperors and other members of the imperial house. I
+must say a few words about each of these divisions of duty.
+
+The worship of the Dea Dia took place in May on three days, with an
+interval always of one day between the first and second, according to
+the old custom of the calendar.[921] On the first, preliminary rites
+were performed at Rome, in the house of the magister; on the second was
+the most important part of the whole ceremony, which took place at the
+sacred grove. These rites will give a good idea of the old Roman
+worship, and of the exactness with which Augustus sought to restore it.
+At dawn the magister sacrificed two _porcae piaculares_ to the Dea, and
+then a _vacca honoraria_, after which he laid aside the _toga praetexta_
+or sacrificial vestment, and rested till noon, when all the brethren
+partook of a common meal, of which the _porcae_ formed the chief part.
+Then resuming the _praetexta_, and crowned with wreaths of corn-ears,
+they proceeded to the altar in the grove, where they sacrificed the
+_agna opima_, which was the principal victim in the whole
+ceremonial.[922] Other rites followed, _e.g._ the passing round, from
+one to another of the brethren, fruits gathered and consecrated on the
+previous day, each brother receiving them in his left, _i.e._ lucky
+hand, and passing them on with his right; and the singing of the famous
+Arval hymn to Mars and the Lares to a rhythmic dance-tune. Then after
+another meal and chariot-racing in the neighbouring circus, they
+returned to Rome and finished the day with further feasting.[923] A
+cynical reader of these Acta might suggest that the appetites of the
+good brethren were made more of than their _pietas_; but the feasting
+may be just as much a part of the ancient practice as any of the other
+curiosities of ritual.
+
+The utensils employed were of the primitive sun-baked clay (_ollae_),
+and seem to have been regarded with a veneration almost amounting to
+worship.[924] Long ago I had occasion to note how the old form of
+piacular sacrifice was used and recorded whenever iron was taken into
+the grove, or any damage done to the trees by lightning or other
+accident. Once, when a tiny fig-tree sprouted on the roof of the temple,
+piacula of all suitable kinds had to be offered to Mars, Dea Dia, Janus,
+Jupiter, Juno, Virgines divae, Famuli divi, Lares, Mater Larum, sive
+deus sive dea in cuius tutela hic lucus locusque est, Fons, Hora, Vesta
+Mater, Vesta deorum dearumque, Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda,--and
+sixteen _divi_ of the imperial families![925] As the date of this
+extraordinary performance is A.D. 183, nothing can better show the
+extent to which the revival of elaborate ritual had been carried by
+Augustus, and the amazing tenacity with which it held its ground.
+
+The second part of the activity of the brethren well illustrates the new
+element which Augustus adroitly insinuated into the old religious forms:
+but I shall not dwell upon it, for the worship of the Caesars in its
+developed form is not of either Roman or Italian origin, any more than
+the other kinds of cult which were now pressing in from the East; and it
+thus lies outside the range of my subject. The revival of this old
+priesthood, and doubtless of others, the Salii for example, was turned
+to account to mark the sacred character and political and social
+predominance of the imperial family. All events of importance in the
+life of the Emperor himself and his family were the occasion of vows,
+prayers, or thanksgivings on the part of the Fratres; births, marriages,
+successions to the throne, journeys and safe return, and the assumption
+of the consulship and other offices or priesthoods. These rites all took
+place at various temples or altars in Rome, or at the Ara Pacis,
+recently excavated, which Augustus had built in the Campus Martius.
+Here, by way of example of them, is a "votum susceptum pro salute novi
+principis," on his accession.[926]
+
+"Imperatore M. Othone Caesare Augusto, L. Salvio Othone Titiano iterum
+consulibus, III kalendas Februarias magistro Imperatore M. Othone
+Caesare Augusto, promagistro L. Salvio Othone Titiano: collegi fratrum
+Arvalium nomine immolavit in Capitolio ob vota nuncupata pro salute
+imperatoris M. Othonis Caesaris Augusti in annum proximum in III nonas
+Ianuarias Iovi bovem marem, Iunoni vaccam: Minervae vaccam: Saluti
+publicae populi Romani vaccam: divo Augusto bovem marem, divae Augustae
+vaccam: divo Claudio bovem marem: in collegio adfuerunt, etc."
+
+This record, which belongs to the year 69 and the accession of Otho,
+shows the _divi_, _i.e._ the deified emperors Augustus and Claudius,
+together with the deified Livia, associated with the _trias_ of the
+Capitoline temple and the _Salus publica_ in the sacrificial rites. But
+under the Flavian dynasty which followed this association was
+judiciously dropped.[927] It may serve for the moment to illustrate what
+was to come of this new element so subtly introduced into the old
+worship; how it led to practices which are utterly repulsive to us, and
+repulsive too to an honest man even in that day. The noble words of
+Tiberius, declining to have temples erected to him in Spain, have been
+preserved by Tacitus from the senatorial records:[928] "Ego me, patres
+conscripti, mortalem esse fateor"; and he added that his only claim to
+immortality lay in the due performance of duty. Tiberius, whatever else
+he may have been, was beyond doubt an honest man; and so too was Seneca,
+the author of the famous skit on the deification of Claudius. But the
+extravagances of Caesar-worship are not to be met with in Augustus'
+time; for him the new element may be defined, as in Rome (and in Italy
+too, so far as his own wish could limit it) nothing more than _the
+encouragement of the belief in him, and loyalty to him as the restorer
+of the pax deorum_. To this end he sought to magnify his own
+achievements as avenger of the crime of the murder of Julius, by which
+the _pax_ had been grievously disturbed. I propose to finish this
+lecture by giving some account of the way in which he attained this
+object. Let us briefly examine the famous ritual of the _Ludi
+saeculares_, of which we have more detailed knowledge than of any other
+Roman rite of any period; it marks the zenith of his prosperity and
+religious activity, and belongs to the year 17 B.C., two years after the
+death of Virgil,--a date which may be said to divide the long power of
+Augustus into two nearly equal halves.
+
+This famous celebration is an epoch in the history of the Roman
+religion, if not in the history of Rome herself. It stands on the very
+verge of an old and a new regime. It was the outward or ritualistic
+expression of the idea, already suggested by Virgil in the fourth
+_Eclogue_ and the _Aeneid_, that a regeneration is at hand of Rome and
+Italy, in religion, morals, agriculture, government; old things are put
+away, new sap is to run in the half-withered trunk and branches of a
+noble tree. The experience of the past, as with Aeneas after the descent
+into Hades, is to lead to new effort and a new type of character, of
+which _pietas_ in its broadest sense is the inspiring motive.
+Henceforward the Roman is to look ahead of him in hope and confidence,
+_virtutem extendere factis_. Augustus, the Aeneas of the actual State,
+was firmly established in a prestige which extended beyond Italy even to
+the far East; his faithful and capable coadjutor Agrippa was by his side
+to take his part in the ritual, and no cloud in that year 17 seemed to
+be visible on the horizon.
+
+The _Ludi saeculares_ are also unique in respect of the records we have
+of them. By wonderful good fortune we can construct an almost complete
+picture of what was done in that year on the last days of May and the
+first three of June. We have the text of the Sibylline oracle,--how
+manufactured we do not know, nor does it much matter,--which prescribed
+the ritual, preserved by Zosimus, a Greek historian of the fifth century
+A.D., together with his own account.[929] Thus the outline of the ritual
+has been known all along, together with many details; and to help it out
+we have also the perfect text of the hymn written by Horace for the
+occasion, and sung by two choirs of boys and girls respectively. But
+great was the delight of the learned world when, in September 1890,
+workmen employed on the Tiber embankment, close, as it turned out, to
+the spot where the nightly rites of the _ludi_ took place, came upon a
+mediaeval wall partly made of ancient material, in which some marbles
+were found covered with inscriptions relating to this same
+celebration.[930] This treasure was badly mutilated, but the inscription
+was easily decipherable; it contains a letter from Augustus giving
+instructions, two decrees of the Senate, and a series of records of the
+Quindecemviri, who were of course in charge of a ritual which had been
+ordered by a Sibylline oracle. Some few points were at first puzzling,
+but have been cleared up since the discovery. Mommsen, of course, took
+the work in hand, and his exposition is still, and always will be, the
+starting-point for students. Wissowa has an excellent popular account of
+it, and recently, in the fifth volume of his _Greatness and Decline of
+Rome_, Ferrero has utilised it to give an animated account of the whole
+ceremony.[931]
+
+The _Ludi saeculares_ take their name from the word _saeculum_; and the
+old Italian idea of a _saeculum_ seems to have been a period stretching
+from any given moment to the death of the oldest person born at that
+moment,--a hundred years being the natural period so conceived.[932]
+Thus a new saeculum might begin at any time, and might be endowed with
+special religious significance by certain solemn ceremonies; in this way
+the people might be persuaded that a new leaf, so to speak, had been
+turned over in their history: that all past evil, material or moral, had
+been put away and done with (_saeculum condere_), and a new period
+entered on of innocence and prosperity. There are faint traces of three
+early celebrations of this kind, beginning in 463 B.C., traditionally a
+disastrous year, and renewed in 363 and 263. But in 249, another year of
+distress and peril, a new saeculum was entered on with a new and a Greek
+ritual, ordered by a Sibylline oracle. A subterranean altar in a spot
+by the Tiber, near the present Ponte St. Angelo, and called Tarentum
+(possibly to mark the original home of the rite), was dedicated to Dis
+and Proserpina, Greek deities of the nether world; and here for three
+successive nights black victims were offered to them. The subterranean
+altar and the use of the word _condere_ (to put away), might suggest
+that this rite may have had something in common with those well-known
+quasi-dramatic ones in which objects are _buried_ or thrown into the
+water, to represent the cessation of one period of vegetation and the
+beginning of another.[933] Or we may look on it in the light of one of
+those _rites de passage_ in which a transition is made from one state of
+things to another, without any definite religious idea being attached to
+it. There is no doubt some mystical element in the primitive idea of the
+beginning and ending of periods of time, which has not as yet been
+thoroughly investigated.[934]
+
+Now it is easy to see how exactly a rite of this kind, with suitable
+modifications, would fit in with Augustus' purposes as we have explained
+them. Fortunately too Varro had in 42 B.C. published a book in which the
+mystic or Pythagorean doctrine was set forth of the palingenesis of All
+Souls after four saecula of 110 years each; the fourth _Eclogue_ of
+Virgil may have been influenced by this, among other mystical ideas, as
+it was written only three years later; and in any case the doctrine was
+well known.[935] But Augustus had to wait a while, until peace and
+confidence were restored. Why eventually he chose the year 17 is quite
+uncertain; it does not exactly fit in with any calculation of four
+saecula of 110 years starting from any known date. But a saeculum, as we
+have seen, might begin at any moment; and in any case it was easy to
+manufacture a calculation, which was now duly accomplished by trusty
+persons, chief among them being the great lawyer, Ateius Capito, an
+ardent adherent of Augustus and his projects.[936] Probably too it was
+necessary to take advantage of the popular feeling of the moment, that a
+better time had come, and that it should be started on its way in some
+fitting outward form.
+
+So an elaborate programme was drawn up, the main features of which I
+must now explain. On 26th May and the two following days (for the mystic
+numbers three, nine, and twenty-seven are noticeable throughout the
+ritual)[937] the means of purification (_suffimenta_)--torches, sulphur,
+bitumen[938]--were distributed by the priests to all free persons,
+whether citizens or not; for this once, all in Rome at the time, with
+the exception of slaves, were to give an imperial meaning to the
+ceremony by their share in it. Even bachelors, though forbidden to
+attend public shows under a recent law _de maritandis ordinibus_, were
+allowed to do so on this occasion. No doubt the idea was that the whole
+people were to be purified from all pollution of the past; it is what M.
+van Gennep calls a _rite de separation_, the first step in a _rite de
+passage_. The next three days all the people came to the Quindecemviri
+at certain stated places, and made offerings of _fruges_, the products
+of the earth, as we do at our harvest festivals; these were the
+firstfruits of the coming harvest.[939] It may be worth while to recall
+the facts that it was on these same days that the procession of the
+Ambarvalia used to go round the ripening crops, and that in the early
+days of June the symbolic _penus_ of Vesta was being cleansed to receive
+the new grain.[940] That Augustus wished to emphasise the importance of
+Italian agriculture is beyond doubt, and is apparent also in the hymn of
+Horace, _Fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus spicea donet Cererem corona,
+etc._
+
+When the _suffimenta_ had been distributed and the offerings made, all
+was ready for the putting away or burying of the old _saeculum_. On the
+night before 1st June Augustus himself, together with Agrippa,
+sacrificed to the Greek Moirae, the Parcae of Horace's hymn, perhaps in
+some sense the Fata of the _Aeneid_; on the second night to Eilithyia,
+the Greek deity of childbirth; and on the third to Mother Tellus. The
+form of prayer accompanying the sacrifice is preserved in the
+inscription; it is Latin in language and form, as dry and concise as any
+we examined in my lectures on ritual, and contains the _macte esto_
+which I was then at pains to explain. Augustus prayed for the safety and
+prosperity of the State in every way, and also for himself, his house,
+and his familia.[941] The scene on the bank of the Tiber, illuminated by
+torches, must have been most impressive.
+
+These were the nightly ceremonies. But each day also had its ritual, in
+which the Roman deities of the heaven were the objects of worship, not,
+as by the Tiber bank, Greek deities of the earth and the nether world.
+On the first two days Augustus and Agrippa offered the proper victims to
+Jupiter and Juno respectively on the Capitol; Minerva is omitted, and
+probably the other two are reckoned in Greek fashion as a married pair.
+The form of prayer was the same as that used by night, with the
+necessary modifications. Thus the great Capitoline temple and its
+deities have a full share of attention, and they go too far who think
+that Augustus was so wanting in tact as to put them in the shade.[942]
+But on the third and last day the scene changes from the Capitol to the
+Palatine, the residence of Augustus, where he had built his great temple
+of Apollo; here for the first time in the ceremony Horace's hymn was
+sung. On all the days and nights there had been shows and amusements,
+and a hundred and ten chosen matrons had taken solemn part in the
+services.[943] But I must pass these over and turn in the last place to
+the question, as interesting as it is old and difficult, as to how and
+where Horace's hymn was sung, and how we are to understand it.
+
+The instructions given to the poet by Augustus are obvious as we read
+the Carmen in the light of the ceremonial of which it was to mark the
+conclusion. He was to bring into it, as we have already seen, the ideas
+which were to be revived and made resonant, of religion, morality, and
+the fertility of man, beast, and crop; and they are all there. He was
+also to include all the deities who had been addressed in prayer both by
+day and night, by Tiber bank and on the Capitol, and to give the most
+prominent place to those who on this last day were worshipped on the
+Palatine; to Apollo, for whom Augustus had built a great temple close to
+his own house (_in privato solo_[944]), as his own specially protecting
+deity since Actium, and Diana, who as equivalent to Artemis, could not
+but be associated with Apollo. Thus the deities of the hymn are both
+Latin and Greek,[945] and this expresses the undoubted fact that the
+religion of the Romans was henceforward to be even in outward expression
+a cosmopolitan or Romano-Hellenic one, in keeping with the fact that all
+free men of every race might take part in this great festival. But it
+cannot fail to strike every careful reader that the great trias of the
+Capitol is hardly visible in the poem, though Jupiter and Juno had been
+the chief objects of worship on the two previous days. Jupiter is twice
+incidentally named, but in no connection with the Capitol;[946] and it
+is only when we read between the lines of the fourteenth stanza that we
+discover Jupiter and Juno as the recipients of the white oxen which had
+been sacrificed to them there. I have already said that we must not make
+too much of the neglect of Jupiter and Juno by Augustus; but it is plain
+that he directed Horace not to make them too prominent in this hymn, and
+I think it is quite possible that Horace a little overdid his obedience.
+
+The result of all this is that the hymn, in spite of its neatness and
+adequacy, is wanting in spontaneity, and presents the casual reader with
+an apparently unmeaning jumble of Greek and Roman gods and goddesses.
+The only way to clear it up is by taking it in immediate relation with
+what we know about the places in which it was sung. To me at last it has
+become clear enough in all its main points; and I will give here my own
+results, which do not altogether coincide with those of other recent
+inquirers.
+
+Before the discovery of the great inscription we knew that this hymn was
+sung before the new temple of Apollo on the Palatine; we now know that
+it was also sung on the Capitol,[947] thus uniting in one performance
+the old religion of republican Rome with the new imperial cult of
+Apollo. But this new fact has, in my opinion, led to misapprehensions
+both of the manner of singing and the order of subjects in the hymn.
+Mommsen thought that the first part was sung on the Palatine, the middle
+part on the Capitol, and the last again on the Palatine, and he is
+followed by Wissowa; and both seem to think it possible that there may
+have been singing too during the procession from the one hill to the
+other.[948] I think we need not trouble ourselves about the latter
+point, for the Via Sacra, by which the procession must have gone, was
+far too narrow and irregular to allow fifty-four singers, with the
+_tibicines_ who must have been accompanying them, to walk and perform at
+the same time.[949] The inscription, too, says plainly that the hymn was
+sung on the Palatine and then on the Capitol, and by that plain
+statement of fact we had better abide.
+
+Now let us note that these two stations on the two hills were the best
+possible positions for Augustus' purpose, not only because of their
+religious importance, but because they afforded the most spacious views
+of the city, now everywhere adorned with new or restored buildings. The
+temple of Apollo was built upon a large and lofty area at the north-east
+end of the Palatine.[950] Recent excavations have shown it to be some
+hundred yards broad by a hundred and fifty in length, and Ovid, in a
+passage of his _Tristia_[951] gives us an idea of its height:
+
+  inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis
+    ducor ad intonsi candida templa dei.
+
+On this area the choirs of boys and girls took their station, facing the
+marble temple, on the _fastigium_ of which was represented the Sun
+driving his four-horse chariot.[952] After singing, probably together,
+the first two stanzas or exordium of the hymn, they addressed this Sol:
+
+  alme Sol, curru nitido diem qui
+  promis et celas, aliusque et idem
+  nasceris, possis nihil urbe Roma
+    visere maius.
+
+As they sang these last words, they would turn towards the city that lay
+behind them, and look over it to the Tiber and the scene of the nightly
+sacrifices of the Tarentum; and with the deities of these rites, who
+must of course be taken before those of day and light, as in the order
+of the festival, the next five stanzas are occupied:[953] Eilithyia, the
+Moirae (Parcae), and Tellus or Ceres. When that duty is over they turn
+once more to the temple, and the Greek deities of the Tarentum are
+mentioned no more. Three stanzas are devoted to Apollo and Diana (Luna),
+with a happy allusion to the _Aeneid_, and then once more the choirs
+turn, and this time they face the Capitol; the hymn is long, and these
+changes of movement would be at once a relief to the singers and a
+pleasant sight to the spectators. They address the deities of the
+Capitol in appropriate language:
+
+  di probos mores docili iuventae,
+  di, senectuti placidae quietem,
+  Romulae genti date remque prolemque
+      et decus omne.
+
+The allusion to Jupiter and Juno is thus veiled:
+
+  quaeque vos bobus veneratur albis
+  clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis,
+  impetret, bellante prior, iacentem
+      lenis in hostem.
+
+Horace has cleverly made Augustus himself the leading figure in this and
+the following stanza, and the listeners forget the Capitoline gods as
+they note the allusion to Venus, the ancestress of the Julii, the
+prestige of Augustus that has brought envoys to him from Scythia, Media,
+and India, and in the next stanza the public virtues, presented here as
+deities--Fides, Pax, Honos, Pudor, Virtus--on whose aid and worship the
+new regime is based.[954]
+
+At the sixteenth stanza the choirs again face about to the temple of
+Apollo, and with him and Diana again the next two stanzas have to do.
+Only one remains, in which as an _exodos_ we may be sure the two choirs
+of boys and girls joined; it sums up the whole body of deities, but with
+Apollo and Diana as the special objects of the day's worship:
+
+  haec Iovem sentire deosque cunctos
+  spem bonam certamque domum reporto,
+  doctus et Phoebi chorus et Dianae
+      dicere laudes.
+
+The performance on the Palatine was now over, and the procession
+streamed down the hill to join the Via Sacra near the Regia and the
+Vesta temple, and so to make its way up to the Capitol, where the
+performance was repeated.[955] Taking station at this noble point of
+view, he who will can again follow its movement with the hymn in his
+hand. The area in front of the Capitoline temple looked across to the
+Palatine, and the image of Sol and his _quadriga_ must have been in full
+view; thus the _exordium_ and the next stanza (alme Sol) would be sung
+looking in that direction. Equally well in view, if they turned to the
+right, would be the scene of the midnight sacrifices across the Campus
+Martius; and so on throughout the singing the changes of position would
+be easy and graceful, here as on the Palatine.
+
+Here I prefer to make an end of the performance, following the text of
+the inscription, which tells us nothing of a return to the Palatine. It
+would be far more in keeping with Roman practice that the Capitol should
+be the scene of the conclusion of the processional ceremony, even on a
+day when Apollo was, with Augustus himself, the principal figure. From
+the musical point of view, too, a third performance is improbable, for
+the singers were young and tender.
+
+And here, too, with this impressive scene, which can hardly fail to move
+the imagination of any one who has stood on Palatine and Capitol, I will
+close my account of the religious experience of the Romans. A few
+remarks only remain for me to make about its contribution, such as it
+was, to the Latin form of Christianity.
+
+
+NOTES TO LECTURE XIX
+
+
+    [900] A summary of the relations between Virgil and
+    Augustus may be found in Mr. Glover's _Studies in
+    Virgil_, p. 144 foll.
+
+    [901] Tiberius added to his Augustan inheritance a
+    curious and possibly morbid anxiety about religious
+    matters and details of cult, of which examples may be
+    found in Tac. _Ann._ iii. 58, vi. 12, among other
+    passages. Perhaps, however, the most interesting is that
+    connected with the famous story of "the Great Pan is
+    dead," told by Plutarch in the _de Defectu Oraculorum_,
+    ch. xvii. The news of this strange story reached the
+    ears of Tiberius, who at once set the learned men about
+    him to inquire into it; and they came to the no less
+    strange conclusion that "this was the Pan who was born
+    of Hermes and Penelope." S. Reinach has recently offered
+    an explanation of this story, which is at least better
+    than previous ones, in _Cultes, mythes, et religions_,
+    vol. iii. p. 1 foll.
+
+    [902] _C.I.L._ vi. 1001.
+
+    [903] Jul. Capitolinus, 13.
+
+    [904] Symmachus, _Rel._ 3.
+
+    [905] _Cod. Theod._ xvi. 10. 2. On this subject
+    generally consult Dill's _Roman Society in the Last
+    Century of the Western Empire_, bk. i. chs. i. and iv.
+
+    [906] This idea is exactly expressed by Horace in _Odes_
+    iii. 23, perhaps addressed to the _vilica_ of his own
+    farm. Cp. Cato, _R.R._ 143, where the _vilica_ is to
+    pray to the _Lar familiaris pro copia_. Horace mentions
+    only the Kalends for this rite; Cato adds Nones and
+    Ides. Cp. Tibull. i. 3. 34; i. 10. 15 foll.
+
+    [907] See above, Lectures iv. and v.
+
+    [908] _Greatness and Decline of Rome_ (E.T.), v. 93.
+
+    [909] See especially lines 45 foll. and 56 foll.
+
+    [910] _C.I.L._ vi. 32,323, or Dessau, _Inscriptiones
+    selectae_, vol. ii. part i. p. 284.
+
+    [911] For this reason the veiled figure in one of the
+    fine sculptures on the Ara Pacis frieze, which used to
+    be taken as Augustus Pont. Max., cannot be so identified
+    (see Domaszewski, _Abhandlungen zur roemischen Religion_,
+    p. 90 foll.), for the date of the Ara Pacis is 13 B.C.,
+    the year before Lepidus died. The figure can be most
+    conveniently seen by English students in Mrs. Strong's
+    _Roman Sculpture_, plate xi. p. 46. It may be Agrippa
+    acting as Pont. Max. for Lepidus.
+
+    [912] _Monumentum Ancyranum_, ed. Mommsen (Lat.), iv.
+    17.
+
+    [913] See above, p. 129.
+
+    [914] Livy iv. 20. 7.
+
+    [915] Valerius Maximus, _Epit._ 3, 4.
+
+    [916] Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 901 foll.
+
+    [917] See Marquardt, 326 foll.
+
+    [918] Dio Cassius, l. 4, 5.
+
+    [919] Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, p. xxv. of the
+    exordium.
+
+    [920] Henzen, p. 154.
+
+    [921] See above, p. 98.
+
+    [922] Henzen, pp. 24, 28.
+
+    [923] For the hymn, Henzen, p. 26; Dessau, _Inscr.
+    select._ ii. pt. i. p. 276. See also above, p. 186.
+
+    [924] Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 487, note 5.
+
+    [925] Henzen, 142 foll.; Dessau, p. 279; see above, p.
+    162.
+
+    [926] Henzen, p. 105.
+
+    [927] _Ib._ p. 107.
+
+    [928] Tac. _Ann._ iii.
+
+    [939] Zosimus, ii. 5 and 6. The oracle and the extract
+    from Zosimus are printed in Dr. Wickham's introduction
+    to the _Carmen saeculare_, and in Diels, _Sibyllinische
+    Blaetter_, p. 131 foll.
+
+    [930] _C.I.L._ vi. 32,323. _Ephemeris epigraphica_,
+    viii. 255 foll., contains the text and Mommsen's
+    exposition. Dessau, _Inscr. selectae_, ii. pt. i. 282,
+    does not give the whole document.
+
+    [931] Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 192 foll.;
+    Ferrero, vol. v. 85 foll.
+
+    [932] The word was first explained by Mommsen, _Roem.
+    Chronologie_, ed. 2, p. 172.
+
+    [933] See, _e.g._, _Golden Bough_, ed. 2, vol. ii. p. 70
+    foll.
+
+    [934] The religious or mystical conception of time is
+    the subject of an interesting discussion by Hubert et
+    Mauss, _Melanges d'histoire et de religion_, p. 189
+    foll.; but the _saeculum_ does not seem to have
+    attracted their attention.
+
+    [935] The actual words of Varro, from his work _de gente
+    Populi Romani_, are quoted by St. Augustine, _de Civ.
+    Dei_, xxii. 28: "Genethliaci quidam scripserunt esse in
+    renascendis hominibus quam appellant [Greek:
+    palingenesian] Graeci; hac scripserunt confici in annis
+    numero quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et
+    eadem anima, quae fuerint coniuncta in homine aliquando,
+    eadem rursus redeant in coniunctionem." The passage well
+    illustrates the mystical tendency of which I was
+    speaking in the last lecture.
+
+    [936] For attempts to explain the difficulty see
+    Wissowa, _op. cit._ p. 204.
+
+    [937] The cakes offered to Eilithyia, and again to
+    Apollo, are nine in number; see the inscription lines
+    117 and 143. The choirs of boys and girls were each
+    twenty-seven.
+
+    [938] The _suffimenta_ are described by Zosimus, _l.c._
+    There is a coin of Domitian, who also celebrated _Ludi
+    saeculares_, in which he appears seated and distributing
+    the _suffimenta_, as the inscription shows.
+
+    [939] So Zosimus, who says they consisted of wheat,
+    barley, and beans.
+
+    [940] _R.F._ p. 148 foll.
+
+    [941] See the inscription, line 92 foll. Ferrero assumes
+    that these words were to be taken as representing the
+    families of all worshippers present, who would repeat
+    the words "mihi domo familiae." But this is arbitrary;
+    the prayer follows the old form as we have it, _e.g._,
+    in Cato, _R.R._ (see above, p. 182), and as Cato or any
+    landowner would represent the rest of the human beings
+    on the estate, so did Augustus represent the whole
+    community.
+
+    [942] So J. B. Carter, _Religion of Numa_, p. 160.
+
+    [943] The matrons, equal in number to the years of the
+    _saeculum_, first appear on 2nd June in the worship of
+    Juno.
+
+    [944] _Mon. Ancyr._ (Lat.), iv. 21.
+
+    [945] Zosimus, _l.c._, says that "hymns" were sung in
+    Greek as well as Latin; but this is not borne out by any
+    other authority.
+
+    [946] Line 31 (_et Iovis aurae_), where Jupiter simply
+    stands for the heaven and its influence on the earth;
+    and line 73 (_haec Iovem sentire_, etc.), where he is
+    introduced in the most general way as head of all
+    deities.
+
+    [947] Line 147 of the inscription: "Sacrificioque
+    perfecto puer[i X] XVII quibus denuntiatum erat patrimi
+    et matrimi et puellae totidem carmen cecinerunt:
+    _eodemque modo in Capitolio_. Carmen composuit Q.
+    Horatius Flaccus."
+
+    [948] _Eph. epigr._ viii. 256. Wissowa, _Gesamm.
+    Abhandl._ p. 206, note, who refers to Vahlen and Christ
+    as differing from Mommsen, in papers which I have not
+    seen. Wissowa says that the threefold division of the
+    hymn "springt in die Augen"; but this has never been my
+    experience.
+
+    [949] Apart from the awkwardness for singers of the
+    descent from the Palatine and the steep ascent to the
+    Capitol, we may remember that they would have to pass
+    under the fornix Fabianus, which was not much more than
+    nine feet broad (Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations_, p.
+    217).
+
+    [950] See Huelsen-Jordan, _Topographie_, iii. 72 and
+    note. See also map at the end of the volume, No. 1 of
+    the series. There is, however, some doubt as to whether
+    the site was not on the side of the Palatine looking
+    towards the Tiber over the Circus maximus. See my paper
+    in the _Classical Quarterly_, 1910, p. 145 foll. If so,
+    my explanation of the performance of the hymn seems
+    rather to be confirmed than weakened.
+
+    [951] Ovid, _Tristia_, iii. 1. 59 foll.
+
+    [952] Propertius, iii. 28 (31): "In quo Solis erat supra
+    fastigia currus." No one seems to have noticed the
+    connection between this and Horace's allusion to Sol,
+    which is otherwise not easy to explain.
+
+    [953] I will not enter on the insoluble question as to
+    what stanzas or parts of stanzas were sung by the boys
+    and girls respectively. That the hymn was so sung in
+    double chorus is intrinsically probable, and stated in
+    the oracle, lines 20, 21. Some of the schemes which have
+    been propounded are given in Wickham's _Horace_. I
+    imagine that the stanzas may have been sung alternately
+    except in the case of the first two and the last, but
+    the ninth looks as though it might have been divided
+    between the two choirs. Ferrero has a scheme of his
+    own, p. 91 foll.; and if he had taken a little more
+    pains might have worked out the whole problem
+    satisfactorily.
+
+    [954] Of these quasi-deities Fides is the oldest, and
+    was associated with Jupiter on the Capitol; Wissowa,
+    _R.K._ 103 foll. Thus we may find a _callida iunctura_
+    between the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth
+    stanzas, for Fides and Pax would fit in well with the
+    _responsa petunt_ of the fourteenth. Whether Pax was
+    recognised as a deity at this time is not quite certain;
+    but a few years later, in 9 B.C., an altar of Pax
+    Augusta was dedicated. The Ara Pacis was begun in 13
+    B.C. See Axtell, _Deification of Abstract Ideas_
+    (Chicago, 1907), p. 37, who may also be consulted for
+    the other deities here mentioned. See also above, p.
+    285. In Tibull. i. 10. 45 foll., Pax seems to be on the
+    verge of deification, but not to have attained it except
+    in the poet's fancy.
+
+    [955] The route may be followed in the map of the Via
+    Sacra in Lanciani's _Ruins and Excavations_, and in his
+    chapter entitled, "A Walk through the Sacra Via," or
+    more shortly in my _Social Life in the Age of Cicero_,
+    p. 18 foll.
+
+    _Note._--The whole question of the singing of
+    the _Carmen saeculare_ in its relation to the two
+    principal sites and to the topography of the festival
+    generally, is fully discussed by the author in
+    _Classical Review_ for 1910, p. 145 foll.
+
+
+
+
+LECTURE XX
+
+CONCLUSION
+
+
+"A time of spiritual awakening, of a calling to higher destinies, came
+upon the world, the civilised world which lay around the Mediterranean
+Sea, at the beginning of our era. The calling was concentrated in the
+life and death of the Founder of Christianity."[956] The writer of these
+words goes on to point out that the beginning of our era was "a time of
+general stirring in all the higher fields of human activity," and that
+all such stirring, all that brings higher ideals before the minds of men
+of action, of imagination, or of reflection, if not itself religion, is
+in some sense religious, and in that age must be taken into account as
+having some bearing on the origin of Christianity, the greatest of all
+religious movements. And inasmuch as the new spirit of the age seems to
+have put new life into the old religious systems, with the help of
+philosophy and poetry, as well as of a purer and more effective
+conception of Man's relation to the Power manifesting itself in the
+universe, he finds it useful and legitimate to show how the ideas and
+characteristics of the leading types of religion in the civilised world
+of which he speaks were absorbed or "baptized" into the spirit of
+Christianity. In other words, we may ask what was the contribution of
+each of these religious types to the formation of the Christian type of
+religion; for however new was the inspiration which was the essential
+living germ of our religion, yet that germ was of necessity planted in
+soil full of other religious ingredients, which found their way into the
+sap of the plant as it grew towards maturity.
+
+I have all along wished to bring our subject, the religious experience
+of the Roman people, into touch with Christianity, whether by marking
+points of contact, or of contrast, or both. In the last few lectures I
+have laid stress on certain points likely to be useful to us in this
+last stage of our studies, and these will, I hope, furnish us with some
+amount of material. But I confess that I have approached this subject
+with great hesitation. What I shall have to say will be tentative and
+suggestive only; but I hope that the account that I have given in these
+lectures of Roman religious experience may be of use in helping a better
+qualified student to carry on the work more adequately.
+
+Let us glance back for a moment at the results of the last four
+lectures, in which I have been dealing with Roman religious experience
+after the paralysis or hypnotism of the old religion of the State. We
+saw, in the first place, that the educated part of Roman society had
+been brought to the very threshold of a new and more elevating type of
+religion, by Greek philosophy transplanted to Roman soil, and chiefly by
+Stoicism. True, one great Epicurean genius had had his share in this
+process, by denouncing the weakness and wickedness of the Roman society,
+and the futility of all the religious forms and fancies with which they
+still dallied; but Lucretius had nothing to offer in the place of these
+forms and fancies--nothing, that is, which could grip the conscience and
+act as a real force upon conduct. The Roman was in a religious sense
+destitute, both of a real sense of duty to his fellow-men of all grades,
+and in regard to God; and for this destitution Lucretius' remedy, the
+accurate knowledge of a philosophical theory of the universe, was wholly
+inadequate. The first real appeal to the conscience of the Roman came
+from Stoicism, the reasonable and less austere type of Stoicism which
+Panaetius preached to the Scipionic circle. From this the Roman learnt
+that as a part of the divine universe Man himself is divine: that as
+endowed with a portion of that Reason which itself is God, he has a
+sacred duty to perform in using it. Thus, as the Universal was revealed,
+so the Individual was ennobled; and the only thing wanting to make of
+this a real religion was a bond that might unite the two more
+effectually in conduct as well as in thought. Though a later development
+of Stoicism did indeed all but achieve this union, that of the later
+Republic failed to do so, because it inherited the old Stoic neglect of
+the emotional side of man's nature, and could take little advantage from
+a strong current of mystical feeling that was running side by side with
+it. The Stoic ingredient in the soil which was being prepared for
+Christianity was rich and valuable, but in this one respect it was poor.
+It was intellectually beautiful, but it stirred as yet no "enthusiasm of
+humanity."[957]
+
+Another ingredient in the soil was that imaginative transcendentalism
+which we discussed under the name of Mysticism, in which the soul
+becomes of greater interest than the body, and a strange yearning
+possesses the mind to speculate on the nature of the soul, its existence
+before this life, and its lot in another world. These imaginative
+yearnings were not native to the Roman, who had never had any very
+definite idea of a future life, nor had ever troubled himself about a
+previous one; they filtered through the Pythagorean and Platonic
+philosophy into that type of later Stoicism which attracted him. They
+were hardly treated in Roman society with real religious earnestness,
+except perhaps in some few moments of sorrow and emotion such as I dwelt
+on in the experience of Cicero. But the mere fact that they were in the
+air at Rome is of importance for us. They _stimulated the imaginative
+faculty in religious thought_; they kept alive in the minds at least of
+some men the questions why we are here, what we are, and what becomes of
+us after death. They prepared the Roman mind for Christian eschatology;
+and this, though never so important in the Latin Church as in the
+Greek, was yet an important part of the teaching of the early Church.
+St. Paul exactly expresses the yearning thus dimly foreshadowed in the
+mystical movement of which I am speaking: "We that are in this
+tabernacle do groan, being burdened; not for that we would be unclothed,
+but that we would be clothed upon, that what is mortal may be swallowed
+up of life" (2 Cor. v. 4). It was essential that the Roman should be
+able to understand words like these, and to associate them with a
+religion which, though in its most vital points one mainly affecting
+this life, was also, like those of Isis and Mithras, strongly tinged
+with mysticism. "All religions of that time," it has lately been said,
+"were religions of hope. Stress was laid on the future: the present time
+was but for preparation. So in the mysterious cults of Hellenism, whose
+highest aim is to offer guarantees for other worldly happiness; so too
+in Judaism, whose legacy has but the aim of furnishing the happy life in
+the kingdom of the future. But Christianity is a religion of faith, the
+gospel not only giving guarantees for the future life, but bringing
+confidence, peace, joy, salvation, forgiveness, righteousness--whatever
+man's heart yearns after."[958]
+
+Yet another ingredient was that kindly, charitable, sympathetic outlook
+on the world which we found in the poems of Virgil, and which is
+associated throughout them with the idea of duty and honourable service.
+The husbandman toiling cheerfully and doing his simple acts of worship,
+among the patient animals that he loves, and the scenes of natural
+beauty that inspire him with pure and tender thoughts; and then again in
+the _Aeneid_ the warrior kept true to his goal by a sense of duty
+stimulated by supernatural influence: both these sides of the Virgilian
+spirit show well how the soil is being prepared for another and a richer
+crop. Love and Duty are the essentials of Christian ethics; they are
+both to be found in this poet, and through him made their way into the
+ideas of the better Romans of the next generation, and so into the
+philosophy of Seneca and Marcus Aurelius. "To minds touched with the
+same sense of life's problems which pervades the poetry of Virgil, the
+ideas that came from Galilee brought the rest and peace which they could
+not find elsewhere."[959] The early Christian writers loved the "vates
+Gentilium," and St. Augustine in particular is for ever quoting him; but
+I should be going beyond the limits of my subject if I were to follow
+his gentle influence farther down the stream of time.
+
+In my last lecture we discussed the revival of the old religious forms
+by Augustus, and the consummation of this work of his in the splendid
+ritual of the _Ludi saeculares_. Can it be said that such an astute and
+worldly policy as this had any value in the way of preparation for
+Christianity? Only, I think, in one way; it renewed the idea of the
+connection between religion and the State, and of the religious duties
+of the individual citizen towards the State. It preserved the outward
+features of the old State religion, such as the calendar, the ritual,
+and the terminology or vocabulary, and handed these down to a time when
+they could be of service to a Latin Christian church.[960] Had the old
+forms been allowed to go utterly to rack and ruin, as they had been
+already doing for the last two centuries, the Roman State would have
+been as such without religion, or the worship of the Caesars would have
+become disastrously powerful and prominent, or maybe the State would
+have adopted the religion of Isis or Mithras or some other Oriental cult
+and belief, before Christianity could lay a firm grasp on it. I think it
+might be shown that the continuity of the old religion in its connection
+with the State was really of value in keeping these growths from
+occupying too much ground: of value in checking too rapid a growth of
+individualism:[961] of value too in cherishing certain really precious
+religious characteristics, orderliness and decency in ritual, for
+example, which, as we have seen, were very early developed in the Roman
+religious system, and which owed their continued vitality to the
+overwhelming influence of the Roman State over all her citizens and
+their ideas. Thus when at last, after a period of anxious conflict
+between rival religions, the State proclaimed itself Christian, and
+henceforward for good or ill extended its protection to the Church, its
+religious tradition was still one of decency and order, still free from
+almost all that the old Roman State knew and dreaded as _superstitio_.
+There was, in fact, a legacy, not indeed a spiritual one, but yet one of
+some small value, left by the old Roman religion to the Latin Church:
+and this I will turn for a few minutes to examine.
+
+As an example of the orderly, sane, and decent character which the
+Church inherited from the Roman religion, I might recall what I said in
+Lecture IX. about _lustratio_, that slow and orderly processional
+movement in which the old Romans delighted, and which is familiar still
+to all travellers in Italy.[962] Another is the tender and reverential
+care for the resting-places of departed relatives. I am not sure that
+Prof. Gardner is right in asserting that the prayers for the dead of the
+Catholic Church took the place of the worship of the dead in the Roman
+family;[963] for it is not easy to say how far it is true that the dead
+were ever really worshipped at Rome, and the idea of prayer for the
+dead, if it can be traced to Roman sources at all, may be rather due to
+those tendencies which we discussed under Mysticism, than to anything
+inherent in the old Roman attitude to the departed. None the less there
+is in the _sacra privata_ of the Parentalia, and especially of the
+Caristia which concluded it--a kind of love-feast of all members of the
+family, where all quarrels and differences were to be laid
+aside,[964]--something that suggests the Christian attitude towards the
+dead, and in some dim way too the doctrine of the Communion of Saints.
+And we may also notice how closely in regard to externals the great
+events of family life,--those critical moments when the aid of the
+_numina_ was most needed--the first days of infancy, the eras of puberty
+and of marriage, passed on in their sober and orderly ritual into the
+baptism, confirmation, and sacramental wedding of the Christian Church.
+In such ways the private religion of the Roman family had doubtless a
+real continuity in the new era, though the line of connection is
+difficult to trace. This, and many other examples of survival, the
+worship of local saints which took the place of that of local deities,
+the use of holy water and of incense as symbolic elements in worship,
+and the general resemblance of the arrangement of festivals in the
+Calendars, Roman and Christian, might be interesting matter for a
+complete course of lectures, but must be omitted here.
+
+Another point of interest, which might also be widely expanded, is the
+influence of the Roman religious _spirit_, as distinct from the outward
+form, on Christian thought and literature in the Western half of the
+Empire. The subtle transcendentalism of the Greek fathers was foreign to
+Latin Christianity; the characteristics of Roman life as reflected in
+Roman worship are plainly visible in the Latin fathers. From Minucius
+Felix onwards, the Christians who wrote in Latin, so far from being
+imaginative and dreamy, are one and all matter-of-fact; historical,
+abounding in illustration of life and conduct; ethical rather than
+speculative; legal in their cast of thought rather than philosophical;
+rhetorical in their manner of expression rather than fervent or
+poetical. They were well versed in the great literature of Rome, but
+most of them, and especially the African school (which carried Roman
+tendencies to an extreme), knew comparatively little of Greek. St.
+Augustine, for example, could not bring himself to work at Greek with
+ardour, nor could he explain why this was so.[965] Of Augustine, as the
+type of the literature of Latin Christianity, Bishop Westcott wrote with
+something of an exaggerated criticism, lamenting that he had not the
+Greek which had so large a place in the Bishop's own training. "He
+looked" (more particularly in the _de Civitate Dei_) "at everything from
+the side of law and not of freedom: from the side of God, as an
+irresponsible sovereign, and not of man, as a loving servant. In spite
+of his admiration for Plato, he was driven by a passion for system" (how
+this reminds us of the old Roman religious lawyers!) "to fix, to
+externalise, to freeze every idea into a rigid shape. In spite of his
+genius he could not shake off the influence of a legal and rhetorical
+training, which controversy called into active exercise."[966] The
+lecture from which I am quoting is an interesting one, on the work and
+character of Origen, the great Alexandrian of the third century A.D.,
+with whom Augustine is contrasted, as in an earlier age we might
+contrast Seneca with Philo; the Latin writers rhetorical, practical,
+realistic; the Greek authors idealistic and fervent, apt to see deep
+moral significance in all human life. And this is really the manner and
+mental attitude of all the famous Latin fathers: of Lactantius, the
+clear, precise Ciceronian, whose every page shows the perennial value of
+the Latin tongue; of Tertullian, the subtle and acute rhetorician, more
+gifted with imagination than his fellows; of Arnobius, another Roman
+African, the reputed teacher of Lactantius.
+
+One of the characteristics of these Latin fathers is their fondness for
+using the famous words of the old Roman religion, but in new senses.
+They inherit that Roman love for a strong technical word of pregnant
+meaning which has left us so many imperishable legacies in terminology.
+_Municipium_, _colonia_, _imperium_, _collegium_, rise in one's mind the
+moment the subject is mentioned; and a few minutes' thought will reveal
+another score of words which in various forms pervade all our modern
+European terminology. So, too, with the language of religion. These
+Latin advocates of Christian doctrine took the old words which we have
+so often dwelt on in the course of these lectures, and gave them new but
+almost equally clear and pregnant meanings. Let us glance at three or
+four of these; for such a legacy as this is no mean property of the
+Christian religion of the West.
+
+Let us take, to begin with, the greatest of all these words--_religio_.
+I have maintained throughout these lectures that the original sense of
+this word was the natural feeling of man in the presence of the
+supernatural; and though this has actually been questioned since I began
+them,[967] I see no good reason to alter my conviction. But in the age
+of Cicero and Lucretius the word begins to take on a different meaning,
+of great importance for the future. Though Cicero as a young man had
+defined _religio_ as "the feeling of the presence of a higher or divine
+nature, which prompts man to worship,--to _cura et caerimonia_,"[968]
+yet later on in life he uses it with much freedom of that _cura et
+caerimonia_ apart from the feeling. To take a single example among many:
+in a passage in his _de Legibus_ he says that to worship private or
+strange or foreign gods, "confusionem habet religionum";[969] and again
+he calls his own imaginary _ius divinum_ in that treatise a _constitutio
+religionum_, a system of religious duties.[970] In many other passages,
+on the other hand, we find both the feeling which prompts and the
+cult-acts which follow on it equally connoted by the word; for example,
+the phrase _religio sepulcrorum_ suggests quite as much the feeling as
+the ritual. So it would seem that _religio_ is already beginning to pass
+into the sense in which we still use it--_i.e._, _the feeling which
+suggests worship, and the forms under which we perform that worship_. In
+this broad sense it is also used by Lucretius, who included under it all
+that was for him the world's evil and folly, both the feeling of awe
+which he believed to be degrading, and the organised worship of the
+family and the State, which he no less firmly believed to be futile.
+"Tantum _religio_ potuit suadere malorum."[971] The fact is that in that
+age, when the old local character of the cults was disappearing, and
+when men like Posidonius, Varro, and Cicero were thinking and writing
+about the nature of the gods and kindred subjects, a word was wanted to
+gather up and express all this religious side of human life and
+experience: it must be a word without a definite technical meaning, and
+such a word was _religio_.
+
+Thus while _religio_ continues to express the feeling only or the cult
+only, if called on to do so, it gains in the age of Cicero a more
+comprehensive connotation, as the result of the contemplation of
+religion by philosophy as a thing apart from itself; and this enabled
+the early Christian writers, who knew their Cicero well, to give it a
+meaning in which it is still in use among all European nations.
+
+But there was yet to be a real change in the meaning of the word, one
+that was inevitable, as the contrast between Christianity and other
+religions called for emphasis. The second century A.D. was that in which
+the competition was keenest between various religious creeds and forms,
+each with its own vitality, and each clearly marked off from the others.
+It is no longer a question of religion as a whole, contemplated by a
+critical or a sympathetic philosophy; the question is, which creed or
+form is to be the true and the victorious religion. Our wonderful word
+again adapts itself to the situation. Each separate religious system can
+now be called a _religio_. The old polytheistic system can now be called
+_religio Deorum_ by the Christian, while his own creed is _religio Dei_.
+In the _Octavius_ of Minucius Felix, written about the end of the second
+century, the word is already used in this sense. _Nostra religio, vera
+religio_,[972] is for him the whole Christian faith and practice as it
+stood then--the depth of feeling and the acts which gave it outward
+form. The one true religion can thus be now expressed by the word. In
+Lactantius, Arnobius, Tertullian, in the third century A.D., this new
+sense is to be found on almost every page, but a single noble passage of
+Lactantius must suffice to illustrate it. "The heathen sacrifice," he
+says, "and leave all their religion in the temple; thus it is that such
+_religiones_ cannot make men good or firm in their faith. But 'nostra
+_religio_ eo firma est et solida et immutabilis, quia mentem ipsam pro
+sacrificio habet, quia tota in animo colentis est.'"[973]
+
+Here at last we come upon a force of meaning which the word had never
+before attained. _Religio_ here is not awe only or cult only, but _a
+mental devotion capable of building up character_. "The kingdom of God
+is within you." Surely this is a valuable legacy to the Christian faith
+from our hard, dry, old Roman religion.
+
+Another legacy in words is that of _pius_. Our English word "pious" has
+suffered some damage from the sanctimoniousness of a certain type of
+Puritanism; but _piety_ still remains sweet and wholesome, and, like its
+Latin original in the middle ages it seems to express one beautiful
+aspect of the Christian life better than any other word. In the old
+Roman religion _pius_ meant the man who strictly conforms his life to
+the _ius divinum_; this we know from the very definite ancient
+explanations of its contrary, _impius_. The _impius_ is the man who
+_wilfully_ breaks the _ius divinum_ and the _pax deorum_; for him no
+_piaculum_ was of avail.[974] Such a crime is the nearest approach in
+Roman antiquity to our idea of sin. _Pius_ is therefore, as we saw in
+discussing Aeneas, the man who knows the will of the gods, and so far as
+in him lies adjusts his conduct thereto, whether in the life of the
+family or as a citizen of the State. As applied to things, to a war for
+example, the word _pium_ is almost equivalent to _iustum_ or _purum_,
+_i.e._, _pium bellum_ is a war declared and conducted in accordance with
+the principles of the _ius divinum_.[975] _Pietas_ is therefore a
+virtue, that of obedience to the will of God as shown in private and
+public life, and it herein differs from _religio_, which is not a
+virtue, but a feeling. But we need not be surprised to find that in
+Lactantius _pietas_ can be used to explain _religio_; for _religio_ is
+no longer a feeling only or a cult only, but, as we saw just now, a
+mental devotion capable of building up character. In one passage he says
+that it is no true philosophy which "veram religionem, id est summam
+pietatem, non habet."[976] In another interesting chapter he shows
+plainly enough that he uses _pietas_ just as he uses _religio_, to
+express the whole Christian mental furniture.[977] He begins by
+scornfully pointing to Aeneas as the typical _pius_, and asking what we
+are to think of the _pietas_ of a man who could bind the hands of
+prisoners in order to slaughter them as a sacrifice to the shade of
+Pallas[978] (little dreaming, indeed, that Christian piety should ever
+be guilty of such slaughter in the cause of the faith); and ends by
+asking, "What, then, is _pietas_? Surely it is with those who know not
+war; who keep at peace with all men; who love their enemies and count
+all men their brethren; who can control their anger and curb all mental
+wilfulness." And once again, _pietas_ is the main ingredient in
+_iustitia_, that is, in Christian righteousness, for "pietas nihil aliud
+est quam Dei notio." Even here it is not so far removed from its old
+meaning; but in a Christian writer it can mean conformity to the will of
+God, based on a real knowledge of Him, in a sense which shows us by a
+sudden illuminating flash the deep gulf set between the old religion and
+the new.
+
+Another word, bequeathed in this case rather by the Latin language than
+the Roman religion, in which it held no strictly technical meaning, is
+_sanctus_, which has played so large a part in the terminology of the
+Catholic Church, and passed thence into the language of Puritanism for
+the living Christian, as in Baxter's famous book, _The Saints' Rest_.
+The exact meaning of _sanctus_ is extremely difficult to fix, and this
+may be why it was found to be a convenient word for a type of character
+negative rather than positive. The lawyers defined it as meaning what is
+_sancitum_ by the State,[979] without tracing it back to a time when the
+State was a religious as well as a civil entity. But there was beyond
+doubt a religious flavour in it from the beginning, as in other old
+Italian words connected with it; and thus it seems to be able to express
+a certain conjunction of religious and moral purity which finally
+brought it into the hands of the Christian writers. A single verse of
+Virgil will serve to explain what I mean. Turnus, before he rushes forth
+to meet his death at Aeneas' hand, and knowing that he is to meet it,
+asks the Manes to be good to him, "quoniam superis aversa voluntas,"
+for--
+
+  _sancta_ ad vos _anima_ atque istius nescia culpae
+  descendam magnorum haud unquam indignus avorum.[980]
+
+He goes to the shades with a conscience clear of guilt or of _impietas_;
+as the ancient scholiast interprets the word, it is equivalent to
+_incorrupta_.[981] In this sense it became one of the favourite
+superlatives to describe in sepulchral inscriptions, pagan or Christian,
+the purity of departed women and children.[982]
+
+Lastly, we have the great word _sacer_, with its compounds _sacrificium_
+and _sacramentum_. The adjective itself has no new or special
+significance, I think, in the language of the early Christians, and in
+our Teutonic languages the Roman sense of it, "that which is made over
+to God," is expressed by the word _holy_, _sacred_ being retained in a
+general sense for that which is not "common." But _sacrificium_, the act
+of making a thing, animate or inanimate, or yourself, as in _devotio_,
+over to the gods, is indeed a great legacy on which I do not need to
+dwell. _Sacramentum_, on the other hand, needs a word of explanation.
+
+_Sacramentum_ in Roman public law meant (1) a legal formula (_legis
+actio_), under which a sum of money was deposited, originally in a
+temple,[983] to be forfeited by the loser in a suit. The deposition _in
+loco sacro_ gives the word to the process, and helps us to see that it
+must mean some act which has a religious sanction. So with (2) its other
+meaning, _i.e._ the oath of obedience taken by the soldier, who was
+_iuratus in verba_, that is, sworn under a formula with a religious
+sanction attached.[984] It is tempting to suppose that it is through
+this channel that it found its way into the Christian vocabulary--the
+soldier of Christ affirming his allegiance in the solemn rites of
+baptism, marriage, or the Eucharist. It is a curious fact that it seems
+to be used in this way in the religion of Mithras,[985] which was
+especially powerful among the Roman legions of the Empire, and in which
+there was a grade of the faithful with the title of _milites_.
+_Sacramentum_ was here the word for the initiatory rites of a grade. In
+the earliest Christian writers of Latin it usually means a mystery; thus
+Arnobius writes of the Christian religion as revealing the "veritatis
+absconditae sacramenta";[986] but in another passage the idea in his
+mind seems to be that of military service. It is better, he says, for
+Christians to break their worldly contracts, even of marriage, than to
+break the _fides Christiana_, "_et salutaris militiae sacramenta
+deponere_;"[987] and Tertullian more than once attaches the same
+military meaning to it: "Vocati sumus ad militiam Dei vivi iam tunc _cum
+in verba sacramenti spopondimus_."[988] Perhaps we may take it that the
+word, though of general significance for a religiously binding force
+produced by certain mysterious rites, had a special attraction for
+writers of the painful third century A.D., as reflecting into the
+Christian life from old Roman times something of the spirit of the duty
+and self-sacrifice of the loyal legionary. In any case we have once more
+a verbal legacy of priceless value.[989]
+
+To sum up what I have been saying, there were certain ingredients in the
+Roman soil, deposits of the Roman religious experience, which were in
+their several ways favourable to the growth of a new plant. There were
+also certain direct legacies from the old Roman religion, of which
+Christianity could dispose with profit, in the shape of forms of ritual,
+and, what was even of greater value, words of real significance in the
+old religion, which were destined to become of permanent and priceless
+value in the Christian speech of the western nations. There were also
+other points in the society and organisation of the Roman Empire which
+were of great importance for the growth of the new creed; but these lie
+outside my proper subject, and have been dealt with by Professor Gardner
+in the lecture to which I alluded at the beginning of this lecture, and
+most instructively by Sir W. M. Ramsay in more than one of his books,
+and especially in _St. Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen_.
+
+And yet, all this taken together, so far from explaining Christianity,
+does not help us much in getting to understand even the conditions under
+which it grew into men's minds as a new power in the life of the world.
+The plant, though grown in soil which had borne other crops, was wholly
+new in structure and vital principle. I say this deliberately, after
+spending so many years on the study of the religion of the Romans, and
+making myself acquainted in some measure with the religions of other
+peoples. The essential difference, as it appears to me as a student of
+the history of religion, is this, that whereas the connection between
+religion and morality has so far been a loose one,--at Rome, indeed, so
+loose, that many have refused to believe in its existence,--the _new
+religion was itself morality_,[990] but morality consecrated and raised
+to a higher power than it had ever yet reached. It becomes active
+instead of passive; mere good nature is replaced by a doctrine of
+universal love; _pietas_, the sense of duty in outward things, becomes
+an enthusiasm embracing all humanity, consecrated by such an appeal to
+the conscience as there never had been in the world before--the appeal
+to the life and death of the divine Master.
+
+This is what is meant, if I am not mistaken, by the great contrast so
+often and so vividly drawn by St. Paul between the spirit and the flesh,
+between the children of light and the children of darkness, between the
+sleep or the death of the world and the waking to life in Christ,
+between the blameless and the harmless sons of God and the crooked and
+perverse generation among whom they shine as lights in the world. I
+confess that I never realised this contrast fully or intelligently until
+I read through the Pauline Epistles from beginning to end with a special
+historical object in view. It is useful to be familiar with the life and
+literature of the two preceding centuries, if only to be able the better
+to realise, in passing to St. Paul, a Roman citizen, a man of education
+and experience, the great gulf fixed between the old and the new as he
+himself saw it.
+
+But historical knowledge, knowledge of the Roman society of the day,
+study of the Roman religious experience, cannot do more than give us a
+little help; they cannot reveal the secret. History can explain the
+progress of morality, but it cannot explain its consecration. With St.
+Paul the contrast is not merely one of good and bad, but of the spirit
+and the flesh, of life and death. No mere contemplation of the world
+around him could have kindled the fervency of spirit with which this
+contrast is by him conceived and expressed. Absolute devotion to the
+life and death of the Master, apart even from His work and teaching (of
+which, indeed, St. Paul says little), this alone can explain it. The
+love of Christ is the entirely new power that has come into the
+world;[991] not merely as a new type of morality, but as "_a Divine
+influence transfiguring human nature in a universal love_." The passion
+of St. Paul's appeal lies in the consecration of every detail of it by
+reference to the life and death of his Master; and the great contrast is
+for him not as with the Stoics, between the universal law of Nature and
+those who rebel against it; not as with Lucretius, between the blind
+victims of _religio_ and the indefatigable student of the _rerum
+natura_; not, as in the _Aeneid_, between the man who bows to the
+decrees of fate, destiny, God, or whatever we choose to call it, and the
+wilful rebel, victim of his own passions; not, as in the Roman State
+and family, between the man who performs religious duties and the man
+who wilfully neglects them--between _pius_ and _impius_; but between the
+universal law of love, focussed and concentrated in the love of Christ,
+and the sleep, the darkness, the death of a world that will not
+recognise it.
+
+I will conclude these lectures with one practical illustration of this
+great contrast, which will carry us back for a moment to the ritual of
+the old Roman _ius divinum_. That ritual, we saw, consisted mainly of
+sacrifice and prayer, the two apparently inseparable from each other. I
+pointed out that though the efficacy of the whole process was believed
+to depend on the strictest adherence to prescribed forms, whether of
+actions or words, the prayers, when we first meet with them, have got
+beyond the region of charm or spell, and are cast in the language of
+petition; they show clearly a sense of the dependence of man on the
+Power manifesting itself in the universe. There was here, perhaps, a
+germ of religious development; but it was arrested in its growth by the
+formalisation of the whole Roman religious system, and no substitute was
+to be found for it either in the imported Greek ritual, or in the more
+enlightening doctrines of exotic Greek philosophy. The prayers used in
+the ritual of Augustus' great festival, which was almost as much Greek
+as Roman in character, seem to us as hard and formal as the most ancient
+Roman prayers that have come down to us. In the most emotional moments
+of the life of a Roman of enlightenment like Cicero, when we can truly
+say of him that he was touched by true religious feeling, as well as by
+the spiritual aspirations of the nobler Greek philosophers, prayers find
+no place at all.
+
+But for St. Paul and the members of the early Christian brotherhood the
+whole of life was a continuous worship, and the one great feature of
+that worship was prayer. It has been said by a great Christian writer
+of recent times that "when the attention of a thinking heathen was
+directed to the new religion spreading in the Roman Empire, the first
+thing to strike him as extraordinary would be that a religion of prayer
+was superseding the religion of ceremonies and invocation of gods; that
+it encouraged all, even the most uneducated, to pray, or, in other
+words, to meditate and exercise the mind in self-scrutiny and
+contemplation of God."[992] And, as the same writer says, prayer thus
+became a motive power of moral renewal and _inward civilisation_, to
+which nothing else could be compared for efficacy. And more than this,
+it was the chief inward and spiritual means of maintaining that
+universal law of love, which, so far as this life was concerned, was the
+great secret of the new religion.
+
+
+    NOTES TO LECTURE XX
+
+    [956] P. Gardner, _The Growth of Christianity_, 1907, p.
+    2. Cp. some remarks of Prof. Conway in _Virgil's
+    Messianic Eclogue_, p. 39 foll.
+
+    [957] The phrase "enthusiasm of humanity" is, of course,
+    that of the author of _Ecce Homo_, a most inspiring book
+    for all students of religious history, as indeed for all
+    other readers.
+
+    [958] Dobschuetz on "Early Christian Eschatology," in
+    _Transactions of the Third Congress for the History of
+    Religions_, vol. ii. (Oxford, 1908), p. 320.
+
+    [959] The words are those of Mr. Glover in the last page
+    of his _Studies in Virgil_.
+
+    [960] It should be understood that these legacies, with
+    the exception of the last (the vocabulary), were only
+    taken up by the Church after the first two centuries of
+    its existence. And even the vocabulary of the early
+    Roman Church was mainly Greek (Gwatkin, _Early Church
+    History_, ii. 213), and it was not till the rise of the
+    African school of writers (Tertullian, Arnobius,
+    Augustine) that the Latin vocabulary really established
+    itself. Any real assimilation of Christian and pagan
+    forms of worship was not possible until the latter were
+    growing meaningless; then "the assimilation of
+    Christianity to heathenism from the third century is
+    matter of history" (Gwatkin, i. 269).
+
+    [961] Caird, _Gifford Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 353, has
+    some interesting remarks on this point.
+
+    [962] See above, p. 211.
+
+    [963] _Growth of Christianity_, p. 144.
+
+    [964] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 308.
+
+    [965] _Confessions_, i. 14.
+
+    [966] Westcott, _Religious Thought in the West_, p. 246.
+    Gwatkin writes (vol. ii. 236) that all Augustine's
+    conceptions are shaped by law and Stoicism. Cp. p. 237.
+    So, too, of Tertullian.
+
+    [967] By W. Otto, in the _Archiv fuer
+    Religionswissenschaft_, vol. xii. (1909) p. 533 foll.
+
+    [968] _De Inventione_, ii. 161.
+
+    [969] _De Legibus_, ii. 10. 25.
+
+    [970] _Ib._ 10. 23.
+
+    [971] Lucretius i. 101.
+
+    [972] _E.g._ Octavius 38. 2; and again at the end of
+    that chapter.
+
+    [973] Lactantius, bk. v. (_de Iustitia_) ch. 19. I may
+    note here that the paragraph in the text where this is
+    quoted was first published in the _Transactions of the
+    Congress for the History of Religions_ (Oxford, 1908),
+    vol. ii. p. 174. I may also add that the restricted
+    sense of the word _religio_ as meaning the monastic
+    life is, of course, comparatively late. This restrictive
+    use of heathen words, from the third century onwards, is
+    the subject of some valuable remarks by Prof. Gwatkin in
+    his _Early Church History_, vol. i. p. 268 foll.
+
+    [974] See _Roman Festivals_, p. 299, and the references
+    there given.
+
+    [975] Livy i. 32, ix. 8. 6; Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 476;
+    Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_, p. 56.
+
+    [976] Lactantius iv. 3 (_de vera sapientia_).
+
+    [977] _Ib._ v. (_de Iustitia_) ch. 10.
+
+    [978] _Aen._ xi. 81.
+
+    [979] Marquardt, 145, note 5.
+
+    [980] _Aen._ xii. 648.
+
+    [981] Servius, _ad Aen._ xii. 648.
+
+    [982] The original meaning of _sanctus_ as applied to
+    things, _e.g._ walls and tombs, was probably
+    "inviolable"; Nettleship, _Contributions to Latin
+    Lexicography_, _s.v._ "sanctus," who also suggests a
+    connection between the word and the attitude of the
+    Roman towards his dead: thus Cicero in _Topica 90_
+    writes of _aequitas_ as consisting of three
+    parts,--_pietas_, _sanctitas_, and _iustitia_,--meaning
+    man's relation to the gods, the Manes, and his
+    fellow-men. Nettleship also quotes _Aen._ v. 80 (_salve
+    sancte parens_), Tibull. ii. 2. 6, and other passages,
+    which show that the word was specially used of the dead
+    and their belongings. But when used of persons living,
+    as frequently in the last century B.C., it expresses a
+    certain purity of life, not without a religious
+    tincture, which could not so well be expressed by any
+    other word, owing to the original meaning being that of
+    religious inviolability. Thus Cicero uses it in the 9th
+    Philippic of his old friend Sulpicius, one of the best
+    and purest men of his time; and long before Cicero, Cato
+    had used it of an obligation at once ethical and
+    religious: "Maiores _sanctius_ habuere defendi pupillos
+    quam clientem non fallere." It is interesting to notice
+    that it was used later on of Mithras and other oriental
+    deities (Cumont, _Mon. myst. Mithra_, i. p. 533; _Les
+    Religions orientales_, p. 289, note 45); in the case of
+    Mithras, at least, this meant that his life was pure,
+    and that he wished his worshippers to be pure also.
+
+    [983] Marquardt, p. 318, note 4; Mommsen, _Strafrecht_,
+    pp. 902, 1026. See also Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_,
+    p. 56; Festus, p. 347.
+
+    [984] Greenidge, _op. cit._ p. 154.
+
+    [985] Cumont, _Mysterien von Mithras_, p. 116 of the
+    German edition. See also De Marchi, _La Religione nella
+    vita privata_, vol. ii. 114. It may be worth noting that
+    the idea of life as the service of a soldier bound to
+    obedience by his oath is found also in Stoicism; see
+    Epictetus (_Arrian_), _Discourses_, i. 14, iii. 24,
+    99-101, ii. 26, 28-30; (Crossley's _Golden Sayings of
+    Epictetus_, Nos. 37, 125, 132, 134).
+
+    [986] Arnobius, _adv. Nationes_, i. 3.
+
+    [987] _Ib._ ii. 6.
+
+    [988] Tertull., _ad Martyr._ c. 3. Cp. _de Corona
+    Militiae_, c. 11.
+
+    [989] It is curious that the word _sacerdos_ did not
+    find its way into the Christian vocabulary. Apparently
+    it had its chance; for Tertullian uses it in several
+    ways, _e.g._, "summus sacerdos" for a bishop (_de Bapt._
+    17; "disciplina sacerdotalis," _de Monog._ 7. 12; and
+    for other examples see Harnack, _Entstehung und
+    Entwickelung der Kirchenverfassung und des Kirchenrechts
+    in den zwei ersten Jahrhunderten_, 1910, p. 85). But the
+    words finally adopted for the grades of the priesthood
+    were Greek: bishop, priest, and deacon. Nevertheless,
+    the general word for the priesthood, as distinguished
+    from the laity, is Latin (_ordo_); hence "ordination"
+    and holy "orders." It is not of religious origin, but
+    taken from the language of municipal life, _ordo et
+    plebs_ being contrasted just as they were contrasted in
+    _municipia_ as senate (_decuriones_) and all
+    non-official persons. See Harnack, _op. cit._ p. 82.
+
+    [990] This is, of course, in one light, the legitimate
+    development of the union of religion and morality in the
+    Hebrew mind. "For the Israelite morality, righteousness,
+    is simply doing the will of God, which from the earliest
+    age is assumed to be ascertainable, and indeed
+    ascertained. The Law in its simplest form was at once
+    the rule of morality and the revealed will of God." "The
+    central feature of O.T. morality is its religious
+    character" (Alexander, _Ethics of St. Paul_, p. 34). In
+    the religious system we have been occupied with,
+    religion can only be reckoned as one of the factors in
+    the growth of morality; it supplied the sanction for
+    some acts of righteousness, but (in historical times at
+    least) by no means for all.
+
+    Prof. Gwatkin, in his _Early Church History_, vol. i. p.
+    54, states the relation of early Christianity to
+    morality thus: "Christ's person, not His teaching, is
+    the message of the Gospel. If we know anything for
+    certain about Jesus of Nazareth, it is that He steadily
+    claimed to be the Son of God, the Redeemer of mankind,
+    and the ruler of the world to come, and by that claim
+    the Gospel stands or falls. Therefore, the Lord's
+    disciples went not forth as preachers of morality, but
+    as witnesses of his life, and of the historic
+    resurrection which proved his mightiest claims. Their
+    morality is always an inference from these, never the
+    forefront of their teaching. They seem to think that if
+    they can only fill men with true thankfulness for the
+    gift of life in Christ, morality will take care of
+    itself." I cannot but think that this is expressed too
+    strongly, or baldly; but it is in the main in keeping
+    with the impression left on my mind by a study of St.
+    Paul. It must, however, be remembered that the Pauline
+    spirit is not exactly that of early Christianity in
+    general: see Gwatkin, vol. i. p. 98. In the _Didache_,
+    _e.g._, there is no trace of St. Paul's influence (104).
+
+    [991] In a book which had just been published when I was
+    delivering these lectures at Edinburgh (_The Ethics of
+    St. Paul_, by Archibald Alexander), I found a very
+    interesting chapter on "The Dynamic of the New Life," p.
+    126 foll. The word which for the author best expresses
+    that dynamic is _faith_, which is "the spring of all
+    endeavour, the inspiration of all heroism" (p. 150). "It
+    brings the whole life into the domain of spiritual
+    freedom, and is the animating and energising principle
+    of all moral purpose." What exactly is here understood
+    by faith is explained on p. 151 to the end of the
+    chapter, of which I may quote the concluding words:
+    "Faith in Christ means life in Christ. And this complete
+    yielding of self and vital union with the Saviour, this
+    dying and rising again, is at once man's supreme ideal
+    and the source of all moral greatness."
+
+    [992] Doellinger, _The First Age of Christianity and the
+    Church_ (Oxenham's translation), p. 344 foll.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX I
+
+ON THE USE OF HUTS OR BOOTHS IN RELIGIOUS RITUAL
+
+
+This may be taken as an addendum to Lecture II. on taboo at Rome; but
+owing to the uncertainty of the explanation given in it, I reserved it
+for an Appendix. The custom here dealt with is found both in the public
+and private worship of the Romans, and also in Greece and elsewhere, but
+has never, so far as I know, been investigated by anthropologists.
+
+On the Ides of March, at the festival of Anna Perenna, a deity explained
+as representing "the ring of the year," whose cult is not recognised in
+the ancient religious calendar, the lower population came out of the
+city, and lay about all day in the Campus Martius, near the Tiber. Ovid,
+fortunately, took the trouble to describe the scene in the third book of
+his _Fasti_, as he had witnessed it himself. Some of them, he says, lay
+in the open, _some constructed tents, and some made rude huts of stakes
+and branches, stretching their togas over them to make a shelter_.
+
+  plebs venit ac virides passim disiecta per herbas
+    potat, et accumbit cum pare quisque sua.
+  sub Iove pars durat, pauci tentoria ponunt,
+    sunt quibus e ramis frondea facta casa est,
+  pars, ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere columnis,
+    desuper extentas imposuere togas.
+  sole tamen vinoque calent, annosque precantur,
+    quot sumant cyathos, ad numerumque bibunt.[993]
+
+It appears also from Ovid's account that there was much drunkenness and
+obscene language; this was, in fact, a _festa_ very different in
+character from those of the Numan calendar; and that there was a magical
+element in the cult of the deity seems proved by the mysterious allusion
+to "virgineus cruor" in connection with her grove not far from this
+scene of revelry, in Martial iv. 64. 17 (cp. Pliny, _N.H._ xxviii. 78,
+and Columella x. 558). Tibullus describes something of the same kind at
+a rustic festival,[994] though he does not make it clear what time of
+year he is speaking of; a few lines before he had mentioned the drinking
+and leaping over the fire at the Parilia, the shepherd's festival in
+April, though I cannot feel sure that the following lines are also meant
+to refer to it:--
+
+  tunc operata deo pubes discumbet in herba,
+    arboris antiquae qua levis umbra cadit,
+  aut e veste sua tendent umbracula sertis
+    vincta, coronatus stabit et ipse calix.
+
+Here it is too much to suppose that the _umbracula_ were contrived
+to make up for the want of shade in a country so covered
+with woodland as Italy was then; and the words "_sertis vincta_"
+show that there was some special meaning in the practice. I
+think we may guess that in both instances the extemporised huts
+had some forgotten religious meaning. Yet another passage of
+Tibullus, which also describes a rural festival, alludes to a similar
+custom.[995] I have given reasons in the _Classical Review_ for
+thinking that this was a summer festival, accompanied as it was,
+like many midsummer rites all over Europe, by bonfires and
+revelry, though the usual interpretation ascribes it to the winter.[996]
+
+  tunc nitidus plenis confisus rusticus agris
+    ingeret ardenti grandia ligna foco,
+  turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni,
+    ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas.
+
+The slaves can here hardly be playing at building houses of
+twigs, like the children in Horace's _Satire_,[997] unless we are to
+suppose that Tibullus is thinking of slave children only, which
+is indeed possible; but even if that were so, how are we to
+account for the popularity of this curious form of sport?
+
+There was, however, at Rome a public summer festival,
+included in the calendar, in which we find this same custom.
+At the Neptunalia, on July 23, huts or booths were erected,
+made of the foliage of trees. "Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus
+_casae frondeae pro tabernaculis_," says Festus[998] (following Verrius
+Flaccus), where the last word is one in regular use for military
+tents. This is the only thing that is told us about this festival,
+and we may assume that even this would not have come down
+to us if it had not been a survival rigidly adhered to, _i.e._ the
+construction of shelters from the foliage of trees, instead of
+using tents, which could easily have been procured in the city.
+As the festival was in the hot month of July, we might suppose
+that shelter from the sun was the real object here; but we do
+not hear of it at other summer festivals, and the parallel practices
+I shall now mention make the rationalising explanation very
+doubtful. It is unlucky that we know hardly anything about
+the older and un-Graecised Neptunus, and nothing about his
+festival except this one fact; the comparative method is here
+our only hope.
+
+The Jewish feast of tabernacles will, of course, occur at once to every
+one; this was in the heat of the summer, and the booths were here, as at
+the Neptunalia, made of the branches of trees;[999] the explanation
+given to the Israelites was not that they were thus to shelter
+themselves from the heat, but to be reminded of their homeless
+wanderings in the wilderness, plainly an aetiological account, as in the
+case of the passover. There are distinct examples in Greece of the same
+practice, _e.g._ the [Greek: skiades] at the Spartan Carneia,[1000] and
+tents ([Greek: skenai]) in several cases, as at the mysteries of
+Andania, where the peculiar regulations for the construction of the
+tents points to a ritualistic origin almost unmistakably.[1001] But
+perhaps the most striking parallel is to be found in the famous letter
+of Gregory the Great, preserved by Bede, about the British converts to
+Christianity, who were to be allowed to use their heathen temples as
+churches:
+
+"Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere,
+debet iis etiam hac in re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die
+dedicationis, vel natalicii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic
+reliquiae ponuntur, _tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quae ex
+fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant_, et religiosis conviviis
+sollemnitatem celebrent: nec diabolo iam animalia immolent,
+et ad laudem Dei in esu suo animalia occident," etc.[1002]
+
+Why should Gregory here take the trouble to describe the
+material out of which these huts were to be made? Surely
+because the custom was one which had been described to him
+by Augustine or Mellitus as part of the heathen practice, and
+one which he was willing to condone as harmless (possibly with a
+recollection of the Jewish feast), since the Britons set great store
+by it.
+
+If these examples from Europe and Palestine are sufficient to
+suggest that there was originally a religious or mystic meaning in
+the custom, we must look for its explanation in anthropological
+research. Robertson Smith was,[1003] I think, the first to suggest a
+possible explanation of the Feast of Tabernacles, by comparing
+with it the rule, stated in Numbers xxxi. 19, that men might not
+enter their houses after bloodshed: "Do ye abide without the
+camp seven days: whosoever hath killed any person, and whosoever
+hath touched any slain, purify both yourselves and your
+captives on the third day and on the seventh day." He also
+pointed out that pilgrims are subject to the same rule, or
+taboo, in Syria and elsewhere. Since then an immense mass of
+evidence has been collected showing that all the world over
+persons in a holy or unclean state are placed under this or some
+similar restriction;[1004] and if this be the case with pilgrims and
+warriors after a battle, it may also have been so with worshippers
+at some particular festival, even if we are quite unable to recover
+the special character of the worship which produced the
+restriction.[1005] In the Feast of Tabernacles, which was a harvest
+festival, the cause seems to have been the great sanctity of the
+first-fruits, which are regarded with extreme veneration in many
+parts of the world. In the now famous festival of the first-fruits
+among the Natchez Indians of Louisiana, of which the details
+have been recorded with singular care and obvious accuracy,[1006] we
+find that the chief, the Great Sun, and all the celebrators, have
+to live in huts two miles from their village, while the corn, grown
+for the purpose in a particular spot, is sacramentally eaten. It
+is quite impossible, without further evidence, which is not likely
+ever to be forthcoming, to explain either the Greek, Roman, or
+British customs in this way; we must be content with the
+general principle that the holiness of human beings at particular
+times is liable to carry with it the practice of renouncing your
+own dwelling and living in an extemporised hut or booth. The
+tents that we hear of in the Greek rites I look upon as late
+developments of this primitive practice. The inscription of
+Andania, which is the best Greek evidence we possess, dates
+only from 91 B.C.; and by that time there would have been
+every opportunity for the rude huts to become civilised tents.
+The _casae_ made by the _vernae_ in Tibullus' poem were, I would
+suggest, a kind of unconscious survival of the same feeling and
+practice, the real religious meaning being almost entirely lost.
+
+Lastly, I will venture to suggest that the _casae_ of the Roman
+custom, made of branches at the Neptunalia and the feast of
+Anna Perenna, and of _virgae_ by the slaves on the farm, are
+a reminiscence of the earliest form of Italian dwelling, which
+survived to historical times in the round temple of Vesta, and of
+which we have examples in the hut-urns discovered in the
+necropolis at Alba.[1007] The earliest form of all was probably
+a round structure made of branches of trees stuck into the
+ground, bent inwards at the top and tied together.[1008] Just as
+bronze instruments survived from an earlier stage of culture in
+some religious rites at Rome, so, I imagine, did this ancient
+form of dwelling, which really belongs to an age previous to
+that of permanent settlement and agricultural routine. The hut
+circles of the neolithic age, such as are abundant on Dartmoor,
+were probably roofed with branches supported by a central
+pole.[1009]
+
+    [993] _Fasti_, iii. 525 foll. See _R.F._ p. 50 foll.
+
+    [994] Tibull. ii. 5. 89 foll. Mr. Mackail has pointed
+    out to me a passage in the _Pervigilium Veneris_, line
+    5, which seems to contain a hint of the same practice
+    (cp. line 43).
+
+    [995] Tibull. ii. 1. 1-24.
+
+    [996] _Classical Review_, 1908, p. 36 foll. My
+    conclusions were criticised by Dr. Postgate in the
+    _Classical Quarterly_ for 1909, p. 127.
+
+    [997] Hor. _Sat._ ii. 3. 247.
+
+    [998] Festus, ed. Mueller, p. 377.
+
+    [999] Leviticus xxiii. 40-42. Cp. Plutarch, _Quaest.
+    conviv._ 4. 2. This was a feast of harvest and
+    first-fruits (Exodus xxiii. 16). Nehemiah viii. 13 foll.
+    gives a graphic account of the revival of this festival
+    after the captivity.
+
+    [1000] Athenaeus iv. 41. 8 F. Cp. Farnell, _Cults of the
+    Greek States_, vol. iv., p. 260.
+
+    [1001] Dittenberger, _Sylloge inscript._ (ed. 2), 653,
+    lines 34 foll. Cp. p. 200 (Teos).
+
+    [1002] Baeda, _Hist. eccl._ i. 30 (ed. Plummer). There
+    is a curious case of isolation in a hut in a process by
+    which the sacrificer of the _soma_ in the Vedic religion
+    becomes divine, quoted by Hubert et Mauss, _Melanges_,
+    p. 34. This may possibly afford a clue to the mystery.
+
+    [1003] _Religion of the Semites_, notes K and N at the
+    end of the volume.
+
+    [1004] See _e.g._ Frazer, _G. B._ ed. 2, index, _s.v._
+    "Seclusion."
+
+    [1005] It has occurred to me that the shedding of blood
+    in animal sacrifice may possibly be the reason in some
+    of these rites. The last words of the passage quoted
+    above from Baeda suggest this explanation in the case of
+    the Britons. In the first-fruits festivals the "killing
+    of the corn" may be a parallel cause of taboo. See _G.
+    B._ i. 372.
+
+    [1006] Du Pratz, translated in _G. B._ ii. 332 foll.
+
+    [1007] See _e.g._ Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_,
+    p. 50 foll. Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations of Ancient
+    Rome_, p. 132. It is worth noting that in a passage
+    quoted by Helbig, Plutarch (_Numa_ 8) uses for some of
+    the most ancient Roman attempts at temple building the
+    same word by which he describes the booths at the feast
+    of tabernacles ([Greek: kaliades]).
+
+    [1008] Whether there was in later days any special
+    religious signification in the use of green foliage and
+    branches I will not undertake to say, but I have been
+    struck by the constant use of them in cases of
+    religious seclusion, even where the person is secluded
+    in some part of the house, and not outside it. See _e.g.
+    G. B._ ii. pp. 205-214.
+
+    [1009] Prof. Anwyl, _Celtic Religion_ (Constable's
+    series), p. 10. Mr. Baring-Gould told Mr. Anwyl that he
+    had seen in some of the Dartmoor circles central holes
+    which seemed meant for the fixing of this pole. I will
+    add here that it has occurred to me that these huts
+    must, in one sense at least, be a survival (like other
+    points of ritual), from the days of pastoral life, and
+    of the migration of the Aryans. Temporary huts are
+    characteristic of pastoral as contrasted with
+    agricultural life, and must have been used during the
+    wanderings, as by the Israelites. See Schrader,
+    _Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples_ (Eng.
+    Trans., London, 1890), p. 404.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX II
+
+PROF. DEUBNER'S THEORY OF THE LUPERCALIA
+(See pp. 34 and 106)
+
+
+In the _Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft_, 1910, p. 481 foll., Prof.
+Deubner has published an interesting study of this puzzling festival, to
+which I wish to invite attention, though it has reached me too late for
+use in my earlier lectures.
+
+It has long been clear to me that any attempt to explain the details of
+the Lupercalia on a single hypothesis must be a failure. If all the
+details belong to the same age and the same original festival, we cannot
+recover the key to the whole ceremonial, though we may succeed in
+interpreting certain features of it with some success. Is it, however,
+possible that these details belong to _different_ periods,--that the
+whole rite, as we know it, with all the details put together from
+different sources of knowledge, was the result of an accretion of
+various features upon an original simple basis of ceremonial? Prof.
+Deubner answers this question in the affirmative, and works out his
+answer with much skill and learning.
+
+He begins by explaining the word _lupercus_ as derived from _lupus_ and
+_arceo_, and meaning a "keeper off of wolves." The _luperci_ were
+originally men chosen from two gentes or families to keep the wolves
+from the sheepfolds, in the days when the Palatine was a shepherd's
+settlement, and they did it by running round the base of the hill in a
+magical circle (if I understand him rightly). If that be so, we need not
+assume a deity Lupercus, nor in fact any deity at all, nor need we see
+in the runners a quasi-dramatic representation of wolves as
+vegetation-spirits, as Mannhardt proposed (see my _Roman Festivals_, p.
+316 foll.). This view has the advantage of making the rite a simple and
+practical one, such as would be natural to primitive Latins; and the
+etymology is apparently unexceptionable, though it will doubtless be
+criticised, as in fact it has been long ago.
+
+But in course of time, Prof. Deubner goes on, there came to be engrafted
+on this simple rite of circumambulation without reference to a deity, a
+festival of the rustic god Faunus; and now there was added a sacrifice
+of goats, which seem to have been his favourite victims (kids in Hor.
+_Odes_, iii. 18). The _luperci_, who had formerly run round the hill
+quite naked, as in many rites of the kind (see p. 491), now girt
+themselves with the skins of the goats, in order to increase their
+"religious force" in keeping away the wolves, with strength derived from
+the victims.
+
+But the _luperci_ also carried in their hands, in the festival as we
+know it, strips of the skins of the victims, with which they struck at
+women who offered themselves to the blows, in order to make them
+fertile. This, Prof. Deubner thinks, was a still later accretion. Life
+in a city had obliterated the original meaning of the rite--the keeping
+off wolves; but a new meaning becomes attached to it, presumably growing
+out of the use of the skins as magical instruments of additional force.
+Here, too, Juno first appears on the scene as the deity of women, for
+the strips were known as _amicula Iunonis_ (_R.F._ 321 and note). The
+strips may have been substituted for something carried in the hand to
+drive away the wolves; the goat, it should be noted, is prominent in the
+cult of Juno, _e.g._ at Lanuvium. The mystical meaning of striking or
+flogging has been sufficiently explained in this instance by Mannhardt
+(_R.F._ p. 320), and is now familiar to anthropologists in other
+contexts.
+
+In the period when the fertilisation of women became the leading feature
+of the rite, the State took up the popular festival, and it gained
+admittance to the religious calendar, which was drawn up for the city of
+the four regions (see above, Lect. IV., p. 106). The State was
+represented, as we learn from Ovid, by the Flamen Dialis (_Fasti_, ii.
+282).
+
+But we still have to account for some strange detail, which has never
+been satisfactorily explained in connection with the rest of the
+ceremony. The runners had their foreheads smeared with the blood of the
+victims, which was then wiped off with wool dipped in milk; after which,
+says Plutarch (_Romulus_, 21), they were obliged to laugh. These
+details, as Prof. Deubner remarks, seem very un-Roman; we have no
+parallel to them in Roman ritual, and I have remarked more than once in
+these lectures on the absence of the use of blood in Roman ceremonial. I
+have suggested that they were allowed to survive in the religion of the
+city-state, though actually belonging to that of a primitive population
+living on the site of Rome. Prof. Deubner's explanation is very
+different, and at first sight startling. These, he thinks, are Greek
+cathartic details added by Augustus when he re-organised the Lupercalia,
+as we may guess that he did from Suet. _Aug._ 31. They can all be
+paralleled from Greek religion. We know of them only from Plutarch, who
+quotes a certain Butas as writing Greek elegiacs in which they were
+mentioned; but of the date of this poet we know nothing. Ovid does not
+mention these details, nor hint at them in the stories he tells about
+the festival. (It is certainly possible that Augustus's revision may
+have been made after Ovid wrote the second book of the _Fasti_; it could
+not have been done until he became Pont. Max. in 12 B.C., and perhaps
+not till long after that, and the _Fasti_ was written some time before
+Ovid's banishment in A.D. 9.) That Augustus should insert Greek
+cathartic details in the old Roman festival is certainly surprising, but
+not impossible. We know that in the _ludi saeculares_ he took great
+pains to combine Greek with Roman ritual.
+
+The above is a mere outline of Prof. Deubner's article, but enough, I
+hope, to attract the attention of English scholars to it. Whether or no
+it be accepted in whole or part by learned opinion, it will at least
+have the credit of suggesting a way in which not only the Lupercalia,
+but possibly other obscure rites, may be compelled ultimately to yield
+up their secrets.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX III
+
+THE PAIRS OF DEITIES IN GELLIUS xiii. 23 (see page 150)
+
+
+The first paired deity mentioned by Gellius is _Lua Saturni_, also known
+as _Lua Mater_, of whom Dr. Frazer writes (p. 412), "In regard to Lua we
+know that she was spoken of as a mother, which makes it not improbable
+that she was also a wife." We are not surprised to find him claiming
+that because Vesta is addressed as Mater in the _Acta Fratr. Arv._
+(Henzen, p. 147), that virgin deity was also married. This he does in
+his lectures on Kingship (p. 222), quoting Ennius and Lactantius as
+making Vesta mother of Saturnus and Titan. No comment on this is needed
+for any one conversant with Graeco-Roman religion and literature from
+Ennius onward. The title Mater here means simply that Vesta was to her
+worshippers in a maternal position: "quamvis virginem, indole tamen
+quadam materna praeditam fuisse nuper exposuit Preunerus," says Henzen,
+quoting Preuner's _Hestia-Vesta_, an old book but a good one (p. 333).
+But to return to Lua: I freely confess that I cannot explain why she was
+styled Mater. We only know of her, apart from the list in Gellius and
+one passage of Servius, from the two passages of Livy quoted without
+comment by Dr. Frazer. The first of these (viii. 1), which may be taken
+from the pontifical books, seems to let in a ray of light on her nature
+and function. In 338 B.C. the Volscians had been beaten, and "armorum
+magna vis" was found in their camp. "Ea Luae Matri se dare consul dixit,
+finesque hostium usque ad maritimam oram depopulatus est." That is, as I
+understand the words, he dedicated the enemy's spoils to the _numen_ who
+was the enemy of his own crops.[1010] For if Lua be connected
+etymologically with _lues_, she may be the hurtful aspect of Saturnus,
+like _Tursa_ Cerfia Cerfii Martii as Buecheler explains it (_Umbrica_,
+p. 98).
+
+A curious passage of Servius may be quoted in support of this view, in
+which Luae is an almost certain correction for Lunae (see Jordan's
+edition of Preller's _Rom. Mythol._ vol. ii. p. 22). Commenting on
+Virgil's "Arboribusque satisque lues" (_Aen._ iii. 139), he writes:
+"quidam dicunt, diversis numinibus vel bene vel male faciendi potestatem
+dicatam, ut Veneri coniugia, Cereri divortia, Iunoni procreationem
+liberorum: sterilitatem horum tam Saturno quam Luae, hanc enim sicut
+Saturnum orbandi potestatem habere." Whatever Lua may originally have
+been, she seems to have been regarded as a power capable of working for
+evil in the crops and in women; if you could get her to work on your
+enemy's crops (cp. the _excantatio_, above p. 58), so much the better,
+and the better would her claim be to the title of Mater (but Dr. Frazer
+supplies us with examples of a _hostile_ spirit being called by a
+family name, _e.g._, Grandfather Smallpox, _G.B._ iii. p. 98). When the
+consul had dedicated the spoils to her he proceeded to assist her in her
+functions by ravaging the crops of the enemy; thus she became later on a
+deity of spoils. In the Macedonian triumph of B.C. 167 we find her in
+company with Mars and Minerva as one of the deities to whom "spolia
+hostium dicare ius fasque est" (Livy xlv. 33).
+
+I may add here that Dr. Frazer has another arrow in his quiver to prove
+that Saturnus was married: if Lua was not his wife (which no Roman
+asserts) certainly (he says) Ops was. He quotes a few words from
+Macrobius (i. 13. 19) in which these two are mentioned as husband and
+wife. If he had quoted the whole passage, his reader would have been
+better able to judge of the value of the writers of whom Macrobius says
+that they "crediderunt" that Ops was wife of Saturn. For it appears that
+some of them fancied that Saturnus was "a satu dictus _cuius causa de
+caelo est_"--(a desperate attempt to make the old spirit of the seed
+into a heaven-god), while Ops, whose name speaks for itself, was the
+earth. But the real companion deity to Ops was not Saturnus, but Consus.
+This has been placed beyond all reasonable doubt by Wissowa in his _de
+Feriis_ (reprinted in _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 154 foll.). See also
+my _R.F._ p. 212. The names Ops and Consus obviously refer to stored
+corn, and everything in their cult points the same way. Saturnus'
+connection with Ops is a late and a mistaken one, derived from the
+Graecising tendency, which brought Cronos and Rhea to bear on them.
+
+Next a word about Hora Quirini. As this coupling of names is followed by
+Virites Quirini, in the characteristic method explained in the text (cp.
+Cic. _Nat. Deor._ ii. 27 of Vesta, "_vis_ eius ad aras et focos
+pertinet"), it is hardly necessary to comment on it. Hora is perhaps
+connected with Umbrian Heris (cp. Buecheler, _Umbrica_, index), which
+with kindred forms means will, willingness. Thus in "Nerienem Mavortis
+et Herem" (Ennius, fragm. 70, in Baehrens, _Fragm. Poet. Lat._) we may
+see the strength and the will of Mars (cp. Herie Iunonis). Hora is also
+connected in legend with Hersilia (Ov. _Met._ 14. 829), and this helps
+to show how the Alexandrian erotic legend-making faculty got hold of
+her. But, says Dr. Frazer, Ennius regarded her as wife of Quirinus:
+"Teque Quirine pater veneror, Horamque Quirini" (fragm. 71 of the
+_Annales_). This is Dr. Frazer's interpretation of the words, but Ennius
+says nothing of conjugal relations; and even if he had, his evidence as
+to ancient Roman conceptions would be worthless. Ennius was not a Roman;
+he came from Magna Graecia; and if Dr. Frazer will read _all_ that is
+said about him, _e.g._ in Schanz's history of Roman literature, he will
+allow that every statement of such a man about old Roman ideas of the
+divine must be regarded with suspicion and subjected to careful
+criticism.
+
+Next we come to Salacia Neptuni. Of this couple Dr. Frazer says that
+Varro plainly implies that they were husband and wife, and that this is
+affirmed by Augustine, Seneca, and Servius. The accumulation of evidence
+seems strong; but Varro implies nothing of the kind (_L.L._ v. 72). He
+is indulging in fancy etymologies, and derives Neptunus from _nubere_,
+"quod mare terras obnubit ut nubes caelum, ab nuptu id est opertione ut
+antiqui, a quo nuptiae, nuptus dictus." If he had meant to make Salacia
+wife of Neptunus, this last sentence would surely have suggested it; but
+he goes on after a full stop, "Salacia Neptuni a salo." It is only the
+later writers, ignorant of the real nature of Roman religious ideas, who
+make Salacia into a wife. It is worth noting that Varro adds another
+feminine deity in his next sentence, Venilia, whom Virgil makes the
+mother of Turnus (_Aen._ x. 76); and Servius, commenting on this line,
+goes one better, and says she was identical with Salacia. Perhaps both
+were sea or water spirits, connected with Neptunus as _famulae_ or
+_anculae_ (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 19), but they are lost to us, and
+speculation is useless. In _R.F._ p. 186, I suggested an explanation of
+Salacia which I am disposed to withdraw. But for anyone wishing to study
+the treatment of old Roman _numina_ by the mythologists and philosophers
+of the Graeco-Roman period, I would recommend an attentive reading of
+the whole chapter of Augustine from which Dr. Frazer quotes a few words
+(_C.D._ vii. 22); and further a careful study of the Graeco-Roman
+methods of fabricating myths about Roman divine names, for which he will
+do well to read the passages referred to by Wissowa in _R.K._ pp. 250
+and 251, and notes.
+
+Lastly, comes Maia Volcani. Here for once we get a fact of cult, which
+is a relief, after the loose and reckless statements of non-Roman and
+Christian writers. The flamen Volcanalis sacrificed to Maia on May 1st,
+which proves that there was a real and not a fancied connection between
+Volcanus and Maia, but certainly not that they were husband and wife.
+Dr. Frazer, however, quotes Cincius "on the _Fasti_" as (ap. Macrob. i.
+12. 18) stating this, and refers us to Schanz's _Gesch. der roem. Lit._
+for information about him. In the second edition of that work he will
+find a discussion of the very doubtful question as to whether the
+Cincius he quotes is the person whom he asserts him to be, viz., the
+annalist of the second Punic War. The writer of the article "Cincius" in
+Pauly-Wissowa _Real-Encycl._ is very confident that the one who wrote on
+the _Fasti_ lived as late as the age of Augustus. But putting that
+aside, what are we to make of the fact that another annalist, L.
+Calpurnius Piso (famous as the author of the first lex de repetundis,
+149 B.C.), said that the wife of Volcanus was not Maia, but Maiestas?
+Piso was not a good authority (see above, p. 51), but he seems here to
+bring the "consort" of the fire-god into line with such expressions of
+activity as Moles, Virites, and so on; and it seems that as early as the
+second century B.C., sport and speculation with these names were
+beginning. I have quoted the whole pedantic passage from Macrobius in my
+_Roman Festivals_, p. 98, where the reader may enjoy it at leisure. I
+shall not be surprised if he comes to the conclusion that neither
+Macrobius nor his learned informers knew anything about Maia. When he
+reads that she was the mother of Mercurius, he will recollect that
+Mercurius was not a Roman deity of the earliest period, and did not
+belong to the _di indigetes_; and when he finds that she is identified
+with Bona Dea, he must not forget that that deity, as scholars are now
+pretty well agreed, was introduced at Rome from Tarentum in the age of
+the Punic Wars. The one fact we know is the sacrifice by the flamen
+Volcanalis on May 1. Someone went to work to explain this and another,
+viz. that the Ides of the month was the dedication day of the first
+temple of Mercurius (B.C. 495), and also the fact that the temple of the
+Bona Dea on the Aventine was dedicated on the Kalends. The result was an
+extraordinary jumble of fancy and myth, which has been recognised as
+such by those who have studied closely the methods of Graeco-Roman
+scholarship. The unwary, of course, are taken in. A student of these
+methods might do well to take as an exercise in criticism the three
+"specimens of Roman mythology" which Dr. Frazer says (p. 413) have
+"survived the wreck of antiquity"--the loves of Vertumnus and Pomona, of
+Jupiter and Juturna, of Janus and Cardea. In the last of these
+especially he will find one of the most audacious pieces of charming and
+wilful invention that a Latin poet could perpetrate, in imitation of
+Hellenistic love tales, and to suit the taste of a public whose
+education was mainly Greek.
+
+The above lengthy note was written before I had seen von Domaszewski's
+paper on this subject ("Festschrift fuer O. Hirschfeld") reprinted in
+_Abhandlungen zur roem. Religion_, p. 104 foll. cp. p. 162.) His
+explanations are different in detail from mine, but rest on the same
+general principle that the names Salacia, etc., indicate functions or
+attributes of the male deity to whom they are attached.
+
+    [1010] For the taboo on such spoils, and their
+    destruction, see M. S. Reinach's interesting paper
+    "Tarpeia," in _Cultes, mythes, et religions_, iii. 221
+    foll.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX IV
+
+(LECTURE VIII., PAGE 169 FOLL.) IUS AND FAS
+
+
+In historical times the two kinds of _ius_, _divinum_ and _humanum_,
+were strongly distinguished (see Wissowa, _R.K._ p. 318, who quotes
+Gaius ii. 2: "summa itaque rerum divisio in duos articulos diducitur,
+nam aliae sunt divini iuris, aliae humani"). But it is almost certain
+that there was originally no such clear distinction. The general opinion
+of historians of Roman law is thus expressed by Cuq (_Institutions
+juridiques des Romains_, p. 54): "Le droit civil n'a eu d'abord qu'une
+portee fort restreinte. Peu a peu il a gagne du terrain, il a entrepris
+de reglementer des rapports qui autrefois etaient du domaine de la
+religion. Pendant longtemps a Rome le droit theocratique a coexiste avec
+le droit civil." (See also Muirhead, _Introduction to Roman Law_, ed.
+Goudy, p. 15.) Possibly the formation of an organised calendar, marking
+off the days belonging to the deities from those which were not so made
+over to them, first gave the opportunity for the gradual realisation of
+the thought that the set of rules under which the citizen was
+responsible to the divine beings was not exactly the same as that under
+which he was responsible to the civil authorities. The distinction took
+many ages to realise in all its aspects, and is not complete even under
+the XII. Tables or later, because the sanction for civil offences
+remained in great part a divine one; on this point Jhering is certainly
+wrong (_Geist des roem. Rechts_, i. 267 foll.). As Cuq remarks (p. 54,
+note 1), one institution of the _ius divinum_ kept its force after the
+complete secularisation of law, and retains it to this day, viz. the
+oath.
+
+If there was originally no distinction between religious and civil rules
+of law, it follows that there were originally no two distinguishing
+terms for them. The earliest passage in which they are distinguished as
+_ius divinum_ and _humanum_ (so far as I know) is Cicero's speech for
+Sestius (B.C. 56), sec. 91, quoted by Wissowa, p. 319: "domicilia
+coniuncta quas urbes dicimus, _invento et divino iure et humano_,
+moenibus cinxerunt." But by all British writers on Roman law, and by
+many foreign ones, the word _fas_ is used as equivalent to the ius
+divinum, and sharply distinguished from _ius_. Thus the late Dr.
+Greenidge, in his useful work on Roman public life (p. 52 and
+elsewhere), makes this distinction; he writes of the _rex_ as the chief
+expounder of the divine law (_fas_), and of the control exercised by
+_fas_ over the citizen's life. Cp. Muirhead, ed. Goudy, p. 15 foll.,
+where Mommsen is quoted thus: "Mommsen is probably near the mark when he
+describes the _leges regiae_ as mostly rules of the _fas_." But Mommsen,
+like Wissowa in his _Religion und Kultus_, does not use the word _fas_,
+but speaks of "Sakralrecht." Sohm, on the other hand (_Roman Law_,
+trans. Ledlie, p. 15, note), compares _fas_ with Sanscrit _dharma_ and
+Greek _themis_, as meaning unwritten rules of divine origin, which
+eventually gave way before _ius_, as in Greece before [Greek: dikaion].
+(Cp. Binder, _Die Plebs_, p. 501.) But it is safer in this case to leave
+etymology alone, and to try to discover what the Romans themselves
+understood by _fas_, which is indeed a peculiar and puzzling word. (For
+its possible connection with _fari_, _effari_ (ager effatus), _fanum_,
+and _profanum_, etc., see H. Nettleship's _Contributions to Latin
+Lexicography_, s.v. "Fas.")
+
+_Fas_ was at all times indeclinable, and is rarely found even as an
+accusative, as in Virg. _Aen._ ix. 96:
+
+  mortaline manu factae immortale carinae
+  fas habeant?
+
+In the oldest examples of its use, _i.e._ in the ancient calendar QRCF,
+on March 24 and May 24, _i.e._ "quando rex comitiavit fas" (Varro,
+_L.L._ vi. 31), and QStDF on June 15, _i.e._ "Quando stercus delatum
+fas" (Varro, _L.L._ vi. 32), it is hard to say whether it is a
+substantive at all, and not rather an adverb like _satis_. So, too, in
+the antique language of the _lex templi_ of Furfo (58 B.C.) we read,
+"Utii tangere sarcire tegere devehere defigere mandare ferro oeti
+promovere referre _fasque esto_" (_liceat_ should probably be inserted
+before _fasque esto_). See _CIL._ i. 603, line 7; Dessau, _Inscript.
+Lat. selectae_, ii. 1. 4906, p. 246. In these examples _fas_ simply
+means that you may do certain acts without breaking religious law; it
+does not stand for the religious law itself. To me it looks like a
+technical word of the _ius divinum_, meaning that which it is lawful to
+do under it; thus a _dies fastus_ is one on which it is lawful under
+that _ius_ to perform certain acts of civil government, "sine piaculo"
+(Varro, _L.L._ vi. 29). _Nefas_ is, therefore, in the same way a word
+which conveys a prohibition under the divine law. By constant
+juxtaposition with _ius_, _fas_ came in course of time to take on the
+character of a substantive, and so too did its opposite _nefas_. The
+dictionaries supply many examples of its use as a substantive and as
+paralleled with _ius_, but the only one I can find that is earlier than
+Cicero is Terence, _Hecyra_, iii. 3. 27, _i.e._ in the work of a
+non-Roman.
+
+I cannot find that it is so used by Varro, where we might naturally have
+expected it. Cicero does not call his imaginary ius divinum a _fas_, but
+iura religionum, constitutio religionum (_de Legibus_ ii. 10-23, 17-32).
+_Ius_ is the word always used technically of particular departments of
+the religious law, _e.g._ ius pontificium, ius augurale, and ius fetiale
+(_CIL._ i. p. 202, is preimus ius fetiale paravit). The notion that
+_fas_ could mean a kind of code of religious law is probably due to
+Virgil's use of the word in "Quippe etiam festis quaeddam exercere
+diebus Fas et iura sinunt," _Georg._ i. 269, and to the comment of
+Servius, "id est, divina humanaque iura permittunt: nam ad religionem
+fas, ad homines iura pertinent."
+
+It is strange to find it personified as a kind of deity in the formula
+of the fetiales, used when they announced the Roman demands at an
+enemy's frontier (Livy i. 32): "Audi Iuppiter, inquit, audite Fines
+(cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat), _audiat Fas_." Whence did Livy get
+this formula? We have no record of a book of the fetiales; if this came
+from those of the pontifices, as is probable, the formula need not be of
+ancient date, and the personification of Fines also suggests a doubt as
+to the genuineness of the whole formula.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX V
+
+THE WORSHIP OF SACRED UTENSILS (page 436)
+
+
+There can be no doubt that some kind of worship was paid by the Arval
+Brethren to certain _ollae_, or primitive vessels of sun-baked clay used
+in their most ancient rites. This is attested by two inscriptions of
+different ages which are printed on pp. 26 and 27 of Henzen's _Acta
+Fratrum Arvalium_. After leaving their grove and entering the temple "in
+mensa _sacrum fecerunt ollis_"; and shortly afterwards, "in aedem
+intraverunt et _ollas precati sunt_." Then, to our astonishment, we read
+that the door of the temple was opened, and the _ollae_ thrown down the
+slope in front of it. This last act seems inexplicable; but the worship
+finds a singular parallel in the dairy ritual of the Todas of the
+Nilghiri hills.
+
+Dr. Rivers, in his work on the Todas (Macmillan, 1906, p. 453), in
+summing up his impressions of their worship, observes that "the attitude
+of worship which is undoubtedly present in the Toda mind is becoming
+transferred from the gods themselves to the material objects used in the
+service of the gods." "The religious attitude of worship is being
+transferred from the gods themselves _to the objects round which centres
+the ritual of the dairy_." These objects are mainly the bells of the
+buffaloes and the dairy vessels; and an explicit account of them, the
+reverence in which they are held, and the prayers in which they are
+mentioned, will be found in the fifth, sixth, and eighth chapters of Dr.
+Rivers' work, which, as an account of what seems to be a religion
+atrophied by over-development of ritual, is in many ways of great
+interest to the student of Roman religious experience. The following
+sentence will appeal to the readers of these Lectures:--
+
+"The Todas seem to show us how the over-development of the ritual aspect
+of religion may lead to atrophy of those ideas and beliefs through which
+the religion has been built up; and then how, in its turn, the ritual
+may suffer, and acts which are performed mechanically, with no living
+ideas behind them, may come to be performed carelessly and incompletely,
+while religious observances which involve trouble and discomfort may be
+evaded or completely neglected."
+
+Whether the worship of the _ollae_ was a part of the original ritual of
+the Brethren, or grew up after its revival by Augustus, it is impossible
+to determine. But if we can allow the dairy ritual of the Todas to
+help us in the matter, we may conclude that in any case it was not
+really primitive, and that it was a result of that process of
+over-ritualisation to which must also be ascribed the _piacula_ caused
+by the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the temple, and the three
+Sondergoetter Adolenda Commolenda Deferunda. (See above p. 161 foll.,
+and Henzen, _Acta Fratr. Arv._ p. 147.)
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+Acca Larentia, 67
+
+Acolytes, 177
+
+Adolenda, 162
+
+Addenda Commolenda Deferunda, 162, 490
+
+Aedes Vestae: _see_ Vesta
+
+Aediles, plebeian, 255
+
+Aemilius Paulus, 340, 362, 433
+
+_Aeneid_, the, 119, 206, 230, 250, 251;
+  as a means of understanding the spirit of the Roman religion, 254;
+  a poem of religion and morals, 409-425
+
+Aesculapius, 260
+
+_Ager paganus_: lustration, 80, 213
+  _Romanus_: lustration, 78, 100
+
+Agriculture, the economic basis of Roman life, 99;
+  festivals, _see_ Festivals
+
+Agrippa, 442, 443
+
+Alba Longa, 109, 128
+
+Alban Mount: Latin festival, 172;
+  temple of Jupiter Latiaris, 237, 238, 245
+
+Alexander, Archibald, on faith, 472
+
+Ambarvalia, procession of the, 214, 218, 442
+
+Amburbium, 214, 218, 332
+
+Amulets, 42, 59, 60, 74, 84
+
+Ancilia, 97;
+  lustration, 96, 217;
+  moving, 36
+
+Angerona, 117
+
+Animism, 65, 122, 148, 164, 287
+
+Anna Perenna: festival, 65, 105, 346;
+  Ovid's account of, 473
+
+Antoninus Pius, 429
+
+Apollo, 257, 449;
+  cult of, 268;
+  associated with Diana, 443, 446;
+  with Latona, 262;
+  the Pythian, 323;
+  temple, 443-445;
+  institution of Apolline games, 326
+
+Appius Claudius, 300
+
+Aquaelicium, ceremony of the, 50, 52
+
+_Ara_, meaning of, 146
+
+Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium 29, 230
+
+Ara Pacis of Augustus, 177, 437, 448
+
+Argei: festival, 36, 65;
+  puppets thrown into the Tiber, 54, 105, 321, 322;
+  chapels called, 321, 322
+
+Armilustrium, 97
+
+Army: lustration of, 96, 100, 215, 217
+
+Arnobius, 51, 52, 459, 461, 465
+
+Artemis, 235, 443
+
+Arval Brethren: _see_ Fratres Arvales
+
+Asclepios, 260
+
+Astrology, 396-398, 401
+
+Ateius Capito, 441
+
+Athene Polias, 234
+
+Attalus, king of Pergamus, 330
+
+Atticus, Cicero's letters to, 385
+
+Attus Navius, soothsayer, 297
+
+_Augurium canarium_, 310
+
+Augurs, 174-176, 193, 271, 276;
+  and the art of divination, 292-309;
+  in relation to the Rex, 301;
+  art strictly secret, 301;
+  compared with pontifices, 303
+  lore preserved in books, 303;
+  political importance, 305
+
+Augustus, 35, 133, 213, 344;
+  revival of religion, 428-447;
+  his connection with Virgil, 428;
+  pontifex maximus, 433;
+  restoration of temples, 433-434;
+  revival of ancient ritual, 434-436;
+  restorer of the _pax deorum_, 438
+
+Aurelius, Marcus, 456
+
+_Auspicia_, 175, 214;
+  in life of family, 299;
+  in State operations, 300;
+  indissolubly connected with _imperuim_, 301
+
+Aust, on religion of the family, 68;
+  on Roman deities, 157;
+  on prayer, 198;
+  on reaction against the _ius divinum_, 349
+
+Aventine: plebeian quarter, 255;
+  temples, 95, 147, 233, 234, 237, 244, 484
+
+Axtell, Harold L., on Fortuna, 245
+
+
+Bacchic rites, introduction of, 344-348
+
+Bailey, Cyril, cited, 400
+
+Beans, used to get rid of ghosts, 85, 107;
+  taboo on eating, 91, 98
+
+Bellona, connection with Mars, 166
+
+Bibulus, 305
+
+Binder, Dr., on the plebs, 23, 86, 242, 289, 393
+
+Birds, used in augury, 293, 296, 299, 302
+
+Birth, spirits invoked at, 83, 84, 164
+
+Blood: taboo on, 33;
+  mystic use of, 33, 34, 82;
+  not prominent in Roman ritual, 180-181;
+  consecration through, 194;
+  wine as substitute for, 196
+
+Boissier, G., 391;
+  on the _Aeneid_, 414, 427
+
+Bona Dea, 484
+
+Bouche-Leclercq, M., on divination, 310
+
+Boundary festivals: _see_ Terminalia
+
+Boundary stones, 81-82, 212;
+  sprinkled with blood of victims, 34, 82, 196
+
+_Bulla_ worn by children, 60, 74
+
+Burial places _loca religiosa_, 37, 385
+
+Bussell, F. W., cited, 366, 367
+
+
+Caesar, Julius: belief in spells, 59;
+  calendar, 95;
+  pontifex maximus, 305;
+  and the priesthood, 343
+
+Caesar-worship, 437, 438, 456
+
+Caird, Professor, 357;
+  on Reason in man, 368, 373
+
+Cakes: honey, 82;
+  sacred, 83, 130, 141, 180, 183, 184, 274, 449;
+  _see also_ Salt-cake
+
+Calendar, the ancient religious, 12, 14, 34, 38, 55, 65, 217, 225;
+    described, 94-109;
+    in relation to agricultural life, 100-102, 282, 295;
+    festivals necessarily fixed, 102;
+    a matter of routine, 103;
+    its psychological result, 104-105;
+    a document of religious law, 106;
+    exclusion of the barbarous and grotesque, 107;
+    attributed to Numa Pompilius, 108
+  Julian, 95
+
+Calpurnius Piso, L.: _see_ Piso
+
+_Camilli_ and _camillae_, 177, 195
+
+Campus Martius, 34, 447;
+  lustrum of censors, 203, 210, 215, 219
+
+Cannae, religious panic after the battle of, 319
+
+Cantorelli, on the _annales maximi_, 290
+
+Capitolium, 238, 239, 246, 339;
+  _Carmen saeculare_ sung, 444-445;
+  temples, 95, 115, 146, 203, 239, 242, 245, 254, 266, 433, 443, 447
+
+Caprotinae, Nonae, 143
+
+Cardea, 76;
+  connection with Janus, 485
+
+Caristia, 418, 457
+
+_Carmen_, meaning of, 186;
+  used at siege of Carthage, 206, 219
+  _Arvale_, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436
+  used by _Attiedii_, 187
+  _saeculare_, 431, 432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451
+  _Saliare_, 186
+
+Carmenta, 36, 122, 297
+
+Carmentalia, 98
+
+Carna, 117
+
+Carter, J. B., on cult-titles, 153;
+  on the Latins, 229-230;
+  on Castor-cult, 232, 244;
+  on Diana, 236;
+  on Fortuna, 245;
+  on Hercules, 231;
+  on Janus, 141;
+  on Juno, 144;
+  on the Manes, 386;
+  on Mars, 133;
+  on Poseidon-Neptune, 260
+
+Cassius Hemina, 349, 356
+
+Castor and Pollux, 231, 244;
+  temple, 231, 244
+
+Cato, the Censor, 121, 132, 182-184, 251, 296, 298, 340
+
+Catullus, on death, 387
+
+Censors, lustrum of the, 203, 210, 215, 219
+
+Census, 215, 218
+
+Cerealia, 100, 121, 269
+
+Ceres, 100, 121, 139, 161, 162, 260, 435, 446;
+  temple, 255, 269
+
+Cerfius, or Cerus, 158
+
+Chaldeans, 296;
+  expelled from Rome, 397, 402
+
+Charms, 59-62;
+  _see also_ Amulets
+
+Chickens, sacred, as omens, 314, 315
+
+Children: purificatory rites, 28;
+  naming of, 28-29, 42;
+  amulets and _bulla_ worn by, 42, 60, 74, 84;
+  dedication of, 204-205
+
+Christianity, early: contributions from the Roman religion, 452-467;
+  the Greek and Latin fathers compared, 458-459;
+  its relation to morality, 471
+
+Cicero, 58, 178, 296, 309;
+  on religiousness of the Romans, 249-250;
+  on Titus Coruncanius, 281-282;
+  on divination, 299, 312;
+  on interest of the gods in human affairs, 360;
+  on Stoicism, 365-368, 377;
+  on relation of man to God, 370;
+  affected by revival of Pythagoreanism, 381, 383, 389;
+  turns to mysticism, 384, 388;
+  his letters to Atticus, 385;
+  his Somnium Scipionis, 383, 386, 412;
+  belief in a future life, 389;
+  definition of _religio_, 460
+
+Claudius, Emperor, 309, 438
+
+Claudius Pulcher, P., 315
+  Quadrigarius, 39
+
+Cleanthes, hymn of, 368, 377
+
+Clusius (or Clusivius), cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Coinquenda, 162
+
+Colonia, religious rites at founding of, 170
+
+Compitalia, 61, 78, 81, 88, 102
+
+Concordia, 285
+
+Conditor, 161
+
+_Confarreatio_, marriage by, 83, 130, 274
+
+_Coniuratio_, 347, 348, 356
+
+_Consolatio_, 388
+
+Constantius, 430
+
+Consualia, 101, 139
+
+Consuls, annual ceremony at the Capitoline temple, 203, 219, 239-240
+
+Consus, 285;
+  connection with Ops, 482
+
+Convector, 161
+
+Conway, Professor, on Quirinus and Quirites, 143
+
+Cook, A. B., on Jupiter, 128, 141;
+  on Janus, 140;
+  on Quirinus and Quirites, 143
+
+Corn deities, Greek, 255, 259
+
+_Corpus Inscriptionum_, 13, 201
+
+Coruncanius, Titus, 271, 279, 281, 290
+
+Coulanges, Fustel de, on the Lar, 77
+
+Crawley, Mr., on the fatherhood of gods, 157;
+  on religion and morality, 227, 242
+
+Cremation, 382, 395, 398, 401
+
+Crooke, Mr., on luck in odd numbers, 98
+
+Cult-titles, invention of, 153
+
+Cumont, Professor, on the religion of the Romans, 2;
+  on Jupiter, 246
+
+Cunina, 159
+
+Cuq, on civil and religious law, 486
+
+_Cura et caerimonia_, Cicero's expression, 81, 104, 106, 108, 145,
+  162, 170, 270, 282, 343, 434, 460
+
+Curia, 138
+
+Curiatius, 126
+
+Cynics, the, 372
+
+
+Days, lucky and unlucky, 38-41;
+  _see also_ Dies
+
+De Marchi, on votive offerings, 201, 202
+
+Dea Dia, 146;
+  description of rites, 435-436;
+  veneration for utensils used, 436;
+  temple, 161, 436
+
+Dead: disposal of the, 45, 84, 121, 395, 401;
+  cult, 91, 102, 457, 470;
+  festivals, 40, 112, 418;
+  contrast between Lemuria and Parentalia, 107, 393-395
+
+Decemviri, 259, 317, 318, 326
+
+Decius Mus, self-sacrifice of, 206-207, 220, 286, 320
+
+Deities, Roman: _see also_ Numen _and_ Spirits;
+  sources of our knowledge of, 114-115;
+  mental conception of the Romans regarding, 115-117, 122-123,
+    139-140, 145, 147, 157, 224-225;
+  _di indigetes_, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214;
+  functional spirits with will-power, 119;
+  the four great gods, 124-134;
+  epithets of Pater and Mater applied to, 137, 155-157;
+  the question of marriage, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485;
+  fluctuation between male and female, 148-149;
+  nomenclature, 118, 149-156, 163;
+  compared with Greek gods, 158;
+  presence of, at meals, 172-173, 193;
+  introduction of new, 96, 229-242, 255-262;
+  women's, _see_ Women
+
+Delphic oracle consulted during Hannibalic war, 323-324, 326
+
+Demeter, 255;
+  supersession of Ceres by, 100
+
+Deubner, Professor, his theory of the Lupercalia, 138, 478-480
+
+_Devotio_, 206-209, 219-221;
+  formula, 207-208, 220;
+  sacrificial nature, 207, 220
+
+Di Manes: _see_ Manes
+
+Di Penates: _see_ Penates
+
+Diana: associated with Janus, 76, 125, 166;
+  connection with Artemis, 235, 443;
+  with Apollo, 443, 446;
+  with Hercules, 262;
+  functions, 234-236;
+  temples, 95, 147, 234, 237, 244
+
+_Dies comitiales_, 103
+  _endotercisi_, 181
+  _fasti_, 98, 103, 181
+  _lustricus_, 28, 42, 90
+  _nefasti_, 38, 40, 98, 103, 181
+  _postriduani_, 39, 40
+  _religiosi_, 38-40, 105
+
+Dieterich, on disposal of the dead, 401
+
+Dill, Professor, on Roman worship, 200
+
+Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 130, 193, 215, 234, 250
+
+Dionysus: identified with Liber, 255, 344;
+  ritual, in Greece, 344-345;
+  outbreak of Dionysiac orgies in Italy, 344
+
+Dis, black victims sacrificed to, 440
+
+Dius Fidius, connection with Jupiter, 130, 142
+
+Divination, 56, 180;
+  a universal instinct of human nature, 292, 306;
+  connection with magic, 293, 310;
+  views on the origin of, 293;
+  formalised by State authorities, 295, 300;
+  private, 295;
+  quack diviners, 296-298;
+  _auspicia_ of family religion, 298-300;
+  public, 301;
+  duties of the Rex, 302;
+  lore preserved in books, 303;
+  divination by lightning, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309;
+  no lasting value in sphere of religion, 306;
+  a clog on progress, 307;
+  sinister influence of Etruscan divination on Rome, 307
+
+Dobschuetz, on Christianity, 455
+
+Dogs: sacrifices: _see_ Sacrifices
+
+Dolabella, Cornelius, 342
+
+Doellinger, Dr., on the Flamen Dialis, 112;
+  on prayer, 468
+
+Domaszewski, von, cited, 99, 110, 154, 167;
+  definition of _numen_, 119;
+  on the cult epithets of Janus, 140;
+  on Juno, 144;
+  on evolution of _dei_ out of functional _numina_, 165
+
+Duhn, Professor von, cited, 31, 89
+
+Dynamic theory of sacrifice, 177, 184, 190, 194
+
+
+Earthquakes, expiation of, 339
+
+Eilithyia, Greek deity of childbirth, 442, 446, 449
+
+Ennius, cited, 65, 152, 183, 298, 322, 350, 351, 356
+
+Epictetus, 369, 372
+
+Epicurism, 352, 358, 360, 361, 375, 376, 381, 404, 453
+
+Epicurus, 359
+
+Epulum Iovis: _see_ Jupiter
+
+Equirria, 96, 99, 217
+
+Eschatology, Christian: preparation of the Roman mind for, 454
+
+Esquiline, 87, 395
+
+Etruscans, 17;
+  domination in Rome, 237, 239, 245, 258;
+  art of divination, 299, 304;
+  sinister influence on Rome, 307, 346, 347, 391
+
+Evil spirits, 11, 29, 75, 76, 84, 93;
+  wolf's fat as a charm against, 90
+
+_Evocatio_, 58, 206
+
+_Excantatio_, 58, 482
+
+_Extipicina_, Etruscan rite of, 180
+
+
+Fabius Pictor, 161, 261, 318, 320, 323, 326
+
+Falacer, 122
+
+Family (_familia_): origin and meaning of, 70, 86;
+  religion in the, 68, 70, 73, 92, 116, 224, 226-228, 251, 270, 274,
+    298-300;
+  description of the house, 72-73, 87;
+  its holy places, 73;
+  spirits of the household: _see_ Spirits;
+  the Lar familiaris, 77;
+  position of slaves, 78;
+  _religio terminorum_, 82;
+  marriage, 83;
+  childbirth, 83;
+  burial of the dead, 73, 92;
+  maintenance of the _sacra_, 274-275
+
+_Fanum_, meaning of, 146
+
+_Far_, sacred cakes of, 45, 83, 130, 141, 180, 274
+
+Farnell, Dr., cited, 19, 27, 160, 161, 205;
+  on the vow of the _ver sacrum_, 219;
+  on Dionysiac ritual, 345, 355
+
+Farreus, connection with Jupiter, 130
+
+_Fas_, early usage of, 487-488
+
+Fasti: _see_ Calendar
+
+Faunalia, 137
+
+Faunus, 81, 89, 297, 479;
+  connection with Lupercalia, 117
+
+_Februum_, meaning of, 210, 222
+
+Feretrius, cult-title of Jupiter: _see_ Jupiter
+
+Feriae Iovis, 129
+  Latinae, 40, 61, 172
+
+Feronia, 284, 318
+
+Ferrero, on the _Carmen saeculare_, 431, 450;
+  on the _ludi saeculares_, 440
+
+Fertility, customs to produce, 100, 106, 143, 210, 222, 479
+
+Festivals, 78-81, 97, 105;
+  agricultural, 34, 82, 98, 100, 120;
+  harvest, 98, 101, 121;
+  vintage, 100, 129;
+  of the dead: _see_ Dead;
+  Latin festival on Alban mount, 172;
+  in calendar, necessarily fixed, 95, 99, 102;
+  women's: _see_ Women
+
+Festus, 33, 61, 141, 217
+
+Fetiales, 31, 130, 143, 157, 251, 434, 488
+
+Fides, 154, 446, 450;
+  connection with Jupiter, 167
+
+Fig-tree: sprouting of, on roof of temple, 162;
+  _piacula_ offered to various deities, 436, 490
+
+Flamen Cerealis, 161, 163
+  Dialis, 32, 112, 124, 129, 193, 239, 246, 327, 342, 479;
+    insignia, 177;
+    taboos on, 33-35, 44, 45, 108, 109, 327, 342, 343
+  Martialis, 124, 131, 142, 341
+  Quirinalis, 124, 131, 134, 139, 142, 181, 197, 342, 434
+  Volcanalis, 484
+
+Flamines, 113, 122, 123, 175, 193, 280, 341, 434;
+  insignia, 177;
+  personal purity essential, 178, 195
+
+Flaminica Dialis, 135, 144;
+  insignia, 177;
+  taboos on, 35-36
+
+Flaminius, 315, 317, 338, 340
+
+Flora, 122
+
+Fons, 117, 285
+
+Forculus, the door spirit, 76
+
+Fordicidia, 100, 120, 121
+
+Fornacalia, 173
+
+Fortuna (Fors Fortuna), 201, 235, 245, 284, 297, 396, 401
+
+Forum Boarium, human sacrifices, 112, 320
+
+Fratres Arvales: Acta Fratrum Arvalium, 161, 213, 435;
+    altar, 164;
+    carmen, 78, 132, 186, 187, 436;
+    ritual of, 35, 100, 146, 149, 157, 162, 182, 191, 195, 213;
+    revived by Augustus, 434;
+    duties of the Brethren, 435;
+    worship of sacred utensils, 489-490
+  Attiedii, 157, 187, 215
+
+Frazer, Dr. J. G., his definition of religion, 8;
+  his theory of divine kingship, 19, 20, 49, 51, 52, 115, 128, 140;
+  on totemism, 25, 26;
+  on taboo, 30, 34, 47;
+  on _oscilla_, 61, 62, 67;
+  on the Parilia, 100, 222;
+  on marriage of gods, 144, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 165, 350, 481-485;
+  on cult of Jupiter, 167;
+  on appointment of _camillae_, 177, 195;
+  on Diana, 235;
+  on superstition, 264
+
+Fulgur, cult-title of Jupiter, 129
+
+Furrina, 18, 117, 122
+
+
+Gallus, Aelius, on _religiosum_, 37
+
+Games instituted to divert attention in times of trouble, 262-263;
+   Apolline, 326;
+  _see also_ Ludi
+
+Gardner, Professor E., cited, 355
+
+Gardner, Professor P., on Christianity, 452;
+  on prayers for the dead, 457;
+  cited, 465
+
+Gellius, Aulus, on the conjunction of divine names, 150-152;
+  story of Scipio, 240;
+  on religiousness of the Romans, 250
+
+Genius: the male principle of life, 30, 92, 154, 317, 332;
+  of the paterfamilias, 30;
+  doubtful identification of Hercules with, 30;
+  in combination with Hercules and Juventas, 332;
+  Juno the feminine counterpart of, 87
+
+Gennep, M. van, on taboo, 42, 44;
+  on religious ceremonies, 65, 90, 442;
+  on lustrations, 211, 212
+
+_Gentes_, 69, 259
+
+_Georgics_, the religious spirit of the, 407
+
+Ghosts, 75, 85, 91, 92, 107
+
+Gilds, trade, 230
+
+Glover, Mr., on Christianity, 456
+
+God, as represented in the _Aeneid_, 426
+
+Gods: _see_ Deities
+
+Gratitude, not a prominent characteristic of the Roman, 252, 267
+
+Greek comedy, influence on Roman religion, 351-353
+  gods, compared with Roman, 158;
+    introduced into Rome, 230-242
+  literature, 296
+  philosophy, influence on Roman religion, 357-375
+
+Greenidge, Dr., on the _auspicia_ and the _imperium_, 301
+
+Gregory the Great, 475
+
+Gwatkin, Professor, on Augustine, 469;
+  on the relation of early Christianity to morality, 471
+
+
+Haddon, Professor, on supernaturalism, 21
+
+Hades, 390, 391
+
+Hannibalic War: revival of _religio_, 315, 317;
+  Sibylline books consulted, 316-319, 329;
+  sacrifices and offerings made to deities, 318;
+  religious panic after battle of Cannae, 319;
+  human sacrifices, 320;
+  Delphic oracle consulted, 323, 324, 326;
+  outbreak of _lascivia_, 324;
+  institutio$1 $2 Apolline games, 326;
+  religious history of last years, 327-329;
+  gratitude to deities, 329;
+  the Magna Mater of Pessinus brought to Rome, 330
+
+Hardie, Professor, and the double altar in connection with funeral
+  rites, 425
+
+Hariolus, 297, 298, 311
+
+Harrison, Miss, on covering the head at sacrifices, 195
+
+Haruspices, 296, 313, 337, 338, 397;
+  history of the, 307-309
+
+Hebe, 332
+
+Heinze, on the _Aeneid_, 413-415, 419, 426, 427
+
+Heitland, Mr., on Bacchanalia, 346, 356
+
+Heracleitus, 257
+
+Hercules: associated with Diana, 262;
+  with Juno, 17;
+  in combination with Juventas and Genius, 317, 332;
+  doubtful identification with Genius, 30;
+  identified with the Greek Heracles, 230, 243;
+  Victor or Invictus, 230, 231, 236, 243, 244;
+  cult of, 231, 244;
+  festival, 243;
+  worship confined to men, 29
+
+Hermes, 260
+
+Hirtzel, Mr., cited, 426
+
+Homer, religion of, compared with that of Roman patricians, 392
+
+Honey cakes, 82
+
+Honos et Virtus, 285, 446;
+  temple, 328
+
+Horace, 81, 299, 403, 405;
+  _Carmen saeculare_, 431-432, 439, 443-447, 450, 451
+
+Hora Quirini, 482-483
+
+Horses: lustrations, 96, 215;
+  races, 97;
+  sacrifice of, _see_ Sacrifices
+
+Howerth, Ira W., his definition of religion, 8
+
+Hubert et Mauss, on magic, 64, 65;
+  on sacrifice, 190, 194, 195, 198
+
+Human sacrifice, 33, 44, 107, 112, 226, 320, 440
+
+Hut-urns, sepulchral, 87, 477
+
+Huts or booths, use of, in religious ritual, 473-477
+
+Huvelin, M., on magic, 64
+
+
+Ides, 39, 65, 95, 251, 484;
+  sacred to Jupiter, 129
+
+Iguvium: ritual, 22, 138, 181, 197;
+  lustration of the _arx_, 187, 214, 215;
+  of the people, 31, 208, 215-216
+
+Images and statues of gods, 146, 147, 165, 239, 262, 264, 336, 337;
+  statue of Athene, 355
+
+Immortality, belief in, 69, 386-387, 389, 424
+
+Imporcitor, 161
+
+_Inauguratio_ of the priest-king Numa, 174-175, 193
+
+Incense, 164, 180, 330, 458
+
+Indigetes, di, 117, 139, 149, 180, 214
+
+Indigitamenta, 76, 84, 88, 130, 138, 153, 159-161, 163, 165, 168, 281,
+  286, 291
+
+Individualism, growth of, 240, 266, 287, 340, 358, 411, 456
+
+Innocent, Bishop of Rome, 309
+
+Iron, tabooed in religious ceremonies, 32, 35, 45, 214
+
+Isis: religion, 455, 456;
+  temple, 433
+
+_Ius_, early usage of, 486-487
+  _augurale_, 296
+  _civile_, 5, 169;
+    and the _ius divinum_, 58, 276-279
+  _divinum_, 13, 24, 33, 38, 49, 68, 104, 106, 107, 128, 146, 227, 228,
+    241, 271-273, 286, 287, 296, 345;
+    and the _ius civile_, 58, 276-279;
+    ritual, 169-191, 467;
+    the pontifical books the pharmacopoeia of, 286;
+    decay and neglect, 203, 314, 327, 352, 353;
+    reaction against, 324, 340-344, 348;
+    Augustan revival, 429
+  _hospitii_, 31, 32
+  _Manium_, 387
+
+
+Janus: the door spirit, 76, 127, 146;
+  bifrons of the Forum, 77;
+  speculations regarding, 125, 140, 141;
+  cult-titles, 126;
+  worship, 183, 212;
+  connection with Cardea, 485;
+  with Diana, 76, 125, 166;
+  with Juno, 126, 135;
+  with Vesta, 140, 145;
+  temple, 126
+
+Jebb, Professor, on poetry of the Greeks, 424
+
+Jevons, Dr., 19;
+  on totemism, 26;
+  on taboo, 28, 41;
+  on magic, 48, 186;
+  on priests, 176
+
+Jews, proselytising, expelled from Rome, 139 B.C., 397, 402
+
+Jhering, von, on origin of Roman divination, 293, 294, 311
+
+Jordan, H., 13;
+  on pairing of deities, 152
+
+Junius, 315
+
+Juno, 121, 479;
+  Caprotina, 143;
+  Curitis, 144;
+  Moneta, 135;
+  Populonia, 144;
+  Regina, (of Ardea) 318,
+    (of the Aventine) 318, 329,
+    (of Veii) 135, 206, 284;
+  Sospita, 318, 354;
+  connection with Hercules, 17;
+  with Janus, 126, 135;
+  with Jupiter, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446;
+  one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237;
+  representative of female principle, 17, 87, 135, 144;
+  temples, 135, 172, 237, 328, 329, 354
+
+Junonius, cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Jupiter, 115, 118, 124, 127, 128, 141, 143, 147, 159, 183, 212;
+  difference between Jupiter and Zeus, 141;
+  connection with Diana, 76;
+  with Dius Fidius, 130, 142, 167, 450;
+  with Juno, 136, 144, 166, 443, 444, 446;
+  with Juturna, 485;
+  with Tellus, 121;
+  with Terminus, 82;
+  Capitolinus, 120, 129, 204, 205, 237, 238, 240, 241, 318, 319, 333,
+    367;
+  Dapalis, 141;
+  Elicius, 36, 50-52, 129, 137;
+  Fagutalis, 141;
+  Farreus, 130;
+  Feretrius, 129, 433;
+  Fulgur, 129;
+  Grabovius, 187;
+  Latiaris, 237, 238;
+  Lucetius, 129;
+  Sabazius, 402;
+  Summanus, 129;
+  one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 172, 237, 336;
+  cult at Praeneste, 167;
+  cult-titles Optimus Maximus, 129, 238;
+  Ides sacred to, 129;
+  worshipped on Alban Mount, 109, 128, 172;
+  epulum Iovis, 172, 263, 268, 336, 338, 353;
+  temples, 95, 115, 129, 146, 172, 237-238, 241, 245, 246, 254, 266,
+    433, 443
+
+Juturna, 284, 285;
+  connection with Jupiter, 485
+
+Juventas, in combination with Genius and Hercules, 317, 332
+
+
+Kalends, 39, 95, 126, 135, 251, 484
+
+Kobbert, Maximilianus, on _religio_, 46
+
+Kronos, identified with Saturnus, 118
+
+
+Lactantius, 156, 165, 388, 459, 461, 462, 469
+
+Lang, Mr., 19;
+  cited in connection with the calendar of Numa, 105
+
+_Lapis_: _see_ Stones
+
+Laralia: _see_ Compitalia
+
+Larentia, Acca, 67
+
+Lar familiaris, 77, 78, 92, 251
+
+Lares compitales, 61, 117, 132, 186
+
+Latin Festival: _see_ Feriae Latinae
+
+Latins, the, 10, 23, 25, 86, 123, 130, 172, 193, 229
+
+Latona, associated with Apollo, 262
+
+Laughing, in ritual of Lupercalia, 106, 111
+
+Laurel branches carried in procession, 265
+
+Lawson, J. C., on burial and cremation, 91, 400, 401
+
+Leather, tabooed in the worship of Carmenta, 36
+
+Lecky, Mr., on Stoicism, 362, 377
+
+Lectisternium, 263-266, 268, 317-319, 327
+
+_Leges regiae_, connection with the _ius divinum_, 272
+
+Leland, C. G., 67
+
+Lemuria, 40, 85, 98, 107, 401;
+  compared with the Parentalia, 393-395
+
+Lepidus, pontifex maximus, 433, 438
+
+Liber, 158, 260, 332;
+  identified with Dionysus, 255, 344;
+  temple, 255
+
+Libera, 260;
+  identified with Persephone, 255
+
+Liberalia, 332
+
+Libitina, 159
+
+Licinius Imbrex, 151
+
+Licinius, P., pontifex maximus, 342
+
+Lightning, divination by, 51, 52, 304, 305, 307, 309
+
+Limentinus, spirit of the threshold, 76
+
+Livius Andronicus, 328
+
+Livy, cited, 170, 174, 204, 205, 216, 217, 252, 261, 264, 269, 280,
+  300, 316, 324, 405;
+  on Bacchanalia, 346-348
+
+Lua, 165, 481, 482
+
+Lucaria, 98
+
+Lucetius, cult-title of Jupiter, 129
+
+Lucilius, 156, 183
+
+Lucretius, cited, 352, 359, 360, 376, 387, 394, 396, 403-406, 453;
+  his contempt for _superstitio_, 361, 367;
+  on Roman belief in Hades, 390;
+  his use of _religio_, 460
+
+_Lucus_, meaning of, 146
+
+_Ludi_, 44, 95, 122, 204: _see also_ Games
+  _magni_, vowed to Jupiter during Hannibalic war, 319, 333
+  _saeculares_, 34, 431, 480;
+    prayers used in, 198, 468;
+    ritual described, 438-447;
+    discovery of inscriptions, 439
+  _scenici_, 261, 263, 350
+
+Lupercalia, 20, 34, 53, 65, 106, 118, 179, 194, 210, 393;
+  whipping to produce fertility, 54, 479;
+  Prof. Deubner's theory, 137, 478-480
+
+Luperci, 34, 54, 106, 434, 479
+
+Lupercus, 478
+
+Lustrations: meaning of _lustrare_, 209-210;
+  lustration of the _ager paganus_, 80, 213;
+  of the _ager Romanus_, 78, 100;
+  of _ancilia_, 96, 217;
+  of the army, 96, 100, 215, 217;
+  of the _arx_ of Iguvium, 187, 199;
+  of cattle and sheep, 100;
+  of the city, 214, 317;
+  of the farm, 132, 212;
+  of horses, 96, 215;
+  of people, 31, 216;
+  of trumpets, 96, 215;
+  animistic conception of, 211;
+  ultimately adapted by Roman Church to its own ritual, 211, 218, 457
+
+Luthard, on Roman religion, 288
+
+
+Macrobius, cited, 28, 196, 206, 208, 219, 220, 484
+
+_Macte esto_, meaning of the phrase, 182, 183, 197, 442
+
+Magic: allied to taboo, 27, 47;
+  contagious and homoeopathic, 48;
+  and divination, 293, 309;
+  harmless, 59;
+  prayers and incantations, 185, 186, 198;
+  private, 57, 68;
+  in purificatory processes, 210;
+  and religion, 47-49, 56, 224, 253;
+  rigorously excluded from State ritual, 49, 57, 105, 107, 224;
+  sympathetic, 50, 55
+
+Magna Mater of Pessinus, brought to Rome, 330, 344, 348
+
+Maia, 165, 166;
+  connection with Volcanus, 151, 484
+
+Maiestas, 151, 484
+
+_Mana_, the positive aspect of taboo, 27, 30, 42, 48, 60
+
+Manes, 39, 50, 75, 85, 92, 102, 106, 121, 208, 320, 341, 391, 392;
+  individualisation of, 386;
+  Di Manes, 341, 386
+
+Mania, mother of the Lares, 61
+
+Manilius, his poem on astrology, 396
+
+Mannhardt, his theory of the Vegetation-spirit, 19-20, 478;
+  on laughing in ritual of the Lupercalia, 111-112
+
+Marcellus, 315, 328
+
+Marcius, Latin oracles supposed to be written by, 326
+
+Marcius Rex, praetor, 339
+
+Marcus Aurelius, 369, 429
+
+Marett, Mr., on taboo, 42, 45;
+  on _sacrificium_, 192;
+  on divination, 310
+
+Marquardt, on Roman religion, 13, 16;
+  on naming of children, 42
+
+Marriage: a religious ceremony, 83, 177, 274, 279;
+  Tellus an object of worship at, 121;
+  among deities, 148-152, 166, 350, 481-485
+
+Mars, 124, 129, 147, 204, 208, 215, 246, 319;
+  various forms of his name, 131;
+  as a married god, 150-152, 166;
+  invocations to, 186, 212;
+  connection with Bellona, 166;
+  with Nerio, 150-151, 166;
+  with Quirinus, 134, 150;
+  pater, 212;
+  Silvanus, 29, 132, 142;
+  cult of, 132-134;
+  festival, 96-97;
+  temple, 133
+
+Martianus Capella, 308
+
+Masson, Dr., 357, 395;
+  on Roman fear of future torments, 391
+
+Mastarna, Etruscan name of Servius Tullus, 237, 246
+
+Masurius Sabinus, 90
+
+Matutinus, cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Meals, sacrificial, 172, 173, 193, 436;
+  epulum Iovis: _see under_ Jupiter
+
+Megalesia, 330
+
+Mens, 285
+
+Mercurius (Hermes), 260, 262, 268, 484
+
+Messor, 161
+
+Mildew, spirit of the: _see_ Robigus
+
+Minerva, one of the Etruscan trias, 94, 237;
+  name Italian, not Etruscan, 234, 245;
+  associated with trade gilds, 233, 234, 236;
+  Capta, 284;
+  temples, 172, 233, 234, 244
+
+Minium, faces painted with, 82, 115, 336
+
+Minucius Felix, 461
+
+Mithras, religion of, 455, 456, 464
+
+Moirae (Parcae), 442, 446
+
+_Mola salsa_: _see_ Salt-cake
+
+Moles, 150, 154, 158
+
+Mommsen, cited, 200, 440;
+  and the religion of the Romans, 2;
+  on the _Fasti anni Romani_, 95, 96, 111;
+  on _Carmen saeculare_, 444
+
+Mucius Scaevola: _see_ Scaevola
+
+_Murus_, 94
+
+Mysticism, 380-398, 404;
+  in the form of astrology, 396, 401;
+  not native to the Roman, 454
+
+
+Neo-Pythagoreanism: _see_ Mysticism
+
+Neptunalia, 474
+
+Neptunus, 117;
+  identified with Poseidon, 118, 260;
+  connection with Salacia, 150, 483;
+  with Mercurius, 262
+
+Nerio: connection with Mars, 150-151, 166;
+  meaning of Nerio Martis, 150, 154
+
+Nettleship, Professor, on the phrase _macte esto_, 197;
+  on the character of Aeneas, 410, 427;
+  on _sanctus_, 470
+
+Nigidius Figulus, 299, 384, 397
+
+Nones, 39, 95, 251;
+  Nonae Caprotinae, 143
+
+Numa Pompilius, priest-king: Livy's account of his _inauguratio_,
+  174-175;
+  legends, 108, 115, 170, 180, 233, 322;
+  Calendar described, 92-109;
+  spurious books found in stone coffin, 349, 381
+
+Numbers, mystic, 98, 328, 334, 441, 449
+
+_Numen_, 34, 111, 250, 264, 364, 365, 367, 407;
+  meaning of the word, 118;
+  von Domaszewski's definition of, 119;
+  evolution of _dei_ out of functional _numina_, 165;
+  _see also_ Spirits _and_ Deities
+
+
+Oak-gods, 125, 129, 141, 143
+
+Oaths: connection of Castor and Pollux with, 232;
+  of Hercules, 231;
+  of Jupiter, 130;
+  taken in open air, 141-142;
+  the religious, in public life, 358, 375;
+  used by women, 244;
+  taboo on, 343, 355
+
+Oberator, 161
+
+October horse, 20, 34, 65, 106;
+  sacrifice of, 45, 105, 179
+
+Odd numbers, luck in, 98
+
+_Ollae_, worship of, 489-490
+
+Opalia, 101
+
+Opiconsiva, 101
+
+Ops, 156;
+  connection with Consus, 482;
+  with Saturnus, 482
+
+Oracles, 339, 354;
+  _see also_ Delphic oracle
+
+Orcus, 166;
+  the old name for the abode of the Manes, 391, 392;
+  sacrifice of captives to, 44
+
+Orosius, 333
+
+Orphic doctrine, 381;
+  tablets, 398
+
+Oscilla, 61, 67;
+  Dr. Frazer's theory, 61;
+  _see also_ Puppets
+
+Otto, W., on connection of _religio_ with practice of taboo, 46
+
+Ovid, on Roman gods, 22;
+  his picture of the Sementivae, 79, 80;
+  rite of pagus, 82;
+  on the Lemuria, 107, 112, 394;
+  on Janus, 125;
+  on images of gods, 147;
+  on the Robigalia, 181, 196, 197, 434;
+  on meals at sacrifices, 193;
+  on the word _februum_, 210;
+  on annual ceremony by consuls, 219;
+  on the festival of Anna Perenna, 346, 473
+
+
+Paganalia, 61, 62, 67, 102
+
+Pagus: the _familia_ in relation to, 71;
+  meaning of the word, 87;
+  festival of the Lar, 78;
+  other festivals, 79;
+  the _religio terminorum_, 81-82;
+  lustrations of the, 213, 214
+
+Pais, on Acca Larentia, 67;
+  on the Tarquinii and Mastarna, 245
+
+Palatine: _Carmen saeculare_ sung on the, 443-447, 450;
+  temple of Apollo, 443-445
+
+Pales, 122, 149
+
+Panaetius: and the Scipionic circle, 363-364, 453;
+  his theology, 365;
+  and Platonic psychology, 382, 398
+
+Pantheism, Stoic, 366-368
+
+Papirius, the consul, 314, 315, 331
+
+Parentalia, 40, 107, 387, 401, 418, 457;
+  compared with the Lemuria, 393-395
+
+Parilia, 100, 120, 193, 222, 474
+
+Pater and Mater, as applied to deities, 155-157
+
+Patricians, 259, 304;
+  religious system a monopoly of, 229
+
+Patulcius, cult-title of Janus, 126
+
+Pax (deity), 446, 451
+
+_Pax deorum_, 169, 224, 261, 264, 272, 276, 286, 302, 328, 329;
+  means towards maintenance of, 171, 180, 273, 300;
+  violation of, 320;
+  re-established by Augustus, 429, 431, 433
+
+Pebble-rain, 316, 329, 332
+
+Penates, 73, 74, 86, 92, 116, 193
+
+Persephone, 255
+
+Peter, R., on Indigitamenta, 160
+
+Petronius, on ceremony of the aquaelicium, 64
+
+Philodemus, 359, 375
+
+Picus, 297
+
+_Pietas_, 174, 227, 250, 254, 387, 405, 409-412, 466;
+  meaning of, 462-463;
+  Virgil's word for religion, 412
+
+Piso, L. Calpurnius, 51-53, 484
+
+_Pius_, 63, 462;
+  see _Pietas_
+
+Plague, Sibylline books consulted at outbreak of, 261
+
+Plato, 258, 381
+
+Plautus, 151, 351-352
+
+Playwrights, their influence on Roman religion, 240, 351, 353
+
+Plebeians, 105, 170;
+  aediles, 255;
+  the Plebs as the original inhabitants of Latium, 242, 259, 268, 289;
+  emotional tendency of, 263-264;
+  opening of priesthoods to, 268, 271, 279;
+  increase of importance under the Etruscan dynasty, 275;
+  first plebeian praetor, 279;
+  pontifex maximus: _see_ Coruncanius, Titus
+
+Pliny, 51, 256;
+  on spells and charms, 53, 57, 59, 60, 65, 66, 90, 186;
+  on human sacrifice, 320;
+  on death, 388, 400
+
+Polybius, cited, 250, 253, 316, 363, 369, 390;
+  on religion, 336
+
+_Pomoerium_, 94, 214, 225, 230, 231
+
+Pomona (or Pomunus), 122, 149;
+  connection with Vertumnus, 485
+
+Pompeianus, prefect of Rome, 309
+
+Pomponius, 278, 289
+
+Pons sublicius: no iron used in building, 35;
+  Argei thrown from, 54, 105, 321
+
+Pontifex Maximus, 175, 271, 280, 341;
+  _tabula_ kept by, 283;
+  compelling power of, 342, 355
+
+Pontifices, 120, 177, 200, 341;
+  share in festivals, 106, 139;
+  the question of their origin, 180, 195, 271;
+  insignia of, 193;
+  College of, 271;
+  open to plebeians, 268, 271, 279;
+  legal side of their work, 272-276;
+  the XII. Tables, 58, 276-278, 289;
+  self-elected, 276;
+  abolition of legal monopoly, 279;
+  work of, in third century B.C., 282;
+  admission of new deities, 284;
+  compilation of annals, 285;
+  collection of religious formulae, 287;
+  the Pontifical books, 76, 159, 182, 197, 283, 285-286
+
+_Porca praecidanea_, rite of the, 121, 183, 191
+
+Portunus, 118, 122
+
+Poseidon, identified with Neptunus, 118
+
+Posidonius, 250, 365, 367, 382-384, 398
+
+Prayers, 76, 106, 126, 153, 215, 224, 225, 251;
+  at the _inauguratio_ of the priest-king Numa, 175;
+  at making of new clearing, 169, 182;
+  at sacrifices, 181-191;
+  at flowering of the pear-trees, 182;
+  when wine is offered, 182;
+  for the ceremony of lustration, 183;
+  form and manner of Roman, 185, 189, 196;
+  magical survivals in, 188-189;
+  in ritual of _Ludi saeculares_, 442, 449, 468
+
+_Precatio_, 53, 166
+
+Priests: _see_ Pontifices
+
+Processions: of _lustratio_, adapted to the ritual of the Roman
+  Church, 211, 218, 457;
+  of the _triumphus_, 217, 239-240;
+  Roman fondness for, 263;
+  _see also_ Lustrations
+
+_Procuratio_, 316, 328;
+  _fulminis_, 115
+
+_Prodigia_, 281, 316, 324, 325, 328, 338, 339, 354
+
+Promitor, 161
+
+Propertius, 22, 147, 403
+
+Proserpina, black victims sacrificed to, 440
+
+Pudor, 446
+
+_Pulvinaria_, 337, 338
+
+Punic War: _see_ Hannibalic War
+
+Puppets: Argei thrown into Tiber, 54, 105, 321;
+  oscilla, 61, 67
+
+Purification: _see_ Lustrations
+
+_Puticuli_, 395, 401
+
+Pythagoras, legend of a religious connection between Numa and, 349, 381
+
+Pythagoreanism, 349, 380-381
+
+Pythagoreans, 98
+
+
+Quindecemviri, 440, 442
+
+Quinquatrus, 217
+
+Quirinal, 134
+
+Quirinus, 94, 118, 124, 143, 147, 246;
+  identified with Mars, 134;
+  with Romulus, 135
+
+Quirites, 134, 143
+
+
+Rain-making: _see_ Aquaelicium
+
+Ramsay, Sir W. M., 465
+
+Red colouring in sacred rites and its connection with blood, 89, 177,
+  194
+
+Redarator, 161
+
+Regia, 45, 105, 106, 271, 288;
+  sacrarium Martis in, 133, 208
+
+Regifugium, 99
+
+Reinach, M. Salomon, cited, 26, 42, 114, 131, 481
+
+_Religio_, 9, 28, 30, 36, 38, 72, 76, 83, 85, 93, 104, 106, 174, 223,
+  227, 241, 248, 261, 263, 267, 270, 273, 282, 287, 294, 364, 405, 407;
+  meanings and uses of the word, 21, 37, 41, 186, 192, 198, 249, 254,
+    385, 462, 470;
+  Cicero's definition of, 460;
+  and taboo, 34, 36, 40, 46;
+  revival of, during Hannibalic war, 315, 317, 336-339
+
+_Religio Larium_, 79
+  _terminorum_, 81, 82
+
+Religion, definitions of, 7-9;
+  and magic, 47-49, 56, 224, 253;
+  and morality, 227, 242, 292, 466, 471;
+  primitive, 25-28, 63, 69;
+  real, a matter of feeling, 406
+
+Roman: a highly formalised system, 3, 63, 103-104, 200, 226, 248-249,
+  340;
+  compared with Roman law, 5;
+  a technical subject, 6;
+  its difficulties, 13;
+  aid from archaeology and anthropology, 16-20, 25;
+  primitive survivals in, 24, 30;
+  examples of real magic in, 50, 53-54;
+  a reality, 62-63, 103, 249;
+  in the family, _see_ Family;
+  of the State, 93, 105, 226-228, 270;
+  the Calendar of Numa the basis of our knowledge of, 94-109;
+  moral influence mainly disciplinary, 108, 228;
+  Greek influence, 120, 255-262, 346, 350-353;
+  Roman ideas of divinity, 115-117, 122-123, 145-164;
+  ritual of the _ius divinum_, 169-222;
+  personal purity essential in all worshippers, 178;
+  discouraged individual development, 226;
+  introduction of new deities, 96, 229-242, 255-262;
+  priesthoods limited to patrician families, 229;
+  religious instinct of the Romans, 249;
+  neglect and decay, 263-265, 287, 314, 429;
+  growth of individualism, 240, 266, 287, 340, 358, 411, 456;
+  Sibylline influence, 242, 255-262;
+  secularisation of, 270-291;
+  sinister influence of Etruscan divination, 307-309, 346;
+  _see_ Divination;
+  used for political purposes, 336;
+  attempt to propagate Pythagoreanism, 349-350, 381;
+  destitution of Romans in regard to idea of God and sense of duty,
+    357-358;
+  no remedy in Epicurism, 361;
+  arrival of Stoicism: _see_ Stoicism _and_ Mysticism;
+  belief in future torments, 390;
+  religion compared with that of Homer, 392;
+  early Christianity, 396;
+  religious feeling in Virgil's poems, 403-427;
+  Augustan revival, 428-451;
+  contributions to the Latin form of Christianity, 452-472;
+  _see also_ Prayer _and_ Sacrifice
+
+Renan, cited, 185
+
+Renel, M., cited, 26
+
+Reville, M. Jean, on the formalism of the Roman religion, 3;
+  his definition of religion, 8
+
+Rex Nemoreusis, 235
+  sacrorum, 128, 174, 175, 180, 193, 207, 229, 271, 273, 341, 434;
+    relation of the Rex to the augurs, 301-302
+
+Ridgeway, Professor, on the Flamen Dialis, 112;
+  on Janus, 140;
+  on original inhabitants of Latium, 242, 393
+
+Rivers, Dr., on the ritual aspect of religion among the Todas, 489-490
+
+Robertson Smith, Professor, 19, 26, 27, 172, 221;
+  on the Feast of the Tabernacles, 476
+
+Robigalia, 139, 196
+
+Robigus, 100, 117, 122, 146, 179, 434;
+  Ovid's version of prayer to, 197
+
+Roman Church, survival of old religious practices in the, 25, 211, 218,
+  456-458, 469
+
+Romulus, 51, 130, 135
+
+Roscher, Dr., 141
+
+
+_Sacellum_, meaning of, 146
+
+_Sacer_ and _sacramentum_, 36, 277, 464
+
+Sacred utensils, worship of, 436, 489-490
+
+Sacrifices, 29, 90, 224, 225;
+  description of the act, 179-181;
+  honorific, 172, 173;
+  piacular, 35, 172, 173, 182, 189, 191, 208, 273, 436;
+  sacramental, 141, 172;
+  vicarious, 208;
+  dynamic theory of, 177, 184, 190, 194;
+  meals in connection with, 172, 173, 193, 436;
+  mystic use of blood, 34, 82;
+  victim must be acceptable to the deity, 179;
+  women and strangers excluded from rites, 29-31;
+  prayers at, 181-191;
+  sacrifice of cakes, 82, 83, 180, 183, 184;
+  cow, 100, 120, 436;
+  dog, 181, 197, 216, 434;
+  goat, 54, 106, 179, 479;
+  horse, 34, 97, 105, 179;
+  lamb, 37, 82, 436;
+  ox, 132, 179, 212, 215, 444;
+  pig, 82, 132, 170, 179, 212, 215, 436;
+  red dog, 179, 310;
+  salt-cake, 73, 207;
+  sheep, 132, 179, 181, 212, 215, 434;
+  sow, 121, 183;
+  white heifer, 172, 177, 239;
+  wine, 82, 180, 182-184, 196;
+  _see also_ Human sacrifice
+
+_Sacrificium_, meaning of, 171, 464
+
+_Sacrum_, 171, 254
+
+_Saeculum_, the old Italian idea of a, 440
+
+St. Augustine, cited, 58, 76, 120, 149, 159, 163, 297, 430, 458;
+  on Decius, 220
+
+Sainte Beuve, on Virgil, 404
+
+St. Paul, 455, 466-468
+
+Salacia, 165;
+  connection with Neptunus, 483
+
+Salii, 40, 96, 110, 132, 133, 143, 176, 182, 217, 229, 434;
+  ritual, 97
+  Collini, 134
+  Palatini, 134
+
+Sallust, 405
+
+Salt-cake, 73, 207
+
+Salus, 154, 285
+
+_Sanctus_, meaning of, 463-464, 470
+
+Sarritor, 161
+
+Saturnalia, 81, 99, 101-103, 107, 112
+
+Saturnus, 101, 111, 118, 318;
+  identified with Kronos, 118;
+  connection with Consus, 482;
+  with Ops, 482
+
+Sayce, Professor, 155
+
+Scaevola, P. Mucius, 283
+  Q. Mucius, 73, 86, 338, 353, 371
+
+Scipio, the elder, 240, 247, 267, 340, 354;
+  receives the Magna Mater at Rome, 330
+  Aemilianus, 198, 203-204, 340;
+    his friendship with Polybius and Panaetius, 362-364, 369, 371
+
+Scott, Sir Walter, compared with Virgil, 408
+
+Sellar, Professor, on Virgil, 404, 406
+
+Sementivae, festival, 79, 89
+
+_Senatusconsultum de Bacchanalibus_, 347, 348, 356
+
+Seneca, 369, 378, 438, 455
+
+Septimontium, 110
+
+Servius, cited, 58, 62, 119, 120, 134, 138, 142, 143, 146, 183, 184,
+  194, 210
+  Sulpicius, 371, 387
+  Tullius, 235;
+    his Etruscan name Mastarna, 237
+
+Sibyl of Cumae, 257-258
+
+Sibylline books, 173, 242, 255-257, 261, 323;
+  consulted during the Hannibalic war, 316-319, 329;
+  used for personal and political purposes, 339
+
+Silvanus, 76, 81, 89, 132, 142
+
+Slaves, 53, 78, 395, 401, 474;
+  Greek, buried alive in the _Forum boarium_, 112, 320
+
+Sodales Titienses, 434
+
+Sol, image of, on the Palatine, 445, 447, 450
+
+Sondergoetter, Usener's theory of, 161-164, 168
+
+Spells, 48, 53, 57-59, 208, 221;
+  origin of prayer in, 185, 189
+
+Spes, 285
+
+Spirits, 34, 58;
+  agricultural, 161, 251, 285;
+  dead, _see_ Ghosts;
+  of the doorway, 75-76, 92, 127;
+  evil, _see_ Evil spirits;
+  household, 11, 68, 73, 74, 77, 83, 84, 86, 92, 104, 193;
+  spring, 92;
+  water, 285;
+  woodland, 76, 81, 83, 92, 132;
+  development into _dei_, 116, 117, 119, 120, 123-124, 161, 165;
+  _see also_ Deities _and_ Numen
+
+Spolia opima, 138, 141, 288;
+  dedicated at temple of Jupiter Feretrius, 130, 433
+
+Stanley, on religion and morality, 292
+
+Statues and busts at Rome, first mention of, 340, 354;
+  _see also_ Images
+
+Stoicism, 359, 377, 381-383;
+  introduced into Rome, 362;
+  its influence on the Roman mind, 370-372, 404, 453;
+  weak points in Roman, 372-374;
+  failed to rouse an "enthusiasm of humanity," 375, 454
+
+Stones: lapis manalis, 50;
+  silex, 130;
+  stone representing Magna Mater, 330;
+  _see also_ Boundary stones
+
+Strangers, fear of, 30-32
+
+Stubbs, Bishop, 103
+
+Subrincator, 161
+
+Subterranean altar, black victims offered at, 440, 445
+
+_Suffimenta_, 441, 442, 449
+
+Sulpicius, consul 211 B.C., 337
+
+Summanus, cult-title of Jupiter, 129
+
+_Suovetaurilia_, 132, 212, 215
+
+_Superstitio_, 106, 355, 361, 405;
+  temple of Isis condemned as a centre of, 433
+
+_Supplicatio_, 262, 265, 269, 337;
+  ordered during Hannibalic war, 317, 319, 323, 325, 329
+
+
+Tabernacles, Feast of the, 475, 476
+
+Taboo, 25, 83, 223;
+  definition of, 27;
+  its ethical value, 28;
+  on children, 28;
+  on women, 29;
+  on strangers, 30-32;
+  on criminals, 32;
+  on inanimate objects, 32;
+  on places, 36;
+  on times and seasons, 38-41;
+  on iron, 35, 44, 214;
+  on leather, 36;
+  on the Flamen Dialis, 33-35, 44, 45, 108, 109, 327, 342, 343;
+  on the Flaminica Dialis, 35
+
+Tacitus, 398
+
+Tarentum, sacrifices on subterranean altar, 440, 445
+
+Tarquinii, the, 146, 237, 245
+
+Tellus (Terra Mater), 100, 120, 122, 136, 138, 139, 156, 158, 161,
+  162, 320, 435, 442, 446;
+  an object of worship at marriage, 121;
+  connection with Jupiter, 121;
+  temple, 285
+
+Tempestates, 285
+
+Temples: absence of, in earliest Rome, 146;
+  restored by Augustus, 343; Aesculapius, 260;
+  Apollo, on the Palatine, 443-445;
+  Bona Dea on the Aventine, 484;
+  Castor, 231, 244;
+  Ceres, Liber, and Libera, 255-257, 269, 344;
+  Consus, 285;
+  Dea Dia, 161;
+  Diana, on the Aventine, 95, 147, 234, 237, 244;
+  Isis, 433;
+  Janus, 126;
+  Juno Moneta, 135, 328-329;
+  Juno Sospita, 354;
+  Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, 146, 172, 237-238, 246, 254, 443;
+  Jupiter Feretrius, on the Capitol, 95, 115, 129-130, 146, 147, 203,
+    245, 266, 433;
+  Jupiter Latiaris, on the Alban Hill, 237, 238, 245;
+  Mars, 133;
+  Minerva, on the Aventine, 233, 234, 244;
+  Pales, 285;
+  Tellus, 285;
+  Vertumnus, 285;
+  Vesta, _see_ Vesta: aedes
+
+Terminalia, 34, 193, 196
+
+Terminus, 82, 117, 239
+
+Terra Mater, _see_ Tellus
+
+Tertullian, cited, 159, 163, 459, 461, 465
+
+Theodosian code, 430
+
+Tiberius, 429, 438, 447
+
+Tibicines, 180, 195, 233, 445
+
+Tibullus, cited, 22, 80, 147, 178, 403;
+  on use of huts at rural festivals, 474
+
+Time, religious or mystical conception of, 440-441, 449
+
+_Toga praetexta_, worn by priests and children, 29, 42, 50, 61, 74, 84,
+  175-177, 194-195, 436
+  _virilis_, 42
+
+Tombstones, memorial, first mention of, 341
+
+Totemism, 25-27
+
+Toutain, M., 26
+
+Tozer, Mr., on Dante, 419
+
+Trade: deities brought to Rome by, 230;
+  connection of Hercules with, 231;
+  gilds, 233
+
+Trasimene, outbreak of _religio_ after the battle of, 318
+
+Treaties, Jupiter's connection with, 130
+
+_Tripodatio_, 187, 198
+
+Tubilustrium, 96, 217
+
+Turiae, Laudatio, cited, 389
+
+Turnus, 483
+
+Tylor, Dr., 26, 49, 74, 293
+
+
+Usener, H., 19, 138, 160;
+  his theory of the Sondergoetter, 161-164, 168
+
+
+Vacuna of Reate, 284, 290
+
+Valerius Antias, 52, 115, 137
+  Flaccus, C., 342-343, 355
+  Maximus, 203-204, 299, 378
+
+Varro, cited, 16, 59, 76, 79, 81, 89, 103, 120, 125, 142, 143, 149, 156,
+  159, 168, 210, 222, 235, 251, 321
+
+_Vates_, meaning of, 297-298
+
+Vedic ritual, 185
+
+Vegetation-spirit, Mannhardt's theory, 19, 20, 478
+
+Venilia, 483
+
+Venus, connection with Volcanus, 166
+
+_Ver sacrum_, 196, 204-205, 318
+
+_Verbenarius_, 31, 43
+
+Verrius Flaccus, 16, 30
+
+Vertumnus, 147, 291;
+  connection with Pomona, 485;
+  temple, 285
+
+Vervactor, 161
+
+Vesta, 73, 74, 76, 92, 116, 126, 136, 137, 140, 147, 481;
+  aedes, 39, 40, 126, 136, 146, 477;
+  penus Vestae, 36, 73, 101, 136, 442
+
+Vestal virgins, 53, 113, 120, 139, 175, 177, 194, 320;
+  at the ceremony of the Argei, 54, 55, 106, 321;
+  salt-cake baked by, 73;
+  representative of daughters of the family, 136;
+  statues of, 144
+
+_Vicus_, 71
+
+Vilicus, 78
+
+Vinalia, 100
+
+Virgil, on _religio_, 37;
+  on the Paganalia, 62, 67;
+  on _lustratio_, 80, 213, 221;
+  on the Manes, 386, 399;
+  religious feeling in his poems, 403-427, 455;
+  compared with Wordsworth, 407-408; with Scott, 408;
+  his idea of _pietas_, 409;
+  his connection with Augustus, 428;
+  see also _Aeneid_
+
+Virites, 150, 158
+
+Virtus, 446
+
+Volcanalia, 98, 101
+
+Volcanus, 118, 122, 124;
+  connection with Maia, 151, 484;
+  with Venus, 166
+
+Volturnus, 117, 118, 122, 124
+
+Vortumnus, 165, 284
+
+Vows, 188, 226, 286;
+  private, 201-202;
+  public, 200, 202-204;
+  extraordinary, 204-208;
+  see also _Devotio_ and _Evocatio_
+
+
+Waltzing, on Roman trades, 233
+
+Westcott, Bishop, on Augustine, 458
+
+Westermarck, Dr., cited, 31, 44, 123, 179;
+  on magic, 47;
+  on religion of primitive man, 63, 394;
+  on Roman prayers, 185;
+  on religion and morality, 227
+
+Williamowitz-Moellendorf, on Hercules, 243
+
+Wine, used at sacrifices, 82, 180, 182-184;
+  as a substitute for blood, 196
+
+Winter, J. G., cited, 243
+
+Wissowa, Georg, cited, 13, 14, 16-18, 33, 36, 112, 122, 146, 193, 199,
+  319, 440;
+  on _dies religiosi_, 38-40;
+  on the Argei, 54, 55, 65, 111, 321, 322;
+  on the ritual of the Salii, 97;
+  his list of _di indigetes_, 117, 139;
+  on Faunus, 118;
+  on Janus, 126, 141;
+  on Mars, 142;
+  on the Indigitamenta, 159, 161-163, 168;
+  on cult of Jupiter, 167;
+  on prayer, 198;
+  on Hercules, 243;
+  on Hebe, 332;
+  on _Carmen saeculare,_ 444, 450
+
+Wolf's fat, used as a charm against evil spirits, 83, 90
+
+Women, 264, 265;
+  taboo on, 29;
+  excluded from certain sacrificial rites, 29-30;
+  at the ceremony of the aquaelicium, 64;
+  rites to produce fertility, 54, 106, 143, 479;
+  oaths used by, 244;
+  excitement among, during Hannibalic war, 324;
+  rebellion against the _ius divinum,_ 344;
+  festivals, 143, 346, 443, 450;
+  deities, 135, 235, 272, 297, 318, 332, 479
+
+Wordsworth, compared with Virgil, 407
+
+
+Zeller, cited, 351, 356;
+  on human law and divine law, 371
+
+Zeus, 367
+
+Zosimus, cited, 309, 439, 449, 450
+
+
+
+THE END
+
+_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.
+
+WORKS ON ROMAN HISTORY
+
+ROMAN SOCIETY DURING THE LAST CENTURY
+OF THE EMPIRE OF THE WEST. By Sir
+SAMUEL DILL, M.A. New Edition, Revised. Extra Crown
+8vo. 8s. 6d. net.
+
+ROMAN SOCIETY FROM NERO TO MARCUS
+AURELIUS. By Sir SAMUEL DILL, M.A. Second
+Edition. 8vo. 15s. net.
+
+LIFE IN THE ROMAN WORLD OF NERO AND
+ST. PAUL. By Prof. T. G. TUCKER, Litt.D. Illustrated.
+8vo. 12s. 6d. net.
+
+THE AMAZING EMPEROR HELIOGABALUS.
+By J. STUART HAY, St. John's College, Oxford. With
+Introduction by Prof. J. B. BURY, Litt.D. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.
+
+
+By Prof. THEODOR MOMMSEN.
+
+THE HISTORY OF ROME, FROM THE
+EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PERIOD OF ITS
+DECLINE. Translated by WILLIAM PURDIE DICKSON,
+D.D., LL.D. A Newer and Cheaper Edition, Revised,
+and embodying all the most recent alterations and additions
+made by Dr. MOMMSEN. In Five vols. Crown 8vo.
+7s. 6d. each.
+
+ABRIDGED EDITION OF THE ABOVE for the use of Schools
+and Colleges. By C. BRYANS and F. J. R. HENDY. One
+vol. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
+
+THE PROVINCES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
+FROM CAESAR TO DIOCLETIAN. Translated by
+Dr. W. P. DICKSON. Second Impression. Revised by
+Prof. B. F. HAVERFIELD. Two vols. 8vo. 21s. net.
+
+
+MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD., LONDON
+
+WORKS ON ROMAN HISTORY
+
+
+ROMAN PUBLIC LIFE.
+
+By A. H. J. GREENIDGE, M.A. Extra Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.
+
+
+THE ROMAN ASSEMBLIES FROM
+THEIR ORIGIN TO THE END OF THE
+REPUBLIC.
+
+By GEORGE WILLIS BOTSFORD, Ph.D. 8vo. 17s. net.
+
+
+CIVIL WAR AND REBELLION IN THE
+ROMAN EMPIRE, A.D. 69-70.
+
+By BERNARD W. HENDERSON, M.A. With Maps and
+Illustrations. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.
+
+
+RELIGION OF NUMA, AND OTHER
+ESSAYS ON THE RELIGION OF ANCIENT
+ROME.
+
+By JESSE BENEDICT CARTER. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.
+
+
+THE INFLUENCE OF WEALTH IN IMPERIAL
+ROME.
+
+By Professor W. S. Davis. Extra Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.
+
+
+THE ROMANS ON THE RIVIERA AND
+THE RHONE.
+
+By W. H. Bullock Hall, F.R.G.S. Illustrated. 8vo. 6s.
+
+
+A HISTORY OF ROME TO THE BATTLE
+OF ACTIUM.
+
+By E. S. Shuckburgh, M.A. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d.
+
+
+By W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.
+
+8_vo._ 10_s. net._
+
+
+SOCIAL LIFE AT ROME
+
+IN THE AGE OF CICERO
+
+_TIMES._--"In a series of interesting and not overcrowded chapters it
+presents this age in its form and habit, as it lived and moved, its
+social and intellectual atmosphere and the material conditions which
+surrounded it.... There is not a dull page in the book."
+
+_OXFORD MAGAZINE._--"A book which will be of the highest value to all
+who wish to gain an insight into the reality of life and character in
+the Rome of Cicero's day."
+
+_ATHENAEUM._--"A very readable as well as learned monograph on an
+attractive subject.... We have found the book excellent reading."
+
+_DAILY NEWS._--"A work of brilliant scholarship and an admirable piece
+of writing."
+
+_Extra Crown_ 8_vo._ 6_s._
+
+
+THE ROMAN FESTIVALS
+
+OF THE PERIOD OF THE REPUBLIC
+
+AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE
+RELIGION OF THE ROMANS
+
+_SPECTATOR._--"This work is intended as an introduction to the study of
+the religion of the Romans, and a very faithful and accurate piece of
+work it is, as indeed might be expected by those who know Mr. Fowler's
+previous studies of ancient life."
+
+_GUARDIAN._--"A delightful volume which will attract and interest any
+educated and thoughtful reader."
+
+_ACADEMY._--"A book with which every student of Roman religion will have
+to make his account.... Alike as a storehouse of critically-sifted facts
+and as a tentative essay towards the synthetic arrangement of these
+facts, Mr. Fowler's book seems to us to mark a very distinct advance
+upon anything that has yet been done."
+
+By W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A.
+
+_Crown_ 8_vo._ 5_s._
+
+
+THE CITY-STATE
+
+OF THE
+
+GREEKS AND ROMANS
+
+A SURVEY INTRODUCTORY TO THE
+STUDY OF ANCIENT HISTORY
+
+_TIMES._--"The purpose is excellent, and Mr. Warde Fowler executes it in
+a very skilful and scholarly fashion."
+
+_CLASSICAL REVIEW._--"This little book is excellent both in design and
+in execution, and it supplies a want which has been much felt by those
+engaged in teaching ancient history.... A book which will have a most
+stimulating effect on the teaching of ancient history, and which ought
+to become familiar to every schoolboy and undergraduate."
+
+_WESTMINSTER GAZETTE._--"It is impossible within any available limits to
+give an adequate account of Mr. Fowler's treatment of his subject. We
+can but commend his treatise to our readers; and this we can do without
+reserve."
+
+_OXFORD MAGAZINE._--"One of those charming books which by their
+excellence are able to commend themselves to entirely different
+persons.... The man beginning work for 'Greats' will always be told that
+he must read this; and if he do so, will be rewarded by having the
+relations of the different parts of his reading marked out with masterly
+clearness; and the student who has been over most of the ground himself
+in original authorities, will find with pleasure fresh light thrown on
+many points by Mr. Fowler's grace of style and power of illustration....
+We cordially recommend it as at once charmingly written, and accurate,
+useful and stimulating."
+
+TALES OF THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Uniform Edition.
+Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. Prize Editions. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
+Extra gilt, gilt edges. 3s. 6d. School Edition. Globe 8vo. 1s. 6d.
+
+MORE TALES OF THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Crown
+8vo. 3s. 6d.
+
+A YEAR WITH THE BIRDS. Illustrated. Crown
+8vo. 3s. 6d. Prize Editions. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
+Extra gilt, gilt edges. 3s. 6d.
+
+SUMMER STUDIES OF BIRDS AND BOOKS
+Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
+
+MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd., LONDON.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Religious Experience of the Roman
+People, by W. Warde Fowler
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+status under the laws that apply to them.
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #23349 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/23349)