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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/20488-8.txt b/20488-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..421edfe --- /dev/null +++ b/20488-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,12380 @@ +Project Gutenberg's Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1, by J. Endell Tyler + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1 + Memoirs of Henry the Fifth + +Author: J. Endell Tyler + +Release Date: January 31, 2007 [EBook #20488] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HENRY OF MONMOUTH, VOLUME 1 *** + + + + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected. +The original spelling has been retained. + +Printer's error corrected: +- Page 18: portophorium to portiphorium. +- Page 27: applition to application. +- Page 42: chace to chase. +- Page 80: ' changes to ". + +Definition: +- Dē: Ditto.] + +[Illustration: Henri of Monmouth] + + + + HENRY OF MONMOUTH: + + + OR, + + + MEMOIRS + + OF THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF + + + + HENRY THE FIFTH, + + + AS + + PRINCE OF WALES AND KING OF ENGLAND. + + + + BY J. ENDELL TYLER, B.D. + + RECTOR OF ST. GILES IN THE FIELDS. + + + + "Go, call up Cheshire and Lancashire, + And Derby hills, that are so free; + But neither married man, nor widow's son; + No widow's curse shall go with me." + + + + IN TWO VOLUMES. + + VOL. I. + + + + LONDON: + RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET, + Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty. + + 1838. + + + LONDON: + PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY, + Dorset Street, Fleet Street. + + + + +TO HER MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY THE QUEEN. (p. iii) + + +MADAM, + +The gracious intimation of your Royal pleasure that these Memoirs of +your renowned Predecessor should be dedicated to your Majesty, while +it increases my solicitude, suggests at the same time new and cheering +anticipations. I cannot but hope that, appearing in the world under +the auspices of your great name, the religious and moral purposes +which this work is designed to serve will be more widely and +effectually realised. + + * * * * * + +Under a lively sense of the literary defects which render these +volumes unworthy of so august a patronage, to one point I may revert +with feelings of satisfaction and encouragement. I have gone only (p. iv) +where Truth seemed to lead me on the way: and this, in your Majesty's +judgment, I am assured will compensate for many imperfections. + + * * * * * + +That your Majesty may ever abundantly enjoy the riches of HIS favour +who is the Spirit of Truth, and having long worn your diadem here in +honour and peace, in the midst of an affectionate and happy people, +may resign it in exchange for an eternal crown in heaven, is the +prayer of one who rejoices in the privilege of numbering himself, + + Madam, + + Among your Majesty's + + Most faithful and devoted + + Subjects and servants. + + J. ENDELL TYLER. + +24, Bedford Square, + May 24, 1838. + + + + +PREFACE. (p. v) + + +Memoirs such as these of Henry of Monmouth might doubtless be made +more attractive and entertaining were their Author to supply the +deficiencies of authentic records by the inventions of his fancy, and +adorn the result of careful inquiry into matters of fact by the +descriptive imagery and colourings of fiction. To a writer, also, who +could at once handle the pen of the biographer and of the poet, few +names would offer a more ample field for the excursive range of +historical romance than the life of Henry of Monmouth. From the day of +his first compulsory visit to Ireland, abounding as that time does +with deeply interesting incidents, to his last hour in the now-ruined +castle of Vincennes;--or rather, from his mother's espousals to the +interment of his earthly remains within the sacred precincts of +Westminster, every period teems with animating suggestions. So far, +however, from possessing such adventitious recommendations, the point +on which (rather perhaps than any other) an apology might be expected +for this work, is, that it has freely tested by the standard of (p. vi) +truth those delineations of Henry's character which have contributed +to immortalize our great historical dramatist. The Author, indeed, is +willing to confess that he would gladly have withdrawn from the task +of assaying the substantial accuracy and soundness of Shakspeare's +historical and biographical views, could he have done so safely and +without a compromise of principle. He would have avoided such an +inquiry, not only in deference to the acknowledged rule which does not +suffer a poet to be fettered by the rigid shackles of unbending facts; +but from a disinclination also to interfere, even in appearance, with +the full and free enjoyment of those exquisite scenes of humour, wit, +and nature, in which Henry is the hero, and his "riotous, reckless +companions" are subordinate in dramatical excellence only to himself. +The Author may also not unwillingly grant, that (with the majority of +those who give a tone to the "form and pressure" of the age) +Shakspeare has done more to invest the character of Henry with a +never-dying interest beyond the lot of ordinary monarchs, than the +bare records of historical verity could ever have effected. Still he +feels that he had no alternative. He must either have ascertained the +historical worth of those scenic representations, or have suffered to +remain in their full force the deep and prevalent impressions, as to +Henry's principles and conduct, which owe, if not their origin, yet, +at least, much of their universality and vividness, to Shakspeare. (p. vii) +The poet is dear, and our early associations are dear; and pleasures +often tasted without satiety are dear: but to every rightly balanced +mind Truth will be dearer than all. + + * * * * * + +It must nevertheless be here intimated, that these volumes are neither +exclusively, nor yet especially, designed for the antiquarian student. +The Author has indeed sought for genuine information at every +fountain-head accessible to him; but he has prepared the result of his +researches for the use (he would trust, for the improvement as well as +the gratification,) of the general reader. And whilst he has not +consciously omitted any essential reference, he has guarded against +interrupting the course of his narrative by an unnecessary accumulation +of authorities. He is, however, compelled to confess that he rises +from this very limited sphere of inquiry under an impression, which +grew stronger and deeper as his work advanced, that, before a history +of our country can be produced worthy of a place among the records of +mankind, the still hidden treasures of the metropolis and of our +universities, together with the stores which are known to exist in +foreign libraries, must be studied with far more of devoted care and +zealous perseverance than have hitherto been bestowed upon them. That +the honest and able student, however unwearied in zeal and industry, +may be supplied with the indispensable means of verifying what (p. viii) +tradition has delivered down, enucleating difficulties, rectifying +mistakes, reconciling apparent inconsistencies, clearing up doubts, +and removing that mass of confusion and error under which the truth +often now lies buried,--our national history must be made a subject of +national interest. It is a maxim of our law, and the constant practice +of our courts of justice, never to admit evidence unless it be the +best which under the circumstances can be obtained. Were this principle +of jurisprudence recognised and adopted in historical criticism, the +student would carefully ascend to the first witnesses of every period, +on whom modern writers (however eloquent or sagacious) must depend for +their information. How lamentably devoid of authority and credit is +the work of the most popular and celebrated of our modern English +historians in consequence of his unhappy neglect of this fundamental +principle, will be made palpably evident by the instances which could +not be left unnoticed even within the narrow range of these Memoirs. +And the Author is generally persuaded that, without a far more +comprehensive and intimate acquaintance with original documents than +our writers have possessed, or apparently have thought it their duty +to cultivate, error will continue to be propagated as heretofore; and +our annals will abound with surmises and misrepresentations, instead +of being the guardian depositories of historical verity. Only by the +acknowledgment and application of the principle here advocated will (p. ix) +England be supplied with those monuments of our race, those +"POSSESSIONS FOR EVER," as the Prince of Historians[1] once named +them, which may instruct the world in the philosophy of moral cause +and effect, exhibit honestly and clearly the natural workings of the +human heart, and diffuse through the mass of our fellow-creatures a +practical assurance that piety, justice, and charity form the only +sure groundwork of a people's glory and happiness; while religious and +moral depravity in a nation, no less than in an individual, leads, +(tardily it may be and remotely, but by ultimate and inevitable +consequence,) to failure and degradation. + + [Footnote 1: Thucydides.] + +In those portions of his work which have a more immediate bearing upon +religious principles and conduct, the Author has not adopted the most +exciting mode of discussing the various subjects which have naturally +fallen under his review. Party spirit, though it seldom fails to +engender a more absorbing interest for the time, and often clothes a +subject with an importance not its own, will find in these pages no +response to its sentiments, under whatever character it may give +utterance to them. In these departments of his inquiry, to himself far +the most interesting, (and many such there are, especially in the +second volume,) the Author trusts that he has been guided by the +Apostolical maxim of "SPEAKING THE TRUTH IN LOVE." He has not +willingly advanced a single sentiment which should unnecessarily (p. x) +cause pain to any individual or to any class of men; he has not been +tempted by morbid delicacy or fear to suppress or disguise his view of +the very TRUTH. + +The reader will readily perceive that, with reference to the foreign +and domestic policy of our country,--the advances of civilization,--the +manners of private life, as well in the higher as in the more +humble grades of society,--the state of literature,--the progress of +the English constitution,--the condition and discipline of the army, +which Henry greatly improved,--and the rise and progress of the royal +navy, of which he was virtually the founder, many topics are either +purposely avoided, or only incidentally and cursorily noticed. To one +point especially (a subject in itself most animating and uplifting, +and intimately interwoven with the period embraced by these Memoirs,) +he would have rejoiced to devote a far greater portion of his book, +had it been compatible with the immediate design of his +undertaking;--THE PROMISE AND THE DAWN OF THE REFORMATION. + + * * * * * + +However the value of his labours may be ultimately appreciated, the +Author confidently trusts that their publication can do no disservice +to the cause of truth, of sound morality, and of pure religion. He +would hope, indeed, that in one point at least the power of an (p. xi) +example of pernicious tendency might be weakened by the issue of his +investigation. If the results of these inquiries be acquiesced in as +sound and just, no young man can be encouraged by Henry's example (as +it is feared many, especially in the higher classes, have been +encouraged,) in early habits of moral delinquency, with the intention +of extricating himself in time from the dominion of his passions, and +of becoming, like Henry, in after-life a pattern of religion and +virtue, "the mirror of every grace and excellence." The divine, the +moralist, and the historian know that authenticated instances of such +sudden moral revolutions in character are very rare,--exceptions to +the general rule; and among those exceptions we cannot be justified in +numbering Henry of Monmouth. + +He was bold and merciful and kind, but he was no libertine, in his +youth; he was brave and generous and just, but he was no persecutor, +in his manhood. On the throne he upheld the royal authority with +mingled energy and mildness, and he approved himself to his subjects +as a wise and beneficent King; in his private individual capacity he +was a bountiful and considerate, though strict and firm master, a warm +and sincere friend, a faithful and loving husband. He passed through +life under the habitual sense of an overruling Providence; and, in his +premature death, he left us the example of a Christian's patient and +pious resignation to the Divine Will. As long as he lived, he was (p. xii) +an object of the most ardent and enthusiastic admiration, confidence, +and love; and, whilst the English monarchy shall remain among the +unforgotten things on earth, his memory will be honoured, and his name +will be enrolled among the NOBLE and the GOOD. + + + + +TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, (p. xiii) + +IN THEIR CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. + + +[*] Those years, months, or days, respectively, to which an +asterisk is attached, are not considered to have been so fully +ascertained as the other dates. + +1340* Feb.* John of Gaunt born. +1340} Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's father, born, +1341} before Nov. 19, 1341. +1359 May 19, John of Gaunt married to Blanche. +1358} Owyn Glyndowr born, before Sept. 3, 1359. +1359} +1366 April 6, Henry Bolinbroke born. +1365} May 20,* Henry Percy (Hotspur) born before 30th Oct. 1366. +1366} +1367 Jan. Richard II. born at Bourdeaux. +1369* Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt died. +1371* John of Gaunt married Constance. +1376 June 8, Edward the Black Prince died. +1377 June 21, King Edward III. died. +1378 Nov. Hotspur first bore arms at Berwick. +1381 Bolinbroke nearly slain by the rioters. +1382 Richard II. married to Queen Anne. +1384 Dec. 31, Wickliffe's death. +1386* Bolinbroke married Mary Bohun. +1387 John of Gaunt went to Spain. +1387* Aug. 9,* HENRY born at MONMOUTH. +1388 Hotspur taken prisoner by the Scots. +1388 Thomas Duke of Clarence born. +1389 Nov. 9, Isabel, Richard II.'s wife, born. +1389* Nov.* John of Gaunt returned from Spain. (p. xiv) +1389* John Duke of Bedford born. +1390* Humfrey Duke of Gloucester born. +1390} Bolinbroke visited Barbary. +1391} +1392} Bolinbroke visited Prussia and the Holy Sepulchre. +1393} +1394* Mary, HENRY's mother, died. +1394* Constance, John of Gaunt's wife, died. +1394 June 7, Anne, Richard II.'s Queen, died. +1396 John of Gaunt recalled from Acquitaine by Richard II. +1396 John of Gaunt married Katharine Swynford. +1397 Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, banished. +1397 Sept. 29, Bolinbroke created Duke of Hereford. +1397* John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, banished. +1397 Nov. 4, Richard II. married to Isabel. +1398* Henry of Monmouth resided in Oxford. +1398 July 14, Henry Beaufort consecrated Bishop of Lincoln. +1398 Sept. 16, Bolinbroke and Norfolk at Coventry. +1398 Bolinbroke banished. +1399 Feb. 3, John of Gaunt died. +1399 May 29, Richard II. sailed for Ireland. +1399 June 23, HENRY of Monmouth knighted. +1399 June 28, News of Bolinbroke's designs reached London. +1399 July 4, Bolinbroke landed at Ravenspur. +1399 August, HENRY shut up in Trym Castle. +1399 August, Richard landed at Milford. +1399 Aug. 14, Richard fell into Bolinbroke's hands. +1399 August, Bolinbroke sent to Ireland for HENRY. +1399 August, Death of the young Duke of Gloucester. +1399 Sept. 1, Bolinbroke brought Richard captive to London. +1399 Oct. 1, Richard's resignation of the crown read in Parliament. +1399 Oct. 13, Bolinbroke crowned as Henry IV. (p. xv) +1399 Oct. 15, HENRY created PRINCE of Wales. +1400 Jan. 4, Conspiracy against the King at Windsor. +1400* Feb. 14,* Richard II. died at Pontefract. +1400* Oct. 25,* Chaucer died. +1400 June Henry IV. proceeded to Scotland. +1400 June 23, Lord Grey of Ruthyn's letter to HENRY. +1400 Sept. 19, First proclamation against the Welsh. +1400 Owyn Glyndowr in open rebellion. +1401 HENRY in Wales, before April 10. +1401 April 10, Hotspur's first Letter. +1401* Sept. 13,* KATHARINE, HENRY's Queen, born. +1401* Nov. 11,* Restoration of Isabel. +1402 April 3, Henry IV. espoused to Joan of Navarre. +1402 June 12,* Edmund Mortimer taken prisoner. +1432 Sept. 14, Battle of Homildon. +1402* Nov. 30,* Edmund Mortimer married to a daughter of Owyn Glyndowr. +1403 March 7, HENRY appointed Lieutenant of Wales. +1403* May 30, HENRY's Letter to the Council. +1403 July 21, Battle of Shrewsbury. +1404 May 10, Glyndowr dated "the fourth year of our Principality." +1404 June 10, Welsh with Frenchmen overran Archenfield. +1404 June 25, HENRY's letter to his father. +1404 Oct. 6, Parliament at Coventry. +1405 Feb. 20, Sons of the Earl of March stolen from Windsor. +1405 March 1, Crown settled on HENRY and his brothers. +1405 March 11, Battle of Grosmont. +1405 May, Revolt of the Earl of Northumberland and Bardolf. +1405 June 8, Scrope, Archbishop of York, beheaded. +1406 June 7, Testimony of the Commons to HENRY's excellences. +1406* June 29,* Isabel married to Angouleme. +1407* Nov. 1,* HENRY went to Scotland. +1408 Feb. 28,* Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's father, fell (p. xvi) + in battle. +1408 July 8, HENRY in London, as President of the Council. +1409 Feb. 1, HENRY, Guardian of the Earl of March. +1409 Feb. 28, HENRY, Warden of Cinque Ports and Constable of Dover. +1409* Sept. 13,* Death of Isabel, Richard II.'s widow. +1410 March 5, Warrant for the burning of Badby. +1410 March 18, HENRY, Captain of Calais. +1410 June 16, HENRY sate as President of the Council. +1410 June 18, Dē. dē. +1410 June 19, Dē. dē. +1410 June 23, Affray in Eastcheap, by the Lords Thomas and John, + his brothers. +1410 July 22, HENRY, as President. +1410 July 29, Dē. +1410 July 30, Dē. +1411 March 19, HENRY with his father at Lambeth. +1411 August,* Duke of Burgundy obtained succour. +1411 Nov. 3, Parliament opened. +1411 Nov. 10, Battle of St. Cloud. +1412 May 18, Treaty with the Duke of Orleans. +1412* June 30,* HENRY came to London attended by "Lords and Gentils." +1412 July 9, The Lord Thomas created Duke of Clarence. +1412* Sept. 23,* He came again with "a huge people." +1413 Feb. 3, Parliament opened. +1413 March 20, Henry IV. died. +1413 April 9, HENRY V. CROWNED. +1413 May 15, Parliament at Westminster. +1413 June 26, Convocation of the Clergy. +1413 Lord Cobham cited. +1413 Lord Cobham escaped from the Tower. +1414 Jan. 10, Affair of St. Giles' Field. +1414 April 20, Parliament at Leicester. +1414 HENRY founded Sion and Shene. +1414 Council of Constance. +1415 May 4, The Council of Constance condemned Wickliffe's (p. xvii) + memory, and commanded the exhumation of his bones. +1415 July 6, John Huss condemned. +1415 July 20, Conspiracy at Southampton. +1415 Aug. 11, HENRY sailed for Normandy. +1415 Sept. 15, Death of Bishop of Norwich in the camp. +1415 Sept. 22, Surrender of Harfleur. +1415 Clayton and Gurmyn burnt for heresy. +1415 Oct. 25, Battle of AGINCOURT. +1415 Nov. 16, HENRY returned to England. +1415 Nov. 22, Thanksgiving in London. +1416 April 29, Emperor Sigismund visited England. +1416 May 30, Jerome of Prague burnt. +1416 Aug. 15, League signed by HENRY and Sigismund. +1417 July 23, HENRY's second expedition. +1417 Sept. 4, Surrender of Caen. +1417 Dec. Execution of Lord Cobham. +1418 July 1, Rouen besieged. +1419 Jan. 19, Rouen taken. +1419 May 30, HENRY and KATHARINE first met. +1419* July 7, HENRY's letter concerning Oriel College. +1420 May 30, HENRY and Katharine married. +1420 July, Katharine lodged in the camp before Melun. +1420 HENRY and Katharine, with the King and Queen of + France, entered Paris. +1421 Jan 31, HENRY and Katharine arrived in England. +1421 Feb 23, Katharine crowned in Westminster. +1421 March 23, They passed their Easter at Leicester. + {Between} +1421 {March &} They travelled through the greater part of England. + {May, } +1421 March 23, Death of the Duke of Clarence. +1421 May 26, Taylor condemned to imprisonment for heresy. +1421 June 1, HENRY left London on his third expedition. +1421 June 10, HENRY landed at Calais. (p. xviii) +1421 Oct. 6, Siege of Meaux began, and lasted till the April + following. +1421 Dec. 6, HENRY's son born at Windsor. +1422 May 21, Katharine landed at Harfleur. +1422 HENRY met her at the Bois de Vincennes. +1422 They entered Paris together. +1422 Aug. HENRY left Katharine at Senlis. + +1422 Aug. 31, DEATH of HENRY. + +1423 March 1, William Taylor burnt for heresy. + + + + +CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. (p. xix) + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +1387-1398. + +Henry of Monmouth's Parents. -- Time and place of his Birth. -- John +of Gaunt and Blanche of Lancaster. -- Henry Bolinbroke. -- Monmouth +Castle. -- Henry's infancy and childhood. -- His education. -- +Residence in Oxford. -- Bolinbroke's Banishment. Page 1 + + +CHAPTER II. + +1398-1399. + +Henry taken into the care of Richard. -- Death of John of Gaunt. -- +Henry knighted by Richard in Ireland. -- His person and manners. -- +News of Bolinbroke's landing and hostile measures reaches Ireland. -- +Indecision and delay of Richard. -- He shuts up Henry and the young +Duke of Gloucester in Trym Castle. -- Reflections on the fate of these +two Cousins -- of Bolinbroke -- of Richard -- and of the widowed +Duchess of Gloucester. Page 32 + + +CHAPTER III. (p. xx) + +1398-1399. + +Proceedings of Bolinbroke from his Interview with Archbishop Arundel, +in Paris, to his making King Richard his prisoner. -- Conduct of +Richard from the news of Bolinbroke's landing. -- Treachery of +Northumberland. -- Richard taken by Bolinbroke to London. Page 52 + + +CHAPTER IV. + +1399-1400. + +Richard resigns the Crown. -- Bolinbroke elected King. -- Henry of +Monmouth created Prince of Wales. -- Plot to murder the King. -- Death +of Richard. -- Friendship between him and Henry. -- Proposals for a +Marriage between Henry and Isabel, Richard's Widow. -- Henry applies +for an Establishment. -- Hostile movement of the Scots. -- Tradition, +that young Henry marched against them, doubted. Page 68 + + +CHAPTER V. + +1400-1401. + +The Welsh Rebellion. -- Owyn Glyndowr. -- His former Life. -- Dispute +with Lord Grey of Ruthyn. -- That Lord's Letter to Prince Henry. -- +Hotspur. -- His Testimony to Henry's presence in Wales, -- to his +Mercy and his Prowess. -- Henry's Despatch to the Privy Council. Page 88 + + +CHAPTER VI. (p. xxi) + +1403. + +Glyndowr joined by Welsh Students of Oxford. -- Takes Lord Grey +prisoner. -- Hotspur's further Despatches. -- He quits Wales. -- +Reflections on the eventful Life and premature Death of Isabel, +Richard's Widow. -- Glyndowr disposed to come to terms. -- The King's +Expeditions towards Wales abortive. -- Marriage proposed between Henry +and Katharine of Norway. -- The King marries Joan of Navarre. Page 108 + + +CHAPTER VII. + +1402-1403. + +Glyndowr's vigorous Measures. -- Slaughter of Herefordshire Men. -- +Mortimer taken prisoner. -- He joins Glyndowr. -- Henry implores +Succours, -- Pawns his Plate to support his Men. -- The King's +Testimony to his Son's conduct. -- The King, at Burton-on-Trent, hears +of the Rebellion of the Percies. Page 129 + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +1403. + +The Rebellion of the Percies, -- Its Origin. -- Letters of Hotspur and +the Earl of Northumberland. -- Tripartite Indenture between the +Percies, Owyn, and Mortimer. -- Doubts as to its Authenticity. -- +Hotspur hastens from the North. -- The King's decisive conduct. -- He +forms a junction with the Prince. -- "Sorry Battle of Shrewsbury." -- +Great Inaccuracy of David Hume. -- Hardyng's Duplicity. -- Manifesto +of the Percies probably a Forgery. -- Glyndowr's Absence from the +Battle involves neither Breach of Faith nor Neglect of Duty. -- +Circumstances preceding the Battle. -- Of the Battle itself. -- Its +immediate consequences. Page 141 + + +CHAPTER IX. (p. xxii) + +1403-1404. + +The Prince commissioned to receive the Rebels into allegiance. -- The +King summons Northumberland. -- Hotspur's Corpse disinterred. -- The +Reason. -- Glyndowr's French Auxiliaries. -- He styles himself "Prince +of Wales." -- Devastation of the Border Counties. -- Henry's Letters +to the King, and to the Council. -- Testimony of him by the County of +Hereford. -- His famous Letter from Hereford. -- Battle of Grosmont. + Page 178 + + +CHAPTER X. + +1405-1406. + +Rebellion of Northumberland and Bardolf. -- Execution of the +Archbishop of York. -- Wonderful Activity and Resolution of the King. +-- Deplorable state of the Revenue. -- Testimony borne by Parliament +to the Prince's Character. -- The Prince present at the Council-board. +-- He is only occasionally in Wales, and remains for the most part in +London. Page 207 + + +CHAPTER XI. + +1407-1409. + +Prince Henry's Expedition to Scotland, and Success. -- Thanks +presented to him by Parliament. -- His generous Testimony to the Duke +of York. -- Is first named as President of the Council. -- Returns to +Wales. -- Is appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of +Dover. -- Welsh Rebellion dwindles and dies. -- Owyn Glyndowr's +Character and Circumstances; his Reverses and Trials. -- His Bright +Points undervalued. -- The unfavourable side of his Conduct unjustly +darkened by Historians. -- Reflections on his Last Days. -- Fac-simile +of his Seals as Prince of Wales. Page 232 + + +CHAPTER XII. (p. xxiii) + +1409-1412. + +Reputed Differences between Henry and his Father examined. -- He is +made Captain of Calais. -- His Residence at Coldharbour. -- Presides +at the Council-board. -- Cordiality still visible between him and his +Father. -- Affray in East-Cheap. -- No mention of Henry's presence. +--Projected Marriage between Henry and a Daughter of Burgundy. -- +Charge against Henry for acting in opposition to his Father in the +Quarrel of the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans unfounded. Page 252 + + +CHAPTER XIII. + +1412-1413. + +Unfounded Charge against Henry of Peculation. -- Still more serious +Accusation of a cruel attempt to dethrone his diseased Father. -- The +Question fully examined. -- Probably a serious though temporary +Misunderstanding at this time between the King and his Son. -- Henry's +Conduct filial, open, and merciful. -- The "Chamber" or the "Crown +Scene." -- Death of Henry the Fourth. Page 278 + + +CHAPTER XIV. + +Henry of Monmouth's Character. -- Unfairness of Modern Writers. -- +Walsingham examined. -- Testimony of his Father, -- of Hotspur, -- of +the Parliament, -- of the English and Welsh Counties, -- of +Contemporary Chroniclers. -- No one single act of Immorality alleged +against him. -- No intimation of his Extravagance, or Injustice, or +Riot, or Licentiousness, in Wales, London, or Calais. -- Direct +Testimony to the opposite Virtues. -- Lydgate. -- Occleve. Page 313 + + +CHAPTER XV. (p. xxiv) + +Shakspeare. -- The Author's reluctance to test the Scenes of the +Poet's Dramas by Matters of Fact. -- Necessity of so doing. -- Hotspur +in Shakspeare the first to bear evidence to Henry's reckless +Profligacy; -- The Hotspur of History the first who testifies to his +Character for Valour, and Mercy, and Faithfulness in his Duties. -- +Anachronisms of Shakspeare. -- Hotspur's Age. -- The Capture of +Mortimer. -- Battle of Homildon. -- Field of Shrewsbury. -- Archbishop +Scrope's Death. Page 337 + + +CHAPTER XVI. + +Story of Prince Henry and the Chief Justice, first found in the Work +of Sir Thomas Elyot, published nearly a century and a half +subsequently to the supposed transaction. -- Sir John Hawkins -- Hall +-- Hume. -- No allusion to the circumstance in the Early Chroniclers. +-- Dispute as to the Judge. -- Various Claimants of the distinction. +-- Gascoyne -- Hankford -- Hody -- Markham. -- Some interesting +particulars with regard to Gascoyne, lately discovered and verified. +-- Improbability of the entire Story. Page 358 + + +APPENDIX. + +No. 1. Owyn Glyndowr 385 + 2. Lydgate 394 + 3. Occleve 401 + + + + +MEMOIRS OF HENRY OF MONMOUTH. (p. 001) + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +HENRY OF MONMOUTH'S PARENTS. -- TIME AND PLACE OF HIS BIRTH. -- JOHN +OF GAUNT AND BLANCHE OF LANCASTER. -- HENRY BOLINBROKE. -- MONMOUTH +CASTLE. -- HENRY'S INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD. -- HIS EDUCATION. -- +RESIDENCE IN OXFORD. -- BOLINBROKE'S BANISHMENT. + +1387-1398. + + +Henry the Fifth was the son of Henry of Bolinbroke and Mary daughter +of Humfrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford. No direct and positive evidence +has yet been discovered to fix with unerring accuracy the day or the +place of his birth. If however we assume the statement of the +chroniclers[2] to be true, that he was born at Monmouth on the ninth +day of August in the year 1387,[3] history supplies many ascertained +facts not only consistent with that hypothesis, but in (p. 002) +confirmation of it; whilst none are found to throw upon it the faintest +shade of improbability. At first sight it might perhaps appear strange +that the exact time of the birth as well of Henry of Monmouth, as of +his father, two successive kings of England, should even yet remain +the subject of conjecture, tradition, and inference; whilst the day +and place of the birth of Henry VI. is matter of historical record. A +single reflection, however, on the circumstances of their respective +births, renders the absence of all precise testimony in the one case +natural; whilst it would have been altogether unintelligible in the +other. When Henry of Bolinbroke and Henry of Monmouth were born, their +fathers were subjects, and nothing of national interest was at the +time associated with their appearance in the world; at Henry of +Windsor's birth he was the acknowledged heir to the throne both of +England and of France. + + [Footnote 2: Monomothi in Wallia natus v. Id. + Aug.--Pauli Jov. Ang. Reg. Chron.; William of + Worcester, &c.] + + [Footnote 3: At the foot of the Wardrobe Account of + Henry Earl of Derby from 30th September 1387 to + 30th September 1388, (and unfortunately no account + of the Duke of Lancaster's expenses is as yet found + extant before that very year,) an item occurs of + 341_l._ 12_s._ 5_d._, paid 24th September 1386, for + the household expenses of the Earl and his family + at Monmouth. This proves that his father made the + castle of Monmouth his residence within less than a + year of the date assigned for Henry's birth.] + +To what extent Henry of Monmouth's future character and conduct were, +under Providence, affected by the circumstances of his family and its +several members, it would perhaps be less philosophical than +presumptuous to define. But, that those circumstances were (p. 003) +peculiarly calculated to influence him in his principles and views and +actions, will be acknowledged by every one who becomes acquainted with +them, and who is at the same time in the least degree conversant with +the growth and workings of the human mind. It must, therefore, fall +within the province of the inquiry instituted in these pages, to take +a brief review of the domestic history of Henry's family through the +years of his childhood and early youth. + +John, surnamed "of Gaunt," from Ghent or Gand in Flanders, the place +of his birth, was the fourth son of King Edward the Third. At a very +early age he married Blanche, daughter and heiress of Henry +Plantagenet, Duke of Lancaster, great-grandson of Henry the Third.[4] +The time of his marriage with Blanche,[5] though recorded with +sufficient precision, is indeed comparatively of little consequence; +whilst the date of their son Henry's birth, from the influence which +the age of a father may have on the destinies of his child, becomes +matter of much importance to those who take any interest in the (p. 004) +history of their grandson, Henry of Monmouth. On this point it has +been already intimated that no conclusive evidence is directly upon +record. The principal facts, however, which enable us to draw an +inference of high probability, are associated with so pleasing and so +exemplary a custom, though now indeed fallen into great desuetude +among us, that to review them compensates for any disappointment which +might be felt from the want of absolute certainty in the issue of our +research. It was Henry of Bolinbroke's custom[6] every year on the +Feast of the Lord's Supper, that is, on the Thursday before Easter, to +clothe as many poor persons as equalled the number of years which he +had completed on the preceding birthday; and by examining the accounts +still preserved in the archives of the Duchy of Lancaster, the details +of which would be altogether uninteresting in this place, we are led +to infer that Henry Bolinbroke was born on the 4th of April 1366. +Blanche, his mother, survived the birth of Bolinbroke probably not +more than three years. Whether this lady found in John of Gaunt a +faithful and loving husband, or whether his libertinism caused her to +pass her short life in disappointment and sorrow, no authentic +document enables us to pronounce. It is, however, impossible to close +our eyes against the painful fact, that Catherine Swynford, who (p. 005) +was the partner of his guilt during the life of his second wife, +Constance, had been an inmate of his family, as the confidential +attendant on his wife Blanche, and the governess of her daughters, +Philippa and Elizabeth of Lancaster. That he afterwards, by a life of +abandoned profligacy, disgraced the religion which he professed, is, +unhappily, put beyond conjecture or vague rumour. Though we cannot +infer from any expenses about her funeral and her memory, that Blanche +was the sole object of his affections, (the most lavish costliness at +the tomb of the departed too often being only in proportion to the +unkindness shown to the living,) yet it may be worth observing, that +in 1372 we find an entry in the account, of 20_l._ paid to two +chaplains (together with the expenses of the altar) to say masses for +her soul. He was then already[7] married to his second wife, +Constance, daughter of Peter the Cruel, King of Castile. By this lady, +whom he often calls "the Queen," he appears to have had only one +child, married, it is said, to Henry III. King of Castile.[8] +Constance, the mother, is represented to have been one of the most (p. 006) +amiable and exemplary persons of the age, "above other women innocent +and devout;" and from her husband she deserved treatment far different +from what it was her unhappy lot to experience. But however severe +were her sufferings, she probably concealed them within her own +breast: and she neither left her husband nor abandoned her duties in +disgust. It is indeed possible, though in the highest degree +improbable, that whilst his unprincipled conduct was too notorious to +be concealed from others, she was not herself made fully acquainted +with his infidelity towards her. At all events we may indulge in the +belief that she proved to her husband's only legitimate son, Henry (p. 007) +of Bolinbroke, a kind and watchful mother. + + [Footnote 4: His wife's sister, Matilda, married to + William, Duke of Holland and Zealand, dying without + issue, John of Gaunt succeeded to the undivided + estates and honours of the late duke.] + + [Footnote 5: Froissart reports that Henry + Bolinbroke was a handsome young man; and declares + that he never saw two such noble dames, nor ever + should were he to live a thousand years, so good, + liberal, and courteous, as his mother the Lady + Blanche, and "the late Queen of England," Philippa + of Hainault, wife of Edward the Third. These were + the mother, and the consort of John of Gaunt.] + + [Footnote 6: For this fact and the several items by + which it is substantiated, the Author is indebted + to the kindness and antiquarian researches of + William Hardy, Esq. of the Duchy of Lancaster + office. These accounts begin to date from September + 30th 1381.] + + [Footnote 7: In 1387 the Duke of Lancaster, + accompanied by Constance and a numerous retinue, + went to Spain to claim his wife's rights; and he + succeeded in obtaining from the King of Spain very + large sums in hand, and hostages for the payment of + 10,000_l._ annually to himself and his duchess for + life. Wals. Neust. 544.] + + [Footnote 8: There is an order, dated June 6th, + 1372, to lodge two pipes of good wine in Kenilworth + Priory, and to hasten with all speed Dame Ilote, + the midwife, to the Queen Constance at Hertford on + horse or in carriage as should be best for her + ease. The same person attended the late Duchess + Blanche. + + The Author has lately discovered on the Pell Rolls + a payment, dated 21st February 1373, which refers + to the birth of a daughter, and at the same time + informs us that his future wife was then probably a + member of his household. "To Catherine Swynford + twenty marks for announcing to the King (Richard + the Second) the birth of a daughter of the Queen of + Spain, consort of John, King of Castile and Leon, + and Duke of Lancaster." + + The marriage of John of Gaunt with Catherine + Swynford took place only the second year after the + death of Constance, and seems to have excited among + the nobility equal surprise and disgust. "The great + ladies of England, (as Stowe reports,) as the + Duchess of Gloucester, &c. disdained that she + should be matched with the Duke of Lancaster, and + by that means accounted second person in the realm, + and be preferred in room before them." + + King Richard however made her a handsome present of + a ring, at the same time that he presented one to + Henry, Earl of Derby, (Henry IV.) and another to + Lady Beauchamp. Pell Rolls.] + +At that period of our history, persons married at a much earlier age +than is usually the case among us now; and the espousals of young +people often preceded for some years the period of quitting their +parents' home, and living together, as man and wife. In the year 1381 +Henry, at that time only fifteen years of age, was espoused[9] to his +future wife, Mary Bohun, daughter of the Earl of Hereford, who had (p. 008) +then not reached her twelfth year. These espousals were in those days +accompanied by the religious service of matrimony, and the bride +assumed the title of her espoused husband.[10] + + [Footnote 9: In this same year Bolinbroke's life + was put into imminent peril during the insurrection + headed by Wat Tiler. The rebels broke into the + Tower of London, though it was defended by some + brave knights and soldiers; seized and murdered the + Archbishop and others; and, carrying the heads of + their victims on pikes, proceeded in a state of + fury to John of Gaunt's palace at the Savoy, which + they utterly destroyed and burnt to the ground. + Gaunt himself was in the North: but his son + Bolinbroke was in the Tower of London, and owed his + life to the interposition of one John Ferrour of + Southwark. This is a fact not generally known to + historians; and since the document which records + it, bears testimony to Bolinbroke's spirit of + gratitude, it will not be thought out of place to + allude to it here. This same John Ferrour, with Sir + Thomas Blount and others, was tried in the Castle + of Oxford for high treason, in the first year of + Henry IV. Blount and the others were condemned and + executed; but to John Ferrour a free pardon, dated + Monday after the Epiphany, was given, "our Lord the + King remembering that in the reign of Richard the + Second, during the insurrection of the Counties of + Essex and Kent, the said John saved the King's life + in the midst of that commonalty, in a wonderful and + kind manner, whence the King happily remains alive + unto this day. For since every good whatever + naturally and of right requires another good in + return, the King of his especial grace freely + pardons the said John." Plac. Cor. in Cast. Oxon.] + + [Footnote 10: Thus, in a warrant, dated 6th March + 1381, an order is given by the Duke for payment to + a Goldsmith in London, of 10_l._ 18_s._ for a + present made by our dear daughter Philippa, to our + very dear daughter Mary, Countess of Derby, on the + day of her marriage; and also "40 shillings for as + many pence put upon the book on the day of the + espousals of our much beloved son, the Earl of + Derby." Eight marks are ordered to be paid for "a + ruby given by us to our very dear daughter Mary:" + 13_s._ 4_d._ for the offering at the mass. Ten + marks from us to the King's minstrels being there + on the same day; and ten marks to four minstrels of + our brother the Earl of Cambridge being there; and + fifty marks to the officers of our cousin, the + Countess of Hereford! On the 31st of January + following, the Duke lays himself under a bond to + pay to "Dame Bohun, Countess of Hereford, her + mother, the sum of one hundred marks annually, for + the charge and cost of his daughter-in-law, Mary, + Countess of Derby, until the said Mary shall attain + the full age of fourteen years."] + +We shall probably not be in error, if we fix the period of the +Countess of Derby leaving her mother's for her husband's roof +somewhere in the year 1386, when he was twenty, and she sixteen years +old; and we are not without reason for believing that they made +Monmouth Castle their home. + +Some modern writers affirm that this was the favourite residence of +John of Gaunt's family: but it is very questionable whether from +having themselves experienced the beauty and loveliness of the spot, +they have not been unconsciously tempted to venture this assertion (p. 009) +without historical evidence. Monmouth is indeed situated in one of the +fairest and loveliest valleys within the four seas of Britain. Near +its centre, on a rising ground between the river Monnow (from which +the town derives its name) and the Wye and not far from their +confluence, the ruins of the Castle are still visible. The poet Gray +looked over it from the side of the Kymin Hill, when he described the +scene before him as "the delight of his eyes, and the very seat of +pleasure." With his testimony, unbiassed as it was by local +attachment, it would be unwise to mingle the feelings of affection +entertained by one whose earliest associations, "redolent of joy and +youth," can scarcely rescue his judgment from the suspicion of +partiality. At that time John of Gaunt's estates and princely mansions +studded, at various distances, the whole land of England from its +northern border to the southern coast. And whether he allowed Henry of +Bolinbroke to select for himself from the ample pages of his rent-roll +the spot to which he would take his bride, or whether he assigned it +of his own choice to his son as the fairest of his possessions; or +whether any other cause determined the place of Henry the Fifth's +birth, we have no reasonable ground for doubting that he was born in +the Castle of Monmouth, on the 9th of August 1387. + +Of Monmouth Castle, the dwindling ruins are now very scanty, and in +point of architecture present nothing worthy of an antiquary's (p. 010) +research. They are washed by the streams of the Monnow, and are +embosomed in gardens and orchards, clothing the knoll on which they +stand; the aspect of the southern walls, and the rocky character of +the soil admirably adapting them for the growth of the vine, and the +ripening of its fruits. In the memory of some old inhabitants, who +were not gathered to their fathers when the Author could first take an +interest in such things, and who often amused his childhood with tales +of former days, the remains of the Hall of Justice were still +traceable within the narrowed pile; and the crumbling bench on which +the Justices of the Circuit once sate, was often usurped by the boys +in their mock trials of judge and jury. Somewhat more than half a +century ago, a gentleman whose garden reached to one of the last +remaining towers, had reason to be thankful for a marked interposition +in his behalf of the protecting hand of Providence. He was enjoying +himself on a summer's evening in an alcove built under the shelter and +shade of the castle, when a gust of wind blew out the candle by his +side, just at the time when he felt disposed to replenish and rekindle +his pipe. He went consequently with the lantern in his hand towards +his house, intending to renew his evening's recreation; but he had +scarcely reached the door when the wall fell, burying his retreat, and +the entire slope, with its shrubs and flowers and fruits, under one +mass of ruin. + +From this castle, tradition says, that being a sickly child, Henry (p. 011) +was taken to Courtfield, at the distance of six or seven miles from +Monmouth, to be nursed there. That tradition is doubtless very ancient; +and the cradle itself in which Henry is said to have been rocked, was +shown there till within these few years, when it was sold, and taken +from the house. It has since changed hands, if it be any longer in +existence. The local traditions, indeed, in the neighbourhood of +Courtfield and Goodrich are almost universally mingled with the very +natural mistake that, when Henry of Monmouth was born, his father was +king; and so far a shade of improbability may be supposed to invest +them all alike; yet the variety of them in that one district, and the +total absence of any stories relative to the same event on every other +side of Monmouth, should seem to countenance a belief that some real +foundation existed for the broad and general features of these +traditionary tales. Thus, though the account acquiesced in by some +writers, that the Marchioness of Salisbury was Henry of Monmouth's +nurse at Courtfield, may have originated in an officious anxiety to +supply an infant prince with a nurse suitable to his royal birth; +still, probably, that appendage would not have been annexed to a story +utterly without foundation, and consequently throws no incredibility +on the fact that the eldest son of the young Earl of Derby was nursed +at Courtfield. Thus, too, though the recorded salutation of the +ferryman of Goodrich congratulates his Majesty on the birth of a (p. 012) +noble prince, as the King was hastening from his court and palace of +Windsor to his castle of Monmouth; yet the unstationary habits of +Bolingbroke, his love of journeyings and travels, and his restlessness +at home, render it very probable that he was absent from Monmouth even +when the hour of perilous anxiety was approaching; and thus on his +return homeward (perhaps too from Richard's court at Windsor) the +first tidings of the safety of his Countess and the birth of the young +lord may have saluted him as he crossed the Wye at Goodrich Ferry. So +again in the little village of Cruse, lying between the church and the +castle of Goodrich, the cottagers still tell, from father to son, as +they have told for centuries over their winter's hearth, how the +herald, hurrying from Monmouth to Goodrich fast as whip and spur could +urge his steed onward, with the tidings of the Prince of Wales' birth, +fell headlong, (the horse dropping under him in the short, steep, and +rugged lane leading to the ravine, beyond which the castle stands,) +and was killed on the spot. No doubt the idea of its being the news of +a prince's birth, that was thus posted on, has added, in the +imagination of the villagers, to the horse's fleetness and the +breathless impetuosity of the messenger; but it is very probable that +the news of the young lord's birth, heir to the dukedom of Lancaster, +should have been hastened from the castle of Monmouth to Goodrich; +and there is no solid reason for discrediting the story. (p. 013) + +Still, beyond tradition, there is no evidence at all to fix the young +lord either at Courtfield, or indeed at Monmouth, for any period +subsequently to his birth. On the contrary, several items of expense +in the "Wardrobe account of Henry, Earl of Derby," would induce us to +infer either that the tradition is unfounded, or that at the utmost +the infant lord was nursed at Courtfield only for a few months. In +that account[11] we find an entry of a charge for a "_long gown_" for +the young lord Henry; and also the payment of 2_l._ to a midwife for +her attendance on the Countess during her confinement at the birth of +the young lord Thomas, the gift of the Earl, "_at London_". By this +document it is proved that Henry's younger brother, the future Duke of +Clarence, was born before October 1388, and that some time in the +preceding year Henry was himself still in the long robes of an infant; +and that the family had removed from Monmouth to London. In the +Wardrobe expenses of the Countess for the same year, we find several +items of sums defrayed for the clothes of the young lords Henry and +Thomas together, but no allusion whatever to the brothers being +separate: one entry,[12] fixing Thomas and his nurse at Kenilworth +soon after his birth, leaves no ground for supposing that his (p. 014) +elder brother was either at Monmouth or at Courtfield. It may be +matter of disappointment and of surprise that Henry's name does not +occur in connexion with the place of his birth in any single +contemporary document now known. The fact, however, is so. But whilst +the place of Henry's nursing is thus left in uncertainty, the name of +his nurse--in itself a matter not of the slightest importance--is made +known to us not only in the Wardrobe account of his mother, but also +by a gratifying circumstance, which bears direct testimony to his own +kind and grateful, and considerate and liberal mind. Her name was +Johanna Waring; on whom, very shortly after he ascended the throne, he +settled an annuity of 20_l._ "in consideration of good service done to +him in former days."[13] + + [Footnote 11: Between 30th Sept. 1387 and 1st Oct. + 1388.] + + [Footnote 12: An item of five yards of cloth for + the bed of the nurse of Thomas at Kenilworth; and + an ell of canvass for his cradle.] + + [Footnote 13: This is one of those incidents, + occurring now and then, the discovery of which + repays the antiquary or the biographer for wading, + with toilsome search, through a confused mass of + uninteresting details, and often encourages him to + persevere when he begins to feel weary and + disappointed.] + +Very few incidents are recorded which can throw light upon Henry's +childhood, and for those few we are indebted chiefly to the dry +details of account-books. In these many particular items of expense +occur relative as well to Henry as to his brothers; which, probably, +would differ very little from those of other young noblemen of England +at that period of her history. The records of the Duchy of Lancaster +provide us with a very scanty supply of such particulars as convey (p. 015) +any interesting information on the circumstances and occupations and +amusements of Henry of Monmouth. From these records, however, we learn +that he was attacked by some complaint, probably both sudden and +dangerous, in the spring of 1395; for among the receiver's accounts is +found the charge of "6_s._ 8_d._ for Thomas Pye, and a horse hired at +London, March 18th, to carry him to Leicester with all speed, on +account of the illness of the young lord Henry." In the year 1397, +when he was just ten years old, a few entries occur, somewhat +interesting, as intimations of his boyish pursuits. Such are the +charge of "8_d._ paid by the hands of Adam Garston for harpstrings +purchased for the harp of the young lord Henry," and "12_d._ to +Stephen Furbour for a new scabbard of a sword for young lord Henry," +and "1_s._ 6_d._ for three-fourths of an ounce of tissue of black silk +bought at London of Margaret Stranson for a sword of young lord +Henry." Whilst we cannot but be sometimes amused by the minuteness +with which the expenditure of the smallest sum in so large an +establishment as John of Gaunt's is detailed, these little incidents +prepare us for the statement given of Henry's early youth by the +chroniclers,--that he was fond both of minstrelsy and of military +exercises. + +The same dry pages, however, assure us that his more severe studies +were not neglected. In the accounts for the year ending February 1396, +we find a charge of "4_s._ for seven books of Grammar contained (p. 016) +in one volume, and bought at London for the young Lord Henry." The +receiver-general's record informs us of the name of the lord Humfrey's +tutor;[14] but who was appointed to instruct the young lord Henry does +not appear; nor can we tell how soon he was put under the guidance of +Henry Beaufort. If, as we have reason to believe, he had that +celebrated man as his instructor, or at least the superintendent of +his studies, in Oxford so early as 1399, we may not, perhaps, be +mistaken in conjecturing, that even this volume of Grammar was first +learned under the direction of the future Cardinal. + + [Footnote 14: "Thomæ Rothwell informanti Humfridum + filium Domini Regis pro salario suo de termino + Paschæ, 13_s._ 4_d._"--1 Hen. IV.] + +Scanty as are the materials from which we must weave our opinion with +regard to the first years of Henry of Monmouth, they are sufficient to +suggest many reflections upon the advantages as well as the +unfavourable circumstances which attended him: We must first, however, +revert to a few more particulars relative to his family and its chief +members. + +His father, who was then about twenty-four years of age, certainly +left England[15] between the 6th of May 1390 and the 30th of April (p. 017) +1391, and proceeded to Barbary. During his absence his Countess was +delivered of Humfrey, his fourth son. Between the summers of 1392 and +1393 he undertook a journey to Prussia, and to the Holy Sepulchre. + + [Footnote 15: The treasurer's account, during the + Earl's absence, contains some items which remove + all doubt from this statement: among others, 20_l._ + to Lancaster the herald, on Nov. 5, going toward + England; and in the same month, to three + "persuivantes," being with the Earl, eight nobles; + and to a certain English sailor, carrying the news + of the birth of Humfrey, son of my lord, 13_s._ + 4_d._] + +The next year visited Henry with one of the most severe losses which +can befall a youth of his age. His mother,[16] then only twenty-four +years old, having given birth to four sons and two daughters, was +taken away from the anxious cares and comforts of her earthly career, +in the very prime of life.[17] Nor was this the only bereavement which +befell the family at this time. Constance, the second wife of John of +Gaunt, a lady to whose religious and moral worth the strongest and +warmest testimony is borne by the chroniclers of the time; and who +might (had it so pleased the Disposer of all things) have watched (p. 018) +over the education of her husband's grandchildren, was also this same +year removed from them to her rest: they were both buried at +Leicester, then one of the chief residences of the family. + + [Footnote 16: King Richard II, the Duke of + Lancaster, and his son, Henry of Bolinbroke, became + widowers in the same year.] + + [Footnote 17: That Henry cherished the memory of + his mother with filial tenderness, may be inferred + from the circumstance that only two months after he + succeeded to the throne, and had the means and the + opportunity of testifying his grateful remembrance + of her, we find money paid "in advance to William + Goodyere for newly devising and making an image in + likeness of the Mother of the present lord the + King, ornamented with diverse arms of the kings of + England, and placed over the tomb of the said + king's mother, within the King's College at + Leicester, where she is buried and entombed."--Pell + Rolls, May 20, 1413.] + +The mind cannot contemplate the case of either of these ladies without +feelings of pity rather than of envy. They were both nobly born, and +nobly married; and yet the elder was joined to a man, who, to say the +very least, shared his love for her with another; and the younger, +though requiring, every year of her married state, all the attention +and comfort and support of an affectionate husband, yet was more than +once left to experience a temporary widowhood. And if we withdraw our +thoughts from those of whom this family was then deprived, there is +little to lessen our estimate of their loss, when we think of those +whom they left behind. Henry's maternal grandmother, indeed, the +Countess of Hereford, survived her daughter many years; and we are not +without an intimation that she at least interested herself in her +grandson's welfare. In his will, dated 1415, he bequeaths to Thomas, +Bishop of Durham, "the missal and portiphorium[18] which we had of the +gift of our dear grandmother, the Countess of Hereford."[19] We may +fairly infer from this circumstance that Henry had at least one (p. 019) +near relation both able and willing to guide him in the right way. How +far opportunities were afforded her of exercising her maternal +feelings towards him, cannot now be ascertained; and with the +exception of this noble lady, there is no other to whom we can turn +with entire satisfaction, when we contemplate the salutary effects +either of precept or example in the case of Henry of Monmouth. + + [Footnote 18: The portiphorium was a breviary, + containing directions as to the services of the + church.] + + [Footnote 19: He bequeaths also, in the same will, + "to Joan, Countess of Hereford, our dear + grandmother, a gold cyphus." This lady, however, + died before Henry. In the Pell Rolls we find the + payment of "442_l._ 17_s._ 5_d._ to Robert Darcy + and others, executors of Joan de Bohun, late + Countess of Hereford, on account of live and dead + stock belonging to her, February 27, 1421."] + +His father indeed was a gallant young knight, often distinguishing +himself at justs and tournaments;[20] of an active, ardent and +enterprising spirit; nor is any imputation against his moral character +found recorded. But we have no ground for believing, that he devoted +much of his time and thoughts to the education of his children. + + [Footnote 20: Soon after Henry IV's accession, the + Pell Rolls, May 8, 1401, record the payment of + "10_l._ to Bertolf Vander Eure, who fenced with the + present lord the King with the long sword, and was + hurt in the neck by the said lord the King." The + Chronicle of London for 1386 says "there were + joustes at Smithfield. There bare him well Sir + Harry of Derby, the Duke's son of Lancaster."] + +Henry Beaufort, the natural son of John of Gaunt, a person of +commanding talent, and of considerable attainments for that age, +whilst there is no reason to believe him to have been that abandoned +worldling whose eyes finally closed in black despair without a (p. 020) +hope of Heaven, yet was not the individual to whose training a +Christian parent would willingly intrust the education of his child. +And in John of Gaunt[21] himself, little perhaps can be discovered +either in principle, or judgment, or conduct, which his grandson could +imitate with religious and moral profit. Thus we find Henry of +Monmouth in his childhood labouring under many disadvantages. Still +our knowledge of the domestic arrangements and private circumstances +of his family is confessedly very limited; and it would be unwise to +conclude that there were no mitigating causes in operation, nor any +advantages to put as a counterpoise into the opposite scale. He may +have been under the guidance and tuition of a good Christian and (p. 021) +well-informed man; he may have been surrounded by companions whose +acquaintance would be a blessing. But this is all conjecture; and +probably the question is now beyond the reach of any satisfactory +solution. + + [Footnote 21: The Author would gladly have + presented to the reader a different portrait of the + religious and moral character of "Old John of + Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster;" but a careful + examination of the testimony of his enemies and of + his eulogists, as well as of the authentic + documents of his own household, seems to leave no + other alternative, short of the sacrifice of truth. + Godwin, in his Life of Chaucer, has undertaken his + defence, but on such unsound principles of morality + as must be reprobated by every true lover of + Religion and Virtue. The same domestic register of + the Duchy which records the wages paid to the + adulteress, and the duke's losses by gambling, + proves (as many other family accounts would prove) + that no fortune however princely can supply the + unbounded demands of profligacy and dissipation. + Even John of Gaunt, with his immense possessions, + was driven to borrow money. This fact is + accompanied in the record by the curious + circumstance, that an order is given for the + employment of three or four stout yeomen, because + of the danger of the road, to guard the bearers of + a loan made by the Earl of Arundel to the Duke, and + sent from Shrewsbury to London.] + +With regard to the next step also in young Henry's progress towards +manhood, we equally depend upon tradition for the views which we may +be induced to take: still it is a tradition in which we shall probably +acquiesce without great danger of error. He is said to have been sent +to Oxford, and to have studied in "The Queen's College" under the +tuition of Henry Beaufort, his paternal uncle, then Chancellor of the +University. No document is known to exist among the archives of the +College or of the University, which can throw any light on this point; +except that the fact has been established of Henry Beaufort having +been admitted a member of Queen's College, and of his having been +chancellor of the university only for the year 1398. + +This extraordinary man was consecrated Bishop of Lincoln, July 14, +1398, as appears by the Episcopal Register of that See; after which he +did not reside in Oxford. If therefore Henry of Monmouth studied under +him in that university, it must have been through the spring and +summer of that year, the eleventh of his age. And on this we may rely +as the most probable fact. Certainly in the old buildings of Queen's +College, a chamber used to be pointed out by successive generations as +Henry the Fifth's. It stood over the gateway opposite to St. (p. 022) +Edmund's Hall. A portrait of him in painted glass, commemorative of +the circumstance, was seen in the window, with an inscription (as it +should seem of comparatively recent date) in Latin: + + To record the fact for ever. + The Emperor of Britain, + The Triumphant Lord of France, + The Conqueror of his enemies and of himself, + Henry V. + Of this little chamber, + Once the great Inhabitant.[22] + + [Footnote 22: Fuller in his Church History, having + informed us that Henry's chamber over the College + gate was then inhabited by the historian's friend + Thomas Barlow, adds "His picture remaineth there to + this day in _brass_".] + +It may be observed that in the tender age of Henry involved in this +supposition, there is nothing in the least calculated to throw a shade +of improbability on this uniform tradition. Many in those days became +members of the university at the time of life when they would now be +sent to school.[23] And possibly we shall be most right in supposing +that Henry (though perhaps without himself being enrolled among the +regular academics) lived with his uncle, then chancellor, and studied +under his superintendence. There is nothing on record (hitherto (p. 023) +discovered) in the slightest degree inconsistent with this view; +whereas if we were inclined to adopt the representation of some (on +what authority it does not appear) that Henry was sent to Oxford soon +after his father ascended the throne, many and serious difficulties +would present themselves. In the first place his uncle, who was +legitimated only the year before, was prematurely made Bishop of +Lincoln by the Pope, through the interest of John of Gaunt, in the +year 1398, and never resided in Oxford afterwards. How old he was at +his consecration, has not yet been satisfactorily established; +conjecture would lead us to regard him as a few years only (perhaps +ten or twelve) older than his nephew. Otterbourne tells us that he was +made Bishop[24] when yet a boy. + + [Footnote 23: Those who were designed for the + military profession were compelled to bear arms, + and go to the field at the age of fifteen: + consequently the little education they received was + confined to their boyhood.] + + [Footnote 24: "Admodum parvo."] + +In the next place we can scarcely discover six months in Henry's life +after his uncle's consecration, through which we can with equal +probability suppose him to have passed his time in Oxford. It is next +to certain that before the following October term, he had been removed +into King Richard's palace, carefully watched (as we shall see +hereafter); whilst in the spring of the following year, 1399, he was +unquestionably obliged to accompany that monarch in his expedition to +Ireland. Shortly after his return, in the autumn of that year, on his +father's accession to the throne, he was created Prince of Wales; and +through the following spring the probability is strong that his father +was too anxiously engaged in negotiating a marriage between him (p. 024) +and a daughter of the French King, and too deeply interested in +providing for him an adequate establishment in the metropolis, to take +any measures for improving and cultivating his mind in the university. +Independently of which we may be fully assured that had he become a +student of the University of Oxford as Prince of Wales, it would not +have been left to chance, to deliver his name down to after-ages: the +archives of the University would have furnished direct and +contemporary evidence of so remarkable a fact; and the College would +have with pride enrolled him at the time among its members: as the boy +of the Earl of Derby, or the Duke of Hereford, living with his uncle, +there is nothing[25] in the omission of his name inconsistent with our +hypothesis. At all events, whatever evidence exists of Henry having +resided under any circumstances in Oxford, fixes him there under the +tuition of the future Cardinal; and that well-known personage is +proved not to have resided there subsequently to his appointment to +the see[26] of Lincoln, in the summer of 1398.[27] + + [Footnote 25: On the 29th of the preceding + September 1397, Richard II. "with the consent of + the prelates, lords and commons in parliament + assembled," created Bolinbroke, then Earl of Derby, + Duke of Hereford, with a royal gift of forty marks + by the year, to him and his heirs for ever. Pell + Rolls. Pasc. 22 R. II. April 15.] + + [Footnote 26: The Lincoln register (for a copy of + which the Author is indebted to the present Bishop) + dates the commencement of the year of Henry + Beaufort's consecration from July 14, 1398.] + + [Footnote 27: It is a curious fact, not generally + known, that Henry IV. in the _first_ year of his + reign took possession of all the property of the + Provost and Fellows of Queen's College (on the + ground of mismanagement), and appointed the + Chancellor, the Chief Justice, the Master of the + Rolls, and others, guardians of the College. This + is scarcely consistent with the supposition of his + son being resident there at the time, or of his + selecting that college for him afterwards.] + +What were Henry's studies in Oxford, whether, like Ingulphus some (p. 025) +centuries before, he drank to his fill of "Aristotle's[28] Philosophy +and Cicero's Rhetoric," or whether his mind was chiefly directed to +the scholastic theology so prevalent in his day, it were fruitless (p. 026) +to inquire. His uncle (as we have already intimated) seems to have +been a person of some learning, an excellent man of business, and in +the command of a ready eloquence. In establishing his positions (p. 027) +before the parliament, we find him not only quoting from the Bible, +(often, it must be acknowledged, without any strict propriety of +application,) but also citing facts from ancient Grecian history. We +may, however, safely conclude that the Chancellor of Oxford confined +himself to the general superintendence of his nephew's education, +intrusting the details to others more competent to instruct him in the +various branches of literature. It is very probable that to some +arrangement of that kind Henry was indebted for his acquaintance with +such excellent men as his friends John Carpenter of Oriel, and Thomas +Rodman, or Rodburn, of Merton.[29] + + [Footnote 28: The Author trusts to be pardoned, if + he suffers these conjectures on Henry's studies in + Oxford to tempt him to digress in this note further + than the strict rules of unity might approve. They + brought a lively image to his mind of the + occupations and confessions of one of the earliest + known sons of Alma Mater. Perhaps Ingulphus is the + first upon record who, having laid the foundation + of his learning at Westminster, proceeded for its + further cultivation to Oxford. From the + biographical sketch of his own life, we learn that + he was born of English parents and a native of the + fair city of London. Whilst a schoolboy at + Westminster, he was so happy as to have interested + in his behalf Egitha, daughter of Earl Godwin, and + queen of Edward the Confessor. He describes his + patroness as a lady of great beauty, well versed in + literature, of most pure chastity and exalted moral + feeling, together with pious humbleness of mind, + tainted by no spot of her father's or her brother's + barbarism, but mild and modest, honest and + faithful, and the enemy of no human being. In + confirmation of his estimate of her excellence, he + quotes a Latin verse current in his day, not very + complimentary to her sire: "As a thorn is the + parent of the rose, so was Godwin of Egitha." I + have often seen her (he continues) when I have been + visiting my father in the palace. Many a time, as + she met me on my return from school, would she + examine me in my scholarship and verses; and + turning with the most perfect familiarity from the + solidity of grammar to the playfulness of logic, in + which she was well skilled, when she had caught me + and held me fast by some subtle chain, she would + always direct her maid to give me three or four + pieces of money, and sending me off to the royal + refectory would dismiss me after my refreshment." + It is possible that many of our fair countrywomen + in the highest ranks now, are not aware that, more + than eight hundred years ago, their fair and noble + predecessors could play with a Westminster scholar + in grammar, verses, and logic. Egitha left behind + her an example of high religious, moral, and + literary worth, by imitating which, not perhaps in + its literal application, but certainly in its + spirit, the noble born among us will best uphold + and adorn their high station. Ingulphus (in the + very front of whose work the Author thinks he sees + the stamp of raciness and originality, though he + cannot here enter into the question of its + genuineness) tells us then, how he made proficiency + beyond many of his equals in mastering the + doctrines of Aristotle, and covered himself to the + very ankles in Cicero's Rhetoric. But, alas, for + the vanity of human nature! His confession here + might well suggest reflections of practical wisdom + to many a young man who may be tempted, as was + Ingulphus, in the university or the wide world, to + neglect and despise his father's roof and his + father's person, after success in the world may + have raised him in society above the humble station + of his birth,--a station from which perhaps the + very struggles and privations of that parent + himself may have enabled him to emerge. "Growing up + a young man (he says) I felt a sort of disdainful + loathing at the straitened and lowly circumstances + of my parents, and desired to leave my paternal + hearth, hankering after the halls of kings and of + the great, and daily longing more and more to array + myself in the gayest and most luxurious costume." + Ingulphus lived to repent, and to be ashamed of his + weakness and folly.] + + [Footnote 29: John Carpenter. This learned and good + man could not have been much, if at all, Henry's + senior. He was made Bishop of Worcester (not as + Goodwin says by Henry V. but) in the year 1443. He + died in 1476; so that if he was in Oxford when we + suppose Henry to have studied there and to have + been only his equal in age, he would have been + nearly ninety when he died. Thomas Rodman was an + eminent astronomer as well as a learned divine, of + Merton College. He was not promoted to a bishopric + till two years after Henry's death. + + Among other learned and pious men who were much + esteemed by Henry, we find especially mentioned + Robert Mascall, confessor to his father, and + Stephen Partington. The latter was a very popular + preacher, whom some of the nobility invited to + court. Henry, delighted with his eloquence, treated + him with favour and affectionate regard, and + advanced him to the see of St. David's. Robert + Mascall was of the order of Friars Carmelites. In + 1402 he was ordered to be continually about the + King's person, for the advantage and health of his + soul. Two years afterwards he was advanced to the + see of Hereford. Pell Rolls.] + +But whatever course of study was chalked out for him, and through (p. 028) +however long or short a period before the summer of 1398, or under +what guides soever he pursued it, it is impossible to read his +letters, and reflect on what is authentically recorded of him, without +being involuntarily impressed by an assurance that he had imbibed a +very considerable knowledge of Holy Scripture, even beyond the young +men of his day. His conduct also in after-life would prepare us for +the testimony borne to him by chroniclers, that "he held in great +veneration such as surpassed in learning and virtue." Still, whilst we +regret that history throws no fuller light on the early days of Henry +of Monmouth, we cannot but hope that in the hidden treasures of +manuscripts hereafter to be again brought into the light of day, much +may be yet ascertained on satisfactory evidence; and we must leave the +subject to those more favoured times.[30] + + [Footnote 30: Many ancient documents (of the + existence of which in past years, often not very + remote, there can be no doubt,) now, unhappily for + those who would bring the truth to light, are in a + state of abeyance or of perdition. To mention only + one example; the work of Peter Basset, who was + chamberlain to Henry V. and attended him in his + wars, referred to by Goodwin, and reported to be in + the library of the College of Arms, is no longer in + existence; at least it has disappeared and not a + trace of it can be found there.] + +But whilst doubts may still be thought to hang over the exact time and +the duration of Henry's academical pursuits, it is matter of (p. 029) +historical certainty, that an event took place in the autumn of 1398, +which turned the whole stream of his life into an entirely new +channel, and led him by a very brief course to the inheritance of the +throne of England. His father, hitherto known as the Earl of Derby, +was created Duke of Hereford by King Richard II. Very shortly after +his creation, he stated openly in parliament[31] that the Duke of +Norfolk, whilst they were riding together between Brentford and +London, had assured him of the King's intention to get rid of them +both, and also of the Duke of Lancaster with other noblemen, of whose +designs against his throne or person he was apprehensive. The Duke of +Norfolk denied the charge, and a trial of battle was appointed to +decide the merits of the question. The King, doubting probably the +effect on himself of the issue of that wager of battle, postponed the +day from time to time. At length he fixed finally upon the 16th of +September, and summoned the two noblemen to redeem their pledges at +Coventry. Very splendid preparations had been made for the struggle; +and the whole kingdom shewed the most anxious interest in the result. +On the day appointed, the Lord High Constable and the Lord High +Marshal of England, with a very great company, and splendidly arrayed, +first entered the lists. About the hour of prime the Duke of Hereford +appeared at the barriers on a white courser, barbed with blue and (p. 030) +green velvet, sumptuously embroidered with swans and antelopes[32] of +goldsmith's work,[33] and armed at all points. The King himself soon +after entered with great pomp, attended by the peers of the realm, and +above ten thousand men in arms to prevent any tumult. The Duke of +Norfolk then came on a steed "barbed with crimson velvet embroidered +with mulberry-trees and lions of silver." At the proclamation of the +herald, Hereford sprang upon his horse, and advanced six or seven +paces to meet his adversary. The king upon this suddenly threw down +his warder, and commanded the spears to be taken from the combatants, +and that they should resume their chairs of state. He then ordered +proclamation to be made that the Duke of Hereford had honourably[34] +fulfilled his duty; and yet, without assigning any reason, he +immediately sentenced him to be banished for ten years: at the same +time he condemned the Duke of Norfolk to perpetual exile, adding also +the confiscation of his property, except only one thousand pounds by +the year. This act of tyranny towards Bolinbroke,[35] contrary, (p. 031) +as the chroniclers say, to the known laws and customs of the realm, as +well as to the principles of common justice, led by direct consequence +to the subversion of Richard's throne, and probably to his premature +death. + + [Footnote 31: Rot. Parl. 21 Rich. II. & Rot. Cart.] + + [Footnote 32: It is curious to find that when Henry + V. met his intended bride Katharine of France, the + tent prepared for him by her mother the Queen, was + composed of blue and green velvet, and embroidered + with the figures of antelopes.] + + [Footnote 33: The Duke of Hereford's armour was + exceedingly costly and splendid. He had sent to + Italy to procure it on purpose for that day; he + spared no expense in its preparation; and it was + forwarded to him by the Duke of Milan.] + + [Footnote 34: "Rex proclamari fecit quod Dux + Herefordiæ debitum suum honorificč + adimplesset."--Wals. 356.] + + [Footnote 35: The "Chronicle of London" asserts + that Richard sought and obtained from the Pope of + Rome a confirmation of his statutes and ordinances + made at this time.] + +Whilst however the people sympathized with the Duke of Hereford, and +reproached the King for his rashness, as impolitic as it was +iniquitous, they seemed to view in the sentence of the Duke of +Norfolk, the visitation of divine justice avenging on his head the +cruel murder of the Duke of Gloucester. It was remarked (says +Walsingham) that the sentence was passed on him by Richard on the very +same day of the year on which, only one twelvemonth before, he had +caused that unhappy prince to be suffocated in Calais. + + + + +CHAPTER II. (p. 032) + +HENRY TAKEN INTO THE CARE OF RICHARD. -- DEATH OF JOHN OF GAUNT. -- +HENRY KNIGHTED BY RICHARD IN IRELAND. -- HIS PERSON AND MANNERS. -- +NEWS OF BOLINBROKE'S LANDING AND HOSTILE MEASURES REACHES +IRELAND.--INDECISION AND DELAY OF RICHARD. -- HE SHUTS UP HENRY AND +THE YOUNG DUKE OF GLOUCESTER IN TRYM CASTLE. -- REFLECTIONS ON THE +FATE OF THESE TWO COUSINS -- OF BOLINBROKE -- RICHARD -- AND THE +WIDOWED DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER. + +1398-1399. + + +The first years of Henry of Monmouth fall, in part at least, as we +have seen, within the province of conjecture rather than of authentic +history: and the facts for reasonable conjecture to work upon are much +more scanty with regard to this royal child, than we find to be the +case with many persons far less renowned, and still further removed +from our day. But from the date of his father's banishment, very few +months in any one year elapse without supplying some clue, which +enables us to trace him step by step through the whole career of his +eventful life, to the very last day and hour of his mortal existence. + +His father's exile dates from October 13, 1398, when Henry had just +concluded his eleventh year. Whether up to that time he had been (p. 033) +living chiefly in his father's house, or with his grandfather John of +Gaunt, or with his maternal grandmother, or with his uncle Henry +Beaufort either at Oxford or elsewhere, we have no positive evidence. +John of Gaunt did not die till the 3rd of the following February, and +he would, doubtless, have taken his grandson under his especial care, +at all events on his father's banishment, probably assigning Henry +Beaufort to be his tutor and governor. But when Richard sentenced +Henry of Bolinbroke, he was too sensible of his own injustice, and too +much alive, in this instance at least, to his own danger, to suffer +Henry of Monmouth to remain at large. One of the most ancient, and +most widely adopted principles of tyranny, pronounces the man "to be a +fool, who when he makes away with a father, leaves the son in power to +avenge his parent's wrongs." Accordingly Richard took immediate +possession of the persons both of the son of the murdered Duke of +Gloucester, and of Henry of Monmouth, of whose relatives, as the +chroniclers say, he had reason to be especially afraid. + +John of Gaunt, we may conclude, now disabled as he was, by those +infirmities[36] which hastened him to the grave[37] more rapidly than +the mere progress of calm decay, could exert no effectual means (p. 034) +either of sheltering his son from the unjust tyrant who sentenced him +to ten years banishment from his native land, or of rescuing his +grandson from the close custody of the same oppressor. Still the very +name of that renowned duke must have put some restraint upon his royal +nephew. The lion had yet life, and might put forth one dying effort, +if the oppression were carried past his endurance; and it might have +been thought well to let him linger and slumber on, till nature should +have struggled with him finally. We find, consequently, that though +before Bolinbroke's departure from England Richard had remitted four +years of his banishment, as a sort of peace-offering perhaps to John +of Gaunt, no sooner was that formidable person dead, than Richard, +throwing off all semblance of moderation, exiled Bolinbroke for life, +and seized and confiscated his property.[38] + + [Footnote 36: See the Remains of Thomas Gascoyne, a + contemporary writer. Brit. Mus. 2 I. d. p. 530.] + + [Footnote 37: John of Gaunt died on the 3rd of + February 1399, at the house of the Bishop of Ely in + Holborn. Will. Worc.] + + [Footnote 38: Two candelabra which belonged to + Henry Duke of Lancaster, were presented by Richard + to the abbot and convent of Westminster, 30th June + 1399.--Pell Rolls. He also granted to Catherine + Swynford, the late duke's widow, some of the + possessions which she had enjoyed before, but which + had fallen into the king's hands by the + confiscation of the present duke's property.--Pat. + 22 Ric. II. Froissart expressly says, that Richard + confiscated Bolinbroke's estates, and divided them + among his own favourites. He acquaints us, + moreover, with an act of cruel persecution and + enmity on the part of Richard, which must have + rendered Bolinbroke's exile far more galling, and + have exasperated him far more bitterly against his + persecutor. Richard, says Froissart, sent Lord + Salisbury over to France on express purpose to + break off the contemplated marriage between + Bolinbroke and the daughter of the Duke of Berry, + in the presence of the French court calling him a + false and wicked traitor. Ed. 1574. Vol. iv. p. + 290.] + +Though Richard behaved towards Bolinbroke with such reckless (p. 035) +injustice, he does not appear to have been forgetful of his wants +during his exile. Within two months of the date of his banishment the +Pell Rolls record payment (14 November 1398) "of a thousand marks to +the Duke of Hereford, of the King's gift, for the aid and support of +himself, and the supply of his wants, on his retirement from England +to parts beyond the seas assigned for his sojourn." And on the 20th of +the following June payment is recorded of "1586_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ part +of the 2000_l._ which the king had granted to him, to be advanced +annually at the usual times." But this was a poor compensation for the +honours and princely possessions of the Dukedom of Lancaster, and the +comforts of his home. No wonder if he were often found, as historians +tell, in deep depression of spirits, whilst he thought of "his four +brave boys, and two lovely daughters," now doubly orphans. + +The plan of this work does not admit of any detailed enumeration of +the exactions, nor of any minute inquiry into the violence and +reckless tyranny of Richard. It cannot be doubted that a long series +of oppressive measures at this time alienated the affections of many +of his subjects, and exposed his person and his throne to the (p. 036) +attacks of proud and powerful, as well as injured and insulted +enemies. His conduct appears to evince little short of infatuation. He +was determined to act the part of a tyrant with a high hand, and he +defied the consequences of his rashness. He had stopped his ears to +sounds which must have warned him of dangers setting thick around him +from every side; and he had wilfully closed his eyes, and refused to +look towards the precipice whither he was every day hastening.[39] He +rushed on, despising the danger, till he fell once, and for ever. The +murder of the Duke of Gloucester, involving on the part of the king +one of the most base and cold-hearted pieces of treachery ever +recorded of any ruthless tyrant, had filled the whole realm with +indignation; and chroniclers do not hesitate to affirm that Richard +would have been then deposed and destroyed, had it not been for the +interposition of John of Gaunt; and now the eldest son of that very +man, who alone had sheltered him from his people's vengeance, Richard +banishes for ever without cause, confiscating his princely estates, +and pursuing him with bitter and insulting vengeance even in his +exile. + + [Footnote 39: The chroniclers give us an idea of + expense in Richard both about his person, his + houses, and his presents, which exceeds belief. + Both the Monk of Evesham and the author of the + Sloane Manuscript speak of a single robe which cost + thirty thousand marks.] + +If his own reason had not warned him beforehand against such (p. 037) +self-destroying acts of iniquity and violence, yet the signs of the +popular feeling which followed them, would have recalled any but an +infatuated man to a sense of the danger into which he was plunging. +When Henry of Bolinbroke left London for his exile, forty thousand +persons are said to have been in the streets lamenting his fate; and +the mayor, accompanied by a large body of the higher class of +citizens, attended him on his way as far as Dartford; and some never +left him till they saw him embark at Dover.[40] But to all these clear +and strong indications of the tone and temper of his subjects, Richard +was obstinately blind and deaf. If he heard and saw them, he hardened +himself against the only practical influence which they were +calculated to produce. Setting the approaching political storm, and +every moral peril, at defiance, he quitted England just as though he +were leaving behind him contented and devoted subjects. + + [Footnote 40: Froissart tells us that Bolinbroke + was much beloved in London. He represents also his + reception in France to have been most cordial; + every city opening its gates to welcome him.--See + Froissart, vol. iv. p. 280.] + +Having assigned Wallingford Castle for the residence of his Queen +Isabel, he departed for Ireland about the 18th of May; but did not set +sail from Milford Haven till the 29th; he reached Waterford on the +last day of the month. Though Richard[41] was prompted solely by (p. 038) +reasons of policy and by a regard to his own safety to take with him +to Ireland Henry of Monmouth, (together with Humphrey, son of the +murdered Duke of Gloucester,) we should do him great injustice were we +to suppose that he treated him as an enemy.[42] On the contrary, we +have reason to believe that he behaved towards him with great kindness +and respect.[43] + + [Footnote 41: Froissart says that Richard sent + expressly both to Northumberland and Hotspur, + requiring their attendance in his expedition to + Ireland; that they both refused; and that he + banished them the realm. Vol. iv. p. 295.] + + [Footnote 42: March 5, 1399, the Pell Rolls record + the payment of "10_l._ to Henry, son of the Duke of + Hereford, in part payment of 500_l._ yearly, which + our present lord the King has granted to be paid + him at the Exchequer during pleasure." Twenty + pounds also were paid to him on the 21st of the + preceding February.] + + [Footnote 43: Whether as a measure of security, or + on a principle of kind considerateness for Henry of + Monmouth, when Richard left England he took with + him Henry Beaufort, (Pat. p. 3. 22 Ric. II, n. + 11.): though it is curious to remark that when on + his return to England he left Henry of Monmouth in + Trym Castle, we find Henry Beaufort in the company + of Richard.] + +About midsummer the king advanced towards the country and strong-holds +of Macmore, his most formidable antagonist. On the opening of that +campaign he conferred upon young Henry the order of knighthood;[44] +and wishing to signalize this mark of the royal favour with unusual +celebrity, he conferred on that day the same distinction (expressly +in honour of Henry) upon ten others his companions in arms. The (p. 039) +particulars of this transaction, and the details of the entire +campaign against the Wild Irish, as they were called, are recorded in +a metrical history by a Frenchman named Creton, who was an eye-witness +of the whole affair. This gentleman had accepted the invitation of a +countryman of his own, a knight, to accompany him to England. On their +arrival in London they found the king himself in the very act of +starting for Ireland, and thither they went in his company as +amateurs. + + [Footnote 44: In 1379, his grandfather John of + Gaunt required aid of his tenants towards making + his eldest son, Henry of Bolinbroke, a knight.] + +This writer thus describes[45] the courteous act and pledge of +friendship bestowed by Richard on his youthful companion and prisoner, +recording, with some interesting circumstances, the very words of +knightly and royal admonition with which the distinguished honour was +conferred. "Early on a summer's morning, the vigil of St. John, the +King marched directly to Macmore[46], who would neither submit, (p. 040) +nor obey him in any way, but affirmed that he was himself the rightful +king of Ireland, and that he would never cease from war and the +defence of his country till death. Then the King prepared to go into +the depths of the deserts in search of him. For his abode is in the +woods, where he is accustomed to dwell at all seasons; and he had with +him, according to report, 3000 hardy men. Wilder people I never saw; +they did not appear to be much dismayed at the English. The whole host +were assembled at the entrance of the deep woods; and every one put +himself right well in his array: for it was thought for the time that +we should have battle; but I know that the Irish did not show +themselves on this occasion. Orders were then given by the King that +every thing around should be set fire to. Many a village and house +were then consumed. While this was going on, the King, who bears +leopards in his arms, caused a space to be cleared on all sides, and +pennon and standards to be quickly hoisted. Afterwards, out of true +and entire affection, he sent for the son of the Duke of Lancaster, a +_fair young and handsome bachelor_,[47] and knighted him, saying, 'My +fair cousin, henceforth be gallant and bold, for, unless you conquer, +you will have little name for valour.' And for his greater honour and +satisfaction, to the end that it might be better imprinted on his +memory, he made eight or ten other knights; but indeed I do not (p. 041) +know what their names were, for I took little heed about the matter, +seeing that melancholy, uneasiness and care had formed, and altogether +chosen my heart for their abode, and anxiety had dispossessed me of +joy." + + [Footnote 45: M. Creton's Metrical History is + translated from a beautifully illuminated copy, in + the British Museum, by the Rev. John Webb, who has + enriched it with many valuable notes and + dissertations, historical, biographical, &c. It + forms part of the twentieth volume of the + Archæologia. M. Creton confesses himself to have + been thrown into a terrible panic on the approach + of danger, more than once: and probably he was in + higher esteem in the hall among the guests for his + minstrelsy and song, than in the battle-field for + his prowess.] + + [Footnote 46: The sons of this Irish chief, + Macmore, or Macmorgh, or Mac Murchard, were + hostages in England, May 3, 1399.--Pell Rolls.] + + [Footnote 47: The term _bachelor_ signified, in the + language of chivalry, a young gentleman not yet + knighted.] + +The English suffered much from hunger and fatigue during this +expedition in search of the archrebel, and after many fruitless +attempts to reduce him, reached Dublin, where all their sufferings +were forgotten in the plenty and pleasures of that "good city." + + * * * * * + +The day on which Richard conferred upon Henry so distinguished a mark +of his regard and friendship, offering the first occasion on which any +reference is made to his personal appearance and bodily constitution, +the present may, perhaps, be deemed an appropriate place for recording +what we may have been able to glean in that department of biographical +memoir with which few, probably, are inclined to dispense. + +M. Creton, in his account of this memorable knighthood, represents +Henry as "a handsome young bachelor," then in his twelfth year; and +very little further, of a specific character, is recorded by his +immediate contemporaries. The chroniclers next in succession describe +him as a man of "a spare make, tall, and well-proportioned," +"exceeding," says Stow, "the ordinary stature of men;" beautiful (p. 042) +of visage, his bones small: nevertheless he was of marvellous strength, +pliant and passing swift of limb; and so trained was he to feats of +agility by discipline and exercise, that with one or two of his lords +he could, on foot, readily give chase to a deer without hounds, bow, +or sling, and catch the fleetest of the herd. By the period of his +early youth he must have outgrown the weakness and sickliness of his +childhood, or he could never have endured the fatigues of body and +mind to which he was exposed through his almost incessant campaigns +from his fourteenth to his twentieth year. These hardships, nevertheless, +may have been all the while sowing the seeds of that fatal disease +which at the last carried him so prematurely from the labours, and +vexations, and honours of this world.[48] + + [Footnote 48: Fuller, in his Church History, thus + speaks of him, mingling with his description, + however, the verification of the proverb, "An ill + youth may make a good man," a maxim far less true + (though far more popular) than one of at least + equally remote origin, "Like sapling, like oak." He + was "one of a strong and active body, neither + shrinking in cold nor slothful in heat, going + commonly with his head uncovered; the wearing of + armour was no more cumbersome to him than a cloak. + He never shrunk at a wound, nor turned away his + nose for ill savour, nor closed his eyes for smoke + or dust; in diet, none less dainty or more + moderate; his sleep very short, but sound; + fortunate in fight, and commendable in all his + actions."] + +With regard to his habits of social intercourse, his powers of +conversation, the disposition and bent of his mind when he mingled (p. 043) +with others, whether in the seasons of public business, or the more +private hours of retirement and relaxation, (whilst the never-ending +tales of his dissipation among his unthrifty reckless playmates are +reserved for a separate inquiry,) a few words only will suffice in +this place. In addition to the testimony of later authors, the records +of contemporaneous antiquity, sometimes by direct allusion to him, +sometimes incidentally and as it were undesignedly, lead us to infer +that he was a distinguished example of affability and courteousness; +still not usually a man of many words; clear in his own conception of +the subject of conversation or debate, and ready in conveying it to +others, yet peculiarly modest and unassuming in maintaining his +opinion, listening with so natural an ease and deference, and kindness +to the sentiments and remarks and arguments of others, as to draw into +a close and warm personal attachment to himself those who had the +happiness to be on terms of familiarity with him. Certainly the +unanimous voice of Parliament ascribed to him, when engaged in the +deeper and graver discussions involving the interests and welfare of +the state, qualities corresponding in every particular with these +representations of individual chroniclers. The glowing, living +language of Shakspeare seems only to have recommended by becoming and +graceful ornament, what had its existence really and substantially in +truth. + + Hear him but reason in divinity, (p. 044) + And, all-admiring, with an inward wish + You would desire the King were made a prelate: + Hear him debate of commonwealth affairs, + You would say, it hath been all-in-all his study: + List his discourse in war, and you shall hear + A fearful battle render'd you in music: + Turn him to any cause of policy, + The Gordian knot of it he will unloose, + Familiar as his garter; that, when he speaks, + The air, a charter'd libertine, is still, + And the mute wonder lurketh in men's ears, + To steal his sweet and honey'd sentences. + +Soon after Richard reached Dublin, the Duke of Albemarle, Constable of +England, arrived with a large fleet, and with forces all ready for a +campaign: but he came too late for any good purpose, and better had it +been for Richard had he never come at all. His advice was the king's +ruin. Richard with his army passed full six weeks in Dublin, in the +free enjoyment of ease and pleasure, altogether ignorant of the +terrible reverse which awaited him. In consequence of the +uninterrupted prevalence of adverse winds, his self-indulgence was +undisturbed by the news which the first change of weather was destined +to bring. Through the whole of this momentous crisis the weather was +so boisterous that no vessel dared to brave the tempest. On the return +of a quiet sea, a barge arrived at Dublin upon a Saturday, laden with +the appalling tidings that Henry, Duke of Lancaster, had returned from +exile and was carrying all before him; supported by Richard's (p. 045) +most powerful subjects, now in open rebellion against his authority; +and encouraged by the Archbishop, who in the Pope's name preached +plenary absolution and a place in paradise to all who would assist the +duke to recover his just rights from his unjust sovereign. The King +grew pale at this news, and instantly resolved to return to England on +the Monday following. But the Duke of Albemarle advised that unhappy +monarch, fatally for his interests, to remain in Ireland till his +whole navy could be gathered; and in the mean time[49] to send over +the Earl of Salisbury. That nobleman departed forthwith, (Richard +solemnly promising to put to sea in six days,) and landed at Conway, +"the strongest and fairest town in Wales." + + [Footnote 49: M. Creton, the author of the Metrical + History, acceded to the earnest request of the Earl + of Salisbury to accompany him, for the sake of his + minstrelsy and song. From the day of his departure + from Dublin his knowledge of public affairs, as far + as they are immediately connected with Henry of + Monmouth, ceases almost, if not altogether. He must + no longer be followed implicitly; whatever he + relates of the intervening circumstances till + Richard himself came to Conway, he must have + derived from hearsay. In one circumstance too + afterwards he must have been mistaken, when he says + the Duke of Lancaster committed Richard at Chester + to the safe keeping of _the son of the Duke of + Gloucester_ and the son of the Earl of Arundel, at + least if Humfrey be the young man he means. Stow + and others follow him here, but, as it should seem, + unadvisedly.] + +Either before the Earl of Salisbury's departure, or as is the more +probable, towards the last of those eighteen days through which (p. 046) +afterwards, to the ruin of his cause, Richard wasted his time (the +only time left him) in Ireland, he sent for Henry of Monmouth, and +upbraided him with his father's treason. Otterbourne minutely records +the conversation which is said then to have passed between them. +"Henry, my child," said the King, "see what your father has done to +me. He has actually invaded my land as an enemy, and, as if in regular +warfare, has taken captive and put to death my liege subjects without +mercy and pity. Indeed, child, for you individually I am very sorry, +because for this unhappy proceeding of your father you must perhaps be +deprived of your inheritance." 'To whom Henry, though a boy, replied +in no boyish manner,' "In truth, my gracious king and lord, I am +sincerely grieved by these tidings; and, as I conceive, you are fully +assured of my innocence in this proceeding of my father."--"I know," +replied the King, "that the crime which your father has perpetrated +does not attach at all to you; and therefore I hold you excused of it +altogether." + +Soon after this interview the unfortunate Richard set off from Dublin +to return to his kingdom, which was now passing rapidly into other +hands: but his two youthful captives, Henry of Monmouth, and Humfrey, +son of the late Duke of Gloucester, he caused to be shut up in the +safe keeping of the castle of Trym.[50] From that day, which must have +been somewhere about the 20th of August, till the following (p. 047) +October,[51] when he was created Prince of Wales in a full assembly of +the nobles and commons of England, we have no direct mention made of +Henry of Monmouth. That much of the intervening time was a season of +doubt and anxiety and distress to him, we have every reason to +believe. Though he had been previously detained as a hostage, yet he +had been treated with great kindness; and Richard, probably inspiring +him with feelings of confidence and attachment towards himself, had +led him to forget his father's enemy and oppressor in his own personal +benefactor and friend. Richard had now left him and his cousin (a +youth doubly related to him) as prisoners in a solitary castle far +from their friends, and in the custody of men at whose hands they +could not anticipate what treatment they might receive. How long they +remained in this state of close and, as they might well deem it, +perilous confinement, we do not learn. Probably the Duke of Lancaster, +on hearing of Richard's departure from Dublin, sent off immediately to +release the two captive youths; or at the latest, as soon as he had +the unhappy king within his power. On the one hand it may be (p. 048) +argued that had Henry of Monmouth joined his father before the +cavalcade reached London, so remarkable a circumstance would have been +noticed by the French author, who accompanied them the whole way. On +the other hand we learn from the Pell Rolls that a ship was sent from +Chester to conduct him to London, though the payment of a debt does +not fix the date at which it was incurred.[52] We may be assured no +time was lost by the Duke, by those whom he employed, or by his son; +at all events that Henry was restored to his father at Chester (a +circumstance which would be implied had Richard there been consigned +to the custody of young Humphrey), is not at all in evidence. The far +more reasonable inference from what is recorded is, that Humphrey, his +young fellow-prisoner and companion, and near relative and friend, was +snatched from him by sudden death at the very time when Providence +seemed to have opened to him a joyous return to liberty and to his +widowed mother. There is no reason to doubt that the news of Richard's +captivity, and the Duke of Lancaster's success, reached the two +friends whilst prisoners in Trym Castle; nor that they were both +released, and embarked together for England. Where they were when (p. 049) +the hand of death separated them is not certainly known. The general +tradition is, that poor Humphrey had no sooner left the Irish coast +than he was seized by a fever, or by the plague, which carried him off +before the ship could reach England. But whether he landed or not, +whether he had joined the Duke or not before the fatal malady attacked +him, there is no doubt that his death followed hard upon his release. +His mother, the widowed duchess of his murdered father, who had +moreover never been allowed the solace of her child's company, now +bereft of husband and son, could bear up against her affliction no +longer. On hearing of her desolate state, excessive grief overwhelmed +her; and she fell sick and died.[53] + + [Footnote 50: The castle of Trym, though described + by Walsingham as a strong fort, was in so + dilapidated a state, that, in 1402, the council, in + taking the King's pleasure about its repairs, + represent it as on the point of falling into + ruins.] + + [Footnote 51: M. Creton expressly states that Henry + IV. made Henry of Monmouth Prince of Wales on the + day of his election to the throne, the first + Wednesday in October; but in this he is not borne + out by authority.] + + [Footnote 52: 1401, March 5, "To Henry Dryhurst of + West Chester, payment for the freightage of a ship + to Dublin: also for sailing to the same place and + back again, to conduct the lord the Prince, the + King's son, from Ireland to England; together with + the furniture of a chapel and ornaments of the + same, which belonged to King Richard."] + + [Footnote 53: Her death took place on the 3rd + October 1399, four days after the accession of + Henry IV. On the 6th of the preceding May the Pell + Rolls record payment of the residue of 155_l._ + 11_s._ 8_d._ to Alianore de Bohun, Duchess of + Gloucester, for the maintenance of a master, twelve + chaplains, and eight clerks, appointed to perform + divine service in the College of Plecy.] + +It is impossible to contemplate these two youthful relatives setting +out from the prison doors full of joy, and happy auguries, and mutual +congratulations, in health and spirits, panting for their dearest +friends,--one going to a princedom, and a throne, and a brilliant +career of victories, the other to disease and death,--without being +impressed with the wonderful acts of an inscrutable Providence, with +the ignorance and weakness of man, and with the resistless will (p. 050) +of the merciful Ruler of man's destinies. Even had young Humphrey +foreseen his dissolution, then so nigh at hand, as the gates of Trym +Castle opened for their release, he might well have addressed his +companion in words once used by the prince of Grecian philosophers at +the close of his defence before the court who condemned him. "And now +we are going, I indeed to death, you to life; to which of the two is +the better fate assigned is known only to God!"[54] + + [Footnote 54: Socrates, in his Defence before his + Judges.] + +Since this page was first written, the Author has been led to examine +the Pell Rolls;[55] and he is induced to confess that, independently +of the full confirmation afforded by those original documents to +numberless facts referred to in these Memoirs, many an interesting +train of thought is suggested by the inspection of them. The bare and +dry entries of one single roll at the period now under consideration, +bring with them to his mind associations of a truly affecting, +serious, and solemn character. The very last roll of Richard II. by +the merest details of expenditure records the payment of sums made by +that unhappy monarch to Bolinbroke, then in exile, expatriated by his +unjust and wanton decree; to Humphrey, the orphan son of the late (p. 051) +murdered Duke of Gloucester; to Henry of Monmouth his cousin, both +then in Richard's safe keeping; and to Eleanor, the widowed mother of +Humphrey, and maternal aunt of Henry. Can any event paint in deeper +and stronger colouring the vicissitudes and reverses of mortality, +"the changes and chances" of our life on earth? Before the scribe had +filled the next half-year's roll, (now lying with it side by side, and +speaking like a monitor from the grave to high and low, rich and poor, +prince and peasant alike,)--of those five persons, Richard had lost +both his crown and his life; Bolinbroke had mounted the throne from +which Richard had fallen; Henry of Monmouth had been created Prince of +Wales, and was hailed as heir apparent to that throne; his cousin +Humphrey, once the companion of his imprisonment, and the sharer of +his anticipations of good or ill, had been carried off from this world +by death at the very time of his release; and the broken-hearted +Eleanor, (the root and the branch of her happiness now gone for ever,) +unable to bear up against her sorrows, had sunk under their weight +into her grave![56] + + [Footnote 55: May 2nd & 6th, 1399, payments are + recorded to both these boys of different sums to + purchase dresses, and coat-armour, &c. preparatory + to their voyage to Ireland in company with the + King.] + + [Footnote 56: Perhaps the sentiments of this + afflicted noble lady's will may be little more than + words of course; but, coming from her as they did a + few days only before the news of her son's death + paralyzed her whole frame, they appear peculiarly + appropriate: "Observing and considering the + mischances and uncertainties of this changeable and + transitory world." The will bears date August 9, + 1399.] + + + + +CHAPTER III. (p. 052) + +PROCEEDINGS OF BOLINBROKE FROM HIS INTERVIEW WITH ARCHBISHOP ARUNDEL, +IN PARIS, TO HIS MAKING KING RICHARD HIS PRISONER. -- CONDUCT OF +RICHARD FROM THE NEWS OF BOLINBROKE'S LANDING. -- TREACHERY OF +NORTHUMBERLAND. -- RICHARD TAKEN BY BOLINBROKE TO LONDON. + +1398-1399. + + +Whether Henry of Monmouth met his father and the cavalcade at Chester, +or joined them on their road to London, or followed them thither; +whether he witnessed on the way the humiliation and melancholy of his +friend, and the triumphant exaltation of his father, or not; every +step taken by either of those two chieftains through the eventful +weeks which intervened between King Richard making the youth a knight +in the wilds of Ireland, and King Henry creating him Prince of Wales +in the face of the nation at Westminster, bears immediately upon his +destinies. And the whole complicated tissue of circumstances then in +progress is so inseparably connected with him both individually and as +the future monarch of England, that a brief review of the proceedings +as well of the falling as of the rising antagonist seems (p. 053) +indispensable in this place. + + * * * * * + +Henry Bolinbroke (having now, by the death of John of Gaunt,[57] +succeeded to the dukedom of Lancaster,) found himself, during his +exile, far from being the only victim of Richard's rash despotism; nor +the only one determined to try, if necessary, and when occasion should +offer, by strength of hand to recover their lost country, together +with their property and their homes. Indeed, others proved to have (p. 054) +been far more forward in that bold measure than himself. Whilst he was +in Paris[58], he received by the hands of Arundel, Archbishop of +Canterbury, an invitation to return, and set up his standard in their +native land. Arundel,[59] himself one of Richard's victims, had been +banished two years before the Duke, by a sentence which confiscated[60] +all his property. He made his way, we are told, to Valenciennes in the +disguise of a pilgrim, and, proceeding to Paris, obtained an interview +with Henry; whom he found at first less sanguine perhaps, and less (p. 055) +ready for so desperate an undertaking, than he expected. The Duke for +some time remained, apparently, absorbed in deep thought, as he leaned +on a window overlooking a garden; and at length replied that he would +consult his friends. Their advice, seconding the appeal of the Archbishop, +prevailed upon Henry to prepare for the hazardous enterprise; in which +success might indeed be rewarded with the crown of England, over and +above the recovery of his own vast possessions, but in which defeat +must lead inevitably to ruin. He left Paris for Brittany; and sailing +from one of its ports with three ships, having in his company only +fifteen lances or knights, he made for the English coast.[61] About +the 4th of July he came to shore at the spot where of old time had (p. 056) +stood the decayed town of Ravenspur. Landing boldly though with such a +handful of men, he was soon joined by the Percies, and other powerful +leaders; and so eagerly did the people flock to him as their deliverer +from a headstrong reckless despot, that in a short time he numbered as +his followers sixty thousand men, who had staked their property, their +liberty, and their lives, on the same die. The most probable account +of his proceedings up to his return to Chester, immediately before the +unfortunate Richard fell into his hands, is the following, for which +we are chiefly indebted to the translator of the "Metrical +History."[62] + + [Footnote 57: Froissart relates, in a very lively + manner, how the English nobility amused themselves + in devising the probable schemes by which + Bolinbroke might dispose of himself during his + exile. "He is young, said they, and he has already + travelled enough, in Prussia, and to the Holy + Sepulchre, and St. Katharine: he will now take + other journeys to cheat the time. Go where he will, + he will be at home; he has friends in every + country." + + The same author tells us that forty thousand + persons accompanied him on his exile, not with + music and song, but with sighs and tears and + lamentations; and that on Gaunt's death the people + of England "spoke much and loudly of Derby's + return,--especially the Londoners, who loved him a + hundred times more than they did the King. The + Earl, he says, heard of the death of his father, + even before the King of France, though Richard had + posted off the event to that monarch as joyful + tidings. He put himself and his household in deep + mourning, and caused the funeral obsequies to be + solemnized with much grandeur. The King, the Duke + of Orleans, and very many nobles and prelates were + present at the solemnity, for the Earl was much + beloved by them all, and they deeply sympathized + with his grief, for he was an agreeable knight, + well-bred, courteous, and gentle to every one."] + + [Footnote 58: Froissart gives also a very animated + description of the manner in which Bolinbroke was + received by the King of France on his first + arrival, and by the Dukes of Orleans, Brittany, + Burgundy, and Bourbon. The meeting, he says, was + joyous on both sides, and they entered Paris in + brilliant array: but Henry was nevertheless very + melancholy, being separated from his family,--four + sons and two daughters. + + The author translated by Laboureur, states that + Richard no sooner heard of the welcome which + Bolinbroke met with in France than he sent over a + messenger, praying that court not to countenance + his traitors. He adds, that as soon as Lancaster + was dead, Richard regarded his written engagements + with no greater scruple than he had before observed + his promises by word of mouth.] + + [Footnote 59: Leland says that the Archbishop + sojourned, during his exile, at Utrecht (Trajecti). + Froissart is certainly mistaken in relating that + the Londoners sent the Archbishop in a boat down + the Thames with a message to Bolinbroke. It is very + probable that they sent a messenger to the + Archbishop, and through him communicated with their + favourite.] + + [Footnote 60: Officers were appointed, 16th October + 1397, to seize all lands of Thomas Archbishop of + Canterbury, Thomas Duke of Gloucester, and other + lords.--Pell Rolls. Pat. 1 Hen. IV. m. 8, the + Archbishop's property is restored.] + + [Footnote 61: Froissart, who seems to have obtained + very correct information of Bolinbroke's + proceedings up to the time of his embarking on the + French coast for England, but from that hour to + have been altogether misled as to his plans and + circumstances, relates that he left Paris under + colour of paying a visit to the Duke of Brittany; + that he went by the way of D'Estamps (one Guy de + Baigneux acting as his guide); that he stayed at + Blois eight days, where he received a most kind + answer in reply to his message to the Duke, who + gave him a cordial meeting at Nantes. The Duke + promised him a supply of vessels and men to protect + him in crossing the seas, and forwarded him with + all kind sympathy from one of his ports: "and," + continues Froissart, "I have heard that it was + Vennes." It might have been, perhaps, during this + visit that Henry formed, or renewed, an + acquaintance with the Duchess, to whom, after the + Duke's death, in 1402, he made an offer of his + hand, and was accepted.] + + [Footnote 62: See Archæologia, vol. xx. p. 61, note + 'h.'] + +The Duke of Lancaster's first measures, upon his landing, are not very +accurately recorded by historians, nor do the accounts impress us with +an opinion that they had arisen out of any digested plan of operation. +But a comparison of the desultory information which is furnished +relative to them, with what may fairly be supposed to be most +advisable on his part, will, perhaps, show that they were the result +of good calculation. The following is offered as the outline of the +scheme. To secure to Henry a chance of success, it was in the first +instance necessary, not only that the most powerful nobles remaining +at home should join him, but that means should be devised for +detaining the King in Ireland. It would be expedient to try the +disposition of the people on the eastern coast, and that he should (p. 057) +select a spot for his descent, from which he could immediately put +himself in communication with his friends: Yorkshire afforded the +greatest facility. The wind which took Albemarle over into Ireland +must have been advantageous to Lancaster; and the tempestuous weather +which succeeded must have been equally in his favour. He landed at +Ravenspur, and marched to Doncaster, where the Percies and others came +down to him. Knaresborough and Pontefract were his own by inheritance. +Having thus gained a footing, he marched toward the south; and his +opponents withdrew from before him.[63] The council, consisting of the +Regent, Scroop, Bussy, Green, and Bagot, could interpose no obstacle, +and were driven by fear to Bristol. The Duke of York made some show of +resistance. Perhaps the others intended to make for Milford, and +thence to Ireland, or to await the King's arrival. Henry advanced to +Leicester and Kenilworth, both his own castles; and went through +Evesham to Gloucester and Berkeley. At Berkeley he came to an agreement +with the Duke of York, secured many of Richard's adherents, passed on +to Bristol, took the castle, slew three out of four of the unfortunate +ministers, and gained possession of a place entirely disaffected (p. 058) +to the King. From Bristol he directed his course back to Gloucester, +thence bearing westward to Ross and Hereford. Here he was joined by +the Bishop and Lord Mortimer;[64] and, passing through Leominster and +Ludlow, he moved onward,[65] increasing his forces as he advanced +towards Shrewsbury and Chester. In the mean time the plans of Albemarle +(if we acknowledge the reality of his alleged treason) were equally +successful. At all events Richard's course was most favourable for +Henry. Had he gone from Dublin to Chester, he might have anticipated +his enemy, and infused a spirit into his loyal subjects. But he came +southward whilst Henry was going northward; and, about the time that +Richard came on shore at Milford, Henry must have been at Chester, +surrounded by his friends, at the head of an immense force, master of +London, Bristol, and Chester, and of all the fortresses that had been +his own, or had belonged to Richard, within a triangle, the apex of +which is to be found in Bristol, the base extending from the mouth of +the Humber to that of the Dee. + + [Footnote 63: Sir James Mackintosh seems to have + been mistaken in supposing that Bolinbroke visited + London on his first march southward. "His march + from London against the few advisers of Richard, + who had forfeited the hope of mercy, was a + triumphant procession."] + + [Footnote 64: Monk of Evesham.] + + [Footnote 65: He had many castles of his own in + that part of the country, as Monmouth, Grosmont, + Skenfrith, White Castle, &c.] + + * * * * * + +If in like manner we trace the steps of the misguided and infatuated +Richard, treacherous at once and betrayed, from the hour when the news +of Bolinbroke's hostile and successful measures reached him in (p. 059) +Dublin to the day when he fell powerless into the hands of his enemy, +we shall find much to reprehend; much to pity; little, perhaps +nothing, which can excite the faintest shadow of respect. When the +Earl of Salisbury left Ireland, Richard solemnly promised him that he +would himself put to sea in six days; and the Earl, whose conduct is +marked by devoted zeal and fidelity in the cause of his unfortunate +master, acted upon that pledge. But whether misled by the treacherous +suggestions of Albemarle, or following his own self-will or imbecility +of judgment, Richard allowed eighteen days to pass away before he +embarked, every hour of which was pregnant with most momentous +consequences to himself and his throne. He landed at length at Milford +Haven, and then had with him thirty-two thousand men; but in one night +desertions reduced this body to six thousand. It is said that, on the +morrow after his return, looking from his window on the field where +his forces were encamped overnight, he was panic-struck by the +smallness of the number that remained. After deliberation, he resolved +on starting in the night for Conway, disguised in the garb of a poor +priest of the Friars-Minor, and taking with him only thirteen or +fourteen friends. He so planned his journey as to reach Conway at +break of day, where he found the Earl of Salisbury no less dejected +than himself. That faithful adherent had taken effectual means, (p. 060) +on his first arrival in Wales, to collect an army of Cambrians and +Cheshiremen in sufficient strength, had the King joined them with his +forces, to offer a formidable resistance to Bolinbroke. But, at the +end of fourteen days, despairing of the King's arrival, they had +disbanded themselves, and were scattered over the country, or returned +to their own homes. On his clandestine departure also from Milford, +the wreck of his army, who till then had remained true, were entirely +dispersed: and his great treasure was plundered by the Welshmen, who +are said to have been indignant at the treachery of those who were +left in charge of it. Among many others, Sir Thomas Percy himself +escaped naked and wounded to the Duke of Lancaster. + + * * * * * + +The page of history which records the proceedings of the two hostile +parties, from the day of Richard's reaching Conway to the hour of his +falling into the hands of Henry, presents in every line transactions +stained with so much of falsehood and baseness, such revolting treachery +and deceit, such wilful deliberate perjury, that we would gladly pass +it over unread, or throw upon it the most cursory glance compatible +with a bare knowledge of the facts. But whilst the desperate wickedness +of the human heart is made to stand out through these transactions in +most frightful colours, and whilst we shudder at the wanton prostitution +of the most solemn ordinances of the Gospel, there so painfully (p. 061) +exemplified, the same page suggests to us topics of gratitude and of +admonition,--gratitude that we live in an age when these shameless +violations of moral and religious bonds would not be tolerated; and +admonition that the principles of integrity and righteousness can +alone exalt a people, or be consistent with sound policy. The truth of +history here stamps the king, the nobleman, the prelate, and the more +humble instruments of the deeds then done, with the indelible stain of +dishonour and falsehood, and a reckless violation of law human and +divine. + +The King, believing his case to be desperate, implored his friends to +advise him what course to adopt. At their suggestion he sent off the +Dukes of Exeter and Surrey to remonstrate with Bolinbroke, and to +ascertain his real designs. Meanwhile he retired with his little party +of adherents, not more than sixteen in all, first to Beaumaris; then +to Caernarvon, where he stayed four or five days, living on the most +scanty supply of the coarsest food, and having nothing better to lie +upon than a bed of straw. Though this was a very secure place for him +to await the issue of the present course of events, yet, unable to +endure such privations any longer, he returned to Conway. Henry, +meanwhile, having reduced Holt Castle,[66] and possessed himself (p. 062) +of an immense treasure deposited there by Richard, was bent on +securing the person of that unhappy King. He consequently detained the +two Dukes in Chester Castle; and then, at the suggestion, it is said, +of Arundel, sent off the Earl of Northumberland with an injunction not +to return till either by truce or force he should bring back the King +with him. The Duke, attended by one thousand archers and four hundred +lances, advanced to Flint Castle, which forthwith surrendered to him. +From Flint he proceeded along a toilsome road over mountains and rocks +to Ruddlan, the gates of which were thrown open to him; when he +promised the aged castellan the enjoyment of his post there for life. +Richard knew nothing of these proceedings, and wondered at the absence +of his two noble messengers, who had started for Chester eight days +before. Northumberland, meanwhile, having left his men concealed in +ambush "under the rough and lofty cliffs of a rock," proceeded with +five or six only towards Conway. When he reached the arm[67] of the +sea which washes the walls of that fortress, he sent over a herald, +who immediately obtained permission for his approach. Northumberland, +having reached the royal presence, proposed that the King should +proceed with Bolinbroke amicably to London, and there hold a parliament, +and suffer certain individuals named to be put on their trial. (p. 063) +"I will swear," continued he, "on the body of our Lord, consecrated by +a priest's hand, that Duke Henry shall faithfully observe all that I +have said; for he solemnly pledged it to me on the sacrament when we +parted." Northumberland then withdrew from the royal presence, when +Richard thus immediately addressed his few counsellors: "Fair sirs, we +will grant it to him, for I see no other way. But I swear to you that, +whatever assurance I may give him, he shall be surely put to a bitter +death; and, doubt it not, no parliament shall be held at Westminster. +As soon as I have spoken with Henry, I will summon the men of Wales, +and make head against him; and, if he and his friends be discomfited, +they shall die: some of them I will flay alive." Richard had declared, +before he left Ireland, that if he could but once get Henry into his +power, he "would put him to death in such a manner as that it should +be spoken of long enough, even in Turkey." Northumberland was then +called in; and Richard assured him that, if he would swear upon the +Host, he would himself keep the agreement. "Sire," said the Earl, "let +the body of our Lord be consecrated. I will swear that there is no +deceit in this affair; and that the Duke will observe the whole as you +have heard me relate it here." Each of them heard mass with all +outward devotion, and the Earl took the oath. Never was a contract +made more solemnly, nor with a more fixed purpose on both sides (p. 064) +not to abide by its engagements: it is indeed a dark and painful page +of history. Upon this pledge of faith, mutually given, the King +readily agreed to start, sending the Earl on to prepare dinner at +Ruddlan. No sooner had he reached the top of the rock than he beheld +the Earl and his men below; and, being now made aware of the treachery +by which he had fallen, he sank into despair, and had recourse only to +unmanly lamentations. His company did not amount to more than +five-and-twenty, and retreat was impossible. His remonstrance with the +Earl as he charged him with perjury and treason availed nothing, and +he was compelled to proceed. They dined at Ruddlan, and in the +afternoon advanced to Flint Castle.[68] Northumberland lost no time in +apprising the Duke of the success of his enterprise. The messenger +arrived at Chester by break of day; and the Duke set off with his +army, consisting, it is said, of not less than one hundred thousand +men. After mass, Richard beheld the Duke's army approaching along the +sea-shore. "It was marvellously great, and showed such joy that the +sound and noise of their instruments, horns, buisines, and trumpets, +were heard even as far as the castle." The Duke sent forward the +Archbishop, with two or three more, who approached the King with +profound reverence. In this interview, the first which the King (p. 065) +had with Arundel since he banished him the realm and confiscated +his property, they conversed long together, and alone. Whether any +allusion was then made to the necessity of the King abdicating the +throne, must remain matter of conjecture. The Archbishop (as the Earl +of Salisbury reported) then comforted the King in a very gentle manner, +bidding him not to be alarmed, for no harm should happen to +his person. + + [Footnote 66: Some think the castle then taken was + Beeston.] + + [Footnote 67: Over this estuary is now thrown a + beautiful suspension-bridge, one of the ornaments + of North Wales.] + + [Footnote 68: The author of the Metrical History + has certainly made a mistake here. He says, Duke + Henry started from Chester on Tuesday, August the + 22nd; but in 1399 the 22nd day of August was on a + Friday.] + +The Duke did not enter the castle till Richard had dined, for he was +fasting. At the table he protracted the repast as long as possible, +dreading what would follow. Dinner ended, he came down to meet the +Duke, who, as soon as he perceived him, bowed very low. The King took +off his bonnet, and first addressed Bolinbroke. The French writer +pledges himself to the words, for, as he says, he heard them +distinctly, and understood them well. "Fair cousin of Lancaster, you +be right welcome." Then Duke Henry replied, bowing very low to the +ground, "My lord, I am come sooner than you sent for me; the reason +whereof I will tell you. The common report of your people is, that you +have for the space of twenty years and more governed them very badly +and very rigorously; and they are not well contented therewith: but, +if it please our Lord, I will help you to govern them better." King +Richard answered, "Fair cousin, since it pleaseth you, it pleaseth me +well." + +Upon this Henry, when the time of departure was come, knowing that (p. 066) +Richard was particularly fond of fine horses, is said to have called +out with a stern and savage voice, "Bring out the King's horses;" and +then _they brought him two little horses not worth forty francs_: the +King mounted one, and the Earl of Salisbury the other. If this statement +of the French author be accurate, Henry compelled his king to endure a +studied mortification, as uncalled for as it was galling. Starting +from Flint about two o'clock, they proceeded to Chester,[69] where the +Duke was received with much reverence, whilst the unhappy monarch was +exposed to the insults of the populace. He was immediately lodged in +the castle with his few friends, and committed to the safe keeping[70] +of his enemies. In Chester they remained three days,[71] and then set +out on the direct road for London. Their route lay through (p. 067) +Nantwich, Newcastle-under-Line, Stafford, Lichfield, Daventry, Dunstable, +and St. Alban's. Nothing worthy of notice occurred during the journey, +excepting that at Lichfield the captive monarch endeavoured to escape +at night, letting himself down into a garden from the window of a tower +in which they kept him. He was however discovered, and from that time +was watched most narrowly. + + [Footnote 69: Great confusion and unnumbered deeds + of injustice and cruelty prevailed through the + kingdom between the landing of Bolinbroke and his + accession to the throne; some of these outrages + were, doubtless, of a political character, between + the partisans of Richard and the Duke, many others + the result of private revenge and rapine. To put a + stop to these enormities, Richard was advised + (perhaps the more meet expression would be + 'compelled') to sign two proclamations, one dated + Chester, August 20; the other Lichfield, August 24. + In these he calls Bolinbroke his very dear + relative.] + + [Footnote 70: The Metrical History says, Richard's + keepers were the son of the Duke of Gloucester, and + the son of the Earl of Arundel. The reasons for + doubting this have been already assigned. Humphrey + was probably at that time no longer numbered among + the living.] + + [Footnote 71: The question naturally offers itself + here, Might not this delay have been occasioned by + Lancaster's desire not to start before Henry of + Monmouth had returned from Ireland, and joined + him?] + +When they arrived within five or six miles of London, they were met by +various companies of the citizens, who carried Richard first to +Westminster, and next day to the Tower. Henry did not accompany him, +but turned aside to enter the city by the chief gate. Proceeding along +Cheapside to St. Paul's amidst the shouts of the people, he advanced +in full armour to the high altar; and, having offered his devotions +there, he turned to the tomb of his father and mother, at the sight of +which he was deeply affected. He lodged the first five or six days in +the Bishop's house; and, having passed another fortnight in the +hospital of St. John without Smithfield, he went to Hertford, where he +stayed three weeks. From that place he returned to meet the +parliament, which was to assemble in Westminster Hall on Wednesday the +first day of October. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. (p. 068) + +RICHARD RESIGNS THE CROWN. -- BOLINBROKE ELECTED KING. -- HENRY OF +MONMOUTH CREATED PRINCE OF WALES. -- PLOT TO MURDER THE KING. -- DEATH +OF RICHARD. -- FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN HIM AND HENRY. -- PROPOSALS FOR A +MARRIAGE BETWEEN HENRY AND ISABELLA, RICHARD'S WIDOW. -- HENRY APPLIES +FOR AN ESTABLISHMENT. -- HOSTILE MOVEMENT OF THE SCOTS. -- TRADITION, +THAT YOUNG HENRY MARCHED AGAINST THEM, DOUBTED. + +1399-1400. + + +When the Parliament assembled in Westminster Hall on Wednesday, +October 1st, a deed of resignation of the crown, signed by the unhappy +Richard, and witnessed by various noblemen, was publicly read. +Whether, whilst a prisoner in the Tower, his own reflections on the +present desperate state of his affairs had persuaded him to sever +himself from the cares and dangers of a throne; whether he was +prevailed upon to take this view of his interests and his duty by the +honest and kind representations of his friends; or whether any degree +of violence by threat and intimidation, and alarming suggestions of +future evils had been applied, it would be fruitless to inquire. The +instrument indeed itself is couched in terms expressive of most (p. 069) +voluntary and unqualified self-abasement, containing, among others, +such expressions as these: "I do entirely, of my own accord, renounce +and totally resign all kingly dignity and majesty; purely, voluntarily, +simply, and absolutely." On the other hand, if we believe Hardyng,[72] +the Earl of Northumberland asserted in his hearing, that Richard was +forced to resign under fear of death. Probably from his first interview +with the Archbishop in Flint Castle, to the hour before he consented +to execute the deed, his mind had been gradually and incessantly +worked upon by various agents, and different means, short of actual +violence, for the purpose of inducing him to make, ostensibly at +least, a voluntary resignation. He seems more than once to have +received both from Arundel and from Bolinbroke himself an assurance of +personal safety; and he is said to have expressed a hope that "his +cousin would be a kind lord to him." + + [Footnote 72: Hardyng's testimony must, on every + subject, be received with much caution. Confessedly + he was a sad example of a time-server; and was + skilled in giving facts a different colouring, just + as they would be the more welcome to those for + whose inspection he was writing. His version of the + same events, when presented to members of the house + of York, varies much from the original work, edited + when a Lancastrian was in the ascendant.] + +The accounts which have reached us of the proceedings, from the hour +when Richard entered the Tower, to the day of his death, are by no +means uniform and consistent. The discrepancies however of the (p. 070) +various traditions neither involve any questions of great moment, +nor deeply affect the characters of those who were engaged in the +transactions. Of one point indeed we must make an exception, the cause +and circumstances of Richard's death; which, whether we look to Henry +of Monmouth's previous attachment to him, and the respect which he +industriously and cordially showed to the royal remains immediately +upon his becoming king himself; or whether we reflect on the vast +consequence, affecting Bolinbroke's character, involved in the +solution of that much-agitated question, may seem not only to justify, +but to call for, a distinct examination in these pages. The broad +facts, meanwhile, relative to the deposition of Richard and the +accession of Henry, are clear and indisputable; whilst some minor +details, which have excited discussions carried on in the spirit +rather of angry contention than of the simple love of truth, and which +do not bear immediately upon the objects of this work, may well be +omitted altogether. + +After Richard had signed the deed of resignation, the steps were few +and easy which brought Henry of Bolinbroke to the throne. The +Parliament, either by acquiescence in his demand of the crown, or in +answer to the questions put by the Archbishop, elected Henry IV. to be +king, and denounced all as traitors who should gainsay his election +or dispute his right.[73] He was crowned on the Feast of St. (p. 071) +Edward, Monday, October 13, when his eldest son, Henry of Monmouth, +bore the principal sword of state; who, on the Wednesday following, by +assent of all the Estates of Parliament, was created Prince of Wales, +Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, and declared also to be heir to +the throne.[74] On this occasion his father caused him to be brought +into his presence as he sate upon the throne; and placing a gold +coronet, adorned with pearls, on his head, and a ring on his finger, +and delivering into his hand a golden rod, kissed him and blessed him. +Upon which the Duke of York conducted him to the place assigned to him +in right of his principality. The Estates swore "the same faith, +loyalty, aid, assistance, and fealty" to the Prince, as they had sworn +to his father. Much interest seems to have been excited by this +creation of Henry of Monmouth as Prince of Wales. On the 3rd of +November the "Commons pray that they may be entered on the record (p. 072) +at the election of the Prince." Their petition can scarcely be +interpreted as betraying a jealousy of the King's[75] right to create +a Prince of Wales independently of themselves; we must suppose it to +have originated in a desire to be recorded as parties to an act so +popular and national. At all events, in the then transition-state of +the royal authority, it was wise to combine the suffrages of all: and +the prayer of the Commons was granted. Another petition, presented on +the same day, acquaints us with the lively interest taken from the +very first by the nation at large in the safety and welfare of their +young Prince. They pray the King, "for-as-much as the Prince is of +tender age, that he may not pass forth from this realm: for we, the +Commons, are informed that the Scots are coming with a mighty hand; +and they of Ireland are purposed to elect a king among them, and +disdain to hold of you." This lively interest evinced thus early, and +in so remarkable a manner, by the Commons, in the safety and +well-being of Henry of Monmouth, seems never to have slackened at any +single period of his life, but to have grown still warmer and wider to +the very close of his career on earth. After the date of his creation +as Prince of Wales, history records but few facts relating to him, +either in his private or in his public capacity, till we find him (p. 073) +personally engaged in suppressing the Welsh rebellion; a point of +time, however, far less removed from the commencement of his princedom +than seems to have been generally assumed. In the same month, +(November 1399,) a negociation was set on foot, with the view of +bringing about a marriage between the Prince and one of the daughters +of the King of France. Since, however, he apparently took no part +whatever in the affair, the whole being a state-device to avoid the +restoration to France of Isabella's valuable paraphernalia; and since +the proposals of the treaty were for the marriage of a daughter of +France with the Prince, OR _any other of the King's children_; we need +not dwell on a proceeding which reflects no great credit on his +father, or his father's counsellors.[76] Not that the vague offers of +the negociation stamp the negociators with any especial disgrace. We +cannot read many pages of history without being apprised, sometimes by +painful instances, sometimes by circumstances rather ludicrous than +grave, that marriages were regarded as subjects of fair and honourable +negociation; but requiring no greater delicacy than nations would +observe in bargaining for a line of territory, or individuals in (p. 074) +the purchase and sale of an estate. The negociation, however, though +the Bishop of Durham and the Earl of Worcester, both able diplomatists, +were employed on the part of England, was eventually broken off; and +Isabella was reluctantly and tardily restored to France. + + [Footnote 73: M. Creton says (and in this he is + followed by others) that the King, on the very day + of his accession, created his eldest son Prince of + Wales, who in that character stood on the right + hand of the King at the coronation, holding in his + hand a sword without any point, the emblem of peace + and mercy. But in this he seems to have been + partially mistaken. Henry was not created Prince of + Wales till after his father's coronation, and he + bore in right of the Duchy of Lancaster, and by + command of the King, the blunted sword called + Curtana, which belonged to Edward the + Confessor.--Rot. Serv.] + + [Footnote 74: In the same Parliament he was + invested also with the titles of Duke of Acquitaine + and Duke of Lancaster.] + + [Footnote 75: The Parliament had no voice in the + creation of a dignity. The Lords and Commons were + consulted on this occasion only out of courtesy by + the King.] + + [Footnote 76: The proposal, of which Froissart has + left a graphic description, that Isabella, the + widow (if that be the proper designation of the + child who was the espoused wife) of Richard II, + should remain in England and be married to the + Prince of Wales, was not made till after Richard's + death.] + +About the close of the present year, or the commencement of the +following (1400), the Prince makes a direct appeal to the council,[77] +that they would forthwith fulfil the expressed desire of his royal +father with reference to his princely state and condition in all +points. He requires them first of all to determine upon his place of +residence, and the sources of his income; and then to take especial +care that the King's officers, each in his own department and post of +duty, should fully and perfectly put into execution whatever orders +the council might give. "You are requested (says the memorial) to +consider how my lord the Prince is utterly destitute of every kind of +appointment relative to his household." The enumeration of his wants +specified in detail is somewhat curious: "that is to say, his +chapels,[78] chambers, halls, wardrobe, pantry, buttery, kitchen, (p. 075) +scullery, saucery, almonry, anointry, and generally all things requisite +for his establishment." + + [Footnote 77: Minutes of Privy Council, vol. ii. p. + 42.] + + [Footnote 78: "Ses chapelles." Under this word were + included not only the place of prayer, but the + books, and vestments, and furniture, together with + the priests, and whatever else was necessary for + divine worship. Indeed, the word has often a still + wider signification. We shall see hereafter that + Henry was always attended by his chapel during his + campaigns in France.] + + * * * * * + +It has been already intimated in the Preface, that an examination +would be instituted in the course of this work into the correspondence +of Shakspeare's representations of Henry's character and conduct with +the real facts of history, and we will not here anticipate that +inquiry. Only it may be necessary to observe, as we pass on, that the +period of his life when the poet first describes him to be revelling +in the deepest and foulest sinks of riot and profligacy, as nearly as +possible corresponds with the date of this petition to the council to +supply him with a home. + +It was in the very first week of the year 1400 that Henry IV. +discovered the treasonable plot, laid by the Lords Salisbury, +Huntingdon, and others, to assassinate him during some solemn justs +intended to be held at Oxford, professedly in honour of his accession. +The King was then at Windsor; and, immediately on receiving +information of the conspiracy, he returned secretly, but with all +speed, to London.[79] The defeat of these treasonable designs, and (p. 076) +the execution of the conspirators, are matter of general history; and, +as the name of the Prince does not occur even incidentally in any +accounts of the transaction, we need not dwell upon it. Probably he +was then living with his father under the superintendence of Henry +Beaufort, now Bishop of Winchester, from whom indeed up to this time +he seems to have been much less separated than from his parent. We +have already seen that, whether for the benefit of the "young bachelor," +or, with an eye to his own security, unwilling to leave so able an +enemy behind, King Richard, when he took the boy Henry with him to +Ireland, caused his uncle and tutor (Henry Beaufort) to accompany him +also.[80] The probability also has been shown to approach demonstration +that his residence in Oxford could not have taken place at this time; +but that it preceded his father's banishment, rather than followed his +accession to the throne. Be this as it may, history (as far as it +appears) makes no direct mention of the young Prince Henry through the +spring of 1400. + + [Footnote 79: Some chroniclers say, that the + conspiracy was made known to the Mayor of London, + who forthwith hastened to the King at Windsor, and + urged him to save himself and his children. The + same pages tell us that John Holland Earl of + Huntingdon was seized and beheaded in Essex by the + Dowager Countess of Hereford.--Sloane MS.] + + [Footnote 80: Pat. p. 3, 22 Ric. II.] + +Soon, however, after the conspiracy against his father's life had been +detected and frustrated, an event took place, already alluded to, which +must have filled the warm and affectionate heart of Henry with feelings +of sorrow and distress,--the premature death of Richard. That Henry +had formed a sincere attachment for Richard, and long cherished (p. 077) +his memory with gratitude for personal kindness, is unquestionable; +and doubtless it must have been a source of anxiety and vexation to +him that his father was accused in direct terms of having procured the +death of the deposed monarch. He probably was convinced that the +charge was an ungrounded calumny; yet, with his generous indignation +roused by the charge of so foul a crime, he must have mingled feelings +of increased regret at the miserable termination of his friend's life. + +The name of Henry of Monmouth has never been associated with Richard's +except under circumstances which reflect credit on his own character. +The bitterest enemies of his house, who scrupled not to charge Henry +IV. with the wilful murder of his prisoner, have never sought to +implicate his son in the same guilt in the most remote degree, or even +by the gentlest whisper of insinuation. Whether Richard died in +consequence of any foul act at the hand of an enemy, or by the fatal +workings of a harassed mind and broken heart, or by self-imposed +abstinence from food, (for to every one of these, as well as to other +causes, has his death been severally attributed,) is a question +probably now beyond the reach of successful inquiry. The whole subject +has been examined by many able and, doubtless, unprejudiced persons; +but their verdicts are far from being in accordance with each other. +The general (though, as it should now seem, the mistaken) opinion +appears to be, that after Richard had been removed from the Tower (p. 078) +to Leeds Castle, and thence to other places of safe custody, and had +finally been lodged in Pontefract,[81] the partisans of Henry IV. +hastened his death. The Archbishop of York directly charged the King +with the foul crime of murder, which he as positively and indignantly +denied.[82] The minutes of the Privy Council have not been sufficiently +noticed by former writers on this event; and the reflections of the +Editor,[83] in his Preface, are so sensible and so immediately to the +point, that we may be contented in these pages to do little more than +record his sentiments.[84] + + [Footnote 81: The Pell Rolls contain several + interesting entries connected with this subject. + Payment for a thousand masses to be said for the + soul of Richard, "whose body is buried in Langley." + (20th March, 1400.) Payment also for carrying the + body from Pomfret to London, &c.] + + [Footnote 82: See Henry's answer to the Duke of + Orleans, as recorded by Monstrellet, in which he + solemnly appeals to God for the vindication of the + truth.] + + [Footnote 83: Sir Harris Nicolas. "Proceedings and + Ordinances of the Privy Council of England."] + + [Footnote 84: Mr. Tytler, in his History of + Scotland, maintains with much ingenuity the + paradoxical position, that Richard escaped from + Pontefract, made his way in disguise to the Western + Isles, was there recognised, and was conducted to + the Regent; that, taken into the safe keeping of + the government, and sick of the world and its + disappointments, he lived for many years in + Stirling Castle; and that he there died, and there + was buried. It falls not within the province of + these Memoirs to examine the facts and reasonings + by which that writer supports his theory, or to + weigh the value of the objections which have been + alleged against it. The Author, however, in + confessing that the result of his own inquiries is + opposed to the hypothesis of Richard's escape, and + that he acquiesces in the general tradition that he + died in Pontefract, cannot refrain from making one + remark. Whilst he is persuaded that Glyndowr, and + many others, believed that Richard was alive in + Scotland, yet he thinks it almost capable of + demonstration that Henry IV, with his sons and his + court, in England; and Charles VI, with his court + and clergy, and Isabella herself, and her second + husband, had no doubt whatever as to Richard's + death. If they had, if they were not fully assured + that he was no longer among the living, it is + difficult to understand Henry IV.'s proposals to + Charles VI. for a marriage between Isabella and one + of his sons; or how, on any other hypothesis than + the conviction of his death, the Earl of Angouleme, + afterwards Duke of Orleans, would have sought her + in marriage; how her father and his clergy could + have consented to her nuptials; or how she could + for a moment have entertained the thought of + becoming a bride again. She had not only been + betrothed to Richard, but had been with all + solemnity married to him by the Archbishop of + Canterbury in the face of the church; and she had + been crowned queen. Yet she was married to + Angouleme in 1406, and died in childbed in 1409. + Had she believed Richard to be still alive, she + would have been more inclined to follow the bidding + which Shakspeare puts into her husband's mouth at + their last farewell, than to have given her hand + before the altar to another: + + "Hie thee to France, + And cloister thee in some religious house." + + Froissart says expressly that the French resolved + to wage war with the English as long as they knew + Richard to be alive; but when certain news of his + death reached them, they were bent on the + restoration of Isabella.] + +"Shortly after the attempt of the Earls of Kent, Salisbury, and (p. 079) +Huntingdon to restore Richard to the throne, a great council was held +for the consideration of many important matters. The first point was +'that if Richard the late king be alive, as some suppose he is, (p. 080) +it be ordained that he be well and securely guarded for the salvation +of the state of the King and of his kingdom.' On which subject the +council resolved, that it was necessary to speak to the King, that, in +case Richard the late king be still living, he be placed in security +agreeably to the law of the realm; but if he be dead, then that he be +openly showed to the people, that they may have knowledge thereof." +These minutes (observes Sir Harris Nicolas) appear to exonerate +Henry[85] from the generally received charge of having sent Sir Piers +Exton to Pontefract for the purpose of murdering his prisoner. Had +such been the fact, it is impossible to believe that one of Henry's +ministers would have gone through the farce of submitting the above +question to the council; or that the council would, with still greater +absurdity, have deliberated on the subject, and gravely expressed the +opinion which they offered to the King. A corpse, which was said to be +that of Richard, was publicly exhibited at St. Paul's by Henry's +direction, and he has been accused of substituting the body of some +other person; but these minutes prove that the idea of such an +exposure came from the council, and, at the moment when it was +suggested, they actually did not know whether Richard was dead or +alive, because they provided for either contingency. It is also (p. 081) +demonstrated by them that, so far from any violence or ill-treatment +being meditated in case he were living, the council merely recommended +that he should be placed in such security as might be approved by the +peers of the realm.[86] It must be observed that this new piece of +evidence, coupled with the fact that a corpse said to be the body of +Richard was exhibited shortly after the meeting of the council, +strongly supports the belief that he died about the 14th of February +1400, and that Henry and his council were innocent of having by unfair +means produced or accelerated his decease." + + [Footnote 85: It is painful to hear the Church + historian, without any qualifying expression of + doubt or hope, call Henry IV. "the murderer of + Richard."--Milner, cent. xv.] + + [Footnote 86: Froissart expressly says, that, + though often urged to it, Henry would never consent + to have Richard put to death.] + +Such we may hope to have been the case: at all events, the purpose of +this work does not admit of any fuller investigation of the points at +issue. If Henry were accessory to Richard's death, (to use an +expression quoted as that unhappy king's own words,)[87] "it would be +a reproach to him for ever, so long as the world shall endure, or the +deep ocean be able to cast up tide or wave." It is, however, +satisfactory to find in these authentic documents evidence which seems +to justify us in adopting no other alternative than to return for +Bolinbroke a verdict of "Not guilty." The corpse[88] of Richard was +carried through the city of London to St. Paul's with much of religious +ceremony and solemn pomp, Henry himself as King bearing the pall, (p. 082) +"followed by all those of his blood in fair array." After it had been +inspected by multitudes, (Froissart[89] says by more than twenty +thousand,) it was buried at Langley, where Richard had built a Dominican +convent. Henry V, soon after his accession, removed the corpse to +Westminster Abbey, and, laid it by the side of Ann, Richard's former +queen, in the tomb which he had prepared for her and himself.[90] + + [Footnote 87: See Archæologia, xx. 290.] + + [Footnote 88: M. Creton.] + + [Footnote 89: Froissart asserts that the corpse was + exposed in the street of Cheap to public inspection + for two hours, at the least.] + + [Footnote 90: A manuscript in the French King's + library (No. 8448) states that Sir Piers d'Exton + and seven other assassins entered the room to kill + him; but that Richard, pushing down the table, + darted into the midst of them, and, snatching a + battleaxe from one, laid four of them dead at his + feet, when Exton felled him with a blow at the back + of his head, and, as he was crying to God for + mercy, with another blow despatched him. This + account is supposed to be entirely disproved by the + fact that, when Richard's tomb was accidentally + laid open a few years ago in Westminster Abbey, the + head was carefully examined, and no marks of + violence whatever appeared on it. (See Archæologia, + vol. vi. p. 316, and vol. xx. p. 284.) On the other + hand, it is equally obvious to remark, that, if + Henry IV. did exhibit to the people the body of + another person for that of Richard, it was the + substituted body which was buried, first at Langley + and afterwards at Westminster. The absence, + consequently, of all marks of violence on that + body, till its identity with the corpse of Richard + is established, proves nothing. But surely there is + no reason to believe that any deception was + practised. There could have been no motive for such + fraud, and the strongest reasons must have existed + to dissuade Henry from adopting it. The only object + wished to be secured by the exposure of Richard's + corpse, (and it was exposed at all the chief places + between Pontefract and London,--at night after the + offices for the dead, in the morning after mass,) + was the removal of all doubt as to his being really + dead. The false rumours were, not that he was + murdered, but that he was alive. Among the + thousands who flocked to see him were doubtless + numbers of his friends and wellwishers, familiarly + acquainted with his features, many of whom, it is + thought, must have detected any imposture, and some + of whom would surely have been bold enough to + publish it. Still, on the other hand, it is + suggested that a very short lapse of time after + dissolution effects so material a change in a + corpse, that the most intimate of a man's friends + would often not be able to recognise a single + feature in his countenance. And certainly many of + Richard's friends remained unconvinced.] + +Henry IV. had no sooner gained the throne of England, than he was made +to feel that he could retain possession of it only by unremitting +watchfulness, and by a vigorous overthrow of each successive (p. 083) +design of his enemies as it arose. In addition as well to the hostility +of France (whose monarch and people were grievously incensed by the +deposition of Richard), as to the restless warfare of the Scots, he +was compelled to provide against the more secret and more dangerous +machinations of his own subjects.[91] After the discovery and defeat +of the plot laid by the malcontent lords in the beginning of January +(1400), he first employed himself in making preparations to repress +the threatened aggressions of his northern neighbours. His council (p. 084) +had received news as early as the 9th of February of the intention of +the Scots to invade England; indeed, as far back as the preceding +November, the petition of the Commons informs us that they considered +war with Scotland inevitable. On this campaign Henry IV. resolved to +enter in his own person, and he left London for the North in the June +following. Our later historians seem not to have entertained any doubts +as to the accuracy of some early chroniclers, when they state that +Henry of Monmouth was sent on towards Scotland as his father's +representative, in command of the advanced guard, in the opening of +the summer[92] of 1400. Elmham states the general fact that Henry was +sent on with the first troops, but in the manuscript there is a +"Quære" in the margin in the same hand-writing. And the querist seems +to have had sufficient reasons for expressing his doubts as to the +accuracy of such a statement. The renown of the Prince as a youthful +warrior will easily account for any premature date assigned to his +earliest campaign; whilst the age of his father, who was seen at the +head of the invading army in Scotland, might perhaps have contributed +to a mistake. The King himself, at that time personally little known +among his subjects, was not more than thirty-four years old.[93] (p. 085) +Be this as it may, we have great reason to believe that Henry IV, when +he proceeded northward, left the Prince of Wales at home. In the first +place, we must remember that, among their primary and most solemn acts +after the King's coronation, the Commons, anticipating the certainty +of this expedition into Scotland, preferred to him a petition, praying +that the Prince by reason of his tender age might not go thither, "nor +elsewhere forth of the realm." The letter too of Lord Grey of Ruthyn, +to which we must hereafter refer, announcing the turbulent state of +Wales, and the necessity of suppressing its disorders with a stronger +hand, can best be explained on the supposition that the King was absent +at the date of that letter,[94] about Midsummer 1400, and that the +Prince was at home. Lord Grey addresses his letter to the Prince, and +not to the King; though the King, as well as the Prince, had commissioned +him to put down the rising disturbances in his neighbourhood.[95] Some, +perhaps, may think this intelligible on the ground that Lord Grey wrote +to Henry as Prince of Wales, and therefore more immediately (p. 086) +intrusted with the preservation of its peace. But his suggestion to +the Prince to take the advice of the King's council,--"with advice of +our liege lord his council,"--is scarcely consistent with the idea of +the King himself being at hand to give the necessary directions and a +"more plainer commission." + + [Footnote 91: Chroniclers give an account of an + extraordinary instrument of death laid in Henry's + bed by some secret plotter against his life. The + Sloane Manuscript describes it as a machine like + the engine called the Caltrappe; and the Monk of + Evesham says that it was reported to have been laid + for Henry by one of Isabella's household.] + + [Footnote 92: Modern writers have erroneously + referred to this year Monstrelet's account of Henry + of Monmouth's expedition to Scotland.] + + [Footnote 93: A curious item in the Pell Rolls (14 + December 1401) intimates that Henry IV. amused + himself with the sports of the field, and at the + same time tells us that such amusements were by no + means unexpensive in those days: "Sixteen pounds + paid by the King to Sir Thomas Erpyngham as the + price of a sparrow-hawk."] + + [Footnote 94: June 14, he wrote to his council from + Clipstone in Nottinghamshire: July 4th, he was at + York.--Min. Council.] + + [Footnote 95: "By our liege Lord his commandment, + and by yours."] + + * * * * * + +Be this however as it may: whether Henry of Monmouth's noviciate in +arms was passed on the Scotch borders, (for in Ireland, as the +companion of Richard, he had been merely a spectator,) or whether, as +the evidence seems to preponderate, we consider the chroniclers to +have antedated his first campaign, he was not allowed to remain long +without being personally engaged in a struggle of far greater magnitude +in itself, and of vastly more importance to the whole realm of England, +than any one could possibly infer from the brief and cursory references +made to it by the historians who are the most generally consulted by our +countrymen. The rebellion of Owyn Glyndowr[96] is despatched by Hume in +less than two octavo pages, though it once certainly struck a (p. 087) +panic into the very heart of England, and through the whole of Henry +IV.'s reign, more or less, involved a considerable portion of the +kingdom in great alarm; carrying devastation far and wide through some +of its fairest provinces; and at one period of the struggle, by the +succour of Henry's foreign and domestic enemies, with whom the Welsh +made common cause, threatening to wrest the sceptre itself from the +hands of that monarch. The part which his son Henry of Monmouth was +destined to take personally in resisting the progress of this rebellion, +and the evidence which the indisputable facts recorded of that protracted +contest bear to his character, (facts, most of which are comparatively +little known, and many of which are altogether new in history,) seem +to require at our hands a somewhat fuller investigation into the origin, +progress, and circumstances of this rebellion, than has hitherto been +undertaken by our chroniclers. + + [Footnote 96: The name of this extraordinary man is + very variously spelt. His Christian name is either + Owyain, or Owen, or Owyn. On his surname the + original documents, as well as subsequent writers, + ring many changes: the etymology of the name is + undoubtedly The Glen of the waters of the Dee, or, + Of the black waters. The name consequently is + sometimes spelt Glyndwffrduy, and Glyndwrdu. In + general, however, it assumes the form in English + documents of Glendor, or Glyndowr: in Henry of + Monmouth's first letter it is Oweyn de Glyndourdy. + In these Memoirs the form generally adhered to is + Owyn Glyndowr. In the record of the Scrope and + Grosvenor controversy, Owyn's name is spelt + Glendore, whilst his brother Tuder's, who was + examined the same day, is written Glyndore.] + + + + +CHAPTER V. (p. 088) + +THE WELSH REBELLION. -- OWYN GLYNDOWR. -- HIS FORMER LIFE. -- DISPUTE +WITH LORD GREY OF RUTHYN. -- THAT LORD'S LETTER TO PRINCE HENRY. -- +HOTSPUR. -- HIS TESTIMONY TO HENRY'S PRESENCE IN WALES, -- TO HIS +MERCY AND HIS PROWESS. -- HENRY'S DESPATCH TO THE PRIVY COUNCIL. + +1400-1401. + + +Previously to the accession of Henry IV, Wales had enjoyed, for nearly +seventy years, a season of comparative security and rest. During the +desperate struggles in the reign of Henry III, in which its inhabitants, +chiefly under their Prince Llewellin, fought so resolutely for their +freedom, many districts of the Principality, especially the border-lands, +had been rendered all but deserts. From this melancholy devastation +they had scarcely recovered, when Queen Isabella, wife of Edward II, +headed the rebel army against her own husband, who had taken refuge in +Glamorganshire; and carried with her the most dreadful of all national +scourges,--a sanguinary civil war. The whole country of South Wales, +we are told, was so miserably ravaged by these intestine horrors, (p. 089) +and the dearth consequent upon them was so excessive, that horses and +dogs became at last the ordinary food of the miserable survivors. From +the accession of Edward III, and throughout his long reign, Wales +seems to have enjoyed undisturbed tranquillity and repose. Its +oppressors were improving their fortunes, rapidly and largely, in +France, reaping a far more abundant harvest in her rich domains than +this impoverished land could have offered to their expectations. +Through the whole reign also of Richard II, we hear of no serious +calamity having befallen these ancient possessors of Britain. A +friendly intercourse seems at that time to have been formed between +the Principality and the kingdom at large; and a devoted attachment to +the person of the King appears to have sprung up generally among the +Welsh, and to have grown into maturity. We may thus consider the +natives of Wales to have enjoyed a longer period of rest and peace +than had fallen to their lot for centuries before, when the deposition +of Richard, who had taken refuge among their strongholds, and in +defence of whom they would have risked their property and their lives, +prepared them to follow any chieftain who would head his countrymen +against the present dynasty, and direct them in their struggle to +throw off the English, or rather, perhaps, the Lancastrian yoke. + +The French writer to whom we have so often referred, M. Creton, (p. 090) +in describing the creation of Henry of Monmouth as Prince of Wales, +employs these remarkable words: "Then arose Duke Henry. His eldest +son, who humbly knelt before him, he made Prince of Wales, and gave +him the land; but I think he must conquer it if he will have it: for +in my opinion the Welsh would on no account allow him to be their +lord, for the sorrow, evil, and disgrace which the English, together +with his father, had brought upon King Richard." How correctly this +foreigner had formed an estimate of the feelings and principles of the +Welsh, will best appear from that portion of Henry's life on which we +are now entering. His prediction was fully verified by the event. +Henry of Monmouth was compelled to conquer Wales for himself; and in a +struggle, too, which lasted through an entire third part of his +eventful career. + + * * * * * + +In accounting for the origin of the civil war in Wales, historians +generally dwell on the injustice and insults committed by Lord Grey of +Ruthyn on Owyn Glyndowr, and the consequent determination of that +resolute chief to take vengeance for the wrongs by which he had been +goaded. Probably the far more correct view is to consider the Welsh at +large as altogether ready for revolt, and the conduct of Lord Grey as +having only instigated Owyn to put himself at their head; at all +events to accept the office of leader, to which, as we are told, his +countrymen[97] elected him. The train was already laid in the (p. 091) +unshaken fidelity of the Welsh to their deposed monarch, whom they +believed to be still alive[98] and in the deadly hatred against all +who had assisted Henry of Lancaster in his act of usurpation; the +spark was supplied by the resentment of a personal injury. His +countrymen were ripe for rebellion, and Owyn was equally ready to +direct their counsels, and to head them in the field of battle. + + [Footnote 97: The proceedings of the Welsh, in + detail, at this time, are not found in any + contemporary documents, on the authenticity of + which we may rely. As to the general facts, + however, whether we draw them from the traditions + of the Welsh or the English chroniclers, no + reasonable doubt can be entertained. But the Author + cannot take upon himself the responsibility of + vouching for the truth of the biographical + particulars recorded of Owyn's early life and + adventures, or the measures which he adopted + previously to his breaking out into open revolt, + any more than he can undertake to establish by + proof the genealogy of that chieftain, and trace + him through Llewellin ap Jorwarth to Bleddyn ap + Cynfyn, or the third of the five royal tribes.] + + [Footnote 98: It is curious, in point of history, + to observe for how very long a time rumours that + Richard was still alive were industriously spread, + and as greedily received. The royal proclamations + again and again denounced the authors of such false + rumours. In the rebellion of the Percies it was + asserted that Richard was still alive in the Castle + of Chester. In 1406 the Earl of Northumberland + (though he had charged Henry with the murder of + Richard), in his letter to the Duke of Orleans + states the alternative of his being still alive. + And even Sir John Oldcastle, in 1418, when before + the Parliament, protested that he never would + acknowledge that court so long as his liege lord, + Richard, was alive in Scotland.--See Archæologia, + vol. xx. p. 220.] + +Owyn Glyndowr was no upstart adventurer. He was of an ancient (p. 092) +family, or rather, we must say, of princely extraction, being descended +from Llewellin ap Jorwarth Droyndon, Prince of Wales. We have reason to +conclude that he succeeded to large hereditary property. The exact time +of his birth is not known: most writers have placed it between 1349 and +1354; but it was probably later by five years than the latter of those +two dates.[99] This extraordinary man, whose unwearied zeal and +indomitable bravery, had they taken a different direction, would have +merited, humanly speaking, a better fate, was invested by the +superstitions of the times with a supernatural character. His vaunt to +Hotspur is not so much the offspring of Shakspeare's imagination, as +an echo to the popular opinions generally entertained of him:[100] + + [Footnote 99: Owyn and his brother Tudor were both + examined at Chester, September 3, 1386, during the + controversy between the families of Scrope and + Grosvenor as to the arms of the latter; and it + appears from their own evidence that Owyn was born + before Sept. 3, 1359, and that his brother Tudor + (who was slain in the battle of Grosmont, or Mynydd + Pwl Melin) was three years younger. The record of + this controversy assigns to Owyn himself this + honourable title "Oweyn Sire [Lord] de Glendore del + age XXVII ans et pluis."] + + [Footnote 100: Strange wonders, says Walsingham, + happened, as men reported, at the birth of this + man; for, the same night he was born, all his + father's horses were found to stand in blood up to + their bellies. It is curious to find both the + Sloane MS. and the Monk of Evesham pointing to the + fulfilment of this prophetic prodigy during the + battle in which Edmund Mortimer was taken, when the + bodies of the slain lay between the horses feet + rolling in blood.] + + At my birth (p. 093) + The front of heaven was full of fiery shapes, + The goats ran from the mountains, and the herds + Were strangely clamorous in the frighted fields. + These signs have marked me extraordinary, + And all the courses of my life do show + I am not in the roll of common men. + 1 HENRY IV. iii. 1. + +Whether Owyn had persuaded himself to believe the fabulous stories +told of his birth; or whether for purposes of policy he merely +countenanced, in the midst of an ignorant and superstitious people, +what others had invented and spread; there is no doubt that even in +his lifetime he was supposed, not only within the borders of his +father-land, but even through England itself, to have intercourse with +the spirits of the invisible world, and through their agency to possess, +among other vague and indefinite powers, a supernatural influence over +the elements, and to have the winds and storms at his bidding. Absurd +as were the fables told concerning him, they exercised great influence +on his enemies as well as his friends; and few, perhaps, dreaded the +powers of his spell more than the King himself. Still, independently +of any aid from superstition, Glyndowr combined in his own person many +qualities fitting him for the prominent station which he acquired, and +which he so long maintained among his countrymen; and as the enemy of +Henry IV. he was one of a very numerous and powerful body, formed from +among the first persons of the whole realm. He received his (p. 094) +education in London, and studied in one of the Inns of Court. He +became afterwards an esquire of the body to King Richard; and he was +one of the few faithful subjects who remained in his suite till he was +taken prisoner in Flint Castle. After his master's fall he was for a +short time esquire to the Earl of Arundel, whose castle, situated in +the immediate neighbourhood of Glyndowrdy, was called Castel Dinas +Bran. Its ruins, with the hill on the crown of which it was built, +still form a most striking object near Llangollen, on the right of the +magnificent road leading from Shrewsbury to Bangor. + +A few months only had elapsed after the deposition of Richard when +those occurrences took place which are said to have driven Glyndowr +into open revolt. He was residing on his estate, which lay contiguous +to the lands of Lord Grey of Ruthyn. That nobleman claimed and seized +some part of Owyn's property. Against this act of oppression Owyn +petitioned the Parliament, which sate early in 1400, praying for +redress. The Bishop of St. Asaph is said to have cautioned the +Parliament not to treat the Welshman with neglect, lest his countrymen +should espouse his cause and have recourse to arms. This advice was +disregarded, and Owyn's petition was dismissed in the most uncourteous +manner.[101] + + [Footnote 101: Leland records the expressions of + contempt and insult with which the dismissal of + Owyn's petition was accompanied, and the advice of + the Bishop of St. Asaph scorned. "They said they + cared not for barefooted blackguards:"--"se de + scurris nudipedibus non curare." We cannot wonder + if their national pride was wounded by such + contumely.] + +Another act of injustice and treachery on the part of Lord Grey (p. 095) +drove Owyn to take the desperate step either of raising the standard +of rebellion, or of joining his countrymen who had already raised it. +Lord Grey withheld the letter of summons for the Welsh chief to attend +the King in his expedition against Scotland, till it was too late for +him to join the rendezvous. Owyn excused himself on the shortness of +the notice; but Lord Grey reported him as disobedient. Aware that he +had incurred the King's displeasure, and could expect no mercy, since +his deadly foe had possession of the royal ear, Owyn put himself +boldly at the head of his rebellious countrymen, who almost unanimously +renounced their allegiance to the crown of England, and subsequently +acknowledged Owyn as their sovereign lord. + +The Monk of Evesham, and the MS. Chronicle which used to be regarded +as the compilation of one of Henry V.'s chaplains, both preserved in +the British Museum, speak of the Welsh as having first risen in arms, +and as having afterwards elected Owyn for their chief. It is, however, +remarkable that no mention is made of Owyn Glyndowr in the King's +proclamations, or any public document till the spring of 1401. Probably +at first the proceedings, in which he took afterwards so (p. 096) +pre-eminent a part, resembled riotous outrages, breaking forth in entire +defiance of the law, but conducted neither on any preconcerted plan, nor +under the direction of any one leader. + +Lord Grey's ancestors had received Ruthyn with a view to the protection +of the frontier; and on the first indication of the rebellious spirit +breaking out in acts of disorder and violence, both the King and the +Prince wrote separately to Lord Grey, reminding him of his duty to +disperse the rioters, and put down the insurgents. These mandates were +despatched probably in the beginning of June 1400, some days before +the King departed for the borders of Scotland. Lord Grey, in the +letter[102] to which we have above referred, supposing that the (p. 097) +King had already started on that expedition, returned an answer +only to the Prince, acknowledging the receipt of his and his father's +commands; but pleading the impossibility of executing them with +effect, unless the Prince, with the advice of the King's council, +would forward to him a commission with more ample powers, authorizing +him to lay hands on the insurgents in whatever part of the country +they might chance to be found; ordaining also that no lord's land +should be respected as a sanctuary to shield them from the law; and +that all the King's officers should be enjoined through the whole +territory to aid and assist in quelling the insurrection.[103] + + [Footnote 102: Sir Henry Ellis, to whom we are + deeply indebted for his succinct and clear + statement of the events of these times, appears, in + his introductory remarks on Lord Grey's letter, to + have overlooked the date of Henry IV.'s departure + for Scotland. He says: "Upon Henry's return, the + Welsh were rising in arms, and Lord Grey was + ordered to go against them. It seems to have been + at this point of time that the letter was penned. + It was apparently written in the month of June + 1400." But the King did not leave London till + towards Midsummer, and we have a letter from him + (on his march northward) dated York, July 4, 1400, + commanding the mayor and authorities of London to + provide corn, wine, &c. for the King's use in + Scotland, and as much money as they could raise on + his jewels. The writ in consequence of this letter + was issued July 12. Walsingham, indeed, says that + they seized the opportunity of the King's absence, + and rose under their leader Owyn. The King, on his + return from Scotland, was at Newcastle upon Tyne on + the 3rd of September.] + + [Footnote 103: At the back of this letter of Lord + Grey to Prince Henry we now find another, pasted, + sent by David ap Gruffyth to Lord Grey, probably + the very epistle which the Earl says he had + received "from the greatest thief in Wales;" the + few last sentences of which, apparently written in + a sort of jingling rhyme, indicate the character of + its author and the spirit of the times. "We hope we + shall do thee a privy thing: a rope, a ladder, and + a ring, high on a gallows for to heng; and thus + shall be your ending; and he that made thee be + there to helpyng, and we on our behalf shall be + well willing." The conclusion of another letter + from the same pen, in defiance of Lord Grey's + power, breathes the feelings with which the Welsh + entered upon this rebellion. "And it was told me + that ye been in perpose for to make your men burn + and slay in whatsoever country I be and am seisened + in (have property). Withouten doubt as many men + that ye slay, and as many housen that ye burn for + my sake, as many will I burn and slay for your + sake; and doubt not I will have bread and ale of + the best that is in your lordship. I can no more. + But God keep your worshipful state in prosperity. + Written in great haste, at the Park of Brinkiffe, + the xi day of June.--GRUFFUTH AP DAVID AP + GRUFFUTH."] + +This nobleman had evidently taken a very alarming view of the state of +the country; and the first documents which we inspect manifest (p. 098) +the uncurbed fury and deadly hatred with which the Welsh rushed into +this rebellion. Indeed, the general character of Owyn's campaigns +breathes more "of savage warfare than of chivalry." Lord Grey's letter +is dated June 23, and must have been written in the year 1400; for, +long before the corresponding month in the following year had come +round, the Prince had himself been personally engaged in the district +which the Earl was more especially appointed to guard. + +It does not appear what steps were taken in consequence of this +communication of Lord Grey; except that the King, on the 19th of +September, issued his first proclamation against the rebels. Probably +on his return from Scotland, the King went himself immediately towards +Wales; for the Monk of Evesham states expressly that he came from +Worcester to Evesham on the 19th of October, and returned the next day +for London. In the course, however, of a very few months at the latest, +a commission to suppress the rebellion, and restore peace in the northern +counties of the Principality, was entrusted to an individual whose +character, and fortunes, and death, deeply involved as they are in an +eventful period of the history of our native land, could not but (p. 099) +have recommended the part he then took in Wales to our especial notice +under any circumstances whatsoever; whilst his name excites in us feelings +of tenfold greater interest when it offers itself in conjunction with +the name of Henry of Monmouth. + +Henry Percy, eldest son of the Earl of Northumberland, known more +familiarly as HOTSPUR,--a name which historians and poets have preferred +as characteristic of his decision, and zeal, and the impetuosity of +his disposition,--very shortly after Henry IV.'s accession had been +appointed not only Warden of the East Marches of Scotland and Governor +of Berwick, but also Chief Justice of North Wales and Chester, and +Constable of the Castles of Chester, Flint, Conway, and Caernarvon. In +this latter capacity, with the utmost promptitude and decision, +Hotspur exerted himself to the very best of his power, at great +personal labour and expense, to crush the rebellion in its +infancy.[104] + + [Footnote 104: At as early a date as April 19, + 1401, the Pell Rolls record the payment to him of + "200_l._ for continuing at his own cost the siege + of Conway Castle immediately after the rebels had + taken it, without the assistance of any one except + the people of the country."] + +The letters of this renowned and ill-fated nobleman, the originals of +which are preserved among the records of the Privy Council, seem to have +escaped the notice of our historians.[105] They throw, however, (p. 100) +much light on the affairs of Wales and on Glyndowr's rebellion at this +early stage, and to the Biographer of Henry of Monmouth are truly +valuable. The first of these original papers, all of which are beautifully +corroborative of Hotspur's character as we have received it, both from +the notices of the historian and the delineations of the poet, is dated +Denbigh, April 10, 1401. It is addressed to the King's council under +feelings of annoyance that they could have deemed it necessary to +admonish him to exert himself in putting down the insurgents, and +restoring peace to the turbulent districts over which his commission +gave him authority. His character, he presumes, ought to have been a +pledge to them of his conduct. In this letter there is not a shade of +anything but devoted loyalty. + + [Footnote 105: The observations of Sir Harris + Nicolas, to whom we are indebted for the + publication of these letters, are very just: "Much + information respecting the state of affairs in + Wales is afforded by the correspondence of Sir + Henry Percy, the celebrated Hotspur; five letters + from whom are now for the first time brought to + light. Besides their historical value, these + letters derive great interest from being the only + relics of Hotspur which are known to be preserved, + from throwing some light on the cause of his + discontent and subsequent rebellion, and still more + from being in strict accordance with the supposed + haughty, captious, and uncompromising character of + that eminent soldier."--Preface, vol. i. p. + xxxviii.] + +The reference which Hotspur makes in this first letter to "those of +the council of his most honoured and redoubted Prince being in these +parts," is perhaps the very earliest intimation we have of Henry (p. 101) +of Monmouth being himself personally engaged in suppressing the rebellion +in his principality, with the exception, at least, of the inference to +be fairly drawn from the acts of the Privy Council in the preceding +month. The King at his house, "Coldharbour," (the same which he +afterwards assigned to the Prince,) had assented to a proclamation +against the Welsh on the 13th of March; and on the 21st of March the +council had agreed to seal an instrument with the great seal, +authorizing the Prince himself to discharge any constables of the +castles who should neglect their duty, and not execute their office in +person. It is, however, to the second letter of Hotspur, dated +Caernarvon, May 3rd, 1401, that any one who takes a lively interest in +ascertaining the real character of Henry of Monmouth will find his +mind irresistibly drawn; he will meditate upon it again and again, and +with increasing interest as he becomes more familiar with the +circumstances under which it was written; and comparing it with the +prejudices almost universally adopted without suspicion and without +inquiry, will contemplate it with mingled feelings of surprise and +satisfaction. The name of Harry Hotspur, when set side by side with +the name of Harry of Monmouth, has been too long associated in the +minds of all who delight in English literature, with feelings of +unkindness and jealous rivalry. At the risk of anticipating what may +hereafter be established more at large, we cannot introduce this document +to the reader without saying that we hail the preservation of this (p. 102) +one, among the very few letters of Percy now known to be in existence, +with satisfaction and thankfulness. It is as though history were +destined of set purpose to correct the fascinating misrepresentations +of the poet, and to vindicate a character which has been too long +misunderstood. In the fictions of our dramatic poet Hotspur is the +very first to bear to Bolinbroke testimony of the reckless, dissolute +habits of Henry of Monmouth.[106] Hotspur is the very first whom the +truth of history declares to have given direct and voluntary evidence +to the military talents of this same Prince, and the kindness of his +heart,--to his prowess at once and his mercy; the combination of which +two noble qualities characterizes his whole life, and of which, blended +in delightful harmony, his campaigns in Wales supply this, by no means +solitary, example. Hotspur informs the council that North Wales, where +he was holding his sessions, was obedient to the law in all points, +excepting the rebels in Conway, and in Rees Castle which was in the +mountains. "And these," continues Percy, "will be well chastised, if +it so please God, by the force and governance which my redoubted lord +the Prince has sent against them, as well of his council as of his +retinue, to besiege these rebels in the said castles; which siege, (p. 103) +if it can be continued till the said rebels be taken, will bring great +ease and profit to the governance of the same country in time to +come." "Also," he proceeds, "the commons of the said country of North +Wales, that is, the counties of Caernarvon and Merioneth, who have +been before me at present, have humbly offered their thanks to my lord +the Prince for the great exertions of his kindness and goodwill in +procuring their pardon at the hands of our sovereign lord the +King."[107] The pardon itself, dated Westminster, 10th of March 1401, +bears testimony to these exertions of Prince Henry in behalf of the +rebels: "Of our especial grace, and at the prayer of our dearest +first-born son, Henry Prince of Wales, we have pardoned all treasons, +rebellions, &c."[108] Henry of Monmouth, when one of the first +noblemen and most renowned warriors of the age bears this testimony to +his character for valour and for kind-heartedness, had not quite +completed his fourteenth year. + + [Footnote 106: King RICHARD II. Act v. scene 3. + + _Boling._--"Can no man tell of my unthrifty son?" + _Percy._--"My Lord, some two days since I saw the + Prince," &c.] + + [Footnote 107: The commons at the same time, of + their own free will, offered to pay as much as they + had formerly paid to King Richard.] + + [Footnote 108: An exception by name is made of Owyn + Glyndowr, and also of Rees ap Tudor, and William ap + Tudor. These two brothers, however, surrendered the + Castle of Conway, and William with thirty-one more + received the royal pardon, dated 8th July 1401. + Pardons in the same terms had been granted on the + 6th May to the rebels of Chirk; on the 10th, to + those of Bromfield and Oswestry; on the 16th, to + those of Ellesmere; and, upon June 15th, to the + rebels of Whityngton.] + +This communication of Henry Percy, as remarkable as it is (p. 104) +interesting, appears to fix to the year 1401 the date of the following, +the very first letter known to exist from Henry of Monmouth. It is +dated Shrewsbury, May 15, and is addressed to the Lords of the Council, +whom he thanks for the kind attention paid by them to all his wants +during his absence in Wales. The epistle breathes the spirit of a +gallant young warrior full of promptitude and intrepidity.[109] It may +be surmised, perhaps, that the letter was written by the Prince's +secretary; and that the sentiments and turn of thought here exhibited +may, after all, be no fair test of his own mind. But this is mere +conjecture and assumption, requiring the testimony of facts to confirm +it: and, against it, we must observe, that there is a simplicity, a +raciness and an individuality of character pervading Henry's letters +which seem to stamp them for his own. Especially do they stand out in +broad contrast, when put side by side with the equally characteristic +despatches of Hotspur. + + LETTER OF PRINCE HENRY TO THE COUNCIL. + + "Very dear and entirely well-beloved, we greet you much from our + whole heart, thanking you very sincerely for the kind attention + you have given to our wants during our absence; and we pray of + you very earnestly the continuance of your good and friendly (p. 105) + services, as our trust is in you. As to news from these parts, + if you wish to hear of what has taken place, we were lately + informed that Owyn Glyndowr [Oweyn de Glyndourdy] had assembled + his forces, and those of other rebels, his adherents, in great + numbers, purposing to commit inroads; and, in case of any + resistance to his plans on the part of the English, to come + to battle with them: and so he boasted to his own people. + Wherefore we took our men, and went to a place of the said Owyn, + well built, which was his chief mansion, called Saghern, where we + thought we should have found him, if he wished to fight, as he + said. And, on our arrival there, we found no person. So we caused + the whole place to be set on fire, and many other houses around + it, belonging to his tenants. And then we went straight to his + other place of Glyndourdy, to seek for him there. There we burnt + a fine lodge in his park, and the whole country round. And we + remained there all that night. And certain of our people sallied + forth, and took a gentleman of high degree of that country, who + was one of the said Owyn's chieftains. This person offered five + hundred pounds for his ransom to save his life, and to pay that + sum within two weeks. Nevertheless that was not accepted, and he + was put to death; and several of his companions, who were taken + the same day, met with the same fate. We then proceeded to the + commote of Edirnyon in Merionethshire, and there laid waste a + fine and populous country; thence we went to Powys, and, there + being in Wales a want of provender for horses, we made our people + carry oats with them, and we tarried there for ---- days.[110] + And to give you fuller information of this expedition, and all + other news from these parts at present, we send to you our + well-beloved esquire, John de Waterton, to whom you will be + pleased to give entire faith and credence in what he shall report + to you on our part with respect to the above-mentioned (p. 106) + affair. And may our Lord have you always in his holy keeping.--Given + under our signet, at Shrewsbury, the 15th day of May." + + [Footnote 109: The original, in French, is + preserved in the British Museum.--Cotton, Cleop. + viii. fol. 117 b.] + + [Footnote 110: The original is here imperfect.] + +Two days only after the date of this epistle, Hotspur despatched +another letter from Denbigh, which seems to convey the first +intimation of his dissatisfaction with the King's government; a +feeling which rapidly grew stronger, and led probably to the +subsequent outbreaking of his violence and rebellion. Hotspur presses +upon the council the perilous state of the Welsh Marches, at the same +time declaring that he could not endure the expense and labour then +imposed upon him more than one month longer; within four days at +furthest from the expiration of which time he must absolutely resign +his command. + +In less than ten days after this despatch of Percy, the King's +proclamation mentions Owyn Glyndowr by name, as a rebel determined to +invade and ravage England. The King, announcing his own intention to +proceed the next day towards Worcester to crush the rebellion himself, +commands the sheriffs of various counties to join him with their +forces, wheresoever he might be. At this period the rebels entered +upon the campaign with surprising vigour. Many simultaneous assaults +appear to have been made against the English in different parts of the +borders. On the 28th of May a proclamation declares Glyndowr to be in +the Marches of Caermarthen; and, only ten days before (May 18th), (p. 107) +a commission was issued to attack the Welsh, who were besieging +William Beauchamp and his wife in the Castle of Abergavenny; whilst, +at the same time, the people of Salop were excused a subsidy, in +consideration of the vast losses they had sustained by the inroads of +the Welsh. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. (p. 108) + +GLYNDOWR JOINED BY WELSH STUDENTS OF OXFORD. -- TAKES LORD GREY +PRISONER. -- HOTSPUR'S FURTHER DESPATCHES. -- HE QUITS WALES. -- +REFLECTIONS ON THE EVENTFUL LIFE AND PREMATURE DEATH OF ISABELLA, +RICHARD'S WIDOW. -- GLYNDOWR DISPOSED TO COME TO TERMS. -- THE KING'S +EXPEDITIONS TOWARDS WALES ABORTIVE. -- MARRIAGE PROPOSED BETWEEN HENRY +AND KATHARINE OF NORWAY. -- THE KING MARRIES JOAN OF NAVARRE. + +1401. + + +When Owyn Glyndowr raised the standard of rebellion in his native +land, and assuming to himself the name and state and powers of an +independent sovereign, under the title of "Prince of Wales," declared +war against Henry of Bolinbroke and his son, he was fully impressed +with the formidable power of his antagonists, and with the fate that +might await him should he fail in his attempt to rescue Wales from the +yoke of England. Embarked in a most perilous enterprise, a cause of +life or death, he vigorously entered on the task of securing every +promising means of success. His countrymen, whom he now called his +subjects, soon flocked to his standard from all quarters. Not only (p. 109) +did those who were already in the Principality take up arms; but +numbers also who had left their homes, and were resident in distant +parts of the kingdom, returned forthwith as at the command of their +prince and liege lord. The Welsh scholars,[111] who were pursuing +their studies in the University of Oxford, were summoned by Owyn, and +the names of some who obeyed the mandate are recorded. Owyn at the +same time negociated for assistance from France, with what success we +shall see hereafter; and sent also his emissaries to Scotland and "the +distant isles." On those of his countrymen who espoused the cause of +the King, and refused to join his standard, he afterwards poured the +full fury of his vengeance; and in the uncurbed madness of his rage, +forgetful of the future welfare of his native land, and of his own +interests should he be established as its prince, unmindful also of +the respect which even enemies pay to the sacred edifices of the +common faith, he reduced to ashes not only the houses of his opponents, +but Episcopal palaces, monasteries, and cathedrals within the +Principality. + + [Footnote 111: See Ellis's Original Letters, second + series, vol. i. p. 8.] + +Owyn Glyndowr was in a short time so well supported by an army, +undisciplined no doubt, and in all respects ill appointed, but yet +devoted to him and their common cause, that he was emboldened to try +his strength with Lord Grey in the field. A battle, fought (as it (p. 110) +should seem) in the very neighbourhood of Glyndowrdy,[112] terminated +in favour of Owyn, who took the Earl prisoner, and carried him into +the fastnesses of Snowdon. The precise date of this conflict is not +known; probably it was at the opening of spring: the circumstances +also of his capture are very differently represented. It is generally +asserted that a marriage with one of Owyn's daughters was the condition +of regaining his liberty proposed to the Earl; that the marriage was +solemnized; and that Owyn then, instead of keeping his word and releasing +him, demanded of him a most exorbitant ransom. It is, moreover, affirmed, +that the Earl remained Glyndowr's prisoner to the day of his death. +Now, that Lord Grey fell into the Welsh chieftain's hands as a prisoner, +is beyond question; so it is that he paid a heavy ransom: but that he +died in confinement is certainly not true, for he accompanied Henry V. +to France, and also served him by sea. The report of his marriage with +Owyn's daughter, might have originated in some confusion of Lord Grey +with Sir Edmund Mortimer; who unquestionably did take one of the Welsh +chieftain's daughters for his wife.[113] It is scarcely probable that +both Owyn's prisoners should have married his daughters; and still (p. 111) +less probable that he should have exacted so large a ransom from his +son-in-law as to exhaust his means, and prevent him from acting as a +baron of the realm was then expected to act. Dugdale's Baronage gives +the Earl two wives, without naming the daughter of Glyndowr. Hardyng, +in his Chronicle presented to Henry VI, thus describes the affair: + + Soone after was the same Lord Gray in feelde + Fightyng taken, and holden prisoner + By Owayne, so that hym in prison helde + Till his ransom was made, and fynaunce clear, + Ten thousand marks, and fully payed were; + For whiche he was so poor then all his life, + That no power he had to war, nor stryfe. + + [Footnote 112: Lingard places the site of Owyn's + victory over Lord Grey on the banks of the + "Vurnway."] + + [Footnote 113: The Monk of Evesham reports that + Lord Grey was released about the year 1404, having + first paid to Owyn five thousand marks for his + ransom, and leaving his two sons as pledges for the + payment of five thousand more. The same authority + informs us that Edmund Mortimer espoused the + daughter of Owyn with great solemnity. The Pell + Rolls (1 Henry V. June 27) leave us in no doubt as + to the fact of that marriage.] + +Another letter from Henry Percy to the council, dated June 4, 1401, is +very interesting in several points of view. It proves that the +negociations "carried in and out," mentioned in a letter written by +the chamberlain of Caernarvon to the King's council, had been +successful, and that the Scots had sent aid to the Welsh chieftain: it +proves also that Hotspur himself was at this time (though bitterly +dissatisfied) carrying on the war for the King in the very heart of +Wales, and amidst its mountain-recesses and strongholds; and that Owyn +was at that time assailed on all sides by the English forces, a (p. 112) +circumstance which might probably have led to his "good intention to +return to his allegiance," at the close of the present year. Henry +Percy declares to the council that he can support the expenses of the +campaign no longer. He informs them of an engagement in which, assisted +by Sir Hugh Browe and the Earl of Arundel, the only Lords Marchers who +had joined him in the expedition, he had a few days before routed the +Welsh at Cader Idris. News, he adds, had just reached him of a victory +gained by Lord Powis[114] over Owyn; also that an English vessel had +been retaken from the Scots, and a Scotch vessel of war had been +captured at Milford. Another letter, dated 3rd July, (probably the +same year, 1401,) reiterates his complaints of non-payment of his +forces, and of the government having underrated his services; it +expresses his hope also that, since he had written to the King himself +with a statement of his destitute condition, should any evil happen to +castle, town, or march, the blame would not be cast on him, whose +means were so utterly crippled, but would fall on the heads of those +who refused the supplies. Henry IV. had certainly not neglected this +rebellion in Wales, though evidently the measures adopted against the +insurgents were not so vigorous at the commencement as the (p. 113) +urgency of the case required. His exchequer was exhausted, and he had +other business in hand to drain off the supplies as fast as they could +possibly be collected. He was, therefore, contented for the present to +keep the rebels in check, without attempting to crush them by pouring +in an overwhelming force from different points at once. + + [Footnote 114: This nobleman, John Charlton, Lord + Powis, died on the 19th of October following, and + was succeeded by his son Edward, who, on the 5th of + August, (probably in 1402 or 1403,) applied to the + council for a reinforcement.--Min. of Coun.] + +Towards the middle of this summer, the King marched in person to +Worcester. He had directed the sheriffs to forward their contingents +thither; but, when he arrived at that city, he changed his purpose and +soon returned to London. Among the considerations which led to this +change in his plans, we may probably reckon the following. In the +first place, he found his son the Prince, Lord Powis, and Henry Percy, +in vigorous operation against the rebels; his arrival at Worcester +having been only three or four days after the date of Percy's last +letter. In the next place, the council had urged him not to go in +person against the rebels: besides, almost all the inhabitants of +North Wales had returned to their allegiance, and had been pardoned. +He was, moreover, naturally anxious to summon a parliament, with a +view of replenishing his exhausted treasury, and enabling himself to +enter upon the campaign with means more calculated to insure success. + +In a letter to his council, dated Worcester, 8th June 1401, the King +refers to two points of advice suggested by them. "Inasmuch as (p. 114) +you have advised us," he says, "to write to our much beloved son, the +Prince, and to others, who may have in their possession any jewels +which ought to be delivered with our cousin the Queen, (Isabella,) +know ye, that we will send to our said son, that, if he has any of +such jewels, he will send them with all possible speed to you at our +city of London, where, if God will, we intend to be in our own person +before the Queen's departure; and we will cause to be delivered to her +there the rest of the said jewels, which we and others our children +have in our keeping." In answer to their advice that he would not go +in person against the rebels, because they were not in sufficient +strength, and of too little reputation to warrant that step, he said +that he found they had risen in great numbers, and called for his +personal exertions. He forwarded to them at the same time a copy of +the letter which he had just received from Owyn himself. Not from this +correspondence only, but from other undisputed documents, and from the +loud complaints of French writers,[115] we are compelled to infer +something extremely unsatisfactory in the conduct of Henry IV. with +regard to the valuable paraphernalia of Isabella, the maiden-widow of +Richard. To avoid restoring these treasures, which fell into his hands +on the capture of that unfortunate monarch, Henry proposed, in (p. 115) +November 1399, a marriage between one of his sons and one of the +daughters of the French monarch. In January 1400 a truce was signed +between the two kingdoms, and the same negociators (the Bishop of +Durham and the Earl of Worcester) were directed to treat with the +French ambassadors on the terms of the restitution of Isabella; and so +far did they immediately proceed, that horses were ordered for her +journey to Dover. But legal doubts as to her dower (she not being +twelve years of age) postponed her departure till the next year. She +had arrived at Boulogne certainly on the 1st of August 1401; and was +afterwards delivered up to her friends by the Earl of Worcester, with +the solemn assurance of her spotless purity. + + [Footnote 115: Many of our own historians have, + either in ignorance or design, very much misled + their readers on the subject.] + +It is impossible to glance at this lady's brief and melancholy career +without feelings of painful interest:--espoused when yet a child to +the reigning monarch of England; whilst yet a child, crowned Queen of +England; whilst yet a child, become a virgin-widow; when she was not +yet seventeen years old, married again to Charles, Earl of Angouleme; +and three years afterwards, before she reached the twentieth +anniversary of her birthday, dying in childbed.[116] + + [Footnote 116: It is not generally understood, + (indeed, some of our historians have not only been + ignorant of the fact, but have asserted the + contrary,) that this princess was the elder sister + of Katharine of Valois, married thirteen years + after Isabella's death to Henry of Monmouth. + Katharine was not born till after Isabella's + restoration from England to her father's home. + Isabella was born November 9, 1389; was solemnly + married by the Archbishop of Canterbury to Richard + II. in Calais, November 4, 1397 (not quite nine + years old); was crowned at Westminster on the 8th + of January following; was married to her second + husband, 29th June 1406; and died at Blois, 13th + September 1409.--Anselme, vol. i. p. 114.] + +By the above letter of the King, which led to this digression, (p. 116) +we are informed that the Prince was neither with his father, nor in +London; for the King promised to write to him to send the jewels to +London. He was probably at that time on the borders of North Wales; or +engaged in reducing the Castles of Conway and Rhees, and in bringing +that district into subjection. Indeed, that the Prince was still +personally exerting himself in suppressing the Welsh towards the north +of the Principality, seems to be put beyond all question by the +records of the Privy Council, which state that "certain members of the +Prince's council brought with them to the King's council the indenture +between the said Prince and Henry Percy the son (Chief Justice) on one +part, and those who seized the Castle[117] of Conway on the other (p. 117) +part, made at the time of the restitution of the same castle."[118] + + [Footnote 117: One of these, Wm. ap Tudor, with + thirty-one others, was pardoned July 8. In his + petition he suggests that in all disputes between + the burgesses and themselves, there ought to be a + fair inquest, half Welsh and half English. This is + supposed to have been the usual law; but probably + in these turbulent times it might too often have + been dispensed with for a less impartial mode of + trial. Besides, among the many severe enactments + against the Welsh, the King, in 1400, had assented + to an ordinance proposed by the Commons, to remain + in force for three years, that no Englishman should + have judgment against him at the suit of a + Welshman, except at the hands of judges and a jury + entirely English.] + + [Footnote 118: The castles in Wales were at this + time very scantily garrisoned; indeed, the + smallness of the number of the men by whom some of + them were defended is scarcely credible. And yet, + in the exhausted state of the treasury of the King, + of the Prince, of Henry Percy and others, those + castles, even in the miserably limited extent of + their establishments, could with difficulty be + retained. When besieged, the garrison could never + venture upon a sally. For example, Conway had only + fifteen men-at-arms and sixty archers, kept at an + expense of 714_l._ 15_s._ 10_d._ annually: + Caernarvon had twenty men-at-arms and eighty + archers: Harlech had ten men-at-arms and thirty + archers.--See Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters.] + +Owyn appears to have left his own country, in which the spirit of +rebellion had received a considerable though temporary check; and to +have been at this period exciting and heading the rebels in South +Wales, especially about Caermarthen and Gower. + + * * * * * + +Hotspur himself left Wales probably about the July or August of this +year, 1401; for on the 1st of September he was appointed one of the +commissioners to treat with the Scots for peace; and he was present at +the solemn espousals which were celebrated by proxy at Eltham, April +3, 1402, between Henry IV. and Joan of Navarre. We must, therefore, +refer to a subsequent date the information quoted by Sir Henry Ellis +from an original paper in the British Museum, "that Jankin Tyby of the +north countri bringthe lettres owte of the northe country to (p. 118) +Owein, as thei demed from Henr. son Percy." Soon after the departure +of Percy, a proclamation, dated 18th September 1401, notifies the rapid +progress of disaffection and rebellion among the Welsh: whether it was +secretly encouraged by him at this early date, or not, is matter only +of conjecture. His growing discontent, visibly shown in his own letters, +this vague rumour that Jankin Tyby might be the confidential messenger +for his treasonable purposes, and his subsequent conduct, combine to +render the suspicion by no means improbable. The proclamation states +that a great part of the inhabitants of Wales had gone over to Owyn, +and commands all ablebodied men to meet the King at Worcester on the +1st, or, at the furthest, the 2nd of October. Perhaps this, like his +former visit to Worcester, was little more than a demonstration of his +force.[119] Historians generally say that he made the first of his +expeditions into Wales in the July of the following year; the Minutes +of Council prove at all events that he was there in the present autumn, +but how long or with what results does not appear. The council met (p. 119) +in November 1401, to deliberate, among other subjects, upon the affairs +of Wales, "from which country (as the Minute expressly states) our +sovereign lord the King hath but lately returned,[120] having appointed +the Earl of Worcester to be Lieutenant of South Wales, and Captain of +Cardigan."[121] + + [Footnote 119: The Monk of Evesham states expressly + that, towards the end of this year, the King, + intending to hasten to Wales for the third time, + came to Evesham on Michaelmas-day, September 29, + but not with so large a force as before; and on the + third day, after breakfast, he proceeded to + Worcester, whence, after the ninth day, with the + advice of his council, he returned through Alcester + to London.] + + [Footnote 120: On Monday, October 16, 1402, the + Commons "thank the King for his great labour in + body and mind, especially in his journey to + Scotland; and because, on his return, when he heard + at Northampton of the rebellion in Wales, he had at + _that_ time, and _three times_ since, with a great + army (as well the King as my lord the Prince) + laboured in divers parts." When Owyn is represented + by Shakspeare as recounting the various successful + struggles in which he had tried his strength with + Bolinbroke, the poet had solid ground on which to + build the boastings of the Welsh chieftain: + + "Three times hath Henry Bolinbroke made head + Against my power: thrice from the banks of Wye + And sandy-bottom'd Severn have I sent him + Bootless home, and weather-beaten back."] + + [Footnote 121: The regular appointment bears date + 31st March 1402.] + +The record of this council is remarkably interesting on more than one +point. It throws great light on the state of Owyn's mind, and his +attachment to the Percies; on the confidence still reposed by the +King's government in Percy, and on the condition of Prince Henry +himself. The several chastisements which Owyn and his party had +received from the Prince, from Percy, from Lord Powis and others, had +perhaps at this time made him very doubtful of the issue of the struggle, +and inclined him to negociate for his own pardon, and the peace of the +country. The Minute of Council says, "To know the King's will (p. 120) +about treating with Glyndowr to return to his allegiance, _seeing his +good intention at present thereto_". His readiness to treat is +accompanied, as we find in the same record, with a declaration that he +was not himself the cause of the destruction going on in his native +land, nor of the daily captures, and the murders there; and that he +would most gladly return to peace. As to his inheritance, he protests +that he had only received a part, and not his own full right. And even +now he would willingly come to the borders, and speak and treat with +any lords, provided the commons would not raise a rumour and clamour +that he was purposed to destroy "_all who spoke the English language_". +He seems to have been apprehensive, should he venture to approach the +marches to negociate a peace, that the violence and rage of the people +at large would endanger his personal safety. No wonder, for his +footsteps were to be traced everywhere by the blood of men, and the +ashes of their habitations and sacred edifices. At the same time, he +expressed his earnest desire to carry on the treaty of peace through +the Earl of Northumberland, for whom he professes to entertain great +regard and esteem, in preference to any other English nobleman. + +Whether any steps were taken in consequence of this present opening +for peace, or not, we are not told. But we have reason to suppose that +Wales was in comparative tranquillity through the following (p. 121) +winter[122] and spring. The rebel chief, however, again very shortly +carried the sword and flame with increased horrors through his devoted +native land. We read of no battle or skirmish till the campaign of the +next year. + + [Footnote 122: The Pell Rolls contain many items of + payment about this time to the Prince of Wales; one + of which specifies the sum "of 400_l._ for one + hundred men-at-arms, each 12_d._ per day, and four + hundred archers at 6_d._ per day, for one month, + who were sent with despatch to Harlech Castle to + remove the besiegers." Probably they had been sent + some considerable time before the date of this + payment, Dec. 14, 1401.] + +The questions relating to Prince Henry, which were submitted to this +council, inform us incidentally of the important fact, that though he +was now intrusted with the command of the forces against the Welsh, +and was assisted in his office (just as was the King) by a council, +yet it was deemed right to appoint him an especial governor, or tutor +(maistre). He was now in his fifteenth year. These Minutes also make +it evident that the soldiers employed in his service looked for their +pay to him, and not to the King's exchequer. We shall have frequent +occasion to observe the great personal inconveniences to which this +practice subjected the Prince, and how injurious it was to the service +generally. But the evil was unavoidable; for at that time the royal +exchequer was quite drained. + +"As to the article touching the governance of the Prince, as well (p. 122) +for him to have a tutor or guardian, as to provide money for the support +of his vast expenses in the garrisons of his castles in Wales, and the +wages of his men-at-arms and archers, whom he keeps from day to day +for resisting the malice of the rebels of the King, it appears to the +council, if it please the King, that the Isle of Anglesey ought to be +restored to the prince, and that Henry Percy[123] should agree, and +have compensation from the issues of the lands which belonged to the +Earl of March; and that all other possessions which ought to belong to +the Prince should be restored, and an amicable arrangement be made +with those in whose hands they are. And as for a governor for the +Prince, may it please the King to choose one of these,--the Earl of +Worcester, Lord Lovel, Mr. Thomas Erpyngham, or the Lord Say; and, for +the Prince's expenses, that 1000_l._ be assigned from the rents of the +Earl of March, which were due about last Michaelmas." We have reason +to believe that the Earl of Worcester, Thomas Percy, was appointed +Henry of Monmouth's tutor and preceptor. He remained in attendance +upon him till, with the guilt of aggravated treachery, he abruptly +left his prince and pupil to join his nephew Hotspur before the battle +of Shrewsbury. + + [Footnote 123: The whole of Anglesey was granted to + Hotspur for life. 1 Hen. IV, 12th October + 1399.--MS. Donat. 4596.] + +We are not informed how long Prince Henry remained at this period (p. 123) +in Wales, after Percy had left it. Probably (as it has been already +intimated) there was an armistice virtually, though not by any formal +agreement, through that winter and the spring of 1402. The next undoubted +information as to the Prince fixes him in London in the beginning of +the following May, when being in the Tower, in the presence of his +father, and with his consent, he declares himself willing to contract +a marriage with Katharine, sister of Eric, King of Norway;[124] and on +the 26th of the same month, being then in his castle of Tutbury, in +the diocese of Lincoln, he confirms this contract, and authorises the +notary public to affix his seal to the agreement. The pages of authentic +history remind us, that too many marriage-contracts in every rank of +life, and in every age of the world, have been the result, not of +mutual affection between the affianced bride and bridegroom, but of +pecuniary and political considerations. Perhaps when kings negociate +and princes approve, their exalted station renders the transaction +more notorious, and the stipulated conditions may be more unreservedly +confessed. But it may well be doubted whether the same motives do not +equally operate in every grade of life; whilst those objects which +should be primary and indispensable, are regarded as secondary (p. 124) +and contingent. Happiness springing from mutual affection, may doubtless +grow and ripen, despite of such arrangements, in the families of the +noble, the wealthy, the middle classes, and the poor; but the chances +are manifold more, that coldness, and dissatisfaction, and mutual +carelessness of each other's comforts will be the permanent result. We +must however bear in mind, when estimating the moral worth of an +individual, that negociations of this kind in the palaces of kings +imply nothing of that cold-heartedness by which many are led into +connexions from which their affections revolt. The individual's +character seems altogether protected from reprobation by the usage of +the world, and the necessity of the case. State-considerations impose +on princes restraints, compelling them to acquiesce in measures which +excite in us other feelings than indignation or contempt. We regret +the circumstance, but we do not condemn the parties. Henry IV. of +England, and Eric of Norway, fancied they saw political advantages +likely to arise from the nuptials of Henry's son with Eric's sister; +and the document we have just quoted tells us that the boy Henry, then +not fifteen, and still under tutors and governors, gave his consent to +the proposed alliance. + + [Footnote 124: He was present in the Castle of + Berkhamsted on the 14th of May, at the sealing of + the marriage contract of his sister Philippa with + King Eric.--Foed. viii. 259, 260.] + +The more rare however the occurrence, the more general is the admiration +with which an union in the palaces of monarchy is contemplated when mutual +respect and attachment precede the marriage, and conjugal love and (p. 125) +domestic happiness attend it. And here we are irresistibly tempted to +contemplate with satisfaction and delight the unsuccessful issue of +this negociation, whilst Henry was yet a boy; and to anticipate what +must be repeated in its place, that, to whatever combination of +circumstances, and course of events and state-considerations, the +marriage of Henry of Monmouth with Katharine of France may possibly be +referred, he proved himself to have formed for her a most sincere and +heartfelt attachment before their union; and, whenever his duty did +not separate them, to have lived with her in the possession of great +conjugal felicity. Even the dry details of the Exchequer issues bear +most gratifying, though curious, testimony to their domestic habits, +and their enjoyment of each other's society. + +Whilst the King was thus negociating a marriage for his son, he was +himself engaged by solemn espousals to marry, as his second wife, Joan +of Navarre, Duchess of Brittany. As well in the most exalted, as in +the most humble family in the realm, such an event as this can never +take place without involving consequences of deepest moment and most +lively interest to all parties,--to the husband, to his wife, and to +their respective children. If he has been happy in his choice, a man +cannot provide a more substantial blessing for his offspring than by +joining himself by the most sacred of all ties to a woman who will (p. 126) +cheerfully and lovingly perform the part of a conscientious and +affectionate mother towards them. If the choice is unhappy; if there +be a want of sound religious and moral principle, a neglect, or +carelessness and impatience in the discharge of domestic duties; if a +discontented, suspicious, cold, and unkind spirit accompany the new +bride, domestic comfort must take flight, and all the proverbial evils +of such a state must be realized. The marriage of Henry of Monmouth's +father with Joan of Navarre does not enable us to view the bright side +of this alternative. Of the new Queen we hear little for many +years;[125] but, at the end of those years of comparative silence, we +find Henry V. compelled to remove from his mother-in-law all her +attendants, and to commit her to the custody of Lord John Pelham in +the castle of Pevensey.[126] She was charged with having entertained +malicious and treasonable designs against the life of the King, her +son-in-law. The Chronicle of London, (1419,) throwing[127] an air of +mystery and superstition over the whole affair, asserts that Queen +Joanna excited her confessor, one friar Randolf,[128] a master in (p. 127) +divinity, to destroy the King; "but, as God would, his falseness was +at last espied:" "wherefore," as the Chronicle adds, "the Queen +forfeited her lands."[129] Of this marriage of Henry IV. with Joan of +Navarre very little notice beyond the bare fact has been taken by our +English historians. Many particulars, however, are found in the +histories of Brittany. It appears that the Duchess, who was the widow +of Philip de Mont Forte, Duke of Brittany, by whom she had sons and +daughters, was solemnly contracted to Henry by her proxy, Anthony Rys, +at Eltham, on the 3rd of April 1402, in the presence of the Archbishop +of Canterbury, the Earl of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and +his son Hotspur, the Earl of Worcester, Thomas Langley, Keeper of the +Privy Seal, and others. Having appointed guardians for her son, the +young Duke of Brittany, she left Nantes on the 26th December, embarked +on board one of the ships sent by Henry, at Camaret, on the 13th (p. 128) +January, and sailed the next day, intending to land at Southampton. +After a stormy passage of five days, the squadron was forced into a +port in Cornwall. She was married on the 7th, and was crowned at +Westminster on the 25th, of February following.[130] By Henry she had +no child. + + [Footnote 125: Our history supplies very scanty + information as to the family of this royal lady. In + the year 1412 a safe conduct is given to Giles of + Brittany, son of the Queen, to come to England, to + tarry and to return, with twenty men and + horses.--Rymer, May 20, 1412.] + + [Footnote 126: Otterbourne.] + + [Footnote 127: "By sorcerye and nygrammancie."] + + [Footnote 128: The Pell Rolls (27th Sept. 1418) + leave us in no doubt that John Randolf's goods were + forfeited, a circumstance strongly confirming the + report of his conspiracy. Payment is also made to + certain persons for carrying (Feb. 8, 1420) John + Randolf, of the order of Friars Minor, Shrewsbury, + from Normandy to the Tower.] + + [Footnote 129: No doubt can remain as to the + accuracy of the London Chronicle in this + particular: several payments are on record, + expressly declared to have been made out of the + lands and property of this unhappy woman. Thus, the + issue of a thousand marks to the Abbess of Syon + (9th May 1421) is made from "the monies issuing + from the possessions of Joanna, Queen of + England."] + + [Footnote 130: See Acts of Privy Council, vol. i. + p. 185. The Editor quotes Lobinau's Histoire de + Brétagne, tom. ii. pp. 874, 878; and Morice's + Histoire Ecclésiastique et Civile de Brétagne, tom. + i. p. 433.] + + + + +CHAPTER VII. (p. 129) + +GLYNDOWR'S VIGOROUS MEASURES. -- SLAUGHTER OF HEREFORDSHIRE MEN. -- +MORTIMER TAKEN PRISONER. -- HE JOINS GLYNDOWR. -- HENRY IMPLORES +SUCCOURS, -- PAWNS HIS PLATE TO SUPPORT HIS MEN. -- THE KING'S +TESTIMONY TO HIS SON'S CONDUCT. -- THE KING, AT BURTON-ON-TRENT, HEARS +OF THE REBELLION OF THE PERCIES. + +1402-1403. + + +If Owyn Glyndowr, as we have supposed, allowed Wales to remain undisturbed +by battles and violence through the winter[131] and spring, it was only +to employ the time in preparing for a more vigorous campaign. The first +battle of which we have any historical certainty, was fought June 12, +1402, near Melienydd, (Dugdale says, "upon the mountain called Brynglas, +near Knighton in Melenyth,") in Radnorshire. The whole array of +Herefordshire was routed on that field. More than one thousand (p. 130) +Englishmen were slain, on whom the Welsh were guilty of savage, +unheard-of indignities. The women especially gave vent to their rage +and fury by actions too disgraceful to be credible were they not +recorded as uncontradicted facts. For the honour of the sex, we wish +to regard them as having happened only once; whilst we would bury the +disgusting details in oblivion.[132] Owyn was victorious, and took +many of high degree prisoners; among whom was Sir Edmund Mortimer, the +uncle of the Earl of March. Perhaps the most authentic statement of +this victory as to its leading features, though without any details, +is found in a letter from the King to his council, dated +Berkhampstead, June 25. + + [Footnote 131: At the opening of the year 1402 + (January 18), one hundred marks were paid by the + treasury to the Bishop of Bangor, whose lands had + been in great part destroyed.--Pell Rolls. This + prelate was Richard Young, who was translated to + Rochester in 1404.] + + [Footnote 132: To the present day the vestiges of + two temporary encampments (army against army) are + visible; and there are barrows in the + neighbourhood, which, according to the tradition of + the country, cover the bones of those who fell in + this battle, not less, they say, than three + thousand men. The remains of Owyn Glyndowr's camp + are found at a place called Monachdy, in the parish + of Blethvaugh; and about two miles below, in the + parish of Whittow, is the earthwork supposed to + have been thrown up by Sir Edmund Mortimer. + Half-way between is a hill called Brynglas, where + the battle is said to have been fought. In the + valley of the Lug are two large tumuli, which are + believed to cover the slain.] + +"The rebels have taken my beloved cousin,[133] Esmon Mortymer, and +many other knights and esquires. We are resolved, consequently, to go +in our own person with God's permission. You will therefore (p. 131) +command all in our retinue and pay to meet us at Lichfield, where we +intend to be at the latest on the 7th of July." The proclamation for +an array "to meet the King at Lichfield, and proceed with him towards +Wales to check the insolence and malice of Owyn Glyndowr and other +rebels," was issued the same day. On the 5th of July,[134] the King, +being at Westminster, appointed Hugh de Waterton governor of his children, +John and Philippa, till his return from Wales. An order of council at +Westminster, on the last day of July, the King himself being present, +seems to leave us no alternative in deciding that Henry made two +expeditions to Wales this summer; the first at the commencement of +July, the second towards the end of August. This appears to have +escaped the observation of historians. Walsingham speaks only of one, +and that before the Feast of the Assumption, August 25; in which (p. 132) +he represents the King and his army to have been well-nigh destroyed +by storms of rain, snow, and hail, so terrible as to have excited the +belief that they were raised by the machination of the devil, and of +course at Owyn's bidding. This order of council is directed to many +sheriffs, commanding them to proclaim an array through their several +counties to meet the King at Shrewsbury,[135] on the 27th of August at +the latest, to proceed with him into Wales.[136] The order declares +the necessity of this second array to have originated in the +impossibility, through the shortness of the time, of the King's +chastising the rebels, who lurked in mountains and woods; and states +his determination to be there again shortly, and to remain fifteen +days for the final overthrow and destruction of his enemies. How +lamentably he was mistaken in his calculation of their resistance, and +his own powers of subjugating them, the sequel proved to him too +clearly. The rebellion from first to last was protracted through +almost as many years as the days he had numbered for its utter +extinction. The order on the sheriff of Derby commands him to go (p. 133) +with his contingent to Chester, "to our dearest son the Prince," on +the 27th of August, and to advance in his retinue to Wales. On this +occasion,[137] it is said that Henry invaded Wales in three points at +once, himself commanding one division of his army, the second being +headed by the Prince, the third by Lord Arundel. The details of these +measures, under the personal superintendence of the King, are not +found in history. Probably Walsingham's account of their total failure +must be admitted as nearest the truth. That no material injury befel +Owyn from them, and that neither were his means crippled, nor his +resolution daunted, is testified by the inroads which, not long after, +he made into England with redoubled impetuosity. + + [Footnote 133: A general mistake has prevailed + among historians with regard to this prisoner of + Owyn's. Walsingham, Stowe, Hall, Rapin, Hume, + Sharon Turner, with others, have uniformly + represented Edmund Earl of March to have been the + notable warrior then captured by Glyndowr; whereas + he was only ten years of age, and a prisoner of the + King. Dr. Griffin, a Monmouthshire antiquary, + pointed out the mistake many years ago.] + + [Footnote 134: On the 14th of July the council + issue commands to the Archbishop of Canterbury and + the Bishop of Norwich to array their clergy for the + defence of the realm; a measure seldom resorted to, + and only on occasions of great emergence and alarm. + A fortnight before this order (30th June), the King + had written from Harborough to his council, + acquainting them with the victory gained for him + over the Scots at Nisbet Moor by the Scotch Earl of + March, and commanding them to protect the marches.] + + [Footnote 135: The Monk of Evesham says that in + this year, about August 29, (Festum Decollationis + Johannis Bapt.) the King went again with a great + force into Wales, and after twenty days returned + with disgrace.] + + [Footnote 136: An order, dated Ravensdale, is made + on the sheriff of Lincoln to be ready, + notwithstanding the last order, to go towards the + marches of Scotland; and, if the Scots should not + come, then to be at Shrewsbury on the 1st of + September.] + + [Footnote 137: Walsingham's words would seem to + apply more fitly to this second and more important + expedition of 1402 than the preceding one in July: + "Tantus armorum strepitus."] + +The following winter, we may safely conclude, was spent by the Welsh +chieftain in negociations both with the malcontent lords of England, +and with the courts of France and Scotland; in recruiting his forces +and improving his means of warfare;[138] for, before the next +midsummer, (as we know on the best authority,) he was prepared to +engage in an expedition into England, with a power too formidable (p. 134) +for the Prince and his retinue to resist without further reinforcement. +During this winter also a most important accession accrued to the +power and influence of Owyn by the defection from the royal cause of +his prisoner Sir Edmund Mortimer, who became devotedly attached to +him. King Henry had, we are told, refused to allow a ransom to be paid +for Mortimer, though urged to it by Henry Percy, who had married +Mortimer's sister. The consequence of this ungracious refusal[139] +was, that he joined Glyndowr, whose daughter, as the Monk of Evesham +informs us, he married with the greatest solemnity about the end of +November.[140] In a fortnight after this marriage, Mortimer announced +to his tenants his junction with Owyn, and called upon them to forward +his views. The letter, written in French, is preserved in the British +Museum. + + [Footnote 138: On 20th October 1402, a commission + issued to receive into their allegiance and amnesty + the rebels of Usk, Caerleon, and Trellech, in + Monmouthshire.] + + [Footnote 139: Leland, in his Collectanea, quotes a + passage from another chronicler, which records the + very words of Percy and the King on this occasion. + Percy asked the King's permission for Mortimer to + be ransomed, to whom the King replied that he would + not strengthen his enemies against himself by the + money of the realm. Percy then said, "Ought any man + so to expose himself to danger for you and your + kingdom, and you not succour him in his danger?" + The King answered in wrath, "You are a traitor; do + you wish me to succour the enemies of myself and of + my kingdom?"--"I am no traitor," rejoined Percy; + "but a faithful man, and as a faithful man I + speak." The King drew his rapier against him. "Not + here," said Percy, "but in the field;" and + withdrew.] + + [Footnote 140: Circa festum Sancti Andreæ.] + + LETTER FROM EDMUND MORTIMER TO HIS TENANTS. (p. 135) + + "Very dear and well-beloved, I greet you much, and make known to + you that Oweyn Glyndor has raised a quarrel, of which the object + is, if King Richard be alive, to restore him to his crown; and if + not, that my honoured nephew, who is the right heir to the said + crown, shall be King of England, and that the said Owen will + assert his right in Wales. And I, seeing and considering that the + said quarrel is good and reasonable, have consented to join in + it, and to aid and maintain it, and, by the grace of God, to a + good end. Amen! I ardently hope, and from my heart, that you will + support and enable me to bring this struggle of mine to a + successful issue. I have moreover to inform you that the + lordships of Mellenyth, Werthrenon, Raydre, the commot of Udor, + Arwystly, Keveilloc, and Kereynon, are lately come into our + possession. Wherefore I moreover entreat you that you will + forbear making inroad into my said lands, or to do any damage to + my said tenantry, and that you furnish them with provisions at a + certain reasonable price, as you would wish that I should treat + you; and upon this point be pleased to send me an answer. Very + dear and well-beloved, God give you grace to prosper in your + beginnings, and to arrive at a happy issue.--Written at + Mellenyth, the 13th day of December. + "EDMUND MORTIMER." + + "To my very dear and well-beloved M. John Greyndor, Howell Vaughan, + and all the gentles and commons of Radnor and Prestremde."[141] + + [Footnote 141: Cott. Cleop. F. iii. fol. 122, b.] + +Of the Prince himself, between the end of August 1402, and the +following spring, little is recorded. In March 1403 he was made +Lieutenant of Wales by the King, and with the consent of his (p. 136) +council, with full powers of inquiring into offences, of pardoning +offenders, of arraying the King's lieges, and of doing all other things +which he should find necessary. This appointment, implying personal +interference, would lead us to infer, either that he tarried through the +winter in the midst of the Principality, or near its borders, or that he +returned to it early in the spring.[142] To this year also we shall +probably be correct in referring the following letter of Prince Henry +to the council, dated Shrewsbury, 30th May; but which Sir Harris +Nicolas considers to have been written the year before. That it could +not have been written by the Prince at Shrewsbury on the 30th of May +1402, seems demonstrable from the circumstance of his having been +personally present in the Tower of London on the 8th of May, and of +his having executed a deed in the Castle of Tutbury on the 26th of May +1402. Whilst the probability of its having been written in the end of +May 1403, is much strengthened by the ordinance of the King, dated +June 16, 1403, in which he mentions the reports which he had received +from the Prince's council then in Wales of Owyn Glyndowr's intention +to invade England; and also by the order made July 10, 1403, by the +King, that the council would send 1000_l._ to the Prince, to (p. 137) +enable him to keep his people together,--the very object chiefly +desired in this despatch. The letter is in French. + + [Footnote 142: On the 1st of April 1403, the King + most earnestly requests loans from bishops, abbots, + knights, and others, in the sums severally affixed + to their names, to enable him to proceed against + the Welsh and the Scots.] + + LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE COUNCIL. + + "FROM THE PRINCE. + + "Very dear and entirely well-beloved, we greet you well. And + forasmuch as our soldiers desire to know from us whether they + will be paid for the three months of the present quarter, and + tell us that they will not remain here without being promptly + paid their wages according to their agreements, we beseech you + very sincerely that you will order payment for the said months, + or supply us otherwise, and take measures in time for the + safeguard of these marches. For the rebels are trying to find out + every day whether we shall be paid, and they well know that + without payment we shall not be able to continue here: and they + propose to levy all the power of Northwales and Southwales to + make inroads, and to destroy the march and the counties adjoining + to it; and we have not the power here of resisting them, so as to + hinder them from the full execution of their malicious designs. + And when our men are withdrawn from us, we must at all events + ourselves retire into England, or be disgraced for ever. For + every one must know that without troops we can do no more than + another man of inferior rank. And at present we have very great + expenses, and we have raised the largest sum in our power to meet + them from our little stock of jewels. Our two castles of Harlech + and Lampadern are besieged, and have been so for a long time, and + we must relieve them and victual them within these ten days; and, + besides that, protect the march around us with the third of our + forces against the invasion of the rebels. Nevertheless, if this + campaign could be continued, the rebels never were so likely (p. 138) + to be destroyed as at present. And now, since we have fully shown + the state of these districts, please to take such measures as shall + seem best to you for the safety of these same parts, and of this + portion of the realm of England; which may God protect, and give + you grace to determine upon the best for the time. And our Lord + have you in his keeping.--Given under our signet at Shrewsbury, + the 30th day of May. And be well assured that we have fully shown + to you the peril of whatever may happen hereafter, if remedy be + not sent in time. + +On this letter it is impossible not to remark that, so far from having +an abundant supply of money to squander on his supposed vices and +follies, Henry was compelled to pawn his own little stock of plate and +jewels to raise money for the indispensable expenses of the war. + +The first direct mention made of the Prince after this is found in the +ordinance above referred to, dated June 16, 1403, which informs us +that he certainly was then in Wales, and strongly implies that he had +been there for some time previously. The King says, "I heard from many +persons of my son the Prince's council, now in Wales, that Owyn Glyndowr +is on the point of making an incursion into England with a great power, +for the purpose of obtaining supplies. I therefore command the sheriffs +of Gloucester, Salop, Worcester, and Hereford, to make proclamation for +all knights, and gentlemen of one hundred shillings' annual income, to +go and put themselves under the governance of the Prince." Another +letter from Henry to his council, dated Higham Ferrers, July 10, (p. 139) +1403,[143] is deeply interesting, not only as bearing testimony to the +persevering bravery of his son Henry, but as affording an example of +the uncertainty of human calculations, and the deceitfulness of human +engagements and friendships. He informs the council that he had received +letters from his son, and information by his messengers, acquainting him +with the gallant and good bearing of his very dear and well-beloved +son, which gave him very great pleasure. He then commissions them to +pay 1000_l._[144] to the Prince for the purpose of enabling him to +keep his soldiers together. "We are now," he adds, "on our way to +succour our beloved and loyal cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and +Henry his son, in the conflict which they have honourably undertaken +for us and our realm; and, as soon as that campaign shall have ended +honourably, with the aid of God, we will hasten towards Wales."[145] + + [Footnote 143: The Pell Rolls (July 17, 1403) + record the appointment of the Prince as the King's + deputy in Wales, to see justice done on all rebels, + and the payment of a sum amounting to 8108_l._ + 2_s._ 0_d._ for the wages of four barons and + bannerets, twenty knights, four hundred and + seventy-six esquires, and two thousand five hundred + archers.] + + [Footnote 144: On the next day, July 11, the King + issued a proclamation against selling horses, or + armour and weapons, to the Welsh.] + + [Footnote 145: Astonishing confusion pervades + almost all our historians as to the circumstances + under which Henry IV. first became acquainted with + the defection of the Percies, and then hastened to + resist their hostilities; and most absurd + inferences as to the national interest taken in the + ensuing struggle have in consequence been drawn. + The King is almost universally represented as + having left London, accompanied by all the forces + he could, after much preparation, command, for the + express purpose of quelling the rebellion of the + Percies; whereas he left London for the express + purpose of joining his forces to those of the + Percies, and to proceed, in conjunction with them, + against the Scots; and he had never heard of their + defection till he reached Burton-upon-Trent. The + news came upon him with the suddenness of an + unexpected thunderstorm.] + +This letter had not been written more than five days when King (p. 140) +Henry became acquainted with the rebellion of those, his "beloved and +faithful lieges," to assist whom against his northern foes he was then +actually on his road. His proclamation for all sheriffs to raise their +counties, and hasten to him wherever he might be, is dated +Burton-on-Trent, July 16, 1403. On the morrow he sent off a despatch +to his council, informing them that Henry Percy, calling him only +Henry of Lancaster, was in open rebellion against him, and was +spreading far and wide through Cheshire the false rumours that Richard +was still alive. He then assures them, "for their consolation," that +he was powerful enough to encounter all his enemies; at the same time +expressing his pleasure that they should all come to him wherever he +might be, except only the Treasurer, whom he wished to stay, for the +purpose of collecting as large sums as possible to meet the exigence +of the occasion. The Chancellor, on Wednesday, June 18th, met the +bearer of these tidings before he reached London, opened the letters, +and forwarded them to the council with an apology.[146] + + [Footnote 146: Minutes of Privy Council.] + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. (p. 141) + +THE REBELLION OF THE PERCIES, -- ITS ORIGIN. -- LETTERS OF HOTSPUR, +AND THE EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. -- TRIPARTITE INDENTURE BETWEEN THE +PERCIES, OWYN, AND MORTIMER. -- DOUBTS AS TO ITS AUTHENTICITY. -- +HOTSPUR HASTENS FROM THE NORTH. -- THE KING'S DECISIVE CONDUCT. -- HE +FORMS A JUNCTION WITH THE PRINCE. -- "SORRY BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY." -- +GREAT INACCURACY OF DAVID HUME. -- HARDYNG'S DUPLICITY. -- MANIFESTO +OF THE PERCIES PROBABLY A FORGERY. -- GLYNDOWR'S ABSENCE FROM THE +BATTLE INVOLVES NEITHER BREACH OF FAITH NOR NEGLECT OF DUTY. -- +CIRCUMSTANCES PRECEDING THE BATTLE. -- OF THE BATTLE ITSELF. -- ITS +IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES. + +1403. + + +In analysing the motives which drove the Percies, father and son, into +rebellion, we are recommended by some writers to search only into +those antecedent probabilities, those general causes of mutual +dissatisfaction, which must have operated on parties situated as they +were with regard to Henry IV. The same authors would dissuade us from +seeking for any immediate and proximate causes, because "chroniclers +have not discovered or detailed the beginning incidents." But we shall +scarcely be able to do justice to our subject if we strictly follow +this prescribed rule of inquiry. The general causes enumerated (p. 142) +by Hume, and expatiated upon in modern times, we may take for granted. +Undoubtedly ingratitude on the one side, and discontent on the other, +were not only to be expected, but, as we know, actually prevailed. +"The sovereign naturally became jealous of that power which had advanced +him to the throne, and the subject was not easily satisfied in the +returns which he thought so great a favour had merited." But we are by +no means left to conjecture abstractedly on the "beginning incidents," +as the proximate causes of the open revolt of the family of Percy have +been called: Hotspur's own letters, as well as those of his father +Northumberland, the existence of which seems not to have been known to +our historians, prepare us for much of what actually took place. We +have already observed the indications of wounded pride, and indignation, +and utter discontent, which Hotspur's despatches from Wales evince. +Another communication, dated Swyneshed, in Lincolnshire, July 3, is more +characteristic of his temper of mind than the preceding, and makes his +subsequent conduct still more easily understood.[147] Sir Harris (p. 143) +Nicolas has so clearly analysed this letter, that we may well content +ourselves with the substance of it as we find it in his valuable +preface. + + [Footnote 147: The date of this letter is not + ascertained; it probably was in the July of 1402. + It could scarcely have been in 1401, in which year + he was certainly in Wales in June, and was + appointed a commissioner for negociating a peace + with Scotland on the 1st of September. In the + beginning of July 1403 he was in Wales, or on its + borders, negociating perhaps with Owyn Glyndowr's + representatives, and in Cheshire exciting the + people to rebellion.] + +"Hotspur commenced by reminding the council of his repeated applications +for payment of the money due to him as Warden of the East March; and +then alluded to the other sums owing to his father and himself, and to +the promise made by the treasurer, when he was last in London, that, +if it were agreeable to the council, 2,000 marks should be paid him +before the February then last past. He said he had heard that at the +last parliament, when the necessities of the realm were explained by +the lords of the great council to the barons and commons, the war +allowance was demanded for all the marches, Calais, Guienne and Scotland, +the sea, and Ireland; that the proposition for the Scotch marches was +limited to 37,000_l._; and that, as the payment for the marches in +time of truce, due to his father and to him, did not exceed 5,000_l._ +per annum, it excited his astonishment that it could not be paid in +good faith; that it appeared to him either that the council attached +too little consideration to the said marches, where the most formidable +enemies which they had would be found, or that they were not satisfied +with his and his father's services therein; but, if they made proper +inquiry, he hoped that the greatest neglect they would discover in the +marches was the neglect of payment, without which they would find no +one who could render such service. On this subject he had, he (p. 144) +said, written to the King, entreating him that, if any injury occurred +to town, castle, or march, in his charge, from default of payment, he +might not be blamed; but that the censure should rest on those who would +not pay him, agreeably to his Majesty's honourable command and desire. +He begged the council not to be displeased that he wrote ignorantly in +his rude and feeble manner on this subject, because he was compelled +to do so by the necessities not merely of himself, but of his soldiers, +who were in such distress, that, without providing a remedy, he neither +could nor dared to go to the marches; and he concluded by requesting the +council to take such measures as they might think proper." + +Two letters from the Earl of Northumberland, the one to the council in +May, the other to the King, dated 26th June 1403, breathe the same +spirit with those of his son Hotspur, and would have led us to +anticipate the same subsequent conduct; at least they ought to have +prepared the King and council for the resentments of two such men, +overflowing with bitter indignation at the neglect and injustice with +which they considered themselves to have been treated. + +"The last of these letters (we quote throughout the words of the same +Editor) is extremely curious. Northumberland commenced by acknowledging +the receipt of a letter from the King, wherein Henry has expressed (p. 145) +his expectation that the Earl would be at Ormeston Castle on the day +appointed, and in sufficient force, without creating any additional +expense to his Majesty; but that, on consideration, the King, reflecting +that this could not be the case without expenses being incurred by the +Earl and his son Hotspur, had ordered some money to be speedily sent +to them. Of that money the Earl said he knew not the amount, nor the +day of payment; that his honour, as well as the state of the kingdom, +was in question; and that the day on which he was to be at Ormeston +was so near, that, if payment was not soon ordered, it was very +probable that the fair renown of the chivalry of the realm would not +be maintained at that place, to the utter dishonour and grief of him +and of his son, who were the King's loyal subjects; which they +believed could not be his wish, nor had they deserved it. 'If,' the +Earl sarcastically observed, 'we had both been paid the 60,000_l._ +since your coronation, as I have heard you were informed by those who +do not wish to tell you the truth, then we could better support such a +charge; but to this day there is clearly due to us, as can be fully +proved, 20,000_l._ and more'. He then entreated the King to order his +council and treasurer to pay him and his son a large sum conformably +to the grant made in the last parliament, and to their indentures, so +that no injury might arise to the realm by the non-payment of what was +due to them.' To this letter he signed himself 'Your Matathias, (p. 146) +who supplicates you to take his state and labour to heart in this +affair.'" + +There is so much sound reasoning also and good sense in the review of +these proceedings, presented to us by the same pen, that we cannot do +better than adopt it. The Author's subsequent researches have all +tended to confirm that Editor's view: + +"This letter preceded the rebellion of the Percies by less than four +weeks; and that event may, it is presumed, be mainly attributed to the +inattention shown to their requests of payment of the large sums which +they had expended in the King's service. They were not only harassed +by debts, and destitute of means to pay their followers, but their +honour, as the Earl expressly told the King, was involved in the +fulfilment of their engagements; a breach of which not only exposed +them to the greatest difficulties, but, in the opinion of their +chivalrous contemporaries, perhaps affected their reputation. That +under these circumstances, and goaded by a sense of injury and injustice, +the fiery Hotspur should throw off his allegiance, and revolt, is not +surprising; but it is matter of astonishment that Henry should have +hazarded such a result. To the house of Percy he was chiefly indebted +for the crown; and it is scarcely credible that at the moment of their +defection it could have been his policy to offend them. The country +was at war with France and Scotland, Wales was then in open rebellion, +and Henry was far from satisfied of the general loyalty of his (p. 147) +subjects. Can it be believed that he desired to increase his enemies +by adding the most powerful family in the kingdom to the number? Nor +can Henry's constant efforts to prevent the people from becoming +disaffected, be reconciled with the wish to excite discontent in two +of the most influential and distinguished personages in the realm. It +is shown in another part of this volume, (Minutes of Privy Council,) +that the King had not the slightest suspicion of Hotspur's revolt +until it took place; and it appears that, when he heard of it, he was +actually on his route to join that chieftain, and, to use his own +words to his council, 'to give aid and support to his very dear and +loyal cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and his son Henry, in the +expedition which they had honourably commenced for him and his realm +against his enemies the Scotch.' Instead of refusing to pay to the +Percies the money which they claimed, from the desire to lessen their +power, or to inflict upon them any species of mortification, all which +is known of the state of this country justifies the inference that +Henry had the strongest motives for conciliating that family. The +neglect of their repeated demands seems, therefore, to have arisen +solely from his being unable[148] to comply with them; and the (p. 148) +King's pecuniary embarrassments are shown by the documents in this +work to have been of so pressing and so permanent a nature, that there +is no difficulty in believing such to have been the case. It is deserving +of observation, however, that the discontent which is visible in the +letters of Hotspur and his father, is as much at the conduct of the +council as at that of the King; and jealousy of their superior influence +with Henry, and possibly a suspicion that they endeavoured to injure +them in his estimation, as well as to impede their exertions in his +service, by withholding the necessary resources, may have combined +with other causes in producing their disaffection."[149] + + [Footnote 148: The fact is, that in the years + immediately preceding their defection, the Issue + Rolls of the Exchequer abound with items of + payment, some to a very large amount, to the Earl + of Northumberland and his son. The names of both + the father and the son, sometimes separately, often + jointly, recur so constantly that they can scarcely + escape the observation even of a cursory glance + over the Rolls. Generally the payment is for the + protection of the East March and Berwick; in some + instances, for defending the castle of Beaumaris, + and the island of Anglesea. On the 17th July 1403, + payment is recorded of precisely the same sum to + the two Percies for their services in the North + March, and to the Prince for the protection of + Wales; in each case, no doubt, falling far short of + the requisite amount, but in each case probably as + much as the Exchequer could afford to supply.] + + [Footnote 149: Preface to Sir H. Nicolas's Privy + Council of England, p. 4.] + + * * * * * + +Not Shakspeare only, in his highly-wrought scene at the Archdeacon of +Bangor's house, but our historians also and their commentators, +instruct us to refer to a point of time very little subsequent to the +date of the last letter from the Earl of Northumberland the celebrated +TRIPARTITE INDENTURE OF DIVISION. Shakspeare has traced, with (p. 149) +such exquisite designs and shades of colouring, the different characters +of the contracting parties in their acts and sentiments, and has +thrown such vividness and life and beauty into the whole procedure, +that the imagination is led captive, superinducing an unwillingness to +doubt the reality; and the mind reluctantly engages in an examination +of the truth. But, consistently with the principles adopted in these +Memoirs, the Author is compelled to sift the evidence on which the +genuineness of the treaty depends. The document, if it could have been +established as trustworthy, could not have failed to be interesting to +every one as a fact in general history, whilst the English and Welsh +antiquary must in an especial manner have been gratified by being made +acquainted with its particular provisions. At all events, whatever +opinion may be ultimately formed of its character as the vehicle of +historical verity, it is in itself too important, and has been too +widely recognised, to be passed over in these pages without notice. + +Sir Henry Ellis, to whom we are indebted for having first called +attention to the specific stipulations of this alleged treaty, with +his accustomed perspicuity and succinctness thus introduces the +subject to his reader: + +"Sir Edmund Mortimer's letter is dated December 13 (1402), and the +Tripartite Indenture of Partition was not fully agreed upon till +toward the middle of the next year. The negociation for the (p. 150) +partition of the kingdom seems to have originated with Mortimer and +Glyndowr only. The battle of Shrewsbury was fought on July 21st, 1403. +The manuscript chronicle, already named, compiled by one of the +chaplains[150] to King Henry V, gives the particulars of the final +treaty, signed at the house of the Archdeacon of Bangor, more amply +than they can be found elsewhere. The expectation declared in this +treaty that the contracting parties would turn out to be those spoken +of by Merlin, who were to divide amongst them the Greater Britain, as +it is called, corroborates the story told by Hall. The whole passage +is here submitted to the reader's perusal: the words are evidently +those of the treaty." The reader is then furnished with a copy of the +Latin original: but, since no point of the general question as to its +genuineness appears to be affected by the words employed, the +following translation is substituted in its place. + + [Footnote 150: That this chronicle was not compiled + by one of Henry V.'s chaplains, is shown in the + Appendix.] + + TRIPARTITE INDENTURE OF DIVISION. + + "This year, the Earl of Northumberland made a league and covenant + and friendship with Owyn Glyndwr and Edmund Mortimer, son of the + late Edmund Earl of March, in certain articles of the form and + tenor following:--In the first place, that these Lords, Owyn, the + Earl, and Edmund, shall henceforth be mutually joined, confederate, + united, and bound by the bond of a true league and true (p. 151) + friendship, and sure and good union. Again, that every of these + Lords shall will and pursue, and also procure, the honour and + welfare one of another; and shall, in good faith, hinder any losses + and distresses which shall come to his knowledge, by any one + whatsoever intended to be inflicted on either of them. Every one, + also, of them shall act and do with another all and every those + things which ought to be done by good, true, and faithful friends + to good, true, and faithful friends, laying aside all deceit and + fraud. Also, if ever any of the said Lords shall know and learn of + any loss or damage intended against another by any persons whatsoever, + he shall signify it to the others as speedily as possible, and assist + them in that particular, that each may take such measures as may + seem good against such malicious purposes; and they shall be anxious + to prevent such injuries in good faith; also, they shall assist + each other to the utmost of their power in the time of necessity. + Also, if by God's appointment it should appear to the said Lords + in process of time that they are the same persons of whom the + Prophet speaks, between whom the government of the Greater Britain + ought to be divided and parted, then they and every of them shall + labour to their utmost to bring this effectually to be accomplished. + Each of them, also, shall be content with that portion of the + kingdom aforesaid limited as below, without further exaction or + superiority; yea, each of them in such portion assigned to him + shall enjoy equal liberty. Also, between the same Lords it is + unanimously covenanted and agreed that the said Owyn and his heirs + shall have the whole of Cambria or Wales, by the borders, limits, + and boundaries underwritten divided from Leogoed which is commonly + called England; namely, from the Severn sea, as the river Severn + leads from the sea, going down to the north gate of the city of + Worcester; and from that gate straight to the ash-trees, commonly + called in the Cambrian or Welsh language Ouuene Margion, which + grow on the high way from Bridgenorth to Kynvar; thence by (p. 152) + the high way direct, which is usually called the old or ancient way + to the head or source of the river Trent; thence to the head or + source of the river Meuse; thence as that river leads to the sea, + going down within the borders, limits, and boundaries above written. + And the aforesaid Earl of Northumberland shall have for himself + and his heirs the counties below written, namely, Northumberland, + Westmoreland, Lancashire, York, Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, + Stafford, Leicester, Northampton, Warwick, and Norfolk. And the + Lord Edmund shall have all the rest of the whole of England + entirely to him and his heirs. Also, should any battle, riot, or + discord fall out between two of the said Lords, (may it never be!) + then the third of the said Lords, calling to himself good and + faithful counsel, shall duly rectify such discord, riot, and battle; + whose approval or sentence the discordant parties shall be held + bound to obey. They shall also be faithful to defend the kingdom + against all men; saving the oak on the part of the said Owyn given + to the most illustrious Prince Charles, by the grace of God King + of the French, in the league and covenant between them made. And + that the same be, all and singular, well and faithfully observed, + the said Lords, Owyn, the Earl, and Edmund, by the holy body of + the Lord which they now stedfastly look upon, and by the holy + Gospels of God by them now bodily touched, have sworn to observe + the premises all and singular to their utmost, inviolably; and + have caused their seals to be mutually affixed thereto." + +The above learned Editor of this instrument (to whose labours in rescuing +from oblivion so many original documents relative to these times we +are repeatedly induced to acknowledge our obligations,) seems to have +fallen into some serious mistakes here. Either influenced by the +fascinating reminiscences of Shakspeare's representations, or (p. 153) +following Hall with too implicit a confidence, he has altogether +overlooked the date assigned in the manuscript itself to the execution +of this partition deed, and the persons between whom the agreement is +there said to have been made. So far from countenancing the assumption +that "the indenture was finally agreed upon towards the middle of the +year next after the date of Edmund Mortimer's letter announcing his +junction with Owyn (December 14th, 1402)," the manuscript expressly +states that the covenant was made on the 28th of February,[151] in the +fourth year of Henry IV; and that the contracting parties were Henry +Earl of Northumberland, Sir Edmund Mortimer, and Owyn Glyndowr. Hall, +on whom there exists strong reason for believing that Shakspeare +rested as his authority, asserts that the contracting parties were +Glyndowr, the LORD PERCY (by which title he throughout designates +Hotspur), and the EARL OF MARCH. Hall's expressions would lead us to +infer that the circumstance was not generally recognised or known (p. 154) +by the chroniclers before his time, but was recorded by one only of +those with whose writings he was acquainted. "A certain writer," he +says, "writeth that this Earl of March, the Lord Percy, and Owyn +Glyndowr were unwisely made believe by a Welsh prophesier that King +Henry was the Moldwarp cursed of God's own mouth, and that they were +the Dragon, the Lion, and the Wolf which should divide the realm +between them, by the deviation, not divination, of that mawmet Merlin." +Hall then proceeds to tell us that the tripartite indenture was sealed +by the deputies of the three parties in the Archdeacon's house; and +that, by the treaty, Wales was given to Owyn, all England from Severn +and Trent southward and eastward, was assigned to the Earl of March, +and the remnant to Lord Percy. + + [Footnote 151: This date cannot have been earlier + than February 1404, nor later than 1405. If we + interpret the words of the MS. to mean the regnal + year of Henry IV, the date will be the first of + those two years; if it was the February subsequent + to the election of Pope Innocent, October 1404, + immediately after noticing which the MS. records + this treaty, it will be the latter. The copy of + this manuscript agrees in all points with the + Sloane, except that it refers it to the 18th + instead of the 28th of February.] + +The strange confusion made either by Hall, or "the certain writer" +from whom he draws his story, of Owyn's prisoner and son-in-law, Edmund +Mortimer, with the Earl of March his nephew, then a minor in the King's +safe custody, throws doubtless great suspicion on his narrative; +nevertheless, such as it is, (allowing for that mistake,) his account +seems far more probable than the statement given in the Sloane +manuscript,--the only authority, it is presumed, now known to have +reported the alleged words of the treaty. It is much more likely, that +the project of dividing South Britain among the houses of Glyndowr, +Mortimer, and Percy, should have been entertained before the (p. 155) +battle of Shrewsbury, when the Earl of Worcester's malicious love of +mischief might have suggested it, and Hotspur's headstrong impetuosity +might have caught at the scheme, and their troops, not yet dispirited +by defeat, might have been sanguine of success, than after that struggle, +when the old Earl of Northumberland[152] was the only representative of +the house of Percy who could have signed it. The cause of Owyn, Mortimer, +and Northumberland had so sunk into its wane after Hotspur's death, +that they could then scarcely have contemplated as a thing feasible +the division of the fair realm of England and Wales among themselves. +Of the authority of the manuscript from which the indenture is +extracted, the Author (for reasons stated in the Appendix) is (p. 156) +compelled to form a very low estimate. And if such a deed ever was +signed, it is far less improbable that the manuscript (full, as it +confessedly is elsewhere, of errors) should have inserted it incorrectly +in point of chronological order, than that the contracting parties +should have postponed their contemplated arrangement to a period when +success must have appeared almost beyond hope. Independently, however, +of the suspicion cast on the document by the date assigned to it in +the manuscript, it seems to carry with it internal evidence against +itself. The contract was made by Edmund Mortimer, the Earl of +Northumberland, and Owyn, and among them the land was to be divided; +but, so far from the report of such an intended distribution being +corroborated by any other authority, there is much evidence to render +it incredible. Edmund Mortimer's own genuine letter, for example, +announcing his adhesion to Owyn, which preceded this agreement, makes +no allusion to the Percies, or even to himself, as portionists. "The +cause," he says, "which he espoused would guarantee to Owyn his rights +in Wales, and, in case Richard were dead, would place the Earl of +March on the throne." It is, indeed, scarcely conceivable that the +nobles, the gentry, and the people at large would have suffered their +land to be cut up into portions, destroying the integrity of the +kingdom, and exposing it with increased facilities to foreign (p. 157) +invasion, and interminable intestine warfare; whilst neither of the +three who were to share the spoil had any pretensions of title to the +crown. It is scarcely less inconceivable that three men, such as +Mortimer, Glyndowr, and Northumberland, could have seriously devised +so desperate a scheme. + + [Footnote 152: Nevertheless, it should be + remembered that many ancient accounts mention the + Earl of Northumberland's visit to Glyndowr + subsequently to his return from the flight into + Scotland, and that the French auxiliaries invaded + England under Glyndowr's standard long after the + battle of Shrewsbury. It was on the last day of + February 1408, that Rokeby, Sheriff of Yorkshire, + compelled Northumberland and Lord Bardolf to engage + with him in the field of Bramham Moor, when the + Earl fell in battle, and Lord Bardolf died of his + wounds. The Earl's head, covered with the snows of + age, was exposed on London Bridge. The people + lamented his fate when they recalled to mind his + former magnificence and glory. Many (says + Walsingham) applied to him the lines of Lucan: + + Sed nos nec sanguis, nec tantum vulnera nostri + Afficere senis, quantum gestata per urbem + Ora ducis, quæ transfixo deformia pilo + Vidimus.] + +On the whole, the Author is disposed to express his suspicion that the +entire story of the tripartite league is the creature only of +invention, originating in some inexplicable mistake, or fabricated for +the purpose of exciting feelings of contempt or hostility against the +rebels. + + * * * * * + +In examining the various accounts of the battle of Shrewsbury with a +view of putting together ascertained facts in right order, and +distinguishing between certainty,--strong probability,--mere +surmise,--improbabilities,--and utter mistakes, we shall find it far +more easy to point out the errors of others, than to adopt one general +view which shall not in its turn be open to objections. Still, in any +important course of events, it seems to be a dereliction of duty in an +author to shrink from offering the most probable outline of facts +which the careful comparison of different statements, and a patient +weighing of opposite authorities, suggest. Before, however, we enter +upon that task, it will be necessary to clear the way by examining +some other questions of doubt and difficulty. + +To Mr. Hume's inaccuracies, arising from the want of patient (p. 158) +labour in searching for truth at the fountain-head, we have been led +to refer above. His readiness to rest satisfied with whatever first +offered itself, provided it suited his present purpose, without either +scrutinizing its internal evidence, or verifying it by reference to +earlier and better authority, is forced upon our notice in his account +of the battle of Shrewsbury. Just one half of the entire space which +he spares to record the whole affair, he devotes to a minute detail of +the manifesto which Hotspur is said to have sent to the King on the +night before the battle, in the name of his father, his uncle, and +himself. This document, at least in the terms quoted by Mr. Hume, is +proved as well by its own internal self-contradictions, as by historical +facts, to be a forgery of a much later date. + +The first charge which the manifesto is made to bring against Henry +is, that, after his landing at Ravenspurg, he swore on the Gospel that +he only sought his own rightful inheritance, that he would never +disturb Richard in his possession of the throne, and that never would +he aim at being King. And yet another item charges him with having +sworn on the same day, and at the same place, and on the same Gospel, +an oath (the very terms of which imply that he was to be King) that he +never would exact tenths or fifteenths without consent of the three +estates, except in cases of extreme emergence. Again, "It complained +of his cruel policy (says Mr. Hume, without adding a single remark,) +in allowing the young Earl of March, whom he ought to regard as (p. 159) +his sovereign, to remain a captive in the hands of his enemies, and +in even refusing to all his friends permission to treat of his ransom;" +whilst it is beyond all question that the person whom this pretended +manifesto confounds with the Earl of March, "taken in pitched battle," +was Sir Edmund Mortimer. The Earl of March was himself then a boy, and +was in close custody in Henry's castle of Windsor. The manifesto, as +Hume quotes it, is evidently full of historical blunders; its author +had followed those historians who had confounded Edmund Mortimer with +the Earl of March; and yet Mr. Hume adopts it on the authority of +Hall, and gives it so prominent a place in his work. + +But even as the manifesto is found in its original form in Hardyng, +(though the blunders copied by Hume from Hall[153] do not appear there +in all their extravagance and absurdity,) something attaches to it +exceedingly suspicious as to its character and circumstances. +Independently of the internal evidence of the document itself, which +will repay a careful scrutiny, the very fact of Hardyng having +withheld even the most distant allusion to such a manifesto in the +copy of his work which he presented to Henry VI, the grandson of (p. 160) +the King whose character the manifesto was designed to blast, at a +time so much nearer the event, when the reality or the falsehood of +his statement might have been more easily ascertained, contrasts very +strikingly with the forced and unnatural manner in which, many years +after, he abruptly thrusts the manifesto in Latin prose into the midst +of his English poem. He then[154] desired to please Edward IV, to whom +any adverse reflection on Bolinbroke would be acceptable. + + [Footnote 153: Hall says, "Because no chronicle + save one makes mention what was the cause and + occasion of this bloody battle, in the which on + both parts were more than forty thousand men + assembled, I word for word, according to my copy, + do here rehearse." He then gives the heads of the + manifesto, from which Hume has drawn his account.] + + [Footnote 154: The fact is, that Hardyng's + character is assailable, especially on the point of + forging documents. "Several writers have considered + Hardyng a most dexterous and notable forger, who + manufactured the deed for which he sought + reward."[154-a] The first manuscript, the Lansdown, + containing no allusion to this said manifesto, + comes down to 1436. The Harleian copy, which + contains it, comes down to the flight of Henry VI. + for Scotland. In the Lansdown copy not one word is + said about the oath sworn on Bolinbroke's landing, + nor about the manifesto.] + + [Footnote 154-a: See Sir H. Ellis's Introduction to + his edition of Hardyng.] + +The document, however, itself savours strongly of forgery. In the +first place, it purports to be signed and sealed by Henry Percy, Earl +of Northumberland, (though the Earl at that time was in Northumberland,) +Henry Percy, his first-born son, and Thomas Earl of Worcester, styling +themselves Procurators and Protectors of the kingdom. Should this +apparent contradiction be thought to be reconciled with the truth by +what Hardyng mentions, that the document was made by good advice (p. 161) +of the Archbishop of York, and divers other holy men and lords; it +must be answered that it could not have been drawn up for the purpose +of being used whenever an opportunity might offer, for, in the name of +the three, it challenges the King, and declares that they will prove +the allegations "_on this day_," "_on this instant day_," twice repeated. +Evidently the writer of the document had his mind upon the fatal day of +Shrewsbury. + +Again, one of their principal charges seems to have emanated from a +person totally ignorant of some facts which must have been known to +the Percies, and which are established by documents still in our +hands. The words of the clause to which we refer run thus: "We aver +and intend to prove, that whereas Edmund Mortimer, brother of the Earl +of March, was taken by Owyn Glyndowr in mortal battle, in the open +field, and has UP TO THIS TIME[155] _been cruelly kept in prison_ and +bands of iron, in your cause, you have publicly declared him to have +been guilefully taken, [ex dolo,--willingly, as Hall quotes it, to +yield himself prisoner to the said Owyn,] and you would not suffer him +to be ransomed, neither by his own means nor by us his relatives and +friends. We have, therefore, negociated with Owyn, as well for his +ransom from our own proper goods, as also for peace between you and +Owyn. Wherefore have you regarded us as traitors, and moreover (p. 162) +have craftily and secretly planned and imagined our death and utter +destruction." + + [Footnote 155: Adhuc.] + +This clause of the manifesto declares the King to have publicly +proclaimed that Edmund Mortimer, who was taken in pitched battle, had +fraudulently given himself up to Owyn. The King's own letter to the +council[156] is totally irreconcileable with his making such a +declaration. He announces to them the news which he had just received +of Mortimer's capture, as a calamity which had made him resolve to +proceed in person against the rebels. "Tidings have reached us from +Wales, that the rebels have taken our very dear and much beloved +Edmund Mortimer." Again, the clause avers that the King had suffered +the same person, Edmund Mortimer, to be kept cruelly in prison and +iron chains _up to that time_, and would not suffer him to be +ransomed. In contradiction to this charge, we are assured by the early +chroniclers[157] that Owyn treated Mortimer with all the humanity and +respect in his power; and that because he possessed not the means of +paying a ransom, he had, as early as St. Andrew's day, (30th of +November 1402, less than six months after his capture, and nearly +eight months before the alleged delivery of the manifesto,) been +married to the daughter of Owyn with great solemnity; and, "thus (p. 163) +turning wholly to the Welsh people, he pledged himself thereafter to +fight for them to the utmost of his power against the English." + + [Footnote 156: Acts of Council, vol. i. p. 185.] + + [Footnote 157: Monk of Evesham and Sloane, + 1776.--In the passage relating to Mortimer's + marriage in Walsingham's history, the word "obiit" + is evidently an interpolation by mistake. It does + not occur in the corresponding passage in his + Ypodig. Neust.] + +Another expression in this clause, incompatible with the truth, but +quite consistent with the mistakes which from very early times +prevailed as to the circumstances preceding the battle of Shrewsbury, +charges the King with having pronounced the three Percies to be +traitors, and with having secretly planned and imagined their ruin and +death; and this is said to have been signed and sealed by +Northumberland, then remaining in the north. Whereas the truth, +established beyond controversy, though little known, is, that, up to +the very day when the King announced to the council Hotspur's +rebellion,--barely four days before the battle,--he had entertained no +idea of their disloyalty. Even in his last preceding despatch he +informed the council that he was on his way "to afford aid and comfort +to his very dear and faithful cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and +his son Henry, and to join them in their expedition against the +Scots."[158] + + [Footnote 158: Acts of Council, vol. i. p. 207.] + +These considerations, among others, throw so many and such weighty +suspicions on the manifesto, that it can scarcely be regarded as +deserving of credit. Nor must the Author here disguise his conviction, +that the whole is a forgery, guiltily made for the purpose of +blackening the memory of Henry IV, and of casting odium on the (p. 164) +dynasty of the house of Lancaster. + +Another important mistake into which tradition seems to have betrayed +some very pains-taking persons is that which charges Owyn Glyndowr +with a breach of faith, and a selfish conduct, on the occasion of the +battle of Shrewsbury, utterly unworthy of any man of the slightest +pretensions to integrity and honour. He is said by Leland to have +promised Percy to be present at that struggle: he is reported by +Pennant to have remained, as if spell-bound, with twelve thousand men +at Oswestry. The History of Shrewsbury tells us of the still existing +remains of an oak at Shelton, into the top-most branches of which he +climbed to see the turn of the battle, resolving to proceed or retire +as that should be; having come with his forces to that spot time +enough to join the conflict. The question involving Owyn Glyndowr's +good faith and valour, or zeal and activity, is one of much interest, +and deserves to be patiently investigated; whilst an attentive +examination of authentic documents, and a careful comparison of dates, +are essential to the establishment of the truth. The result of the +inquiry may be new, and yet not on that account the less to be relied +upon. + +That Owyn gladly promised to co-operate with the Percies, there is +every reason to regard as time; that he undertook to be with them at +Shrewsbury on that day of battle cannot, it should seem, be true. +Probably he never heard of any expectation of such an engagement, (p. 165) +and the first news which reached him relating to it may have been +tidings of Percy's death, and the discomfiture of his troops. The +Welsh historians unsparingly charge him with having deceived his +northern friends on that day: and some assert that he remained at +Oswestry, only seventeen miles off; others that he came to the very +banks of the Severn, and tarried there in safety, consulting only his +own interest, whilst a vigorous effort on his part might have turned +the victory that day against the King. This is, perhaps, within the +verge of possibility; but is in the highest degree improbable. That +the reports have originated in an entire ignorance of Owyn's probable +position at the time, and of the sudden, unforeseen, and unexpected +character of the struggle to which Bolinbroke's instantaneous decision +forced the Percies, will evidently appear, if, instead of relying on +vague tradition, we follow in search of the reality where facts only, +or fair inferences from ascertained facts, may conduct us. + +It appears, then, to be satisfactorily demonstrable by original +documents, interpreted independently of preconceived theory, that, +four days only before King Henry's proclamation against the Percies +was issued at Burton upon Trent, Owyn Glyndowr was in the extreme +divisions of Caermarthenshire, most actively and anxiously engaged in +reducing the English castles which still held out against him, and by +no means free from formidable antagonists in the field, being (p. 166) +fully occupied at that juncture, and likely to be detained there +for some time. It must be also remembered that the King published his +proclamation as soon as ever he had himself heard of Hotspur's movements +from the north, and that even his knowledge of the hostile intentions +of the Percies preceded the very battle itself only by the brief space +of five days. This circumstance has never (it is presumed) been noticed +by any of our historians; and the examination of the whole question +involves so new and important a view of the affairs of the Principality +at that period, and bears so immediately on the charge made against +the great rebel chieftain for dastardly cowardice or gross breach of +faith, that it seems to claim in these volumes a fuller and more +minute investigation than might otherwise have been desirable or +generally interesting. The documents furnishing the facts on which we +ground our opinion, are chiefly original letters preserved in the +British Museum, and made accessible to the general reader by having +been published by Sir Henry Ellis.[159] That excellent Editor, +however, has unquestionably referred them to an earlier date than can +be truly assigned to them.[160] Independently of the material fact +which they are intended to establish, they carry with them much +intrinsic interest of their own; and although the detail of the (p. 167) +evidence in the body of the work might seem to impede unnecessarily +the progress of the narrative, the dissertation in its detached form +is recommended to the reader's careful perusal. Should he close his +examination of those documents under the same impression which the +Author confesses they have made on himself, he will acquiesce in the +conclusion above stated, and consider this position as admitting no +reasonable doubt,--That, a few days only before the fatal battle of +Shrewsbury, Owyn Glyndowr was in the very extremity of South Wales, +engaged in attempts to reduce the enemy's garrisons, and crush his +power in those quarters; with a prospect also before him of much +similar employment in a service of great danger to himself. And when +we recollect that probably Henry Percy as little expected the King to +meet him at Shrewsbury, as the King a week before had thought to find +him or his father in any other part of the kingdom than in +Northumberland, whither he was himself on his march to join them; when +we recollect the nature and extent of the country which lies between +Pembrokeshire and Salop; and reflect also on the undisciplined state +of Owyn's "eight thousand and eight score spears, such as they were;" +instead of being surprised at his absence from Shrewsbury on the 21st +of July, and charging him with having deserted his friends and sworn +allies on that sad field, we are driven to believe that his presence +there would have savoured more of the marvellous than many of his (p. 168) +most celebrated achievements. The simple truth breaks the spell of the +poet's picture, and forces us to unveil its fallacy, though it has +been pronounced by the historian of Shrewsbury to "form one of the +brightest ornaments of the pages of Marmion." To whatever cause we +ascribe the decline of Owyn's power, we cannot trace its origin to a +judicial visitation as the consequence of his failure in that hour of +need. The poet's imagination, creative of poetical justice, wrought +upon the tale as it was told; but that tale was not built on truth. +The lines, however, deserve to have been the vehicle of a less +ill-founded tradition. + + [Footnote 159: Original Letters, Second Series.] + + [Footnote 160: Those documents, with the Author's + remarks and reasonings upon them, will be found in + the Appendix.] + + "E'en from the day when chained by fate, + By wizard's dream or potent spell, + Lingering from sad Salopia's field, + Reft of his aid, the Percy fell;-- + E'en from that day misfortune still, + As if for violated faith, + Pursued him with unwearied step, + Vindictive still for Hotspur's death."[161] + + [Footnote 161: Quoted by Scott in his Notes on + Marmion from a poem by the Rev. G. Warrington, + called "The Spirit's Blasted Tree."] + +Those who feel an interest in tracing the localities of this battle +with a greater minuteness of detail in its circumstances than is +requisite for the purpose of these Memoirs, will do well to consult +the "Historian of Shrewsbury." The following is offered as the +probable outline of the circumstances of the engagement, together (p. 169) +with those which preceded and followed it. + + * * * * * + +The Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur were engaged in collecting +and organizing troops in the north, for the professed purpose of +invading Scotland as soon as the King should join them with his +forces. Taking from these troops "eight score horse," Hotspur[162] +marched southward from Berwick at their head, and came through (p. 170) +Lancashire and Cheshire, spreading his rebellious principles on every +side, and adding to his army, especially from among the gentry. He +proclaimed everywhere that their favourite Richard, though deposed by +the tyranny of Bolinbroke, was still alive; and many gathered round +his standard, resolved to avenge the wrongs of their liege lord. The +King, with a considerable force, the amount of which is not precisely +known, was on his march towards the north, with the intention of +joining the forces raised by the Percies, and of advancing with them +into Scotland, and, "that expedition well ended," of returning to +quell the rebels in Wales. He was at Burton on Trent when news was +brought to him of Hotspur's proceedings, which decided him[163] +instantly to grapple with this unlooked-for rebellion. Hotspur was +believed to be on his road to join Glyndowr, and the King resolved to +intercept him. + + [Footnote 162: Hardyng represents the variance + between Henry IV. and the Percies to have + originated in three causes:--in their own refusal + to give up certain prisoners of rank who had been + taken at the battle of Homildon; in the King's + refusal to let Sir Edmund Mortimer pay a ransom; + and in the displeasure which the King had felt in + consequence of an interview between Hotspur and + Glyndowr, which had excited his suspicions. A + commission was issued on the 14th March 1403, at + the instance of the Earl of Westmoreland, to + inquire about the prisoners taken at Homildon or + "Humbledon."--Rym. Foe The Pell Rolls acquaint + us with the great importance attached by Henry and + the nation to this victory, by recording the + pension assigned to the first bringer of the + welcome news: "To Nicholas Merbury 40_l._ yearly + for other good services, as also because the same + Nicholas was the first person who reported for a + certainty to the said lord the King the good, + agreeable, and acceptable news of the success of + the late expedition at Homeldon, near Wollor, in + Northumberland, by Henry, late Earl of + Northumberland. Four earls, many barons and + bannerets, with a great multitude of knights and + esquires, as well Scotch as French, were taken; and + also a great multitude slain, and drowned in the + river Tweed." This act of gratitude was somewhat + late, if the entry in the Roll records the first + payment. It is dated Nov. 3, 1405. At the date of + this payment Percy is called the _late_ Earl, + because he had forfeited his title.] + + [Footnote 163: Walsingham records that the Earl of + Dunbar, urging Henry to strike an immediate blow, + quoted Lucan. He probably uttered the + sentiment,--the quotation being supplied by the + chronicler: + + "Tolle moras; nocuit semper differre paratis, + Dum trepidant nullo firmatæ robore partes."] + +So far from inferring, as some authors have done, from the smallness +of the numbers on either side, that the country considered it more a +personal quarrel between two great families than as a national concern, +we might rather feel surprise at the magnitude of the body of men (p. 171) +which met in the field of Shrewsbury.[164] It must be remembered that +the King did not "go down" from the seat of government with 14,000 +men; but that the army with which he hastened to crush the rising +rebellion consisted only of the troops at the head of whom he was +marching towards the north, of the body then under the Prince of Wales +on the borders, and of those who could be gathered together on the +exigence of the moment by the royal proclamation. It must be borne +also in mind that (according to all probability) barely four days +elapsed between the first intimation which reached the King's ears of +the rebellion of the Percies, and the desperate conflict which crushed +them. As we have already seen, the King, only on the 10th of July, +(scarcely eleven days before that decisive struggle,) believed himself +to be on his road northward to join "his beloved and loyal" +Northumberland and Hotspur against the Scots. + + [Footnote 164: Mr. Pennant, in his interesting + account of Owyn Glyndowr's life, (though he appears + to have been very diligent in collecting + traditionary materials for the work,) represents + King Henry to have "made an expeditious march to + Burton on Trent, on his way _against the northern + rebels_," _the Percies_; when, on hearing of + Hotspur having come southward, he turned to meet + him.] + +The Prince of Wales, who, as we infer, first apprised the King of this +rising peril, was on the Welsh borders, near Shrewsbury; and he formed +a junction with his father,--but where, and on what day, is not known. +Very probably the first intimation that Henry of Monmouth himself (p. 172) +had of the hostile designs of the Percies, was the sudden departure of +the Earl of Worcester, his guardian, who unexpectedly left the Prince's +retinue, and, taking his own dependents with him, joined Hotspur. + +At all events, delay would have added every hour to the imminent peril +of the royal cause, and probably Hotspur's impetuosity seconded the +King's manifest policy of hastening an immediate engagement; and thus +the "sorry battle of Shrewsbury" was fought by the united forces of +the King and the Prince on the one side, and the forces of Hotspur and +his uncle the Earl of Worcester on the other, unassisted by Glyndowr. + +That the opposed parties engaged in "Heyteley Field,"[165] near that +town, is placed beyond question. With regard to their relative position +immediately before the battle, there is no inconsiderable doubt. Some +say that the King's army reached the town and took possession of the +castle on the Friday, only three hours before Hotspur arrived: others, +following Walsingham, represent Hotspur as having arrived first, (p. 173) +and being in the very act of assaulting the town, when the sudden, +unexpected appearance of the royal banner advancing made him desist +from that attempt, and face the King's forces. Be this as it may, on +Saturday the 21st of July, the two hostile armies were drawn up in +array against each other in Hateley Field, ready to rush to the struggle +on which the fate of England was destined much to depend. Whether any +manifesto were sent from Hotspur, or not, it is certain that the King +made an effort to prevent the desperate conflict, and the unnecessary +shedding of so much Christian blood. He despatched the Abbot of +Shrewsbury and the Clerk of the Privy Seal to Hotspur's lines, with +offers of pardon even then, would they return to their allegiance. +Hotspur was much moved by this act of grace, and sent his uncle, the +Earl of Worcester, to negociate. This man has been called the origin +of all the mischief; and he is said so to have addressed the King, and +so to have misinterpreted his mild and considerate conversation, "who +condescended, in his desire of reconciliation, even below the royal +dignity," that both parties were incensed the more, and resolved +instantly to try their strength. The onset was made by the archers of +Hotspur, whose tremendous volleys caused dreadful carnage among the +King's troops. "They fell," says Walsingham, "as the leaves fall on +the ground after a frosty night at the approach of winter. There (p. 174) +was no room for the arrows to reach the ground, every one struck a +mortal man." The King's bowmen also did their duty. A rumour, spreading +through the host, that the King had fallen, shook the steadiness and +confidence of his partisans, and many took to flight; the royal presence, +however, in every part of the engagement soon rallied his men. Hotspur +and Douglas seemed anxious to fight neither with small nor great, but +with the King only;[166] though they mowed down his ranks, making +alleys, as in a field of corn, in their eagerness to reach him. He +was, we are told, unhorsed again and again; but returned to the charge +with increased impetuosity. His standard-bearer was killed at his +side, and the standard thrown down. At length the Earl of Dunbar +forced him away from the post which he had taken. Henry of Monmouth, +though he was then no novice in martial deeds, yet had never before +been engaged on any pitched-battle field; and here he did his duty +valiantly. He was wounded in the face by an arrow; but, so far from +allowing himself to be removed on that account to a place of safety, +he urged his friends to lead him into the very hottest of the conflict. +Elmham records his address: whether they are the very words he (p. 175) +uttered, or such only as he was likely to have used, they certainly +suit his character: "My lords, far be from me such disgrace, as that, +like a poltroon, I should stain my noviciate in arms by flight. If the +Prince flies, who will wait to end the battle? Believe it, to be carried +back before victory would be to me a perpetual death! Lead me, I +implore you, to the very face of the foe. I may not say to my friends, +'Go ye on first to the fight.' Be it mine to say, 'Follow me, my +friends.'" The next time we hear of Henry of Monmouth is as an agent +of mercy. The personal conflict between him and Hotspur, into the +description of which Shakspeare has infused so full a share of his +powers of song, has no more substantial origin than the poet's own +imagination. Percy fell by an unknown hand, and his death decided the +contest. The cry, "Henry Percy is dead!" which the royalists raised, +was the signal for utter confusion and flight.[167] The number of the +slain on either side is differently reported. When the two armies met, +the King's was superior in numbers, but Hotspur's far more abounded in +gentle blood. The greater part of the gentlemen of Cheshire fell on +that day. On the King's part,[168] except the Earl of Stafford and (p. 176) +Sir Walter Blount, few names of note are reckoned among the slain. + + [Footnote 165: That the battle was fought in + Hateley Field is proved by a document containing a + grant by patent (10 Hen. IV.) of two acres of land + for ever to Richard Huse (Hussey), Esquire, for two + chaplains to chant mass for the prosperity of the + King during his life, and for his soul afterwards, + and for all his progenitors, and for the souls of + them who died in that battle and were there + interred, and for the souls of all Christians, in a + new chapel to be built on the ground. See Sir + Harris Nicolas' preface to vol. i. p. 53.] + + [Footnote 166: The story that Henry adopted the + unchivalrous expedient of fighting in disguise, + arraying several persons, especially the Earl of + Stafford and Sir Walter Blount, in royal armour, + seems altogether fabulous.] + + [Footnote 167: The Scots fled, the Welshmen ran, + the traitors were overcome; then neither woods + letted, nor hills stopped, the fearful hearts of + them that were vanquished.--Hall.] + + [Footnote 168: Hume says, most unadvisedly, "the + persons of greatest distinction who fell on that + day were on the King's side."] + +The Earl of Worcester, Lord Douglas, and Sir Richard Vernon, fell into +the hands of the King; they were kept prisoners till the next Monday, +when Worcester and Vernon were beheaded. The Earl's head was sent up +to London on the 25th (the following Wednesday), by the bearer of the +royal mandate, commanding it to be placed upon London bridge. + +Thus ended the "sad and sorry field of Shrewsbury."[169] The battle +appeared to be the archetype of that cruel conflict which in the (p. 177) +middle of the century almost annihilated the ancient nobility of England. +Fabyan says, "it was more to be noted vengeable, for there the father was +slain of the son, and the son of the father." + + [Footnote 169: The Pell Rolls, so called from the + pells, or skins, on rolls of which accounts of the + royal receipts and expenditure used to be kept, are + preserved both in the Chapter House of Westminster, + and also in duplicate at the Exchequer Office in + Whitehall. The Author had every facility afforded + him of examining them at his leisure; and doubtless + these documents contain much valuable information, + throwing light as well on the national affairs of + the times to which they belong, as on the more + private history of monarchs and people. This is + evident to every one on inspecting the records of + any one year. But at the same time they read a + lesson, clear and sound, on the indispensable + necessity of constant care, and circumspection, and + sifting scrutiny, before reliance be placed on them + as evidence conclusive, and beyond appeal. The + Author of these Memoirs entered upon an examination + of the original documents, fully aware that the + date of payment with reference to any fact could + never be adduced in evidence that the event took + place at the time the entry was made, but only that + it had taken place before that time. Thus, a debt + due to the Prince, or one in command under him, at + the siege of a castle in Wales, or to tradesmen and + merchants for supplying the forces with provisions, + or to messengers sent with all speed bearing + despatches to the castle during the siege, might + remain unpaid for several years. He was, however, + at the same time under an impression that the sum + was recorded on the day of payment; at all events, + that payments with reference to any insulated fact + could not have been recorded as having been made + before that fact had transpired. In both these + points, however, he was mistaken. Payments were + registered not only long after the day on which + they were made, but absolutely _before the event + had taken place_ to which they refer, and which + could not have been anticipated by any human + foresight. Thus, not only is payment recorded as + having been made to Hotspur nearly five months + after his death, and to the Earl of Worcester, + twelve weeks after he was beheaded, for expenses + incurred by him in bringing the King's consort from + Brittany to England in the January preceding, but + absolutely the payment of messengers sent + throughout the kingdom to announce Henry Percy's + death and the defeat of the rebels near Shrewsbury, + and to order all ferries and passages to be watched + to prevent the escape of the rebels, is recorded as + having been made on the 17th of July 1403, FOUR + DAYS BEFORE THE BATTLE TOOK PLACE, and the very day + on which the King wrote to his council, informing + them of the rebellion, before he could himself + possibly have anticipated the place or time of any + engagement, much less the successful issue of such + a struggle with the rebels. The fact is, these + accounts were not kept with the regularity of a + modern banking-house; and the entries of what may + have been omitted were made at the audits, from + rough minutes and account-books. Thus mistakes as + to the date of actual payment probably were not + rare. The Pell Rolls are useful assistants; they + must not be followed implicitly as guides.] + + + + +CHAPTER IX. (p. 178) + +THE PRINCE COMMISSIONED TO RECEIVE THE REBELS INTO ALLEGIANCE. -- THE +KING SUMMONS NORTHUMBERLAND. -- HOTSPUR'S CORPSE DISINTERRED. -- THE +REASON. -- GLYNDOWR'S FRENCH AUXILIARIES. -- HE STYLES HIMSELF "PRINCE +OF WALES." -- DEVASTATION OF THE BORDER COUNTIES. -- HENRY'S LETTERS +TO THE KING, AND TO THE COUNCIL. -- TESTIMONY OF HIM BY THE COUNTY OF +HEREFORD. -- HIS FAMOUS LETTER FROM HEREFORD. -- BATTLE OF GROSSMONT. + +1403-1404. + + +No sooner had the King gained the field of Shrewsbury than he took the +most prompt measures to extinguish what remained of the rebellion of +the Percies. On the very next day he issued a commission to the Earl +of Westmoreland, William Gascoigne, and others, for levying forces to +act against the Earl of Northumberland. That nobleman, as we have seen, +remained in the north, probably in consequence of a sudden attack of +illness, when Hotspur made his ill-fated descent into the south: but +the King had good reason to believe that he was still in arms against +the crown; and although he despatched that commission of array to the +Earl of Westmoreland within only a few hours of the battle, yet (p. 179) +he resolved to march forthwith in person,[170] and crush the rebellion +by one decisive blow. On Monday the 23rd, the Earl of Worcester was +beheaded; and on the same day all his silver vessels, forfeited to the +King, were given to the Prince.[171] On the Tuesday the King must have +started for the north; for we find two ordinances dated at Stafford, a +distance of thirty miles from Shrewsbury, on Wednesday the 25th. +Whilst one of these royal mandates savours of severity, the other not +only is the message of mercy and forgiveness, but recommends itself to +us from the consideration of the person to whom the exercise of the +royal clemency was intrusted with unlimited discretion. Henry of +Monmouth, perhaps, left Shrewsbury after the battle, and proceeded +with his father on his journey northward; but we conclude Stafford to +have been, at all events, the furthest point from the Principality to +which he accompanied him. Whether the measure of mercy originated with +the King or the Prince, certainly both the King believed that his son +would gladly execute the commission, and the Prince felt happy in (p. 180) +being made the royal representative in the exercise of a monarch's +best and holiest prerogative. An ordinance was made by the King at +Stafford, investing the Prince of Wales with full powers to pardon the +rebels who were in the company of Henry Percy. The Prince probably +remained in or near Shrewsbury for the discharge of the duties assigned +to him by this commission. The King, having despatched messengers +throughout the whole realm announcing Henry Percy's death and the +defeat of the rebels, and commanding all ports to be watched that none +of the vanquished might escape, proceeded northward. On the 4th of +August we find him at Pontefract, from which place he issued an order +to the Sheriff[172] of York, which certainly indicates anything rather +than a thirst of vengeance on his enemies. It appears that many +persons, reckless of justice and confident of impunity, had laid +violent hands on the goods of the rebels; and different families had +thus been subjected to most grievous spoliation. The King's ordinance +conveys a peremptory order to the Sheriff of Yorkshire to interpose +his authority, and prevent such acts of violence and wrong, even upon +the King's enemies. On the 6th, we find him still at Pontefract, (p. 181) +and again on the 14th. Official documents, without supplying any matter +which needs detain us here, account for him through the intervening days. +Walsingham also relates that the King proceeded to York, and summoned +the whole county of Northumberland to appear before him. The Earl, who +had started with a strong body a few days after the battle, either in +ignorance of his son's failure, or to meet the King for the purpose of +treating with him for peace, had been resisted by the Earl of +Westmoreland, and compelled to retire to Warkworth. On receiving the +King's summons, leaving the commonalty behind, he approached the royal +presence with a small retinue, and, in the humble guise of a +suppliant, besought forgiveness.[173] The King granted him full +pardon, on the 11th of August;[174] and then began his return towards +Wales. We find him, from the 14th to the 16th,[175] at Pontefract; on +the 17th, at Doncaster. On the 18th, at Worksop; on the 26th, at (p. 182) +Woodstock; and on the 8th of September, at Worcester.[176] + + [Footnote 170: Sir Harris Nicolas, in his very + valuable preface to the first volume of the Acts of + the Privy Council, has fallen into the most + extraordinary mistake of stating that the King, + after the battle of Shrewsbury, "remained in or + near Wales until November." He was certainly absent + through six full weeks on his northern expedition. + The same Editor more than once affirms that the + battle of Shrewsbury was fought on the 23rd of + July.] + + [Footnote 171: MS. Donat. 4597.] + + [Footnote 172: Mr. Morritt of Rokeby, in a letter + to Sir Walter Scott, (Life of Scott, vol. ii. p. + 387,) says, "In the time of Henry IV. the High + Sheriff of Yorkshire who overthrew Northumberland, + and drove him to Scotland after the battle of + Shrewsbury, was a Rokeby. Tradition says that this + Sheriff was before an adherent of the Percies, and + was the identical knight who dissuaded Hotspur from + the enterprise, on whose letter the angry warrior + comments so freely in Shakspeare."] + + [Footnote 173: His friends and retainers spread + strange reports throughout the north, of the King's + death; and, assembling in great force, held the + castles of Berwick, Alnwick, and Warkworth against + the royal authority. The Earl of Westmoreland, + Warden of the West March, therefore requested to be + supplied with cannon and other means of assault to + reduce these fortresses. The proceedings are given + in detail among the Acts of the Privy Council, but + do not call for a minute examination here.] + + [Footnote 174: Walsingham says expressly, it was on + the morrow of St. Lawrence, August 11th.] + + [Footnote 175: On the 15th, he issues a + proclamation for an array, to meet him at + Worcester, on the 3rd of September at the latest, + to proceed against Owyn.] + + [Footnote 176: It was on his return towards Wales + that the military recommended Henry (then much in + need of money) to take from the bishops their + horses and gold, and send the prelates home on + foot. The Archbishop resisted the outrage in a + manly speech; and the King prayed a benevolence, + which the clergy granted.] + +After these acts of grace and pardon to Lord Douglas, Northumberland, +and all others who were joined to Sir Henry Percy, we should not expect +to find a charge substantiated of wanton and brutal cruelty and vengeance +on the part of the King against the corpse of that gallant knight. +Such a charge, however, is brought in the most severe terms which +language can supply in the manifesto said to have been made by the +Archbishop of York. The fact of Hotspur's exhumation may be granted, +and yet the King's memory may remain free from such a charge.[177] +That the body was buried, and afterwards disinterred and exposed to +public view, seems not to admit of a doubt. As it appears from the +Chronicle of London, "Persons reported that Percy was yet alive. He +was therefore taken up out of the grave, and bound upright between two +mill-stones, that all men might see that he was dead." "The cause of +Hotspur's exhumation is therefore satisfactorily explained; and, (p. 183) +since it must have been very desirable to remove all doubt as to the +fact of his death, the charge of needless barbarity which has been +brought against the King for disinterring him is without foundation."[178] + + [Footnote 177: The King, speaking of the death of + Hotspur, merely says, "He hath gone the way of all + flesh."--Rot. Pat. 4 Hen. IV. p. 2.] + + [Footnote 178: Sir Harris Nicolas.] + +The King now adopted prompt and vigorous measures for the suppression +of the rebellion in Wales; and with that view issued from Worcester an +ordinance to several persons by name, to keep their castles in good +repair, well provided also with men and arms. Among others, the Bishop +of St. David's is strictly charged as to his castle of Laghadyn; +Nevill de Furnivale, for Goodrich; Edward Charleton of Powis, for +Caerleon and Usk; John Chandos, for Snowdon. On the 10th of September, +the King, still at Worcester, created his son, John of Lancaster, +Constable of England. On the 14th he was at Hereford,[179] when he +gave a warrant to William Beauchamp, (to whom was intrusted the care +of Abergavenny and Ewias Harold,) to receive into their allegiance the +Welsh rebels of those lordships. A similar warrant for the rebels of +Brecknock, Builth, Haye, with others, is given, on the 15th, to Sir +John Oldcastle, John ap Herry, and John Fairford, clerk, dated +Devennock. The King was then on his route towards Caermarthen,[180] +where he stayed only a short time; and left the Earl of Somerset, (p. 184) +Sir Thomas Beaufort, the Bishop of Bath, and Lord Grey to keep the +castle and town for one month. He shortly afterwards commissioned +Prince Henry to negociate with those persons for their pardon who had +been excepted from the act of oblivion after the battle of +Shrewsbury.[181] + + [Footnote 179: On the 12th, he had issued a + proclamation from Hereford for his lieges to meet + him there forthwith.] + + [Footnote 180: Caermarthen suffered very seriously + in this war: the Pell Rolls, June 26, 1406, record + the payment of a sum to the Burgesses and Goodmen + of Caermarthen, in mitigation of the losses they + had sustained. On this occasion the King arrived + there on the 25th and stayed till the 29th.] + + [Footnote 181: On the 2nd of October, the King + issued a proclamation against Owyn. He seems to + have returned through Gloucester to London, + immediately after the 17th October; on which day a + warrant to Robert Waterton, to arrest Elizabeth + wife of the late Henry Percy, is dated Gloucester. + + On the 8th of October, those four persons whom + Henry had left in charge of Caermarthen, implore + the council by letter to send the Duke of York, or + some other general, to take charge of the King's + interests in that district, and to furnish troops + to succeed those whom the King had left in trust + there, since they had expressed their determined + resolution not to remain beyond their month.] + +The Welsh, though driven probably from Caermarthenshire[182] in the +early part of this autumn, seem to have carried on their hostilities +in other districts with much vigour into the very middle of winter.[183] +On the 8th of November, the King, being then at Cirencester, (p. 185) +issued strict orders for the payment of 100_l._ to Lord Berkeley, for +the succour of the garrison of Llanpadarn Castle, then straitly besieged +by the rebels, and in great danger of falling into their hands. Lord +Berkeley was appointed Admiral of the Fleet to the westward of the +Thames, on the 5th of November 1403. + + [Footnote 182: On the 1st of December the King + acknowledges that the people of Kedwelly had + repaired their walls which Owyn had injured; and, + on the 19th, the castle of Llanstaffan is given to + the custody of David Howell, who undertook to + defend it with ten men-at-arms and twenty archers + at his own expense, the late captain having been + taken by Owyn.] + + [Footnote 183: On the 26th of October, the King + commissions the Earl of Devon, with the Courtenays + and others, to press as many men as might be + necessary wherever they were to be found, and to + proceed forthwith by sea to rescue the castle of + Caerdiff, then in great peril.] + +On the 22d of November the King issued a proclamation for all rebels +to apply for an amnesty before the Feast of the Epiphany next ensuing, +or in default thereof to expect nothing but the strict course of the +law. + +It is matter of doubt whether Prince Henry remained in Wales and the +borders through the winter, or returned to his charge in the spring. +On the opening of the campaign, however, in 1404, we find the Welsh +chieftain aided by a power which must have made his rebellion far more +formidable than it had hitherto been. A truce between England and +France had been concluded just before the battle of Shrewsbury, but it +was of very short duration. Early in the spring, the French appeared +off the shores of Wales in armed vessels, and in conjunction with +Glyndowr's forces, laid siege to several castles along the coast. As +early as April 23rd, a sum of 300_l._ is assigned by the council for +equipping with men and arms, provisions and stores, five vessels (p. 186) +in the port of Bristol, to relieve the castles of Aberystwith and +Cardigan, and to compel the French to raise the siege of Caernarvon +and Harlech.[184] Not only were the castles on the coast brought into +increased jeopardy by this accession of a continental force to Owyn's +army of native rebels, but the inhabitants of the interior, already +miserably plundered, and in numberless cases utterly ruined, by the +ravages of the Welsh, now began to give themselves up to despair. A +letter from the King's loyal subjects of Shropshire (which we must +refer to this spring), praying for immediate succour against the +confederate forces of Wales and France, furnishes a most deplorable +view of the state of those districts. One-third part of that county, +they say, had been already destroyed, whilst the inhabitants were +compelled to leave their homes, in order to obtain their living in +other more favoured parts of the realm. The petition prays for the +protection of men-at-arms and archers, till the Prince[185] himself +should come. + + [Footnote 184: Measures had been taken, in + expectation, as it should appear, of these sieges. + January 31, 1404, money is paid to the Prince to + purchase sixty-six pipes of honey (to make mead), + twelve casks of wine, four casks of sour wine, + fifty casks of wheat-flour, and eighty quarters of + salt, for victualling Caernarvon, Harlech, + Llanpadarn, and Cardigan.] + + [Footnote 185: From this expression, Sir Harris + Nicolas is induced to refer the letter (which is + dated April 21st) to the year 1403, the Prince + having been appointed Lieutenant of Wales on the + 7th of March preceding. But the mention of the + _French_ auxiliaries, who appear not to have + visited those parts till the year following, seems + to fix the date of this document to the year 1404.] + +Soon after the French had carried on these hostile movements, (p. 187) +their King made a solemn league with Owyn Glyndowr, as an independent +sovereign, acknowledging him to be Prince of Wales. Owyn dated his +princedom from the year 1400, and assumed the full title and authority +of a monarch.[186] In this year he commissioned Griffin Young his +chancellor, and John Hangmer, both "his beloved relatives," to treat +with the King of France, in consideration of the affection and sincere +love which that illustrious monarch had shown _towards him_ and _his +subjects_.[187] This commission is dated "Doleguelli, 10th May, A. D. +1404, and in the fourth year of our principality." In conformity with +its tenour, a league was made and sworn to between the ambassadors of +"_our illustrious and most dread lord, Owyn, Prince of Wales_," and +those of the King of France. That sovereign signed the commission (p. 188) +on the 14th of June; and the league was sealed in the chancellor's house +at Paris, on the 14th July. Its provisions are chiefly directed against +"Henry of Lancaster." + + [Footnote 186: Owyn does not, however, seem to have + exercised the princely prerogative of coining + money. Indeed, no Welsh coin of any date is known + to have been ever in existence. Thomas Thomas, the + Welsh antiquary, says that a coin (or Dr. + Stukeley's impression from a coin) of King Bleiddyd + is now in the Cotton museum, of a date above nine + hundred years before Christ; and that there are + others of Monagan about the year one hundred and + thirty before the Christian era. A search for them, + it is presumed, would be fruitless.] + + [Footnote 187: The words in italics are in the + original "erga nos et _subditos_ nostros." + "Illustris et metuendissimi domini nostri Owini + Principis Walliarum."--See Rymer.] + +The reinforcements which Owyn Glyndowr received from France at the +opening of the campaign in the spring of 1404, enabled him not only to +lay siege to the castles in North and West Wales (as it was called), +but to make desperate inroads into England, as well about Shropshire +as in Herefordshire. A letter addressed to the council, June 10th, by +the sheriff, the receiver, and other gentlemen of the latter county, +conveys a most desponding representation of the state of those parts; +especially through the district of Archenfield. The bearer of this letter +was the Archdeacon of Hereford, Dean of Windsor, the same person who +wrote in such "haste and dread" to the King the year before. Some +parts of this letter deserve to be transcribed, they afford so lively +a description of the frightful calamities of a civil war. "The Welsh +rebels in great numbers have entered Irchonfeld,[188] which is a +division of the county of Hereford, and there they have burnt houses, +killed the inhabitants, taken prisoners, and ravaged the country, (p. 189) +to the great dishonour of our King, and the insupportable damage of +the county. We have often advertised the King that such mischiefs +would befal us. We have also now certain information that within the +next eight days the rebels are resolved to make an attack in the March +of Wales, to its utter ruin if speedy succour be not sent. True it is, +indeed, that we have no power to shelter us, except that of Lord +Richard of York and his men, far too little to defend us. We implore +you to consider this very perilous and pitiable case, and to pray our +sovereign lord that he will come in his royal person, or send some +person with sufficient power to rescue us from the invasion of the +aforesaid rebels; otherwise we shall be utterly destroyed,--which God +forbid! Whoever comes will, as we are led to believe from the report +of our spies, have to engage in battle, or will have a very severe +struggle, with the rebels. And, for God's sake, remember that +honourable and valiant man the Lord Abergavenny,[189] who is on the +very point of destruction if he be not rescued. Written in haste at +Hereford, June 10th." + + [Footnote 188: Irchonfeld, now called Archenfield, + contains some of the most fertile land in + Herefordshire. The inhabitants of Whitchurch, in + that district, used to say, before modern luxury + had taught us to reckon foreign productions among + the necessaries of life, that, excepting salt, + their parish supplied whatever was needed for their + subsistence in comfort.] + + [Footnote 189: This was William Beauchamp, to whom + the King had given, in the first year of his reign, + the castles[189-a] of Pembroke, Tenby, Kilgarran, with + others, by patent, 29th November, 1 Henry IV; and + who was very closely besieged in the spring of + 1401, and the summer of 1404, in the castle of + Abergavenny.] + + [Footnote 189-a: MS. Donat. 4596.] + +The King had in some measure anticipated this strong memorial, (p. 190) +by signing, on the very day preceding its date,[190] a commission of +array to the sheriffs of Hereford, Worcester, Gloucester, and Warwick +to raise their counties and proceed forthwith to join Richard of York, +and to advance in one body with him for the rescue of William Beauchamp, +who was then straitly besieged in his castle of Abergavenny, and entirely +destitute. Though no mention is here made of the Prince, nor any +allusion to him, we have the best evidence that he was personally +engaged during this summer in endeavouring to resist the violence and +excesses of the rebels. He was crippled by want of means; he was +forced to pawn his few jewels for the present support of himself and +his retinue; and, when the money raised on them was exhausted, he was +compelled to assure the council in the most direct terms, of his utter +inability to remain on his post, if they did not forthwith provide him +with adequate supplies. He seems to have acted both with vigour and +discretion; and the council placed throughout the fullest confidence +in his judgment and integrity. + + [Footnote 190: At Doncaster, June 9th.] + +Three documents at this point of time deserve especial attention. The +first is a letter, in French, from the Prince, addressed to his father, +and dated Worcester, 25th of June 1404; the second is another letter +of the same date, written by the Prince to the council; the third (p. 191) +contains the resolutions adopted by them in consequence of this +communication. + + [Footnote 191: The Author leaves this sentence as + he wrote it, before he had read the late account of + the Field of Agincourt: in that work Henry of + Monmouth is in these days, for the first time, + accused of hypocrisy; with what justice the reader + will decide after reading the charge, and the + arguments by which it is now presumed to have been + destroyed root and branch. They will be found in + the second volume.] + +It is very true that letters afford no infallible proof of the writer's +real sentiments and feelings; and it has been said, that expressions +of piety or affection in epistles of past ages are not to be interpreted +as indices of the mind and state of him who utters them, any more than +the ordinary close of a note in the present day proves that it came +from a humble-minded and gratefully obliged person. Nevertheless, with +these general suggestions before us, and not impugned, there does seem +to pervade the following letter from Henry to his father, somewhat +more than words of course, or matter-of-form expressions, indicative +(unless the writer be a hypocrite,--and hypocrisy has never been laid +to Henry of Monmouth's charge[191]) of filial dutifulness and affection, +as well as of a pious and devout trust in Providence. At all events, it +is incumbent on those who forbid our inference in favour of any one from +such testimony to show some act, or to quote some words, or direct us to +some implied sentiments in the individual, whose letters we are (p. 192) +discussing, which would give presumptive evidence against our decision +in his favour. But history has assigned no act, no sentiment, no word +of an irreligious or immoral tendency, to Henry of Monmouth up to the +date of this letter. It is not here implied, or conceded, that history +possesses facts of another character subsequently to this date; that +point must be the subject of our further inquiry. When this letter was +written, as far as we can ascertain, fame had not begun to breathe a +whisper against the religious and moral character of the Prince of +Wales. + + LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE KING HIS FATHER. + + "My very dread and sovereign lord and father.--In the most humble + and obedient manner that I know or am able, I commend myself to + your high Majesty, desiring every day your gracious blessing, and + sincerely thanking your noble Highness for your honourable + letters, which you were lately pleased to send to me, written at + your Castle of Pontefract, the 21st day of this present month of + June [1404]; by which letters I have been made acquainted with + the great prosperity of your high and royal estate, which is to + me the greatest joy that can fall to my lot in this world. And I + have taken the very highest pleasure and entire delight at the + news, of which you were pleased to certify me; first, of the + speedy arrival of my very dear cousin, the Earl of Westmoreland, + and William Clifford, to your Highness; and secondly, the arrival + of the despatches from your adversary of Scotland, and other + great men of his kingdom, by virtue of your safe conduct, for the + good of both the kingdoms, which God of his mercy grant; and that + you may accomplish all your honourable designs, to his (p. 193) + pleasure, to your honour, and the welfare of your kingdom, as I + have firm reliance in Him who is omnipotent, that you will do. My + most dread and sovereign lord and father, at your high command in + other your gracious letters, I have removed with my small + household to the city of Worcester; and at my request there is + come to me, with a truly good heart, my very dear and beloved + cousin, the Earl of Warwick, with a fine retinue at his own very + heavy expenses; so he well deserves thanks from you for his + goodwill at all times. + + "And whether the news from the Welsh be true, and what measures I + purpose to adopt on my arrival, as you desire to be informed, may + it please your Highness to know that the Welsh have made a + descent on Herefordshire, burning and destroying also the county, + with very great force, and with a supply of provisions for + fifteen days. And true it is that they have burnt and made very + great havoc on the borders of the said county. But, since my + arrival in these parts, I have heard of no further damage from + them, God be thanked! But I am informed for certain that they are + assembled with all their power, and keep themselves together for + some important object, and, as it is said, to burn the said + county. For this reason I have sent for my beloved cousins, my + Lord Richard of York and the Earl Marshal, and others the most + considerable persons of the counties of that march, to be with me + at Worcester on the Tuesday next after the date of this letter, + to inform me plainly of the government of their districts; and + how many men they will be able to bring, if need be; and to give + me their advice as to what may seem to them best to be done for + the safeguard of the aforesaid parts. And, agreeably to their + advice, I will do all I possibly can to resist the rebels and + save the English country, to the utmost of my little power, as + God shall give me grace: ever trusting in your high Majesty to + remember my poor estate; and that I have not the means of (p. 194) + continuing here without the adoption of some other measures + for my maintenance; and that the expenses are insupportable to + me. And may you thus make an ordinance for me with speed, that I + may do good service, to your honour and the preservation of my + humble state. My dread sovereign lord and father, may the + allpowerful Lord of heaven and earth grant you a blessed and long + life in all good prosperity, to your satisfaction! Written at + Worcester the 26th day of June. + "Your humble and obedient Son, HENRY." + +The second letter, written at the same time and place, but addressed +to the council, is nearly word for word identical with this till +towards its close, when it gives the following strong view of the +straits and difficulties to which the Prince and the government were +then driven by want of money;[192] and the personal sacrifice which he +was himself compelled to make. "We implore you to make some ordinance +for us in time, assured that we have nothing from which we can support +ourselves here, except that we have pawned our little plate and +jewels, and raised money from them, and with that we shall be able to +remain only a short time. And after that, unless you make provision +for us, we shall be compelled to depart with disgrace and (p. 195) +mischief: and the country will be utterly destroyed; which God forbid! +And now, since we have shown you the perils and mischiefs [which must +ensue], for God's sake make your ordinance in time, for the salvation +of the honour of our sovereign lord the King our father, of ourselves, +and of the whole realm. And may our Lord protect you, and give you +grace to do right!" + + [Footnote 192: About this time, the King's treasury + was in a deplorable state. The minutes of council + suggest the payment of 1000 marks in part of the + debts of the household, incurred in the time of + Atterbury: and the allowance of a sum "for the time + past, and to avoid the clamour of the + people."--Minutes of Council, vol. ii. p. 37.] + +The Prince, finding his difficulties increasing, wrote another letter, +dated June 30, to the council, urging them to prompt measures; and +stating in very positive terms the utter impossibility of his remaining +in those parts without supplies. What immediate notice was taken of +these pressing communications, does not appear; that the council enabled +him to remain on the borders, and to protect the country effectually +from the rebels, is proved by their proceedings at Lichfield on the +29th and 30th of the August following. The minutes of those two councils +are full of interest. By the first we are informed that the French, +under the French Earl of March, had equipped a fleet of sixty vessels +in the port of Harfleur, full of soldiers, for the purpose of an +immediate invasion of Wales. To meet this rising mischief, the council +advise that, since the King could not soon raise an army proportionate +to his high estate and dignity, to proceed forthwith into Wales, he +should remain at Tutbury until the meeting of parliament at Coventry +in the October following; and in the mean time proclamations (p. 196) +should be made, directing all able-bodied men to be ready to attend +the King. Orders were also given to the officers of the customs in +Bristol to supply wine, corn, and other provisions for the soldiers in +the town of Caermarthen, in part payment of their wages. The minutes +then record, that, with regard to the county of Hereford, the sheriff +and the other gentlemen had requested the lords of the council to pray +the King that he would be pleased to thank the Prince for the good +protection of the said county since the Nativity of St. John (June +24th), and likewise, that for the well-being of that county, and also +of the county of Gloucester, the Prince might be assigned to guard the +marches of the said counties, and to make inroads into Overwent and +Netherwent, Glamorgan and Morgannoc; and "to carry this into effect, +they must provide the wages of five hundred men-at-arms and two +thousand archers for three weeks, and through another three weeks +three hundred men-at-arms and two thousand archers." In another +council, probably at the end of August, the lords recommend that the +sum of 3000 marks, due to the King as a fine from the inhabitants of +Cheshire, to be paid in three years, should be assigned to the Prince +for the safeguard of the castle of Denbigh, and towards the expenses +of his other castles in North Wales.[193] They recommend also (p. 197) +that the people of Shropshire be allowed to make a truce with Wales +until the last day of November; and with regard to Herefordshire, that +the Prince remain on its borders to the last day of September, and +have the same number of men-at-arms and archers (or more) as he had +had since the 29th of June; that he have on his own account 1000 marks, +and that on the first day of October he be ready with five hundred +men-at-arms and two thousand archers to make an incursion into Wales, +and stay there twenty-one days, for the just chastisement of the +rebels. And since for these charges the Prince should be paid before +his departure, measures had been taken to raise money of several +persons by way of loan. Sir John Oldcastle and John ap Herry were to +keep the castles of Brecknock and the Haye till Michaelmas. The King +also issued his mandate, 13th November 1404, to the sheriffs of +Worcester, Gloucester, and other counties, to provide a contingent +each of twenty men-at-arms and two hundred archers to join the army of +his sons; premising that he had, by the advice of his parliament, sent +his two sons, the Prince and the Lord Thomas, to raise the siege of +Coitey,[194] in which Alexander Berkroller, lord of that place, was +then besieged: we may therefore safely conclude that, through the +first part of the winter at least, young Henry was most fully (p. 198) +occupied in the Principality.[195] + + [Footnote 193: August 26, 1404, a thousand marks + were assigned to the Prince for the safekeeping of + Denbigh and other castles.--MS. Donat. 4597.] + + [Footnote 194: The ruins of Coity Castle are still + interesting. They are near Bridgend, in + Glamorganshire.] + + [Footnote 195: MS. Donat. 4597.] + +Of the Prince's proceedings in consequence of these instructions we +hear nothing before the beginning of the next March: but through the +winter[196] (as it should seem) the Welsh chieftain and his French +auxiliaries were most busily engaged, especially towards the northern +parts. Indeed, it may be surmised, not without probable reason, that +the King's troops under the Prince in Monmouthshire, Glamorganshire, +and its adjacent districts, and perhaps the forces of Thomas Beaufort, +or the Duke of York, in Caermarthen, had driven Owyn and his partisans +northward, by the vigorous efforts which they made through the autumn +and the early part of the winter. To this season also we are induced +to refer those despatches from Conway and Chester,[197] which give the +most alarming accounts to the King of the insolence and activity (p. 199) +of his enemies, and the imminent peril of his friends, his castles, +and the whole country. One letter speaks of six ships coming out of +France "with wyn and spicery full laden." Another reports that the +constable of Harlech had been seized by the Welsh and carried to Owyn +Glyndowr; and that the castle was in great danger of falling into his +hands, being garrisoned only by five Englishmen and about sixteen +Welshmen. A third apprises the King that the deputy-constable of +Caernarvon had sent a woman to inform the writer, William Venables, +the constable of Chester, (by word of mouth, because no man dared to +come, and no man or woman could carry letters safely,) of Owyn +Glyndowr's purpose, in conjunction with the French, "to assault the +town and castle of Caernarvon with engines, sows,[198] and ladders of +very great length;" whilst in the town and castle there were not more +than twenty-eight fighting men,--eleven of the more able of those who +were there at the former siege being dead, some of their wounds, +others of the plague. In the fourth, the constable of Conway informs +the same parties that the people of Caernarvonshire purposed to go +into Anglesey to bring out of it all the men and cattle into the +mountains, "lest Englishmen should be refreshed therewith." The (p. 200) +writer adds, "I durst lay my head that, if there were two hundred men +in Caernarvon and two hundred in Conway, from February until May, the +commons of Caernarvonshire would come to peace, and pay their dues as +well as ever. But should there be a delay till the summer, it will not +be so lightly (likely), for then the rebels will be able to lie without +(in the open air), as they cannot now do. Also I have myself heard +many of the commons and gentlemen of Merionethshire and Caernarvonshire +swear that all men of the aforesaid shires, except four or five +gentlemen and a few vagabonds (vacaboundis), would fain come to peace, +provided Englishmen were left in the country to help in protecting +them from misdoers; especially must they come into the country whilst +the weather is cold." In the fifth letter, we learn that Owyn had +agreed with all the men in the castle of Harlech, except seven, to +have deliverance of the castle on an early fixed day for a stated sum +of gold. A letter, dated Oswestry, February 7th, from the Earl of +Arundel and Surrey, conveys the very same sentiments with those of the +constable of Conway as to the probability of the immediate termination +of the rebellion, either by peace or victory, should any vigorous +measures be adopted. He was appointed to take charge of Oswestry, with +thirty men-at-arms and one hundred and fifty archers, for eight weeks. +He complains that the grand ordinance resolved upon by the late (p. 201) +parliament at Coventry[199] had not been put into execution; and states +that the rebels were never at any time so high or proud, from an +assurance that it, like the others, would become a dead letter.[200] + + [Footnote 196: A few days before Christmas, some + French effected a landing in the Isle of Wight, and + boasted that, with the King's leave or without it, + they would keep their Christmas there: but they + were routed. The French demanded a tribute in the + name of Richard and Isabella.] + + [Footnote 197: These letters are the tenth, + eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth, in + Sir Henry Ellis' Second Series. He does not assign + them to any date positively. "They were probably + written," he says, "about 1404." It is here + presumed, that they were not written till the + opening of the year 1405. They all bear date + between the 7th of January and the 20th of + February.] + + [Footnote 198: The sow was an engine of the nature + of the Roman Vinea, which, by protecting the + assailants from the missiles of the besieged, + enabled them to undermine the wall of a town or + castle.] + + [Footnote 199: The parliament called Indoctum, or + Lacklearning. It was in this parliament that the + confiscation of the property of the bishops was + proposed.] + + [Footnote 200: At this time Owyn Glyndowr confirms + his league with the King of France by deed, dated + and signed "in our Castle of Llanpadarn, the 12th + of January 1405, and of our principality the + sixth."] + +The letter from Henry to his father in the preceding June, and the +testimony of the gentlemen of Hereford, who prayed that thanks might +be presented to the Prince for his watchful and efficient protection +of their county, inform us that the rebels towards the south marches +had been kept in check since the Prince's arrival; but they were ready +to renew their violence at the very opening of spring. Two letters, +one from the King to his council, the other from the Prince to the +King, require to be translated literally, and copied into these pages. +The former, which is now published for the first time in "The Acts of +the Privy Council," proves the hearty good-will entertained by the +King towards his son, and the lively paternal interest he took up to +that time in his honourable career. It assures us also of the great +importance attached by the King to the victory then gained over the +rebels. The latter, though published by Rymer and Ellis, and (p. 202) +others, and though often commented upon before, yet appears to throw +so much light upon the character of Prince Henry as a Christian at +once and a warrior, especially in that union of valour and mercy in +him to which Hotspur first bore testimony four years before, that any +treatise on the life and character of Henry of Monmouth would be +altogether defective were this letter to be omitted. The King's letter +to his council bears date Berkhemstead, March 13, 1405. + + "FROM THE KING. + + "Very dear and faithful! We greet you well. And since we know + that you are much pleased and rejoiced whenever you can hear good + news relating to the preservation of our honour and estate, and + especially of the common good and honour of the whole realm, we + forward to you for your consolation the copy of a letter sent to + us by our very dear son, the Prince, touching his government in + the marches of Wales; by which you will yourselves become + acquainted with the news for which we return thanks to Almighty + God. We beg you will convey these tidings to our very dear and + faithful friends the Mayor and good people of our city of London, + in order that they may derive consolation from them together with + us, and praise our Creator for them. May He always have you in + his holy keeping.--Given under our signet at our Castle of + Berkhemstead, the 13th day of March." + +The following letter, the copy of which the King then forwarded, was +written by the Prince at Hereford, on the 11th of March, at night. + + LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE KING HIS FATHER. (p. 203) + + "My most redoubted and most sovereign lord and father, in the + most humble manner that in my heart I can devise, I commend + myself to your royal Majesty, humbly requesting your gracious + blessing. My most redoubted and most sovereign lord and father, I + sincerely pray that God will graciously show his miraculous aid + toward you in all places: praised be He in all his works! For on + Wednesday, the eleventh day of this present month of March, your + rebels of the parts of Glamorgan, Morgannoc, Usk, Netherwent, and + Overwent, were assembled to the number of eight thousand men + according to their own account; and they went on the said + Wednesday in the morning, and burnt part of your town of Grosmont + within your lordship of Monmouth. And I immediately[201] sent off + my very dear cousin the Lord Talbot, and the small body of my own + household, and with them joined your faithful and gallant knights + William Neuport and John Greindre; who were but a very small + force in all. But very true it is that VICTORY IS NOT IN A + MULTITUDE OF PEOPLE, BUT IN THE POWER OF GOD; and this was well + proved there. And there, by the aid of the blessed Trinity, your + people gained the field, and slew of them by fair account on the + field, by the time of their return from the pursuit, some say + eight hundred, and some say a thousand, being questioned on pain + of death. Nevertheless, whether on such an account it were one or + the other I would not contend. + + "And, to inform you fully of all that has been done, I send you a + person worthy of credit in this case, my faithful servant the + bearer of this letter, who was present at the engagement, (p. 204) + and did his duty very satisfactorily, as he does on all occasions. + And such amends has God ordained you for the burning of four houses + of your said town. And prisoners there were none taken excepting + one,[202] who was a great chieftain among them, whom I would have + sent to you, but he _cannot yet ride at his ease_. + + "And touching the governance which I purpose to make after this, + please your Highness to give sure credence to the bearer of this + letter in whatever he shall lay before your Highness on my part. + And I pray God that He will preserve you always in joy and + honour, and grant me shortly to comfort you with other good news. + Written at Hereford, the said Wednesday, at night. + "Your very humble and obedient son, + "To the King, my most redoubted HENRY. + and sovereign lord and father." + + [Footnote 201: All the writers who have copied this + letter, from Rymer downwards, have fallen into a + ludicrous mistake here. Reading an _n_ instead of a + _v_ in the words _J'envoia_ (I sent), they have + translated the passage, "within your lordship of + Monmouth and Jennoia." Sir Harris Nicolas first + supplied the true reading. The mistake led persons + well acquainted with Monmouthshire (among others, + the Author of these Memoirs,) to make different + inquiries as to the lordship of Jennoia: they will + now no longer wonder at the unfruitful issue of + their search.] + + [Footnote 202: The author published under the name + of Otterbourne says, that Owyn's son was made + prisoner at Usk on the 25th of March, and one + thousand five hundred of his men were taken or + slain; and that, after the Feast of St. Dunstan, + his chancellor was taken. There is reason to doubt + whether that chronicler has not mistaken the place + and time of the battle to which he refers; though + it is not impossible that another battle (of which, + however, we have no authentic record,) was fought + at Usk a fortnight after the rebels were defeated + at Grosmont: Grosmont is about twenty miles distant + from Usk.] + +The true reading of "I sent," instead of "Jennoia," at first might +seem to imply that the Prince was not present in person at the (p. 205) +battle of Grosmont: and there is no positive evidence in the letter to +show that he was there. The testimony which he bears to the gallant +conduct in that field of his faithful servant, whom he despatched with +his letter, has been thought to sanction a belief, that Henry was an +eyewitness of the engagement. But from this doubt the mind turns with +full satisfaction to the religious sentiments which are interwoven +throughout the epistle, and to Henry's considerate and humane treatment +of his prisoner. He would, no doubt, have felt a satisfaction and pride +in immediately placing a high chieftain of Wales in the hands of the +King, on the very day of battle and victory; but he shrunk from +gratifying his own wishes, when his pleasure involved the pain of a +fellow-creature, though that person was his prisoner. Many an incident +throughout his life tends to justify Shakspeare, when he makes Henry +IV. speak of his son's philanthropy and tenderness of feeling: + + "He hath a tear for pity, and a hand + Open as day for melting charity." + 2 HENRY IV. act iv. sc. iv. + +Those united qualities of valour and mercy, of courage and kindness of +heart, which are so beautifully ascribed to a modern English warrior, +were never blended in any character of which history speaks in more +perfect harmony than in Henry of Monmouth: + + "A furious lion in battle; (p. 206) + But, duty appeased, in mercy a lamb." + +The lesson thus taught him during his early youth in the field of +Grosmont, whether by personal experience of that conflict, or by the +representation of his gallant companions in arms, of what may be +effected by courage and discipline against an enemy infinitely +superior in numbers, was probably not forgotten, ten years afterwards, +at Agincourt. + + + + +CHAPTER X. (p. 207) + +REBELLION OF NORTHUMBERLAND AND BARDOLF. -- EXECUTION OF THE +ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. -- WONDERFUL ACTIVITY AND RESOLUTION OF THE KING. +-- DEPLORABLE STATE OF THE REVENUE. -- TESTIMONY BORNE BY PARLIAMENT +TO THE PRINCE'S CHARACTER. -- THE PRINCE PRESENT AT THE COUNCIL-BOARD. +-- HE IS ONLY OCCASIONALLY IN WALES, AND REMAINS FOR THE MOST PART IN +LONDON. + +1405-1406. + + +Whilst the Prince was thus exerting himself to the utmost in keeping +the Welsh rebels in check, the King resolved to go once again in person +to the Principality with as strong a force as he could muster; and with +this intention he set forward, probably about the end of April. On the +8th of May he was at Worcester, when he was suddenly informed of the +hostile measures of his enemies in the north. The preface to "The Acts +of the Privy Council" gives the following succinct and clear account +of the proceedings:--"The most memorable event in the sixth year of +Henry IV. was the revolt, in May 1405, of the Earl Marshal, Lord Bardolf, +and the Earl of Northumberland, who had been partially restored to the +King's confidence after the death of his son and brother in (p. 208) +1403.[203] Henry was at that moment at Worcester; and the earliest notice +of the rebellion is contained in a letter from the council to the King, +which, after treating of various matters, concluded by stating that they +were then just informed by his Majesty's son, John of Lancaster, that +Lord Bardolf had privately withdrawn himself to the north; at which they +were much astonished, because the King had ordered him to proceed into +Wales. To guard against any ill consequences which might arise from +this suspicious circumstance, the council instantly despatched in the +same direction Lord Roos and Sir William Gascoyne, the Chief Justice, +as the individuals in whom the King placed most confidence; and, +thinking that Henry might be in want of money, the council borrowed +and sent him one thousand marks. With his accustomed promptitude and +activity, the King lost not a moment in setting off for the north, to +meet the rebellious lords in person; and on the 28th of May he wrote +to his council from Derby, acquainting them with the revolt, and (p. 209) +desiring them to hasten to him at Pomfret with as many followers +as possible." + + [Footnote 203: A review of this "aged Earl's" + behaviour, from the first occasion on which he is + introduced to our notice in these Memoirs to the + day of his death, supplies only a melancholy + succession of acts of broken faith. On the 7th of + February 1404, before the assembled estates of the + realm, on receiving the King's pardon for the past, + he most solemnly swore upon the cross of Canterbury + to be true and faithful to his sovereign Henry IV: + he "swore also, on the peril of his soul, that he + knew of no evil intentions on the part of the Duke + of York, or of the Archbishop; and that the King + might place full trust and confidence in them as + his liege subjects."] + +The Editor of the Proceedings of the Privy Council says nothing of Scrope, +Archbishop of York, who had risen in open rebellion against the royal +authority; but we cannot pass on without some notice of him. Early in +June, King Henry laid hands on that unfortunate prelate, surrounded by +followers, and armed in a coat of mail; and he commanded Gascoyne, who +was with him, to pass sentence of death upon his prisoner in a summary +way. The Chief Justice refused,[204] with these words: "Neither you, +my lord the King, nor any of your lieges acting in your name, can +lawfully, according to the laws of the kingdom, condemn any bishop to +death." The King then ordered one Fulthorp to sentence him to +decapitation, who forthwith complied; and the Archbishop was carried +to execution with every mark of disgrace, on Whitmonday, June 8th. +Many legends shortly became current about this warlike prelate, who +was one of the most determined enemies of the House of Lancaster. Of +the stories propagated soon after his death, one declares that in the +field of his last earthly struggle the corn was trodden down, and +destroyed irremediably, both by his enemies, who were preparing for +his execution, and by his friends and poor neighbours, who came (p. 210) +to weep and bewail the fate of their beloved chief pastor. The Archbishop, +seeing the destruction which his death was causing, spoke with words +of comfort to the multitude, and promised to intercede with heaven +that the evil might be averted. The field, continues the story, brought +forth at the ensuing harvest six-fold above the average crop. The same +page tells that the King was smitten with the leprosy in the face on +the very hour of the very day in which the Archbishop was beheaded. +The manuscript adds, that many miracles were shown day by day by the +Lord at the tomb of this prelate, to which people flocked from every +side. The enemies of the King endeavoured to exalt this zealous son of +the church into a saint; and to propagate the belief that the King's +disease, which never left him, was a signal and miraculous visitation +of Heaven, avenging the foul murder of so dauntless a martyr.[205] + + [Footnote 204: Gascoyne does not appear to have + been even suspended from his office in consequence + of his refusal to sentence the Archbishop; he + continued Chief Justice till after the King's + death.] + + [Footnote 205: Sloane, 1776.] + +Pope Innocent, in the course of the year, sent a peremptory mandate to +the Archbishop of Canterbury to fulminate the curse of excommunication +against all those who had participated in the prelate's murder: but +the Archbishop did not dare to execute the mandate; for both the King +and a large body of the nobility were implicated more or less directly +in Scrope's execution, and must have been involved in the same general +sentence. The King, on hearing of the decided countenance thus (p. 211) +given by the Pope to his rebellious subjects, despatched a messenger +to Rome, conveying the military vest of the Archbishop, and charged +him to present it to his Holiness; delivering at the same time, as his +royal master's message, the words of Jacob's sons, "Lo! this have we +found; know now whether it be thy son's coat, or no." A passage in +Hardyng seems to imply that, during the life of Henry IV, the devotions +of the people to this warrior bishop were forbidden; for he records, +apparently with approbation, the permission granted by his son Henry +V, to all persons to make their offerings at the shrine of their +sainted prelate: + + "He gave then, of good devotion, + All men to offer to Bishop Scrope express, + Without letting or any question." + +"Before the end of the next month (June),[206] Henry was engaged in +besieging the Earl of Northumberland's castles; and in a letter to the +council, dated Warkworth, on the 2nd of July, he informed them that +Prudhoe Castle had immediately surrendered: but that the Castle of +Warkworth, being well garrisoned, refused to obey his summons; the +captain having declared as his final answer that he would defend it +for the Earl. The King had therefore ordered his artillery to be brought +against it, which were so ably served, that at the seventh (p. 212) +discharge the besieged implored his mercy, and the fortress was delivered +into his hands on the 1st of July. All the other castles had imitated the +example of Prudhoe, excepting Alnwick, which he was then about to attack." + + [Footnote 206: This is extracted from the Preface + of Sir Harris Nicolas, p. 56.] + +"The exhausted state of the King's pecuniary resources," continues the +Preface, "and the distress endured by the soldiers and others engaged +in his service, are forcibly shown by the letters of the Prince of Wales, +the Duke of York, and others. The Duke of York, and his brother +Richard, described their retinues in Wales as being in a state of +mutiny for want of their wages; and the Duke had evidently made every +personal sacrifice within his power to satisfy them. He entreated them +to continue there a few weeks longer, authorised them to mortgage his +land in Yorkshire, pledged himself "on his truth, and as he is a true +gentleman," not to receive any part of his revenues until his soldiers +were paid, and promised that he would not ask them to continue longer +than the time specified. Every source of income seems to have been +anticipated; and it is scarcely possible to conceive a government in +greater distress for money than was Henry IV's at this point of time. +Nothing but the wisdom and indomitable energy for which that monarch +was distinguished could have enabled him to surmount the difficulties +of his position; and the facts detailed in this volume[207] entitle +Henry to a high rank among the most distinguished of European (p. 213) +sovereigns both as a soldier and as a statesman. No sooner had he +suppressed rebellion in one place than it showed itself in another; +and, for many years, the Welsh could barely be kept in check by the +presence of the Prince of Wales and a large army. By France he was +constantly annoyed; and, if he was not actually at war with the +Scotch, it was necessary to watch their conduct with great anxiety and +suspicion. To add to his embarrassment, the great mass of his own +subjects were tempted to revolt by the distracted condition of the +country, by the existence of the true heir to the throne, and by +reports that their former sovereign was yet alive. Henry's treatment +of them was necessarily firm, but conciliatory. He dared not recruit +his exhausted finances by heavy impositions on the people; and the +generous sacrifices made by the peers to avoid so dangerous an +expedient had reduced them to poverty." + + [Footnote 207: The Acts of the Privy Council.] + +Such is the clear and able representation given to us of the state of +the kingdom at large, and of the difficulties with which Henry IV. and +his supporters had to struggle, whilst Henry of Monmouth was exerting +himself to the very utmost in repressing the rebels in Wales.[208] His +means were, indeed, very limited; he seldom had a "large army" (p. 214) +at his command; and his measures were lamentably embarrassed by the +exhausted state of the treasury. The King endeavoured from time to +time, in some cases successfully, at others with a total failure, to +remedy these evils, and to supply his son with the power of acting in +a manner worthy of himself, and the importance of the enterprise in +which he was engaged. On the 31st of May he despatched a letter to his +council from Nottingham, which contains many interesting particulars; +whilst the total inability of his ministers to comply with his +directions speaks very strongly of the trying circumstances in which +the Prince was trained. The King begins by reminding the council that +it was by the advice of them and other nobles, and the commons of the +realm, that the defence of Wales was committed to his very dear and +beloved son the Prince, as his lieutenant there; at the time of whose +appointment it was agreed, that since he had in his retinue a certain +number of men-at-arms and archers, though for the protection of the +realm, yet living at his expense, he should receive a certain +proportion of the subsidy voted at the last parliament. The King then +representing to them the vast mischiefs which would befal the marches, +and by consequence the whole realm, if the rebels were not effectually +resisted, strictly charges and commands his council, with all possible +speed to make payment in part of whatever the Prince was to receive +from the King on that account. And though the Prince had under him (p. 215) +the Duke of York living there for the safeguard of the country, +nevertheless the King desired that the money paid for the whole +country of Wales should be put wholly and exclusively into the hands +of the Prince himself, to be employed and disbursed at his discretion, +with the advice of his council. The reason for this last order he +alleges to be the assurance given to him that the sums on former +occasions paid to others under the Prince for his use had not been +expended properly to the profit of the marches, nor agreeably to the +intention of the King and council. He ends his letter by enjoining +them, for the love they bore to him, and the confidence he placed in +them, to pay hearty attention to this subject. Notwithstanding this +urgent appeal, the council reply that the assignments already made, +and the payments absolutely indispensable, together with the failure +of the supplies, would not suffer them to meet his wishes. This answer +was written on a Monday, probably the 8th of June. On the 12th we find +the King (it may be, to make some little compensation for this +disappointment,) assigning to the Prince, in aid of his sustentation, +the castle and estates of Framlyngham, which had fallen to the crown +by forfeiture from Thomas Mowbray. + + [Footnote 208: The extraordinary distress of the + King from the want of pecuniary means cannot be + questioned: though (independently of taxes and + subsidies) large sums must have been flowing into + the royal treasury, as well from the immense + possessions belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster, as + from the forfeited estates of the rebels. Still the + King's coffers were drained.] + +The rapid movements of the King in those days of incessant alarm are +quite astonishing. Just as in the battle of Shrewsbury he impressed +the enemy with an idea of his ubiquity throughout the whole field, (p. 216) +so at this time, from day to day, he appears in whatever part of the +kingdom his presence seemed to be most needed. On the 7th of August he +was at Pontefract, whither tidings were brought to him that the French +admiral, Hugevyn, had arrived at Milford to aid the Welsh rebels; and +he sent a commission of array to the sheriff of Herefordshire to meet +him. On the 4th of September[209] we find him at Hereford, attended by +many nobles and others, where he issued a warrant to raise money by +way of loan, to enable him to resist the Welsh. + + [Footnote 209: Rymer's Foed.] + +In less than three weeks from this time the King was resident near +York, and promulgated an ordinance on the 22nd of September to the +sheriffs of Devon and other counties to meet him on the 10th of October +at Evesham; the body of this ordinance contained a very interesting +report which the King had received from "his most dear first-born +son," Henry Prince of Wales, whom he had left in that country for the +chastisement of the rebels. "Those," he says, "in the castle of +Llanpadarn have submitted to the Prince, and have sworn on the body of +the Lord, administered to them by the hands of our cousin Richard +Courtney, chancellor of Oxford, in the presence of the Duke of York, +that if we, or our son, or our lieutenant, shall not be removed from +the siege by Owyn Glyndowr between the 24th October next coming at +sunrising, and the Feast of All Saints the next to come (1st (p. 217) +November), in that case the said rebels will restore the castle in the +same condition; and for greater security they have given hostages. +Wishing to preserve the state and honour of ourself, our son, and the +common good of England, which may be secured by the conquest of that +castle, (since probably by the conquest of that castle the whole +rebellion of the Welsh will be terminated, the contrary to which is to +be lamented by us and all our faithful subjects,) we intend shortly to +be present at that siege, on the 24th of October, together with our +son, or to send a sufficient deputy to aid our son. We therefore +command you to cause all who owe us suit and service to meet us at +Evesham on the 10th of October." + +Towards the close of this year we are reminded again of the deplorable +state of the King's revenue, by the urgent remonstrance of Lord Grey +of Codnor, and the recommendation of the council in consequence. Lord +Grey complained that he could obtain no money from the King's receivers, +though they had warrants and commands to pay him: that he had pawned +his plate and other goods; and that, without redeeming them, he could +not remove from Caermarthen to Brecon.[210] He then prays that (p. 218) +means may be adopted for payment of his debts and the wages of his men, +if the royal pleasure was for him to remain in those parts, or else to +allow him to be excused. The council advise the King to make him +Lieutenant of South Wales and West Wales, considering his vast trouble +in bringing his people from England; to direct payment to be made to +him from the revenues of Brecknock, Kidwelly, Monmouth,[211] and +Oggmore, belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster; and to grant him the +commission to be Justice of those parts during the time of his +lieutenancy. He was appointed lieutenant on the 2nd of December 1405, +and continued so till the 1st of February 1406. The council also +complained that the people of Pembrokeshire had not done their duty in +resisting the rebels, and recommended the King to charge Lord Grey to +make inquisition of the defaulters.[212] + + [Footnote 210: In the Minutes of a previous + Council, probably in the spring of 1405, Lord Grey + is directed to take charge of Brecon with forty + lances and two hundred archers, and of Radnor with + thirty lances and one hundred and fifty archers.] + + [Footnote 211: The council inform the King that the + council of his Duchy had made an exception of the + lordship of Monmouth, which should bear the most + substantial of all the assignments.] + + [Footnote 212: On the 3rd of March 1406, the + Commons speak of those castles in Wales "which, + with God's blessing, might be hereafter reduced."] + +In the following year, on the 22nd of March 1406, Henry Beaufort Bishop +of Winchester, was commissioned to treat anew for a marriage between +Prince Henry and some "one of the daughters of our adversary of +France." But the negociation seems to have failed. On the 18th of this +month permission was given by the King to Edmund Walsingham to (p. 219) +ransom his brother Nicholas. The document gives a brief but most +significant account of the treatment which awaited Owyn's captives. +Walsingham, who was taken prisoner near Brecknock, was plundered and +kept in ward in so wretched and miserable a state that he could +scarcely survive. His ransom was to be 50_l._[213] + + [Footnote 213: MS. Donat. 4596.] + +On the 3rd of April the Commons prayed the King to send his honourable +letters under his privy seal, thanking the Prince for the good and +constant labour and diligence which he had, and continued to have, in +resisting and chastening the rebels. + +On the 5th of April a commission was given by the King to Lord Grey +and the Prior of Ewenny to execute "all contracts and agreements[214] +made by the Prince our dear son, whom we have appointed our Lieutenant +of North and South Wales, and have authorized to receive into +allegiance at his discretion our rebels up to the Feast of St. Martin +in Yeme."[215] + + [Footnote 214: The Minutes of Council, at the end + of March or the beginning of April, record a + recommendation that the fines of the rebels as well + as the rents and issues from their land, be + expended on the wars in Wales: and John Bodenham + was appointed comptroller of these fines.] + + [Footnote 215: St. Martin in the winter.] + +Very few events are recorded as having taken place through this spring +and summer which tend to throw light on the character or proceedings +of Henry of Monmouth. He remained in Wales, probably without (p. 220) +leaving it for any length of time. The crown had been already settled +upon him and his three brothers in succession; but on the 22nd of +December this year, in full parliament, at the urgent instance of the +great people of the realm, the succession was again limited to Henry +the Prince and his three brothers, and their heirs, but not to the +exclusion of females. + +The French made a more feeble attempt to assist Glyndowr, in 1406, +with a fleet of thirty-six vessels, the greater part of which was +shipwrecked in a storm.[216] They had been more successful on their +former invasions of Wales: but they found in that wild and +impoverished country little to induce them to persevere in a struggle +which promised neither national glory nor individual profit; and they +left Owyn to drag out his war as he best could, depending on his own +resources. + + [Footnote 216: The French about this time made a + sort of piratical attack on the Isle of Wight.] + +It is with unalloyed satisfaction that we are able to record the +testimony which the Commons of England at this time, by the mouth of +their Speaker, bore to the character of Henry of Monmouth. It may seem +strange that no use has been made of this evidence by any historian, +not even by those who have undertaken to rescue his name from the +aspersions with which it has been assailed. The tribute of praise and +admiration for his son, then addressed to the King on his throne, (p. 221) +in the midst of the assembled prelates, and peers, and commons of the +whole realm, is the more valuable because it bears on some of those +very points in which his reputation has been most attacked. The vague +tradition of subsequent chroniclers, the unbridled fancy of the poet, +the bitterness of polemical controversy, unite in representing Henry +as a self-willed, obstinate young man, regardless of every object but +his own gratification, "as dissolute as desperate," under no control +of feelings of modesty, with no reverence for his elders, discarding +all parental authority, reckless of consequences; his own will being +his only rule of conduct, his own pleasures the chief end for which he +seemed to live. These charges have been adopted, and re-echoed, and +sent down to posterity with gathered strength and confirmation, by our +poets, by our historians, civil and ecclesiastical, by the ornaments +of the legal profession,--even one of our most celebrated Judges +adding the weight of his name to the general accusation. It is not the +province of this work to vindicate the character of Henry from charges +brought against him: truth, not eulogy, is its professed object, and +will (the Author trusts) be found to have been its object not in +profession only. But, before the verdict of guilty be returned against +Henry, justice requires that the evidence which his accusers offer be +thoroughly sifted, and the testimony of his contemporaries, solemnly +given before the assembled estates of the realm, must in common (p. 222) +fairness be weighed against the assertions of those who could have had +no personal knowledge of him, and who derived their views through +channels of the character and purity of which we are not assured. The +evidence here offered was given when Henry was towards the close of +his nineteenth year. + +The Rolls of Parliament record the following as the substance of the +opening address made by the Speaker, on Monday, June 7, 1406, "to the +King seated on his royal throne." "He made a commendation of the many +excellencies and virtues which habitually dwelt [reposerent] in the +honourable person of the Prince; and especially, first, of the humility +and obedience which he bears towards our sovereign lord the King, his +father; so that there can be no person, of any degree whatever, who +entertains or shows more honour and reverence of humbleness and +obedience to his father than he shows in his honourable person. +Secondly, how God hath granted to him, and endowed him with good heart +and courage, as much as ever was needed in any such prince in the +world. And, thirdly, [he spoke] of the great virtue which God hath +granted him in an especial manner, that howsoever much he had set his +mind upon any important undertaking to the best of his own judgment, +yet for the great confidence which he placed in his council, and in +their loyalty, judgment, and discretion, he would kindly and graciously +be influenced, and conform himself to his council and their (p. 223) +ordinance, according to what seemed best to them, setting aside +entirely his own will and pleasure; from which it is probable that, by +the grace of God, very great comfort and honour and advantage will +flow hereafter. For this, the said Commons humbly thank our Lord Jesus +Christ, and they pray for its good continuance." Such is the preface +to the prayer of their petition that he might be acknowledged by law +as heir apparent. + +It may be questioned, after every fair deduction has been made from +the intrinsic value of this testimony, on the ground of the complimentary +nature of such state-addresses in general, whether history contains any +document of undisputed genuineness which bears fuller or more direct +testimony to the union in the same prince of undaunted valour, filial +reverence and submission, respect for the opinion of others, readiness +to sacrifice his own will, and to follow the advice of the wise and +good, than this Roll of Parliament bears to the character of Henry of +Monmouth. And when we reflect to what a high station he had been +called whilst yet a boy; with what important commissions he had been +intrusted; how much fortune seems to have done to spoil him by pride +and vain-glory from his earliest youth, this page of our national +records seems to set him high among the princes of the world; not so +much as an undaunted warrior and triumphant hero, as the conqueror of +himself, the example of a chastened modest spirit, of filial (p. 224) +reverence, and a single mind bent on his duty. To all this Henry added +that quality without which such a combination of moral excellencies +would not have existed, the believing obedient heart of a true Christian. +This last quality is not named in words by the Speaker; but his immediate +reference to the grace of God, and his thanks in the name of the +people of England to the Almighty Saviour for having imparted these +graces to their Prince, appear to bring the question of his religious +principles before our minds. Whilst in seeking for the solution of +that question we find other pages of his history, equally genuine and +authentic, which assure us that he was a sincere and pious Christian, +or else a consummate hypocrite,--a character which his bitterest +accusers have never ventured to fasten upon him.[217] + + [Footnote 217: The Author must now add with regret, + that even hypocrisy has been within these few last + years laid to Henry's charge most unsparingly; with + what degree of justice will be shewn in a + subsequent chapter.] + + * * * * * + +On the same day, June 7, 1406,[218] the Commons pray that Henry the +Prince may be commissioned to go into Wales with all possible haste, +considering the news that is coming from day to day of the rebellion +of the Earl of Northumberland, and others. They also, June 19, (p. 225) +declare the thanks of the nation to be due to Lord Grey, John Greindore, +Lord Powis, and the Earls of Chester and Salop. Henry probably returned +to the Principality without delay; but there is reason to infer that, +towards the autumn of this year, Owyn Glyndowr felt himself too much +impoverished and weakened to attempt any important exploit; resolved +not to yield, and yet unable to strike any efficient blow. The Prince +was thus left at liberty to visit London for a while; and, on the 8th +of December 1406, we find him present at a council at Westminster. +This council met to deliberate upon the governance of the King's +household; which seems to have drawn to itself their serious attention +by its extravagance and mismanagement.[219] They requested that good +and honest officers might be appointed, especially a good controller. +They even recommended two by name, Thomas Bromflet and Arnaut Savari; +and desired that the steward and treasurer might seek for others. (p. 226) +They proposed also that a proper sum should be provided for the household +before Christmas. The council then proceeded to make the following +suggestion, which probably could have been regarded by the King only +as an encroachment on his personal liberty and prerogative, a severe +reflection upon himself, and an indication of the unkind feelings of +those with whom it originated. "Also, it seems desirable that, the +said feast ended, our said sovereign the King should withdraw himself +to some convenient place, where, by the deliberation and advice of +himself and his council and officers, such moderate regulations might +be established in the said household as would thenceforth tend to the +pleasure of God and the people." + + [Footnote 218: Stowe relates, that the King about + this time, in crossing from Queenborough to Essex, + was very nearly taken prisoner by some French + vessels. He avoided London because the plague was + raging there, in which thirty thousand persons + died.] + + [Footnote 219: This dissatisfaction had been + expressed in no very gentle language by the Commons + in Parliament on the 7th of the preceding June, the + very day on which they speak in such strong terms + of the good and amiable qualities of the Prince. + Indeed, we can scarcely avoid suspecting that the + Commons intended to reflect, by a sort of + side-wind, on the want in the King of an adequate + estimate of his son's worth; with somewhat perhaps + of an implied contrast between his excellences and + the defects of his father, whose unsatisfactory + proceedings seem at this time to have been + gradually alienating the public respect, and + transferring his popularity to his son.] + +Whether the Prince took any part in these proceedings, or not, we are +left in ignorance. Equally in the dark are we as to his line of conduct +with regard to those thirty-one articles proposed by the Commons, just +a fortnight afterwards; articles evidently tending to interfere with +the royal prerogative, and to limit the powers and increase the +responsibility of the King's council. "The Speaker requested that all +the lords of the council should be sworn to observe these articles;" +but they refused to comply, unless the King, "of his own motion," +should specially command them to take the oath. This proceeding +respecting the council forms an important feature in its history, as +it proves the very extensive manner in which the Commons (p. 227) +interested themselves in its measures and constitution. Whether we may +trace to these transactions, as their origin, the differences which in +after years show themselves plainly between the King and his son, or +whether other causes were then in operation, which time has veiled +from our sight, or which documents still in existence, but hitherto +unexamined, may bring again to light, we cannot undertake to +determine.[220] Be that as it may, though from this time we find Henry +of Monmouth on some occasions in Wales, yet he seems to have taken +more and more a part in the management of the nation at large; and, as +he grew in the estimation of the great people of the land, his royal +father appears to have more and more retired from public business, and +to have sunk in importance. Few documents[221] are preserved among the +records now accessible which give any information as to the Prince's +proceedings through the year 1407; but those few are by no means (p. 228) +devoid of interest, as throwing some light upon the progress of the +Welsh rebellion, and, in a degree, on Henry's character being at the +same time confirmatory of the view above taken of his occupations. + + [Footnote 220: In 8 Henry IV, (that is, between + September 30, 1406, and September 29, 1407,) a + licence is recorded (Pat. 8 Hen. IV. p. i. m. 17.), + by which the King permits "his dearest son Henry, + Prince of Wales, to grant the advowson of the + church of Frodyngham, Lincolnshire,--which was his + own possession--to the abbot and convent of Renesly + for ever." Long subsequently to this, we find no + immediate traces of any coolness between Henry and + his father.] + + [Footnote 221: The Prince was present, 23rd January + 1407, when his father received from the Bishop of + Durham the great seal of England, and delivered it + to Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, then made + Chancellor. (Claus 8 Hen. IV. m. 23, d.)] + +The Prince had laid siege to the castle of Aberystwith, situate near +the town of Llanpadern; but how long he had been before that fortress, +or, indeed, at what time he had returned to the Principality, history +does not record. If, as we may infer, the King did retire, according +to the suggestion of the council, "to some convenient place," the +Prince's presence was more required in London; whilst, Owyn's power +being evidently at that time on the decline, the necessity of his +personal exertions in Wales became less urgent. No accounts of the +proceedings either of Owyn, of the King, or of the Prince, at this +precise period seem to have reached our time. Probably nothing beyond +the siege of a castle, or an indecisive skirmish, took place during +the spring and summer. Among the documents, to which allusion has just +been made, one bears date September 12, 1407, containing an agreement +between Henry Prince of Wales on the one part, and, on the other, Rees +ap Gryffith and his associates. The Welshmen stipulate not to destroy +the houses, nor molest the shipping, should any arrive; and the Prince +covenants to give them free egress for their persons and goods. The +motives by which he professes to be influenced are very curious: (p. 229) +"For the reverence of God and All Saints, and especially also of his +own patron, John of Bridlington;[222] for the saving of human blood; +and at the petition of Richard ap Gryffyth, Abbot of Stratflorida." + + [Footnote 222: John of Bridlington.--John of + Bridlington had been very recently admitted among + the saints of the Roman calendar: probably he was + the very last then canonized. Letters addressed to + all nations of safe conduct to John Gisbourne, + Canon of the Priory of Bridlington, who was then + going to Rome to negociate in the matter of the + canonization of John, the late Prior, were given by + Henry IV. as recently as October 4, 1400. And + Walsingham records that in 1404, by command of the + Pope, the body of St. John, formerly Prior of the + Canons of Bridlington, since miracles evidently + attended it, was translated by the hands of the + Archbishop of York and the Bishops of Durham and + Carlisle.] + +Eight years after this, 23rd January 1415, a petition, which presents +more than one point of curiosity, was preferred to Henry of Monmouth, +then King, with reference to this siege of Aberystwith. Gerard Strong +prays that the King would issue a warrant commanding the treasurer and +barons of the exchequer to grant him a discharge for the metal of a +brass cannon burst at the siege of Aberystwith; of a cannon called +_The King's Daughter_, burst at the siege of Harlech; of a cannon +burst in proving it by Anthony Gunner, at Worcester; of a cannon with +two chambers; two iron guns, with gunpowder; and cross-bows and arrows, +delivered to various castles." The King granted the petition in all +its prayer. This petitioner was perhaps encouraged to prefer his (p. 230) +memorial by the success with which another suit had been urged, only +in the preceding month (13th December 1414), with reference to the +same period. John Horne, citizen and fishmonger of London, presented +to Henry V. and his council a petition in these words: "When you were +Prince, his vessel laden with provisions was arrested (pressed) for +the service of Lords Talbot and Furnivale, and their soldiers, at the +siege of Harlech;[223] which siege would have failed had those supplies +not been furnished by him, as Lord Talbot certifies. On unlading and +receiving payment, the rebels came upon him, burnt his ship, took +himself prisoner, and fixed his ransom at twenty marks. He was liable +to be imprisoned for the debt which he owed for the cargo." The King +granted his petition, and ordered him to be paid. Henry was then on +the point of leaving England for Normandy; and these reminiscences of +his early campaigns might have presented themselves to his thoughts +with agreeable associations, and rendered his ear more ready to listen +to petitions, which seem at all events to have been presented somewhat +tardily. + + [Footnote 223: This, we infer, must have been in + the summer of 1409. Vide infra.] + +An important circumstance, hitherto unobserved by writers on these +times, is incidentally recorded in the Pell Rolls. Prince Henry is +there reimbursed, on June 1, 1409, a much larger sum than usual (p. 231) +for the pay of his men-at-arms and archers in Wales; and is in the same +entry stated to have been retained by the consent of the council, on the +12th of the preceding May, to remain in attendance on the person of the +King, and at his bidding. The Latin[224] might be thought to leave it +in doubt whether this absence from his Principality, and constant +attendance on the King, was originally the result of his own wishes, +or his father's, or at the suggestion of the council. But the circumstance +of the consent of the council being recorded proves that Henry's +absence from Wales and residence in London were not the mere result of +his own will and pleasure, independently of the wishes of those whom +he ought to respect; but were at all events in accordance with the +expressed approbation of his father and the council. Probably the plan +originated with the council, the Prince willingly accepting the +office, the King intimating his consent. + + [Footnote 224: "Hen. Principi Walliæ retento 12ē + die Maii anno 8vo de assensu consilii Regis + moraturo penes ipsum Dominum Regem."] + + + + +CHAPTER XI. (p. 232) + +PRINCE HENRY'S EXPEDITION TO SCOTLAND, AND SUCCESS. -- THANKS +PRESENTED TO HIM BY PARLIAMENT. -- HIS GENEROUS TESTIMONY TO THE DUKE +OF YORK. -- IS FIRST NAMED AS PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. -- RETURNS TO +WALES. -- IS APPOINTED WARDEN OF THE CINQUE PORTS AND CONSTABLE OF +DOVER. -- WELSH REBELLION DWINDLES AND DIES. -- OWYN GLYNDOWR'S +CHARACTER AND CIRCUMSTANCES; HIS REVERSES AND TRIALS. -- HIS BRIGHT +POINTS UNDERVALUED. -- THE UNFAVOURABLE SIDE OF HIS CONDUCT UNJUSTLY +DARKENED BY HISTORIANS. -- REFLECTIONS ON HIS LAST DAYS. -- FACSIMILE +OF HIS SEALS AS PRINCE OF WALES. + +1407-1409. + + +Though our own documents fail to supply us with any further information +as to the proceedings of Henry of Monmouth through the year 1407, and +though he might have been allowed some breathing time by the decreased +energy of the Welsh rebels, yet Monstrelet informs us that he was +actively engaged in a campaign at the other extremity of the kingdom. +The historian thus introduces his readers to this affair: "How the +Prince of Wales, eldest son of the King of England, accompanied (p. 233) +by his two uncles and a very great body of chivalry, went into Scotland +to make war." He then commences his chapter by the not very usual +assurance that he is about to relate a matter of fact. "Then it is the +truth that at this time, 1407, about the Feast of All Saints (1st +November), Henry Prince of Wales[225] mustered an army of one thousand +men-at-arms and six thousand archers; among whom were his two uncles, +the Duke of York, the Earl of Dorset, the Lords Morteines, de Beaumont, +de Rol, and Cornwal, together with many other noblemen; who all +marched towards Scotland, chiefly because the Scots had lately broken +the truce between the two kingdoms, and done great damage by fire and +sword in the duchy of Lancaster, and the district around Roxburgh. The +Scots were not aware of their approach till they were near at hand, +and had committed great devastation. As soon as the King of Scotland, +who was at the town of Saint "Iango" (Andrew's) in the middle of his +kingdom, heard of it, he issued orders immediately to his chiefs; and +in a few days a powerful army was assembled, which he sent under the +command of the Earl of Douglas and Buchan towards the Marches. But, +when they were within six leagues, they learnt that the English (p. 234) +were too strong for them. They consequently sent ambassadors to the +Prince of Wales and his council, who brought about a renewal of the +truce for a year; and thus the aforesaid Prince of Wales, having done +much damage in Scotland, returned into England, and the Scots +dismissed their army." + + [Footnote 225: The Pell Rolls record payment (16th + November 1407) to the Prince, by the hand of John + Strange, his treasurer of war, for one hundred and + twenty men-at-arms and three hundred and sixty + archers, then remaining at the abbey of + Stratfleure, to reduce the rebels, and give battle + in North and South Wales.] + +Soon after his return from Scotland we find Henry with his father at +Gloucester,[226] where a Parliament was held in the beginning of December; +the records of which enable us to carry on still further the testimony +borne to the Prince's character by his contemporaries, and to speak of +an act of generosity and noble-mindedness placed beyond the reach of +calumny to disparage. The King, on the 1st of December issued a commission +for negociating a peace with France; alleging, as the chief reason for +hastening it, his desire to have more time and leisure to appease the +schism in the church. On the last day of their sitting, the Parliament +prayed the King to present the thanks of the nation to the Prince of +Wales for his great services; in answer to which the King returned +many thanks to the Commons. Immediately on receiving this testimony of +public gratitude, "the Prince fell down upon his knees before the (p. 235) +King, and very humbly mentioning that he had heard of certain +evil-intentioned obloquies and detractions made to the slander of the +Duke of York,[227] declared that, if it were not for the Duke's good +advice and counsel, he, my lord the Prince himself, and others in his +company, would have been in great peril and desolation." "Moreover," +(continued the Prince,) "the Duke, as though he had been one of the +poorest gentlemen of the realm who would have to toil and struggle for +the acquirement of his own honour and name, laboured, and did his very +best to give courage and comfort to all others around him. He affirmed +also, that the Duke was in everything a loyal and valiant knight."[228] +This generous conduct towards one on whom the royal displeasure had +fallen, but who seems to have always conducted himself as a brave and +faithful and honourable subject, naturally raised in all who witnessed +it a still higher admiration of the character of the Prince, whose +conduct had repeatedly called for their grateful thanks and (p. 236) +warmest eulogies. The Parliament would not separate without first praying +the King, that all who adhered steadily and faithfully to the Prince +of Wales might be encouraged and rewarded, and all who deserted him, +and left his company without his permission, might be punished. + + [Footnote 226: The reason assigned by Henry IV. for + convening this Parliament at Gloucester, must not + be overlooked.--He believed that the nearer he + himself, and his nobles, and his court, were to + "his dear son, then commissioned to reduce the + rebels in Wales," the greater probability there was + of a successful issue of the Prince's campaign.] + + [Footnote 227: By the Author published as + Otterbourne, we are told, that the Lady Le + Despenser charged the Duke of York with having been + the author of the plot for stealing away the sons + of the Earl of March, and also for attempting the + King's life. On the Pell Roll, beginning Friday, + October 3rd, 1407, payment is recorded to divers + messengers sent to seize for the King's use all the + goods and chattels of Edward, Duke of York, and + Lord Le Despenser: and, subsequently, payment to + one Leget, for the safe conveyance of Lord Le + Despenser from London to the castle of + "Killynworth." The year before this, Edward, Duke + of York, was the King's Lieutenant of South Wales.] + + [Footnote 228: Rolls of Parliament, 8 Hen. IV.] + +The records of the year 1408 are particularly barren of facts with +regard either to the affairs of the kingdom at large, to the state[229] +of the Principality, or to the occupations and proceedings of Henry of +Monmouth. Shortly after Midsummer he was present as a member of a +council held in the church of St. Paul, when an indenture of agreement +between the King and his son, Thomas of Lancaster, afterwards Duke of +Clarence, was submitted to them for confirmation. Besides the stipulated +conditions on which the Lord Thomas should engage to execute the office +of Viceroy in Ireland, together with the sources of his allowance and +the mode of payment, this agreement contains also a provision that the +Prince[230] should first be paid what was assigned to him for the (p. 237) +safeguard of Wales. The record of this council concludes by adding, +"And it was agreed by my lord the Prince, and the other lords of the +council, and by them promised to the said Lord Thomas, that, as much +as in them lay, the assignments made to him, and specified in that +indenture, should not be revoked or stopped in any way." The closing +paragraph of this minute of the council is very important and interesting, +especially in one particular, presenting Henry of Monmouth to us under +a new aspect: it is the first instance in which we find the name of +the Prince mentioned by itself individually, in contradistinction to +the other members of the council; a practice for some time afterwards +generally observed. + + [Footnote 229: A minute of council (20th of + February) states the bare fact that Owyn, late + secretary to Glyndowr, had been committed to the + custody of Lord Grey, from November 4, 1406, and + had remained in ward four hundred and seventy-three + days; and that Gryffyth of Glyndowrdy, (Owyn + Glyndowr's son,) whom the Constable of the Tower + had delivered to the same lord on the 8th of June, + had been in custody two hundred and fifty days.] + + [Footnote 230: The custody of the Earl of March and + his brother was given to the Prince of Wales on + February 1st, 1409; and, since he had received + nothing for their sustentation, an assignment of + five hundred marks a year was made to him from the + duties of skins and wool. On the 3rd of July, the + King granted to him "the manors belonging to + Edmund, son and heir of Roger Mortimer, Earl of + March," during the young man's minority. The + Prince's revenues seem to have been scanty in the + extreme, and his father had recourse to many of the + various modes of raising money usually adopted in + those days.] + +Henry began at this time, in consequence, no doubt, of the requisition +of the council, to take a prominent part in the government of the +kingdom at large, and to enter upon that life of political activity +which gained for him the confidence and admiration of the great +majority of the people, whilst it exposed him to the envy and jealousy +of some individuals; yet he was not immediately released from the +cares and anxieties and expenses which the disturbed state of his (p. 238) +Principality involved. For in the early part of the autumn of this +year we find him again present at Caermarthen:[231] we have reason, +nevertheless, to believe that, when the winter closed in, he quitted +Wales, never to return to it again either as Prince or King. + + [Footnote 231: On the 23rd of September, Henry + executed a deed by which of especial grace he gave + "for the term of life to William Malbon, our valet + de chambre, the office of Raglore [Qu: Regulator?] + of the commotes of Glenerglyn and Hannynyok in our + county of Cardigan. Given under our seal in our + castle of Caermarthen, in the ninth year of the + reign of our lord and father."] + +After the Prince, however, had withdrawn from personally exerting +himself in the suppression of the insurgents, Owyn Glyndowr still +carried on a kind of desultory warfare, rallying from time to time his +scattered and dispirited adherents, heading them in predatory +incursions upon the property of his enemies, laying violent hands on +the persons of those who resisted his authority, and depriving them of +their liberty or their lives, as best suited his own views of policy. +On the 16th of May 1409, a mandate issued by the King at Westminster, +to Edward Charleton, Lord Powis, with others,[232] is couched in +language which draws a frightful picture of the terror and confusion +and misery caused by these reckless rebels; conveying, nevertheless, +at the same time the idea of a lawless band of insurgents (p. 239) +resisting the authority of the government to the utmost of their power, +but no longer of an army headed by a sovereign and struggling for +independence. The preamble of the commission runs thus: "Whereas, from +the report of many, we understand that Owyn de Glyndowrdy, and +John,[233] who pretends that he is Bishop of St. Asaph, and other our +rebels and traitors in Wales, together with certain of our enemies of +France, Scotland, and other places, have now recently congregated afresh, +and gone about the lands of us, and of others our lieges, in the same +parts of Wales, day and night wickedly seizing upon some of the said +lands; and capturing, scourging, and imprisoning our faithful lieges; +consuming,[234] carrying away, and devastating their property, (p. 240) +and committing many other enormities against our peace: We, willing to +resist the malice of the aforesaid Owyn, and the aforesaid pretended +Bishop, and to provide for the peace and repose of Wales, give you +this command." + + [Footnote 232: The same commission is sent to the + Duke of York, Lords Arundel, Warwick, Reginald Grey + of Ruthyn, Richard Grey of Codnor, Constance, wife + of the late Thomas Le Despenser, William Beauchamp, + and others.] + + [Footnote 233: This prelate was John Trevaur, who + was consecrated in 1395, and deposed in 1402. Much + doubt hangs over the appointment of his immediate + successor. Some say David, the second of that name, + was appointed to the see in 1402. Robert de + Lancaster was consecrated in 1411. A similar doubt + exists as to the successor of Richard Young, Bishop + of Bangor. Whether a prelate named Lewis + immediately followed him on his translation to + Rochester in 1404, or not, is very uncertain.] + + [Footnote 234: Sir Henry Ellis, having represented + the mischief done to Wales by Owyn to have been + incalculable, enumerates a few instances of the + misery he caused: Montgomery deflourished, (as + Leland expresses himself,) Radnor partly + destroyed,--"and the voice is there, that when he + won the castle he took threescore men that had the + guard, and beheaded them on the brink of the castle + yard." "The people about Dinas did burn the castle + there, that Owyn should not keep it for his + fortress." The Haye, Abergavenny, Grosmont, Usk, + Pool, the Bishop's castle and the Archdeacon's + house at Llandaff, with the cathedrals of Bangor + and St. Asaph, were all either in part or wholly + victims of his rage. The list might be much + augmented. At Cardiff, he burnt the whole town, + except the street in which the Franciscan monks + dwelt. These brethren were reported to have + contributed large sums to support Glyndowr's cause, + and to enable him to invade England.] + +Ten Welsh prisoners, under a warrant dated October 18th, were delivered, +as it is supposed for execution, by the Constable of Windsor to +William Lisle, Marshal of England. From this circumstance some writers +have inferred that a considerable engagement took place this summer; +but it may be doubted whether the measures adopted in accordance with +the above commission would not sufficiently account for even a far +greater number of prisoners being at the disposal of the King: for he +strictly charged all those lords and sheriffs to whom his commission +was directed "not to quit Wales till Owyn and the pretended Bishop +should be utterly routed, but to attack them with the whole posse of +the realm night and day." No doubt can be entertained that both their +duty and their interest would induce these persons to put the King's +mandate into execution promptly and vigorously; and probably many of +Owyn's partisans fell into the hands of the government in the (p. 241) +course of the present summer and autumn: Owyn himself, also, either +sued for a truce, or acceded to the proposals made to him. The persons +to whom the King delegated the duty of crushing him, either influenced +by a sense of the misery caused far and wide by the depredations and +havoc carried on by the Welsh rebels on every side, or growing tired +of a protracted struggle which brought to them neither glory nor +profit, made a truce with Owyn without any warrant from the King. So +far, however, was he from sanctioning their proceeding that he +annulled the truce altogether, and (November 23rd, 1409,) issued a new +mandate to divers other persons to hasten with all their powers +against the rebels. + +A curious legal document, of a date later by five years than the +circumstance to which it refers, informs us that the King, when +enumerating in his commission to Lord Powis the partisans of Owyn, in +addition to the auxiliaries of Scotland and France, might have +mentioned the malcontents also of England. Owyn's British supporters, +even at so late a period of his rebellion, were not confined to the +Principality, but were found in other parts of the kingdom. In Trinity +Term, 2 Henry V. (1414,) a presentation is found, recording this curious +fact: "John, Lord Talbot,[235] (the Lord Furnivale,) was on his road +towards Caernarvon, there to abide, and resist the malice of (p. 242) +Owyn Glyndowr and other rebels in the parts of Wales. Accompanied by +sixty men-at-arms and seven score archers, he was hastening onward +with all possible speed, in need of victuals, arms, and other necessaries, +intending to pass through Shrewsbury, and there to buy them. On the +Monday before the Nativity of John the Baptist, (17th June,) in the +tenth year of the late King, (1409,) one John Weole, constable of the +town and castle, and Richard Laken of Laken, in the same county, Esquire, +and others, with very many malefactors, of premeditated malice closed +the gates against them, and guarded them, and would not suffer any of +the King's lieges to come out and assist them. By which Lord Furnivale +and his men were much impeded, and many of the King's commands +remained unexecuted."[236] + + [Footnote 235: Some documents by mistake represent + Lord Talbot and the Lord Furnivale as two distinct + individuals.] + + [Footnote 236: MS. Donat. 4599.] + +Of the rebellion in Wales, however, very few circumstances are recorded +after Henry of Monmouth had ceased to resist the rebels in person: the +war gradually dwindled, and sunk at last into insignificance. A few +embers of the conflagration still remained unquenched, and called for +the watchfulness of government; but the flames had been so far +subdued, that all sense of danger to the general peace of the realm +had been removed from the people of England. No precise date can be +assigned to the last show of resistance on the part of Owyn or his +followers. It must have been, at all events, later than our (p. 243) +historians have generally supposed. About Christmas 1411 a free pardon +was granted for all treasons and crimes, with an exception from the +King's grace of Owyn Glyndowr himself, and one Thomas Trumpyngton, who +seems to have made himself very obnoxious to the government. In the +same year payment was made of various sums to defray the expenses of +the late siege of Harlech, the successful issue of which the record +ascribes, to the favour of God. In 1412 the King's licence was given +to John Tiptoft, seneschal, and William Boteler, receiver of Brecknock, +to negociate with Owyn for the ransom of David Gamne, the gallant +Welshman who afterwards fell at the battle of Agincourt. The licence +was granted at the suit of Llewellin ap Howell, David Gamne's father, +and authorised the parties to offer in exchange any Welshmen whom they +could take prisoners. In the same year, about Midsummer, the Pell +Rolls, recording a large sum paid to the Prince for the safeguard of +Wales, at the same time acquaint us with the waning state of the +insurrection; for the money was to enable the Prince to resist the +rebels "now seldom rising in arms."[237] The same expression occurs in +the following December. + + [Footnote 237: "Jam raro insurgentium."] + +Still, though their rising was even then rare, yet as late as February +19, 1414, payment is registered of a sum "to a certain Welshman coming +to London, and continuing there, to give information concerning (p. 244) +the proceedings and designs of Ewain Glendowrdy." + +We gladly bring to a close these references to the last days of the +dying rebellion in Wales, by recording an act of grace on the part of +Henry of Monmouth.[238] It was after he had returned from his victory +at Agincourt, and when, notwithstanding the immense drain of men and +money in his campaign in Normandy, he could doubtless have extirpated +the whole remnant of the rebels, had he delighted in vengeance rather +than in mercy, that he commissioned Sir Gilbert Talbot to "communicate +and treat with Meredith ap Owyn, son of Owyn de Glendowrdy; and as +well the said Owyn, as other our rebels, to admit and receive into +their allegiance, if they seek it." Probably the stubborn heart of +Owyn scorned to sue for pardon, and to share the King's grace. + + [Footnote 238: 24th February 1416.] + + * * * * * + +Of the last years of Owyn Glyndowr history furnishes us with very +scanty information. It is certain that he never fell into the hands of +his enemies: it is probable that, after having been compelled at +length to withdraw from the hopeless struggle in which he had persevered +with indomitable courage, he passed away in concealment his few +remaining years of disappointment and sorrow. Tradition ventures to +hint that friends in Herefordshire threw the shelter of their +hospitality over him in his days of distress and desolation. But (p. 245) +history returns no satisfactory answer to our inquiries whether he was +blessed with the consolations of religion in his calamity; nor whether, +to lighten the dreadful vicissitudes of his eventful life, he was cheered +at the close of his sorrow by any whom he loved. His reverses brought +with them no ordinary degree of suffering. In the very opening of the +rebellion his houses were burnt, and his lands were confiscated. His +brother fell in one of the earliest engagements on the borders. In the +course of the struggle,[239] his wife and his children, sons and +daughters, were carried away captive, and retained as prisoners. His +friends were gone; many had fallen on the field of battle; many had +died under the hand of the executioner; many had provided for their +own safety by deserting him. Every act of grace and pardon, though it +embraced almost all besides, made an exception of his name; till (p. 246) +the above offer of mercy from Henry of Monmouth included Owyn himself. +His sufferings were enough in number and intenseness to satisfy the +vengeance of any one who was not athirst for blood. + + [Footnote 239: This is a fact, as the Author + believes, new in history; which, however, is placed + beyond all doubt by the Issue Rolls of the Pell + Office. 1 Henry V. 27th June, money is paid to John + Weele for the expenses of the wife of Owen + Glendourdi, of the wife of Edmund Mortimer, and of + others, their sons and daughters: "et aliorum + filiorum et filiarum suarum." On the 21st of March, + also 1411, Lord Grey of Codnor is authorised, as we + have already stated, by warrant to deliver Gryffuth + ap Owyn Glyndourdy, (that is, Owyn's son Griffith,) + and Owyn ap Griffith ap Rycard, to the constable of + the Tower, till further orders.--MS. Donat. 4599. + + This son, however, of Owyn had been a prisoner for + a long time before the date of this warrant. Lord + Grey had payment made for the expenses of Griffin, + son of Owyn Glyndowr, as early as June 1, + 1407.--Pell Rolls.] + +In estimating the character of this extraordinary man, we must +remember that almost the whole evidence which we have of him has been +derived through the medium of his enemies; in the next place, we must +not allow circumstances over which he had no control to darken his +fame; nor must our zeal in condemning the rebel, bury in oblivion the +patriot, though mistaken; or the hero, though unsuccessful. + +Especially, then, must it be borne in mind, that not Henry Bolinbroke, +but Richard II. was the sovereign to whom Glyndowr[240] had owed and +had originally sworn allegiance; that he had been especially and +confidentially employed in that unhappy monarch's immediate service; +that he was one of the very few who remained faithful to him, and +accompanied him through perils and trials to the last; and that he +left him only when Richard's misfortunes prohibited his friends from +giving him any longer assistance or comfort. We must remember also, +that, even had his master Richard been deposed or dead, it was not +Henry Bolinbroke, but the Earl of March, whom the laws of the (p. 247) +country had taught him to regard as his liege lord. We cannot, indeed, +in honesty assign to Glyndowr the crown of martyrdom won in his country's +cause; we cannot justly ascribe his career exclusively to pure +patriotism: there is too much of self[241] mingled in his character to +justify us in enrolling him among the devoted friends of freedom, and +the disinterested enemies of tyranny. He was driven into rebellion by +the sense of individual injury and insult rather than of his country's +wrongs; and he too eagerly assumed to himself the honours, authority, +and power, as well as the title of sovereign of his native land. But +he was not one of those heartless ringleaders of confusion,--he was +not one of those desperate rebels with whom the English too harshly +and too rashly have been wont to number him. He possessed many qualities +of the hero, deserving a better cause and a better fate. It is +impossible not to admire his unconquerable courage, his endurance of +hardships, his faculty of making the very best of the means within his +reach, and his unshrinking perseverance as long as there remained to +him one ray of hope or one particle of strength. The guilt of violated +faith, though laid to his charge, has never been established. He has +been, moreover, often accused of cruelty, and of engaging in savage +warfare; but even his enemies and conquerors, by their actions (p. 248) +and by their despatches, prove, that though Owyn slew, and burnt, and +laid waste far and wide, yet in all this he executed only the law of +retaliation, dreadful as that law is both in its principle and in its +consequences. + + [Footnote 240: It does not appear, whether Owyn had + ever sworn allegiance to Henry IV.] + + [Footnote 241: Pennant says he caused himself, in + 1402, to be acknowledged Prince of Wales by his + countrymen, and to be crowned also.] + +Owyn Glyndowr failed, and he was denounced as a rebel and a traitor. +But had the issue of the "sorry fight" of Shrewsbury been otherwise +than it was; had Hotspur so devised, and digested, and matured his +plan of operations, as to have enabled Owyn with his forces to join +heart and hand in that hard-fought field; had Bolinbroke and his son[242] +fallen on that fatal day;--instead of lingering among his native mountains +as a fugitive and a branded felon; bereft of his lands, his friends, +his children and his wife; waiting only for the blow of death to +terminate his earthly sufferings, and, when that blow fell, leaving no +memorial[243] behind him to mark either the time or the place of (p. 249) +his release,--Owyn Glyndowr might have been recognised even by England, +as he actually had been by France, in the character of an independent +sovereign; and his people might have celebrated his name as the +avenger of his country's wrongs, the scourge of her oppressors, and +the restorer of her independence. The anticipations of his own bard, +Gryffydd Llydd, might have been amply realized.[244] + + [Footnote 242: How beautifully does the poet + express this same thought in the words of Harry + Percy's widow: + + "Had my sweet Harry had but half their numbers, + To-day might I, hanging on Hotspur's neck, + Have talked of Monmouth's grave." + Second Part of HENRY IV. act ii. + + This lady, Elizabeth Percy, had probably either + said or done something to excite the suspicion of + the King; for he issued a warrant for her + apprehension on the 8th of October, after the + battle of Shrewsbury.] + + [Footnote 243: The Welsh historians tell of various + traditions relating both to the place and the time + of his death, adding many a romantic tale of his + wanderings among the mountains, and in caves and + dens of the earth. But, unable to trace any grounds + of preference for one tradition above another, the + Author of these Memoirs leaves the question (in + itself of no great importance), without expressing + any opinion beyond what he has offered in the text. + He must, however, add, that the traditions of his + having passed many of his last days at the houses + of Scudamore and Monnington, of his having been + some time concealed in a cavern called to this day + Owyn's Cave, on the coast of Merioneth, and of his + having been buried in Monnington churchyard, are by + no means improbable. The story of his corpse + resting under a stone in the churchyard of Bangor + is evidently a mistake; whilst the legend which + would identify him with John of Kent seems + altogether fabulous.] + + [Footnote 244: The Author takes the translation + from the Appendix to Williams' Monmouthshire.] + + Strike then your harps, ye Cambrian bards! + The song of triumph best rewards + An hero's toils. Let Henry weep + His warriors wrapt in everlasting sleep: + Success and victory are thine, + Owain Glyndurdwy divine! + Dominion, honour, pleasure, praise, + Attend upon thy vigorous days. + And, when thy evening's sun is set, + May grateful Cambria ne'er forget + Thy noon-tide blaze; but on thy tomb + Never-fading laurels bloom. + +By the obliging kindness of Sir Henry Ellis, the Author is enabled (p. 250) +to enrich his work by authentic representations of the Great and Privy +Seals of Owyn Glyndowr as Prince of Wales; he borrows at the same time +the clear and scientific description of them, with which that antiquary +furnished the Archæologia.[245] The originals are appended to two +instruments preserved in the Hôtel Soubise at Paris, both dated in the +year 1404, and believed to relate to the furnishing of the troops +which were then supplied to Owyn by the King of France. + + [Footnote 245: Vol. xxv.] + +"On the obverse of the Great Seal, Owyn is represented with a bifid +beard, very similar to Richard II, seated under a canopy of Gothic +tracery; the half-body of a wolf forming the arms of his chair on each +side; the back-ground is ornamented with a mantle semée of lions, held +up by angels. At his feet are two lions. A sceptre is in his right hand; +but he has no crown. The inscription, OWENUS ... PRINCEPS WALLIÆ. On the +reverse Owyn is represented on horseback in armour: in his right hand, +which is extended, he holds a sword; and with his left, his shield +charged with four lions rampant: a drapery, probably a _kerchief de +plesaunce_, or handkerchief won at a tournament, pendent from the right +wrist. Lions rampant also appear upon the mantle of the horse. On his +helmet, as well as on his horse's head, is the Welsh dragon. The area of +the seal is diapered with roses. The inscription on this side (p. 251) +seems to fill the gap upon the obverse, OWENUS DEI GRATIA ... WALLIÆ. + +The Privy Seal represents the four lions rampant, towards the spectator's +left, on a shield, surmounted by an open coronet; the dragon of Wales +as a supporter on the dexter side, on the sinister a lion. The +inscription seems to have been SIGILLUM OWENI PRINCIPIS WALLIÆ. + +No impression of this seal is probably now to be found either in Wales +or England. Its workmanship shows that Owyn Glyndowr possessed a taste +for art far beyond the types of the seals of his predecessors." + +[Illustration: Seal] + + + + +CHAPTER XII. (p. 252) + +REPUTED DIFFERENCES BETWEEN HENRY AND HIS FATHER EXAMINED. -- HE IS +MADE CAPTAIN OF CALAIS. -- HIS RESIDENCE AT COLDHARBOUR. -- PRESIDES +AT THE COUNCIL-BOARD. -- CORDIALITY STILL VISIBLE BETWEEN HIM AND HIS +FATHER. -- AFFRAY IN EAST-CHEAP. -- NO MENTION OF HENRY'S PRESENCE. -- +PROJECTED MARRIAGE BETWEEN HENRY AND A DAUGHTER OF BURGUNDY. -- CHARGE +AGAINST HENRY FOR ACTING IN OPPOSITION TO HIS FATHER IN THE QUARREL OF +THE DUKES OF BURGUNDY AND ORLEANS UNFOUNDED. + +1409-1412. + + +Henry of Monmouth, whose years, from the earliest opening of youth to +the entrance of manhood, had chiefly been occupied within the precincts +of his own Principality in quelling the spirit of rebellion which had +burst forth there with great fury, and had been protracted with a +vitality almost incredible, is from this date to be viewed and examined +under a totally different combination of circumstances. Early in the +year 1409 he was appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of +Dover for life, with a salary of 300_l._ a year. Thomas Erpyngham, +"the King's beloved and faithful knight," who held those offices (p. 253) +by patent, having resigned them in favour of the King's "very dear +son."[246] He was made on the 18th of March 1410, Captain of Calais, +by writ of privy seal; and he was constituted also President of the +King's Council. + + [Footnote 246: MS. Donat. 4599.] + +The character of Henry having been assailed, not only in times distant +from our own, but by writers also of the present age, on the ground of +his having behaved towards his father with unkindness and cruelty +after the date of his appointment to these offices, it becomes necessary, +in order to ascertain the reality of the charge and its extent, as +well as the time to which his change of behaviour is to be referred, +to trace his footsteps in all his personal transactions with his +father, and in the management of the public affairs of the realm, more +narrowly than it might otherwise have been necessary or interesting +for us to do. Every incidental circumstance which can throw any light +on this uncertain and perplexing page of his history becomes invested +with an interest beyond its own intrinsic importance, just as in a +judicial investigation, where the animus of any party bears upon the +question at issue, the most minute and trifling particular will often +give a clue, whilst broad and striking events may not assist in +relieving the judge from any portion of his doubts. On this principle +the following facts are inserted here. They may perhaps appear too (p. 254) +disjointed for a continuous narrative; and they are cited only as +separate links which might form a chain of evidence all bearing upon +the question as to Henry's position from this time with his father. + +Early in the year 1409, the King, in a letter to the Pope, when speaking +of the Cardinal of Bourdeaux says, "He came into the presence of us +and of our first-born son, the Prince of Wales, and others, our prelates." +At this period we are informed by the dry details of the royal +exchequer, that the King was anxiously bent on the marriage of his +son. To Sir William Bourchier payment is made, (17th May 1409,) on +account of a voyage to Denmark and Norway, to treat with Isabella, +Queen of Denmark, for a marriage between the Lord Henry, Prince of +Wales, and the daughter of Philippa of Denmark; and on the 23rd of the +same month[247] a payment is made to "Hugh Mortimer, Esq., lately +twice sent by the King's command to France, to enter into a contract +of marriage between the Prince and the second daughter of the King's +adversary, the King of France." In the August of 1409 the council +assembled at Westminster, resolved, with regard to Ireland, that, +should it be agreeable to the King and the Lord Thomas, it would be +expedient for Lord John Stanley to be appointed Lieutenant, he paying +a stipulated sum every year to the Lord Thomas. Before the council +broke up, the Prince, who presided, undertook to speak on this (p. 255) +subject, as well to the King his father, as to his brother the Lord +Thomas. At this time it would appear that, so far from any coldness, +and jealousies, and suspicions existing between the Prince and the +members of his family, he was deemed the most fit person to negociate +an affair of much delicacy between the council and his father and his +brother. + + [Footnote 247: The payments prove nothing as to the + dates of the debts incurred.] + +On the 31st of January 1410, the King, in the palace of Lambeth, +"delivered the great seals to Thomas Beaufort, his brother, in the +presence of the Archbishop, Henry of York, and my lord the +Prince."[248] On the 5th of March following, the King's warrant was +signed for the burning of John Badley. The Prince's conduct on that +occasion, which has been strangely misrepresented, but which seems at +all events to testify to the kindness of his disposition, and his +anxiety to save a fellow-creature from suffering, is examined at some +length in another part of this work, where his character is +investigated with reference to the sweeping charge brought against him +of being a religious persecutor. On the 18th of that month, when he +was appointed Captain of Calais, his father at the same time made him +a present for life of his house called Coldharbour. It must be here +observed that the disagreement which evidently arose and (p. 256) +continued for some time between the King and the Commons, though the +Prince was compelled to take a part in it, seems not to have shaken +the King's confidence in him, nor to have alienated his affections +from him at all. On the 23rd of March the Commons require the King to +appoint a council; and on Friday, the 2nd of May following, they ask +the King to inform them of the names of his council: on which occasion +this remarkable circumstance occurred.[249] The King replied that many +had been excused; that the others were the Prince, the Bishops of +Worcester, Durham, and Bath, Lords Arundel, Westmoreland, and Burnell. +The Prince then, in the name of all, prayed to be excused, if there +would not be found money sufficient to defray the necessary charges; +and, should nothing adequate be granted, then that they should at the +end of the parliament be discharged from all expenses incurred by +them. Upon this they resolved that the Prince should not be sworn as a +member of the council, because of the high dignity of his honourable +person. The other members were sworn. It is to this stipulation of the +Prince that the King refers at the close of the parliament in 1411, +when, after the Commons had prayed the King to thank the Prince and +council, he says, "I am persuaded they would have done more had they +had more ample means, as my lord the Prince declared when they were +appointed." + + [Footnote 248: These insulated facts may be thought + to prove little of themselves; but they throw light + (it is presumed) both on Henry of Monmouth's + occupations, through these years of his life, and + especially on the point of any rupture existing + between himself and the King his father.] + + [Footnote 249: Parl. Rolls, 1410.] + +It has often been a subject of wonder what should have brought (p. 257) +the Prince and his brother so often into East-Cheap; and the story of +the Boar's Head in Shakspeare has long associated in our minds Henry +Prince of Wales with a low and vulgar part of London, in which he +could have had no engagement worthy of his station, and to which, +therefore, he must have resorted only for the purposes of riot and +revelry with his unworthy and dissolute companions. History records +nothing of the Prince derogatory to his princely and Christian +character during his residence in Coldharbour; it does indeed charge +two of the King's sons with a riot there, but they are stated by name +to be Thomas and John. Henry's name does not occur at all in connexion +with any disturbance or misdoing. The fact, however, (not generally +known,) of Henry having his own house, the gift of his father, in the +heart of London, near East-Cheap, (the scene indeed of Shakspeare's +poetical romance, but really the frequent place of meeting for the +King's council whilst Henry was their president,) might seem to call +for a few words as to the locality of Coldharbour and its circumstances. +The grant by his father of this mansion, dated Westminster, March +18th, 1410, is couched in these words: "Know ye, that, of our especial +grace, we have granted to our dearest son, Henry Prince of Wales, a +certain hostel or place called Coldharbour, in our city of London, +with its appurtenances, to hold for the term of his life, without (p. 258) +any payment to us for the same."[250] These premises, we learn, came +into Henry IV.'s possession by the right of his wife. Stowe, who +supplies the materials from which we safely make that inference, does +not seem to have been aware that it was ever in the possession of +either that King or his son. He tells us it was bought in the 8th of +Edward III. by John Poultney, who was four times mayor, and who lived +there when it was called Poultney Inn. But, thirteen years afterward +(21 Edward III.), he, by charter, gave and confirmed it to Humfrey de +Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, as "his whole tenement called +Coldharbour, with all the tenements and key adjoining, on the way +called Haywharf Lane (All Saints ad foenum), for a rose at Midsummer, +if demanded. In 1397, John Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, lodged there; +and Richard II, his brother, dined with him. It was then counted a +right fair and stately house."[251] + + [Footnote 250: Rym. Foed. vol. vii.] + + [Footnote 251: Stowe's London, ii. 206.] + +We are led to infer, though the formal grant of this house to Prince +Henry was made only in the March of this year, yet that it had been +his residence for some time previously; for, on the 8th of the +preceding February, we find a council held there, himself present as +its chief. + +It does not appear by any positive statement that the Prince visited +Calais immediately on his appointment to its captaincy, but we (p. 259) +shall probably be safe in concluding that he did so; for, very soon +afterwards, we find letters of protection[252] for one year (from +April 23) given to Thomas Selby, who was to go with the Prince, and +remain with him at Calais. At all events, he was resident in London by +the middle of June, and had apparently engaged most actively in the +affairs of government. On the 16th of that month we find him president +at two sittings of the council on the same day:[253] the first at +Coldharbour, in which it was determined that three parts of the +subsidy granted to the King on wools, hides, &c. should be applied to +the payment of the garrison of Calais and of the marches thereof; the +second, at the Convent of the Preaching Friars, when an ordinance was +made for the payment of the garrison of Berwick and the East March of +Scotland. + + [Footnote 252: Rymer's Foed.] + + [Footnote 253: Acts of Council.] + +The Prince presided at a council, on the 18th of June, in Westminster; +and, on the 19th, in the house of the Bishop of Hereford. To this +council his brother Thomas of Lancaster presented a petition praying +for reformation of certain tallies, by default of which he could not +obtain the money due to him. The preamble, as well as the body of this +petition, proves that at this time the Prince was regarded not merely +as a member of the council, but as its president, to be named and +addressed individually and in contradistinction to the other (p. 260) +members. "The petition of my lord Thomas of Lancaster, made to the +very honourable and puissant lord the Prince, and the other very +honourable and wise lords of the council of our sovereign lord the +King. First, may it please my said lord the Prince, and the other +lords of the council," &c.--That up to this time no jealousy had +arisen in the King's mind in consequence of the growing popularity and +ascendency of his son, is evidenced by the record of the same council. +That document tells us plainly that the King was cordial with him, and +employed him as his confidential representative: it shall speak for +itself. "And then my said lord the Prince reported to the other +members of the council, that he had it in command from his very good +lord and father to ordain, with the advice of the others of the said +council, that the Lord Thomas Beaufort, brother of our said lord the +King and his chancellor of England, should have such gratuity for one +year beyond his fees as to them should seem reasonable. On which, by +our said lord the Prince, and all the others, it was agreed that the +said chancellor should receive for one year, from the day of his +appointment, 800 marks." + +The next council, at which also we find the Prince acting as +president, was held on the 11th of July. Between the dates of these +two last councils, that disturbance in the street took place which the +Chronicle of London refers to merely as "an affray in East-Cheap (p. 261) +between the townsmen and the Princes Thomas and John;" but which Stowe +records with much of detail and minuteness. Many, it is believed, may +be disposed to regard it as the foundation chosen by Shakspeare on +which to build the superstructure of his own fascinating imagination, +and on which other writers more grave, though not more trustworthy as +historians, have rested for conclusive evidence of the wild frolics +and "madcap" adventures of Henry of Monmouth. Stowe's account is this: +"In the year 1410, upon the eve of St. John the Baptist, (i.e. June +23,) the King's sons, Thomas and John, being in East-Cheap at supper, +or rather at breakfast, (for it was after the watch was broken up, +betwixt two and three of the clock after midnight,) a great debate +happened between their men and other of the court, which lasted an +hour, even till the mayor and sheriffs, with other citizens, appeased +the same: for the which afterwards the said mayor, aldermen, and +sheriffs were sent for to answer before the King; his sons and divers +lords being highly moved against the city. At which time, William +Gascoigne, chief justice, required the mayor and aldermen, for the +citizens, to put them in the King's grace.[254] Whereunto they +answered that they had not offended, but according to the law had done +their best in stinting debate and maintaining of the peace: upon +which answer the King remitted all his ire and dismissed them." (p. 262) +It must be observed that not one word is here said of Prince Henry +having anything whatever to do with the affray: whether "other of the +court" meant some of his household, or not, does not appear; neither +are we told that the two brothers had been supping with the Prince. +And yet, unless some facts are alleged by which the mayor and the +chief justice may be connected with him in reference to some broil, we +may well question whether the current stories relating to his +East-Cheap revelries have any other foundation than this. At all +events, the Prince seems to have been most regular during this summer +in his attendance at the council-board. On the 22nd, 29th, 30th of +July, we find him acting as president. The last council was held at +the house of Robert Lovell, Esq. near Old Fish Street in London; at +which 1400_l._ was voted to the Prince for the safeguard of Calais, to +be repaid out of the first receipts from the duties on wools and +skins.[255] + + [Footnote 254: That is, that they should ask the + King's pardon.] + + [Footnote 255: On the 7th of September the King + commissions his very dear son the Prince, or his + lieutenant, to punish the rebels of Wales.] + +On the 18th of November we find a mandate directed to the Prince, as +Warden of the Cinque Ports, to see justice done in a case of piracy; +and on the 29th, the King, being then at Leicester, issues to Henry +the Prince, as Captain of Calais, and to his lieutenant, the same +commission, to grant safe-conducts, as had been given to John (p. 263) +Earl of Somerset, the late captain.[256] + + [Footnote 256: The Earl died on Palm Sunday, 16th + of March 1410; immediately on whose demise the + Prince was appointed captain. Minutes of Council, + 16th June 1410.] + +Where the Prince passed the winter does not seem to be recorded. In +the following spring we find this minute of council. "Be it +remembered, that on Thursday, the 19th of March, in the twelfth year +of our sovereign lord the King, at Lambeth, in presence of our said +lord the King, and his very dear son my lord the Prince, the following +prelates and other lords were assembled."[257] It cannot escape +observation, that, instead of the Prince being mentioned as one of the +council, or as their president, his name is coupled with the King's as +one of the two in whose presence the others were assembled.[258] + + [Footnote 257: There are many curious items of + expenditure in the minutes of this council; one + which few perhaps would have expected: "Item, to + John Rys, for the lions in his custody per annum + 120_l._"] + + [Footnote 258: In a minute of the council, about + April this year, we find an item of expense which + proves that Wales still required the presence of a + considerable force: "Item, to my lord the Prince, + for the wages of three hundred men-at-arms and six + hundred archers who have lived and will live for + the safeguard of the Welsh parts, from the 9th day + of July 1410, to the 7th day of April then next + ensuing, 8000_l._" + + In this month the King implores the Archbishops of + Canterbury and York to pray for him, and to urge + all their clergy to supplicate God's help and + protection of himself, his children, and his realm. + And many prayers, and processions, and masses are + ordered; and all in so urgent a manner as would + lead us to think that there was some especial cause + of anxiety and alarm, or some severe affliction + present or feared.--Rymer. + + On the 18th of August, a warrant is issued for the + liberation of Llewellyn ap David Whyht, and Yon ap + Griffith ap Lli, from the Tower.--MS. Donat. 4599. + + In the parliament, at the close of this year, + grievous complaints are made by the Border counties + against the violence and ravages and extortions of + the Welsh; and an order is sought "to arrest the + cousins of all rebels and evil-doers of the Welsh, + until the malefactors yield themselves up; for by + such kinsmen only are they supported." + + The cruelties of the Welsh are described in very + strong colours by the petitioners; but it is not + evident what was the result of their prayer. The + rebels and robbers, they say, carry the English off + into woods and deserts, and tie them to trees, and + keep them, as in prison, for three or four months, + till they are ransomed at the utmost value of their + goods; and yet these malefactors were pardoned by + the lords of the marches. The petitioners pray for + more summary justice. Rolls of Parl.] + +Early in the autumn of this year a negociation was set on foot (p. 264) +for a marriage between Prince Henry and the daughter of the Duke +of Burgundy. Ambassadors were appointed for carrying on the treaty; +and on September 1st, 1411, instructions were given to the Bishop of +St. David's, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Francis de Court, Hugh Mortimer, +Esq. and John Catryk, Clerk, or any two or more of them, how to +negociate without finally concluding the treaty, and to report to +the King and Prince. + +The instructions may be examined at full length in Sir Harris Nicolas' +"Acts of the Privy Council" by any who may feel an interest in (p. 265) +them independently of Henry of Monmouth's character and proceedings; +to others the first paragraph will sufficiently indicate the tenour of +the whole document. "First, inasmuch as our sovereign lord the King, +by the report of the message of the Duke of Burgundy, understood that +the Duke entertains a great affection and desire to have an alliance +with our said sovereign by means of a marriage to be contracted, God +willing, between our redoubted lord the Prince and the daughter of the +aforesaid Duke, the King wishes that his said ambassadors should first +of all demand of the Duke his daughter, to be given to my lord the +Prince; and that after they have heard what the Duke will offer on +account of the said marriage, whether by grant of lands and +possessions, or of goods and jewels, and according to the greatest +offer which by this negociation might be made by one party or the +other, a report be made of that to our said lord the King and our said +lord the Prince by the ambassadors." The other instructions relate +rather to political stipulations than pecuniary arrangements. These +negociations met with the fate they merited; and all idea of a +marriage between the Prince and the daughter of the Duke of Burgundy +was abandoned. But since Henry's behaviour in the transaction has been +urged as proof of his having then discarded parental authority, and +acted for himself in contravention of his father's wishes, thereby +incurring his royal displeasure, and sowing the seeds of that (p. 266) +state of mutual dissatisfaction, and jealousy, and strife which is +said to have grown up afterwards into a harvest of bitterness, the +subject assumes greater importance to those who are anxiously tracing +Henry's real character; and must be examined and sifted with care, and +patience, and candour. + + * * * * * + +The question involved is this: "In the quarrel between the Dukes of +Burgundy and Orleans, did Prince Henry send the first troops from his +own forces under the command of his own friends to the aid of the Duke +of Burgundy, against the express wishes of his father; or did the +contradictory measures of England in first succouring the Duke of +Burgundy, and then the Duke of Orleans his antagonist, arise from a +change of policy in the King himself and the English government, +without implying undutiful conduct on the part of the Prince, or +dissatisfaction in his father towards him?" The former view has been +recommended for adoption, though it reflects upon the Prince's +character as a son; and it has been thereupon suggested that, "instead +of denying his previous faults, we should recollect his sudden and +earnest reformation, and the new direction of his feelings and +character, as the mode more beneficial to his memory."[259] But in +this work, which professes not to search for exculpation, nor to deal +in eulogy, but to seek the truth, and follow it to whatever +consequences it might lead, we must on no account so hastily (p. 267) +acquiesce in the assumption that Henry of Monmouth was on this +occasion undutifully opposed to his father.[260] However rejoiced we +may be to find in a fellow-Christian the example of a sincere penitent +growing in grace, it cannot be right to multiply or aggravate his +faults for the purpose of making his conversion more striking and +complete. We may firmly hope that, if he had been a disobedient and +unkind son in any one particular, he repented truly of that fault. But +his biographer must sift the evidence adduced in proof of the alleged +delinquency; instead of admitting on insufficient ground an +allegation, in order to assimilate his character to general fame, or +to heighten the dramatic effect of his subsequent course of virtue. + + [Footnote 259: Turner's Hist. Eng.] + + [Footnote 260: The character of the manuscript, on + the authority of which this and another charge + against Henry of Monmouth have been grounded, will + be examined at length, as to its genuineness and + authenticity in the Appendix.] + +In discussing this question it will be necessary to attend with care +to the order and date of each circumstance. By a temporary +forgetfulness of this indispensable part of an historian's duty, the +writers who have adopted the view most adverse to Henry as a son, have +been led to give an incorrect view of the whole transaction, +especially as it affects the character and filial conduct of the +Prince. + +The first application for aid was made to the King by the Duke of +Burgundy, who offered at the same time his daughter in marriage (p. 268) +to the Prince. This was in August 1411; and doubtless, if he found the +King backward or unfavourably inclined, he would naturally apply to +the Prince for his good offices, who was personally most interested in +the result of the negociation; not to induce him to act against his +father, but to prevail upon his father to agree to the proposal. This +course was, we are told, actually pursued, and Prince Henry was +allowed by his father to send some forces immediately to strengthen +the ranks of Burgundy. They joined his army, and remained at Paris +till provisions became so dear that they resolved to procure them from +the enemy, who were stationed at St. Cloud. Here, at the broken +bridge, the two parties engaged; and Burgundy, by the help of the +English auxiliaries, completely routed the Duke of Orleans' forces. +The English subsequently received their pay; and, their services being +no longer required, returned at their leisure by Calais to their own +country. The Duke of Orleans learning that these troops were dismissed +unceremoniously by his antagonist, and conceiving that Henry's +resentment of the indignity might make for him a favourable opening, +despatched ambassadors to England with most magnificent offers; but +this was not till the beginning of the next year after the battle of +St. Cloud, which took place[261] on the 10th November 1411. That the +King himself contemplated the expediency of sending auxiliaries (p. 269) +to the Duke of Burgundy in the beginning of September, is put beyond +doubt by the instructions given to the ambassadors. Even so late as +February 10, 1412, the King issued a commission to Lord Grey, the +Bishop of Durham, and others, not only to treat for the marriage of +the Prince with that Duke's daughter, but to negociate with him also +on mutual alliances and confederacies, and on the course of trade +between England and Flanders; the King having previously, on the 11th +of January, signed letters patent, to remain in force till the Feast +of Pentecost, for the safe conduct and protection of the Duke's +ambassadors with one hundred men. With a view of enabling the reader +more satisfactorily to form his own judgment on the validity of this +charge of unfilial and selfwilled conduct on the part of Henry of +Monmouth, the Author is induced, instead of confining himself to the +general statement of his own views, or of the considerations on which +his conclusion has been built, to cite the evidence separately of +several authors who have recorded the proceedings. He trusts the +importance of the point at issue will be thought to justify the +detail. + + [Footnote 261: Monstrelet says distinctly, that the + Duke of Burgundy left Paris, at midnight, on the + 9th of November.] + +Walsingham, who is in some points very minute when describing these +transactions, so as even to record the very words employed by the King +on the first application of the Duke, does not mention the name of the +Prince of Wales throughout. He represents the King as having (p. 270) +recommended the Duke to try measures of mutual forgiveness and +reconciliation; at all events, to let the fault of encouraging civil +discord be with his adversaries; but withal promising, in case of the +failure of that plan, to send the aid he desired. The same writer +states the mission of the Earl of Arundel, Lord Kyme, Lord Cobham, +(Sir John Oldcastle,) and others, with an army, as the consequence of +this engagement on the part of the King.[262] He then tells us that, +in the next year after these forces had been dismissed by the Duke of +Burgundy, the Duke of Orleans made application to the King. + + [Footnote 262: "Transmissi sunt _ergo_;" without + the slightest intimation of any interference on the + part of the Prince.] + +Elmham, who mentions the successful application of Burgundy to the +Prince, and the consequent mission of an English force, represents the +Prince as having recommended himself more than ever to his royal +father on that occasion.[263] + + [Footnote 263: These chroniclers show clearly the + general opinion in their day to have been that + there was for a time an alienation of affection + between Henry and his father, brought about by + envious calumniators; but that they were soon + cordially reconciled: "Non obstante quorundam + detractatione et accusatione multiplici, ipse, + invidis renitentibus, suæ piissimæ benignitatis + mediis, &c". Elmham, thus ascribes the cause of the + temporary interruption of cordiality to the malice + of detractors, and its final and lasting + restoration to Henry's filial and affectionate + kindness.] + +Titus Livius, who says that the Duke of Burgundy applied to the +Prince, and that he sent some of his own men to succour him, (p. 271) +distinctly tells us that he did it with the good-will and consent of +his father. He adds, (what could have originated only in an oversight +of dates,) that the Prince was made, in consequence of his conduct on +this occasion, the chief of the council, and was always called the +dear and beloved son of his father. He intimates, (but very +obscurely,) that, by the aspersions of some, his fame sustained for a +short time some blemish in this point.[264] + + [Footnote 264: "Etsi nonnullorum detrectationibus + in hoc _aliquantisper_ fama sua læsa fuerit." Some + writers have built very unadvisedly on this + expression. It is at best obscure, and capable of a + very different interpretation; and, even at the + most, it only implies that the Prince was then the + object of calumny at the hand of some persons who + could not effect any lasting wound on his fame.] + +Polydore Vergil[265] says distinctly that, on the Duke of Burgundy +first opening the negociation, the King, anticipating good to himself +from the quarrels of his neighbours, willingly promised aid, and as +soon as possible sent a strong force to succour him. He then records +the victory gained by Burgundy at the Bridge of St. Cloud, and the +dismissal of his English allies with presents; adding, that King Henry +thought it a weakness in him to send them home prematurely, before he +had finished the struggle. And when the Duke of Orleans, on (p. 272) +hearing of this hasty dismissal, entered upon a counter negociation, +the King willingly listened to his proposals, having felt hurt at the +conduct of the Duke of Burgundy towards those English auxiliaries. + + [Footnote 265: The testimony of these later authors + is only valuable so far as they are believed to + have been faithful in copying the accounts, or + extracting from the statements, of preceding + writings, the works of many of whom have not come + down to our times.] + +The Chronicle of London tells us that, when the King would grant no +men to the Duke of Burgundy, he applied to the Prince, "who sent the +Earl of Arundel and the Lord Cobham, with other lords and gentles, +with a fair retinue and well-arrayed people." + +Whilst we remark that in these several accounts no allusion whatever +is made to any opposition to his father on the part of the Prince, or +any sign of displeasure on the part of the King in this particular +point of his conduct, the simple facts are decidedly against the +supposition of any such unsatisfactory proceeding. In February 1412, +more than three months after the Earl of Arundel's dismissal by the +Duke of Burgundy, the King was still engaged in negociations with that +Duke: nor was it till three months after that,--not till May +18th,--that the final treaty between the King and the Duke of Orleans +was signed.[266] And it is very remarkable that, within two days, the +Prince[267] himself, as well as his three brothers, in the (p. 273) +presence of their father, solemnly undertook to be parties to that +treaty, and to abide faithfully by its provisions. + + [Footnote 266: The King had issued a proclamation + at Canterbury, addressed to all sheriffs, and to + the Captain also of Calais, forbidding his subjects + of any condition or degree whatsoever to interfere + in this foreign quarrel. April 10, 1412.] + + [Footnote 267: Rymer Foed.] + +We are compelled, then, to infer, that there is no evidence whatever +of Prince Henry having acted in this affair in contravention of his +father's will. He very probably used his influence to persuade the +King, and was successful. And as to the application having been made +to him by the Duke of Burgundy, and not to the King, we must bear in +mind that, at this period, it was to him that even his brother Thomas +presented his petition, and not to his father; and that the Pope sent +his commendatory letters to him, and not to the King.[268] + + [Footnote 268: On February 9th, in the third year + of his pontificate (1413), Pope John recommends + John Bremor to the kind offices of the Prince; and, + on the kalends of March (1st of March), the same + pontiff sent Dr. Richard Derham with a message to + him by word of mouth.] + +The French historians, though their attention has naturally been drawn +to the introduction of English auxiliaries into the land of France, +rather than to the authority by which they were commissioned, enable +us to acquiesce with increased satisfaction in the conclusion to which +we have arrived. Whether contemporary or modern,[269] they seem all to +have considered the original mission of Lord Arundel and the troops +under his command as the act of King Henry IV. himself.[270] They +inform us, moreover, that, on the arrival in England of the (p. 274) +subsequent embassy of the Duke of Burgundy, so late as March +1412,[271] his representatives were received with every mark of +respect and cordiality, not only by the Prince, but by the King also, +and his other sons. They lead us also to infer that, when the +confederate French princes made their application for succours "to the +King and his second son,"[272] the Prince withheld his concurrence +from the change of conduct adopted by his father, and endeavoured to +the utmost of his power to prevent the contemplated expedition under +the Duke of Clarence from being carried into effect. A comparison of +these authors with our own undisputed documents supplies a very +intelligible and consistent view of the whole transaction; and so far +from representing Henry of Monmouth as an undutiful son, obstinately +bent on pursuing his own career, reckless of his father's wishes, +bears incidental testimony both to his steadiness of purpose, and to +his unwillingness to act in opposition to his father. In conjunction +with the King he originally espoused the cause of Burgundy, and was +afterwards averse from deserting their ally. He was anxious also to +dissuade his father from adopting that vacillating policy on which he +saw him bent. But within two days after the King had irrevocably taken +his final resolve, and had joined himself to the Duke of Orleans, and +the other confederated princes by a league, offensive and defensive, +against the Duke of Burgundy, instead of persevering in his (p. 275) +opposition to that measure, or defying his father's authority, within +two days he made himself a party to that league, and pledged his faith +to observe it. + + [Footnote 269: M. Petitot.] + + [Footnote 270: Jean Le Fevre, Morice, Lobineau.] + + [Footnote 271: Monstrelet.] + + [Footnote 272: Laboureur.] + +Although Prince Henry seems to have had little to do with these +continental expeditions beyond the first mission of Lord Arundel and +his forces, yet it is impossible not to suspect (as the French at the +time anticipated) that this decided interference, on the part of +England, with the affairs of France, may have been a prelude to the +enterprise of the next reign. Who can say that the battle and victory +at St. Cloud passed away without any influence on the course of events +which made Henry V. heir to the King of France? + +We must not leave the mention of this battle without repeating the +testimony borne by the chroniclers of the day to the courage and +humanity of the English, though we lament, at the same time, the act +of cruelty on the part of the French, with which the character of our +forefathers stands in such strong contrast. When the victory was won, +the Duke of Burgundy, with the usual ferocity of civil warfare, +commanded his officers to put their prisoners to death. The English +generals resisted this sanguinary mandate,[273] declaring they would +die with their captives rather than see them murdered; at the (p. 276) +same time forming their men in battle-array to support, with their +lives, their noble resolution. + + [Footnote 273: Hardyng has thus recorded this + gratifying exhibition of generous feeling and noble + resolve on the part of the English: + + "He commanded then eche capitayn + His prisoners to kill them in certayn. + To which, Gilbert Umfreuile, Erle of Kyme, + Answered for all his fellowes and their men, + They should all die together at a tyme + Ere theyr prisoners so shulde be slayn then; + And, with that, took the field as folk did ken, + With all theyr men and all theyr prysoners, + To die with them, as worship it requires. + He said they were not come thyther as bouchers + To kyll the folke in market or in feire, + Nor them to sell; but, as arms requires, + Them to gouern without any dispeyre." + Hardyng's Chron.] + +It was about the Feast of the Assumption (August 25) that the King +sent his son Thomas Duke of Clarence[274] to aid the Duke of Orleans +against the Duke of Burgundy: "many persons," says Walsingham, +"wondering what could be the sudden change, that in so short a (p. 277) +space of time the English should support two opposite contending +parties." The Duke of Orleans failed to join them in time, and the +English committed many depredations as in an enemy's country. At last, +the two generals meeting, the Duke of Orleans consented to pay a large +sum to the Duke of Clarence on condition that the English should +evacuate the country: and the Earl of Angouleme[275] was given as a +hostage for the due payment of the stipulated sum. The Duke of +Clarence did not return to England till after his father's death. + + [Footnote 274: There is some discrepancy in the + accounts of the time of Clarence's departure. The + Chronicle of London puts it nearly a month earlier + than Walsingham: "And then rode Thomas, the King's + son, Duke of Clarence, and with him the Duke of + York, and Beauford, then Earl of Dorset, towards + [South] Hampton with a great retinue of people; and + on Tuesday rode the Earl's brother of Oxenford, and + on the Wednesday rode the Earl of Oxenford; and + they all lay at Hampton, and abode in the wynde + till on the Thursday, the 1st day of August. The + which Thursday, Friday, and Saturday they passed + out of the haven XIIII ships,--were driven back on + Sunday,--and after landed at St. Fasters, near + Hagges, in Normandy."] + + [Footnote 275: In the "Additional Charters," now in + the British Museum, purchased of the Baron de + Joursanvault, we find letters patent from Charles + VI, reciting that, by his permission, a treaty had + been made with the Duke of Clarence and other + English, who agreed to evacuate the country without + making war; the Duke of Orleans giving to them the + Earl of Angouleme as a hostage, for whose ransom + the Duke was put to vast charges. Letters also are + preserved from the Duke to his chancellor, reciting + that a large sum was to be paid to the English, and + in particular a hundred crowns of gold were to be + paid to John Seurmaistre, chancellor of the Duke of + Clarence, who was going to Rome on the affairs of + the Duke of Clarence. This bears date, Blois, Nov. + 20, 1412. His mission to Rome was, no doubt, to + negociate for the dispensation necessary to enable + the Duke to marry his uncle's widow. In the March + of the next year, the same document acquaints us + with the present of a head-dress from the Duke of + Orleans to that lady, then Duchess of Clarence.] + + + + +CHAPTER XIII. (p. 278) + +UNFOUNDED CHARGE AGAINST HENRY OF PECULATION. -- STILL MORE SERIOUS +ACCUSATION OF A CRUEL ATTEMPT TO DETHRONE HIS DISEASED FATHER. -- THE +QUESTION FULLY EXAMINED. -- PROBABLY A SERIOUS THOUGH TEMPORARY +MISUNDERSTANDING AT THIS TIME BETWEEN THE KING AND HIS SON. -- HENRY'S +CONDUCT FILIAL, OPEN, AND MERCIFUL. -- THE "CHAMBER" OR THE "CROWN +SCENE." -- DEATH OF HENRY THE FOURTH. + +1412-1413. + + +Two other accusations brought against the fair fame of Henry of +Monmouth in reference to his conduct in the very year before his +accession to the throne, must be now carefully weighed. The first, +indeed, is fully refuted by the selfsame page of our records which +contains it: the second, unless some new light could be thrown upon +this dark and mysterious page of his life, can scarcely have failed to +make an unfavourable impression on the minds of every one whose heart +has ever felt the bond of filial duty and affection. + +With regard to the first accusation, we cannot do better than quote +the words of the antiquary who has first brought both the calumnious +charge and its refutation to light. "The general impression (p. 279) +(says that writer) which exists respecting the character of Henry V, +and especially whilst Prince of Wales, is so opposed to the idea that +he could possibly be suspected of a pecuniary fraud, that it excites +surprise that he should have been accused of appropriating to his own +use the money which he had received for the payment of his soldiers. +In the Minutes of the Council, between July and September 1412, the +following entry occurs: 'Because my lord the Prince, Captain of the +town of Calais, is slandered in the said town and elsewhere, that he +should have received many large sums of money for the payment of his +soldiers, and that those sums have not been distributed among them, +the contrary is proved by two rolls of paper being in the council, and +sent by my said lord the Prince; it is ordered that letters be issued +under the privy seal, explanatory of the fact respecting the Prince in +that matter.'" + +Although it may excite our wonder that the character of Henry of +Monmouth should have been assailed for appropriating to other purposes +money received for the payment of his troops, yet such an acquaintance +with the exhausted state of the treasury of England at that day, as +even these pages afford, will diminish the surprise.[276] The +probability is, that, of the "large sums" voted by parliament, (p. 280) +a very small proportion only was immediately forthcoming; and that, as +in Wales, so in Calais, he could with great difficulty gather from +that exhausted source enough from time to time to keep his men +together. Persons not acquainted with this fact, hearing of the large +sums voted, might naturally suspect that there was not altogether fair +and upright dealing. However, the above extract is the only document +known on the subject; and the same sentence which records the +"slander," contains also his acquittal. He had forwarded his debtor +and creditor account in two rolls, and by them it was proved that the +slander was unfounded; and a writ of privy seal declaring his +innocence was immediately issued. The fact is, that, at that very +time, there was due to the Prince for Calais no less a sum than +8689_l._ 12_s._; besides the sum of 1200_l._ due for the wages of +sixty men-at-arms and one hundred and twenty archers, who were still +living at Kymmere and Bala for the safeguard of Wales; whilst the +council at the same time declared, that they knew not how to raise the +money for the wages of the men who were with the Prince. The affairs +of Calais seem to have fallen into some confusion before the Prince +was appointed Captain, as the Minutes of Council speak of the ancient +debts incurred whilst the Earl of Somerset was captain, as well as the +more recent expenses; and record that Robert Thorley, the treasurer, +and Richard Clitherowe, victualler, were charged to come, with (p. 281) +their accounts written out, on the morrow of All Souls next ensuing, +specifying the persons to whom the several sums were paid, and the +dates of payment. The King, also, in a council at Merton, on October +21st, orders certain changes to be made in the mode of collecting the +duties on skins and wools; "to the intent that my lord the Prince, as +Captain of the town of Calais, may the more readily receive payment of +the arrears due to him and his soldiers, living there for the safeguard +of the said town." We have seen that, in Wales, the Prince was driven +by necessity to pawn the few jewels in his possession, in order to pay +the soldiers under him; and, as Captain of Calais, he appears to have +had a great difficulty in obtaining payment of the sums assigned to +him.[277] No one can any longer wonder that the soldiers were not +paid, or that their complaints should offer themselves in the form of +accusation. The Prince stands entirely free from blame, and clear of +all suspicion of misdoing. + + [Footnote 276: The Prince's appointment (when he + took charge of the town) is dated March 18, 1410, + which was the Tuesday before Easter; at which time + there was due a debt, incurred before Henry had + anything whatever to do with Calais, of not less + than 9000_l._--Minutes of Council, 30th July 1410.] + + [Footnote 277: Within a year of the Prince's + accession to the throne, the Pell Rolls, January + 27, 1414, record the payment of 826_l._ 13_s._ + 4_d._ to the Bishop of Winchester, lent to the King + when he was Prince of Wales.] + +Though these causes are of themselves more than enough to account for +the depressed state of Henry of Monmouth's finances; yet there was +another drain, the pecuniary difficulties of his father, which, though +hitherto unnoticed, must not be suppressed in these Memoirs. (p. 282) +It is not necessary more than to refer to the causes of the pecuniary +difficulties of Henry IV; as the public and authentic documents of his +reign suggest a suspicion of want of economy in his more domestic +expenditure, and leave no doubt as to the extent to which he +endeavoured to meet his increasing wants by loans from spiritual and +municipal bodies, as well as from individuals. Among others, his son +Henry's name occurs, not once or twice, but repeatedly. Whilst some +loans, with reference to the then value of money, must be considered +large; others cannot fail to excite surprise from the smallness of +their amount.[278] + + [Footnote 278: Pell Rolls, 9 Hen. IV. 17th July, + &c.] + + * * * * * + +A charge, however, more vitally affecting Henry's character than any +other by which it has ever been assailed, requires now a patient and +thorough investigation. The groundwork, indeed, upon which the +accusation is built, is of great antiquity, though the superstructure +is of very recent date. Were it sufficient for a biographer, who would +deal uprightly, merely to contradict the evidence by demonstrating its +inconsistency with indisputable facts, the business of refutation in +this instance would be brief, as the accusation breaks down in every +particular, from whatever point of view we may examine it. But the +province of these Memoirs must not be so confined. To establish the +truth in these points satisfactorily, as well as to place clearly (p. 283) +before the mind the total inadequacy of the evidence to substantiate +the charge, will require a more full and detailed examination of the +value of the Manuscript on which the charge is made to rest, than +could be conveniently introduced into the body of this narrative. The +whole is therefore reserved for the Appendix; and to a careful, +dispassionate weighing of the arguments there adduced, the reader is +earnestly invited. + +But the Author, as he has above intimated, does not think his duty +would be performed were he merely to prove that the charge against +Henry is altogether untenable upon the evidence adduced; though that +is all which the accusation so unsparingly now in these late years +brought against him requires or deserves. The very allusion to such an +offence as undutiful, unfilial conduct in one whose life is otherwise +an example of obedience, respect, and affection towards his father, +requires the biographer to take up the province of inquisitor, and +ascertain what ground there may be, independently of that inadequate +evidence alleged by others, for believing Henry to have once at least, +and for a time, forgotten the duties of a son; or what proceedings, +not involving his guilt, might have given rise to the unfounded +rumour, and of what satisfactory explanation they may admit. + +The charge is this: That, in the parliament held in November 1411, +Prince Henry desired of his father the resignation of his crown, on +the plea that the malady under which the King was suffering (p. 284) +would not allow him to rule any longer for the honour and welfare of +the kingdom. On the King's firm and peremptory refusal, the Prince, +greatly offended, withdrew from the court, and formed an overwhelming +party of his own among the nobility and gentry of the land, "associating +them to his dominion in homage and pay." Such is the statement made +(not indeed in the form of an accusation, but merely as one of the +occurrences of the year,) in the manuscript above referred to. The +modern comment upon this text would probably never have been made, if +the writer had given more time and patient investigation to the +subject; and now, were such a suppression compatible with the thorough +sifting of Henry's character and conduct, the quotation of it might +well have been spared in these pages. A few words, however, on that +comment, and recently renewed charge, seem indispensable. "The King's +subsequent death (such are the words of the modern historian) +prevented the final explosion of this unfilial conduct, which, as thus +stated, deserves the denomination of an unnatural rebellion; and shows +that the dissolute companion of Falstaff was not the gay and +thoughtless youth which his dramatic representation exhibits to us, +but that, amid his vicious gaieties, he could cherish feelings which +too much resemble the unprincipled ambition of a Catilinarian +temper."[279] + + [Footnote 279: Turner's History.] + +These are hard words; and, if deserved, must condemn Henry of Monmouth. +That they are not deserved; that he was not guilty of this offence (p. 285) +against God and his father; that the page which records it condemns +itself, and is contradictory to our undisputed public records; that +the manuscript which contains the charge carries with it no authority +whatever; and that the inference which has lately been fastened upon +the original report is altogether inconsistent with the acknowledged +facts of the case, are points which the Author believes he has +established beyond further controversy in the Appendix; and to that +dissertation he again with confidence refers the reader. But every +reader whose verdict is worth receiving, will agree that our abhorrence +of a crime should only increase our care and circumspection that no +innocent person stand charged with it. If Henry were guilty, his +character must remain branded with an indelible stain, in the +estimation of every parent and every child, incomparably more +disgraceful than those "vicious gaieties" with which poets and +historiographers have delighted to stamp his memory.--At a time when +disease was paralysing all a father's powers of body and mind, and +hurrying him prematurely to the grave, that a first-born son, instead +of devoting himself, and all his heart, and all his faculties, to his +parent; strengthening his feeble hands, supporting his faltering +steps, guiding his erring counsels, bearing his heavy burden, +protecting him from the machinations of the malicious and designing, +cheering his drooping spirits, making (as far as in him lay) his (p. 286) +last days on earth days of peace, and comfort, and calm preparation +for the change to which he was hastening;--instead of this, that a +son, who had always professed respect and affection for his father, +should thrust the most painful thorn of all into the side of a +sinking, broken down, dying man, is so abhorrent from every feeling, +not only of a truly noble and generous spirit, but of mere ordinary +humanity,--is so utterly "unprincipled," "unfilial," and +"unnatural,"--that though in such a case we might hope, after a life +of sincere Christian penitence, the stain might have been removed from +his conscience; yet, in the estimation of the wise and good, he could +never have obtained the name of "the most excellent and most gracious +flower of Christian chivalry." + +Although for the real merits of the question, as far as relates to the +manuscript, we refer to the argument in the Appendix; and although, if +the foundation of original documents be withdrawn, it matters little +to the investigator of the truth what superstructure modern writers +have hastily run up; yet such a positive assertion as that "the King's +subsequent death prevented the final explosion of this unfilial +conduct and unnatural rebellion" of the Prince, who cherished +"feelings resembling the unprincipled ambition of a Catilinarian +temper," does seem to call for a few words before we proceed with the +narrative. It is difficult to say whether the confused views of the +manuscript, or of its modern commentator, be the greater. The (p. 287) +manuscript, (to mention here only one specimen of its confusion,) +in the very page which contains the accusing passage, represents the +expedition to France in the summer of 1411; the battle of St. Cloud, +which was fought November 10, of the same year; the expedition under +the Duke of Clarence, which was undertaken after Midsummer 1412; and +the return of the Duke and his forces to England, which was not till +the spring of 1413, as having all taken place in the thirteenth year +of Henry IV. And the commentator who tells us that the King's death +prevented the final explosion of Henry's unfilial conduct, by confounding +(as the manuscript had also done) the parliament in November 1411, +with the parliament in February 1413, has entirely overlooked the +facts which give a direct contradiction to his statement. The King's +death did not occur till March 1413, more than a year and a quarter +after the parliament ended in which the Prince is said to have been +guilty of this act. The session of that parliament began on the 3rd of +November, and broke up on the 20th of December; and the King, nearly +half a year after its dissolution, declares his fixed[280] purpose, in +order to avoid the spilling of human blood, to go in his own (p. 288) +person to the Duchy of Guienne, and vindicate his rights with all +possible speed."[281] Surely the web of his father's life left Henry +no lack of time and opportunity for the execution of any measures +which the most reckless ambition could devise, or the most "Catilinarian" +temper sanction. But, leaving this ill-advised statement without +further observation, it remains for us to proceed with our narrative, +entirely free from any apprehensions or misgivings that our researches +and reflections may tend only to elucidate the character of one who, +in the midst of splendid sins, would sacrifice his own father to +unbounded, reckless ambition, and unprincipled self-aggrandizement. + + [Footnote 280: This resolution of the King is + embodied in his letter to the Burgomasters of + Ghent, &c. dated May 16, 1412; in which he tells + them that the Dukes of Berry, Orleans, and Bourbon + had offered to surrender to him such lands of his + as they held in the Duchy of Guienne, and to assist + him in recovering the remainder. He prays the + Burgomasters not to impede him in his designs.] + + [Footnote 281: On the 18th of April 1412, a warrant + was issued to press sailors for the King's intended + voyage.] + + * * * * * + +Henry of Monmouth had now for a long time been virtually in possession +of the royal authority. He was not only President of the Council, but +his name is united with the King's when both are present; and everything +seems to have proceeded smoothly, with the best feelings of mutual +confidence and kindness between himself, his father, and his brothers. +Whether the King's own inclination, uninfluenced by the representations +of his parliament, would have led him to put the reins of government +into his son's hand, or whether he was induced by the complaints (p. 289) +and urgent suggestions of the council (of which many broad and deep +vestiges remain on record) to transfer the executive and legislative +functions of the royal prerogative to a son in whom the people had +entire confidence, may admit of much doubt. Probably both causes, his +own increasing infirmities, and his people's dissatisfaction at the +mismanagement of the court, expressed in no covert language, co-operated +in producing that result. Hardyng (as he first wrote on this subject) +would lead us to adopt the former view: + + "The King fell sick then, each day more and more; + Wherefore the Prince _he_ made (as it was seen) + Chief of Council, to ease him of his sore; + Who to the Duke of Burgoyne sent, I ween;" + +whilst the petitions presented to him, and some subsequent events +which must hereafter be noticed, make us suspect that the behaviour of +the Commons might have hastened his resolution. + +At the close of the year, (from recounting the transactions of which +this serious charge against Henry's character induced us to digress,) +the parliament met in the first week in November. It was to have been +opened on the morrow of All Souls, (November 3, 1411,) but the peers +and commoners were so tardy in their arrival, that the King postponed +his meeting the parliament till the next day. In those times, the +monarch seems to have been in the habit of attending the (p. 290) +parliamentary deliberations, and receiving the petitions, and taking +part generally in the proceedings in person. Through this session +Henry IV. was repeatedly present; and the Prince alone, of all his +sons, appears to have attended also. Towards the close of this +parliament, (the very parliament in which the alleged unfilial conduct +of the Prince is represented to have occurred,) proceedings are +recorded, which, though referred to in the Appendix for the sake of +the argument, seem to require notice here also in the way of +narration. + +"Also, on Monday the last day of November, the said Speaker, in the +name of the Commons, prayed the King to thank my lord the Prince, the +Bishops of Winchester, of Durham, and others, who were assigned by the +King to be of his council in the last parliament, for their great +labour and diligence. For, as it appears to the said Commons, my lord +the Prince, and the other lords, have well and loyally done their duty +according to their promise in that parliament.[282] And upon that, my +lord the Prince, kneeling, with the other lords, declared by the mouth +of my lord the Prince how they had taken pains and diligence and labours, +according to their promise, and the charge given them in parliament, +to their skill and knowledge. This the King remembered well, and (p. 291) +thanked them most graciously. And he said besides, that 'he was well +assured, if they had possessed larger means than they had, in the +manner it had been spoken by the mouth of my lord the Prince at the +time the King charged them to be of his council in the said parliament, +they would have done their duty to effect more good than was done, in +divers parts, for the defence, honour, good, and profit of him and his +kingdom.' And our lord the King also said, that he felt very contented +with their good and loyal diligence, counsel, and duty, for the time +they had been of his council." This took place about a month after the +Parliament had first met, and within less than three weeks of its +termination. On the very last day of this same parliament, "the +Speaker recommending the persons of the Queen, of the Prince, and of +other the King's sons, prayeth the advancement of their estates. For +which the King giveth hearty thanks." The question unavoidably forces +itself upon the mind of every one.--Could such a transaction as that, +by which the fair fame of the Prince is attempted to be destroyed for +ever, have taken place in this parliament? It may be deemed +superfluous to add, that, though the records of this parliament are +very full and minute, not the most distant allusion occurs to any such +conduct of the Prince. + + [Footnote 282: Sir Robert Cotton, in his + Abridgement of the Rolls of Parliament, seems to + think (though without assigning any reason) that + the "thanks were for well employing the treasure + granted in the last parliament."] + +But whilst, as we have seen, there had arisen much discontent (p. 292) +among the people with regard to the royal expenditure and the government +of the King's household, the King in his turn had entertained feelings +of dissatisfaction towards his parliament; in consequence, no doubt, +of the plain and unreserved manner in which they had given utterance +to their sentiments. When two parties are thus on the eve of a rupture, +there never are wanting spirits of a temper (from the mere love of +evil, or in the hope of benefiting themselves,) to foment the rising +discord, and fan the smoking fuel into a flame. Such was the case in +this instance, and such (as we shall soon see) was the case also in a +course of proceedings far more closely united with the immediate +subject of these Memoirs. On the same day, the last of the parliament, +the Lords and Commons, addressing the King by petition, express their +grief at the circulation of a report that he was offended on account +of some matters done in this and the last parliament; and they pray +him "to declare that he considers each and every of those in the +estates of parliament to be loyal and faithful subjects," which +petition the King of his especial grace in full parliament granted. +This submission on the part of the parliament, and its gracious +acceptance by the King, seem to have allayed, at least for a time, all +hostile feeling between them. + +The prayer of the parliament to the King, that he would express his +own and the nation's thanks to the Prince and the other members of his +council, has been thought to imply some suspicion on their part (p. 293) +that the royal favour was withdrawn from the Prince, that the King was +jealous of his influence, and was therefore backward in publicly +acknowledging his obligations to his son. Be this as it may, two +points seem to press themselves on our notice here:--first, that up to +the May of the following year, 1412, no appearance is discoverable of +any coolness or alienation of regard and confidence between the Prince +and the King;--the second point is, that it is scarcely possible to +read the disjointed records of the intervening months between the +spring of that year and the next winter, without a strong suspicion +suggesting itself, that the cordial harmony with which the royal +father and his son had lived was unhappily interrupted for a time, and +that misunderstandings and jealousies had been fostered to separate +them. The subject is one of lively interest, and, though involved in +much mystery, must not be disposed of without investigation; and, +whilst we claim at the hands of others to "set down nought in malice," +we must "nothing extenuate," nor allow any apprehension of +consequences to suppress or soften the very truth. The Author feels +himself bound to state not only the mere details of facts from which +inferences might be drawn, but to offer unreservedly his own opinion, +formed upon a patient research, and an honest weighing of whatever +evidence he may have found. The results of his inquiries, after (p. 294) +looking at the point in all the bearings in which his own reflections +or the suggestions of others have placed it, is this: + +Henry of Monmouth was assigned on the 12th of May 1407, with the +consent of the council, to remain about the person of the King, that +he might devote himself more constantly to the public service; probably +the declining health of the King even then made such a measure +desirable. From the hour when the Prince became president of the +council, his influence through every rank of society naturally grew +very rapidly, and extended to every branch of the executive government. +Petitions were presented to him by name, not only by inferior applicants, +but even by his brothers. Letters of recommendation were addressed to +him by foreigners; and, in more than one instance, his interest was +sought even by the Pope himself. When the King was personally present +in the council, the record states, that the business was conducted "in +the presence of the King, and of his son the Prince." The father +retained the name, the son exercised the powers of sovereign. Such +pre-eminence, as long as human nature remains the same, will give +offence to some, and will engender envyings and jealousies and +oppositions: nor was the Prince suffered long to enjoy his high station +unmolested. Who were the persons more especially engaged in the unkind +office of severing the father from his son, is matter of conjecture; +so is also the immediate cause and occasion of their disunion. One of +the oldest chroniclers[283] would induce us to believe that a (p. 295) +temporary estrangement was effected in consequence of some malicious +detractors having misrepresented the Prince's conduct with reference +to the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans. Some may suspect that the +appointment of his brother Thomas to take the command of the troops in +the expedition to Guienne, when their father's increasing malady +prevented him from putting into execution his design of conducting +that campaign in person, might have given umbrage to the Prince, and +led to an open rupture. And undoubtedly it would have been only +natural, had the Prince felt that, in return for all his labours and +his devoted exertions in the field and at the council-board, the +honourable post of commanding the armament to Guienne should have been +assigned to him as the representative of his diseased parent.[284] +But, perhaps, this was not in his thoughts at all. Certainly no (p. 296) +trace in our histories or public documents is discoverable of any +coolness or distance[285] prevailing afterwards between himself and +his brother Thomas, as though he regarded him as a rival and +supplanter. Hardyng (the two editions of whose poem, brought out at +distant times, and under different auspices, in many cases give a very +different colouring to the same transaction,) represents the time of +the Prince's dismissal from the council, and the temporary quarrel +between him and his father, to have followed soon after the return of +the English soldiers sent to aid the Duke of Burgundy. His second +edition, however, paints in more unfavourable colours the opposition +of the Prince to his father, and sinks that voluntary return to filial +obedience and regard which his first edition had described in +expressions implying praise. In the Lansdowne manuscript, or first +edition, an original marginal note directs the reader to observe "How +the King and the Prince fell at great discord, and soon accorded." + + [Footnote 283: Elmham.] + + [Footnote 284: It may, moreover, be very fairly + conjectured that the presence of the Prince at home + was regarded by the people as far too important at + this time to admit of his leaving the kingdom on + such an expedition. It will be remembered that one + of the first requests made by the parliament on the + accession of his father was, that the Prince's + life, and the welfare of the nation, might not be + hazarded by his departure out of the kingdom; and + subsequently, on his own accession, one of the + first recommendations of his council was that he + would remain in or near London. It is very probable + that a similar wish might have interposed, had he, + and not his brother, been commissioned to conduct + the expedition to Guienne. Calais was so identified + with the kingdom of England that his residence + there is no exception to the rule.] + + [Footnote 285: In the Sloane manuscript, indeed, + we are told that on a pecuniary dispute arising + between Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, and + Thomas Duke of Clarence, with reference to the will + of the late Duke of Exeter, brother of the Bishop, + who was his executor, and whose widow the Duke of + Clarence had married, the Prince took part with the + Bishop, and so the Duke of Clarence failed of + obtaining his full demand.] + + "Then came they home with great thanks and reward, (p. 297) + So, of the Duke of Burgoyne without fail. + Soon after then (befel it afterward) + The Prince was then discharged of counsaile. + His brother Thomas then, for the King's availe, + Was in his stead then set by ordinance, + For which the _Prince_ and _he_ fell at distance. + With whom the King took part, in great sickness, + Again[st] the Prince with all his excellence. + But with a rety of lords and soberness + The Prince came into his magnificence + Obey, and hole with all benevolence + Unto the King, and fully were accord + Of all matters of which they were discord." + +In his later publication, the same writer gives a very different +colouring to the whole proceeding on the part of the Prince; robbing +him of his hearty good-will towards reconciliation, and representing +his return to a right understanding with his father as the result +rather of defeat and compulsion; but this was at a time when the star +of the house of Lancaster had set, and when the house of York was in +the ascendant. + + "The King discharged the Prince from his counsail, + And set my lord Sir Thomas in his stead + Chief of council, for the King's more avail. + For which the Prince, of wrath and wilful head, + Again[st] him made debate and froward head; + With whom the King took part, and held the field + To time the Prince unto the King him yield." + +Either of these representations of Hardyng will fully account for +Shakspeare's + + "Thy place in council thou hast rudely lost, (p. 298) + Which by thy younger brother is supplied:"[286] + +though the poet, by fixing the interview between Henry and his father +before the battle of Shrewsbury, has made the expulsion of the Prince +from the council precede his original admission into it by four years, +and his withdrawal from it by at least eight or nine years. It must +here be remarked, that no historical document records the presence of +Thomas Duke of Clarence as a member of the council-board: though, at +the same time, the records in which we might have expected to find his +presence registered, by observing a similar silence with regard to the +Prince, seem to leave little doubt that Henry had ceased to attend the +board a year before his father's death. Some strong though obscure +passages, moreover, in the Chronicles of the time, would go far to +suggest the probability of a demonstration of his power and (p. 299) +influence through the country having actually taken place on the part +of the Prince. Thus the Chronicle of London records, that "on the last +day of June the Prince came to London with much people and gentles, +and remained in the Bishop of Durham's house till July 11th. And the +King, who was then at St. John's house, removed to the Bishop of +London's palace, and thence to his house at Rotherhithe."[287] But the +Chronicle suggests no reason for these movements and ambiguous +proceedings. Thus, too, on the 23rd of September, the mere fact is +stated that "Prince Henry came to the council with a huge people," +supplying no clue as to the meaning and intention of the concourse. It +cannot, moreover, escape observation, that, though the King held a +council at Rotherhithe on the 8th and on the 10th of July, the Prince +was not present: on the 9th, also, when his brother Thomas was (p. 300) +created Duke of Clarence and Earl of Albemarle, though the Bishop +of Durham, at whose house the Prince was staying, witnessed the +creation, the Prince was not himself one of the witnesses. This +circumstance, indeed may be so interpreted as to remove all idea of +open hostility prevailing at that time between the King and the +Prince. The prelate, it may fairly be supposed, would scarcely have +been a welcome attendant at Rotherhithe, if he were showing all kind +and free hospitality to a rebellious son, who was acting at that very +time in menacing defiance of his father, and evincing by the +demonstration of his numerous and powerful friends the fixed purpose +of avenging himself for whatever insults he might believe himself to +have received from the court party. + + [Footnote 286: A passage which the Author has + lately discovered in the Pell Roll, 18th February + 1412, will not admit of any other interpretation + than that the Prince, at the date of payment, had + ceased to be of the King's especial council. + Members of that board (as appears by various + entries) were paid for their attendance. In the + Easter Roll, for example, of the previous year, + payment on that ground "to the King's brother, the + Bishop of Winchester," is recorded. The payment to + the Prince is thus registered: "To Henry Prince of + Wales 1000 marks,--666_l._ 13_s._ _4d._--ordered by + the King to be paid in consideration of the + labours, costs, and charges sustained by him at the + time when he _was_ of the council of our lord + himself the King,"--"tempore quo fuit de consilio + ipsius Domini Regis."] + + [Footnote 287: Perhaps more importance than the + reality would warrant has been attached to the + circumstance that the King on this occasion went to + Rotherhithe, as though he withdrew from his son for + safety to so unwonted and retired a place. It was + not unusual for Henry IV. to hold his council at + Rotherhithe. A year before this muster of the + Prince's friends, the instructions given to the + Earl of Arundel and others on their embassy to + treat with the Duke of Burgundy for a marriage + between his daughter and the Prince were signed by + the King at Rotherhithe. In these instructions the + Prince is mentioned throughout as though he and his + father were inseparably united in the issue of the + proceeding. "Till the report be made to the King + _and_ his very dear son the Prince." "Our lord the + King is well disposed, _and_ his very dear son my + lord the Prince, to send aid." And Hugh Mortimer, + one of the ambassadors, was chamberlain to the + Prince.] + +Equally in the dark do our records leave us as to the persons who were +the fomentors of this breach between father and son. The oldest +historians intimate that there were mischief-makers, whose malicious +designs were for a time successful. Subsequent events (referred to +hereafter in these volumes) compel us to entertain a strong suspicion +that the Queen (Johanna) was at the head of a party resolved, if +possible, to check the growing and absorbing interest of her +son-in-law in the national council, to diminish his power, and tarnish +his honour.[288] Be this as it may, there are, to be placed in the (p. 301) +opposite scale, facts at which we have already slightly glanced, +seeming to imply that things were going on smoothly between Henry and +his father, even through that brief interval of time about which alone +any doubts can be reasonably entertained. A Minute of the Council, +apparently between the July and September of this year (1412), records +that "it is the King's pleasure for my lord the Prince[289] to have +payment on an assignment for the wages of his men still in his pay in +Wales:" and on the 21st of October, in a council at Merton, "the (p. 302) +King wills that the treasurer of Calais shall not interfere with any +receipt or payments henceforward till otherwise advised; and that the +treasurer of England shall receive all the monies arising from the +third part of the subsidy on wools, to be paid by him from time to +time at his discretion to the treasurer of Calais, with such intent +that my lord the Prince, Captain of the town of Calais, might the more +readily receive payment of what is in arrear to him and his soldiers +living with him, according to the agreement; and also for the increase +of his soldiers by the ordinance of the King beyond the number +comprised in that agreement." + + [Footnote 288: Who were the inferior agents in this + ungracious and mischievous proceeding we have not + discovered. Perhaps, however, the Author would not + be justified in suppressing a suspicion which has + forced itself on his mind, that, among those who + entertained no kind feeling towards the Prince, was + Richard Kyngeston, then late Archdeacon of + Hereford, for a long time employed in the King's + household, and through whose administration the + expenses seem to have swollen very much; to control + which was one of the principal causes for the + appointment of the Prince, the Bishop of + Winchester, and others, to be members of the + especial council of the King. This suspicion was + first suggested by the absence of all allusion to + the Prince in the Archdeacon's letters to the King + from Hereford in the early years of the Welsh + rebellion, though Henry was close at hand; and the + very ambiguous expression, "Trust ye nought to no + lieutenant," when the Prince himself was virtually, + if not already by indenture, Lieutenant of Wales.] + + [Footnote 289: We have already seen that in the + month of May the Prince in his own person (with his + brothers) ratifies the league entered into between + the King and the Dukes of Orleans, Berry, and + Bourbon. Jean le Fevre dates it May 8th, 1412.] + +On the whole of this extraordinary and mysterious passage of Henry of +Monmouth's life, the Author must confess that it will be no surprise +to him to find (with a mass of other matter more voluminous and +important than we may now anticipate) new evidence affecting Henry's +character, probably to his utter exculpation, possibly to his +disadvantage, yet forthcoming from the countless treasures of +unpublished records. Meanwhile, he can now, after a patient +examination of all the books and manuscripts, original documents and +subsequent histories, with which it has been his lot to meet, only +return a verdict upon the evidence before him. And the inferences in +which alone he has been able satisfactorily to acquiesce, are +these:--First, that, after the Prince had for some time been most (p. 303) +active and indefatigable President of the Council; he ceased to +retain that office in consequence of a misunderstanding between +himself and his father, fostered by some persons whose interest or +malicious pleasure instigated them to so unworthy an expedient: +Secondly, that after a demonstration of his strength in the affections +and devotedness of the people, for the purpose (not of acting with +violence or intimidation towards the King,[290] but) of convincing his +enemies that the machinations of jealousy and detraction would (p. 304) +have no power permanently to blast his reputation, and crush his +influence, the alienation was soon happily terminated by the frank and +filial conduct of the Prince, who as anxiously sought a full +reconciliation as his father willingly conceded it: Thirdly, that, +through the last months of his life, the King was free from all +uneasiness and disquietude on that ground; and that the illness which +terminated his earthly career, instead of being aggravated by the +Prince's undutiful demeanour, was lightened by his affectionate +attendance; and the dying monarch was comforted by the tender offices +of his son. + + [Footnote 290: Among the conjectures which may + suggest themselves as to the possible origin of the + manuscripts' charge, that the Prince sought to + obtain from his father a resignation of his crown, + it might not be unreasonably surmised, nor would + the supposition reflect unfavourably at all on + Henry's character, that, finding his father to be + in the hands of unworthy persons, preying upon his + fortune, misdirecting his counsels, rendering the + monarch personally unpopular, and bringing the + monarchy itself into disrepute, (of all which evils + there is strong evidence,) the Prince might have + urged on his father the necessity of again + intrusting the management of the public weal (which + disease had incapacitated him from conducting + himself) to the hands of the same counsellors who + had before served him and the realm to the + acknowledged profit and honour of both. The Prince + might, influenced only by the most honest, and + upright, and affectionate motives, have professed + his willingness to undertake the duties again from + which he had (with his colleagues) been as it + should seem causelessly discharged. And such a + proceeding on his part might easily have been so + misrepresented as to constitute the charge + contained in the manuscript. The representations of + Elmham, to which we have already briefly referred, + and which are confirmed by other early writers, are + so express with reference to these points, that + they seem to require something more than a mere + reference in this place. "When his father was + suffering under the torture of a grievous sickness, + the Prince endeavoured with filial devotedness to + meet his wishes in every possible way; and + notwithstanding the biting detraction and manifold + accusations of some, which (according to the + prevalence of common opinion) made efforts to + diminish the kind feeling of the father towards his + son, the Prince himself, by means of his own most + affectionate kindness, succeeded finally in + securing with his father favour, grace, and + blessing, though those envious persons still + resisted it."--Cum idem pater gravissimis + ægritudinis incommodis torqueretur, eidem juxta + omnem possibilitatem, totis conatibus, filiali + obsequio obedivit, et non obstante quorundam + detractatione mordaci et accusatione multiplici quæ + (prout vulgaris opinio cecinit) paterni favoris in + filium moliebantur decrementa, ipse invidis + renitentibus, suæ piissimæ benignitatis mediis, + apud patrem, favorem, gratiam et benedictionem + finaliter consequi merebatur.] + +On the whole (allowing for inaccuracies as well of addition as of +omission, which, though incapable of any specific correction, must +perhaps exist in so detailed a narrative,) we shall not be far (p. 305) +from the truth if we accept in its general outline the relation of +this event as we find it in Stowe. + +"Henry, the Prince, offended with certain of his father's family, who +were said to sow discord between the father and the son, wrote unto +all the parts of the realm, endeavouring himself to refute all the +practices and imaginations of such detractors and slanderous people; +and, to make the matter more manifest to the world, he came to the +King, his father, about the Feast of Peter and Paul, with such a +number of his friends and wellwishers, as a greater had not been seen +in those days. He was straightway admitted to his father's presence, +of whom this one thing he besought of him, that if such as had accused +him might be convicted of unjust accusation, they might be punished, +not according to their deserts, but yet, after their lies were proved, +they might somewhat taste of that which they had meant, although not +to the uttermost. The which request the King seemed to grant; but he +told him that he must tarry a parliament, that such might be tried and +punished by judgment of their peers."[291] Stowe refers to the work +ascribed to Otterbourne, the sentiments of which he faithfully +represents, and then proceeds with the further narrative. "The King +had entertained suspicions in consequence of the Prince's excesses, +and the great recourse of people unto him, of which his court (p. 306) +was at all times more abundant than his father's, that he would +presume to usurp the crown; so that, in consequence of this suspicious +jealousy, he withdrew in part his affection and singular love from the +Prince.[292] He was accompanied by a large body of lords and +gentlemen; but those he would not suffer to advance beyond the fire in +the hall, in order to remove all suspicion from his father of any +intention to overawe or intimidate him. As soon as the Prince had +declared to his father that his life was not so desirable to him that +he would wish to live one day to his father's displeasure, and that he +coveted not so much his own life as his father's pleasure and welfare, +the King embraced the Prince, and with tears addressed him: 'My right +dear and heartily beloved son, it is of truth that I had you partly +suspect, and, as I now perceive, undeserved on your part. I will have +you no longer in distrust for any reports that shall be made unto me. +And thereof I assure you upon my honour.' Thus, by his great wisdom, +was the wrongful imagination of his father's hate utterly avoided, and +himself restored to the King's former grace and favour." + + [Footnote 291: Stowe's Annals.] + + [Footnote 292: How far we ought to believe the + strange story about the Prince visiting his father + in a mountebank's disguise, and praying the King to + stab him with a dagger which he presented to him, + is very problematical. There is much about it, and + its circumstances, which gives it the air of great + incredibility. Stowe here assumes, without good + ground, that the suspicions of the King were + excited by Henry's excesses.] + +Stowe then reports that after Christmas the King called a (p. 307) +parliament (on the morrow of the Purification, February 3,) to the end +of which he did not survive. During his illness, which became much +worse from about Christmas, he gave most excellent advice to Henry; +the particulars of which, as recorded by Stowe, are probably more the +fruits of the writer's imagination than the faithful transcript of any +recorded sentiments. Still the possibility of their having existed in +documents since lost, may perhaps be deemed a sufficient reason for +assigning to them a place in this work. + +"'My dear and well-beloved son, I beseech thee, and upon my blessing +charge thee, that, like as thou hast said, so thou minister justice +equally, and in no wise suffer them that be oppressed long to call +upon thee for justice; but redress oppressions, and indifferently and +without delay: for no persuasion of flatterers, nor of them that be +partial, or such as have their hands replenished with gifts, defer not +justice till to-morrow if that thou mayest do justice this day, lest +peradventure God do justice on thee in the mean time, and take from +thee thine authority. Remember that the wealth of thy body and thy +soul and of thy realm resteth in the execution of justice: and do not +thy justice so that thou be called a tyrant; but use thyself in the +middle way between justice and mercy in those things that belong to +thee. And between parties do justice truly, to the consolation of thy +poor subjects that suffer injuries, and to the punishment of (p. 308) +them that be extortioners and doers of oppression, that others thereby +may take example; and in thus doing thou shalt obtain the favour of +God, and the love and fear of thy subjects; and therefore also thou +shalt have thy realm more in tranquillity and rest, which shall be +occasion of great prosperity within thy realm, which Englishmen +naturally do desire; for, so long as they have wealth and riches, so +long shalt thou have obeisance; and, when they be poor, then they be +always ready at every motion to make insurrections, and it causeth +them to rebel against their sovereign lord; for the nature of them is +such rather to fear losing of their goods and worldly substance, than +the jeopardy of their lives. And if thou thus keep them in subjection, +mixed with love and fear, thou shalt have the most peaceable and +fertile country, and the most loving, faithful, and manly people of +the world; which shall be cause of no small fear to thine adversaries. +My son, when it shall please God to call me to the way decreed for +every worldly creature, to thee, as my son and heir, I must leave my +crown and my realm; which I advise thee not to take vainly, and as a +man elate in pride, and rejoiced in worldly honour; but think that +thou art more oppressed with charge to purvey for every person within +the realm, than exalted by vain honour of the world. Thou shalt be +exalted unto the crown for the wealth and conservation of the realm, +and not for thy singular commodity and avail. My son, thou (p. 309) +shalt be a minister unto thy realm, to keep it in tranquillity and to +defend it. Like as the heart in the midst of the body is principal and +chief thing, and serveth to covet and desire that thing that is most +necessary to every of thy members; so, my son, thou shalt be amongst +thy people as chief and principal of them, to minister, imagine, and +acquire those things that may be most beneficial unto them. And then +thy people shall be obedient unto thee, to aid and succour thee, and +in all things to accomplish thy commandments, like as thy ministers +labour every one in his office to acquire and get that thing that thy +heart desireth: and as thy heart is of no force, and impotent, without +the aid of thy members, so without thy people thy reign is nothing. My +son, thou shalt fear and dread God above all things; and thou shalt +love, honour, and worship him with all thy heart: thou shalt attribute +and ascribe to him all things wherein thou seest thyself to be well +fortunate, be it victory of thine enemies, love of thy friends, +obedience of thy subjects, strength and activeness of body, honour, +riches, or fruitful generations, or any other thing, whatever it be, +that chanceth to thy pleasure. Thou shalt not imagine that any such +thing should fortune to thee by thine act, nor by thy desert; but thou +shalt think that all cometh only of the goodness of the Lord. Thus +shalt thou with all thine heart praise, honour, and thank God for all +his benefits that he giveth unto thee. And in thyself eschew (p. 310) +all vainglory and elation of heart, following the wholesome counsel of +the Psalmist, which saith, 'Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us! but unto +thy name give the praise!' These, and many other admonitions and +doctrines, this victorious King gave unto this noble Prince his son, +who with effect followed the same after the death of his father, +whereby he obtained grace of our Lord to attain to great victories, +and many glorious and incredible conquests, through the help and +succour of our Lord, whereof he was never destitute." + + * * * * * + +For the exquisitely beautiful picture of Shakspeare, called by some +'The Chamber Scene,' by others 'The Crown Scene,' the materials +probably were gathered from Monstrelet, whose narrative is the only +evidence we now have of the incident. That narrative, indeed, is not +contradicted by any other account; still its authenticity is very +questionable. It is, perhaps, impossible not to entertain a suspicion +that a French writer would, without much enquiry, admit an anecdote by +which Henry IV. is made to disclaim all title to the English throne, +and, by immediate consequence, all title to the English possessions in +the fair realm of France. It is also improbable either that Henry IV. +would have uttered this sentiment in the presence of a witness, or +that his son would have made it known to others. Monstrelet's +anecdote, nevertheless, being the source of so inimitable a (p. 311) +scene as Shakspeare has drawn from it, deserves a place here: "The +King's attendant, not perceiving him to breathe, concluded he was +dead, and covered his face with a cloth. The crown was then upon a +cushion near the bed. The Prince, believing his father to be dead, +took away the crown. Shortly after, the King uttered a groan, and +revived; and, missing his crown, sent for his son, and asked why he +had removed it. The Prince mentioned his supposition that his father +had died. The King gave a deep sigh, and said, 'My fair son, what +right have you to it? you knew I had none.'--'My lord,' replied Henry, +'as you have held it by right of your sword, it is my intent to hold +and defend it the same during my life.' The King answered, 'Well, all +as you see best; I leave all things to God, and pray that he will have +mercy on me.' Shortly after, without uttering another word, he +expired."[293] + + [Footnote 293: Monstrelet, viii.] + +Henry IV. expired on Monday, March 20, 1413; and his remains were +taken to Canterbury, and there interred near the grave of his first +wife. Clement Maidstone[294] testifies to his having heard a man swear +to his father, that he threw the body into the Thames between Barking +and Gravesend; but, on a late investigation, under the superintendence +of members of the cathedral, the body was found still to be in the +coffin, proving the falsehood of this foolish story.[295] (p. 312) +The funeral was celebrated with great solemnity; and Henry V. attended +in person to assist in paying this last homage of respect to the +earthly remains of his sovereign and father. + + [Footnote 294: Anglia Sacra, vol. ii. p. 371.] + + [Footnote 295: Archæologia.] + + + + +CHAPTER XIV. (p. 313) + +HENRY OF MONMOUTH'S CHARACTER. -- UNFAIRNESS OF MODERN WRITERS. -- +WALSINGHAM EXAMINED. -- TESTIMONY OF HIS FATHER -- OF HOTSPUR -- OF +THE PARLIAMENT -- OF THE ENGLISH AND WELSH COUNTIES -- OF CONTEMPORARY +CHRONICLERS. -- NO ONE SINGLE ACT OF IMMORALITY ALLEGED AGAINST HIM. +-- NO INTIMATION OF HIS EXTRAVAGANCE, OR INJUSTICE, OR RIOT, OR +LICENTIOUSNESS, IN WALES, LONDON, OR CALAIS. -- DIRECT TESTIMONY TO +THE OPPOSITE VIRTUES. -- LYDGATE. -- OCCLEVE. + + +The hour of his father's death having been fixed upon as the date of +Henry's reputed conversion from a career of thoughtless dissipation +and reckless profligacy to a life of religion and virtue, this may +appear to be the most suitable place for a calm review of his previous +character and conduct. + +In the very threshold of our inquiry, perhaps the most remarkable +circumstance to be observed is this, that whilst the charges now so +unsparingly and unfeelingly brought against his character, rest solely +on the vague, general, and indefinite assertions of writers, (many of +whom appear to aim at exalting his repentance into somewhat +approaching a miraculous conversion,) no one single act of +violence,[296] intemperance, injustice, immorality, or even (p. 314) +levity of any kind, religious or moral, is placed upon record. Either +sweeping and railing accusations are alleged, unsubstantiated by proof +or argument; or else his subsequent repentance is cited to bear +testimony to his former misdoings. Thus one writer asserts;[297] "This +monarch, in the former part of his life, was remarkable for +dissipation and extravagance of conduct; in the latter, he became the +slave of the popedom. Voluptuousness, ambition, superstition, each in +their turn had the ascendant in this extraordinary character." Thus +does another sum up the whole question in one short note:[298] "The +assertions of his reformation are so express, that the fact cannot be +justly questioned without doubting all history; and, if there were +reformation, there must have been previous errors."[299] + + [Footnote 296: The story of the Chief Justice, &c. + will be examined separately and at length. The + charge from Calais of peculation (we have already + seen) brought with it its own refutation: whilst + the evidence on which alone the charge against him + of undutiful conduct towards his father rests is + proved to be altogether devoid of credit.] + + [Footnote 297: Milner, Church History, Cent. XV.] + + [Footnote 298: Turner, History of England, book ii. + ch. x.] + + [Footnote 299: Rapin, who follows Hall, and gives + no better authority, tells us that Prince Henry's + court was the receptacle of libertines, debauchees, + buffoons, parasites, and the like. The question + naturally suggests itself, "Ought not such a writer + as Rapin to have sought for some evidence to + support this assertion?" Had he sought diligently, + and reported honestly, such a sentence as this + could never have fallen from his pen. Carte gives a + very different view of Henry of Monmouth's court; + and a view, as many believe, far nearer the truth. + "It was crowded," he says, "by the nobles and great + men of the land, when his father's court was + comparatively deserted."] + +The expressions of Walsingham, (being the same in his History, (p. 315) +and in the work called "Ypodigma Neustriæ," or "A Sketch of Normandy," +which he dedicated to Henry V. himself,) are considered by some +persons to have laid an insurmountable barrier in the way of those who +would remove from Henry's "brow," as Prince, "the stain" of "wildness, +riot, and dishonour." And, doubtless, no one who would discharge the +office of an upright judge or an honest witness, would either suppress +or gloss over the passage which is supposed to present these +formidable difficulties, or withdraw from the balance a particle of +the full weight which might appear after examination to belong to that +passage as its own. In our inquiry, however, we must be upon our guard +against the fallacy in which too many writers, when handling this +question, have indulged by arguing in a circle. We must not first say, +Walsingham bears testimony to Henry's early depravity, therefore we +must believe him to have been guilty; and then conclude, because +tradition fixes delinquency on Henry's early days, therefore +Walsingham's passage can admit only of that interpretation which fixes +the guilt upon him. Let Walsingham's text be fairly sifted upon its +own merits; and then, whatever shall appear to have been his (p. 316) +meaning of an adverse nature, let that be added to the evidence +against Henry; and let the whole be put into the scale, and weighed +against whatever may be alleged in refutation of the charges with +which his memory has been assailed. It would be the result then of a +morbid deference to the opinions of others, rather than the judgment +of his own reasoning, were the Author to withhold his persuasion that +more importance has been assigned to Walsingham's words than a full +and unbiassed scrutiny into their real bearing would sanction. To the +judgment of each individually must this branch of evidence, no less +than the entire question of Henry's moral character, be left. A +transcript of Walsingham's words, as they appear in the printed +editions of his History and in the "Ypodigma Neustriæ,"[300] will be +found at the foot of the page.[301] The following is probably (p. 317) +as close a rendering of the original, as the strangely metaphorical, +and in some cases the obscure expressions of Walsingham will bear. "On +which day [of Henry's coronation] there was a very severe storm of +snow, all persons marvelling at the roughness of the weather. Some +considered the disturbance of the atmosphere as portending the new +King's destiny to be cold in action, severe in discipline and in the +exercise of the royal functions; others, forming a milder estimate of +the person of the King, interpreted this inclemency of the sky as the +best omen, namely, that the King himself would cause the colds and +snows of vices to fall in his reign, and the mild fruits of (p. 318) +virtues to spring up; so that, with practical truth, it might be said +by his subjects, 'The winter is past, the rain is over and gone.' For +verily, as soon as he was initiated with the chaplet of royalty, he +suddenly was changed into another man, studying rectitude, modesty, +and gravity, [or propriety, moderation, and steadiness,] desiring to +exercise every class of virtue without omitting any; whose manners and +conduct were an example to persons of every condition in life, as well +of the clergy as of the laity." + + [Footnote 300: The Author has searched in vain for + any contemporary manuscript of Walsingham's + "Ypodigma Neustriæ." There is a copy in the British + Museum, written up to a certain point on vellum; + the latter part, containing these sentences, is on + paper, and of comparatively a very recent date, + transcribed, as the Author thinks, not from a + previous MS. of the Ypodigma, but from a copy of + the History. His ground for this inference is the + circumstance that the interpolation in the History, + as to Edmund Mortimer's death, which is not found + in the printed editions of the Ypodigma, occurs in + this MS. The MS. on vellum, preserved in the + Heralds' College, is a copy of the History, + transcribed, as the Author conceives, by a very + ignorant copyist. The same interpolation of "Obiit" + occurs here also; and, instead of calling the + person spoken of Edmund Mortimer, it has "Edmundus + mortifer." The Author was very desirous of + comparing the original copy of Walsingham's + Ypodigma, as dedicated to Henry V, with subsequent + transcripts or versions. He entertains a strong + suspicion that the sentences here commented upon + were not in the original; but, in the absence of + the means of ascertaining the matter of fact, he + reasons upon them as though they were actually + submitted to the eye of Henry himself.] + + [Footnote 301: "Quo die fuit tempestas nivis + maxima, cunctis admirantibus de temporis + asperitate; quibusdam novelli Regis fatis + impingentibus aeris turbulentiam, velut ipse + futurus esset in agendis frigidus, in regimine + regnoque severus. Aliis mitiųs de personâ Regis + sapientibus, et hanc aeris intemperiem + interpretantibus omen optimum, quōd ipse videlicet + nives et frigora vitiorum faceret in regno cadere, + et serenos virtutum fructus emergere; ut posset + effectualiter ā suis dici subditis, 'Jam enim hyems + transiit, imber abiit et recessit.' Qui reverâ, mox + ut initiatus est regni infulis, repente mutatus est + in virum alterum, honestati, modestiæ, ac gravitati + studens, nullum virtutum genus omittens quod non + cuperet exercere. Cujus mores et gestus omni + conditioni, tām religiosorum quām laicorum, in + exempla fuere."] + +Unquestionably, from these expressions an inference may be drawn +fairly, and without harshness or exaggeration, that the "changed man" +had been in times past negligent of some important branches of moral +duty; vehement, hasty, and impetuous in his general proceedings; and +not considering in his pursuits their fitness for his station and +place; in a word, guilty of moral delinquencies immediately opposed to +the virtues enumerated. On the other hand, by specifying those three +moral qualities, (in which this passage is interpreted to imply that +Henry's life had undergone a sudden and total change,--rectitude, +modesty, and steadiness,) Walsingham appears to have selected exactly +those identical points, for Henry's full possession of which the +parliament of England had felicitated his father; and which, either +separately, or in combination with other excellencies, continued to be +ascribed to him at various times, as occasion offered, even to (p. 319) +a period within a few months of his accession to the throne. Never +did a young man receive from his contemporaries more unequivocal +testimony to the practical exercise in his person of propriety, +modesty, and perseverance, than Henry of Monmouth received before he +became King. + +It may be said, and with perfect fairness, that the testimony of +parliament to his virtues so early as the year 1406 leaves a most +important chasm in a young man's life, during which he might have +fallen from his integrity, and have rapidly formed habits of the +opposite vices. But through that period no expressions occur in +history which even by implication involve any degeneracy, any change +from good to bad. On the contrary, to his zeal and steadiness, and +perseverance and integrity, such incidental testimony is borne from +time to time as would of itself leave a very different impression on +the mind from that which Walsingham's words in their usual acceptation +would convey; whilst no allusion whatever is discernible to any habits +or practices contrary to the principles of religious and moral +self-government. Indeed, it has been, not without reason, doubted +whether, in the absence of more positive testimony, such sudden +changes, first from good to bad, and then from bad to good, be not in +themselves improbable. + +On the whole, whilst each must be freely left to pronounce his own +verdict, it is here humbly but sincerely suggested that (p. 320) +Walsingham's words fairly admit of an interpretation more in +accordance with the view of Henry's moral worth generally adopted in +these Memoirs; namely, that his character rose suddenly with the +occasion; that new energies were called into action by his new duties; +that his moral and intellectual powers kept on a level with his +elevation to so high a dignity, and with such an increase of power and +influence; and that he continued to excite the admiration of the world +by improving rapidly in every excellence, as his awful sense of the +momentous responsibility he then for the first time felt imposed upon +him grew in strength and intenseness. He became "another, a new man," +by giving himself up with all his soul to his new duties as sovereign; +and by cultivating with practical devotedness those virtues which +might render him (and which, as Walsingham says, did actually render +him) a bright and shining example to every class of his subjects.[302] + + [Footnote 302: Hardyng uses this expression: + + "A new man made in all good regimence."] + +Undoubtedly most of the subsequent chroniclers not only speak of his +reformation, but broadly state that he had given himself very great +licence in self-gratification, and therefore needed to be reformed. +Before Shakspeare's day, the reports adopted by our historiographers +had fully justified him in his representation of Henry's early +courses; and, since his time, few writers have considered it their +duty to verify the exquisite traits of his pencil, or examine (p. 321) +the evidence on which he rested. + + "His addiction was to courses vain; + His companies unlettered, rude, and shallow; + His hours filled up with riots, banquets, sports; + And never noted in him any study, + Any retirement, any sequestration + From open haunts and popularity." + +Let the investigator who is resolved not to yield an implicit and +blind assent to vague assertion, however positive, and how often +soever repeated, well and truly try for himself the issue by evidence, +and trace Henry from his boyhood; let him search with unsparing +diligence and jealous scrutiny through every authentic document +relating to him; let his steps be followed into the marches, the +towns, the valleys, and the mountains of Wales; let him be watched +narrowly month after month during his residence in London, or wherever +he happened to be staying with the court, or in Calais during his +captaincy there; and not a single hint occurs of any one +irregularity.[303] The research will bring to light no single +expression savouring of impiety, dissoluteness, carelessness, (p. 322) +or even levity. + + [Footnote 303: The Author having heard of a + reported arrest of the Prince at Coventry for a + riot, with his two brothers, in 1412, took great + pains to investigate the authenticity of the + record. It is found in a manuscript of a date not + earlier than James I; whilst the more ancient + writings of the place are entirely silent on the + subject. The best local antiquaries, after having + carefully examined the question, have reported the + whole story to the Author as apocryphal.] + +Testimony, on the other hand, ample and repeated, as we have already +seen in these pages, is borne to his valour, and unremitting exertions +and industry; to his firmness of purpose, his integrity his filial +duty and affection; his high-mindedness (in the best sense of the +word), his generous spirit, his humanity, his habits of mind, so +unsuspecting as to expose him often to the over-reaching designs of +the crafty and the unprincipled, his pious trust in Providence, and +habitual piety and devotion. To these, and other excellences in his +moral compound, his father,[304] and his father's antagonist, (p. 323) +Hotspur, the assembled parliament of England, the common people +of Wales, the gentlemen of distant counties, contemporary chroniclers, +(combined with the public records of the kingdom and the internal +evidence of his own letters,) bear direct and unstinted witness. From +the first despatch of Hotspur to the last vote of thanks in +parliament, there is a chain of testimonies (detailed in their +chronological order in previous chapters of this work) very seldom +equalled in the case of so young a man, and, through so long a period, +perhaps never surpassed. And yet, though he was through the whole of +that time the constant object of observation, and the subject of men's +thoughts and words, no complaint of any neglect of duty arrests our +notice, nor is there even an insinuation thrown out of any excess, +indiscretion, or extravagance whatever. Not a word from the tongue of +friend or foe, of accuser or apologist, would induce us to suspect +that anything wrong was stifled or kept back. There are complaints of +the extravagant expenditure of his father, and recommendations of +retrenchment and economy in the King's household; but never on any +occasion, (even when the Prince is most urgent and importunate for +supplies of money, offering the most favourable and inviting +opportunity for remonstrance or remark), is there the slightest (p. 324) +innuendo either from the King, the Lords of the council, or the +Commons in parliament, that he expended the least sum unnecessarily.[305] +No improper channel of expense, public or private, domestic or +personal, is glanced at; nothing is objected to in his establishment; +no item is recommended to be abolished or curtailed; no change of +conduct is hinted at as desirable. And yet subsequent writers speak +with one accord of his reformation; "and reformation implies previous +errors." After examining whatever documents concerning him the most +diligent research could discover, the Author is compelled to report as +his unbiassed and deliberate judgment, that the character with which +Henry of Monmouth's name has been stamped for profligacy and +dissipation, is founded, not on the evidence of facts, but on the +vagueness of tradition. Still such is the tradition, and it must stand +for its due value. And if we allow tradition to tell us of his faults, +we must in common fairness receive from the same tradition the +fullness of his reformation; if we give credence to one who reports +both his guilt and his penitence, we must record both accounts or +neither. Before, however, we repeat what tradition has delivered (p. 325) +down as to Henry's conduct and behaviour immediately upon his father's +death, it may be well for us to review some of those testimonies to +his character, his principles, and his conduct, which incidentally +(but not on that account less acceptably or less satisfactorily) offer +themselves to our notice, scattered up and down through the pages of +former days. + + [Footnote 304: It is not within the province of + these Memoirs to record the Will of Henry IV, or to + comment upon its provisions. There is, however, one + sentence in it, a reference to which cannot be out + of place here. In the year 1408, 21st January, a + Will, which to the day of his death he never + revoked, contains this sentence written in English: + "And for to execute this testament well and truly, + for the great trust that I have of my son the + Prince, I ordain and make him my executor of my + testament aforesaid, calling to him such as him + thinketh in his discretion that can and will labour + to the soonest speed of my will comprehended in + this my testament. And to fulfil all things + aforesaid truly, I charge my aforesaid son on my + blessing." It may deserve consideration whether + this clause in a father's last Will, never revoked, + be consistent with the idea of his having expelled + the son of whom he thus speaks from his council, + and banished him his presence; and whether it may + not fairly be put in the opposite scale against the + vague and unsubstantial assertions of the Prince's + recklessness, and his father's alienation from him. + It must at the same time be borne in mind that the + Will was made before the time usually selected as + the period of their estrangement. The Will, + nevertheless, was not revoked nor altered in this + particular.] + + [Footnote 305: In a fragment of the records of a + council, 6 May 1421, among other former debts not + provided for, such as "ancient debts for Harfleur + and Calais," occurs one item, "Debts of Henry IV;" + and another, "Debts of the King, whilst he was + Prince." We have seen that he was more than once + compelled to borrow money on his plate and jewels + to pay the King's soldiers.] + + * * * * * + +Were we to draw an inference from the summary way in which many modern +authors have cut short the question with regard to Henry of Monmouth's +character as Prince of Wales, we should conclude that all the evidence +was on one side; that, whilst "it is unfair to distinguished merit to +dwell on the blemishes which it has regretted and reformed," still no +doubt can be entertained of his having, "from a too early initiation +into military life, stooped to practise irregularities between the +ages of sixteen and twenty-five."[306] Whereas the fact is, that no +allusion to such irregularities is made where we might have expected +to find it; and that, independently of those more formal proofs to the +contrary which are embodied in these pages, and to which we have above +briefly referred, contemporary writers and undisputed documents supply +us with materials for judging of his temper of mind and early +habit,--the character, in short, with which those who had the best (p. 326) +opportunities of knowing him, were wont to associate his name. + + [Footnote 306: Turner.] + +All accounts agree in reporting him to have been devotedly fond of +music. As the household expenses of his father informed us, he played +upon the harp before he was ten years old; nor does he seem ever to +have lost the habit of deriving gratification from the same art. It +were easy to represent him prostituting this love of minstrelsy in the +haunts of Eastcheap, and enjoying "through the sweetest morsel of the +night" the songs of impurity in reckless Bacchanalian revels, +self-condemned indeed, and therefore to be judged by others leniently: + + "I feel me much to blame + So idly to profane the precious time:"[307] + +but nevertheless guilty of profaning the sacred art of music in the +midst of worthless companions, and in the very sinks of low and +dissolute profligacy. This it were easy to do, and this has been done. +But history lends no countenance to such representations. The +chroniclers, who refer again and again to his fondness for music, tell +us that it showed itself in him under very different associations. "He +delighted (as Stowe records) in songs, metres, and musical +instruments; insomuch that in his chapel, among his private prayers he +used our Lord's prayer, certain psalms of David, with divers hymns and +canticles, all which _I_ have seen translated into English metre (p. 327) +by John Lydgate, Monk of Bury." In this view we are strongly confirmed +by several items of expense specified in the Pell Rolls, which record +sums paid to organists and singers sent over for the use of Henry's +chapel whilst he was in France; but this, being subsequent to his +supposed conversion, cannot be alleged in evidence on the point at +issue.[308] It only shows that his early acquired love of music never +deserted him. + + [Footnote 307: Second Part of Henry IV, act ii. sc + 4.] + + [Footnote 308: Pell Rolls, 7 Hen. V. 28th + Oct.--Dē. 22nd Nov.] + +In this place, moreover, we cannot refrain from anticipating, what +might perhaps have been reserved with equal propriety to a subsequent +page, that the same dry details of the Pell Rolls[309] enable us to +infer with satisfaction that Henry made his love of minstrelsy +contribute to the gratification of himself and the partner of his joys +and cares, supplying an intimation of domestic habits and conjugal +satisfaction, without which a life passed in the splendour of royalty +must be irksome, and blessed with which the cottage of the poor man +possesses the most enviable treasure. Whether in their home at +Windsor, or during their happy progress through England in the halls +of York and Chester, or in the tented ground on the banks of the Seine +before Melun, our imagination has solid foundation to build (p. 328) +upon when we picture to ourselves Henry and his beloved princess +passing innocently and happily, in minstrelsy and song, some of the +hours spared from the appeals of justice, the exigencies of the state, +or the marshalling of the battle-field. + + [Footnote 309: Pell Rolls, 8 Hen. V. (2nd Oct. + 1420.) For the price of harps for the King and + Queen, 8_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ A subsequent item (Sept. + 4, 1421), records payment of 2_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ for + a harp purchased at his command and sent to him in + France.] + +But that Henry had also imbibed a real love of literature, and valued +it highly, we possess evidence which well deserves attention. He was +so much enamoured of the "Tale of Troy divine," that he directed John +Lydgate, Monk of Bury St. Edmund's, to translate two poems, "The Death +of Hector," and "The Fall of Troy," into English verse, that his own +countrymen might not be behind the rest of Europe in their knowledge +of the works of antiquity. The testimony borne by this author to the +character of Henry for perseverance and stedfastness of purpose; for +sound practical wisdom, and, at the same time, for a ready and ardent +desire of the counsel of the wise; for mercy mingled with high and +princely resolve and love of justice; for all those qualities which +can adorn a Christian prince,--is so full in itself, and so direct, +and (if honest) is so conclusive, that any memoirs of Henry's life and +character would be culpably defective which should exclude it. The +circumstance, also, of that testimony being couched in the vernacular +language of the times, affords another point of interest to the +English antiquary. Sometimes, indeed, we cannot help suspecting that +the poem has undergone some verbal and grammatical alterations in (p. 329) +the course of the four centuries which have elapsed since it was +penned; but that circumstance does not affect its credibility. + +We may be fully aware that the evidence of a poet dedicating a work to +his patron is open to the suspicion of partiality and flattery, and we +may be willing that as much should be deducted on that score from the +weight of the Monk of Bury's testimony as the reader may impartially +pronounce just; still the naked fact remains unimpeached, that the +poet was importuned by Henry, _when Prince_, to translate two works +for the use of his countrymen. Lydgate, it must not be forgotten, +expressly declares that he undertook the work at the "high command of +Henry Prince of Wales," and that he entered upon it in the autumn of +1412; the exact time when some would have us believe that he was in +the mid-career of his profligacy, and at open variance with his +father. However, let Lydgate's testimony be valued at a fair price; no +one has ever impeached his character for honesty, or accused him of +flattery. Still he may be guilty in both respects. And yet, in a work +published at that very time, we can scarcely believe that any one +would have addressed a wild profligate and noted prodigal in such +verses; and it is very questionable whether, had he done so, any one +who delighted in libertinism and boasted of his follies would have +been gratified by the ascription to himself of a character in (p. 330) +all points so directly the reverse. If his patron were an example +of irregularities and licentiousness, it is beyond the reach of +ill-nature and credulity combined to hold it probable that he would +have extolled him for self-restraint, for steady moral and mental +discipline, for manliness at once and virtue, for delighting in +ancient lore, and promoting its free circulation far and wide with the +sole purpose and intent of sowing virtue and discountenancing vice. +Such an effusion would have savoured rather of irony and bitter +sarcasm, than of a desire to write what would be acceptable to the +individual addressed. Lydgate's is the testimony, we confess, of a +poet and a friend, but it is the testimony of a contemporary; of one +who saw Henry in his daily walks, conversed with him often, had a +personal knowledge of his habits and predilections; at all events, he +was one who, by recording the fact that Henry, when Prince, urged him +to translate for his countrymen two poems which he had himself +delighted to read in the original, records at the same time the fact +that Henry was himself a scholar, and the patron of ingenuous +learning. + +The testimony borne to the character of Henry of Monmouth by the poet +Occleve[310] is more indirect than Lydgate's, but not on that (p. 331) +account less valuable or satisfactory. Occleve represents himself +as walking pensive and sad, in sorrow of heart, pressed down by +poverty, when he is met by a poor old man who accosts him with +kindness. The poet then details their conversation. He communicates to +the aged man, whom he calls father, his worldly wants and anxiety; +who, addressing him by the endearing name of son, endeavours to +suggest to him some means of procuring a remedy for his distress. His +advice is, to write a poem or two with great pains, and present them +to the Prince, with the full assurance that he would graciously accept +them, and relieve his wants. They must be written, he says, with +especial care, because of the Prince's great skill and judgment; +whilst of their welcome the Prince's gentle and benign bearing towards +all worthy suitors gives a most certain pledge. If Occleve deserves +our confidence, Henry, in the estimation of his contemporaries, even +whilst he was yet Prince of Wales, had the character of a gentle and +kind-hearted man; one whose "heart was full applied to grant," and not +to send a petitioner empty away. Instead of his revelling amidst loose +companions at the Boar in East-Cheap, his contemporaries thought they +should best meet his humour, if they supplied him with a "tale fresh +and gay,"[311] for his study when he was in his own chamber, and (p. 332) +was still. So far from thinking that an author would suit his taste by +furnishing any of those works which minister what is grateful to a +depraved mind, their admonition was, to write nothing which could sow +the seeds of vice. They deemed him, if any one, able to set the true +value on a literary work; and felt that, if they purposed to present +any production of their own for his perusal and gratification, they +must take especial pains to make it really good. They had formed, +moreover, such an opinion of his high excellence, and his abhorrence +of flattery, that they thought a man had better undertake a pilgrimage +to Jerusalem than be guilty of any indiscretion in this particular. +Let any impartial person meditate on these things; let him (p. 333) +carefully read the extracts from Lydgate and Occleve which will be +found in the Appendix; and remembering on the one hand that they were +poets anxious to obtain the favour of the court, and on the other that +no single act or word of vice, or insolence, or levity, is recorded of +Henry by any one of his contemporaries, let him then, like an honest +days-man, pronounce his verdict. + + [Footnote 310: Thomas Occleve, or Hoccleve, was + Clerk of the Privy Seal to Henry IV; many small + payments to him in that character are recorded in + the Pell Rolls. He was probably born in the year + 1370, and lived to be eighty years of age.] + + [Footnote 311: Henry seems to have supplied himself + with books on various other subjects of interest to + him. He was, we are told, fond of the chase; and we + find payment in the Pell Rolls of 12_l._ 8_s._ to + John Robart for writing twelve books on hunting for + the use of the King (21 Nov. 1421). Payment is also + made for a variety of books to the executors of + Joan de Bohun, late Countess of Hereford, his + grandmother, 24th May, 1420. Two petitions, + presented after his death to the council of his + infant son, contribute also incidentally their + testimony to the same view of his character. The + first prays that the books in the possession of the + late King, which belonged to the Countess of + Westmoreland, "The Chronicle of Jerusalem," and + "The Journey of Godfrey Baylion," might be + restored. The other petition is, that "a large book + containing all the works of St. Gregory the Pope," + left to the Church of Canterbury by Archbishop + Arundell, and lent to Henry V. by Gilbert + Umfraville, one of the executors of the + Archbishop's will, and which was directed in the + last will of the King to be restored, might be + delivered up by the Convent of Shene, where it had + been kept, to the Prior of Canterbury.--Rymer. + Foed. 11 Hen. IV.] + + * * * * * + +The tradition with regard to Henry's conduct immediately upon his +father's dissolution, as we gather it from various writers who lived +near that time, is one as to the full admission of which even an +eulogist of Henry of Monmouth needs not be jealous; much less will the +candid enquirer be apprehensive of its effect upon the character which +he is investigating. The tradition then is, that Prince Henry was +attending the sick-bed of his father, who, rousing from a slumber into +which he had sunk for a while, asked him what the person was doing +whom he observed in the room. "My father," replied Henry, "it is the +priest, who has just now consecrated the body of our Lord; lift up +your heart in all holy devotion to God!" His father then most +affectionately and fervently blessed him, and resigned his soul into +the hands of his Redeemer. No sooner had the King breathed his last, +than Henry, under an awful sense of his own unworthiness, and of the +vanity of all worldly objects of desire, conscious also of the (p. 334) +necessity of an abundant supply of divine grace to fit him for the +discharge of the high duties of the kindly office, to which the voice +of Providence then called him, retired forthwith into an inner +oratory. There, prostrate in body and soul, and humbled to the dust +before the majesty of his Creator, he made a full confession of his +past life. Whether the words put into his mouth were the fruits of his +biographer's imagination, or were committed to writing by Henry +himself, (a supposition thought by some by no means improbable,) they +are the words of a sincere Christian penitent. Henry, as we have +frequently been reminded in these Memoirs, seems to have made much +progress in the knowledge of sacred things, and to have become +familiarly acquainted with the Holy Scriptures; and his confessional +prayer breathes the aspirations of one who had made the divine word +his study. He earnestly implores "his most loving Father to have mercy +upon him, not suffering the miserable creature of his hand to perish, +but making him as one of his hired servants." After he had thus poured +out his soul to God in his secret chamber, he went under cover of the +night to a minister of eminent piety, who lived near at hand at +Westminster. To this servant of Christ he opened all his mind, and +received by his kind and holy offices, the consolations and counsels, +the strengthenings and refreshings, which true religion alone can +give, and which it never withholds from any one, prince or (p. 335) +peasant, who seeks them with sincere purpose of heart, and applies for +them in earnest prayer. + +Between his accession and his coronation, Henry of Monmouth was much +engaged in exercises of devotion; and various acts of self-humiliation +are recorded of him. Even in the midst of the splendid banquet of his +coronation, (as persons, says Elmham, worthy of credit can testify,) +he neither ate nor drank; his whole mind and soul seemed to be +absorbed by the thought of the solemn and deep responsibility under +which he then lay. For three days he never suffered himself to indulge +in repose on any soft couch; but with fasting, watching, and prayer, +fervently and perseveringly implored the heavenly aid of the King of +kings for the good government of his people. Doubtless, some may see +in every penitential prayer an additional proof of his former +licentiousness and dissipation: others, it is presumed, may not so +interpret these scenes. Perhaps candour and experience may combine in +suggesting to many Christians that the self-abasement of Henry should +be interpreted, not as a criterion of his former delinquencies in +comparison with the principles and conduct of others, but as an index +rather of the standard of religious and moral excellence by which he +tried his own life; that the rule with reference to which a practical +knowledge of his own deficiency filled him with so great compunction +and sorrow of heart, was not the tone and fashion of the world, (p. 336) +but the pure and holy law of God; and that, consequently, his degree +of contrition does not imply in him any extraordinary sense of +immorality in his past days, but rather the profound reverence which +he had formed of the divine law, and a consciousness of the lamentable +instances in which he had failed to fulfil it.[312] Be this as it may, +a calm review of all the intimations with regard to his principles, +his conduct, and his feelings, which history and tradition offer, +seems to suggest to our thoughts the expressions of the Psalmist as +words in which Prince Henry might well and sincerely have addressed +the throne of grace. "I have gone astray, like a sheep that is lost. +O! seek thy servant, for I do not forget thy commandments!" + + [Footnote 312: It is quite curious and painful, but + at the same time instructive, to observe how + differently the same acts may be interpreted, + accordingly as they are viewed by persons under the + influence of various prejudices and peculiar + associations. In the case of Henry of Monmouth, the + confession of his own unworthiness is adduced in + evidence only of his former habits of dissoluteness + and dissipation. The same confession in his + contemporary, Lord Cobham, is hailed only as an + indication of the work of grace in his soul.--See + Milner, Cent. XV. ch. i.] + + + + +CHAPTER XV. (p. 337) + +SHAKSPEARE. -- THE AUTHOR'S RELUCTANCE TO TEST THE SCENES OF THE +POET'S DRAMAS BY MATTERS OF FACT. -- NECESSITY OF SO DOING. -- HOTSPUR +IN SHAKSPEARE THE FIRST TO BEAR EVIDENCE TO HENRY'S RECKLESS +PROFLIGACY. -- THE HOTSPUR OF HISTORY THE FIRST WHO TESTIFIES TO HIS +CHARACTER FOR VALOUR, AND MERCY, AND FAITHFULNESS IN HIS DUTIES. -- +ANACHRONISMS OF SHAKSPEARE. -- HOTSPUR'S AGE. -- THE CAPTURE OF +MORTIMER. -- BATTLE OF HOMILDON. -- FIELD OF SHREWSBURY. -- ARCHBISHOP +SCROPE'S DEATH. + + +The Author has already intimated in his Preface the reluctance with +which he undertook to examine the descriptions of the Prince of +dramatic poets with a direct reference to the test of historical +truth; and he cannot enter upon that inquiry in this place without +repeating his regret, nor without alleging some of the reasons which +seem to make the investigation an imperative duty in these Memoirs. + +In our endeavours to ascertain the real character and conduct of Henry +V, it is not enough that we close the volume of Shakspeare's dramas, +determining to allow it no weight in the scale of evidence. If +nothing more be done, Shakspeare's representations will have (p. 338) +weight, despite of our resolution. Were Shakspeare any ordinary +writer, or were the parts of his remains which bear on our subject +few, unimportant, and uninteresting, the biographer, without +endangering the truth, might lay him aside with a passing caution +against admitting for evidence the poet's views of facts and +character. But the large majority of readers in England, who know +anything of those times, have formed their estimate of Henry from the +scenic descriptions of Shakspeare, or from modern historians who have +been indebted for their information to no earlier or more authentic +source than his plays. Even writers of a higher character, and to whom +the English student is much indebted, would tempt us to rest satisfied +with the general inferences to be drawn from the scenes of Shakspeare, +though they willingly allow that much of the detail was the fruit only +of his fertile imagination. A modern author[313] opens his chapter on +the reign of Henry V. with a passage, a counterpart to which we find +expressed, or at least conveyed by implication, in many other writers, +to whose views, however, the searcher after truth and fact cannot +possibly accede. "With the traditionary irregularities of the youth of +Henry V. we are early familiarized by the magical pen of Shakspeare, +never more fascinating than in portraying the associates and frolics +of this illustrious Prince. But the personifications of the poet (p. 339) +must not be expected to be found in the chroniclers who have annalised +this reign."--"The general facts of his irregularities, and their +amendment, have never been forgotten; but no historical Hogarth has +painted the individual adventures of the princely rake." + + [Footnote 313: Mr. Turner.] + +It is not because we would palliate Henry's vices, if such there be on +record, or disguise his follies, or wish his irregularities to be +forgotten in the vivid recollections of his conquests, that we would +try "our immortal bard" by the test of rigid fact. We do so, because +he is the authority on which the estimate of Henry's character, as +generally entertained, is mainly founded. Mr. Southey,[314] indeed, is +speaking only of his own boyhood when he says, "I had learned all I +knew of English history from Shakspeare." But very many pass through +life without laying aside or correcting those impressions which they +caught at the first opening of their minds; and never have any other +knowledge of the times of which his dramas speak, than what they have +learned from his representations. The great Duke of Marlborough is +known to have confessed that all his acquaintance with English history +was derived from Shakspeare: whilst not unfrequently persons of +literary pursuits, who have studied our histories for themselves, are +to the last under the practical influence of their earliest +associations: unknown to their own minds the poet is still their (p. 340) +instructor and guide. And this influence Shakspeare exercises +over the historical literature of his country, though he was born more +than one hundred and sixty years after the historical date of that +scene in which he first speaks of the "royal rake's" strayings and +unthriftiness; and though many new sources, not of vague tradition, +but of original and undoubted record, which were closed to him, have +been opened to students of the present day. It has indeed been alleged +that he might have had means of information no longer available by us; +that manuscripts are forgotten, or lost, which bore testimony to +Henry's career of wantonness. But surely such a suggestion only +renders it still more imperative to examine with strict and exact +scrutiny into the poet's descriptions. If these are at all countenanced +by a coincidence with ascertained historical facts, we must admit them +as evidence, secondary indeed, but still the best within our reach. +But if they prove to be wholly untenable when tested by facts, and +irreconcileable with what history places beyond doubt, we have solid +grounds for rejecting them as legitimate testimonies. We must consider +them either as the fascinating but aëry visions of a poet who lived +after the intervention of more than a century and a half, or as +inferences built by him on documents false and misleading. + + [Footnote 314: Preface to his Poetical Works.] + +It may be said that the poet, in his delineation of the manners (p. 341) +of the time, and in his vivid representations of the sallies and +excesses of a prince notorious for his wildness and profligate habits, +must not be shackled by the rigid and cold bands of historical verity, +any more than we would require of him, in his description of a battle, +the accuracy of a general's bulletin. But if a master poet should so +describe the battle as to involve on the part of the commander the +absence of military skill, and of clear conceptions of a soldier's +duty, or ignorance of the enemy's position and strength, and of his +own resources, or a suspicion of faintheartedness and ungallant +bearing, truth would require us to analyse the description, and either +to restore the fair fame of the commander, or to be convinced that he +had justly lost his military character. On this principle we must +refer Shakspeare's representations to a more unbending standard than a +poet's fantasy. + +The first occasion on which reference is found to the habits and +character of Henry, occurs in the tragedy of Richard II, act v. scene +3, in which his father is represented as making inquiries, of "Percy +and other lords," in such terms as these: + + "Can no man tell of my _unthrifty_ son? + 'Tis full THREE MONTHS since I did see him last: + If any plague hang over us, 'tis he. + I would to Heaven, my lords, he might be found! + Inquire at London 'mongst the taverns there, + For there, they say, he daily doth frequent, + With unrestrained loose companions; + Even such, they say, as stand in narrow lanes, (p. 342) + And beat our watch, and rob our passengers; + While he, young, wanton, and effeminate boy, + Takes on the point of honour to support + So dissolute a crew." + +To this inquiry PERCY is made to answer, + + "My lord! some two days since I saw the Prince, + And told him of these triumphs held at Oxford." + _Bolinbroke._--"And what said the gallant?" + _Percy._--"His answer was--he would unto the stews, + And from the common'st creature pluck a glove, + And wear it as a favour; and, with that, + He would unhorse the lustiest challenger." + _Bolinbroke._--"As dissolute as desperate: yet, through both, + I see some sparkles of a better hope, + Which elder days may happily bring forth." + +To understand what degree of reliance should be placed upon this +passage as a channel of biographical information, it is only necessary +to recal to mind two points established beyond doubt from history: +first, that the Prince was then not twelve years and a half old; and +secondly, that the circumstance, previously to which this lamentation +must be fixed, took place NOT THREE MONTHS after the coronation, +subsequently to which the King created this his "unthrifty son," "this +gallant, dissolute as desperate," Prince of Wales.[315] The scene is +placed by Shakspeare at Windsor; and the conversation between (p. 343) +Henry IV. inquiring about his son, and Percy, so unkindly fanning his +suspicions, is ended abruptly by the breathless haste of Lord +Albemarle, who breaks in upon the court to denounce the conspiracy +against the King's life. This could not have been later than January +4, 1400; for on that day the conspirators entered Windsor, after Henry +IV, having been apprised of their plot, had left that place for +London. The coronation was celebrated on the 13th of the preceding +October, and the Prince of Wales was born August 9, 1387. The whole +year before his father's coronation he was in the safe-keeping of +Richard II, through some months of it in Ireland; and, on Richard's +return to England, he was left a prisoner in Trym Castle. How many +days before the coronation he was brought from Ireland to his father, +does not appear; probably messengers were sent for him immediately +after Richard fell into the hands of Henry IV. The certainty is, that +"_full three months_ could not have passed" since they last saw (p. 344) +each other; the strong probability is, that both father and son +had kept the feast of Christmas together at Windsor. That a boy of not +twelve years and a half old, just returned from a year's safe-keeping +in the hand of his father's enemy and whom his father, not three +months before, had created Prince of Wales with all the honours and +expressions of regard ever shown on similar occasions, should have +been the leader and supporter of a dissolute crew of unrestrained +loose companions, the frequenter of those sinks of sin and profligacy +which then disgraced the metropolis (as they do now), is an +improbability so gross, that nothing but the excellence of +Shakspeare's pen could have rendered an exposure of it necessary.[316] + + [Footnote 315: Reference is here made to the + creation of Henry as Prince of Wales, not in + anywise for the purpose of insinuating that he + would not have been raised to that honour by his + father, had he been the "desperate gallant" which + the poet delineates, but solely to show that the + King's lamentation cannot be historically correct. + The poet, having fastened on the general tradition + as to Henry's wildness, gives rein to his fancy, + and would fain carry his readers along with him in + the belief that Henry had absented himself for full + three months from his paternal roof, and revelled + in abandoned profligacy; whilst the facts with + which the poet has connected it, fix the + outbreaking of the Prince to a time when the real + Henry was not twelve years and a half old. + Shakspeare's poetry is not inconsistent with + itself, but it is with historical verity.] + + [Footnote 316: There are, however, other + circumstances deserving our attention, which took + place, some undoubtedly, and others most probably, + within the three months preceding this very time. + In the first place, the Commons, who had at the + coronation sworn the same fealty to the Prince as + to the King, on the 3rd of November petition that + the creation of Henry as Prince of Wales might be + entered on the record of Parliament; and on the + same day they pray the King that the Prince might + not pass forth from this realm, (in consequence of + the movements of the Scots,) "forasmuch as he is of + tender age." In the course of that same month of + November 1399, a negociation was set on foot to + bring about the espousals for a future union of the + Prince with one of the daughters of the King of + France. And about the same time (probably within a + month of the scene of Shakspeare which we are + examining,) the Prince makes a direct appeal to the + council to fulfil the expressed wishes of his royal + father as to his establishment, seeing that he was + destitute of a suitable house and furniture; whilst + not a hint occurs in allusion to any extravagance, + or folly, or precocious dissipation, in any single + document of the time.] + +The second introduction of the same subject occurs in the scene (p. 345) +in the court of London, the very day after the news arrived of +Mortimer being taken by Owyn Glyndowr. + + _Westmoreland._--"But _yesternight_; when all athwart there came + A post from Wales loaden with heavy news; + Whose worst was that the noble Mortimer, + Leading the Herefordshire men to fight + Against the irregular and wild Glyndower, + Was by the rude hands of that Welshman taken." + +The anachronism of Shakspeare, in making the two reports, of +Mortimer's capture and of the battle of Homildon, reach London on the +same day, though there was an interval of more than three months +between them, only tends to show that we must not look to him as a +channel of historical accuracy. How utterly inappropriate is the +desponding lamentation of Henry IV, the bare reference to actual dates +is alone needed to show. + + _Westmoreland._--"Faith! 'tis a conquest for a prince to boast of." + _K. Henry._--"Yea: there thou makest me sad, and makest me sin + In envy that my Lord Northumberland + Should be the father of so blest a son; + Whilst I, by looking on the praise of him, + See riot and dishonour stain the brow + Of my young Harry. O that it could be proved (p. 346) + That some night-tripping fairy had exchanged + In cradle-clothes our children where they lay, + And called mine Percy, his Plantagenet; + Then I would have his Harry, and he mine! + But let him from my thoughts." + +In this glowing page of Shakspeare is preserved one of those +exquisite, fascinating illusions which are scattered up and down +throughout his never-dying remains, and which, arresting us +everywhere, hold the willing imagination spell-bound, till, after +reflection, Truth rises upon the mind, and with one gleam of her soft +but omnipotent light varies the charm, and contrasts the satisfaction +of reality with the pleasures of fiction. The poet's imagery paints to +our mind's eye Harry Hotspur and Harry of Monmouth lying each in his +"cradle-clothes" on some one and the same night, when the powers of +Fairy-land might have exchanged the boys, and called Percy, +Plantagenet. To effect such a change, however, of the first-born sons +of Northumberland and Bolinbroke, an extent of power and skill must +have been in requisition far beyond what their warmest advocates are +wont to assign to those "night-tripping" personages. Hotspur was at +least one-and-twenty years old when Henry of Monmouth "lay in his +cradle-clothes." The pencil also of the painter has lent its aid to +confirm and propagate the same delusion as to the relative ages of +these two warriors. In the representation (for example) of the +Battle-field of Shrewsbury, Hotspur and Henry, the heroes in the (p. 347) +fore-ground, are models of two gallant youths, equal in age, +struggling for the mastery: and in the chamber-scene, whilst Henry is +represented in all the freshness of a beardless youth, his father +shows the worn-out veteran; his brow and cheeks deeply furrowed, his +whole frame borne down towards the grave by length of days as much as +by infirmities, though when he died his age did not exceed his +forty-seventh year. + +The time of Hotspur's birth has generally been considered matter only +for conjecture; but whether we draw our inferences from undisputed +facts, and the clearest deductions of sound argument, or rest only on +the direct evidence now for the first time, it is presumed, brought +forward, we cannot regard Hotspur at the very lowest calculation as a +single year younger than Henry of Monmouth's father, the very +Bolinbroke whom the poet makes to utter such a lamentation and such a +wish. Bolinbroke's birth-day cannot be assigned (as we have seen) to +an earlier date than April 6, 1366; and the Annals of the Peerage[317] +refer Hotspur's birth to May 20, 1364.[318] The Author, however, is +disposed to think that the Annals have antedated his birth by more +than a year at least. In the Scrope and Grosvenor (p. 348) +controversy,[319] the record of which supplied us with the ages of +Glyndowr and his brother, the commissioners examined both Hotspur and +his father. The father, usually called the "aged Earl," gave his +testimony on the 19th November 1386, as "the Earl of Northumberland, +of the age of forty-five years, having borne arms thirty years." +Hotspur, who was examined on the 30th of the preceding October, that +is, in the year before Henry of Monmouth was born, gave his testimony +as "Sir Henry Percy, of the age of twenty years." Hotspur must, +therefore, have been born between the end of October 1365 and the end +of October 1366. And if the annalists are right in fixing upon the day +of the year on which he was born, his birth-day was in the month next +following the birth-day of Bolinbroke. On the most probable +calculation, he might have been five months older than Bolinbroke; he +could not have been seven months younger. It is a curious and +interesting circumstance, that, instead of specifying the number of +years through which he had borne arms, Hotspur referred the +commissioners to the first occasion of his having seen and shared the +real service of battle: "First armed when the castle of (p. 349) +Berwick was taken by the Scots, and when the rescue was made." The +surprise of Berwick by the Scots took place on the Thursday before St. +Andrew's day in the year 1378, (which fell on November 25,) so that +Hotspur passed his noviciate in the field of battle when he was only +just past his twelfth year, and almost nine years before Henry of +Monmouth was born. In 1388, when Henry was only one year old, Hotspur +was taken prisoner by the Scots. His eldest son, whom Henry with so +much generosity restored to his honours and estates, was born February +3, 1393.[320] + + [Footnote 317: See Collins' Peerage by Brydges, + vol. ii. p. 267.] + + [Footnote 318: The same authorities record that he + was knighted at the coronation of Richard II, July + 16, 1377.] + + [Footnote 319: "Le Count de Northumberland del age + de XLV ans; armez de XXX ans." + + "Mons. Henr' de Percy del age de vynt ans, armez + premierement, quant la chastell de Berwick etait + pris par les Escoces, et quant le rescous fuist + fait."] + + [Footnote 320: We cannot read the document on which + these observations are founded without being + reminded at how early an age in those times the + youth of our country were expected to take up arms, + and follow some experienced captain, or even + themselves lead their warriors to the field. When + Hotspur accompanied his father to the rescue of + Berwick, he was only in his thirteenth year; his + father had borne arms from the age of fifteen; and + Henry of Monmouth (accompanied we know by a tutor + or guardian, as probably Hotspur was at Berwick) + was certainly in Wales, "chastising the rebels," + soon after he had completed his thirteenth year. + Another reflection, forced upon the mind by a + familiar acquaintance with the political and the + domestic history of those times, is on the very low + average of human life at that period of the English + monarchy. Few reached what is now called old age; + and persons are spoken of as old, who would now be + scarcely considered to have passed the meridian of + life. It would form a subject of an interesting, + and perhaps a very useful inquiry, were a + philosophical antiquary (who would found his + conclusions on a wide induction of facts, and not + seek for evidence in support of any previously + adopted theory,) to trace the existence, and + operation, and extent of those causes, physical and + moral, which exercise doubtless important + influences over human life, and, under Providence, + contract or lengthen the number of our days here. + Unquestionably, such an investigator would + immediately find many changes adopted in the + present day conducive to longevity, in the + structure of our habitations, the nature of our + clothing, our habits of cleanliness, our food, + comparative moderation in the use of inebriating + liquors, with many other causes of health now + believed to exist among us. To two causes of the + average shortness of life, in operation through + that range of years to which these Memoirs chiefly + refer, the Author's mind has been especially drawn + in the course of his researches: one of a political + character,--in itself far more obvious, and chiefly + affecting men; the other arising from habits of + domestic life with regard to one of our + institutions of all the most universally + comprehensive,--a cause chiefly, but far from + exclusively, affecting the life of females. The + first cause, awful and appalling, is seen in the + precarious tenure of human life, during the + violence of those political struggles which deluged + the whole land with blood. Those families seem to + have been rare exceptions, of which no member + forfeited his life on the scaffold or in the field; + those houses were few which the scourge of civil or + foreign wars passed over without leaving one dead. + The second cause is traced to the very early age at + which marriages were then solemnized. The day of + Nature's trial came before the constitution had + gained strength for the struggle, and an awful + proportion of females was thus prematurely hurried + to the grave; whilst the offspring also shared in + the weakness of the parent. Comparatively a small + minority sunk by gradual and calm decay; in the + case of very few could the comparison of Job's + reprover be applied with truth, "Thou shalt come to + the grave in full age, as a shock of corn cometh in + his season."] + +Though these facts prove that Shakspeare has spread through the (p. 350) +world a most erroneous opinion of the relative ages and circumstances +of Bolinbroke, Hotspur, and Henry of Monmouth,--a circumstance, (p. 351) +indeed, in itself of no great importance,--the question on which we +are engaged will be more immediately and strongly affected if it can +be shown precisely, that at the very time when (according to the +poet's representation) Henry IV. uttered this lamentation, expressive +of deep present sorrow at the reckless misdoings of his son, and of +anticipations of worse, that very son was doing his duty valiantly and +mercifully in Wales. + +On the lowest calculation, a full month before Mortimer's capture, the +young royal warrior had scoured the whole country of Glyndwrdy in +person, and had burnt two of Owyn's mansions; whilst the strong +probability is, that he had headed his troops on that expedition more +than a year before. + +It is very remarkable (though Shakspeare doubtless never became +acquainted with the circumstance) that the identical Percy whom he +makes Henry IV. desire to have been his son, instead of his own Henry, +bears ample testimony, at least a full year previously, to the valour +and kind-heartedness of him on whose brow the poet makes his father +lament "the stain of riot and dishonour." + +Sir Edmund Mortimer was taken by Glyndowr at Melienydd in Radnor, June +12th, 1402; and, as early as the 3rd of May 1401, Percy wrote from +Caernarvon to the council that North Wales was obedient to the law, +except the rebels of Conway and Rees Castles, who were in the +mountains, whom he expresses his expectation that the Prince of (p. 352) +Wales would subdue. "These will be right well chastened," said he, +"if God please, by the force and governance which my lord the Prince +_has_ sent against them, as well of his council as of his retinue." In +the same letter Hotspur informs the King's council that the commons of +the counties of Caernarvon and Merioneth (who had come before him in +the sessions which he was then holding as Chief Justice of North +Wales) had humbly expressed their thanks to the Prince for the great +pains of his kind good-will in endeavouring to obtain their +pardon."[321] Henry Prince of Wales, whom the poet makes his father +thus to disparage at the mere mention of Henry Percy's victory, would +lose nothing in point of prowess, and generosity, and high-minded +bearing, at this very early period of his youth, by a comparison +either with Percy himself, or with any other of his contemporaries, +whose names are recorded in history. + + [Footnote 321: See these facts stated historically + in previous chapters of this volume.] + +The next passage of our historical dramatist which requires to be +examined, occurs in that very affecting interview between Henry and +his father on the news of Percy's rebellion, and the resolution +declared to take the field at Shrewsbury.[322] + + "I know not whether God will have it so, + For some displeasing service I have done, + That, in his secret, doom out of my blood (p. 353) + He breeds revengement and a scourge for me. + But thou dost, in thy passages of life, + Make me believe that thou art only marked + For the hot vengeance and the rod of heaven, + To punish my mistreadings. Tell me else, + Could such inordinate and low desires, + Such barren, base, such lewd, such mean attempts, + Such barren pleasures, rude society,[323] + As thou art matched withal and grafted to, + Accompany the greatness of thy blood, + And hold their level with thy princely heart? + Thy place in council thou hast rudely lost, (p. 354) + Which by thy younger brother is supplied; + And art almost an alien to the hearts + Of all the court, and princes of my blood." + + [Footnote 322: I Hen. IV. act iii. scene 1.] + + [Footnote 323: It is curious to contrast this + description of his habits and pursuits, written by + the Prince of tragedians a century and a half after + Henry's death, with the advice represented to have + been given by an old man to a young aspiring poet + during his very lifetime. The Author is conscious + of the tautology of which he is guilty in again + recommending the reader not to pass over unread the + extracts in the Appendix from Occleve and Lydgate. + + "Write to him a goodly tale or two, + On which he may disport him at night. + His high prudence hath insight very + To judge if it be well made or nay. + Write him nothing that soweneth to vice. + Look if find thou canst any treatise + Grounded on his estate's wholesomeness."--Occleve. + + "Because he hathe joy and great dainty + To _read in books of antiquity_, + To find only _virtue to sow_, + By example of them; and also to eschew + The _cursed vice of sloth and idleness_: + So he enjoyed in _virtuous_ business, + In all that _longeth to manhood_ + He _busyeth_ ever."--Lydgate.] + +The battle of Shrewsbury was fought July 21, 1403. The tragedian +represents Henry the Prince as at this period in the full career of +his unbridled extravagances; his father bewailing his sad degeneracy, +himself pleading nothing in excuse, praying for pardon, and promising +amendment. It must appear passing strange to those who have drawn +their estimate of those years of Prince Henry's youth from Shakspeare, +to find the real truth to be this. Not only was he not then in London +the profligate debauchee, the reckless madcap, the creature of "vassal +fear and base inclination," "the nearest and dearest of his father's +foes;" not only was he acting valiantly in defence of his father's +throne; but that very father's own pen is the instrument to bear chief +testimony to his valour and noble merits at that very hour. It is as +though history were designed on set purpose, and by especial +commission, to counteract the bewitching fictions of the poet. Henry +IV. was on his road to assist Hotspur and the Earl of Northumberland, +in utter ignorance of their rebellion. Arrived at Higham Ferrers, he +wrote to his council, informing them that he had received, as well by +his son Henry's own letters, as by the report of his messengers, most +satisfactory accounts of this very dear and well-beloved son the (p. 355) +Prince, which gave him very great pleasure.[324] He then directs +them to send the Prince 1000_l._ to enable him to keep his forces +together. This letter is dated July 10, 1403, just eleven days before +the battle of Shrewsbury. The King heard of Hotspur's rebellion on his +arrival at Burton on Trent, from which place he dates his +proclamation. Henry of Monmouth was appointed Lieutenant of Wales on +the 4th of March 1403; and he was with his men-at-arms and archers +there, discharging the duties of a faithful son and valiant young +warrior, when Hotspur revolted; and he left his charge in Wales, not +to revel in London, but only to join his own to his father's forces, +and fight for their kingdom on the field of Shrewsbury. + + [Footnote 324: See these facts stated historically + in former pages of this volume.] + +The extraordinary confusion of place and time, pervading the "Second +Part of King Henry IV," is only equalled by the mistaken view which +the writer gives of the character of Henry of Monmouth. News of the +overthrow of Archbishop Scrope is brought to London on the very day on +which Henry IV. sickens and dies; whereas that King was himself in +person in the north, and insisted upon the execution of the +Archbishop, just eight years before. The Archbishop was beheaded on +Whitmonday (June 8) in the year 1405. Henry IV. died March 20, 1413. +And instead of Henry, the Prince, being either at Windsor hunting, or +in London "with Poins and other his continual followers," when (p. 356) +his father was depressed and perplexed by the rebellion in the north, +he was doing his duty well, gallantly, and to the entire satisfaction +of his father. We have a letter, dated Berkhemstead, March 13, 1405, +written by the King to his council, with a copy of his son Henry's +letter announcing the victory over the Welsh rebels at Grosmont in +Monmouthshire, which was won on Wednesday the 11th of that month. The +King writes with great joy and exultation, bidding his council to +convey the glad tidings to the mayor and citizens of London, that +"they (he says) may rejoice with us, and join in praises to our +Creator." + +Thus does history prove that, in every instance of Shakspeare's +fascinating representations of Henry of Monmouth's practices, the poet +was guided by his imagination, which, working only on the vague +tradition of a sudden change for the better in the Prince immediately +on his accession, and magnifying that change into something almost +miraculous, has drawn a picture which can never be seen without being +admired for its life, and boldness, and colouring; but which, as an +historical portrait, is not only unlike the original, but misleading +and unjust in essential points of character. + +It has been said, and perhaps with truth, to what extent soever we may +believe Shakspeare to have made "Europe ring from side to side" with +the vices and follies, the riots and extravagances, of the (p. 357) +young Prince, yet that he had spread his fame and glory far more +widely, and excited an incomparably greater interest in his character, +than history itself, however full, and however true in recording his +merits, could have done. The admirer therefore of the Prince's +character, who reflects on Shakspeare, is held to be ungrateful to +Henry's best benefactor; and, as far as his influence reaches, tends +to check the interest excited for the hero of his choice. But, whilst +he recalls with grateful reminiscence the enjoyment which he has often +drawn himself freely from the same well-head, the Author, in +attempting to distinguish between truth and fiction, would on no +account damp the ardour with which his countrymen will still derive +pleasure from these scenes of "Nature's child;" and he trusts that, +whilst he has supplied solid and substantial ground for Englishmen +still retaining Henry of Monmouth in their affections, among their +favourite princes and kings, his work has no tendency to close against +a single individual those sources of intellectual delight, which will +be open wide to all, whilst literature itself shall have a place on +earth. + + + + +CHAPTER XVI. (p. 358) + +STORY OF PRINCE HENRY AND THE CHIEF JUSTICE. -- FIRST FOUND IN THE +WORK OF SIR THOMAS ELYOT, PUBLISHED NEARLY A CENTURY AND A HALF +SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE SUPPOSED TRANSACTION. -- SIR JOHN HAWKINS HALL -- +HUME. -- NO ALLUSION TO THE CIRCUMSTANCE IN THE EARLY CHRONICLERS. -- +DISPUTE AS TO THE JUDGE. -- VARIOUS CLAIMANTS OF THE DISTINCTION. -- +GASCOYNE -- HANKFORD -- HODY -- MARKHAM. -- SOME INTERESTING +PARTICULARS WITH REGARD TO GASCOYNE, LATELY DISCOVERED AND VERIFIED. +-- IMPROBABILITY OF THE ENTIRE STORY. + + +In a little work, not long since published, intended to interest the +rising generation in the history of their own country, the preface +assigns as the author's reason for not coming down later than the +Revolution of 1689, "that, from that period, history becomes too +distinct and important to be trifled with." The doctrine involved in +the position, which is implied here, _that the previous history of our +country may be trifled with_, is so dangerous to the cause of truth, +that we may well believe the sentiment to have fallen from the pen of +the author unadvisedly. It is, however, unhappily a principle on which +too many, in works of far higher stamp and graver moment, (p. 359) +have justified themselves in substituting their own theories, and +hypotheses, and descriptive scenes, for the unbending strictness of +fact, thus sapping the foundation of all confidence in history. It is +not the poet only, and the fascinating author of historical romances, +who have thus "trifled with history;" our annalists and chroniclers, +our lawyers and moralists, often, no doubt unwittingly, certainly +unscrupulously, have countenanced and aided the same pernicious +practice. It is frequently curious and amusing to trace the various +successive gradations, beginning with surmise, and proceeding through +probability onward to positive assertion, each writer borrowing from +his predecessor; and then in turn, from his own filling-up of the +outline, furnishing somewhat more for another, who supplies at length +the whole historical portrait, complete in all its form and colouring. +Had the author above referred to not taken to himself practically in +the body of his work the indulgence which his latitudinarian principle +recognizes in the preface, he would not have so distorted facts in his +"story of Madcap Harry and the Old Judge," for the purpose of making a +pretty consistent tale,--consistent with itself, but not with the +truth of history,--to amuse children in their earliest days, at the +risk of misleading them, and giving them a wrong bias through their +lives. + +In examining the alleged fact of Henry's violence and insults +exhibited in a court of justice, there is much greater (p. 360) +difficulty than may generally be supposed, in consequence of the +entire silence of all contemporary annalists and chroniclers. Not one +word occurs asserting it; no allusion to the circumstance whatever is +found previously to the reign of Henry VIII, nearly a century and a +half after Henry V.'s accession. Hume[325] asserts it on the authority +of Hall; and Hall has exaggerated the alleged facts most egregiously, +and most unjustifiably. Whether the fact took place, and, if it did, +what were the time, the place, and the circumstances, the reader must +judge for himself. The present treatise professes only to bring +together the evidences on all sides fairly. + + [Footnote 325: Hume is no authority on any disputed + point. An anecdote, of the accuracy of which the + Author has no doubt, throws a strong suspicion on + the work of that writer, and marks it as a history + on which the student can place no dependence. Hume + made application at one of the public offices of + State Records for permission to examine its + treasures. Not only was leave granted, but every + facility was afforded, and the documents bearing + upon the subject immediately in hand were selected + and placed in a room for his exclusive use. He + never came. Shortly after his work appeared: and, + on one of the officers expressing his surprise and + regret that he had not paid his promised visit, + Hume said, "I find it far more easy to consult + printed works, than to spend my time on + manuscripts." No wonder Hume's England is a work of + no authority.] + +It has been already stated that no historian or chronicler, (whose +work is now in existence and known,) for nearly one hundred and fifty +years, has ever alluded to the transaction. The first writer in (p. 361) +whom it is found is Sir Thomas Elliott (or Elyot), who, in a work +called The Governour, dedicated to Henry VIII. about the year 1534, +thus particularizes the occurrence. Elyot gives no reference to his +authority. + +"The most renowned Prince, King Henry V. late King of England, during +the life of his father, was noted to be fierce and of wanton courage. +It happened that one of his servants, whom he well favoured, was, for +felony by him committed, arraigned at the King's Bench. Whereof the +Prince being advertised, and incensed by light persons about him, in +furious rage came hastily to the bar, where his servant stood as a +prisoner, and commanded him to be ungyved and set at liberty: whereat +all men were abashed, reserved [except] the Chief Justice, who humbly +exhorted the Prince to be contented that his servant might be ordered +according to the ancient laws of this realm; or, if he would have him +saved from the rigour of the laws, that he should obtain, if he might, +from the King his father his gracious pardon, whereby no law or +justice should be derogate. With which answer the Prince nothing +appeased, but rather more inflamed, endeavoured himself to take away +his servant. The Judge, considering the perilous example and +inconvenience that might thereby issue, with a valiant spirit and +courage commanded the Prince upon his allegiance to leave the prisoner +and depart his way. With which commandment the Prince being set (p. 362) +all in a fury, all chafed and in a terrible manner came up to the +place of judgment, men thinking that he would have slain the Judge, or +have done to him some damage; but the Judge, sitting still without +moving, declaring the majesty of the King's place of judgment, and +with an assured and bold countenance, had to the Prince these words +following: 'Sir, remember yourself: I keep here the place of the King +your sovereign lord and father, to whom ye owe double obedience; +wherefore eftsoons in his name I charge you desist of your wilfulness +and unlawful enterprise, and from henceforth give good example to +those which hereafter shall be your proper subjects. And now, for your +contempt and disobedience, go you to the prison of the King's Bench, +whereunto I commit you; and remain ye there prisoner until the +pleasure of the King your father be further known.' With which words +being abashed, and also wondering at the marvellous gravity of that +worshipful Justice, the noble Prince laying his weapon apart, doing +reverence, departed; and went to the King's Bench, as he was +commanded. Whereat his servants disdaining, came and showed the King +all the whole affair. Whereat he awhile studying, after as a man all +ravished with gladness, holding his hands and eyes up towards heaven +abraided, saying with a loud voice, 'O merciful God, how much am I +above other men bound to your infinite goodness, specially that (p. 363) +ye have given me a Judge who feareth not to minister justice, and +also a son who can suffer semblably, and obey justice!'" + +Sir John Hawkins,[326] when he cites this passage as evidence of an +ebullition of wanton insolence and unrestrained impetuosity, in +illustration of the character of Henry, to whom he ascribes the +unjustifiable suppression of an act of parliament, lays himself open +to blame in more points than one. In the first place, he ought not, as +regards the suppression of an act of parliament, to have charged upon +Henry, as a self-willed act, what, to say the very least, was equally +the act of the whole Privy Council; and then he ought not to have +endeavoured to brand him with disgrace on the testimony of a witness +who wrote nearly a century and a half after the asserted event. + + [Footnote 326: Pleas of the crown.] + +Hall, who wrote only at the commencement of the reign of Edward VI, +(the first edition of his work having appeared in 1548,) thus states +the charge against Henry: + +"For imprisonment of one[327] of his wanton mates and unthrifty +playfaires, he strake the Chief Justice with his fist on his face; for +which offence he was not only committed to streight prison, but also +of his father put out of the Privy Council and banished the (p. 364) +court, and his brother Thomas Duke of Clarence elected president of +the King's counsail, to his great displeasure and open reproach." + + [Footnote 327: Shakspeare represents Henry as + having given the Chief Justice the blow some time + before the expedition against the Archbishop of + York.--2 Hen. IV. act i.] + +Perhaps it might be argued without unfairness, that the great +variation and discrepancy in the traditions respecting this affair in +the Prince's life would induce us to believe that, at all events, +something of the kind actually took place; that, without some +foundation in real fact, so extraordinary a transaction could never +have been invented; that, whatever difficulty we may find in filling +up the outline, the broad reality of an insolent and violent bearing +shown by the Prince to a Judge on the bench ought to be admitted; and +that any variation as to the person of the Judge, or the court over +which he presided, or the time at which the incident might have taken +place, or the degree of insult and personal violence exhibited, is +unessential, and proves only the inaccuracy in detail of various +accounts, all of which combine, independently of those minute +circumstances, to establish the main point. To this argument it might +also be added, that the very circumstance of an inspection of original +documents presenting names of real living persons, identically the +same with those which Shakspeare has given to the minor heroes of his +drama, (such as Bardolf, Pistol, &c.) intimates a knowledge on his +part of the transactions of those times which entitles him to a higher +degree of credit, as seeming to imply that he might have had (p. 365) +recourse to documents which are now lost: + + "Sir, Here comes the nobleman who committed the + Prince for striking him about BARDOLF." + 2 HEN. IV. act. i. + +On the other side, it might with equal, perhaps with greater fairness +be argued, that this is not one of those cases in which various +independent authorities bear separate testimony to one important fact; +whilst minor discrepancies as to time and place, and persons and +circumstances, tend only to confirm the testimony, placing the +authority above suspicion, and exempting the case from all idea of +conspiring witnesses. Such arguments are then only sound when the +witnesses are contemporary with the fact, or live soon after its +alleged date. But when chroniclers and biographers, who write +immediately of the times and of the life of the person charged, +recording circumstances far less important and characteristic, omit +all mention whatever of an event which must have been notorious to +all,--but of which no trace whatever can be found, nor any allusion +directly or indirectly to it is discovered, for more than a century +and a quarter after the death of the accused,--the investigator +appears to be justified in requiring some auxiliary evidence; at all +events, such discrepancies cease to contribute the alleged aid to the +establishment of the main fact. When, for example, the Chronicle of +London records an affray in East-Cheap between the townsmen and (p. 366) +the Princes,[328] mentioning by name Thomas and John, and registers +the journeys of John of Gaunt, the execution of Rhys Duy, the +Welshman, with unnumbered events, far less important and notorious +than must have been the commitment to prison of the heir-apparent of +the throne, and on that circumstance is altogether silent, not having +the slightest allusion to anything of the kind; and when those +biographers who lived and wrote nearest to the time (such as Elmham, +Livius, Otterbourne, Hardyng, Walsingham, all of whom speak more or +less strongly of his irregularities and youthful vices, and subsequent +reformation,) never allude to any story of the sort, and apparently +had no knowledge even of any tradition respecting it; the charge +either of partiality or incredulity does not seem to lie at the door +of any one who might doubt the reality of the whole. It is not as +though the deed were regarded as having fixed an indelible stain on +the Prince's memory, and therefore his partial biographers would +gladly have buried it in oblivion. Sir Thomas Elyot (and his (p. 367) +seems to have been the general opinion) appears to have considered the +issue of the transaction as far more redounding to the Prince's +honour, than its progress stamped him with disgrace; and he attracts +the reader's especial attention to it by a marginal note: "A good +Judge, a good Prince, a good King." It is curious to observe the +progress of this story. Sir Thomas Elyot, the first in point of time +who states it, makes no mention either "of the blow on the Chief +Justice's face with his fist," or the removal of the Prince from the +council, and the substitution of his brother. Hall, on whom Hume +builds, adds both those facts; and then Hume in his turn proceeds to +affirm that his father, during the _latter years_ of his life, had +excluded him _from all share in public business_. Had Hume examined +the original documents for himself, instead of building only upon +"printed accounts" of later date by more than a century, he could not +have fallen into this error. But a refutation of this mistake, only +incidental to our present question, belonged to another part of this +work, where it may be found in its chronological order. To the +ancillary argument drawn from the names of Henry's supposed reckless +companions in Shakspeare occurring in the records of real history, it +may be answered, that if that fact proved anything, it proves too +much. If, indeed, men of those names were found in Henry's company, as +Prince of Wales, either in London, in Wales, or in Calais, and were +afterwards lost sight of, or seen only in obscurity and (p. 368) +separate from him, that fact might be regarded as confirmatory of the +popular tradition. But the reality is otherwise. The names of Pistol +and Bardolf[329] are found among those who accompanied the King in his +careers of victory in France: and in the very year before Henry's +death (a fact hitherto unnoticed by historians) William Bardolf was +one of the Barons of the Cinque Ports, and Lieutenant of Calais; a +post which he appears to have held for some years with great credit, +and enjoying the royal favour and confidence. William Bardolf had been +employed ten years before by Henry IV, as one of the commissioners +appointed to treat with the Duke of Burgundy.[330] + + [Footnote 328: The Chronicle of London, twice + within a very brief space, records such a + disturbance as the Chief Justice in Shakspeare is + represented to have hastened "to stint;" but in + each case, by adding the names of the King's sons, + rescues Henry from all share in the affray. + + "In this year (the 11th, 1410,) was a fray made in + East-Cheap by the King's sons, Thomas and John, + with the men of the town." + + "This year, (the 12th, 1411,) on St. Peter's even, + (June 28,) was a great debate in Bridge Street, + between the Lord Thomas's men and the men of + London."] + + [Footnote 329: The name of John Fastolfe, Esq. + occurs in the muster rolls of Henry on his first + expedition to France. But it must be remembered + that not Falstaff, but Sir John Oldcastle, was made + the buffoon on the stage at first, and continued so + for many years, till the offence which it gave led + to the substitution of Falstaff. "Stage poets," + says Fuller, "have themselves been very bold with, + and others very merry at, the memory of Sir John + Oldcastle; whom they have fancied a boon companion, + a jovial roister, and yet a coward to boot, + contrary to the credit of all chronicles, owning + him a martial man of merit. The best is, Sir John + Falstaff hath relieved the memory of Sir John + Oldcastle, and of late is substituted buffoon in + his place.--Church History, iv. 38."] + + [Footnote 330: See Pell Rolls (Issue), 8 Henry V, + March 11; 9 Henry V, April 1. See also Acts of + Privy Council, vol. ii. pp. 5, 344, &c.] + +It is a curious fact, that the magnanimous conduct of the Judge, +tending so much to his renown, has induced various families and +biographers to challenge the credit of the affair for their (p. 369) +friends. No less than four claimants require us to examine their +pretensions. Shakspeare and the world at large have consented to give +the honour to Gascoyne; whilst the friends of Markham, Hankford, and +Hody, have each in their turn disputed the palm with him. Of these +four claimants two are reckoned among the "worthies of Devon." With +regard to Sir John Hody, "to whom some of our countrymen (says Mr. +Prince) would ascribe the honour," we need only add the sentence with +which this antiquary sets aside his claim,--"But this cannot be, for +that he was not a judge until thirty years afterwards." + +The claims of Hankford to this distinction rest on the authority of +Risdon, the Devon antiquary, who began his work in 1605, and did not +finish it till 1630. Mr. Prince would add the authority of Baker's +Chronicle; but, were Baker's authority of any value, he does not +mention the name of the Judge; and, by specifying that the transaction +took place at the _King's Bench_ bar, and that the Prince was +committed to the _Fleet_, he shows that no dependence is to be placed +on his authority. If it took place at the King's Bench bar, the King's +Bench prison would have received the royal culprit; and if, as Risdon +says, the Judge's sentence was, "I command you, prisoner, to the +King's Bench," not Hankford, but Gascoyne, was the Judge. Hankford was +not appointed to the King's Bench before March 29th, 1 Henry V, (p. 370) +some days after the supposed culprit had ascended the throne.[331] + + [Footnote 331: There is so much of fable mingled + with the traditionary biography of this "Devonshire + worthy," that most persons probably will dismiss + the claim altogether. He became weary of his life, + and, being determined to rid himself from the + direful apprehensions of dangerous approaching + evils, he adopted this strange mode of suicide: + having given strict orders to his keeper to shoot + any person at night who would not stand when + challenged, he threw himself into the keeper's way, + and was shot dead upon the spot. "This story (says + the author) is authenticated by several writers, + and the constant tradition of the neighbourhood; + and I myself have been shown the rotten stump of an + old oak under which he is said to have fallen." But + as to the cause which drove him to this rash act + the same writers vary, and tradition is strangely + diversified. One author says, that "on the + deposition of Richard II, who had made him a judge, + he was so terrified by the sight of infinite + executions and bloody assassinations, which caused + him continual agonies, that, upon apprehension what + his own fate might be, he fell into that melancholy + which hastened his end." His re-appointment to the + office on September 30, 1401, by Henry IV, would + have relieved him from these apprehensions. Others + say, that, "having committed the Prince to prison + in his younger days, he was afraid that, on the + sceptre of justice falling into his hands, that + royal culprit would take a too severe revenge + thereof; and this filled him with such insuperable + melancholy, that he was driven to the desperate act + of self-murder." But his appointment to succeed + Gascoyne as Chief Justice of the King's Bench, + March 29, 1413, must have conquered that + melancholy; and he discharged that office through + the whole of Henry V.'s reign, and through one year + of Henry VI, after which he died, December 20, + 1422.] + +The claim of Judge Markham, it is presumed, is supported only by the +testimony of an ancient manuscript preserved in his family. He was +Chief Justice of the Common Pleas from 20 Richard II. to 9 (p. 371) +Henry IV.[332] Some colour, however, is given to this claim by the +vague tradition that Prince Henry was committed to the Fleet; to which +prison alone the Judges of the Common Pleas commit their prisoners. +But if he was the Judge who committed the Prince, and if he died in +the 9th of Henry IV,[333] the allegation that the Prince was then +dismissed from the council falls to the ground; for at that time, and +long after, he seems to have been in the very zenith of his power. + + [Footnote 332: In a manuscript, a copy of which was + shown to a gentleman who gave the Author the + information, belonging to the Markhams, an ancient + family of Nottinghamshire, of about the date of + Queen Elizabeth, the honour is claimed for Markham: + and in an old play, which turns the whole into + broad farce, (probably anterior to Shakspeare,) the + Judge is made to commit the Prince to the Fleet.] + + [Footnote 333: Or even if he died, as some say, on + St. Sylvester's Day, (December 30,) 1409.] + +If, then, Prince Henry was ever guilty of the gross insult and +violence in a court of justice, and the firm, intrepid Judge, to +uphold and vindicate the majesty of the law, committed him to prison +for the offence, the probabilities preponderate in favour of Gascoyne +having been the individual. But this supposition also is not free from +difficulties. He was made Chief Justice of the King's Bench[334] 15th +November, 2 Henry IV. (1401.) And of his intrepidity[335] in the +discharge of that office, we have already mentioned an especial (p. 372) +instance at the death of Archbishop Scrope, if what Clemens +Maydestone, a contemporary, says, be true. Henry IV, who had the +person of the Archbishop in his power, called upon Gascoyne, who was +with him, to pass on his prisoner the sentence of death; but, at the +risk of losing the King's favour and his own appointment, he +positively refused, on the ground of its illegality. The Archbishop, +however, was condemned to be beheaded by one Fulthorp, (or, as some +say, Fulford,) afterwards a judge, as we have stated in its place. +Gascoyne was subsequently sent with Lord Ross, by the council, to the +north, as one of those in whom the King was known to have especial +confidence, as soon as the news arrived in London of Lord Bardolf's +hostile movement; and we find him still continued in the office of +Chief Justice, apparently without having incurred the King's +displeasure. + + [Footnote 334: Pat. 2 Henry IV. p. 1. m. 28.] + + [Footnote 335: How far the high esteem in which the + memory of Judge Gascoyne has been held may be owing + to the tradition concerning Henry of Monmouth, we + need not inquire. His name has constantly been held + in great honour. Judge Denison, by his own especial + desire, was buried close to the grave of Gascoyne.] + +No adage is more sound than that which affirms a little learning to be +a dangerous thing. More than fifty years ago, the Gentleman's +Magazine[336] triumphantly maintained, that, at all events, Shakspeare +had deviated from history in bringing Henry V. and Gascoyne (p. 373) +together after the Prince's accession, because Gascoyne died in the +life-time of Henry IV. This view has generally been acquiesced in, and +the powerfully delineated scene of our great dramatist has been +pronounced altogether the groundless fiction of an event which could +not by possibility have transpired. The whole question turns upon the +date of Gascoyne's death. He was buried in Harewood Church in +Yorkshire; and Fuller gives the following as his monumental +inscription: "Gulielmus Gascoyne, Die Dominica, 17ē Dec^ris. 1412, 14 +H. IV."--"William Gascoyne [died] on Sunday, December 17th, 1412, in +the fourteenth year of Henry IV." If this were correct, there would be +an end of the question; but the brass was torn from the tomb during +the civil wars, and the copy cannot be verified. The inscription, +however, as given by Fuller, is at all events self-contradictory. The +17th of December fell on a Saturday, not on a Sunday, in 1412. + + [Footnote 336: The Magazine is followed in its + erroneous views by subsequent writers.] + +The process of the argument, and the accession of new evidence by +which we are now at length enabled to set this point at rest, are very +curious. The Author, indeed, confesses himself to have been one of +those who were induced, by the documents then before them, to believe +that Judge Gascoyne died on Sunday, December 17, 1413, somewhat more +than half a year after Henry V.'s accession; and although the late +discovery of the Judge's last Will proves that the argument (p. 374) +was then sound only so far as it established the fact that he died +after Henry's accession, and was unsound in fixing the period of his +death at so early a period as December 1413; yet the statement of that +argument may perhaps not be altogether uninteresting, whilst it may +suggest a valuable caution as to the jealous vigilance with which +circumstantial evidence should always be sifted before the conclusions +built upon it be admitted. + +It was then a fact upon record, that Chief Justice Gascoyne was +summoned, on the 22nd March 1413, (the very day after Henry's +accession,) to attend the parliament in the May following. When the +parliament met, Gascoyne's name does not appear among those who were +present; whilst Hankford, his successor, is appointed Trier of +Petitions in the room of Gascoyne, and, in the case of a writ of +error, brings up as Chief Justice the record from the King's Bench. +Hankford's appointment as Chief Justice bears date March 29th, 1413; +and he is summoned to attend parliament as Chief Justice in the +December following.[337] In the Pell Rolls a payment is recorded, July +7, 1413, of his half-year's fee to "William Gascoyne, late Chief (p. 375) +Justice of Lord Henry the King's father." The inference from these +facts was undoubtedly conclusive: first, that Gascoyne's death was +erroneously referred to December 1412; secondly, that he was alive and +Chief Justice when Henry V. came to the throne; thirdly, that he +ceased to be Chief Justice within eight days of Henry's accession, +somewhere between March 22, and March 29, 1413. It was merely matter +of conjecture whether he was too ill to discharge the duties of his +station, and resigned; or what other probable cause of his removal +existed. The conversation, at all events, which Shakspeare records, +might _possibly_ have taken place; though it is a fact, scarcely +reconcilable with it, that Henry V. never did renew Gascoyne's +appointment,--a proceeding almost invariably adopted on the demise of +a sovereign by his successor. Henry V. might have offered to commit +into his hand "the unstained sword that he was wont to bear:"--within +eight days after Henry IV. had ceased to breathe, Gascoyne had no +longer in his hand the staff of justice. + + [Footnote 337: Dugdale is unquestionably mistaken, + and the many authors who follow him, in fixing + Hankford's appointment to January 29, 1 Hen. V. + 1414. He refers for his authority to "Patent 1 Hen. + V. m. 33;" but no entry of the kind is found + there.] + +The reason which then induced the persons who argued on these facts to +suppose that Fuller had by mistake adopted the date of the year 1412 +instead of 1413 was this:--It was very improbable that the words "Die +Dominica" should have been introduced by the copyist, if they were not +really on the tomb. Hence it was inferred that he died on a Sunday. +Now December 17th was on a Sunday in the following year, (p. 376) +1413; and, since the date was in Roman letters, it was thought very +probable that the last I had been obliterated in MCCCCXIII. The words, +indeed, "14th Henry IV," were also quoted by Fuller: but it was +unquestionably more credible that those words formed a marginal note +in the reporter's manuscript, and were mere surplusages, than that +they should have been allowed a place in the brass scroll of a +monument. + +Such was the state of our knowledge, and such was the course of our +reasoning as to the time of Gascoyne's decease, till within a very +short period of the publication of this work. A document, however, has +been very lately brought to light on this subject, which supersedes +that statement altogether; setting the whole argument in a new point +of view, and reading a plain lesson on the care and circumspection +with which inferences, however plausible, as to dates and facts, +should be admitted. In the present instance, indeed, the conclusion to +which we had before arrived, on the question of Gascoyne having +survived Henry IV, remains unassailable, or rather, is only still +further removed from the possibility of historical doubt; and the +whole argument on the vast improbability of Prince Henry having ever +offered an insult to the Chief Justice, or of his ever having been +committed to prison for any offence of the kind, remains at least +equally strong as before. Most persons, perhaps, may consider the +degree of improbability to have become still greater. Be this (p. 377) +as it may, the facts now placed beyond further controversy as to +Gascoyne's death are these. In the Registry of the Court of York the +last Will and testament of William Gascoyne has been found recorded. +It bears date on the Friday after St. Lucy's Day in the year 1419; and +it was proved on the 23rd of December following. In the year 1419, St. +Lucy's Day, December 13, was on a Wednesday. The Will was consequently +made on Friday the 15th of December, and was proved on the morrow +week, Saturday, December 23rd. In the Will, the testator declares that +he was weak in body; and the strong probability is that he died on the +following Sunday, December 17, 1419.[338] This would accord precisely +with Fuller's representation of the scroll on the tomb, "on the Lord's +Day, December 17." Whilst the facility of mistaking MCCCCXIX for +MCCCCXII, (being the obliteration only of one cross stroke in the last +letter,) is even more remarkable than that of the error which on the +former supposition was thought probable, from the obliteration of the +last letter I in MCCCCXIII. + + [Footnote 338: It must be regarded as a very + curious coincidence connected with this argument, + that the 17th of December should have fallen on a + Sunday, both in the year MCCCCXIII, and in + MCCCCXIX, but in no other year between 1402 and + 1421.] + + * * * * * + +The Author has had recourse to every means within his reach to assure +himself of the genuineness of this document, and to ascertain (p. 378) +that the testator was the William Gascoyne[339] who was Chief Justice +of the King's Bench. The result is, that not a shadow of any of the +doubts which he once jealously entertained, remains on the subject; +whilst he gratefully remembers the prompt and satisfactory assistance +rendered him by the present Registrar of York. The document must be +admitted without reserve. + + [Footnote 339: The mention in the body of the Will + of the names of his former wife, and of his second + wife then alive, and the record of the Will of that + second wife, who states herself the widow of + William Gascoyne, late Chief Justice, preserved in + the same register, fix the identity of the testator + beyond dispute. The Author was first indebted for a + knowledge of the existence of this document to the + volume called Testamenta Eboracensia, published by + the Surtees Society; though he cannot suppress the + surprise with which he read the comment of the + editors, the chief mistake of which was discovered + in time to be rectified in an "erratum" after the + work had been printed.] + +From these now indisputable facts a thought might perhaps not +unnaturally suggest itself to the mind of any one taking only a +general view of the whole subject, that some countenance is here given +to the prevalent notion that Gascoyne had displeased Henry during the +years of his princedom; but that, instead of holding the worthy and +intrepid Judge in higher honour, (as tradition tells,) and rewarding +him for his noble bearing, on the contrary, the King resented the +insult shown to his person, and dismissed him (contrary to the usual +practice) from his high judicial station. A fact,[340] however, (p. 379) +new (it is presumed) to history, enables or rather compels us to +dismiss such a conjecture from our minds. Whatever was the definite +cause of Gascoyne's withdrawal from the bench as Chief Justice of +England; whether his declining health, or an inclination for +retirement and repose after so long[341] and wearisome a discharge of +his arduous duties, or the competency[342] of his fortune, induced him +to draw back at length from the turmoils of public life, and (p. 380) +pass his last days among his own friends and relatives in the privacy +of a country residence; certainly he carried with him when he left his +court, not the resentment and unkindness, but the most friendly +feelings and respect of his new sovereign. By warrant, November 28, +1414, (that is, in the very year after his retirement,) the King +grants to "our dear and well-beloved William Gascoyne an allowance of +four bucks and does out of the forest of Pontefract for the term of +his life." + + [Footnote 340: For this fact, and many others, as + well as for most valuable suggestions, and + assistance of various kinds, the Author is indebted + to T. Duffus Hardy, Esq. of the Record Office in + the Tower,--a gentleman who, with a mind admirably + stored with antiquarian knowledge, possesses also + the faculty of applying his stores to the best + advantage in the developement of whatever subject + he undertakes, and the principle also of employing + his knowledge and abilities in the cause of truth.] + + [Footnote 341: Gascoyne had been Chief Justice of + the King's Bench more than twelve years,--a portion + of life considerably beyond the average duration of + their office in those high functionaries. Reckoning + either from Hanlow, 1258, in the reign of Henry + III, or from Gascoyne, in 1401, in the reign of + Henry IV, to the present time, the average number + of years through which the Chief Justices of the + King's Bench have retained their seats is below + nine. Through the last century, however, (reckoning + from Lord Hardwick's appointment, in 1733, to Lord + Tenterden's death, in 1832,) the average has risen + to above fourteen years.] + + [Footnote 342: He was in a condition to lend the + King money when the exigencies of the state pressed + him hard. Among other creditors, the Pell Rolls + (14th May 1420) record the repayment of a loan to + the executors of William Gascoyne, which was within + half a year of his death.] + + * * * * * + +The sum of the whole matter as to the historical representations of +Henry's conduct is this: + +Before the year 1534, far more than a century after Henry's death, no +allusion whatever is made to any occurrence of the kind in any work, +printed or manuscript, now extant and known. Sir Thomas Elyot, who +mentions it incidentally as an anecdote, combining the merits "of a +good Judge, a good Prince, and a good King," gives no reference to any +authority whatever. Subsequently it is reported in detail by Hall, but +with much exaggeration on Elyot's narrative. It then not only passed +current in our histories, but served as a topic of grave import in our +Prince of tragedians, and of burlesque in the broad farces of later +and perhaps earlier days than his. The biographers of Henry, though +they detail in all their minute particulars many circumstances of his +youth, far less important either to his character, or as facts of +general and national interest, and who lived, some of them, (p. 381) +almost a century nearer the date of the supposed transaction than +Elyot, are to a man silent on the subject; not one of them betraying +the shadow of suspicion that he was even aware of any rumour or vague +tradition of the kind. Such facts as the committal to prison of the +heir-apparent, especially such an heir-apparent as Henry (it is +presumed), must have been notorious through the metropolis and the +whole land, and must have excited a great and general sensation; and +yet the Chronicles, though they often surprise us by their minute +notice of trifling circumstances, do not contain the slightest +intimation that any such affair as this had ever come to the knowledge +of those who kept them. They are silent, and their silence seems +natural.[343] + + [Footnote 343: By the kind assistance of those to + whom the state of the records of our courts of + justice is most familiar, the Author has been + enabled to assure himself satisfactorily that they + offer nothing which can throw any light whatever on + the question examined in these pages.] + +On the whole, most persons will probably believe that either Gascoyne, +or Hankford, or Hody would upon such evidence, we do not say merely +charge the jury for an acquittal, but would, on perusing the +depositions, have previously recommended the grand inquest to return +"Not a true Bill." Still every reader has the evidence fairly before +him, and must decide for himself! + + * * * * * + +Should any one be disposed to think that questions of this sort (p. 382) +might well be left undecided, and that the settlement of them is +not worth the trouble and research often required for their thorough +investigation, the Author ventures to suspect that, in the generality +of instances, such reflections originate in an inexperience of the +vast practical moment which facts, the most trifling in themselves, +often carry with them in the investigation of the most important +questions. Doubtless, the wise man will exercise his discretion in not +confounding great things with small; but, on the contrary, in stamping +on every thing its own intrinsic and comparative value. Still, in +great things and small, (though each in its own weight and measure,) +the truth is ever dear for its own sake, and should be for its own +sake pursued. And it must never be forgotten, that one truth, in +itself perhaps too minute and insignificant for its worth to be felt +in the calculation, when probabilities are being estimated, may be a +guiding star to other truths of great value, which, without its +leading, might have remained neglected and unknown. In itself, a false +statement, though generally acquiesced in, may be unimportant; in its +consequences, it may be widely and permanently prejudicial to the +cause of truth. If viewed abstractedly, it might appear like a cloud +in the horizon not larger than a man's hand; but that speck may be the +harbinger of wind and tempest. With regard, indeed, to those natural +appearances in the sky, the most experienced observer can do nothing +towards arresting the progress of the threatened storm; his (p. 383) +foresight can only enable him to provide himself a shelter, or hasten +him on his journey, "that the rain stop him not." In the case of +literary, physical, moral, religious, and historical subjects of +inquiry, (or to whatever department of human knowledge our pursuits +may be directed,) by rectifying the minutest error we may check the +propagation of mischief, and preserve the truth (it may be some +momentous practical truth) in its integrity and brightness. + + * * * * * + +Connected with the subject of this and the preceding chapter, problems +of very difficult solution present themselves, a full and +comprehensive elucidation of which would involve questions of deep +moral and metaphysical interest with regard to the structure, the +cultivation and training, the associations and habits of the human +mind. Upon the merits of those problems in their various ramifications +the Author has no intention to venture; and probably few persons would +pronounce unhesitatingly how far on the one hand the facts of past +ages (constituting a valuable deposit of especial trust) should be +kept religiously distinct from works of fiction; or on the other hand +how far the field of history itself is legitimate ground for the +imagination in all its excursive ranges to disport upon freely and +fearlessly: in a word, how far the practice is justifiable and +desirable of bending the realities of historical record to (p. 384) +the service of the fancy, and moulding them into the shape best suited +to the writer's purpose in developing his plot, perfecting his +characters, and exciting a more lively interest in his whole design. +Whatever might be the result of such questions fully enucleated, the +Author, with his present views, cannot suffer himself to doubt that +society is infinitely a gainer in possessing the historical dramas of +Shakspeare, and the historical romances of Walter Scott. Instead of +putting the moral and intellectual advantages, the improvement and the +pleasure with which such extraordinary men have enriched their country +and the world in one scale, and jealously weighing them against the +erroneous associations which their exhibition of past events has a +tendency to impart, a philosophical view of the whole case should seem +to encourage us in the full enjoyment of their exquisite treasures; +suggesting, however, at the same time, the salutary caution that we +should never suffer ourselves to be so influenced by the naturalness +and beauty of their poetical creations, as to forego the beneficial +exercise of ascertaining from the safest guides the real facts and +characters of history. + + + + +APPENDIX, No. I. (p. 385) + +OWYN GLYNDOWR's ABSENCE FROM THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. + + +Had Owyn Glyndowr joined the army of Hotspur before Henry IV. had +compelled that gallant, but rash and headstrong warrior, to engage in +battle, their united forces might have crushed both the King and Henry +of Monmouth under their overwhelming charge, and crowned the Percies +and Owyn himself with victory; but the reader is reminded that the +question for the more satisfactory solution of which an appeal is made +to the following original documents, is simply this: Did Owyn Glyndowr +wilfully absent himself from the fatal battle of Shrewsbury, leaving +Hotspur and his host to encounter that struggle alone, or are we +compelled to account for the absence of the Welsh chieftain on grounds +which imply no compromise of his valour or his good faith? + +The first of the series of documents from which it is presumed that +light is thrown on this subject, is a letter from Richard Kyngeston, +Archdeacon of Hereford, addressed to the King, dated Hereford, Sunday, +July 8, and therefore 1403,--just thirteen days before the battle of +Shrewsbury. It is written in French; but the postscript, added +evidently in vast trepidation, and as if under the sudden fear that he +had not expressed himself strongly enough, is in English. "His +eagerness for the arrival of the King in Wales by forced marches, is +expressed with an earnestness which is almost ridiculous."[344] + + [Footnote 344: See Ellis.] + + "Our most redoubted and sovereign Lord the King, I recommend (p. 386) + myself[345] humbly to your highness.... From day to day letters + are arriving from Wales, by which you may learn that the whole + country is lost unless you go there as quick as possible. + Be pleased to set forth with all your power, and march as well by + night as by day, for the salvation of those parts. It will be a + great disgrace as well as damage to lose in the beginning of your + reign a country which your ancestors gained, and retained so + long; for people speak very unfavourably. I send the copy of a + letter which came from John Scydmore this morning.... Written in + haste, great haste at Hereford, the 8th[346] day of July. + "Your lowly creature, + "RICHARD KYNGESTON, + "Archdeacon of Hereford. + + "And for God's love, my liege Lord, think on yourself and (p. 387) + your estate; or by my troth all is lost else: but, and ye + come yourself, all other will follow after. On Friday last + Carmarthen town was taken and burnt, and the castle yielden by + Rē Wygmor, and the castle Emlyn is yielden; and slain of the + town of Carmarthen more than fifty persons. Written in right + great haste on Sunday, and I cry you mercy, and put me in your + high grace that I write so shortly; for, by my troth that I owe + to you, it is needful." + + [Footnote 345: This ecclesiastic was much in the + royal confidence. By a commission dated June 16, + 1404, he, as Archdeacon of Hereford, is authorized + to receive the subsidy in the counties of Hereford, + Gloucester, and Warwick, and to dispose of it in + the support of men-at-arms and archers to resist + the Welsh.[345-a] And sums, three years afterwards, + were paid to him out of the exchequer for the + maintenance of soldiers _remaining with him_ in the + parts of Wales for the safeguard of the same. He + seems to have been not only the dispenser of the + money, but the captain of the men. The debt, + however, had probably been due from the crown for a + long time. He was for many years Master of the + Wardrobe to Henry IV; and during his time the + expences of the court appear to have become more + extravagant, and to have led to that remonstrance + and interference of the council and parliament, to + which reference has been made in the body of this + work. Pell Rolls, Issue, 5 May 1407.--Do. Michs. + 1409.] + + [Footnote 345-a: MS. Donat. 4597.] + + [Footnote 346: This letter is the more valuable, + because, though the year is not annexed in words, + the information that he wrote it on Sunday, July 8, + fixes the date to 1403: the next year to which this + date would apply being 1408, four years after + Kyngeston had ceased to be Archdeacon of Hereford; + and far too late for any such apprehension of great + mischief from Glyndowr.] + +John Skydmore's letter, dated from the castle of Cerreg Cennen, not +only fixes Owyn Glyndowr at Carmarthen on Thursday, July the 5th; but +acquaints us also with his purpose to proceed thence into +Pembrokeshire, whilst his friends had undertaken to reduce the castles +of Glamorgan. It is addressed to John Fairford, Receiver of Brecknock. + + "Worshipful Sir,--I recommend me to you. And forasmuch as I may + not spare no man from this place away from me to certify neither + the King, nor my lord the Prince, of the mischief of these + countries about, nor no man may pass by no way hence, I pray you + that ye certify them how all Carmarthenshire, Kedwelly, + Carnwalthan, and Yskenen be sworn to Owyn yesterday; and he lay + [to nyzt was] last night in the castle of Drosselan with Rees ap + Griffuth. And there I was, and spake with him upon truce, and + prayed of a safe-conduct under his seal to send home my wife and + her mother, and their [mayne] company. And he would none grant + me. And on this day he is about the town of Carmarthen, and there + thinketh to abide till he may have the town and the castle: and + his purpose is thence into Pembrokeshire; for he [halt (p. 388) + him siker] feels quite sure of all the castles and towns in + Kedwelly, Gowerland, and Glamorgan, for the same countries have + undertaken the sieges of them till they be won. Wherefore write + to Sir Hugh Waterton, and to all that ye suppose will take this + matter to heart, that they excite the King hitherwards in all + haste to avenge him on some of his false traitors, the which he + has overmuch cherished, and rescue the towns and castles in the + countries, for I dread full sore there be too few true men in + them. I can no more as now: but pray God help you and us that + think to be true. Written at the castle of Carreg Kennen, the + fifth day of July. + "Yours, JOHN SKYDMORE."[347] + + [Footnote 347: The custody of Carreg Kennen + (Karekenny) was granted to John Skydmore, 2 May + 1402.] + +Two other letters, which internal evidence compels us to assign to +this year,--the first to the 7th of July (two days only after John +Skydmore's), the second to the 11th of the same month,--carry on +Owyn's proceedings with perfect consistency. They were written by the +Constable of Dynevor Castle, and seem to have been addressed to the +Receiver of Brecknock, and by him to have been forwarded to the King's +council. "The first gives us no exalted notion of the Constable's +courage: 'A siege is ordained for the castle I keep, and that is great +peril for me. Written in haste and in dread.' The second informs us of +the extent of force with which Glyndowr was then moving in his +inroads; when threatening the castle of Dynevor, he mustered 8240 +(eight thousand and twelve score) spears, such as they were."[348] + + [Footnote 348: Ellis.] + +The first letter, written on Saturday, July 7, ("the Fest of St. +Thomas the Martir,") he seems to have posted off immediately on the +news reaching Dynevor that Carmarthen had surrendered to Owyn, (p. 389) +without waiting to ascertain the accuracy of the report; for, in +his second letter, he tells us that they had not yet resolved whether +to burn the town or no. + + "Dear Friend,--I do you to wit that Owyn Glyndowr, Henry Don, + Rees Duy, Rees ap Gv. ap Llewellyn, Rees Gether, have won the + town of Carmarthen, and Wygmer the Constable had yielded the + castle to Carmarthen; and have burnt the town, and slain more + than fifty men: and they be in purpose to Kedwelly, and a siege + is ordained at the castle I keep, and that is great peril for me, + and all that be with me; for they have made a vow that they will + [al gat] at all events have us dead therein. Wherefore I pray you + not to beguile us, but send to us warning shortly whether we may + have any help or no; and, if help is not coming, that we have an + answer, that we may steal away by night to Brecknock, because we + fail victuals and men [and namlich], especially men. Also Jenkyn + ap Ll. hath yielden up the castle of Emlyn with free will; and + also William Gwyn, and many gentles, are in person with Owyn.... + Written at Deynevour, in haste and in dread, in the feast of St. + Thomas the Martyr.[349] + "JENKYN HANARD, + "Constable de Dynevour." + + [Footnote 349: This letter was probably written on + Saturday, July 7, 1403,--that is, on the + Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr.] + +In this letter the Constable says that Owyn's forces were in purpose +to Kedwelly: the second letter refers to Owyn's purpose having been +altered by the formidable approach of the Baron of Carew towards St. +Clare. This was probably on Monday, July 9, the third day after the +surrender of Carmarthen. The Tuesday night he slept at Locharn +(Laugharne). Through the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, the (p. 390) +little garrison of Dynevor were negociating with him; for he was +resolved to win that castle, and to make it his head-quarters. On that +Wednesday, the Constable tells us, that Owyn intended, should he come +to terms with the Baron of Carew, to return to Carmarthen for his +share of the spoil, and to determine on the utter destruction of the +town, or its preservation. By a letter sent from the Mayor and +burgesses of Caerleon to the Mayor and burgesses of Monmouth,--the +propriety of referring which to this very year can scarcely be +questioned,--we are informed that the Baron of Carew was not so easily +tempted from his allegiance as some other "false traitors" in that +district; and that he defeated and put to the sword a division of Owyn +Glyndowr's army on the 12th of July,--the very day probably after the +date of the Constable's last letter. This fact, when admitted, +increases in importance; because it proves that as late, at least, as +July 12th, Owyn Glyndowr, though generally successful in that +campaign, was not without a formidable enemy there; and therefore by +no means at liberty to quit the country at a moment's warning, or to +leave his adherents without the protection of his forces and his own +presence. + + * * * * * + +Copy of the second letter from the Constable of Dynevor: + + "Dear Friend,--I do you to wit that Owyn was in purpose to + Kedwelly, and the Baron of Carew was coming with a great retinue + towards St. Clare, and so Owyn changed his purpose, and rode to + meet the Baron; and that night he lodged at St. Clare, and + destroyed all the country about. And on Tuesday they were at + treaties all day, and that night he lodged him at the town of + Locharn, six miles out of the town of Carmarthen. The intention + is, if the Baron and he accord in treaty, then he turneth again + to Carmarthen for his part of the good, and Rees Duy[350] (p. 391) + his part. And many of the great masters stand yet in the castle + of Carmarthen; for they have not yet made their ordinance + whether the castle and town shall be burnt or no; and therefore, + if there is any help coming, haste them all haste towards us, for + every house is full about us of their poultry, and yet wine and + honey enough in the country, and wheat and beans, and all manner + of victuals. And we of the castle of Dynevor had treaties with + him on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday; and now he will ordain for + us to leave that castle, [for ther a castyth to ben y serkled + thince,] for that was the chief place in old time. And Owyn's + muster on Monday was eight thousand and twelve score spears, such + as they were. Other tidings I not now; but God of Heaven send you + and us from all enemies! Written at Dynevor this Wednesday in + haste." + + [Footnote 350: This partisan of Owyn, who is here + said to have gone to share with him in the spoil of + Carmarthen, partook even in greater bitterness of + his cup of affliction. He was taken prisoner and + beheaded. The Chronicle of London asserts that his + quarters were salted, and sent to different parts + of the kingdom; but this assertion, in an affair of + little importance, shows how small reliance can be + placed on anonymous records. The King, by writ of + privy seal, 29 May 1412, commands Rees Duy's body, + then in the custody of his officers, to be buried + in some consecrated cemetery. It had perhaps been + exposed for some time. MS. Donat. 4599, p. 128.] + +The despatch from the burgesses of Carleon, after stating that seven +hundred men, whom Owyn had sent forwards as pioneers and to search the +ways, were to a man slain by the Lord of Carew's men on the 12th day +of July, records an anecdote so characteristic of Owyn's superstition, +that, whilst examining his conduct, we may scarcely pass it by +unnoticed. He sent after Hopkyn ap Thomas of Gower, inasmuch (p. 392) +as he held him Master of Brut, (_i. e._ skilled in the prophecies of +Merlin,) to learn from him what should befal him, and he told him that +he should be taken within a brief time between Carmarthen and Gower +under a black banner. [The Author finds the next sentence so obscure +that he leaves it to the interpretation of the reader.] "Knowelichyd +that thys blake baner scholde dessese hym, and nozt that he schold be +take undir hym." + +In weighing the evidence brought to light by these original +despatches, it will be necessary to have a few dates immediately +present to our mind. + +We have it under the King's own hand, that, when he was at Higham +Ferrers, he believed himself to be on his road northward to form a +junction with Hotspur and his father Northumberland, and together with +them (of whose allegiance and fidelity he apparently had not hitherto +entertained any suspicion) to make a joint expedition against the +Scots. This letter is dated July 10, 1403. + +Five days only at the furthest intervened between the date of this +letter and the King's proclamation at Burton on Trent (still on his +journey northward) to the sheriffs to raise their counties, and join +him to resist the Percies, whose rebellion had then suddenly been made +known to him. This proclamation is dated July 16, 1403. Four days only +elapsed between the issuing of this proclamation and the death of +Hotspur, with the total discomfiture of his followers in Hateley +Field, where the battle of Shrewsbury was fought on Saturday, 21st of +July, the very week on the Monday of which he had first heard of the +revolt of the Percies. + +If the dates relating to Owyn's proceedings,--some ascertained beyond +further question, and others admitted on the ground of high +probability, approaching certainty, with which the documents above +quoted supply us,--are laid side by side with these indisputable +facts, the inference from the comparison seems unavoidable, that Owyn +was never made acquainted with the expectation on the part (p. 393) +of his allies of so early a struggle with the King's forces in +England; (indeed the conflict evidently was unexpected by Hotspur +himself;) that Owyn was in the most remote corner of South Wales when +the battle was fought; and that probably the sad tidings of Hotspur's +overthrow reached him without his ever having been apprised (at least +in time) that the Percy needed his succour. + + + + +APPENDIX, No. II. (p. 394) + +LYDGATE. + + +Extracts from the Dedication to Henry of Monmouth of his poem, "The +Death of Hector:" + + "For through the world it is known to every one, + And flying Fame reports it far and wide, + That thou, by natural condition, + In things begun wilt constantly abide; + And for the time dost wholly set aside + All rest; and never carest what thou dost spend + Till thou hast brought thy purpose to an end. + And that thou art most circumspect and wise, + And dost effect all things with providence, + As Joshua did by counsel and advice, + Against whose sword there is none can make defence: + And wisdom hast by heavenly influence + With Solomon to judge and to discern + Men's causes, and thy people to govern. + For mercy mixt with thy magnificence, + Doth make thee pity all that are opprest; + And to withstand the force and violence + Of those that right and equity detest. + With David thou to piety art prest; + And like to Julius Cæsar valorous, + That in his time was most victorious. + And in thine hand (like worthy Prince) dost hold + Thy sword, to see that of thy subjects none + Against thee should presume with courage bold + And pride of heart to raise rebellion; (p. 395) + And in the other, sceptre to maintain + True justice while among us thou dost reign. + More than good heart none can, whatsoe'er he be, + Present nor give to God nor unto man, + Which for my part I wholly give to thee, + And ever shall as far forth as I can; + Wherewith I will (as I at first began) + Continually, not ceasing night nor day, + With sincere mind for thine estate thus pray. + + "The time when I this work had fully done + By computation just, was in the year + One thousand and four hundred twenty-one + Of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour dear; + And in the eighth year complete of the reign + Of our most noble lord and sovereign + King Henry the Fifth. + + "In honour great, for by his puissant might + He conquered all Normandy again, + And valiantly, for all the power of France; + And won from them his own inheritance, + And forced them his title to renew + To all the realm of France, which doth belong + To him, and to his lawful heirs by true + Descent, (the which they held from him by wrong + And false pretence,) and, to confirm the same, + Hath given him the honour and the name + Of Regent of the land for Charles his life; + And after his decease they have agreed, + Thereby to end all bloody war and strife, + That he, as heir, shall lawfully succeed + Therein, and reign as King of France by right, + As by records, which extant are to light, + It doth appear. + And I will never cease, both night and day, + With all my heart unto the Lord to pray + + "For HIM, by whose commandment I tooke (p. 396) + On me (though far unfit to do the same) + To translate into English verse this booke, + Which Guido wrote in Latin, and doth name + 'The Siege of Troy;' and for HIS sake alone, + I must confess that I the same begun, + When Henry, whom men _Fourth_ by name did call, + My Prince's father, lived, and possest + The crown. And though I be but rustical, + I have therein not spared to do my best + To please my Prince's humour." + +This poem, "The Life and Death of Hector," was published after the +marriage of Henry with Katharine, and before her arrival in England. +Among its closing sentiments are the following, intended probably as +an honest warning to his royal master, that in the midst of life we +are in death, and that the messenger from heaven knocks at the palace +of the conquering monarch with no less suddenness than at the cottage +of his humblest subject. How appropriate was the warning! Henry did +not survive the publication of this poem more than a single year. + + "For by Troy's fall it plainly doth appear + That neither king nor emperor hath here + + "A permanent estate to trust unto. + Therefore to Him that died upon the rood + (And was content and willing so to do, + And for mankind did shed his precious blood,) + Lift up your minds, and pray with humble heart + That He his aid unto you will impart. + For, though you be of extreme force and might, + Without his help it will you nought avail; + And He doth give man victory in fight, + And with a few is able to prevail, + And overcome an army huge and strong: + And by his grace makes kings and princes long + + "To reign here on the earth in happiness; (p. 397) + And tyrants, that to men do offer wrong + And violence, doth suddenly suppress, + Although their power be ne'er so great and strong. + And in his hand his blessings all reserveth + For to reward each one as he deserveth. + + "To whom I pray with humble mind and heart, + And so I hope all you will do no less, + That of his grace He would vouchsafe to impart + And send all joy, welfare, and happiness, + Health, victory, tranquillity, and honour, + Unto the high and mighty conqueror. + + "King Henry the Fifth, that his great name + May here on earth be extolled and magnified + While life doth last; and when he yields the same + Into his hands, he may be glorified + In heaven among the saints and angels bright, + There to serve the God of power and might. + + "At whose request this work I undertook, + As I have said. + God He knows when I this work began, + I did it not for praise of any man, + + "But for to please the humour and the hest + Of my good lord and princely patron, + Who [dis]dained not to me to make request + To write the same, lest that oblivion + By tract of time, and time's swift passing by, + Such valiant act should cause obscured to be; + + "As also 'cause his princely high degree + Provokes him study ancient histories, + Where, as in mirror, he may plainly see + How valiant knights have won the masteries + In battles fierce by prowess and by might, + To run like race, and prove a worthy knight. + + "And as they sought to climb to honour's seat, (p. 398) + So doth my Lord seek therein to excel, + That, as his name, so may his fame be great, + And thereby likewise idleness expel; + For so he doth to virtue bend his mind, + That hard it is his equal now to find. + + "To write his princely virtues, and declare + His valour, high renown, and majesty, + His brave exploits and martial acts, that are + Most rare, and worthy his great dignity, + My barren head cannot devise by wit + To extol his fame by words and phrases fit. + + "This worthy Prince, whom I so much commend, + (Yet not so much as well deserves his fame,) + By royal blood doth lineally descend + From Henry King of England, Fourth by name, + His eldest son, and heir to the crown, + And, by his virtues, Prince of high renown. + + "For by the graft the fruit men easily know, + Encreasing the honour of his pedigree; + His name Lord Henry, as our stories show, + And by his title Prince of Wales is he. + Who with good right, his father being dead, + Shall wear the crown of Britain on his head. + + "This mighty Prince hath made me undertake + To write the siege of Troy, the ancient town, + And of their wars a true discourse to make; + From point to point as Guido set it down, + Who long since wrote the same in Latin verse, + Which in the English now I will rehearse." + +In the poem called the "Siege of Troy," written in different metre, +Lydgate, addressing Henry, "O most worthy Prince! of Knighthood (p. 399) +source and well!" thus proceeds to state the circumstances under which +he wrote his work: + + "God I take highly to witness + That I this work of heartily low humbless + Took upon me of intention, + Devoid of pride and presumption, + For to obey without variance + _My Lord's bidding fully and pleasance_; + Which hath desire, soothly for to sayn, + Of very knighthood to remember again + The wortheness (if I shall not lie) + And the prowess of old chivalry, + Because _he hath joy and great dainty_ + To _read in books of antiquity_ + To _find only virtue_ to sow + By example of them, and also to eschew + The cursed vice of sloth and idleness; + So he enjoyeth in _virtuous_ business, + In all that longeth to manhood, dare I sayn, + He busyeth ever. And thereto is so fain + To haunt his body in plays martial, + Through exercise to exclude sloth at all, + (After the doctrine of Vigetius.) + Thus is he both _manful_ and _virtuous_, + More passingly than I can of him write; + I want cunning his high renown to indite, + So much of manhood men may in him seen. + And for to wit whom I would mean, + The eldest son of the noble King + Henry the Fourth; of knighthood well and spring; + In whom is showed of what stock that he grew, + The root is virtue; + Called Henry eke, the worthy Prince of Wales, + Which me commanded the dreary piteous tale + Of them of Troy in English to translate; + The siege, also, and the destruction, + Like as the Latin maketh mention, + For to complete, and after Guido make, (p. 400) + So I could, and write it for his sake; + Because he would that to high and low + The noble story openly were knowe + In our tongue, about in every age, + And written as well in our language + As in Latin and French it is; + That of the story the truth we not miss, + No more than doth each other nation; + This was the fine of his intention. + The which emprise anon I 'gin shall + In his worship for a memorial. + And of the time to make mention, + When I began on this translation, + It was the year, soothly to sayn, + Fourteen complete of his Father's reign." + +Though this Preface was written when Henry was still Prince of Wales, +the work was not finished till he had ascended the throne; when the +poet sent it into the world with this charge, which he calls +"L'Envoy:" + + "Go forth, my book! veiled with the princely grace + Of him that is extolled for excellence + Throughout the world, but do not show thy face + Without support of his magnificence." + + +TESTIMONY OF OCCLEVE. (p. 401) + +The interesting circumstances under which the poet represents the +following dialogue to have taken place are detailed in the body of the +work.[351] The old man addresses Occleve as his son, and the poet +calls his aged monitor father. + + [Footnote 351: See page 331.] + + _Father._ "My Lord the Prince,--knoweth he thee not? + If that thou stood in his benevolence, + He may be salve unto thine indigence." + + _Son._ "No man better: next his father,--our Lord the Liege + His father,--he is my good gracious Lord." + + _F._ "Well, Son! then will I me oblige, + And God of heaven vouch I to record, + That, if thou wilt be fully of mine accord, + Thou shalt no cause have more thus to muse, + But heaviness void, and it refuse. + Since he thy good Lord is, I am full sure + His grace shall not to thee be denied. + Thou wotst well he _benign_ is and _demure_ + To sue unto: not is his ghost maistried[352] + With danger; but his heart is full applied + To grant, and not the needy to warn his grace. + To him pursue, and thy relief purchase. + What shall I call thee--what is thy name?" + + _S._ "Occlive[353] (Father mine), men callen me." + + _F._ "Occlive? Son!"--_S._ "Yes, Father, the same." + + _F._ "Thou wert acquainted with Chaucer 'pardie?" (p. 402) + + _S._ "God save his soul! best of any wight." + + _F._ "Syn thou mayst not be paid in the Exchequer, + Unto my Lord the Prince make instance + That thy patent unto the Hanaper + May changed be."--_S._ "Father, by your sufferance, + It may not so: because of the ordinance, + Long after this shall no grant chargeable + Over pass. Father mine, this is no fable." + + _F._ "An equal charge, my Son, in sooth + Is no charge, I wot it well indeed. + What! Son mine! Good heart take unto thee. + Men sayen, 'Whoso of every grass hath dread, + Let him beware to walk in any mead.' + Assay! assay! thou simple-hearted ghost; + What grace is shapen thee, thou not wost. + ----Now, syn me thou toldest + My Lord the Prince is good Lord thee to; + No maistery is to thee, if thou woldest + To be relieved, wost thee what to do. + _Write to him a goodly tale or two_, + _On which he may disport him by night_, + And his free grace shall on thee light. + Sharp thy pen, and write on lustily; + Let see, my Son, make it fresh and gay, + Utter thine art if thou canst craftily; + _His high prudence hath insight very_ + _To judge if it be well made or nay._ + Wherefore, Son, it is unto thee need + Unto thy work take thee greater heed. + But of one thing be well ware in all wise, + On flattery that thou thee not found, + For thereof (Son) Solomon the Wise, + As that I have in his Proverbs found, + Saith thus: 'They that in feigned speech abound, + And glossingly unto their friends talk, + Spreaden a net before them, where they walk.' + This false treason common is and rife; + Better were it thou wert at Jerusalem (p. 403) + Now, than thou wert therein defective. + Syn my Lord the Prince is (_God hold his life!_) + To thee good Lord, good servant thou thee quit + To him and true, and it shall thee profit. + Write him _nothing that sowneth to vice_, + Kyth[354] thy love in matter of sadness. + Look if thou find canst any treatise + Grounded on his estate's wholesomeness; + Which thing translate, and unto his highness, + As humbly as thou canst, it thou present. + Do thus, my Son."--_S._ "Father! I assent, + With heart as trembling as the leaf of asp."[355] + + [Footnote 352: The Author has not formed any + satisfactory opinion as to the meaning of the + phrase "his ghost maistried with danger." Perhaps + it implies that the spirit of the Prince was not + under the _control_ of such passions as would + render it a service of _danger_ to prefer a suit to + him.] + + [Footnote 353: In some MSS. it is "Hoccleve."] + + [Footnote 354: "Kyth thy love," means "make thy + love known." Our word "kith," in the proverb "kith + and kin," means persons of our acquaintance.] + + [Footnote 355: Bib. Reg. 17. D. 6. p. 34.] + + + + +END OF VOLUME I. + +LONDON: +PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY, +Dorset Street, Fleet Street. + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1, by J. 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Endell Tyler</title> + + +<style type="text/css"> +<!-- +body {font-size: 1em; text-align: justify; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} + +h1 {font-size: 1.4em; text-align: center; margin-top: 2em;} +h2 {font-size: 1.2em; text-align: center; margin-top: 4em; margin-bottom: 2em;} +h3 {font-size: 1em; text-align: center; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 2em;} +h4 {text-align: center; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 2em;} +h5 {font-size: 1em; text-align: center; margin-top: 2em;} +h6 {font-size: 0.8em; text-align: center; margin-top: 2em;} + +.p0t {margin-top: 0em;} +.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} + +.pagenum {position: absolute; right:0; font-size: 0.8em; +text-align: right; color: #C0C0C0; background-color: inherit;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps; font-size: 0.9em;} +.smsize {font-size: 0.9em;} + +.jump {vertical-align: -50%;} + +.left10 {margin-left: 10%;} +.left15 {margin-left: 15%;} +.left20 {margin-left: 20%;} +.left25 {margin-left: 25%;} +.left30 {margin-left: 30%;} +.left50 {margin-left: 50%;} + +.left0-70 {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 30%;} + +.letter {margin-left: 5%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.poem {margin-left: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} +.poem1 {margin-left: 2em;} + +a {text-decoration: none;} + +.figcenter {margin: auto; text-align: center;} + +table {table-layout: fixed; width: 90%; margin-left: 5%;} + +.c15 {width: 15%;} +.c60 {width: 60%;} + +--> +</style> + +</head> + +<body> + + +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1, by J. Endell Tyler + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1 + Memoirs of Henry the Fifth + +Author: J. Endell Tyler + +Release Date: January 31, 2007 [EBook #20488] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HENRY OF MONMOUTH, VOLUME 1 *** + + + + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + +<p>[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected. +The original spelling has been retained.<br> + +Printer's error corrected:<br> +- Page 18: portophorium to portiphorium.<br> +- Page 27: applition to application.<br> +- Page 42: chace to chase<br> +- Page 80: ' changes to "]</p> + +<a id="img001_01" name="img001_01"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img001_01.jpg" width="350" height="433" +alt="Henry of Monmouth" title="Henry of Monmouth"> +</div> +<p class="figcenter">Henry The Fifth<br> +From a drawing by G. P. Harding after an original Picture in +Kensington Palace.</p> + + +<h1>HENRY OF MONMOUTH:</h1> + +<h5>OR,</h5> + +<h1>MEMOIRS</h1> + +<h5>OF THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF</h5> + +<h1>HENRY THE FIFTH,</h1> + +<h5>AS</h5> + +<h5>PRINCE OF WALES AND KING OF ENGLAND.</h5> + +<h5>BY J. ENDELL TYLER, B.D.</h5> + +<h6>RECTOR OF ST. GILES IN THE FIELDS.</h6> + + +<h6> +"Go, call up Cheshire and Lancashire,<br> + And Derby hills, that are so free;<br> +But neither married man, nor widow's son;<br> + No widow's curse shall go with me." +</h6> + + +<h5>IN TWO VOLUMES.</h5> + +<h5>VOL. I.</h5> + +<h5>LONDON:<br> + +RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,</h5> + +<h6>Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty.</h6> + +<h5>1838.</h5> + + +<h6>LONDON:<br> +PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,<br> +Dorset Street, Fleet Street.</h6> + + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pageiii" name="pageiii">(p. iii)</a></span> +<h2>TO HER MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY +THE QUEEN.</h2> + + +<p><span class="smcap">Madam</span>,</p> + +<p>The gracious intimation of your Royal pleasure that these Memoirs of +your renowned Predecessor should be dedicated to your Majesty, while +it increases my solicitude, suggests at the same time new and cheering +anticipations. I cannot but hope that, appearing in the world under +the auspices of your great name, the religious and moral purposes +which this work is designed to serve will be more widely and +effectually realised.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Under a lively sense of the literary defects which render these +volumes unworthy of so august a patronage, to one point I may revert +with feelings of satisfaction and encouragement. I have gone +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pageiv" name="pageiv">(p. iv)</a></span> +only where Truth seemed to lead me on the way: and this, in your +Majesty's judgment, I am assured will compensate for many +imperfections.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>That your Majesty may ever abundantly enjoy the riches of HIS favour +who is the Spirit of Truth, and having long worn your diadem here in +honour and peace, in the midst of an affectionate and happy people, +may resign it in exchange for an eternal crown in heaven, is the +prayer of one who rejoices in the privilege of numbering himself,</p> + +<div> +<p class="left10">Madam,</p> + +<p class="left15">Among your Majesty's</p> + +<p class="left20">Most faithful and devoted</p> + +<p class="left25">Subjects and servants.</p> + +<p class="left30"><span class="smcap">J. Endell Tyler</span>.</p> + +<p>24, <span class="smcap">Bedford Square</span>,<br> + <span class="smcap">May</span> 24, 1838.</p> +</div> + + + + +<h2>PREFACE.</h2> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagev" name="pagev">(p. v)</a></span> + + +<p>Memoirs such as these of Henry of Monmouth might doubtless be made +more attractive and entertaining were their Author to supply the +deficiencies of authentic records by the inventions of his fancy, and +adorn the result of careful inquiry into matters of fact by the +descriptive imagery and colourings of fiction. To a writer, also, who +could at once handle the pen of the biographer and of the poet, few +names would offer a more ample field for the excursive range of +historical romance than the life of Henry of Monmouth. From the day of +his first compulsory visit to Ireland, abounding as that time does +with deeply interesting incidents, to his last hour in the now-ruined +castle of Vincennes;—or rather, from his mother's espousals to the +interment of his earthly remains within the sacred precincts of +Westminster, every period teems with animating suggestions. So far, +however, from possessing such adventitious recommendations, the point +on which (rather perhaps than any other) an apology might be expected +for this work, is, that it has freely tested by +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagevi" name="pagevi">(p. vi)</a></span> +the standard +of truth those delineations of Henry's character which have +contributed to immortalize our great historical dramatist. The Author, +indeed, is willing to confess that he would gladly have withdrawn from +the task of assaying the substantial accuracy and soundness of +Shakspeare's historical and biographical views, could he have done so +safely and without a compromise of principle. He would have avoided +such an inquiry, not only in deference to the acknowledged rule which +does not suffer a poet to be fettered by the rigid shackles of +unbending facts; but from a disinclination also to interfere, even in +appearance, with the full and free enjoyment of those exquisite scenes +of humour, wit, and nature, in which Henry is the hero, and his +"riotous, reckless companions" are subordinate in dramatical +excellence only to himself. The Author may also not unwillingly grant, +that (with the majority of those who give a tone to the "form and +pressure" of the age) Shakspeare has done more to invest the character +of Henry with a never-dying interest beyond the lot of ordinary +monarchs, than the bare records of historical verity could ever have +effected. Still he feels that he had no alternative. He must either +have ascertained the historical worth of those scenic representations, +or have suffered to remain in their full force the deep and prevalent +impressions, as to Henry's principles and conduct, which owe, if not +their origin, yet, at least, much of their universality and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagevii" name="pagevii">(p. vii)</a></span> +vividness, to Shakspeare. The poet is dear, and our early associations +are dear; and pleasures often tasted without satiety are dear: but to +every rightly balanced mind Truth will be dearer than all.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>It must nevertheless be here intimated, that these volumes are neither +exclusively, nor yet especially, designed for the antiquarian student. +The Author has indeed sought for genuine information at every +fountain-head accessible to him; but he has prepared the result of his +researches for the use (he would trust, for the improvement as well as +the gratification,) of the general reader. And whilst he has not +consciously omitted any essential reference, he has guarded against +interrupting the course of his narrative by an unnecessary +accumulation of authorities. He is, however, compelled to confess that +he rises from this very limited sphere of inquiry under an impression, +which grew stronger and deeper as his work advanced, that, before a +history of our country can be produced worthy of a place among the +records of mankind, the still hidden treasures of the metropolis and +of our universities, together with the stores which are known to exist +in foreign libraries, must be studied with far more of devoted care +and zealous perseverance than have hitherto been bestowed upon them. +That the honest and able student, however unwearied in zeal and +industry, may be supplied with the indispensable means +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pageviii" name="pageviii">(p. viii)</a></span> +of +verifying what tradition has delivered down, enucleating difficulties, +rectifying mistakes, reconciling apparent inconsistencies, clearing up +doubts, and removing that mass of confusion and error under which the +truth often now lies buried,—our national history must be made a +subject of national interest. It is a maxim of our law, and the +constant practice of our courts of justice, never to admit evidence +unless it be the best which under the circumstances can be obtained. +Were this principle of jurisprudence recognised and adopted in +historical criticism, the student would carefully ascend to the first +witnesses of every period, on whom modern writers (however eloquent or +sagacious) must depend for their information. How lamentably devoid of +authority and credit is the work of the most popular and celebrated of +our modern English historians in consequence of his unhappy neglect of +this fundamental principle, will be made palpably evident by the +instances which could not be left unnoticed even within the narrow +range of these Memoirs. And the Author is generally persuaded that, +without a far more comprehensive and intimate acquaintance with +original documents than our writers have possessed, or apparently have +thought it their duty to cultivate, error will continue to be +propagated as heretofore; and our annals will abound with surmises and +misrepresentations, instead of being the guardian depositories of +historical verity. Only by the acknowledgment and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pageix" name="pageix">(p. ix)</a></span> +application +of the principle here advocated will England be supplied with those +monuments of our race, those "<span class="smcap">POSSESSIONS FOR EVER</span>," as the Prince of +Historians<a id="notetag001" name="notetag001"></a><a href="#note001">[1]</a> +once named them, which may instruct the world in the +philosophy of moral cause and effect, exhibit honestly and clearly the +natural workings of the human heart, and diffuse through the mass of +our fellow-creatures a practical assurance that piety, justice, and +charity form the only sure groundwork of a people's glory and +happiness; while religious and moral depravity in a nation, no less +than in an individual, leads, (tardily it may be and remotely, but by +ultimate and inevitable consequence,) to failure and degradation.</p> + +<p>In those portions of his work which have a more immediate bearing upon +religious principles and conduct, the Author has not adopted the most +exciting mode of discussing the various subjects which have naturally +fallen under his review. Party spirit, though it seldom fails to +engender a more absorbing interest for the time, and often clothes a +subject with an importance not its own, will find in these pages no +response to its sentiments, under whatever character it may give +utterance to them. In these departments of his inquiry, to himself far +the most interesting, (and many such there are, especially in the +second volume,) the Author trusts that he has been guided by the +Apostolical maxim of "<span class="smcap">Speaking the Truth in Love</span>." He has not +willingly +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagex" name="pagex">(p. x)</a></span> +advanced a single sentiment which should +unnecessarily cause pain to any individual or to any class of men; he +has not been tempted by morbid delicacy or fear to suppress or +disguise his view of the very <span class="smcap">Truth</span>.</p> + +<p>The reader will readily perceive that, with reference to the foreign +and domestic policy of our country,—the advances of civilization,—the +manners of private life, as well in the higher as in the more +humble grades of society,—the state of literature,—the progress of +the English constitution,—the condition and discipline of the army, +which Henry greatly improved,—and the rise and progress of the royal +navy, of which he was virtually the founder, many topics are either +purposely avoided, or only incidentally and cursorily noticed. To one +point especially (a subject in itself most animating and uplifting, +and intimately interwoven with the period embraced by these Memoirs,) +he would have rejoiced to devote a far greater portion of his book, +had it been compatible with the immediate design of his +undertaking;—<span class="smcap">the promise and the dawn of the +Reformation</span>.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>However the value of his labours may be ultimately appreciated, the +Author confidently trusts that their publication can do no disservice +to the cause of truth, of sound morality, and of pure religion. He +would hope, indeed, that in one point at +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexi" name="pagexi">(p. xi)</a></span> +least the power of +an example of pernicious tendency might be weakened by the issue of +his investigation. If the results of these inquiries be acquiesced in +as sound and just, no young man can be encouraged by Henry's example +(as it is feared many, especially in the higher classes, have been +encouraged,) in early habits of moral delinquency, with the intention +of extricating himself in time from the dominion of his passions, and +of becoming, like Henry, in after-life a pattern of religion and +virtue, "the mirror of every grace and excellence." The divine, the +moralist, and the historian know that authenticated instances of such +sudden moral revolutions in character are very rare,—exceptions to +the general rule; and among those exceptions we cannot be justified in +numbering Henry of Monmouth.</p> + +<p>He was bold and merciful and kind, but he was no libertine, in his +youth; he was brave and generous and just, but he was no persecutor, +in his manhood. On the throne he upheld the royal authority with +mingled energy and mildness, and he approved himself to his subjects +as a wise and beneficent King; in his private individual capacity he +was a bountiful and considerate, though strict and firm master, a warm +and sincere friend, a faithful and loving husband. He passed through +life under the habitual sense of an overruling Providence; and, in his +premature death, he left us the example of a Christian's patient and +pious resignation to the Divine Will. As long +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexii" name="pagexii">(p. xii)</a></span> +as he lived, +he was an object of the most ardent and enthusiastic admiration, +confidence, and love; and, whilst the English monarchy shall remain +among the unforgotten things on earth, his memory will be honoured, +and his name will be enrolled among the <span class="smcap">Noble</span> and +the <span class="smcap">Good</span>.</p> + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexiii" name="pagexiii">(p. xiii)</a></span> +<h2>TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS,<br> + +<span class="smcap">IN THEIR CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER.</span></h2> + + +<p>[*] Those years, months, or days, respectively, to which an +asterisk is attached, are not considered to have been so fully +ascertained as the other dates.</p> + +<table border="0" cellpadding="2" summary="Table of the principal events."> +<colgroup> + <col class="c15"> + <col class="c15"> + <col class="c60"> +</colgroup> + +<tbody> +<tr> + <td> + 1340* + </td> + <td> + Feb.* + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt born. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1340<br>1341 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's father, born, before Nov. 19, 1341. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1359 + </td> + <td> + May 19, + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt married to Blanche. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1358<br>1359 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Owyn Glyndowr born, before Sept. 3, 1359. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1366 + </td> + <td> + April 6, + </td> + <td> + Henry Bolinbroke born. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1365<br>1366 + </td> + <td> + May 20,* + </td> + <td> + Henry Percy (Hotspur) born before 30th Oct. 1366. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1367 + </td> + <td> + Jan. + </td> + <td> + Richard II. born at Bourdeaux. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1369* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1371* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt married Constance. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1376 + </td> + <td> + June 8, + </td> + <td> + Edward the Black Prince died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1377 + </td> + <td> + June 21, + </td> + <td> + King Edward III. died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1378 + </td> + <td> + Nov. + </td> + <td> + Hotspur first bore arms at Berwick. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1381 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke nearly slain by the rioters. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1382 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Richard II. married to Queen Anne. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1384 + </td> + <td> + Dec. 31, + </td> + <td> + Wickliffe's death. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1386* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke married Mary Bohun. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1387 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt went to Spain. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1387* + </td> + <td> + Aug. 9,* + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> born at <span class="smcap">Monmouth</span>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1388 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Hotspur taken prisoner by the Scots. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1388 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Thomas Duke of Clarence born. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1389 + </td> + <td> + Nov. 9, + </td> + <td> + Isabel, Richard II.'s wife, born. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexiv" name="pagexiv">(p. xiv)</a></span> + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1389* + </td> + <td> + Nov.* + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt returned from Spain. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1389* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + John Duke of Bedford born. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1390* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Humfrey Duke of Gloucester born. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1390<br>1391 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke visited Barbary. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1392<br>1393 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke visited Prussia and the Holy Sepulchre. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1394* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Mary, <span class="smcap">Henry</span>'s mother, died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1394* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Constance, John of Gaunt's wife, died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1394 + </td> + <td> + June 7, + </td> + <td> + Anne, Richard II.'s Queen, died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1396 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt recalled from Acquitaine by Richard II. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1396 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt married Katharine Swynford. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1397 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, banished. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1397 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 29, + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke created Duke of Hereford. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1397* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, banished. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1397 + </td> + <td> + Nov. 4, + </td> + <td> + Richard II. married to Isabel. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1398* + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Henry of Monmouth resided in Oxford. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1398 + </td> + <td> + July 14, + </td> + <td> + Henry Beaufort consecrated Bishop of Lincoln. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1398 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 16, + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke and Norfolk at Coventry. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1398 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke banished. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + Feb. 3, + </td> + <td> + John of Gaunt died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + May 29, + </td> + <td> + Richard II. sailed for Ireland. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + June 23, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> of Monmouth knighted. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + June 28, + </td> + <td> + News of Bolinbroke's designs reached London. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + July 4, + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke landed at Ravenspur. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + August, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> shut up in Trym Castle. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + August, + </td> + <td> + Richard landed at Milford. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + Aug. 14, + </td> + <td> + Richard fell into Bolinbroke's hands. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + August, + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke sent to Ireland for <span class="smcap">Henry</span>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + August, + </td> + <td> + Death of the young Duke of Gloucester. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 1, + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke brought Richard captive to London. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + Oct. 1, + </td> + <td> + Richard's resignation of the crown read in Parliament. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexv" name="pagexv">(p. xv)</a></span> + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + Oct. 13, + </td> + <td> + Bolinbroke crowned as Henry IV. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1399 + </td> + <td> + Oct. 15, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> created <span class="smcap">Prince</span> of Wales. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1400 + </td> + <td> + Jan. 4, + </td> + <td> + Conspiracy against the King at Windsor. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1400* + </td> + <td> + Feb. 14,* + </td> + <td> + Richard II. died at Pontefract. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1400* + </td> + <td> + Oct. 25,* + </td> + <td> + Chaucer died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1400 + </td> + <td> + June + </td> + <td> + Henry IV. proceeded to Scotland. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1400 + </td> + <td> + June 23, + </td> + <td> + Lord Grey of Ruthyn's letter to <span class="smcap">Henry</span>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1400 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 19, + </td> + <td> + First proclamation against the Welsh. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1400 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Owyn Glyndowr in open rebellion. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1401 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> in Wales, before April 10. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1401 + </td> + <td> + April 10, + </td> + <td> + Hotspur's first Letter. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1401* + </td> + <td> + Sept. 13,* + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Katharine</span>, <span class="smcap">Henry</span>'s Queen, born. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1401* + </td> + <td> + Nov. 11,* + </td> + <td> + Restoration of Isabel. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1402 + </td> + <td> + April 3, + </td> + <td> + Henry IV. espoused to Joan of Navarre. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1402 + </td> + <td> + June 12,* + </td> + <td> + Edmund Mortimer taken prisoner. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1402 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 14, + </td> + <td> + Battle of Homildon. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1402* + </td> + <td> + Nov. 30,* + </td> + <td> + Edmund Mortimer married to a daughter of Owyn Glyndowr. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1403 + </td> + <td> + March 7, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> appointed Lieutenant of Wales. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1403* + </td> + <td> + May 30, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry's</span> Letter to the Council. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1403 + </td> + <td> + July 21, + </td> + <td> + Battle of Shrewsbury. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1404 + </td> + <td> + May 10, + </td> + <td> + Glyndowr dated "the fourth year of our Principality." + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1404 + </td> + <td> + June 10, + </td> + <td> + Welsh with Frenchmen overran Archenfield. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1404 + </td> + <td> + June 25, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span>'s letter to his father. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1404 + </td> + <td> + Oct. 6, + </td> + <td> + Parliament at Coventry. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1405 + </td> + <td> + Feb. 20, + </td> + <td> + Sons of the Earl of March stolen from Windsor. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1405 + </td> + <td> + March 1, + </td> + <td> + Crown settled on <span class="smcap">Henry</span> and his brothers. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1405 + </td> + <td> + March 11, + </td> + <td> + Battle of Grosmont. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1405 + </td> + <td> + May, + </td> + <td> + Revolt of the Earl of Northumberland and Bardolf. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1405 + </td> + <td> + June 8, + </td> + <td> + Scrope, Archbishop of York, beheaded. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1405 + </td> + <td> + June 7, + </td> + <td> + Testimony of the Commons to <span class="smcap">Henry</span>'s excellences. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1406* + </td> + <td> + June 29,* + </td> + <td> + Isabel married to Angouleme. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1407* + </td> + <td> + Nov. 1,* + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> went to Scotland. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexvi" name="pagexvi">(p. xvi)</a></span> + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1408 + </td> + <td> + Feb. 28,* + </td> + <td> + Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's father, fell in battle. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1408 + </td> + <td> + July 8, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> in London, as President of the Council. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1409 + </td> + <td> + Feb. 1, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span>, Guardian of the Earl of March. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1409 + </td> + <td> + Feb. 28, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span>, Warden of Cinque Ports and Constable of Dover. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1409* + </td> + <td> + Sept. 13,* + </td> + <td> + Death of Isabel, Richard II.'s widow. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + March 5, + </td> + <td> + Warrant for the burning of Badby. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + March 18, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span>, Captain of Calais. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + June 16, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> sate as President of the Council. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + June 18, + </td> + <td> + D<sup>o</sup>. d<sup>o</sup>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + June 19, + </td> + <td> + D<sup>o</sup>. d<sup>o</sup>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + June 23, + </td> + <td> + Affray in Eastcheap, by the Lords Thomas and John, his brothers. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + July 22, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span>, as President. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + July 29, + </td> + <td> + D<sup>o</sup>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1410 + </td> + <td> + July 30, + </td> + <td> + D<sup>o</sup>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1411 + </td> + <td> + March 19, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> with his father at Lambeth. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1411 + </td> + <td> + August,* + </td> + <td> + Duke of Burgundy obtained succour. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1411 + </td> + <td> + Nov. 3, + </td> + <td> + Parliament opened. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1411 + </td> + <td> + Nov. 10, + </td> + <td> + Battle of St. Cloud. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1412 + </td> + <td> + May 18, + </td> + <td> + Treaty with the Duke of Orleans. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1412* + </td> + <td> + June 30,* + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> came to London attended by "Lords and Gentils." + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1412 + </td> + <td> + July 9, + </td> + <td> + The Lord Thomas created Duke of Clarence. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1412* + </td> + <td> + Sept. 23,* + </td> + <td> + He came again with "a huge people." + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1413 + </td> + <td> + Feb. 3, + </td> + <td> + Parliament opened. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1413 + </td> + <td> + March 20, + </td> + <td> + Henry IV. died. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1413 + </td> + <td> + April 9, + </td> + <td> + HENRY V. CROWNED. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1413 + </td> + <td> + May 15, + </td> + <td> + Parliament at Westminster. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1413 + </td> + <td> + June 26, + </td> + <td> + Convocation of the Clergy. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1413 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Lord Cobham cited. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1413 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Lord Cobham escaped from the Tower. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1414 + </td> + <td> + Jan. 10, + </td> + <td> + Affair of St. Giles' Field. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1414 + </td> + <td> + April 20, + </td> + <td> + Parliament at Leicester. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1414 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> founded Sion and Shene. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1414 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Council of Constance. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexvii" name="pagexvii">(p. xvii)</a></span> + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + May 4, + </td> + <td> + The Council of Constance condemned Wickliffe's memory, and +commanded the exhumation of his bones. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + July 6, + </td> + <td> + John Huss condemned. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + July 20, + </td> + <td> + Conspiracy at Southampton. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + Aug. 11, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> sailed for Normandy. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 15, + </td> + <td> + Death of Bishop of Norwich in the camp. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 22, + </td> + <td> + Surrender of Harfleur. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + Clayton and Gurmyn burnt for heresy. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + Oct. 25, + </td> + <td> + Battle of <span class="smcap">Agincourt</span>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + Nov. 16, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> returned to England. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1415 + </td> + <td> + Nov. 22, + </td> + <td> + Thanksgiving in London. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1416 + </td> + <td> + April 29, + </td> + <td> + Emperor Sigismund visited England. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1416 + </td> + <td> + May 30, + </td> + <td> + Jerome of Prague burnt. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1416 + </td> + <td> + Aug. 15, + </td> + <td> + League signed by <span class="smcap">Henry</span> and Sigismund. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1417 + </td> + <td> + July 23, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span>'s second expedition. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1417 + </td> + <td> + Sept. 4, + </td> + <td> + Surrender of Caen. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1417 + </td> + <td> + Dec. + </td> + <td> + Execution of Lord Cobham. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1418 + </td> + <td> + July 1, + </td> + <td> + Rouen besieged. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1419 + </td> + <td> + Jan. 19, + </td> + <td> + Rouen taken. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1419 + </td> + <td> + May 30, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> and <span class="smcap">Katharine</span> first met. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1419* + </td> + <td> + July 7, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span>'s letter concerning Oriel College. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1420 + </td> + <td> + May 30, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> and Katharine married. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1420 + </td> + <td> + July, + </td> + <td> + Katharine lodged in the camp before Melun. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1420 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> and Katharine, with the King and Queen of + France, entered Paris. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + Jan 31, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> and Katharine arrived in England. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + Feb 23, + </td> + <td> + Katharine crowned in Westminster. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + March 23, + </td> + <td> + They passed their Easter at Leicester. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + Between March & May, + </td> + <td> + They travelled through the greater part of England. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + March 23, + </td> + <td> + Death of the Duke of Clarence. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + May 26, + </td> + <td> + Taylor condemned to imprisonment for heresy. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + June 1, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> left London on his third expedition. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexviii" name="pagexviii">(p. xviii)</a></span> + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + June 10, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> landed at Calais. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + Oct. 6, + </td> + <td> + Siege of Meaux began, and lasted till the April following. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1421 + </td> + <td> + Dec. 6, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry's</span> son born at Windsor. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1422 + </td> + <td> + May 21, + </td> + <td> + Katharine landed at Harfleur. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1422 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> met her at the Bois de Vincennes. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1422 + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + They entered Paris together. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1422 + </td> + <td> + Aug. + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Henry</span> left Katharine at Senlis. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1422 + </td> + <td> + Aug. 31, + </td> + <td> + <span class="smcap">Death</span> of <span class="smcap">Henry</span>. + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + + </td> + <td> + + </td> +</tr> + +<tr> + <td> + 1423 + </td> + <td> + March 1, + </td> + <td> + William Taylor burnt for heresy. + </td> +</tr> + +</tbody> +</table> + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexix" name="pagexix">(p. xix)</a></span> + +<h2>CONTENTS + +OF + +THE FIRST VOLUME.</h2> + + + +<h5>CHAPTER I.</h5> + +<h4>1387-1398.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page001">Henry of Monmouth's Parents. — Time and place of his Birth. — John +of Gaunt and Blanche of Lancaster. — Henry Bolinbroke. — Monmouth +Castle. — Henry's infancy and childhood. — His education. — +Residence in Oxford. — Bolinbroke's Banishment.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER II.</h5> + +<h4>1398-1399.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page032">Henry taken into the care of Richard. — Death of John of Gaunt. — +Henry knighted by Richard in Ireland. — His person and manners. — +News of Bolinbroke's landing and hostile measures reaches Ireland. — +Indecision and delay of Richard. — He shuts up Henry and the young +Duke of Gloucester in Trym Castle. — Reflections on the fate of these +two Cousins — of Bolinbroke — of Richard — and of the widowed +Duchess of Gloucester.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER III.</h5> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexx" name="pagexx">(p. xx)</a></span> + +<h4>1398-1399.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page052">Proceedings of Bolinbroke from his Interview with Archbishop Arundel, +in Paris, to his making King Richard his prisoner. — Conduct of +Richard from the news of Bolinbroke's landing. — Treachery of +Northumberland. — Richard taken by Bolinbroke to London.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER IV.</h5> + +<h4>1399-1400.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page068">Richard resigns the Crown. — Bolinbroke elected King. — Henry of +Monmouth created Prince of Wales. — Plot to murder the King. — Death +of Richard. — Friendship between him and Henry. — Proposals for a +Marriage between Henry and Isabel, Richard's Widow. — Henry applies +for an Establishment. — Hostile movement of the Scots. — Tradition, +that young Henry marched against them, doubted. </a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER V.</h5> + +<h4>1400-1401.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page088">The Welsh Rebellion. — Owyn Glyndowr. — His former Life. — Dispute +with Lord Grey of Ruthyn. — That Lord's Letter to Prince Henry. — +Hotspur. — His Testimony to Henry's presence in Wales, — to his +Mercy and his Prowess. — Henry's Despatch to the Privy Council.</a></p> + + + +<h5>CHAPTER VI.</h5> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxi" name="pagexxi">(p. xxi)</a></span> + +<h4>1403.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page108">Glyndowr joined by Welsh Students of Oxford. — Takes Lord Grey +prisoner. — Hotspur's further Despatches. — He quits Wales. — +Reflections on the eventful Life and premature Death of Isabel, +Richard's Widow. — Glyndowr disposed to come to terms. — The King's +Expeditions towards Wales abortive. — Marriage proposed between Henry +and Katharine of Norway. — The King marries Joan of Navarre.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER VII.</h5> + +<h4>1402-1403.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page129">Glyndowr's vigorous Measures. — Slaughter of Herefordshire Men. — +Mortimer taken prisoner. — He joins Glyndowr. — Henry implores +Succours, — Pawns his Plate to support his Men. — The King's +Testimony to his Son's conduct. — The King, at Burton-on-Trent, hears +of the Rebellion of the Percies.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER VIII.</h5> + +<h4>1403.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page141">The Rebellion of the Percies, — Its Origin. — Letters of Hotspur and +the Earl of Northumberland. — Tripartite Indenture between the +Percies, Owyn, and Mortimer. — Doubts as to its Authenticity. — +Hotspur hastens from the North. — The King's decisive conduct. — He +forms a junction with the Prince. — "Sorry Battle of Shrewsbury." — +Great Inaccuracy of David Hume. — Hardyng's Duplicity. — Manifesto +of the Percies probably a Forgery. — Glyndowr's Absence from the +Battle involves neither Breach of Faith nor Neglect of Duty. — +Circumstances preceding the Battle. — Of the Battle itself. — Its +immediate consequences.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER IX.</h5> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxii" name="pagexxii">(p. xxii)</a></span> + +<h4>1403-1404.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page178">The Prince commissioned to receive the Rebels into allegiance. — The +King summons Northumberland. — Hotspur's Corpse disinterred. — The +Reason. — Glyndowr's French Auxiliaries. — He styles himself "Prince +of Wales." — Devastation of the Border Counties. — Henry's Letters +to the King, and to the Council. — Testimony of him by the County of +Hereford. — His famous Letter from Hereford. — Battle of Grosmont.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER X.</h5> + +<h4>1405-1406.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page207">Rebellion of Northumberland and Bardolf. — Execution of the +Archbishop of York. — Wonderful Activity and Resolution of the King. +— Deplorable state of the Revenue. — Testimony borne by Parliament +to the Prince's Character. — The Prince present at the Council-board. +— He is only occasionally in Wales, and remains for the most part in +London.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER XI.</h5> + +<h4>1407-1409.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page232">Prince Henry's Expedition to Scotland, and Success. — Thanks +presented to him by Parliament. — His generous Testimony to the Duke +of York. — Is first named as President of the Council. — Returns to +Wales. — Is appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of +Dover. — Welsh Rebellion dwindles and dies. — Owyn Glyndowr's +Character and Circumstances; his Reverses and Trials. — His Bright +Points undervalued. — The unfavourable side of his Conduct unjustly +darkened by Historians. — Reflections on his Last Days. — Fac-simile +of his Seals as Prince of Wales.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER XII.</h5> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxiii" name="pagexxiii">(p. xxiii)</a></span> + +<h4>1409-1412.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page252">Reputed Differences between Henry and his Father examined. — He is +made Captain of Calais. — His Residence at Coldharbour. — Presides +at the Council-board. — Cordiality still visible between him and his +Father. — Affray in East-Cheap. — No mention of Henry's presence. +—Projected Marriage between Henry and a Daughter of Burgundy. — +Charge against Henry for acting in opposition to his Father in the +Quarrel of the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans unfounded.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER XIII.</h5> + +<h4>1412-1413.</h4> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page278">Unfounded Charge against Henry of Peculation. — Still more serious +Accusation of a cruel attempt to dethrone his diseased Father. — The +Question fully examined. — Probably a serious though temporary +Misunderstanding at this time between the King and his Son. — Henry's +Conduct filial, open, and merciful. — The "Chamber" or the "Crown +Scene." — Death of Henry the Fourth.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER XIV.</h5> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page313">Henry of Monmouth's Character. — Unfairness of Modern Writers. — +Walsingham examined. — Testimony of his Father, — of Hotspur, — of +the Parliament, — of the English and Welsh Counties, — of +Contemporary Chroniclers. — No one single act of Immorality alleged +against him. — No intimation of his Extravagance, or Injustice, or +Riot, or Licentiousness, in Wales, London, or Calais. — Direct +Testimony to the opposite Virtues. — Lydgate. — Occleve.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER XV.</h5> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="pagexxiv" name="pagexxiv">(p. xxiv)</a></span> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page337">Shakspeare. — The Author's reluctance to test the Scenes of the +Poet's Dramas by Matters of Fact. — Necessity of so doing. — Hotspur +in Shakspeare the first to bear evidence to Henry's reckless +Profligacy; — The Hotspur of History the first who testifies to his +Character for Valour, and Mercy, and Faithfulness in his Duties. — +Anachronisms of Shakspeare. — Hotspur's Age. — The Capture of +Mortimer. — Battle of Homildon. — Field of Shrewsbury. — Archbishop +Scrope's Death.</a></p> + + +<h5>CHAPTER XVI.</h5> + +<p class="figcenter"> +<a href="#page358">Story of Prince Henry and the Chief Justice, first found in the Work +of Sir Thomas Elyot, published nearly a century and a half +subsequently to the supposed transaction. — Sir John Hawkins — Hall +— Hume. — No allusion to the circumstance in the Early Chroniclers. +— Dispute as to the Judge. — Various Claimants of the distinction. +— Gascoyne — Hankford — Hody — Markham. — Some interesting +particulars with regard to Gascoyne, lately discovered and verified. +— Improbability of the entire Story.</a></p> + + +<h5>APPENDIX.</h5> + +<p> +No. 1. <a href="#page385">Owyn Glyndowr</a><br> + 2. <a href="#page394">Lydgate</a><br> + 3. <a href="#page401">Occleve</a></p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page001" name="page001">(p. 001)</a></span> + +<h1>MEMOIRS<br><br> +OF<br><br> +HENRY OF MONMOUTH.</h1> + + + + +<h2>CHAPTER I.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">henry of monmouth's parents. — time and place of his birth. — john +of gaunt and blanche of lancaster. — henry bolinbroke. — monmouth +castle. — henry's infancy and childhood. — his education. — +residence in oxford. — bolinbroke's banishment.</span><br><br> + + +1387-1398.</h3> + + +<p>Henry the Fifth was the son of Henry of Bolinbroke and Mary daughter +of Humfrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford. No direct and positive evidence +has yet been discovered to fix with unerring accuracy the day or the +place of his birth. If however we assume the statement of the +chroniclers<a id="notetag002" name="notetag002"></a><a href="#note002">[2]</a> +to be true, that he was born at Monmouth on the ninth +day of August in the year +1387,<a id="notetag003" name="notetag003"></a><a href="#note003">[3]</a> +history supplies many ascertained +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page002" name="page002">(p. 002)</a></span> +facts not only consistent with that hypothesis, but in +confirmation of it; whilst none are found to throw upon it the +faintest shade of improbability. At first sight it might perhaps +appear strange that the exact time of the birth as well of Henry of +Monmouth, as of his father, two successive kings of England, should +even yet remain the subject of conjecture, tradition, and inference; +whilst the day and place of the birth of Henry VI. is matter of +historical record. A single reflection, however, on the circumstances +of their respective births, renders the absence of all precise +testimony in the one case natural; whilst it would have been +altogether unintelligible in the other. When Henry of Bolinbroke and +Henry of Monmouth were born, their fathers were subjects, and nothing +of national interest was at the time associated with their appearance +in the world; at Henry of Windsor's birth he was the acknowledged heir +to the throne both of England and of France.</p> + +<p>To what extent Henry of Monmouth's future character and conduct were, +under Providence, affected by the circumstances of his family and its +several members, it would perhaps be less philosophical than +presumptuous to define. But, that those +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page003" name="page003">(p. 003)</a></span> +circumstances were +peculiarly calculated to influence him in his principles and views and +actions, will be acknowledged by every one who becomes acquainted with +them, and who is at the same time in the least degree conversant with +the growth and workings of the human mind. It must, therefore, fall +within the province of the inquiry instituted in these pages, to take +a brief review of the domestic history of Henry's family through the +years of his childhood and early youth.</p> + +<p>John, surnamed "of Gaunt," from Ghent or Gand in Flanders, the place +of his birth, was the fourth son of King Edward the Third. At a very +early age he married Blanche, daughter and heiress of Henry +Plantagenet, Duke of Lancaster, great-grandson of Henry the +Third.<a id="notetag004" name="notetag004"></a><a href="#note004">[4]</a> +The time of his marriage with +Blanche,<a id="notetag005" name="notetag005"></a><a href="#note005">[5]</a> +though recorded with +sufficient precision, is indeed comparatively of little consequence; +whilst the date of their son Henry's birth, from the influence which +the age of a father may have on the destinies of his child, becomes +matter of much importance to those who take any interest in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page004" name="page004">(p. 004)</a></span> +the history of their grandson, Henry of Monmouth. On this point it has +been already intimated that no conclusive evidence is directly upon +record. The principal facts, however, which enable us to draw an +inference of high probability, are associated with so pleasing and so +exemplary a custom, though now indeed fallen into great desuetude +among us, that to review them compensates for any disappointment which +might be felt from the want of absolute certainty in the issue of our +research. It was Henry of Bolinbroke's +custom<a id="notetag006" name="notetag006"></a><a href="#note006">[6]</a> +every year on the +Feast of the Lord's Supper, that is, on the Thursday before Easter, to +clothe as many poor persons as equalled the number of years which he +had completed on the preceding birthday; and by examining the accounts +still preserved in the archives of the Duchy of Lancaster, the details +of which would be altogether uninteresting in this place, we are led +to infer that Henry Bolinbroke was born on the 4th of April 1366. +Blanche, his mother, survived the birth of Bolinbroke probably not +more than three years. Whether this lady found in John of Gaunt a +faithful and loving husband, or whether his libertinism caused her to +pass her short life in disappointment and sorrow, no authentic +document enables us to pronounce. It is, however, impossible to close +our eyes against the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page005" name="page005">(p. 005)</a></span> +painful fact, that Catherine Swynford, +who was the partner of his guilt during the life of his second wife, +Constance, had been an inmate of his family, as the confidential +attendant on his wife Blanche, and the governess of her daughters, +Philippa and Elizabeth of Lancaster. That he afterwards, by a life of +abandoned profligacy, disgraced the religion which he professed, is, +unhappily, put beyond conjecture or vague rumour. Though we cannot +infer from any expenses about her funeral and her memory, that Blanche +was the sole object of his affections, (the most lavish costliness at +the tomb of the departed too often being only in proportion to the +unkindness shown to the living,) yet it may be worth observing, that +in 1372 we find an entry in the account, of 20<i>l.</i> paid to two +chaplains (together with the expenses of the altar) to say masses for +her soul. He was then +already<a id="notetag007" name="notetag007"></a><a href="#note007">[7]</a> +married to his second wife, +Constance, daughter of Peter the Cruel, King of Castile. By this lady, +whom he often calls "the Queen," he appears to have had only one +child, married, it is said, to Henry III. King of +Castile.<a id="notetag008" name="notetag008"></a><a href="#note008">[8]</a> +Constance, the mother, is represented to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page006" name="page006">(p. 006)</a></span> +have been one of the +most amiable and exemplary persons of the age, "above other women +innocent and devout;" and from her husband she deserved treatment far +different from what it was her unhappy lot to experience. But however +severe were her sufferings, she probably concealed them within her own +breast: and she neither left her husband nor abandoned her duties in +disgust. It is indeed possible, though in the highest degree +improbable, that whilst his unprincipled conduct was too notorious to +be concealed from others, she was not herself made fully acquainted +with his infidelity towards her. At all events we may indulge in the +belief that she proved to her husband's only legitimate son, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page007" name="page007">(p. 007)</a></span> +Henry of Bolinbroke, a kind and watchful mother.</p> + +<p>At that period of our history, persons married at a much earlier age +than is usually the case among us now; and the espousals of young +people often preceded for some years the period of quitting their +parents' home, and living together, as man and wife. In the year 1381 +Henry, at that time only fifteen years of age, was +espoused<a id="notetag009" name="notetag009"></a><a href="#note009">[9]</a> +to his +future wife, Mary Bohun, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page008" name="page008">(p. 008)</a></span> +daughter of the Earl of Hereford, +who had then not reached her twelfth year. These espousals were in +those days accompanied by the religious service of matrimony, and the +bride assumed the title of her espoused +husband.<a id="notetag010" name="notetag010"></a><a href="#note010">[10]</a></p> + +<p>We shall probably not be in error, if we fix the period of the +Countess of Derby leaving her mother's for her husband's roof +somewhere in the year 1386, when he was twenty, and she sixteen years +old; and we are not without reason for believing that they made +Monmouth Castle their home.</p> + +<p>Some modern writers affirm that this was the favourite residence of +John of Gaunt's family: but it is very questionable whether from +having themselves experienced the beauty and loveliness of the spot, +they +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page009" name="page009">(p. 009)</a></span> +have not been unconsciously tempted to venture this +assertion without historical evidence. Monmouth is indeed situated in +one of the fairest and loveliest valleys within the four seas of +Britain. Near its centre, on a rising ground between the river Monnow +(from which the town derives its name) and the Wye and not far from +their confluence, the ruins of the Castle are still visible. The poet +Gray looked over it from the side of the Kymin Hill, when he described +the scene before him as "the delight of his eyes, and the very seat of +pleasure." With his testimony, unbiassed as it was by local +attachment, it would be unwise to mingle the feelings of affection +entertained by one whose earliest associations, "redolent of joy and +youth," can scarcely rescue his judgment from the suspicion of +partiality. At that time John of Gaunt's estates and princely mansions +studded, at various distances, the whole land of England from its +northern border to the southern coast. And whether he allowed Henry of +Bolinbroke to select for himself from the ample pages of his rent-roll +the spot to which he would take his bride, or whether he assigned it +of his own choice to his son as the fairest of his possessions; or +whether any other cause determined the place of Henry the Fifth's +birth, we have no reasonable ground for doubting that he was born in +the Castle of Monmouth, on the 9th of August 1387.</p> + +<p>Of Monmouth Castle, the dwindling ruins are now very scanty, and in +point of architecture present nothing +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page010" name="page010">(p. 010)</a></span> +worthy of an +antiquary's research. They are washed by the streams of the Monnow, +and are embosomed in gardens and orchards, clothing the knoll on which +they stand; the aspect of the southern walls, and the rocky character +of the soil admirably adapting them for the growth of the vine, and +the ripening of its fruits. In the memory of some old inhabitants, who +were not gathered to their fathers when the Author could first take an +interest in such things, and who often amused his childhood with tales +of former days, the remains of the Hall of Justice were still +traceable within the narrowed pile; and the crumbling bench on which +the Justices of the Circuit once sate, was often usurped by the boys +in their mock trials of judge and jury. Somewhat more than half a +century ago, a gentleman whose garden reached to one of the last +remaining towers, had reason to be thankful for a marked interposition +in his behalf of the protecting hand of Providence. He was enjoying +himself on a summer's evening in an alcove built under the shelter and +shade of the castle, when a gust of wind blew out the candle by his +side, just at the time when he felt disposed to replenish and rekindle +his pipe. He went consequently with the lantern in his hand towards +his house, intending to renew his evening's recreation; but he had +scarcely reached the door when the wall fell, burying his retreat, and +the entire slope, with its shrubs and flowers and fruits, under one +mass of ruin.</p> + +<p>From +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page011" name="page011">(p. 011)</a></span> +this castle, tradition says, that being a sickly child, +Henry was taken to Courtfield, at the distance of six or seven miles +from Monmouth, to be nursed there. That tradition is doubtless very +ancient; and the cradle itself in which Henry is said to have been +rocked, was shown there till within these few years, when it was sold, +and taken from the house. It has since changed hands, if it be any +longer in existence. The local traditions, indeed, in the +neighbourhood of Courtfield and Goodrich are almost universally +mingled with the very natural mistake that, when Henry of Monmouth was +born, his father was king; and so far a shade of improbability may be +supposed to invest them all alike; yet the variety of them in that one +district, and the total absence of any stories relative to the same +event on every other side of Monmouth, should seem to countenance a +belief that some real foundation existed for the broad and general +features of these traditionary tales. Thus, though the account +acquiesced in by some writers, that the Marchioness of Salisbury was +Henry of Monmouth's nurse at Courtfield, may have originated in an +officious anxiety to supply an infant prince with a nurse suitable to +his royal birth; still, probably, that appendage would not have been +annexed to a story utterly without foundation, and consequently throws +no incredibility on the fact that the eldest son of the young Earl of +Derby was nursed at Courtfield. Thus, too, though the recorded +salutation of the ferryman +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page012" name="page012">(p. 012)</a></span> +of Goodrich congratulates his +Majesty on the birth of a noble prince, as the King was hastening from +his court and palace of Windsor to his castle of Monmouth; yet the +unstationary habits of Bolingbroke, his love of journeyings and +travels, and his restlessness at home, render it very probable that he +was absent from Monmouth even when the hour of perilous anxiety was +approaching; and thus on his return homeward (perhaps too from +Richard's court at Windsor) the first tidings of the safety of his +Countess and the birth of the young lord may have saluted him as he +crossed the Wye at Goodrich Ferry. So again in the little village of +Cruse, lying between the church and the castle of Goodrich, the +cottagers still tell, from father to son, as they have told for +centuries over their winter's hearth, how the herald, hurrying from +Monmouth to Goodrich fast as whip and spur could urge his steed +onward, with the tidings of the Prince of Wales' birth, fell headlong, +(the horse dropping under him in the short, steep, and rugged lane +leading to the ravine, beyond which the castle stands,) and was killed +on the spot. No doubt the idea of its being the news of a prince's +birth, that was thus posted on, has added, in the imagination of the +villagers, to the horse's fleetness and the breathless impetuosity of +the messenger; but it is very probable that the news of the young +lord's birth, heir to the dukedom of Lancaster, should have been +hastened from the castle of Monmouth to Goodrich; and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page013" name="page013">(p. 013)</a></span> +there +is no solid reason for discrediting the story.</p> + +<p>Still, beyond tradition, there is no evidence at all to fix the young +lord either at Courtfield, or indeed at Monmouth, for any period +subsequently to his birth. On the contrary, several items of expense +in the "Wardrobe account of Henry, Earl of Derby," would induce us to +infer either that the tradition is unfounded, or that at the utmost +the infant lord was nursed at Courtfield only for a few months. In +that +account<a id="notetag011" name="notetag011"></a><a href="#note011">[11]</a> +we find an entry of a charge for a "<i>long gown</i>" for +the young lord Henry; and also the payment of 2<i>l.</i> to a midwife for +her attendance on the Countess during her confinement at the birth of +the young lord Thomas, the gift of the Earl, "<i>at London</i>." By this +document it is proved that Henry's younger brother, the future Duke of +Clarence, was born before October 1388, and that some time in the +preceding year Henry was himself still in the long robes of an infant; +and that the family had removed from Monmouth to London. In the +Wardrobe expenses of the Countess for the same year, we find several +items of sums defrayed for the clothes of the young lords Henry and +Thomas together, but no allusion whatever to the brothers being +separate: one +entry,<a id="notetag012" name="notetag012"></a><a href="#note012">[12]</a> +fixing Thomas and his nurse at Kenilworth +soon +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page014" name="page014">(p. 014)</a></span> +after his birth, leaves no ground for supposing that +his elder brother was either at Monmouth or at Courtfield. It may be +matter of disappointment and of surprise that Henry's name does not +occur in connexion with the place of his birth in any single +contemporary document now known. The fact, however, is so. But whilst +the place of Henry's nursing is thus left in uncertainty, the name of +his nurse—in itself a matter not of the slightest importance—is made +known to us not only in the Wardrobe account of his mother, but also +by a gratifying circumstance, which bears direct testimony to his own +kind and grateful, and considerate and liberal mind. Her name was +Johanna Waring; on whom, very shortly after he ascended the throne, he +settled an annuity of 20<i>l.</i> "in consideration of good service done to +him in former +days."<a id="notetag013" name="notetag013"></a><a href="#note013">[13]</a></p> + +<p>Very few incidents are recorded which can throw light upon Henry's +childhood, and for those few we are indebted chiefly to the dry +details of account-books. In these many particular items of expense +occur relative as well to Henry as to his brothers; which, probably, +would differ very little from those of other young noblemen of England +at that period of her history. The records of the Duchy of Lancaster +provide +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page015" name="page015">(p. 015)</a></span> +us with a very scanty supply of such particulars as +convey any interesting information on the circumstances and +occupations and amusements of Henry of Monmouth. From these records, +however, we learn that he was attacked by some complaint, probably +both sudden and dangerous, in the spring of 1395; for among the +receiver's accounts is found the charge of "6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> for Thomas +Pye, and a horse hired at London, March 18th, to carry him to +Leicester with all speed, on account of the illness of the young lord +Henry." In the year 1397, when he was just ten years old, a few +entries occur, somewhat interesting, as intimations of his boyish +pursuits. Such are the charge of "8<i>d.</i> paid by the hands of Adam +Garston for harpstrings purchased for the harp of the young lord +Henry," and "12<i>d.</i> to Stephen Furbour for a new scabbard of a sword +for young lord Henry," and "1<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> for three-fourths of an ounce +of tissue of black silk bought at London of Margaret Stranson for a +sword of young lord Henry." Whilst we cannot but be sometimes amused +by the minuteness with which the expenditure of the smallest sum in so +large an establishment as John of Gaunt's is detailed, these little +incidents prepare us for the statement given of Henry's early youth by +the chroniclers,—that he was fond both of minstrelsy and of military +exercises.</p> + +<p>The same dry pages, however, assure us that his more severe studies +were not neglected. In the accounts for the year ending February 1396, +we find +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page016" name="page016">(p. 016)</a></span> +a charge of "4<i>s.</i> for seven books of Grammar +contained in one volume, and bought at London for the young Lord +Henry." The receiver-general's record informs us of the name of the +lord Humfrey's +tutor;<a id="notetag014" name="notetag014"></a><a href="#note014">[14]</a> +but who was appointed to instruct the young +lord Henry does not appear; nor can we tell how soon he was put under +the guidance of Henry Beaufort. If, as we have reason to believe, he +had that celebrated man as his instructor, or at least the +superintendent of his studies, in Oxford so early as 1399, we may not, +perhaps, be mistaken in conjecturing, that even this volume of Grammar +was first learned under the direction of the future Cardinal.</p> + +<p>Scanty as are the materials from which we must weave our opinion with +regard to the first years of Henry of Monmouth, they are sufficient to +suggest many reflections upon the advantages as well as the +unfavourable circumstances which attended him: We must first, however, +revert to a few more particulars relative to his family and its chief +members.</p> + +<p>His father, who was then about twenty-four years of age, certainly +left +England<a id="notetag015" name="notetag015"></a><a href="#note015">[15]</a> +between the 6th of May +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page017" name="page017">(p. 017)</a></span> +1390 and the 30th of +April 1391, and proceeded to Barbary. During his absence his Countess +was delivered of Humfrey, his fourth son. Between the summers of 1392 +and 1393 he undertook a journey to Prussia, and to the Holy Sepulchre.</p> + +<p>The next year visited Henry with one of the most severe losses which +can befall a youth of his age. His +mother,<a id="notetag016" name="notetag016"></a><a href="#note016">[16]</a> +then only twenty-four +years old, having given birth to four sons and two daughters, was +taken away from the anxious cares and comforts of her earthly career, +in the very prime of +life.<a id="notetag017" name="notetag017"></a><a href="#note017">[17]</a> +Nor was this the only bereavement which +befell the family at this time. Constance, the second wife of John of +Gaunt, a lady to whose religious and moral worth the strongest and +warmest testimony is borne by the chroniclers of the time; and who +might (had it so pleased the Disposer of all things) have watched +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page018" name="page018">(p. 018)</a></span> +over the education of her husband's grandchildren, was also this +same year removed from them to her rest: they were both buried at +Leicester, then one of the chief residences of the family.</p> + +<p>The mind cannot contemplate the case of either of these ladies without +feelings of pity rather than of envy. They were both nobly born, and +nobly married; and yet the elder was joined to a man, who, to say the +very least, shared his love for her with another; and the younger, +though requiring, every year of her married state, all the attention +and comfort and support of an affectionate husband, yet was more than +once left to experience a temporary widowhood. And if we withdraw our +thoughts from those of whom this family was then deprived, there is +little to lessen our estimate of their loss, when we think of those +whom they left behind. Henry's maternal grandmother, indeed, the +Countess of Hereford, survived her daughter many years; and we are not +without an intimation that she at least interested herself in her +grandson's welfare. In his will, dated 1415, he bequeaths to Thomas, +Bishop of Durham, "the missal and +portiphorium<a id="notetag018" name="notetag018"></a><a href="#note018">[18]</a> +which we had of the +gift of our dear grandmother, the Countess of +Hereford."<a id="notetag019" name="notetag019"></a><a href="#note019">[19]</a> +We may +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page019" name="page019">(p. 019)</a></span> +fairly infer from this circumstance that Henry had at least +one near relation both able and willing to guide him in the right way. +How far opportunities were afforded her of exercising her maternal +feelings towards him, cannot now be ascertained; and with the +exception of this noble lady, there is no other to whom we can turn +with entire satisfaction, when we contemplate the salutary effects +either of precept or example in the case of Henry of Monmouth.</p> + +<p>His father indeed was a gallant young knight, often distinguishing +himself at justs and +tournaments;<a id="notetag020" name="notetag020"></a><a href="#note020">[20]</a> +of an active, ardent and +enterprising spirit; nor is any imputation against his moral character +found recorded. But we have no ground for believing, that he devoted +much of his time and thoughts to the education of his children.</p> + +<p>Henry Beaufort, the natural son of John of Gaunt, a person of +commanding talent, and of considerable attainments for that age, +whilst there is no reason to believe him to have been that abandoned +worldling whose eyes finally closed in black despair +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page020" name="page020">(p. 020)</a></span> +without +a hope of Heaven, yet was not the individual to whose training a +Christian parent would willingly intrust the education of his child. +And in John of +Gaunt<a id="notetag021" name="notetag021"></a><a href="#note021">[21]</a> +himself, little perhaps can be discovered +either in principle, or judgment, or conduct, which his grandson could +imitate with religious and moral profit. Thus we find Henry of +Monmouth in his childhood labouring under many disadvantages. Still +our knowledge of the domestic arrangements and private circumstances +of his family is confessedly very limited; and it would be unwise to +conclude that there were no mitigating causes in operation, nor any +advantages to put as a counterpoise into the opposite scale. He may +have been under the guidance and tuition of a good Christian +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page021" name="page021">(p. 021)</a></span> +and well-informed man; he may have been surrounded by companions whose +acquaintance would be a blessing. But this is all conjecture; and +probably the question is now beyond the reach of any satisfactory +solution.</p> + +<p>With regard to the next step also in young Henry's progress towards +manhood, we equally depend upon tradition for the views which we may +be induced to take: still it is a tradition in which we shall probably +acquiesce without great danger of error. He is said to have been sent +to Oxford, and to have studied in "The Queen's College" under the +tuition of Henry Beaufort, his paternal uncle, then Chancellor of the +University. No document is known to exist among the archives of the +College or of the University, which can throw any light on this point; +except that the fact has been established of Henry Beaufort having +been admitted a member of Queen's College, and of his having been +chancellor of the university only for the year 1398.</p> + +<p>This extraordinary man was consecrated Bishop of Lincoln, July 14, +1398, as appears by the Episcopal Register of that See; after which he +did not reside in Oxford. If therefore Henry of Monmouth studied under +him in that university, it must have been through the spring and +summer of that year, the eleventh of his age. And on this we may rely +as the most probable fact. Certainly in the old buildings of Queen's +College, a chamber used to be pointed out by successive generations as +Henry the Fifth's. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page022" name="page022">(p. 022)</a></span> +It stood over the gateway opposite to St. +Edmund's Hall. A portrait of him in painted glass, commemorative of +the circumstance, was seen in the window, with an inscription (as it +should seem of comparatively recent date) in Latin:</p> + +<p class="figcenter smsize"> + To record the fact for ever.<br> + The Emperor of Britain,<br> + The Triumphant Lord of France,<br> +The Conqueror of his enemies and of himself,<br> + Henry V.<br> + Of this little chamber,<br> + Once the great Inhabitant.<a id="notetag022" +name="notetag022"></a><a href="#note022">[22]</a><br> +</p> + +<p>It may be observed that in the tender age of Henry involved in this +supposition, there is nothing in the least calculated to throw a shade +of improbability on this uniform tradition. Many in those days became +members of the university at the time of life when they would now be +sent to +school.<a id="notetag023" name="notetag023"></a><a href="#note023">[23]</a> And possibly we shall be most right in supposing +that Henry (though perhaps without himself being enrolled among the +regular academics) lived with his uncle, then chancellor, and studied +under his superintendence. There is nothing on record (hitherto +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page023" name="page023">(p. 023)</a></span> +discovered) in the slightest degree inconsistent with this view; +whereas if we were inclined to adopt the representation of some (on +what authority it does not appear) that Henry was sent to Oxford soon +after his father ascended the throne, many and serious difficulties +would present themselves. In the first place his uncle, who was +legitimated only the year before, was prematurely made Bishop of +Lincoln by the Pope, through the interest of John of Gaunt, in the +year 1398, and never resided in Oxford afterwards. How old he was at +his consecration, has not yet been satisfactorily established; +conjecture would lead us to regard him as a few years only (perhaps +ten or twelve) older than his nephew. Otterbourne tells us that he was +made +Bishop<a id="notetag024" name="notetag024"></a><a href="#note024">[24]</a> +when yet a boy.</p> + +<p>In the next place we can scarcely discover six months in Henry's life +after his uncle's consecration, through which we can with equal +probability suppose him to have passed his time in Oxford. It is next +to certain that before the following October term, he had been removed +into King Richard's palace, carefully watched (as we shall see +hereafter); whilst in the spring of the following year, 1399, he was +unquestionably obliged to accompany that monarch in his expedition to +Ireland. Shortly after his return, in the autumn of that year, on his +father's accession to the throne, he was created Prince of Wales; and +through the following spring the probability is strong that his father +was too anxiously engaged +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page024" name="page024">(p. 024)</a></span> +in negotiating a marriage between +him and a daughter of the French King, and too deeply interested in +providing for him an adequate establishment in the metropolis, to take +any measures for improving and cultivating his mind in the university. +Independently of which we may be fully assured that had he become a +student of the University of Oxford as Prince of Wales, it would not +have been left to chance, to deliver his name down to after-ages: the +archives of the University would have furnished direct and +contemporary evidence of so remarkable a fact; and the College would +have with pride enrolled him at the time among its members: as the boy +of the Earl of Derby, or the Duke of Hereford, living with his uncle, +there is +nothing<a id="notetag025" name="notetag025"></a><a href="#note025">[25]</a> +in the omission of his name inconsistent with our +hypothesis. At all events, whatever evidence exists of Henry having +resided under any circumstances in Oxford, fixes him there under the +tuition of the future Cardinal; and that well-known personage is +proved not to have resided there subsequently to his appointment to +the see<a id="notetag026" name="notetag026"></a><a href="#note026">[26]</a> +of Lincoln, in the summer of +1398.<a id="notetag027" name="notetag027"></a><a href="#note027">[27]</a></p> + +<p>What +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page025" name="page025">(p. 025)</a></span> +were Henry's studies in Oxford, whether, like Ingulphus +some centuries before, he drank to his fill of +"Aristotle's<a id="notetag028" name="notetag028"></a><a href="#note028">[28]</a> +Philosophy and Cicero's Rhetoric," or whether his mind was chiefly +directed to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page026" name="page026">(p. 026)</a></span> +the scholastic theology so prevalent in his day, +it were fruitless to inquire. His uncle (as we have already intimated) +seems to have been a person of some learning, an excellent man of +business, and in the command of a ready eloquence. In establishing his +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page027" name="page027">(p. 027)</a></span> +positions before the parliament, we find him not only quoting +from the Bible, (often, it must be acknowledged, without any strict +propriety of application,) but also citing facts from ancient Grecian +history. We may, however, safely conclude that the Chancellor of +Oxford confined himself to the general superintendence of his nephew's +education, intrusting the details to others more competent to instruct +him in the various branches of literature. It is very probable that to +some arrangement of that kind Henry was indebted for his acquaintance +with such excellent men as his friends John Carpenter of Oriel, and +Thomas Rodman, or Rodburn, of +Merton.<a id="notetag029" name="notetag029"></a><a href="#note029">[29]</a></p> + +<p>But whatever course of study was chalked out for him, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page028" name="page028">(p. 028)</a></span> +and +through however long or short a period before the summer of 1398, or +under what guides soever he pursued it, it is impossible to read his +letters, and reflect on what is authentically recorded of him, without +being involuntarily impressed by an assurance that he had imbibed a +very considerable knowledge of Holy Scripture, even beyond the young +men of his day. His conduct also in after-life would prepare us for +the testimony borne to him by chroniclers, that "he held in great +veneration such as surpassed in learning and virtue." Still, whilst we +regret that history throws no fuller light on the early days of Henry +of Monmouth, we cannot but hope that in the hidden treasures of +manuscripts hereafter to be again brought into the light of day, much +may be yet ascertained on satisfactory evidence; and we must leave the +subject to those more favoured +times.<a id="notetag030" name="notetag030"></a><a href="#note030">[30]</a></p> + +<p>But whilst doubts may still be thought to hang over the exact time and +the duration of Henry's academical +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page029" name="page029">(p. 029)</a></span> +pursuits, it is matter of +historical certainty, that an event took place in the autumn of 1398, +which turned the whole stream of his life into an entirely new +channel, and led him by a very brief course to the inheritance of the +throne of England. His father, hitherto known as the Earl of Derby, +was created Duke of Hereford by King Richard II. Very shortly after +his creation, he stated openly in +parliament<a id="notetag031" name="notetag031"></a><a href="#note031">[31]</a> +that the Duke of +Norfolk, whilst they were riding together between Brentford and +London, had assured him of the King's intention to get rid of them +both, and also of the Duke of Lancaster with other noblemen, of whose +designs against his throne or person he was apprehensive. The Duke of +Norfolk denied the charge, and a trial of battle was appointed to +decide the merits of the question. The King, doubting probably the +effect on himself of the issue of that wager of battle, postponed the +day from time to time. At length he fixed finally upon the 16th of +September, and summoned the two noblemen to redeem their pledges at +Coventry. Very splendid preparations had been made for the struggle; +and the whole kingdom shewed the most anxious interest in the result. +On the day appointed, the Lord High Constable and the Lord High +Marshal of England, with a very great company, and splendidly arrayed, +first entered the lists. About the hour of prime the Duke of Hereford +appeared at the barriers on a white courser, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page030" name="page030">(p. 030)</a></span> +barbed with +blue and green velvet, sumptuously embroidered with swans and +antelopes<a id="notetag032" name="notetag032"></a><a href="#note032">[32]</a> +of goldsmith's +work,<a id="notetag033" name="notetag033"></a><a href="#note033">[33]</a> +and armed at all points. The +King himself soon after entered with great pomp, attended by the peers +of the realm, and above ten thousand men in arms to prevent any +tumult. The Duke of Norfolk then came on a steed "barbed with crimson +velvet embroidered with mulberry-trees and lions of silver." At the +proclamation of the herald, Hereford sprang upon his horse, and +advanced six or seven paces to meet his adversary. The king upon this +suddenly threw down his warder, and commanded the spears to be taken +from the combatants, and that they should resume their chairs of +state. He then ordered proclamation to be made that the Duke of +Hereford had +honourably<a id="notetag034" name="notetag034"></a><a href="#note034">[34]</a> +fulfilled his duty; and yet, without +assigning any reason, he immediately sentenced him to be banished for +ten years: at the same time he condemned the Duke of Norfolk to +perpetual exile, adding also the confiscation of his property, except +only one thousand pounds by the year. This act of tyranny towards +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page031" name="page031">(p. 031)</a></span> +Bolinbroke,<a id="notetag035" name="notetag035"></a><a href="#note035">[35]</a> +contrary, as the chroniclers say, to the known +laws and customs of the realm, as well as to the principles of common +justice, led by direct consequence to the subversion of Richard's +throne, and probably to his premature death.</p> + +<p>Whilst however the people sympathized with the Duke of Hereford, and +reproached the King for his rashness, as impolitic as it was +iniquitous, they seemed to view in the sentence of the Duke of +Norfolk, the visitation of divine justice avenging on his head the +cruel murder of the Duke of Gloucester. It was remarked (says +Walsingham) that the sentence was passed on him by Richard on the very +same day of the year on which, only one twelvemonth before, he had +caused that unhappy prince to be suffocated in Calais.</p> + + + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page032" name="page032">(p. 032)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER II.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">henry taken into the care of richard. — death of john of gaunt. — +henry knighted by richard in ireland. — his person and manners. — +news of bolinbroke's landing and hostile measures reaches +ireland.—indecision and delay of richard. — he shuts up henry and +the young duke of gloucester in trym castle. — reflections on the +fate of these two cousins — of bolinbroke — richard — and the +widowed duchess of gloucester.</span><br><br> + + +1398-1399.</h3> + + +<p>The first years of Henry of Monmouth fall, in part at least, as we +have seen, within the province of conjecture rather than of authentic +history: and the facts for reasonable conjecture to work upon are much +more scanty with regard to this royal child, than we find to be the +case with many persons far less renowned, and still further removed +from our day. But from the date of his father's banishment, very few +months in any one year elapse without supplying some clue, which +enables us to trace him step by step through the whole career of his +eventful life, to the very last day and hour of his mortal existence.</p> + +<p>His father's exile dates from October 13, 1398, when Henry had just +concluded his eleventh year. Whether +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page033" name="page033">(p. 033)</a></span> +up to that time he had +been living chiefly in his father's house, or with his grandfather +John of Gaunt, or with his maternal grandmother, or with his uncle +Henry Beaufort either at Oxford or elsewhere, we have no positive +evidence. John of Gaunt did not die till the 3rd of the following +February, and he would, doubtless, have taken his grandson under his +especial care, at all events on his father's banishment, probably +assigning Henry Beaufort to be his tutor and governor. But when +Richard sentenced Henry of Bolinbroke, he was too sensible of his own +injustice, and too much alive, in this instance at least, to his own +danger, to suffer Henry of Monmouth to remain at large. One of the +most ancient, and most widely adopted principles of tyranny, +pronounces the man "to be a fool, who when he makes away with a +father, leaves the son in power to avenge his parent's wrongs." +Accordingly Richard took immediate possession of the persons both of +the son of the murdered Duke of Gloucester, and of Henry of Monmouth, +of whose relatives, as the chroniclers say, he had reason to be +especially afraid.</p> + +<p>John of Gaunt, we may conclude, now disabled as he was, by those +infirmities<a id="notetag036" name="notetag036"></a><a href="#note036">[36]</a> +which hastened him to the +grave<a id="notetag037" name="notetag037"></a><a href="#note037">[37]</a> +more rapidly than +the mere progress of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page034" name="page034">(p. 034)</a></span> +calm decay, could exert no effectual +means either of sheltering his son from the unjust tyrant who +sentenced him to ten years banishment from his native land, or of +rescuing his grandson from the close custody of the same oppressor. +Still the very name of that renowned duke must have put some restraint +upon his royal nephew. The lion had yet life, and might put forth one +dying effort, if the oppression were carried past his endurance; and +it might have been thought well to let him linger and slumber on, till +nature should have struggled with him finally. We find, consequently, +that though before Bolinbroke's departure from England Richard had +remitted four years of his banishment, as a sort of peace-offering +perhaps to John of Gaunt, no sooner was that formidable person dead, +than Richard, throwing off all semblance of moderation, exiled +Bolinbroke for life, and seized and confiscated his +property.<a id="notetag038" name="notetag038"></a><a href="#note038">[38]</a></p> + +<p>Though +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page035" name="page035">(p. 035)</a></span> +Richard behaved towards Bolinbroke with such reckless +injustice, he does not appear to have been forgetful of his wants +during his exile. Within two months of the date of his banishment the +Pell Rolls record payment (14 November 1398) "of a thousand marks to +the Duke of Hereford, of the King's gift, for the aid and support of +himself, and the supply of his wants, on his retirement from England +to parts beyond the seas assigned for his sojourn." And on the 20th of +the following June payment is recorded of "1586<i>l.</i> 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> part +of the 2000<i>l.</i> which the king had granted to him, to be advanced +annually at the usual times." But this was a poor compensation for the +honours and princely possessions of the Dukedom of Lancaster, and the +comforts of his home. No wonder if he were often found, as historians +tell, in deep depression of spirits, whilst he thought of "his four +brave boys, and two lovely daughters," now doubly orphans.</p> + +<p>The plan of this work does not admit of any detailed enumeration of +the exactions, nor of any minute inquiry into the violence and +reckless tyranny of Richard. It cannot be doubted that a long series +of oppressive measures at this time alienated the affections of many +of his subjects, and exposed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page036" name="page036">(p. 036)</a></span> +his person and his throne to +the attacks of proud and powerful, as well as injured and insulted +enemies. His conduct appears to evince little short of infatuation. He +was determined to act the part of a tyrant with a high hand, and he +defied the consequences of his rashness. He had stopped his ears to +sounds which must have warned him of dangers setting thick around him +from every side; and he had wilfully closed his eyes, and refused to +look towards the precipice whither he was every day +hastening.<a id="notetag039" name="notetag039"></a><a href="#note039">[39]</a> +He +rushed on, despising the danger, till he fell once, and for ever. The +murder of the Duke of Gloucester, involving on the part of the king +one of the most base and cold-hearted pieces of treachery ever +recorded of any ruthless tyrant, had filled the whole realm with +indignation; and chroniclers do not hesitate to affirm that Richard +would have been then deposed and destroyed, had it not been for the +interposition of John of Gaunt; and now the eldest son of that very +man, who alone had sheltered him from his people's vengeance, Richard +banishes for ever without cause, confiscating his princely estates, +and pursuing him with bitter and insulting vengeance even in his +exile.</p> + +<p>If <span class="pagenum"><a id="page037" name="page037">(p. 037)</a></span> +his own reason had not warned him beforehand against such +self-destroying acts of iniquity and violence, yet the signs of the +popular feeling which followed them, would have recalled any but an +infatuated man to a sense of the danger into which he was plunging. +When Henry of Bolinbroke left London for his exile, forty thousand +persons are said to have been in the streets lamenting his fate; and +the mayor, accompanied by a large body of the higher class of +citizens, attended him on his way as far as Dartford; and some never +left him till they saw him embark at +Dover.<a id="notetag040" name="notetag040"></a><a href="#note040">[40]</a> +But to all these clear +and strong indications of the tone and temper of his subjects, Richard +was obstinately blind and deaf. If he heard and saw them, he hardened +himself against the only practical influence which they were +calculated to produce. Setting the approaching political storm, and +every moral peril, at defiance, he quitted England just as though he +were leaving behind him contented and devoted subjects.</p> + +<p>Having assigned Wallingford Castle for the residence of his Queen +Isabel, he departed for Ireland about the 18th of May; but did not set +sail from Milford Haven till the 29th; he reached Waterford on the +last day of the month. Though +Richard<a id="notetag041" name="notetag041"></a><a href="#note041">[41]</a> +was +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page038" name="page038">(p. 038)</a></span> +prompted +solely by reasons of policy and by a regard to his own safety to take +with him to Ireland Henry of Monmouth, (together with Humphrey, son of +the murdered Duke of Gloucester,) we should do him great injustice +were we to suppose that he treated him as an +enemy.<a id="notetag042" name="notetag042"></a><a href="#note042">[42]</a> +On the +contrary, we have reason to believe that he behaved towards him with +great kindness and +respect.<a id="notetag043" name="notetag043"></a><a href="#note043">[43]</a></p> + +<p>About midsummer the king advanced towards the country and strong-holds +of Macmore, his most formidable antagonist. On the opening of that +campaign he conferred upon young Henry the order of +knighthood;<a id="notetag044" name="notetag044"></a><a href="#note044">[44]</a> +and wishing to signalize this mark of the royal favour with unusual +celebrity, he conferred on that day the same distinction (expressly +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page039" name="page039">(p. 039)</a></span> +in honour of Henry) upon ten others his companions in arms. +The particulars of this transaction, and the details of the entire +campaign against the Wild Irish, as they were called, are recorded in +a metrical history by a Frenchman named Creton, who was an eye-witness +of the whole affair. This gentleman had accepted the invitation of a +countryman of his own, a knight, to accompany him to England. On their +arrival in London they found the king himself in the very act of +starting for Ireland, and thither they went in his company as +amateurs.</p> + +<p>This writer thus +describes<a id="notetag045" name="notetag045"></a><a href="#note045">[45]</a> +the courteous act and pledge of +friendship bestowed by Richard on his youthful companion and prisoner, +recording, with some interesting circumstances, the very words of +knightly and royal admonition with which the distinguished honour was +conferred. "Early on a summer's morning, the vigil of St. John, the +King marched directly to +Macmore<a id="notetag046" name="notetag046"></a><a href="#note046">[46],</a> +who would neither submit, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page040" name="page040">(p. 040)</a></span> +nor obey him in any way, but affirmed that he was himself the +rightful king of Ireland, and that he would never cease from war and +the defence of his country till death. Then the King prepared to go +into the depths of the deserts in search of him. For his abode is in +the woods, where he is accustomed to dwell at all seasons; and he had +with him, according to report, 3000 hardy men. Wilder people I never +saw; they did not appear to be much dismayed at the English. The whole +host were assembled at the entrance of the deep woods; and every one +put himself right well in his array: for it was thought for the time +that we should have battle; but I know that the Irish did not show +themselves on this occasion. Orders were then given by the King that +every thing around should be set fire to. Many a village and house +were then consumed. While this was going on, the King, who bears +leopards in his arms, caused a space to be cleared on all sides, and +pennon and standards to be quickly hoisted. Afterwards, out of true +and entire affection, he sent for the son of the Duke of Lancaster, a +<i>fair young and handsome +bachelor</i>,<a id="notetag047" name="notetag047"></a><a href="#note047">[47]</a> +and knighted him, saying, 'My +fair cousin, henceforth be gallant and bold, for, unless you conquer, +you will have little name for valour.' And for his greater honour and +satisfaction, to the end that it might be better imprinted on his +memory, he +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page041" name="page041">(p. 041)</a></span> +made eight or ten other knights; but indeed I do +not know what their names were, for I took little heed about the +matter, seeing that melancholy, uneasiness and care had formed, and +altogether chosen my heart for their abode, and anxiety had +dispossessed me of joy."</p> + +<p>The English suffered much from hunger and fatigue during this +expedition in search of the archrebel, and after many fruitless +attempts to reduce him, reached Dublin, where all their sufferings +were forgotten in the plenty and pleasures of that "good city."</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>The day on which Richard conferred upon Henry so distinguished a mark +of his regard and friendship, offering the first occasion on which any +reference is made to his personal appearance and bodily constitution, +the present may, perhaps, be deemed an appropriate place for recording +what we may have been able to glean in that department of biographical +memoir with which few, probably, are inclined to dispense.</p> + +<p>M. Creton, in his account of this memorable knighthood, represents +Henry as "a handsome young bachelor," then in his twelfth year; and +very little further, of a specific character, is recorded by his +immediate contemporaries. The chroniclers next in succession describe +him as a man of "a spare make, tall, and well-proportioned," +"exceeding," says Stow, "the ordinary stature +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page042" name="page042">(p. 042)</a></span> +of men;" +beautiful of visage, his bones small: nevertheless he was of +marvellous strength, pliant and passing swift of limb; and so trained +was he to feats of agility by discipline and exercise, that with one +or two of his lords he could, on foot, readily give chase to a deer +without hounds, bow, or sling, and catch the fleetest of the herd. By +the period of his early youth he must have outgrown the weakness and +sickliness of his childhood, or he could never have endured the +fatigues of body and mind to which he was exposed through his almost +incessant campaigns from his fourteenth to his twentieth year. These +hardships, nevertheless, may have been all the while sowing the seeds +of that fatal disease which at the last carried him so prematurely +from the labours, and vexations, and honours of this +world.<a id="notetag048" name="notetag048"></a><a href="#note048">[48]</a></p> + +<p>With regard to his habits of social intercourse, his powers of +conversation, the disposition and bent of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page043" name="page043">(p. 043)</a></span> +his mind when he +mingled with others, whether in the seasons of public business, or the +more private hours of retirement and relaxation, (whilst the +never-ending tales of his dissipation among his unthrifty reckless +playmates are reserved for a separate inquiry,) a few words only will +suffice in this place. In addition to the testimony of later authors, +the records of contemporaneous antiquity, sometimes by direct allusion +to him, sometimes incidentally and as it were undesignedly, lead us to +infer that he was a distinguished example of affability and +courteousness; still not usually a man of many words; clear in his own +conception of the subject of conversation or debate, and ready in +conveying it to others, yet peculiarly modest and unassuming in +maintaining his opinion, listening with so natural an ease and +deference, and kindness to the sentiments and remarks and arguments of +others, as to draw into a close and warm personal attachment to +himself those who had the happiness to be on terms of familiarity with +him. Certainly the unanimous voice of Parliament ascribed to him, when +engaged in the deeper and graver discussions involving the interests +and welfare of the state, qualities corresponding in every particular +with these representations of individual chroniclers. The glowing, +living language of Shakspeare seems only to have recommended by +becoming and graceful ornament, what had its existence really and +substantially in truth.</p> + +<p class="poem"> +Hear +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page044" name="page044">(p. 044)</a></span> +him but reason in divinity,<br> +And, all-admiring, with an inward wish<br> +You would desire the King were made a prelate:<br> +Hear him debate of commonwealth affairs,<br> +You would say, it hath been all-in-all his study:<br> +List his discourse in war, and you shall hear<br> +A fearful battle render'd you in music:<br> +Turn him to any cause of policy,<br> +The Gordian knot of it he will unloose,<br> +Familiar as his garter; that, when he speaks,<br> +The air, a charter'd libertine, is still,<br> +And the mute wonder lurketh in men's ears,<br> +To steal his sweet and honey'd sentences.</p> + + +<p>Soon after Richard reached Dublin, the Duke of Albemarle, Constable of +England, arrived with a large fleet, and with forces all ready for a +campaign: but he came too late for any good purpose, and better had it +been for Richard had he never come at all. His advice was the king's +ruin. Richard with his army passed full six weeks in Dublin, in the +free enjoyment of ease and pleasure, altogether ignorant of the +terrible reverse which awaited him. In consequence of the +uninterrupted prevalence of adverse winds, his self-indulgence was +undisturbed by the news which the first change of weather was destined +to bring. Through the whole of this momentous crisis the weather was +so boisterous that no vessel dared to brave the tempest. On the return +of a quiet sea, a barge arrived at Dublin upon a Saturday, laden with +the appalling tidings that Henry, Duke of Lancaster, had returned from +exile +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page045" name="page045">(p. 045)</a></span> +and was carrying all before him; supported by +Richard's most powerful subjects, now in open rebellion against his +authority; and encouraged by the Archbishop, who in the Pope's name +preached plenary absolution and a place in paradise to all who would +assist the duke to recover his just rights from his unjust sovereign. +The King grew pale at this news, and instantly resolved to return to +England on the Monday following. But the Duke of Albemarle advised +that unhappy monarch, fatally for his interests, to remain in Ireland +till his whole navy could be gathered; and in the mean +time<a id="notetag049" name="notetag049"></a><a href="#note049">[49]</a> +to +send over the Earl of Salisbury. That nobleman departed forthwith, +(Richard solemnly promising to put to sea in six days,) and landed at +Conway, "the strongest and fairest town in Wales."</p> + +<p>Either before the Earl of Salisbury's departure, or as is the more +probable, towards the last of those eighteen +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page046" name="page046">(p. 046)</a></span> +days through +which afterwards, to the ruin of his cause, Richard wasted his time +(the only time left him) in Ireland, he sent for Henry of Monmouth, +and upbraided him with his father's treason. Otterbourne minutely +records the conversation which is said then to have passed between +them. "Henry, my child," said the King, "see what your father has done +to me. He has actually invaded my land as an enemy, and, as if in +regular warfare, has taken captive and put to death my liege subjects +without mercy and pity. Indeed, child, for you individually I am very +sorry, because for this unhappy proceeding of your father you must +perhaps be deprived of your inheritance." 'To whom Henry, though a +boy, replied in no boyish manner,' "In truth, my gracious king and +lord, I am sincerely grieved by these tidings; and, as I conceive, you +are fully assured of my innocence in this proceeding of my +father."—"I know," replied the King, "that the crime which your +father has perpetrated does not attach at all to you; and therefore I +hold you excused of it altogether."</p> + +<p>Soon after this interview the unfortunate Richard set off from Dublin +to return to his kingdom, which was now passing rapidly into other +hands: but his two youthful captives, Henry of Monmouth, and Humfrey, +son of the late Duke of Gloucester, he caused to be shut up in the +safe keeping of the castle of +Trym.<a id="notetag050" name="notetag050"></a><a href="#note050">[50]</a> +From that day, which must have +been +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page047" name="page047">(p. 047)</a></span> +somewhere about the 20th of August, till the following +October,<a id="notetag051" name="notetag051"></a><a href="#note051">[51]</a> +when he was created Prince of Wales in a full assembly of +the nobles and commons of England, we have no direct mention made of +Henry of Monmouth. That much of the intervening time was a season of +doubt and anxiety and distress to him, we have every reason to +believe. Though he had been previously detained as a hostage, yet he +had been treated with great kindness; and Richard, probably inspiring +him with feelings of confidence and attachment towards himself, had +led him to forget his father's enemy and oppressor in his own personal +benefactor and friend. Richard had now left him and his cousin (a +youth doubly related to him) as prisoners in a solitary castle far +from their friends, and in the custody of men at whose hands they +could not anticipate what treatment they might receive. How long they +remained in this state of close and, as they might well deem it, +perilous confinement, we do not learn. Probably the Duke of Lancaster, +on hearing of Richard's departure from Dublin, sent off immediately to +release the two captive youths; or at the latest, as soon as he had +the unhappy king within his power. On the one +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page048" name="page048">(p. 048)</a></span> +hand it may be +argued that had Henry of Monmouth joined his father before the +cavalcade reached London, so remarkable a circumstance would have been +noticed by the French author, who accompanied them the whole way. On +the other hand we learn from the Pell Rolls that a ship was sent from +Chester to conduct him to London, though the payment of a debt does +not fix the date at which it was +incurred.<a id="notetag052" name="notetag052"></a><a href="#note052">[52]</a> +We may be assured no +time was lost by the Duke, by those whom he employed, or by his son; +at all events that Henry was restored to his father at Chester (a +circumstance which would be implied had Richard there been consigned +to the custody of young Humphrey), is not at all in evidence. The far +more reasonable inference from what is recorded is, that Humphrey, his +young fellow-prisoner and companion, and near relative and friend, was +snatched from him by sudden death at the very time when Providence +seemed to have opened to him a joyous return to liberty and to his +widowed mother. There is no reason to doubt that the news of Richard's +captivity, and the Duke of Lancaster's success, reached the two +friends whilst prisoners in Trym Castle; nor that they were both +released, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page049" name="page049">(p. 049)</a></span> +and embarked together for England. Where they were +when the hand of death separated them is not certainly known. The +general tradition is, that poor Humphrey had no sooner left the Irish +coast than he was seized by a fever, or by the plague, which carried +him off before the ship could reach England. But whether he landed or +not, whether he had joined the Duke or not before the fatal malady +attacked him, there is no doubt that his death followed hard upon his +release. His mother, the widowed duchess of his murdered father, who +had moreover never been allowed the solace of her child's company, now +bereft of husband and son, could bear up against her affliction no +longer. On hearing of her desolate state, excessive grief overwhelmed +her; and she fell sick and +died.<a id="notetag053" name="notetag053"></a><a href="#note053">[53]</a></p> + +<p>It is impossible to contemplate these two youthful relatives setting +out from the prison doors full of joy, and happy auguries, and mutual +congratulations, in health and spirits, panting for their dearest +friends,—one going to a princedom, and a throne, and a brilliant +career of victories, the other to disease and death,—without being +impressed with the wonderful acts of an inscrutable Providence, with +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page050" name="page050">(p. 050)</a></span> +the ignorance and weakness of man, and with the resistless +will of the merciful Ruler of man's destinies. Even had young Humphrey +foreseen his dissolution, then so nigh at hand, as the gates of Trym +Castle opened for their release, he might well have addressed his +companion in words once used by the prince of Grecian philosophers at +the close of his defence before the court who condemned him. "And now +we are going, I indeed to death, you to life; to which of the two is +the better fate assigned is known only to +God!"<a id="notetag054" name="notetag054"></a><a href="#note054">[54]</a></p> + +<p>Since this page was first written, the Author has been led to examine +the Pell +Rolls;<a id="notetag055" name="notetag055"></a><a href="#note055">[55]</a> +and he is induced to confess that, independently +of the full confirmation afforded by those original documents to +numberless facts referred to in these Memoirs, many an interesting +train of thought is suggested by the inspection of them. The bare and +dry entries of one single roll at the period now under consideration, +bring with them to his mind associations of a truly affecting, +serious, and solemn character. The very last roll of Richard II. by +the merest details of expenditure records the payment of sums made by +that unhappy monarch to Bolinbroke, then in exile, expatriated by his +unjust and wanton decree; to Humphrey, the orphan son +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page051" name="page051">(p. 051)</a></span> +of the +late murdered Duke of Gloucester; to Henry of Monmouth his cousin, +both then in Richard's safe keeping; and to Eleanor, the widowed +mother of Humphrey, and maternal aunt of Henry. Can any event paint in +deeper and stronger colouring the vicissitudes and reverses of +mortality, "the changes and chances" of our life on earth? Before the +scribe had filled the next half-year's roll, (now lying with it side +by side, and speaking like a monitor from the grave to high and low, +rich and poor, prince and peasant alike,)—of those five persons, +Richard had lost both his crown and his life; Bolinbroke had mounted +the throne from which Richard had fallen; Henry of Monmouth had been +created Prince of Wales, and was hailed as heir apparent to that +throne; his cousin Humphrey, once the companion of his imprisonment, +and the sharer of his anticipations of good or ill, had been carried +off from this world by death at the very time of his release; and the +broken-hearted Eleanor, (the root and the branch of her happiness now +gone for ever,) unable to bear up against her sorrows, had sunk under +their weight into her +grave!<a id="notetag056" name="notetag056"></a><a href="#note056">[56]</a></p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page052" name="page052">(p. 052)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER III.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">proceedings of bolinbroke from his interview with archbishop arundel, +in paris, to his making king richard his prisoner. — conduct of +richard from the news of bolinbroke's landing. — treachery of +northumberland. — richard taken by bolinbroke to london.</span><br><br> + + +1398-1399.</h3> + + +<p>Whether Henry of Monmouth met his father and the cavalcade at Chester, +or joined them on their road to London, or followed them thither; +whether he witnessed on the way the humiliation and melancholy of his +friend, and the triumphant exaltation of his father, or not; every +step taken by either of those two chieftains through the eventful +weeks which intervened between King Richard making the youth a knight +in the wilds of Ireland, and King Henry creating him Prince of Wales +in the face of the nation at Westminster, bears immediately upon his +destinies. And the whole complicated tissue of circumstances then in +progress is so inseparably connected with him both individually and as +the future monarch of England, that a brief review of the proceedings +as well of the falling +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page053" name="page053">(p. 053)</a></span> +as of the rising antagonist seems +indispensable in this place.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Henry Bolinbroke (having now, by the death of John of +Gaunt,<a id="notetag057" name="notetag057"></a><a href="#note057">[57]</a> +succeeded to the dukedom of Lancaster,) found himself, during his +exile, far from being the only victim of Richard's rash despotism; nor +the only one determined to try, if necessary, and when occasion should +offer, by strength of hand to recover their lost country, together +with their property and their homes. Indeed, others proved +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page054" name="page054">(p. 054)</a></span> +to have been far more forward in that bold measure than himself. +Whilst he was in +Paris<a id="notetag058" name="notetag058"></a><a href="#note058">[58]</a>, +he received by the hands of Arundel, +Archbishop of Canterbury, an invitation to return, and set up his +standard in their native land. +Arundel,<a id="notetag059" name="notetag059"></a><a href="#note059">[59]</a> +himself one of Richard's +victims, had been banished two years before the Duke, by a sentence +which +confiscated<a id="notetag060" name="notetag060"></a><a href="#note060">[60]</a> +all his property. He made his way, we are told, +to Valenciennes in the disguise of a pilgrim, and, proceeding to +Paris, obtained an interview with Henry; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page055" name="page055">(p. 055)</a></span> +whom he found at +first less sanguine perhaps, and less ready for so desperate an +undertaking, than he expected. The Duke for some time remained, +apparently, absorbed in deep thought, as he leaned on a window +overlooking a garden; and at length replied that he would consult his +friends. Their advice, seconding the appeal of the Archbishop, +prevailed upon Henry to prepare for the hazardous enterprise; in which +success might indeed be rewarded with the crown of England, over and +above the recovery of his own vast possessions, but in which defeat +must lead inevitably to ruin. He left Paris for Brittany; and sailing +from one of its ports with three ships, having in his company only +fifteen lances or knights, he made for the English +coast.<a id="notetag061" name="notetag061"></a><a href="#note061">[61]</a> +About +the 4th of July he came to shore at the spot +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page056" name="page056">(p. 056)</a></span> +where of old +time had stood the decayed town of Ravenspur. Landing boldly though +with such a handful of men, he was soon joined by the Percies, and +other powerful leaders; and so eagerly did the people flock to him as +their deliverer from a headstrong reckless despot, that in a short +time he numbered as his followers sixty thousand men, who had staked +their property, their liberty, and their lives, on the same die. The +most probable account of his proceedings up to his return to Chester, +immediately before the unfortunate Richard fell into his hands, is the +following, for which we are chiefly indebted to the translator of the +"Metrical +History."<a id="notetag062" name="notetag062"></a><a href="#note062">[62]</a></p> + +<p>The Duke of Lancaster's first measures, upon his landing, are not very +accurately recorded by historians, nor do the accounts impress us with +an opinion that they had arisen out of any digested plan of operation. +But a comparison of the desultory information which is furnished +relative to them, with what may fairly be supposed to be most +advisable on his part, will, perhaps, show that they were the result +of good calculation. The following is offered as the outline of the +scheme. To secure to Henry a chance of success, it was in the first +instance necessary, not only that the most powerful nobles remaining +at home should join him, but that means should be devised for +detaining the King in Ireland. It would be expedient to try the +disposition of the people on the eastern coast, and that he +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page057" name="page057">(p. 057)</a></span> +should select a spot for his descent, from which he could immediately +put himself in communication with his friends: Yorkshire afforded the +greatest facility. The wind which took Albemarle over into Ireland +must have been advantageous to Lancaster; and the tempestuous weather +which succeeded must have been equally in his favour. He landed at +Ravenspur, and marched to Doncaster, where the Percies and others came +down to him. Knaresborough and Pontefract were his own by inheritance. +Having thus gained a footing, he marched toward the south; and his +opponents withdrew from before +him.<a id="notetag063" name="notetag063"></a><a href="#note063">[63]</a> +The council, consisting of the +Regent, Scroop, Bussy, Green, and Bagot, could interpose no obstacle, +and were driven by fear to Bristol. The Duke of York made some show of +resistance. Perhaps the others intended to make for Milford, and +thence to Ireland, or to await the King's arrival. Henry advanced to +Leicester and Kenilworth, both his own castles; and went through +Evesham to Gloucester and Berkeley. At Berkeley he came to an +agreement with the Duke of York, secured many of Richard's adherents, +passed on to Bristol, took the castle, slew three out of four of the +unfortunate ministers, and gained possession +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page058" name="page058">(p. 058)</a></span> +of a place +entirely disaffected to the King. From Bristol he directed his course +back to Gloucester, thence bearing westward to Ross and Hereford. Here +he was joined by the Bishop and Lord +Mortimer;<a id="notetag064" name="notetag064"></a><a href="#note064">[64]</a> +and, passing +through Leominster and Ludlow, he moved +onward,<a id="notetag065" name="notetag065"></a><a href="#note065">[65]</a> +increasing his +forces as he advanced towards Shrewsbury and Chester. In the mean time +the plans of Albemarle (if we acknowledge the reality of his alleged +treason) were equally successful. At all events Richard's course was +most favourable for Henry. Had he gone from Dublin to Chester, he +might have anticipated his enemy, and infused a spirit into his loyal +subjects. But he came southward whilst Henry was going northward; and, +about the time that Richard came on shore at Milford, Henry must have +been at Chester, surrounded by his friends, at the head of an immense +force, master of London, Bristol, and Chester, and of all the +fortresses that had been his own, or had belonged to Richard, within a +triangle, the apex of which is to be found in Bristol, the base +extending from the mouth of the Humber to that of the Dee.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>If in like manner we trace the steps of the misguided and infatuated +Richard, treacherous at once and betrayed, from the hour when the news +of Bolinbroke's +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page059" name="page059">(p. 059)</a></span> +hostile and successful measures reached him +in Dublin to the day when he fell powerless into the hands of his +enemy, we shall find much to reprehend; much to pity; little, perhaps +nothing, which can excite the faintest shadow of respect. When the +Earl of Salisbury left Ireland, Richard solemnly promised him that he +would himself put to sea in six days; and the Earl, whose conduct is +marked by devoted zeal and fidelity in the cause of his unfortunate +master, acted upon that pledge. But whether misled by the treacherous +suggestions of Albemarle, or following his own self-will or imbecility +of judgment, Richard allowed eighteen days to pass away before he +embarked, every hour of which was pregnant with most momentous +consequences to himself and his throne. He landed at length at Milford +Haven, and then had with him thirty-two thousand men; but in one night +desertions reduced this body to six thousand. It is said that, on the +morrow after his return, looking from his window on the field where +his forces were encamped overnight, he was panic-struck by the +smallness of the number that remained. After deliberation, he resolved +on starting in the night for Conway, disguised in the garb of a poor +priest of the Friars-Minor, and taking with him only thirteen or +fourteen friends. He so planned his journey as to reach Conway at +break of day, where he found the Earl of Salisbury no less dejected +than himself. That faithful adherent had taken effectual +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page060" name="page060">(p. 060)</a></span> +means, on his first arrival in Wales, to collect an army of Cambrians +and Cheshiremen in sufficient strength, had the King joined them with +his forces, to offer a formidable resistance to Bolinbroke. But, at +the end of fourteen days, despairing of the King's arrival, they had +disbanded themselves, and were scattered over the country, or returned +to their own homes. On his clandestine departure also from Milford, +the wreck of his army, who till then had remained true, were entirely +dispersed: and his great treasure was plundered by the Welshmen, who +are said to have been indignant at the treachery of those who were +left in charge of it. Among many others, Sir Thomas Percy himself +escaped naked and wounded to the Duke of Lancaster.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>The page of history which records the proceedings of the two hostile +parties, from the day of Richard's reaching Conway to the hour of his +falling into the hands of Henry, presents in every line transactions +stained with so much of falsehood and baseness, such revolting +treachery and deceit, such wilful deliberate perjury, that we would +gladly pass it over unread, or throw upon it the most cursory glance +compatible with a bare knowledge of the facts. But whilst the +desperate wickedness of the human heart is made to stand out through +these transactions in most frightful colours, and whilst we shudder at +the wanton prostitution of the most solemn +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page061" name="page061">(p. 061)</a></span> +ordinances of the +Gospel, there so painfully exemplified, the same page suggests to us +topics of gratitude and of admonition,—gratitude that we live in an +age when these shameless violations of moral and religious bonds would +not be tolerated; and admonition that the principles of integrity and +righteousness can alone exalt a people, or be consistent with sound +policy. The truth of history here stamps the king, the nobleman, the +prelate, and the more humble instruments of the deeds then done, with +the indelible stain of dishonour and falsehood, and a reckless +violation of law human and divine.</p> + +<p>The King, believing his case to be desperate, implored his friends to +advise him what course to adopt. At their suggestion he sent off the +Dukes of Exeter and Surrey to remonstrate with Bolinbroke, and to +ascertain his real designs. Meanwhile he retired with his little party +of adherents, not more than sixteen in all, first to Beaumaris; then +to Caernarvon, where he stayed four or five days, living on the most +scanty supply of the coarsest food, and having nothing better to lie +upon than a bed of straw. Though this was a very secure place for him +to await the issue of the present course of events, yet, unable to +endure such privations any longer, he returned to Conway. Henry, +meanwhile, having reduced Holt +Castle,<a id="notetag066" name="notetag066"></a><a href="#note066">[66]</a> +and possessed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page062" name="page062">(p. 062)</a></span> +himself of an immense treasure deposited there by Richard, was bent on +securing the person of that unhappy King. He consequently detained the +two Dukes in Chester Castle; and then, at the suggestion, it is said, +of Arundel, sent off the Earl of Northumberland with an injunction not +to return till either by truce or force he should bring back the King +with him. The Duke, attended by one thousand archers and four hundred +lances, advanced to Flint Castle, which forthwith surrendered to him. +From Flint he proceeded along a toilsome road over mountains and rocks +to Ruddlan, the gates of which were thrown open to him; when he +promised the aged castellan the enjoyment of his post there for life. +Richard knew nothing of these proceedings, and wondered at the absence +of his two noble messengers, who had started for Chester eight days +before. Northumberland, meanwhile, having left his men concealed in +ambush "under the rough and lofty cliffs of a rock," proceeded with +five or six only towards Conway. When he reached the +arm<a id="notetag067" name="notetag067"></a><a href="#note067">[67]</a> +of the +sea which washes the walls of that fortress, he sent over a herald, +who immediately obtained permission for his approach. Northumberland, +having reached the royal presence, proposed that the King should +proceed with Bolinbroke amicably to London, and there hold a +parliament, and suffer certain +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page063" name="page063">(p. 063)</a></span> +individuals named to be put +on their trial. "I will swear," continued he, "on the body of our +Lord, consecrated by a priest's hand, that Duke Henry shall faithfully +observe all that I have said; for he solemnly pledged it to me on the +sacrament when we parted." Northumberland then withdrew from the royal +presence, when Richard thus immediately addressed his few counsellors: +"Fair sirs, we will grant it to him, for I see no other way. But I +swear to you that, whatever assurance I may give him, he shall be +surely put to a bitter death; and, doubt it not, no parliament shall +be held at Westminster. As soon as I have spoken with Henry, I will +summon the men of Wales, and make head against him; and, if he and his +friends be discomfited, they shall die: some of them I will flay +alive." Richard had declared, before he left Ireland, that if he could +but once get Henry into his power, he "would put him to death in such +a manner as that it should be spoken of long enough, even in Turkey." +Northumberland was then called in; and Richard assured him that, if he +would swear upon the Host, he would himself keep the agreement. +"Sire," said the Earl, "let the body of our Lord be consecrated. I +will swear that there is no deceit in this affair; and that the Duke +will observe the whole as you have heard me relate it here." Each of +them heard mass with all outward devotion, and the Earl took the oath. +Never was a contract made more solemnly, nor with a more fixed +purpose +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page064" name="page064">(p. 064)</a></span> +on both sides not to abide by its engagements: it is +indeed a dark and painful page of history. Upon this pledge of faith, +mutually given, the King readily agreed to start, sending the Earl on +to prepare dinner at Ruddlan. No sooner had he reached the top of the +rock than he beheld the Earl and his men below; and, being now made +aware of the treachery by which he had fallen, he sank into despair, +and had recourse only to unmanly lamentations. His company did not +amount to more than five-and-twenty, and retreat was impossible. His +remonstrance with the Earl as he charged him with perjury and treason +availed nothing, and he was compelled to proceed. They dined at +Ruddlan, and in the afternoon advanced to Flint +Castle.<a id="notetag068" name="notetag068"></a><a href="#note068">[68]</a> +Northumberland lost no time in apprising the Duke of the success of +his enterprise. The messenger arrived at Chester by break of day; and +the Duke set off with his army, consisting, it is said, of not less +than one hundred thousand men. After mass, Richard beheld the Duke's +army approaching along the sea-shore. "It was marvellously great, and +showed such joy that the sound and noise of their instruments, horns, +buisines, and trumpets, were heard even as far as the castle." The +Duke sent forward the Archbishop, with two or three more, who +approached the King with profound reverence. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page065" name="page065">(p. 065)</a></span> +In this +interview, the first which the King had with Arundel since he banished +him the realm and confiscated his property, they conversed long +together, and alone. Whether any allusion was then made to the +necessity of the King abdicating the throne, must remain matter of +conjecture. The Archbishop (as the Earl of Salisbury reported) then +comforted the King in a very gentle manner, bidding him not to be +alarmed, for no harm should happen to his person.</p> + +<p>The Duke did not enter the castle till Richard had dined, for he was +fasting. At the table he protracted the repast as long as possible, +dreading what would follow. Dinner ended, he came down to meet the +Duke, who, as soon as he perceived him, bowed very low. The King took +off his bonnet, and first addressed Bolinbroke. The French writer +pledges himself to the words, for, as he says, he heard them +distinctly, and understood them well. "Fair cousin of Lancaster, you +be right welcome." Then Duke Henry replied, bowing very low to the +ground, "My lord, I am come sooner than you sent for me; the reason +whereof I will tell you. The common report of your people is, that you +have for the space of twenty years and more governed them very badly +and very rigorously; and they are not well contented therewith: but, +if it please our Lord, I will help you to govern them better." King +Richard answered, "Fair cousin, since it pleaseth you, it pleaseth me +well."</p> + +<p>Upon +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page066" name="page066">(p. 066)</a></span> +this Henry, when the time of departure was come, knowing +that Richard was particularly fond of fine horses, is said to have +called out with a stern and savage voice, "Bring out the King's +horses;" and then <i>they brought him two little horses not worth forty +francs</i>: the King mounted one, and the Earl of Salisbury the other. If +this statement of the French author be accurate, Henry compelled his +king to endure a studied mortification, as uncalled for as it was +galling. Starting from Flint about two o'clock, they proceeded to +Chester,<a id="notetag069" name="notetag069"></a><a href="#note069">[69]</a> +where the Duke was received with much reverence, whilst +the unhappy monarch was exposed to the insults of the populace. He was +immediately lodged in the castle with his few friends, and committed +to the safe +keeping<a id="notetag070" name="notetag070"></a><a href="#note070">[70]</a> +of his enemies. In Chester they remained three +days,<a id="notetag071" name="notetag071"></a><a href="#note071">[71]</a> +and then set out +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page067" name="page067">(p. 067)</a></span> +on the direct road for London. +Their route lay through Nantwich, Newcastle-under-Line, Stafford, +Lichfield, Daventry, Dunstable, and St. Alban's. Nothing worthy of +notice occurred during the journey, excepting that at Lichfield the +captive monarch endeavoured to escape at night, letting himself down +into a garden from the window of a tower in which they kept him. He +was however discovered, and from that time was watched most narrowly.</p> + +<p>When they arrived within five or six miles of London, they were met by +various companies of the citizens, who carried Richard first to +Westminster, and next day to the Tower. Henry did not accompany him, +but turned aside to enter the city by the chief gate. Proceeding along +Cheapside to St. Paul's amidst the shouts of the people, he advanced +in full armour to the high altar; and, having offered his devotions +there, he turned to the tomb of his father and mother, at the sight of +which he was deeply affected. He lodged the first five or six days in +the Bishop's house; and, having passed another fortnight in the +hospital of St. John without Smithfield, he went to Hertford, where he +stayed three weeks. From that place he returned to meet the +parliament, which was to assemble in Westminster Hall on Wednesday the +first day of October.</p> + + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page068" name="page068">(p. 068)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">richard resigns the crown. — bolinbroke elected king. — henry of +monmouth created prince of wales. — plot to murder the king. — death +of richard. — friendship between him and henry. — proposals for a +marriage between henry and isabella, richard's widow. — henry applies +for an establishment. — hostile movement of the scots. — tradition, +that young henry marched against them, doubted.</span><br><br> + + +1399-1400.</h3> + + +<p>When the Parliament assembled in Westminster Hall on Wednesday, +October 1st, a deed of resignation of the crown, signed by the unhappy +Richard, and witnessed by various noblemen, was publicly read. +Whether, whilst a prisoner in the Tower, his own reflections on the +present desperate state of his affairs had persuaded him to sever +himself from the cares and dangers of a throne; whether he was +prevailed upon to take this view of his interests and his duty by the +honest and kind representations of his friends; or whether any degree +of violence by threat and intimidation, and alarming suggestions of +future evils had been applied, it would be fruitless to inquire. The +instrument indeed itself is couched in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page069" name="page069">(p. 069)</a></span> +terms expressive of +most voluntary and unqualified self-abasement, containing, among +others, such expressions as these: "I do entirely, of my own accord, +renounce and totally resign all kingly dignity and majesty; purely, +voluntarily, simply, and absolutely." On the other hand, if we believe +Hardyng,<a id="notetag072" name="notetag072"></a><a href="#note072">[72]</a> +the Earl of Northumberland asserted in his hearing, that +Richard was forced to resign under fear of death. Probably from his +first interview with the Archbishop in Flint Castle, to the hour +before he consented to execute the deed, his mind had been gradually +and incessantly worked upon by various agents, and different means, +short of actual violence, for the purpose of inducing him to make, +ostensibly at least, a voluntary resignation. He seems more than once +to have received both from Arundel and from Bolinbroke himself an +assurance of personal safety; and he is said to have expressed a hope +that "his cousin would be a kind lord to him."</p> + +<p>The accounts which have reached us of the proceedings, from the hour +when Richard entered the Tower, to the day of his death, are by no +means uniform +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page070" name="page070">(p. 070)</a></span> +and consistent. The discrepancies however of +the various traditions neither involve any questions of great moment, +nor deeply affect the characters of those who were engaged in the +transactions. Of one point indeed we must make an exception, the cause +and circumstances of Richard's death; which, whether we look to Henry +of Monmouth's previous attachment to him, and the respect which he +industriously and cordially showed to the royal remains immediately +upon his becoming king himself; or whether we reflect on the vast +consequence, affecting Bolinbroke's character, involved in the +solution of that much-agitated question, may seem not only to justify, +but to call for, a distinct examination in these pages. The broad +facts, meanwhile, relative to the deposition of Richard and the +accession of Henry, are clear and indisputable; whilst some minor +details, which have excited discussions carried on in the spirit +rather of angry contention than of the simple love of truth, and which +do not bear immediately upon the objects of this work, may well be +omitted altogether.</p> + +<p>After Richard had signed the deed of resignation, the steps were few +and easy which brought Henry of Bolinbroke to the throne. The +Parliament, either by acquiescence in his demand of the crown, or in +answer to the questions put by the Archbishop, elected Henry IV. to be +king, and denounced all as traitors who should gainsay his election +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page071" name="page071">(p. 071)</a></span> +or dispute his +right.<a id="notetag073" name="notetag073"></a><a href="#note073">[73]</a> +He was crowned on the Feast of St. +Edward, Monday, October 13, when his eldest son, Henry of Monmouth, +bore the principal sword of state; who, on the Wednesday following, by +assent of all the Estates of Parliament, was created Prince of Wales, +Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, and declared also to be heir to +the +throne.<a id="notetag074" name="notetag074"></a><a href="#note074">[74]</a> +On this occasion his father caused him to be brought +into his presence as he sate upon the throne; and placing a gold +coronet, adorned with pearls, on his head, and a ring on his finger, +and delivering into his hand a golden rod, kissed him and blessed him. +Upon which the Duke of York conducted him to the place assigned to him +in right of his principality. The Estates swore "the same faith, +loyalty, aid, assistance, and fealty" to the Prince, as they had sworn +to his father. Much interest seems to have been excited by this +creation of Henry of Monmouth as Prince of Wales. On the 3rd of +November the "Commons pray +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page072" name="page072">(p. 072)</a></span> +that they may be entered on the +record at the election of the Prince." Their petition can scarcely be +interpreted as betraying a jealousy of the +King's<a id="notetag075" name="notetag075"></a><a href="#note075">[75]</a> +right to create +a Prince of Wales independently of themselves; we must suppose it to +have originated in a desire to be recorded as parties to an act so +popular and national. At all events, in the then transition-state of +the royal authority, it was wise to combine the suffrages of all: and +the prayer of the Commons was granted. Another petition, presented on +the same day, acquaints us with the lively interest taken from the +very first by the nation at large in the safety and welfare of their +young Prince. They pray the King, "for-as-much as the Prince is of +tender age, that he may not pass forth from this realm: for we, the +Commons, are informed that the Scots are coming with a mighty hand; +and they of Ireland are purposed to elect a king among them, and +disdain to hold of you." This lively interest evinced thus early, and +in so remarkable a manner, by the Commons, in the safety and +well-being of Henry of Monmouth, seems never to have slackened at any +single period of his life, but to have grown still warmer and wider to +the very close of his career on earth. After the date of his creation +as Prince of Wales, history records but few facts relating to him, +either in his private +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page073" name="page073">(p. 073)</a></span> +or in his public capacity, till we +find him personally engaged in suppressing the Welsh rebellion; a +point of time, however, far less removed from the commencement of his +princedom than seems to have been generally assumed. In the same +month, (November 1399,) a negociation was set on foot, with the view +of bringing about a marriage between the Prince and one of the +daughters of the King of France. Since, however, he apparently took no +part whatever in the affair, the whole being a state-device to avoid +the restoration to France of Isabella's valuable paraphernalia; and +since the proposals of the treaty were for the marriage of a daughter +of France with the Prince, <span class="smcap">OR</span> <i>any other of the King's children</i>; we +need not dwell on a proceeding which reflects no great credit on his +father, or his father's +counsellors.<a id="notetag076" name="notetag076"></a><a href="#note076">[76]</a> +Not that the vague offers of +the negociation stamp the negociators with any especial disgrace. We +cannot read many pages of history without being apprised, sometimes by +painful instances, sometimes by circumstances rather ludicrous than +grave, that marriages were regarded as subjects of fair and honourable +negociation; but requiring no greater delicacy than nations would +observe in bargaining for a line of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page074" name="page074">(p. 074)</a></span> +territory, or individuals +in the purchase and sale of an estate. The negociation, however, +though the Bishop of Durham and the Earl of Worcester, both able +diplomatists, were employed on the part of England, was eventually +broken off; and Isabella was reluctantly and tardily restored to +France.</p> + +<p>About the close of the present year, or the commencement of the +following (1400), the Prince makes a direct appeal to the +council,<a id="notetag077" name="notetag077"></a><a href="#note077">[77]</a> +that they would forthwith fulfil the expressed desire of his royal +father with reference to his princely state and condition in all +points. He requires them first of all to determine upon his place of +residence, and the sources of his income; and then to take especial +care that the King's officers, each in his own department and post of +duty, should fully and perfectly put into execution whatever orders +the council might give. "You are requested (says the memorial) to +consider how my lord the Prince is utterly destitute of every kind of +appointment relative to his household." The enumeration of his wants +specified in detail is somewhat curious: "that is to say, his +chapels,<a id="notetag078" name="notetag078"></a><a href="#note078">[78]</a> +chambers, halls, wardrobe, pantry, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page075" name="page075">(p. 075)</a></span> +buttery, +kitchen, scullery, saucery, almonry, anointry, and generally all +things requisite for his establishment."</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>It has been already intimated in the Preface, that an examination +would be instituted in the course of this work into the correspondence +of Shakspeare's representations of Henry's character and conduct with +the real facts of history, and we will not here anticipate that +inquiry. Only it may be necessary to observe, as we pass on, that the +period of his life when the poet first describes him to be revelling +in the deepest and foulest sinks of riot and profligacy, as nearly as +possible corresponds with the date of this petition to the council to +supply him with a home.</p> + +<p>It was in the very first week of the year 1400 that Henry IV. +discovered the treasonable plot, laid by the Lords Salisbury, +Huntingdon, and others, to assassinate him during some solemn justs +intended to be held at Oxford, professedly in honour of his accession. +The King was then at Windsor; and, immediately on receiving +information of the conspiracy, he returned secretly, but with all +speed, to +London.<a id="notetag079" name="notetag079"></a><a href="#note079">[79]</a> +The defeat of these treasonable designs, and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page076" name="page076">(p. 076)</a></span> +the execution of the conspirators, are matter of general +history; and, as the name of the Prince does not occur even +incidentally in any accounts of the transaction, we need not dwell +upon it. Probably he was then living with his father under the +superintendence of Henry Beaufort, now Bishop of Winchester, from whom +indeed up to this time he seems to have been much less separated than +from his parent. We have already seen that, whether for the benefit of +the "young bachelor," or, with an eye to his own security, unwilling +to leave so able an enemy behind, King Richard, when he took the boy +Henry with him to Ireland, caused his uncle and tutor (Henry Beaufort) +to accompany him +also.<a id="notetag080" name="notetag080"></a><a href="#note080">[80]</a> +The probability also has been shown to +approach demonstration that his residence in Oxford could not have +taken place at this time; but that it preceded his father's +banishment, rather than followed his accession to the throne. Be this +as it may, history (as far as it appears) makes no direct mention of +the young Prince Henry through the spring of 1400.</p> + +<p>Soon, however, after the conspiracy against his father's life had been +detected and frustrated, an event took place, already alluded to, +which must have filled the warm and affectionate heart of Henry with +feelings of sorrow and distress,—the premature death of Richard. That +Henry had formed a sincere attachment for Richard, and long cherished +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page077" name="page077">(p. 077)</a></span> +his memory with gratitude for personal kindness, is +unquestionable; and doubtless it must have been a source of anxiety +and vexation to him that his father was accused in direct terms of +having procured the death of the deposed monarch. He probably was +convinced that the charge was an ungrounded calumny; yet, with his +generous indignation roused by the charge of so foul a crime, he must +have mingled feelings of increased regret at the miserable termination +of his friend's life.</p> + +<p>The name of Henry of Monmouth has never been associated with Richard's +except under circumstances which reflect credit on his own character. +The bitterest enemies of his house, who scrupled not to charge Henry +IV. with the wilful murder of his prisoner, have never sought to +implicate his son in the same guilt in the most remote degree, or even +by the gentlest whisper of insinuation. Whether Richard died in +consequence of any foul act at the hand of an enemy, or by the fatal +workings of a harassed mind and broken heart, or by self-imposed +abstinence from food, (for to every one of these, as well as to other +causes, has his death been severally attributed,) is a question +probably now beyond the reach of successful inquiry. The whole subject +has been examined by many able and, doubtless, unprejudiced persons; +but their verdicts are far from being in accordance with each other. +The general (though, as it should now seem, the mistaken) opinion +appears to be, that after Richard +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page078" name="page078">(p. 078)</a></span> +had been removed from the +Tower to Leeds Castle, and thence to other places of safe custody, and +had finally been lodged in +Pontefract,<a id="notetag081" name="notetag081"></a><a href="#note081">[81]</a> +the partisans of Henry IV. +hastened his death. The Archbishop of York directly charged the King +with the foul crime of murder, which he as positively and indignantly +denied.<a id="notetag082" name="notetag082"></a><a href="#note082">[82]</a> +The minutes of the Privy Council have not been +sufficiently noticed by former writers on this event; and the +reflections of the +Editor,<a id="notetag083" name="notetag083"></a><a href="#note083">[83]</a> +in his Preface, are so sensible and so +immediately to the point, that we may be contented in these pages to +do little more than record his +sentiments.<a id="notetag084" name="notetag084"></a><a href="#note084">[84]</a></p> + +<p>"Shortly +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page079" name="page079">(p. 079)</a></span> +after the attempt of the Earls of Kent, Salisbury, +and Huntingdon to restore Richard to the throne, a great council was +held for the consideration of many important matters. The first point +was 'that if Richard the late king be alive, as +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page080" name="page080">(p. 080)</a></span> +some suppose +he is, it be ordained that he be well and securely guarded for the +salvation of the state of the King and of his kingdom.' On which +subject the council resolved, that it was necessary to speak to the +King, that, in case Richard the late king be still living, he be +placed in security agreeably to the law of the realm; but if he be +dead, then that he be openly showed to the people, that they may have +knowledge thereof." These minutes (observes Sir Harris Nicolas) appear +to exonerate +Henry<a id="notetag085" name="notetag085"></a><a href="#note085">[85]</a> +from the generally received charge of having +sent Sir Piers Exton to Pontefract for the purpose of murdering his +prisoner. Had such been the fact, it is impossible to believe that one +of Henry's ministers would have gone through the farce of submitting +the above question to the council; or that the council would, with +still greater absurdity, have deliberated on the subject, and gravely +expressed the opinion which they offered to the King. A corpse, which +was said to be that of Richard, was publicly exhibited at St. Paul's +by Henry's direction, and he has been accused of substituting the body +of some other person; but these minutes prove that the idea of such an +exposure came from the council, and, at the moment when it was +suggested, they actually did not know whether Richard was dead or +alive, because they provided for either contingency. It +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page081" name="page081">(p. 081)</a></span> +is +also demonstrated by them that, so far from any violence or +ill-treatment being meditated in case he were living, the council +merely recommended that he should be placed in such security as might +be approved by the peers of the +realm.<a id="notetag086" name="notetag086"></a><a href="#note086">[86]</a> +It must be observed that +this new piece of evidence, coupled with the fact that a corpse said +to be the body of Richard was exhibited shortly after the meeting of +the council, strongly supports the belief that he died about the 14th +of February 1400, and that Henry and his council were innocent of +having by unfair means produced or accelerated his decease."</p> + +<p>Such we may hope to have been the case: at all events, the purpose of +this work does not admit of any fuller investigation of the points at +issue. If Henry were accessory to Richard's death, (to use an +expression quoted as that unhappy king's own +words,)<a id="notetag087" name="notetag087"></a><a href="#note087">[87]</a> +"it would be +a reproach to him for ever, so long as the world shall endure, or the +deep ocean be able to cast up tide or wave." It is, however, +satisfactory to find in these authentic documents evidence which seems +to justify us in adopting no other alternative than to return for +Bolinbroke a verdict of "Not guilty." The +corpse<a id="notetag088" name="notetag088"></a><a href="#note088">[88]</a> +of Richard was +carried through the city of London to St. Paul's with much of +religious ceremony and solemn pomp, Henry +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page082" name="page082">(p. 082)</a></span> +himself as King +bearing the pall, "followed by all those of his blood in fair array." +After it had been inspected by multitudes, +(Froissart<a id="notetag089" name="notetag089"></a><a href="#note089">[89]</a> +says by more +than twenty thousand,) it was buried at Langley, where Richard had +built a Dominican convent. Henry V, soon after his accession, removed +the corpse to Westminster Abbey, and, laid it by the side of Ann, +Richard's former queen, in the tomb which he had prepared for her and +himself.<a id="notetag090" name="notetag090"></a><a href="#note090">[90]</a></p> + +<p>Henry IV. had no sooner gained the throne of England, than he was made +to feel that he could retain possession of it only by unremitting +watchfulness, and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page083" name="page083">(p. 083)</a></span> +by a vigorous overthrow of each successive +design of his enemies as it arose. In addition as well to the +hostility of France (whose monarch and people were grievously incensed +by the deposition of Richard), as to the restless warfare of the +Scots, he was compelled to provide against the more secret and more +dangerous machinations of his own +subjects.<a id="notetag091" name="notetag091"></a><a href="#note091">[91]</a> +After the discovery +and defeat of the plot laid by the malcontent lords in the beginning +of January (1400), he first employed himself in making preparations to +repress the threatened +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page084" name="page084">(p. 084)</a></span> +aggressions of his northern +neighbours. His council had received news as early as the 9th of +February of the intention of the Scots to invade England; indeed, as +far back as the preceding November, the petition of the Commons +informs us that they considered war with Scotland inevitable. On this +campaign Henry IV. resolved to enter in his own person, and he left +London for the North in the June following. Our later historians seem +not to have entertained any doubts as to the accuracy of some early +chroniclers, when they state that Henry of Monmouth was sent on +towards Scotland as his father's representative, in command of the +advanced guard, in the opening of the +summer<a id="notetag092" name="notetag092"></a><a href="#note092">[92]</a> +of 1400. Elmham +states the general fact that Henry was sent on with the first troops, +but in the manuscript there is a "Quære" in the margin in the same +hand-writing. And the querist seems to have had sufficient reasons for +expressing his doubts as to the accuracy of such a statement. The +renown of the Prince as a youthful warrior will easily account for any +premature date assigned to his earliest campaign; whilst the age of +his father, who was seen at the head of the invading army in Scotland, +might perhaps have contributed to a mistake. The King himself, at that +time personally little known among his subjects, was not more +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page085" name="page085">(p. 085)</a></span> +than thirty-four years +old.<a id="notetag093" name="notetag093"></a><a href="#note093">[93]</a> +Be this as it may, we have great +reason to believe that Henry IV, when he proceeded northward, left the +Prince of Wales at home. In the first place, we must remember that, +among their primary and most solemn acts after the King's coronation, +the Commons, anticipating the certainty of this expedition into +Scotland, preferred to him a petition, praying that the Prince by +reason of his tender age might not go thither, "nor elsewhere forth of +the realm." The letter too of Lord Grey of Ruthyn, to which we must +hereafter refer, announcing the turbulent state of Wales, and the +necessity of suppressing its disorders with a stronger hand, can best +be explained on the supposition that the King was absent at the date +of that +letter,<a id="notetag094" name="notetag094"></a><a href="#note094">[94]</a> +about Midsummer 1400, and that the Prince was at +home. Lord Grey addresses his letter to the Prince, and not to the +King; though the King, as well as the Prince, had commissioned him to +put down the rising disturbances in his +neighbourhood.<a id="notetag095" name="notetag095"></a><a href="#note095">[95]</a> +Some, +perhaps, may think this intelligible on the ground that Lord Grey +wrote to Henry as Prince of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page086" name="page086">(p. 086)</a></span> +Wales, and therefore more +immediately intrusted with the preservation of its peace. But his +suggestion to the Prince to take the advice of the King's +council,—"with advice of our liege lord his council,"—is scarcely +consistent with the idea of the King himself being at hand to give the +necessary directions and a "more plainer commission."</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Be this however as it may: whether Henry of Monmouth's noviciate in +arms was passed on the Scotch borders, (for in Ireland, as the +companion of Richard, he had been merely a spectator,) or whether, as +the evidence seems to preponderate, we consider the chroniclers to +have antedated his first campaign, he was not allowed to remain long +without being personally engaged in a struggle of far greater +magnitude in itself, and of vastly more importance to the whole realm +of England, than any one could possibly infer from the brief and +cursory references made to it by the historians who are the most +generally consulted by our countrymen. The rebellion of Owyn +Glyndowr<a id="notetag096" name="notetag096"></a><a href="#note096">[96]</a> +is despatched by +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page087" name="page087">(p. 087)</a></span> +Hume in less than two octavo +pages, though it once certainly struck a panic into the very heart of +England, and through the whole of Henry IV.'s reign, more or less, +involved a considerable portion of the kingdom in great alarm; +carrying devastation far and wide through some of its fairest +provinces; and at one period of the struggle, by the succour of +Henry's foreign and domestic enemies, with whom the Welsh made common +cause, threatening to wrest the sceptre itself from the hands of that +monarch. The part which his son Henry of Monmouth was destined to take +personally in resisting the progress of this rebellion, and the +evidence which the indisputable facts recorded of that protracted +contest bear to his character, (facts, most of which are comparatively +little known, and many of which are altogether new in history,) seem +to require at our hands a somewhat fuller investigation into the +origin, progress, and circumstances of this rebellion, than has +hitherto been undertaken by our chroniclers.</p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page088" name="page088">(p. 088)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER V.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">the welsh rebellion. — owyn glyndowr. — his former life. — dispute +with lord grey of ruthyn. — that lord's letter to prince henry. — +hotspur. — his testimony to henry's presence in wales, — to his +mercy and his prowess. — henry's despatch to the privy council.</span><br><br> + + +1400-1401.</h3> + + +<p>Previously to the accession of Henry IV, Wales had enjoyed, for nearly +seventy years, a season of comparative security and rest. During the +desperate struggles in the reign of Henry III, in which its +inhabitants, chiefly under their Prince Llewellin, fought so +resolutely for their freedom, many districts of the Principality, +especially the border-lands, had been rendered all but deserts. From +this melancholy devastation they had scarcely recovered, when Queen +Isabella, wife of Edward II, headed the rebel army against her own +husband, who had taken refuge in Glamorganshire; and carried with her +the most dreadful of all national scourges,—a sanguinary civil war. +The whole country of South Wales, we are told, was so miserably +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page089" name="page089">(p. 089)</a></span> +ravaged by these intestine horrors, and the dearth consequent +upon them was so excessive, that horses and dogs became at last the +ordinary food of the miserable survivors. From the accession of Edward +III, and throughout his long reign, Wales seems to have enjoyed +undisturbed tranquillity and repose. Its oppressors were improving +their fortunes, rapidly and largely, in France, reaping a far more +abundant harvest in her rich domains than this impoverished land could +have offered to their expectations. Through the whole reign also of +Richard II, we hear of no serious calamity having befallen these +ancient possessors of Britain. A friendly intercourse seems at that +time to have been formed between the Principality and the kingdom at +large; and a devoted attachment to the person of the King appears to +have sprung up generally among the Welsh, and to have grown into +maturity. We may thus consider the natives of Wales to have enjoyed a +longer period of rest and peace than had fallen to their lot for +centuries before, when the deposition of Richard, who had taken refuge +among their strongholds, and in defence of whom they would have risked +their property and their lives, prepared them to follow any chieftain +who would head his countrymen against the present dynasty, and direct +them in their struggle to throw off the English, or rather, perhaps, +the Lancastrian yoke.</p> + +<p>The French writer to whom we have so often referred, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page090" name="page090">(p. 090)</a></span> +M. +Creton, in describing the creation of Henry of Monmouth as Prince of +Wales, employs these remarkable words: "Then arose Duke Henry. His +eldest son, who humbly knelt before him, he made Prince of Wales, and +gave him the land; but I think he must conquer it if he will have it: +for in my opinion the Welsh would on no account allow him to be their +lord, for the sorrow, evil, and disgrace which the English, together +with his father, had brought upon King Richard." How correctly this +foreigner had formed an estimate of the feelings and principles of the +Welsh, will best appear from that portion of Henry's life on which we +are now entering. His prediction was fully verified by the event. +Henry of Monmouth was compelled to conquer Wales for himself; and in a +struggle, too, which lasted through an entire third part of his +eventful career.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>In accounting for the origin of the civil war in Wales, historians +generally dwell on the injustice and insults committed by Lord Grey of +Ruthyn on Owyn Glyndowr, and the consequent determination of that +resolute chief to take vengeance for the wrongs by which he had been +goaded. Probably the far more correct view is to consider the Welsh at +large as altogether ready for revolt, and the conduct of Lord Grey as +having only instigated Owyn to put himself at their head; at all +events to accept the office of leader, to which, as we are told, his +countrymen<a id="notetag097" name="notetag097"></a><a href="#note097">[97]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page091" name="page091">(p. 091)</a></span> +elected him. The train was already laid in +the unshaken fidelity of the Welsh to their deposed monarch, whom they +believed to be still +alive<a id="notetag098" name="notetag098"></a><a href="#note098">[98]</a> +and in the deadly hatred against all +who had assisted Henry of Lancaster in his act of usurpation; the +spark was supplied by the resentment of a personal injury. His +countrymen were ripe for rebellion, and Owyn was equally ready to +direct their counsels, and to head them in the field of battle.</p> + +<p>Owyn +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page092" name="page092">(p. 092)</a></span> +Glyndowr was no upstart adventurer. He was of an ancient +family, or rather, we must say, of princely extraction, being +descended from Llewellin ap Jorwarth Droyndon, Prince of Wales. We +have reason to conclude that he succeeded to large hereditary +property. The exact time of his birth is not known: most writers have +placed it between 1349 and 1354; but it was probably later by five +years than the latter of those two +dates.<a id="notetag099" name="notetag099"></a><a href="#note099">[99]</a> +This extraordinary man, +whose unwearied zeal and indomitable bravery, had they taken a +different direction, would have merited, humanly speaking, a better +fate, was invested by the superstitions of the times with a +supernatural character. His vaunt to Hotspur is not so much the +offspring of Shakspeare's imagination, as an echo to the popular +opinions generally entertained of +him:<a id="notetag100" name="notetag100"></a><a href="#note100">[100]</a></p> + + +<p class="poem"><span class="pagenum"><a id="page093" name="page093">(p. 093)</a></span> +<span class="left20">At my birth</span><br> +The front of heaven was full of fiery shapes,<br> +The goats ran from the mountains, and the herds<br> +Were strangely clamorous in the frighted fields.<br> +These signs have marked me extraordinary,<br> +And all the courses of my life do show<br> +I am not in the roll of common men.<br> +<span class="left30 smsize">1</span> <span class="smcap">Henry</span> IV. iii. 1.</p> + + +<p>Whether Owyn had persuaded himself to believe the fabulous stories +told of his birth; or whether for purposes of policy he merely +countenanced, in the midst of an ignorant and superstitious people, +what others had invented and spread; there is no doubt that even in +his lifetime he was supposed, not only within the borders of his +father-land, but even through England itself, to have intercourse with +the spirits of the invisible world, and through their agency to +possess, among other vague and indefinite powers, a supernatural +influence over the elements, and to have the winds and storms at his +bidding. Absurd as were the fables told concerning him, they exercised +great influence on his enemies as well as his friends; and few, +perhaps, dreaded the powers of his spell more than the King himself. +Still, independently of any aid from superstition, Glyndowr combined +in his own person many qualities fitting him for the prominent station +which he acquired, and which he so long maintained among his +countrymen; and as the enemy of Henry IV. he was one of a very +numerous and powerful body, formed from among the first persons of the +whole realm. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page094" name="page094">(p. 094)</a></span> +He received his education in London, and +studied in one of the Inns of Court. He became afterwards an esquire +of the body to King Richard; and he was one of the few faithful +subjects who remained in his suite till he was taken prisoner in Flint +Castle. After his master's fall he was for a short time esquire to the +Earl of Arundel, whose castle, situated in the immediate neighbourhood +of Glyndowrdy, was called Castel Dinas Bran. Its ruins, with the hill +on the crown of which it was built, still form a most striking object +near Llangollen, on the right of the magnificent road leading from +Shrewsbury to Bangor.</p> + +<p>A few months only had elapsed after the deposition of Richard when +those occurrences took place which are said to have driven Glyndowr +into open revolt. He was residing on his estate, which lay contiguous +to the lands of Lord Grey of Ruthyn. That nobleman claimed and seized +some part of Owyn's property. Against this act of oppression Owyn +petitioned the Parliament, which sate early in 1400, praying for +redress. The Bishop of St. Asaph is said to have cautioned the +Parliament not to treat the Welshman with neglect, lest his countrymen +should espouse his cause and have recourse to arms. This advice was +disregarded, and Owyn's petition was dismissed in the most uncourteous +manner.<a id="notetag101" name="notetag101"></a><a href="#note101">[101]</a></p> + +<p>Another +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page095" name="page095">(p. 095)</a></span> +act of injustice and treachery on the part of Lord +Grey drove Owyn to take the desperate step either of raising the +standard of rebellion, or of joining his countrymen who had already +raised it. Lord Grey withheld the letter of summons for the Welsh +chief to attend the King in his expedition against Scotland, till it +was too late for him to join the rendezvous. Owyn excused himself on +the shortness of the notice; but Lord Grey reported him as +disobedient. Aware that he had incurred the King's displeasure, and +could expect no mercy, since his deadly foe had possession of the +royal ear, Owyn put himself boldly at the head of his rebellious +countrymen, who almost unanimously renounced their allegiance to the +crown of England, and subsequently acknowledged Owyn as their +sovereign lord.</p> + +<p>The Monk of Evesham, and the MS. Chronicle which used to be regarded +as the compilation of one of Henry V.'s chaplains, both preserved in +the British Museum, speak of the Welsh as having first risen in arms, +and as having afterwards elected Owyn for their chief. It is, however, +remarkable that no mention is made of Owyn Glyndowr in the King's +proclamations, or any public document till the spring of 1401. +Probably at first the proceedings, in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page096" name="page096">(p. 096)</a></span> +which he took +afterwards so pre-eminent a part, resembled riotous outrages, breaking +forth in entire defiance of the law, but conducted neither on any +preconcerted plan, nor under the direction of any one leader.</p> + +<p>Lord Grey's ancestors had received Ruthyn with a view to the +protection of the frontier; and on the first indication of the +rebellious spirit breaking out in acts of disorder and violence, both +the King and the Prince wrote separately to Lord Grey, reminding him +of his duty to disperse the rioters, and put down the insurgents. +These mandates were despatched probably in the beginning of June 1400, +some days before the King departed for the borders of Scotland. Lord +Grey, in the +letter<a id="notetag102" name="notetag102"></a><a href="#note102">[102]</a> +to which we have +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page097" name="page097">(p. 097)</a></span> +above referred, +supposing that the King had already started on that expedition, +returned an answer only to the Prince, acknowledging the receipt of +his and his father's commands; but pleading the impossibility of +executing them with effect, unless the Prince, with the advice of the +King's council, would forward to him a commission with more ample +powers, authorizing him to lay hands on the insurgents in whatever +part of the country they might chance to be found; ordaining also that +no lord's land should be respected as a sanctuary to shield them from +the law; and that all the King's officers should be enjoined through +the whole territory to aid and assist in quelling the +insurrection.<a id="notetag103" name="notetag103"></a><a href="#note103">[103]</a></p> + +<p>This nobleman had evidently taken a very alarming view of the state of +the country; and the first documents +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page098" name="page098">(p. 098)</a></span> +which we inspect +manifest the uncurbed fury and deadly hatred with which the Welsh +rushed into this rebellion. Indeed, the general character of Owyn's +campaigns breathes more "of savage warfare than of chivalry." Lord +Grey's letter is dated June 23, and must have been written in the year +1400; for, long before the corresponding month in the following year +had come round, the Prince had himself been personally engaged in the +district which the Earl was more especially appointed to guard.</p> + +<p>It does not appear what steps were taken in consequence of this +communication of Lord Grey; except that the King, on the 19th of +September, issued his first proclamation against the rebels. Probably +on his return from Scotland, the King went himself immediately towards +Wales; for the Monk of Evesham states expressly that he came from +Worcester to Evesham on the 19th of October, and returned the next day +for London. In the course, however, of a very few months at the +latest, a commission to suppress the rebellion, and restore peace in +the northern counties of the Principality, was entrusted to an +individual whose character, and fortunes, and death, deeply involved +as they are in an eventful period of the history of our native +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page099" name="page099">(p. 099)</a></span> +land, could not but have recommended the part he then took in +Wales to our especial notice under any circumstances whatsoever; +whilst his name excites in us feelings of tenfold greater interest +when it offers itself in conjunction with the name of Henry of +Monmouth.</p> + +<p>Henry Percy, eldest son of the Earl of Northumberland, known more +familiarly as <span class="smcap">Hotspur</span>,—a name which historians and poets have +preferred as characteristic of his decision, and zeal, and the +impetuosity of his disposition,—very shortly after Henry IV.'s +accession had been appointed not only Warden of the East Marches of +Scotland and Governor of Berwick, but also Chief Justice of North +Wales and Chester, and Constable of the Castles of Chester, Flint, +Conway, and Caernarvon. In this latter capacity, with the utmost +promptitude and decision, Hotspur exerted himself to the very best of +his power, at great personal labour and expense, to crush the +rebellion in its +infancy.<a id="notetag104" name="notetag104"></a><a href="#note104">[104]</a></p> + +<p>The letters of this renowned and ill-fated nobleman, the originals of +which are preserved among the records of the Privy Council, seem to +have escaped the notice of our +historians.<a id="notetag105" name="notetag105"></a><a href="#note105">[105]</a> +They throw, however, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page100" name="page100">(p. 100)</a></span> +much light on the affairs of Wales and on Glyndowr's +rebellion at this early stage, and to the Biographer of Henry of +Monmouth are truly valuable. The first of these original papers, all +of which are beautifully corroborative of Hotspur's character as we +have received it, both from the notices of the historian and the +delineations of the poet, is dated Denbigh, April 10, 1401. It is +addressed to the King's council under feelings of annoyance that they +could have deemed it necessary to admonish him to exert himself in +putting down the insurgents, and restoring peace to the turbulent +districts over which his commission gave him authority. His character, +he presumes, ought to have been a pledge to them of his conduct. In +this letter there is not a shade of anything but devoted loyalty.</p> + +<p>The reference which Hotspur makes in this first letter to "those of +the council of his most honoured and redoubted Prince being in these +parts," is perhaps the very earliest intimation we have of Henry +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page101" name="page101">(p. 101)</a></span> +of Monmouth being himself personally engaged in suppressing the +rebellion in his principality, with the exception, at least, of the +inference to be fairly drawn from the acts of the Privy Council in the +preceding month. The King at his house, "Coldharbour," (the same which +he afterwards assigned to the Prince,) had assented to a proclamation +against the Welsh on the 13th of March; and on the 21st of March the +council had agreed to seal an instrument with the great seal, +authorizing the Prince himself to discharge any constables of the +castles who should neglect their duty, and not execute their office in +person. It is, however, to the second letter of Hotspur, dated +Caernarvon, May 3rd, 1401, that any one who takes a lively interest in +ascertaining the real character of Henry of Monmouth will find his +mind irresistibly drawn; he will meditate upon it again and again, and +with increasing interest as he becomes more familiar with the +circumstances under which it was written; and comparing it with the +prejudices almost universally adopted without suspicion and without +inquiry, will contemplate it with mingled feelings of surprise and +satisfaction. The name of Harry Hotspur, when set side by side with +the name of Harry of Monmouth, has been too long associated in the +minds of all who delight in English literature, with feelings of +unkindness and jealous rivalry. At the risk of anticipating what may +hereafter be established more at large, we cannot introduce this +document to the reader +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page102" name="page102">(p. 102)</a></span> +without saying that we hail the +preservation of this one, among the very few letters of Percy now +known to be in existence, with satisfaction and thankfulness. It is as +though history were destined of set purpose to correct the fascinating +misrepresentations of the poet, and to vindicate a character which has +been too long misunderstood. In the fictions of our dramatic poet +Hotspur is the very first to bear to Bolinbroke testimony of the +reckless, dissolute habits of Henry of +Monmouth.<a id="notetag106" name="notetag106"></a><a href="#note106">[106]</a> +Hotspur is the +very first whom the truth of history declares to have given direct and +voluntary evidence to the military talents of this same Prince, and +the kindness of his heart,—to his prowess at once and his mercy; the +combination of which two noble qualities characterizes his whole life, +and of which, blended in delightful harmony, his campaigns in Wales +supply this, by no means solitary, example. Hotspur informs the +council that North Wales, where he was holding his sessions, was +obedient to the law in all points, excepting the rebels in Conway, and +in Rees Castle which was in the mountains. "And these," continues +Percy, "will be well chastised, if it so please God, by the force and +governance which my redoubted lord the Prince has sent against them, +as well of his council as of his retinue, to besiege these rebels in +the said castles; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page103" name="page103">(p. 103)</a></span> +which siege, if it can be continued till +the said rebels be taken, will bring great ease and profit to the +governance of the same country in time to come." "Also," he proceeds, +"the commons of the said country of North Wales, that is, the counties +of Caernarvon and Merioneth, who have been before me at present, have +humbly offered their thanks to my lord the Prince for the great +exertions of his kindness and goodwill in procuring their pardon at +the hands of our sovereign lord the +King."<a id="notetag107" name="notetag107"></a><a href="#note107">[107]</a> +The pardon itself, +dated Westminster, 10th of March 1401, bears testimony to these +exertions of Prince Henry in behalf of the rebels: "Of our especial +grace, and at the prayer of our dearest first-born son, Henry Prince +of Wales, we have pardoned all treasons, rebellions, +&c."<a id="notetag108" name="notetag108"></a><a href="#note108">[108]</a> +Henry +of Monmouth, when one of the first noblemen and most renowned warriors +of the age bears this testimony to his character for valour and for +kind-heartedness, had not quite completed his fourteenth year.</p> + +<p>This +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page104" name="page104">(p. 104)</a></span> +communication of Henry Percy, as remarkable as it is +interesting, appears to fix to the year 1401 the date of the +following, the very first letter known to exist from Henry of +Monmouth. It is dated Shrewsbury, May 15, and is addressed to the +Lords of the Council, whom he thanks for the kind attention paid by +them to all his wants during his absence in Wales. The epistle +breathes the spirit of a gallant young warrior full of promptitude and +intrepidity.<a id="notetag109" name="notetag109"></a><a href="#note109">[109]</a> +It may be surmised, perhaps, that the letter was +written by the Prince's secretary; and that the sentiments and turn of +thought here exhibited may, after all, be no fair test of his own +mind. But this is mere conjecture and assumption, requiring the +testimony of facts to confirm it: and, against it, we must observe, +that there is a simplicity, a raciness and an individuality of +character pervading Henry's letters which seem to stamp them for his +own. Especially do they stand out in broad contrast, when put side by +side with the equally characteristic despatches of Hotspur.</p> + +<div class="letter"> +<p><span class="smcap">LETTER OF PRINCE HENRY TO THE COUNCIL.</span></p> + +<p>"Very dear and entirely well-beloved, we greet you much from our + whole heart, thanking you very sincerely for the kind attention + you have given to our wants during our absence; and we pray of + you very earnestly the continuance +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page105" name="page105">(p. 105)</a></span> + of your good and + friendly services, as our trust is in you. As to news from these + parts, if you wish to hear of what has taken place, we were + lately informed that Owyn Glyndowr [Oweyn de Glyndourdy] had + assembled his forces, and those of other rebels, his adherents, + in great numbers, purposing to commit inroads; and, in case of + any resistance to his plans on the part of the English, to come + to battle with them: and so he boasted to his own people. + Wherefore we took our men, and went to a place of the said Owyn, + well built, which was his chief mansion, called Saghern, where we + thought we should have found him, if he wished to fight, as he + said. And, on our arrival there, we found no person. So we caused + the whole place to be set on fire, and many other houses around + it, belonging to his tenants. And then we went straight to his + other place of Glyndourdy, to seek for him there. There we burnt + a fine lodge in his park, and the whole country round. And we + remained there all that night. And certain of our people sallied + forth, and took a gentleman of high degree of that country, who + was one of the said Owyn's chieftains. This person offered five + hundred pounds for his ransom to save his life, and to pay that + sum within two weeks. Nevertheless that was not accepted, and he + was put to death; and several of his companions, who were taken + the same day, met with the same fate. We then proceeded to the + commote of Edirnyon in Merionethshire, and there laid waste a + fine and populous country; thence we went to Powys, and, there + being in Wales a want of provender for horses, we made our people + carry oats with them, and we tarried there for —-- +days.<a id="notetag110" name="notetag110"></a><a href="#note110">[110]</a> + And to give you fuller information of this expedition, and all + other news from these parts at present, we send to you our + well-beloved esquire, John de Waterton, to whom you will be + pleased to give entire faith and credence in what he shall report + to you on our +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page106" name="page106">(p. 106)</a></span> + part with respect to the above-mentioned + affair. And may our Lord have you always in his holy + keeping.—Given under our signet, at Shrewsbury, the 15th day of + May." +</p></div> + +<p>Two days only after the date of this epistle, Hotspur despatched +another letter from Denbigh, which seems to convey the first +intimation of his dissatisfaction with the King's government; a +feeling which rapidly grew stronger, and led probably to the +subsequent outbreaking of his violence and rebellion. Hotspur presses +upon the council the perilous state of the Welsh Marches, at the same +time declaring that he could not endure the expense and labour then +imposed upon him more than one month longer; within four days at +furthest from the expiration of which time he must absolutely resign +his command.</p> + +<p>In less than ten days after this despatch of Percy, the King's +proclamation mentions Owyn Glyndowr by name, as a rebel determined to +invade and ravage England. The King, announcing his own intention to +proceed the next day towards Worcester to crush the rebellion himself, +commands the sheriffs of various counties to join him with their +forces, wheresoever he might be. At this period the rebels entered +upon the campaign with surprising vigour. Many simultaneous assaults +appear to have been made against the English in different parts of the +borders. On the 28th of May a proclamation declares Glyndowr to be in +the Marches of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page107" name="page107">(p. 107)</a></span> +Caermarthen; and, only ten days before (May +18th), a commission was issued to attack the Welsh, who were besieging +William Beauchamp and his wife in the Castle of Abergavenny; whilst, +at the same time, the people of Salop were excused a subsidy, in +consideration of the vast losses they had sustained by the inroads of +the Welsh.</p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page108" name="page108">(p. 108)</a></span> + + +<h2>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">glyndowr joined by welsh students of oxford. — takes lord grey +prisoner. — hotspur's further despatches. — he quits wales. — +reflections on the eventful life and premature death of isabella, +richard's widow. — glyndowr disposed to come to terms. — the king's +expeditions towards wales abortive. — marriage proposed between henry +and katharine of norway. — the king marries joan of navarre.</span><br><br> + + +1401.</h3> + + +<p>When Owyn Glyndowr raised the standard of rebellion in his native +land, and assuming to himself the name and state and powers of an +independent sovereign, under the title of "Prince of Wales," declared +war against Henry of Bolinbroke and his son, he was fully impressed +with the formidable power of his antagonists, and with the fate that +might await him should he fail in his attempt to rescue Wales from the +yoke of England. Embarked in a most perilous enterprise, a cause of +life or death, he vigorously entered on the task of securing every +promising means of success. His countrymen, whom he now called his +subjects, soon flocked to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page109" name="page109">(p. 109)</a></span> +his standard from all quarters. +Not only did those who were already in the Principality take up arms; +but numbers also who had left their homes, and were resident in +distant parts of the kingdom, returned forthwith as at the command of +their prince and liege lord. The Welsh +scholars,<a id="notetag111" name="notetag111"></a><a href="#note111">[111]</a> +who were +pursuing their studies in the University of Oxford, were summoned by +Owyn, and the names of some who obeyed the mandate are recorded. Owyn +at the same time negociated for assistance from France, with what +success we shall see hereafter; and sent also his emissaries to +Scotland and "the distant isles." On those of his countrymen who +espoused the cause of the King, and refused to join his standard, he +afterwards poured the full fury of his vengeance; and in the uncurbed +madness of his rage, forgetful of the future welfare of his native +land, and of his own interests should he be established as its prince, +unmindful also of the respect which even enemies pay to the sacred +edifices of the common faith, he reduced to ashes not only the houses +of his opponents, but Episcopal palaces, monasteries, and cathedrals +within the Principality.</p> + +<p>Owyn Glyndowr was in a short time so well supported by an army, +undisciplined no doubt, and in all respects ill appointed, but yet +devoted to him and their common cause, that he was emboldened to try +his strength with Lord Grey in the field. A +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page110" name="page110">(p. 110)</a></span> +battle, fought +(as it should seem) in the very neighbourhood of +Glyndowrdy,<a id="notetag112" name="notetag112"></a><a href="#note112">[112]</a> +terminated in favour of Owyn, who took the Earl prisoner, and carried +him into the fastnesses of Snowdon. The precise date of this conflict +is not known; probably it was at the opening of spring: the +circumstances also of his capture are very differently represented. It +is generally asserted that a marriage with one of Owyn's daughters was +the condition of regaining his liberty proposed to the Earl; that the +marriage was solemnized; and that Owyn then, instead of keeping his +word and releasing him, demanded of him a most exorbitant ransom. It +is, moreover, affirmed, that the Earl remained Glyndowr's prisoner to +the day of his death. Now, that Lord Grey fell into the Welsh +chieftain's hands as a prisoner, is beyond question; so it is that he +paid a heavy ransom: but that he died in confinement is certainly not +true, for he accompanied Henry V. to France, and also served him by +sea. The report of his marriage with Owyn's daughter, might have +originated in some confusion of Lord Grey with Sir Edmund Mortimer; +who unquestionably did take one of the Welsh chieftain's daughters for +his +wife.<a id="notetag113" name="notetag113"></a><a href="#note113">[113]</a> +It is scarcely probable that both Owyn's +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page111" name="page111">(p. 111)</a></span> +prisoners should have married his daughters; and still less probable +that he should have exacted so large a ransom from his son-in-law as +to exhaust his means, and prevent him from acting as a baron of the +realm was then expected to act. Dugdale's Baronage gives the Earl two +wives, without naming the daughter of Glyndowr. Hardyng, in his +Chronicle presented to Henry VI, thus describes the affair:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +Soone after was the same Lord Gray in feelde<br> +Fightyng taken, and holden prisoner<br> +By Owayne, so that hym in prison helde<br> +Till his ransom was made, and fynaunce clear,<br> +Ten thousand marks, and fully payed were;<br> +For whiche he was so poor then all his life,<br> +That no power he had to war, nor stryfe.</p> + + +<p>Another letter from Henry Percy to the council, dated June 4, 1401, is +very interesting in several points of view. It proves that the +negociations "carried in and out," mentioned in a letter written by +the chamberlain of Caernarvon to the King's council, had been +successful, and that the Scots had sent aid to the Welsh chieftain: it +proves also that Hotspur himself was at this time (though bitterly +dissatisfied) carrying on the war for the King in the very heart of +Wales, and amidst its mountain-recesses and strongholds; and that Owyn +was at that time assailed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page112" name="page112">(p. 112)</a></span> +on all sides by the English +forces, a circumstance which might probably have led to his "good +intention to return to his allegiance," at the close of the present +year. Henry Percy declares to the council that he can support the +expenses of the campaign no longer. He informs them of an engagement +in which, assisted by Sir Hugh Browe and the Earl of Arundel, the only +Lords Marchers who had joined him in the expedition, he had a few days +before routed the Welsh at Cader Idris. News, he adds, had just +reached him of a victory gained by Lord +Powis<a id="notetag114" name="notetag114"></a><a href="#note114">[114]</a> +over Owyn; also +that an English vessel had been retaken from the Scots, and a Scotch +vessel of war had been captured at Milford. Another letter, dated 3rd +July, (probably the same year, 1401,) reiterates his complaints of +non-payment of his forces, and of the government having underrated his +services; it expresses his hope also that, since he had written to the +King himself with a statement of his destitute condition, should any +evil happen to castle, town, or march, the blame would not be cast on +him, whose means were so utterly crippled, but would fall on the heads +of those who refused the supplies. Henry IV. had certainly not +neglected this rebellion in Wales, though evidently the measures +adopted against the insurgents were not +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page113" name="page113">(p. 113)</a></span> +so vigorous at the +commencement as the urgency of the case required. His exchequer was +exhausted, and he had other business in hand to drain off the supplies +as fast as they could possibly be collected. He was, therefore, +contented for the present to keep the rebels in check, without +attempting to crush them by pouring in an overwhelming force from +different points at once.</p> + +<p>Towards the middle of this summer, the King marched in person to +Worcester. He had directed the sheriffs to forward their contingents +thither; but, when he arrived at that city, he changed his purpose and +soon returned to London. Among the considerations which led to this +change in his plans, we may probably reckon the following. In the +first place, he found his son the Prince, Lord Powis, and Henry Percy, +in vigorous operation against the rebels; his arrival at Worcester +having been only three or four days after the date of Percy's last +letter. In the next place, the council had urged him not to go in +person against the rebels: besides, almost all the inhabitants of +North Wales had returned to their allegiance, and had been pardoned. +He was, moreover, naturally anxious to summon a parliament, with a +view of replenishing his exhausted treasury, and enabling himself to +enter upon the campaign with means more calculated to insure success.</p> + +<p>In a letter to his council, dated Worcester, 8th June 1401, the King +refers to two points of advice suggested +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page114" name="page114">(p. 114)</a></span> +by them. "Inasmuch +as you have advised us," he says, "to write to our much beloved son, +the Prince, and to others, who may have in their possession any jewels +which ought to be delivered with our cousin the Queen, (Isabella,) +know ye, that we will send to our said son, that, if he has any of +such jewels, he will send them with all possible speed to you at our +city of London, where, if God will, we intend to be in our own person +before the Queen's departure; and we will cause to be delivered to her +there the rest of the said jewels, which we and others our children +have in our keeping." In answer to their advice that he would not go +in person against the rebels, because they were not in sufficient +strength, and of too little reputation to warrant that step, he said +that he found they had risen in great numbers, and called for his +personal exertions. He forwarded to them at the same time a copy of +the letter which he had just received from Owyn himself. Not from this +correspondence only, but from other undisputed documents, and from the +loud complaints of French +writers,<a id="notetag115" name="notetag115"></a><a href="#note115">[115]</a> +we are compelled to infer +something extremely unsatisfactory in the conduct of Henry IV. with +regard to the valuable paraphernalia of Isabella, the maiden-widow of +Richard. To avoid restoring these treasures, which fell into his hands +on the capture of that unfortunate monarch, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page115" name="page115">(p. 115)</a></span> +Henry proposed, +in November 1399, a marriage between one of his sons and one of the +daughters of the French monarch. In January 1400 a truce was signed +between the two kingdoms, and the same negociators (the Bishop of +Durham and the Earl of Worcester) were directed to treat with the +French ambassadors on the terms of the restitution of Isabella; and so +far did they immediately proceed, that horses were ordered for her +journey to Dover. But legal doubts as to her dower (she not being +twelve years of age) postponed her departure till the next year. She +had arrived at Boulogne certainly on the 1st of August 1401; and was +afterwards delivered up to her friends by the Earl of Worcester, with +the solemn assurance of her spotless purity.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to glance at this lady's brief and melancholy career +without feelings of painful interest:—espoused when yet a child to +the reigning monarch of England; whilst yet a child, crowned Queen of +England; whilst yet a child, become a virgin-widow; when she was not +yet seventeen years old, married again to Charles, Earl of Angouleme; +and three years afterwards, before she reached the twentieth +anniversary of her birthday, dying in +childbed.<a id="notetag116" name="notetag116"></a><a href="#note116">[116]</a></p> + +<p>By +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page116" name="page116">(p. 116)</a></span> +the above letter of the King, which led to this +digression, we are informed that the Prince was neither with his +father, nor in London; for the King promised to write to him to send +the jewels to London. He was probably at that time on the borders of +North Wales; or engaged in reducing the Castles of Conway and Rhees, +and in bringing that district into subjection. Indeed, that the Prince +was still personally exerting himself in suppressing the Welsh towards +the north of the Principality, seems to be put beyond all question by +the records of the Privy Council, which state that "certain members of +the Prince's council brought with them to the King's council the +indenture between the said Prince and Henry Percy the son (Chief +Justice) on one part, and those who seized the +Castle<a id="notetag117" name="notetag117"></a><a href="#note117">[117]</a> of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page117" name="page117">(p. 117)</a></span> +Conway on the other part, made at the time of the restitution of the +same castle."<a id="notetag118" name="notetag118"></a> +<a href="#note118">[118]</a></p> + +<p>Owyn appears to have left his own country, in which the spirit of +rebellion had received a considerable though temporary check; and to +have been at this period exciting and heading the rebels in South +Wales, especially about Caermarthen and Gower.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Hotspur himself left Wales probably about the July or August of this +year, 1401; for on the 1st of September he was appointed one of the +commissioners to treat with the Scots for peace; and he was present at +the solemn espousals which were celebrated by proxy at Eltham, April +3, 1402, between Henry IV. and Joan of Navarre. We must, therefore, +refer to a subsequent date the information quoted by Sir Henry Ellis +from an original paper in the British Museum, "that Jankin Tyby of the +north +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page118" name="page118">(p. 118)</a></span> +countri bringthe lettres owte of the northe country to +Owein, as thei demed from Henr. son Percy." Soon after the departure +of Percy, a proclamation, dated 18th September 1401, notifies the +rapid progress of disaffection and rebellion among the Welsh: whether +it was secretly encouraged by him at this early date, or not, is +matter only of conjecture. His growing discontent, visibly shown in +his own letters, this vague rumour that Jankin Tyby might be the +confidential messenger for his treasonable purposes, and his +subsequent conduct, combine to render the suspicion by no means +improbable. The proclamation states that a great part of the +inhabitants of Wales had gone over to Owyn, and commands all +ablebodied men to meet the King at Worcester on the 1st, or, at the +furthest, the 2nd of October. Perhaps this, like his former visit to +Worcester, was little more than a demonstration of his +force.<a id="notetag119" name="notetag119"></a><a href="#note119">[119]</a> +Historians generally say that he made the first of his expeditions +into Wales in the July of the following year; the Minutes of Council +prove at all events that he was there in the present autumn, but how +long or with what results does not appear. The council met +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page119" name="page119">(p. 119)</a></span> +in +November 1401, to deliberate, among other subjects, upon the affairs +of Wales, "from which country (as the Minute expressly states) our +sovereign lord the King hath but lately +returned,<a id="notetag120" name="notetag120"></a><a href="#note120">[120]</a> +having +appointed the Earl of Worcester to be Lieutenant of South Wales, and +Captain of +Cardigan."<a id="notetag121" name="notetag121"></a><a href="#note121">[121]</a></p> + +<p>The record of this council is remarkably interesting on more than one +point. It throws great light on the state of Owyn's mind, and his +attachment to the Percies; on the confidence still reposed by the +King's government in Percy, and on the condition of Prince Henry +himself. The several chastisements which Owyn and his party had +received from the Prince, from Percy, from Lord Powis and others, had +perhaps at this time made him very doubtful of the issue of the +struggle, and inclined him to negociate for his own pardon, and the +peace +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page120" name="page120">(p. 120)</a></span> +of the country. The Minute of Council says, "To know +the King's will about treating with Glyndowr to return to his +allegiance, <i>seeing his good intention at present thereto</i>." His +readiness to treat is accompanied, as we find in the same record, with +a declaration that he was not himself the cause of the destruction +going on in his native land, nor of the daily captures, and the +murders there; and that he would most gladly return to peace. As to +his inheritance, he protests that he had only received a part, and not +his own full right. And even now he would willingly come to the +borders, and speak and treat with any lords, provided the commons +would not raise a rumour and clamour that he was purposed to destroy +"<i>all who spoke the English language</i>." He seems to have been +apprehensive, should he venture to approach the marches to negociate a +peace, that the violence and rage of the people at large would +endanger his personal safety. No wonder, for his footsteps were to be +traced everywhere by the blood of men, and the ashes of their +habitations and sacred edifices. At the same time, he expressed his +earnest desire to carry on the treaty of peace through the Earl of +Northumberland, for whom he professes to entertain great regard and +esteem, in preference to any other English nobleman.</p> + +<p>Whether any steps were taken in consequence of this present opening +for peace, or not, we are not told. But we have reason to suppose that +Wales was +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page121" name="page121">(p. 121)</a></span> +in comparative tranquillity through the following +winter<a id="notetag122" name="notetag122"></a><a href="#note122">[122]</a> +and spring. The rebel chief, however, again very shortly +carried the sword and flame with increased horrors through his devoted +native land. We read of no battle or skirmish till the campaign of the +next year.</p> + +<p>The questions relating to Prince Henry, which were submitted to this +council, inform us incidentally of the important fact, that though he +was now intrusted with the command of the forces against the Welsh, +and was assisted in his office (just as was the King) by a council, +yet it was deemed right to appoint him an especial governor, or tutor +(maistre). He was now in his fifteenth year. These Minutes also make +it evident that the soldiers employed in his service looked for their +pay to him, and not to the King's exchequer. We shall have frequent +occasion to observe the great personal inconveniences to which this +practice subjected the Prince, and how injurious it was to the service +generally. But the evil was unavoidable; for at that time the royal +exchequer was quite drained.</p> + +<p>"As to the article touching the governance of the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page122" name="page122">(p. 122)</a></span> +Prince, as +well for him to have a tutor or guardian, as to provide money for the +support of his vast expenses in the garrisons of his castles in Wales, +and the wages of his men-at-arms and archers, whom he keeps from day +to day for resisting the malice of the rebels of the King, it appears +to the council, if it please the King, that the Isle of Anglesey ought +to be restored to the prince, and that Henry +Percy<a id="notetag123" name="notetag123"></a><a href="#note123">[123]</a> +should agree, +and have compensation from the issues of the lands which belonged to +the Earl of March; and that all other possessions which ought to +belong to the Prince should be restored, and an amicable arrangement +be made with those in whose hands they are. And as for a governor for +the Prince, may it please the King to choose one of these,—the Earl +of Worcester, Lord Lovel, Mr. Thomas Erpyngham, or the Lord Say; and, +for the Prince's expenses, that 1000<i>l.</i> be assigned from the rents of +the Earl of March, which were due about last Michaelmas." We have +reason to believe that the Earl of Worcester, Thomas Percy, was +appointed Henry of Monmouth's tutor and preceptor. He remained in +attendance upon him till, with the guilt of aggravated treachery, he +abruptly left his prince and pupil to join his nephew Hotspur before +the battle of Shrewsbury.</p> + +<p>We +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page123" name="page123">(p. 123)</a></span> +are not informed how long Prince Henry remained at this +period in Wales, after Percy had left it. Probably (as it has been +already intimated) there was an armistice virtually, though not by any +formal agreement, through that winter and the spring of 1402. The next +undoubted information as to the Prince fixes him in London in the +beginning of the following May, when being in the Tower, in the +presence of his father, and with his consent, he declares himself +willing to contract a marriage with Katharine, sister of Eric, King of +Norway;<a id="notetag124" name="notetag124"></a><a href="#note124">[124]</a> + and on the 26th of the same month, being then in his +castle of Tutbury, in the diocese of Lincoln, he confirms this +contract, and authorises the notary public to affix his seal to the +agreement. The pages of authentic history remind us, that too many +marriage-contracts in every rank of life, and in every age of the +world, have been the result, not of mutual affection between the +affianced bride and bridegroom, but of pecuniary and political +considerations. Perhaps when kings negociate and princes approve, +their exalted station renders the transaction more notorious, and the +stipulated conditions may be more unreservedly confessed. But it may +well be doubted whether the same motives do not equally operate in +every grade of life; whilst those objects which should +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page124" name="page124">(p. 124)</a></span> +be +primary and indispensable, are regarded as secondary and contingent. +Happiness springing from mutual affection, may doubtless grow and +ripen, despite of such arrangements, in the families of the noble, the +wealthy, the middle classes, and the poor; but the chances are +manifold more, that coldness, and dissatisfaction, and mutual +carelessness of each other's comforts will be the permanent result. We +must however bear in mind, when estimating the moral worth of an +individual, that negociations of this kind in the palaces of kings +imply nothing of that cold-heartedness by which many are led into +connexions from which their affections revolt. The individual's +character seems altogether protected from reprobation by the usage of +the world, and the necessity of the case. State-considerations impose +on princes restraints, compelling them to acquiesce in measures which +excite in us other feelings than indignation or contempt. We regret +the circumstance, but we do not condemn the parties. Henry IV. of +England, and Eric of Norway, fancied they saw political advantages +likely to arise from the nuptials of Henry's son with Eric's sister; +and the document we have just quoted tells us that the boy Henry, then +not fifteen, and still under tutors and governors, gave his consent to +the proposed alliance.</p> + +<p>The more rare however the occurrence, the more general is the +admiration with which an union in the palaces of monarchy is +contemplated when mutual +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page125" name="page125">(p. 125)</a></span> +respect and attachment precede the +marriage, and conjugal love and domestic happiness attend it. And here +we are irresistibly tempted to contemplate with satisfaction and +delight the unsuccessful issue of this negociation, whilst Henry was +yet a boy; and to anticipate what must be repeated in its place, that, +to whatever combination of circumstances, and course of events and +state-considerations, the marriage of Henry of Monmouth with Katharine +of France may possibly be referred, he proved himself to have formed +for her a most sincere and heartfelt attachment before their union; +and, whenever his duty did not separate them, to have lived with her +in the possession of great conjugal felicity. Even the dry details of +the Exchequer issues bear most gratifying, though curious, testimony +to their domestic habits, and their enjoyment of each other's society.</p> + +<p>Whilst the King was thus negociating a marriage for his son, he was +himself engaged by solemn espousals to marry, as his second wife, Joan +of Navarre, Duchess of Brittany. As well in the most exalted, as in the +most humble family in the realm, such an event as this can never take +place without involving consequences of deepest moment and most lively +interest to all parties,—to the husband, to his wife, and to their +respective children. If he has been happy in his choice, a man cannot +provide a more substantial blessing for his offspring than by joining +himself by the most sacred of <span class="pagenum"><a id="page126" name="page126">(p. 126)</a></span> all ties to a woman who will +cheerfully and lovingly perform the part of a conscientious and +affectionate mother towards them. If the choice is unhappy; if there be +a want of sound religious and moral principle, a neglect, or +carelessness and impatience in the discharge of domestic duties; if a +discontented, suspicious, cold, and unkind spirit accompany the new +bride, domestic comfort must take flight, and all the proverbial evils +of such a state must be realized. The marriage of Henry of Monmouth's +father with Joan of Navarre does not enable us to view the bright side +of this alternative. Of the new Queen we hear little for many years;<a +id="notetag125" name="notetag125"></a><a href="#note125">[125]</a> but, +at the end of those years +of comparative silence, we find Henry V. compelled to remove from his +mother-in-law all her attendants, and to commit her to the custody of +Lord John Pelham in the castle of Pevensey.<a id="notetag126" name="notetag126"></a> +<a href="#note126">[126]</a> She was charged with +having entertained malicious and treasonable designs against the life of +the King, her son-in-law. The Chronicle of London, (1419,) throwing<a +id="notetag127" name="notetag127"></a><a href="#note127">[127]</a> an air +of mystery and +superstition over the whole affair, asserts that Queen Joanna excited +her confessor, one <span class="pagenum"><a id="page127" +name="page127">(p. 127)</a></span> friar Randolf,<a id="notetag128" +name="notetag128"></a><a href="#note128">[128]</a> a master in divinity, +to destroy the King; "but, as God would, his falseness was at last +espied:" "wherefore," as the Chronicle adds, "the Queen forfeited her +lands."<a id="notetag129" name="notetag129"></a><a href="#note129">[129]</a> +Of this marriage of Henry IV. with Joan of Navarre very +little notice beyond the bare fact has been taken by our English +historians. Many particulars, however, are found in the histories of +Brittany. It appears that the Duchess, who was the widow of Philip de +Mont Forte, Duke of Brittany, by whom she had sons and daughters, was +solemnly contracted to Henry by her proxy, Anthony Rys, at Eltham, on +the 3rd of April 1402, in the presence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, +the Earl of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur, +the Earl of Worcester, Thomas Langley, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and +others. Having appointed guardians for her son, the young Duke of +Brittany, she left Nantes on the 26th December, embarked on +<span class="pagenum"><a +id="page128" name="page128">(p. 128)</a></span> board one of the +ships sent by +Henry, at Camaret, on the 13th January, and sailed the next day, +intending to land at Southampton. After a stormy passage of five days, +the squadron was forced into a port in Cornwall. She was married on the +7th, and was crowned at Westminster on the 25th, of February +following.<a id="notetag130" name="notetag130"></a><a href="#note130">[130]</a> +By Henry she had no child.</p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page129" name="page129">(p. 129)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">glyndowr's vigorous measures. — slaughter of herefordshire men. — +mortimer taken prisoner. — he joins glyndowr. — henry implores +succours, — pawns his plate to support his men. — the king's +testimony to his son's conduct. — the king, at burton-on-trent, hears +of the rebellion of the percies.</span><br><br> + + +1402-1403.</h3> + + +<p>If Owyn Glyndowr, as we have supposed, allowed Wales to remain +undisturbed by battles and violence through the +winter<a id="notetag131" name="notetag131"></a><a href="#note131">[131]</a> +and +spring, it was only to employ the time in preparing for a more +vigorous campaign. The first battle of which we have any historical +certainty, was fought June 12, 1402, near Melienydd, (Dugdale says, +"upon the mountain called Brynglas, near Knighton in Melenyth,") in +Radnorshire. The whole array of Herefordshire was routed on that +field. More than one +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page130" name="page130">(p. 130)</a></span> +thousand Englishmen were slain, on whom +the Welsh were guilty of savage, unheard-of indignities. The women +especially gave vent to their rage and fury by actions too disgraceful +to be credible were they not recorded as uncontradicted facts. For the +honour of the sex, we wish to regard them as having happened only +once; whilst we would bury the disgusting details in +oblivion.<a id="notetag132" name="notetag132"></a><a href="#note132">[132]</a> +Owyn was victorious, and took many of high degree prisoners; among +whom was Sir Edmund Mortimer, the uncle of the Earl of March. Perhaps +the most authentic statement of this victory as to its leading +features, though without any details, is found in a letter from the +King to his council, dated Berkhampstead, June 25.</p> + +<p>"The rebels have taken my beloved +cousin,<a id="notetag133" name="notetag133"></a><a href="#note133">[133]</a> +Esmon Mortymer, and +many other knights and esquires. We are resolved, consequently, to go +in our +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page131" name="page131">(p. 131)</a></span> +own person with God's permission. You will therefore +command all in our retinue and pay to meet us at Lichfield, where we +intend to be at the latest on the 7th of July." The proclamation for +an array "to meet the King at Lichfield, and proceed with him towards +Wales to check the insolence and malice of Owyn Glyndowr and other +rebels," was issued the same day. On the 5th of +July,<a id="notetag134" name="notetag134"></a><a href="#note134">[134]</a> +the King, +being at Westminster, appointed Hugh de Waterton governor of his +children, John and Philippa, till his return from Wales. An order of +council at Westminster, on the last day of July, the King himself +being present, seems to leave us no alternative in deciding that Henry +made two expeditions to Wales this summer; the first at the +commencement of July, the second towards the end of August. This +appears to have escaped the observation of historians. Walsingham +speaks only of one, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page132" name="page132">(p. 132)</a></span> +and that before the Feast of the +Assumption, August 25; in which he represents the King and his army to +have been well-nigh destroyed by storms of rain, snow, and hail, so +terrible as to have excited the belief that they were raised by the +machination of the devil, and of course at Owyn's bidding. This order +of council is directed to many sheriffs, commanding them to proclaim +an array through their several counties to meet the King at +Shrewsbury,<a id="notetag135" name="notetag135"></a><a href="#note135">[135]</a> +on the 27th of August at the latest, to proceed with +him into +Wales.<a id="notetag136" name="notetag136"></a><a href="#note136">[136]</a> +The order declares the necessity of this second +array to have originated in the impossibility, through the shortness +of the time, of the King's chastising the rebels, who lurked in +mountains and woods; and states his determination to be there again +shortly, and to remain fifteen days for the final overthrow and +destruction of his enemies. How lamentably he was mistaken in his +calculation of their resistance, and his own powers of subjugating +them, the sequel proved to him too clearly. The rebellion from first +to last was protracted through almost as many years as the days he had +numbered for its utter extinction. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page133" name="page133">(p. 133)</a></span> +The order on the sheriff +of Derby commands him to go with his contingent to Chester, "to our +dearest son the Prince," on the 27th of August, and to advance in his +retinue to Wales. On this +occasion,<a id="notetag137" name="notetag137"></a><a href="#note137">[137]</a> +it is said that Henry invaded +Wales in three points at once, himself commanding one division of his +army, the second being headed by the Prince, the third by Lord +Arundel. The details of these measures, under the personal +superintendence of the King, are not found in history. Probably +Walsingham's account of their total failure must be admitted as +nearest the truth. That no material injury befel Owyn from them, and +that neither were his means crippled, nor his resolution daunted, is +testified by the inroads which, not long after, he made into England +with redoubled impetuosity.</p> + +<p>The following winter, we may safely conclude, was spent by the Welsh +chieftain in negociations both with the malcontent lords of England, +and with the courts of France and Scotland; in recruiting his forces +and improving his means of +warfare;<a id="notetag138" name="notetag138"></a><a href="#note138">[138]</a> +for, before the next +midsummer, (as we know on the best authority,) he was prepared to +engage in an expedition into England, with a power too formidable +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page134" name="page134">(p. 134)</a></span> +for the Prince and his retinue to resist without further +reinforcement. During this winter also a most important accession +accrued to the power and influence of Owyn by the defection from the +royal cause of his prisoner Sir Edmund Mortimer, who became devotedly +attached to him. King Henry had, we are told, refused to allow a +ransom to be paid for Mortimer, though urged to it by Henry Percy, who +had married Mortimer's sister. The consequence of this ungracious +refusal<a id="notetag139" name="notetag139"></a><a href="#note139">[139]</a> +was, that he joined Glyndowr, whose daughter, as the Monk +of Evesham informs us, he married with the greatest solemnity about +the end of +November.<a id="notetag140" name="notetag140"></a><a href="#note140">[140]</a> +In a fortnight after this marriage, Mortimer +announced to his tenants his junction with Owyn, and called upon them +to forward his views. The letter, written in French, is preserved in +the British Museum.</p> + + +<div class="letter"> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page135" name="page135">(p. 135)</a></span> + <span class="smcap">LETTER FROM EDMUND MORTIMER TO HIS TENANTS.</span> + +<p>"Very dear and well-beloved, I greet you much, and make known to + you that Oweyn Glyndor has raised a quarrel, of which the object + is, if King Richard be alive, to restore him to his crown; and if + not, that my honoured nephew, who is the right heir to the said + crown, shall be King of England, and that the said Owen will + assert his right in Wales. And I, seeing and considering that the + said quarrel is good and reasonable, have consented to join in + it, and to aid and maintain it, and, by the grace of God, to a + good end. Amen! I ardently hope, and from my heart, that you will + support and enable me to bring this struggle of mine to a + successful issue. I have moreover to inform you that the + lordships of Mellenyth, Werthrenon, Raydre, the commot of Udor, + Arwystly, Keveilloc, and Kereynon, are lately come into our + possession. Wherefore I moreover entreat you that you will + forbear making inroad into my said lands, or to do any damage to + my said tenantry, and that you furnish them with provisions at a + certain reasonable price, as you would wish that I should treat + you; and upon this point be pleased to send me an answer. Very + dear and well-beloved, God give you grace to prosper in your + beginnings, and to arrive at a happy issue.—Written at + Mellenyth, the 13th day of December.<br> + + <span class="smcap left50">"Edmund Mortimer."</span></p> + + <p class="left0-70">"To my very dear and well-beloved M. John Greyndor, Howell Vaughan, + and all the gentles and commons of Radnor and +Prestremde."<a id="notetag141" name="notetag141"></a> +<a href="#note141">[141]</a></p></div> + + + + +<p>Of the Prince himself, between the end of August 1402, and the +following spring, little is recorded. In March 1403 he was made +Lieutenant of Wales by +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page136" name="page136">(p. 136)</a></span> +the King, and with the consent of his +council, with full powers of inquiring into offences, of pardoning +offenders, of arraying the King's lieges, and of doing all other +things which he should find necessary. This appointment, implying +personal interference, would lead us to infer, either that he tarried +through the winter in the midst of the Principality, or near its +borders, or that he returned to it early in the +spring.<a id="notetag142" name="notetag142"></a><a href="#note142">[142]</a> +To this +year also we shall probably be correct in referring the following +letter of Prince Henry to the council, dated Shrewsbury, 30th May; but +which Sir Harris Nicolas considers to have been written the year +before. That it could not have been written by the Prince at +Shrewsbury on the 30th of May 1402, seems demonstrable from the +circumstance of his having been personally present in the Tower of +London on the 8th of May, and of his having executed a deed in the +Castle of Tutbury on the 26th of May 1402. Whilst the probability of +its having been written in the end of May 1403, is much strengthened +by the ordinance of the King, dated June 16, 1403, in which he +mentions the reports which he had received from the Prince's council +then in Wales of Owyn Glyndowr's intention to invade England; and also +by the order made July 10, 1403, by the King, that +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page137" name="page137">(p. 137)</a></span> +the +council would send 1000<i>l.</i> to the Prince, to enable him to keep his +people together,—the very object chiefly desired in this despatch. +The letter is in French.</p> + +<div class="letter"> +<p><span class="smcap">LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE COUNCIL.</span></p> + +<p> + "<span class="smcap">From the Prince.</span></p> +<p> + "Very dear and entirely well-beloved, we greet you well. And + forasmuch as our soldiers desire to know from us whether they + will be paid for the three months of the present quarter, and + tell us that they will not remain here without being promptly + paid their wages according to their agreements, we beseech you + very sincerely that you will order payment for the said months, + or supply us otherwise, and take measures in time for the + safeguard of these marches. For the rebels are trying to find out + every day whether we shall be paid, and they well know that + without payment we shall not be able to continue here: and they + propose to levy all the power of Northwales and Southwales to + make inroads, and to destroy the march and the counties adjoining + to it; and we have not the power here of resisting them, so as to + hinder them from the full execution of their malicious designs. + And when our men are withdrawn from us, we must at all events + ourselves retire into England, or be disgraced for ever. For + every one must know that without troops we can do no more than + another man of inferior rank. And at present we have very great + expenses, and we have raised the largest sum in our power to meet + them from our little stock of jewels. Our two castles of Harlech + and Lampadern are besieged, and have been so for a long time, and + we must relieve them and victual them within these ten days; and, + besides that, protect the march around us with the third of our + forces against the invasion of the rebels. Nevertheless, if this + campaign could be continued, the rebels never were so likely +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page138" name="page138">(p. 138)</a></span> + to be destroyed as at present. And now, since we have fully + shown the state of these districts, please to take such measures + as shall seem best to you for the safety of these same parts, and + of this portion of the realm of England; which may God protect, + and give you grace to determine upon the best for the time. And + our Lord have you in his keeping.—Given under our signet at + Shrewsbury, the 30th day of May. And be well assured that we have + fully shown to you the peril of whatever may happen hereafter, if + remedy be not sent in time. +</p></div> + +<p>On this letter it is impossible not to remark that, so far from having +an abundant supply of money to squander on his supposed vices and +follies, Henry was compelled to pawn his own little stock of plate and +jewels to raise money for the indispensable expenses of the war.</p> + +<p>The first direct mention made of the Prince after this is found in the +ordinance above referred to, dated June 16, 1403, which informs us +that he certainly was then in Wales, and strongly implies that he had +been there for some time previously. The King says, "I heard from many +persons of my son the Prince's council, now in Wales, that Owyn +Glyndowr is on the point of making an incursion into England with a +great power, for the purpose of obtaining supplies. I therefore +command the sheriffs of Gloucester, Salop, Worcester, and Hereford, to +make proclamation for all knights, and gentlemen of one hundred +shillings' annual income, to go and put themselves under the +governance of the Prince." Another letter from Henry to his council, +dated +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page139" name="page139">(p. 139)</a></span> +Higham Ferrers, July 10, +1403,<a id="notetag143" name="notetag143"></a><a href="#note143">[143]</a> +is deeply +interesting, not only as bearing testimony to the persevering bravery +of his son Henry, but as affording an example of the uncertainty of +human calculations, and the deceitfulness of human engagements and +friendships. He informs the council that he had received letters from +his son, and information by his messengers, acquainting him with the +gallant and good bearing of his very dear and well-beloved son, which +gave him very great pleasure. He then commissions them to pay +1000<i>l.</i><a id="notetag144" name="notetag144"></a> +<a href="#note144">[144]</a> + to the Prince for the purpose of enabling him to keep +his soldiers together. "We are now," he adds, "on our way to succour +our beloved and loyal cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and Henry +his son, in the conflict which they have honourably undertaken for us +and our realm; and, as soon as that campaign shall have ended +honourably, with the aid of God, we will hasten towards +Wales."<a id="notetag145" name="notetag145"></a><a href="#note145">[145]</a></p> + +<p>This +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page140" name="page140">(p. 140)</a></span> +letter had not been written more than five days when +King Henry became acquainted with the rebellion of those, his "beloved +and faithful lieges," to assist whom against his northern foes he was +then actually on his road. His proclamation for all sheriffs to raise +their counties, and hasten to him wherever he might be, is dated +Burton-on-Trent, July 16, 1403. On the morrow he sent off a despatch +to his council, informing them that Henry Percy, calling him only +Henry of Lancaster, was in open rebellion against him, and was +spreading far and wide through Cheshire the false rumours that Richard +was still alive. He then assures them, "for their consolation," that +he was powerful enough to encounter all his enemies; at the same time +expressing his pleasure that they should all come to him wherever he +might be, except only the Treasurer, whom he wished to stay, for the +purpose of collecting as large sums as possible to meet the exigence +of the occasion. The Chancellor, on Wednesday, June 18th, met the +bearer of these tidings before he reached London, opened the letters, +and forwarded them to the council with an +apology.<a id="notetag146" name="notetag146"></a><a href="#note146">[146]</a></p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page141" name="page141">(p. 141)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">the rebellion of the percies, — its origin. — letters of hotspur, +and the earl of northumberland. — tripartite indenture between the +percies, owyn, and mortimer. — doubts as to its authenticity. — +hotspur hastens from the north. — the king's decisive conduct. — he +forms a junction with the prince. — "sorry battle of shrewsbury." — +great inaccuracy of david hume. — hardyng's duplicity. — manifesto +of the percies probably a forgery. — glyndowr's absence from the +battle involves neither breach of faith nor neglect of duty. — +circumstances preceding the battle. — of the battle itself. — its +immediate consequences.</span><br><br> + + +1403.</h3> + + +<p>In analysing the motives which drove the Percies, father and son, into +rebellion, we are recommended by some writers to search only into +those antecedent probabilities, those general causes of mutual +dissatisfaction, which must have operated on parties situated as they +were with regard to Henry IV. The same authors would dissuade us from +seeking for any immediate and proximate causes, because "chroniclers +have not discovered or detailed the beginning incidents." But we shall +scarcely be able to do justice to our subject if we strictly follow +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page142" name="page142">(p. 142)</a></span> +this prescribed rule of inquiry. The general causes +enumerated by Hume, and expatiated upon in modern times, we may take +for granted. Undoubtedly ingratitude on the one side, and discontent +on the other, were not only to be expected, but, as we know, actually +prevailed. "The sovereign naturally became jealous of that power which +had advanced him to the throne, and the subject was not easily +satisfied in the returns which he thought so great a favour had +merited." But we are by no means left to conjecture abstractedly on +the "beginning incidents," as the proximate causes of the open revolt +of the family of Percy have been called: Hotspur's own letters, as +well as those of his father Northumberland, the existence of which +seems not to have been known to our historians, prepare us for much of +what actually took place. We have already observed the indications of +wounded pride, and indignation, and utter discontent, which Hotspur's +despatches from Wales evince. Another communication, dated Swyneshed, +in Lincolnshire, July 3, is more characteristic of his temper of mind +than the preceding, and makes his subsequent conduct still more easily +understood.<a id="notetag147" name="notetag147"></a><a href="#note147">[147]</a> +Sir Harris +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page143" name="page143">(p. 143)</a></span> +Nicolas has so clearly analysed +this letter, that we may well content ourselves with the substance of +it as we find it in his valuable preface.</p> + +<p>"Hotspur commenced by reminding the council of his repeated +applications for payment of the money due to him as Warden of the East +March; and then alluded to the other sums owing to his father and +himself, and to the promise made by the treasurer, when he was last in +London, that, if it were agreeable to the council, 2,000 marks should +be paid him before the February then last past. He said he had heard +that at the last parliament, when the necessities of the realm were +explained by the lords of the great council to the barons and commons, +the war allowance was demanded for all the marches, Calais, Guienne +and Scotland, the sea, and Ireland; that the proposition for the +Scotch marches was limited to 37,000<i>l.</i>; and that, as the payment for +the marches in time of truce, due to his father and to him, did not +exceed 5,000<i>l.</i> per annum, it excited his astonishment that it could +not be paid in good faith; that it appeared to him either that the +council attached too little consideration to the said marches, where +the most formidable enemies which they had would be found, or that +they were not satisfied with his and his father's services therein; +but, if they made proper inquiry, he hoped that the greatest neglect +they would discover in the marches was the neglect of payment, without +which they would find no one who could +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page144" name="page144">(p. 144)</a></span> +render such service. +On this subject he had, he said, written to the King, entreating him +that, if any injury occurred to town, castle, or march, in his charge, +from default of payment, he might not be blamed; but that the censure +should rest on those who would not pay him, agreeably to his Majesty's +honourable command and desire. He begged the council not to be +displeased that he wrote ignorantly in his rude and feeble manner on +this subject, because he was compelled to do so by the necessities not +merely of himself, but of his soldiers, who were in such distress, +that, without providing a remedy, he neither could nor dared to go to +the marches; and he concluded by requesting the council to take such +measures as they might think proper."</p> + +<p>Two letters from the Earl of Northumberland, the one to the council in +May, the other to the King, dated 26th June 1403, breathe the same +spirit with those of his son Hotspur, and would have led us to +anticipate the same subsequent conduct; at least they ought to have +prepared the King and council for the resentments of two such men, +overflowing with bitter indignation at the neglect and injustice with +which they considered themselves to have been treated.</p> + +<p>"The last of these letters (we quote throughout the words of the same +Editor) is extremely curious. Northumberland commenced by +acknowledging the receipt of a letter from the King, wherein Henry +has +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page145" name="page145">(p. 145)</a></span> +expressed his expectation that the Earl would be at +Ormeston Castle on the day appointed, and in sufficient force, without +creating any additional expense to his Majesty; but that, on +consideration, the King, reflecting that this could not be the case +without expenses being incurred by the Earl and his son Hotspur, had +ordered some money to be speedily sent to them. Of that money the Earl +said he knew not the amount, nor the day of payment; that his honour, +as well as the state of the kingdom, was in question; and that the day +on which he was to be at Ormeston was so near, that, if payment was +not soon ordered, it was very probable that the fair renown of the +chivalry of the realm would not be maintained at that place, to the +utter dishonour and grief of him and of his son, who were the King's +loyal subjects; which they believed could not be his wish, nor had +they deserved it. 'If,' the Earl sarcastically observed, 'we had both +been paid the 60,000<i>l.</i> since your coronation, as I have heard you +were informed by those who do not wish to tell you the truth, then we +could better support such a charge; but to this day there is clearly +due to us, as can be fully proved, 20,000<i>l.</i> and more.' He then +entreated the King to order his council and treasurer to pay him and +his son a large sum conformably to the grant made in the last +parliament, and to their indentures, so that no injury might arise to +the realm by the non-payment of what was due to them.' To this letter +he signed himself +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page146" name="page146">(p. 146)</a></span> +'Your Matathias, who supplicates you to +take his state and labour to heart in this affair.'"</p> + +<p>There is so much sound reasoning also and good sense in the review of +these proceedings, presented to us by the same pen, that we cannot do +better than adopt it. The Author's subsequent researches have all +tended to confirm that Editor's view:</p> + +<p>"This letter preceded the rebellion of the Percies by less than four +weeks; and that event may, it is presumed, be mainly attributed to the +inattention shown to their requests of payment of the large sums which +they had expended in the King's service. They were not only harassed +by debts, and destitute of means to pay their followers, but their +honour, as the Earl expressly told the King, was involved in the +fulfilment of their engagements; a breach of which not only exposed +them to the greatest difficulties, but, in the opinion of their +chivalrous contemporaries, perhaps affected their reputation. That +under these circumstances, and goaded by a sense of injury and +injustice, the fiery Hotspur should throw off his allegiance, and +revolt, is not surprising; but it is matter of astonishment that Henry +should have hazarded such a result. To the house of Percy he was +chiefly indebted for the crown; and it is scarcely credible that at +the moment of their defection it could have been his policy to offend +them. The country was at war with France and Scotland, Wales was then +in open rebellion, and Henry was far from satisfied of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page147" name="page147">(p. 147)</a></span> +the +general loyalty of his subjects. Can it be believed that he desired to +increase his enemies by adding the most powerful family in the kingdom +to the number? Nor can Henry's constant efforts to prevent the people +from becoming disaffected, be reconciled with the wish to excite +discontent in two of the most influential and distinguished personages +in the realm. It is shown in another part of this volume, (Minutes of +Privy Council,) that the King had not the slightest suspicion of +Hotspur's revolt until it took place; and it appears that, when he +heard of it, he was actually on his route to join that chieftain, and, +to use his own words to his council, 'to give aid and support to his +very dear and loyal cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and his son +Henry, in the expedition which they had honourably commenced for him +and his realm against his enemies the Scotch.' Instead of refusing to +pay to the Percies the money which they claimed, from the desire to +lessen their power, or to inflict upon them any species of +mortification, all which is known of the state of this country +justifies the inference that Henry had the strongest motives for +conciliating that family. The neglect of their repeated demands seems, +therefore, to have arisen solely from his being +unable<a id="notetag148" name="notetag148"></a><a href="#note148">[148]</a> +to comply +with them; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page148" name="page148">(p. 148)</a></span> +and the King's pecuniary embarrassments are shown +by the documents in this work to have been of so pressing and so +permanent a nature, that there is no difficulty in believing such to +have been the case. It is deserving of observation, however, that the +discontent which is visible in the letters of Hotspur and his father, +is as much at the conduct of the council as at that of the King; and +jealousy of their superior influence with Henry, and possibly a +suspicion that they endeavoured to injure them in his estimation, as +well as to impede their exertions in his service, by withholding the +necessary resources, may have combined with other causes in producing +their disaffection."<a id="notetag149" name="notetag149"></a><a href="#note149">[149]</a></p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Not Shakspeare only, in his highly-wrought scene at the Archdeacon of +Bangor's house, but our historians also and their commentators, +instruct us to refer to a point of time very little subsequent to the +date of the last letter from the Earl of Northumberland the celebrated +<span class="smcap">Tripartite Indenture</span> <span class="smcap">of Division</span>. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page149" name="page149">(p. 149)</a></span> +Shakspeare has traced, +with such exquisite designs and shades of colouring, the different +characters of the contracting parties in their acts and sentiments, +and has thrown such vividness and life and beauty into the whole +procedure, that the imagination is led captive, superinducing an +unwillingness to doubt the reality; and the mind reluctantly engages +in an examination of the truth. But, consistently with the principles +adopted in these Memoirs, the Author is compelled to sift the evidence +on which the genuineness of the treaty depends. The document, if it +could have been established as trustworthy, could not have failed to +be interesting to every one as a fact in general history, whilst the +English and Welsh antiquary must in an especial manner have been +gratified by being made acquainted with its particular provisions. At +all events, whatever opinion may be ultimately formed of its character +as the vehicle of historical verity, it is in itself too important, +and has been too widely recognised, to be passed over in these pages +without notice.</p> + +<p>Sir Henry Ellis, to whom we are indebted for having first called +attention to the specific stipulations of this alleged treaty, with +his accustomed perspicuity and succinctness thus introduces the +subject to his reader:</p> + +<p>"Sir Edmund Mortimer's letter is dated December 13 (1402), and the +Tripartite Indenture of Partition was not fully agreed upon till +toward the middle +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page150" name="page150">(p. 150)</a></span> +of the next year. The negociation for the +partition of the kingdom seems to have originated with Mortimer and +Glyndowr only. The battle of Shrewsbury was fought on July 21st, 1403. +The manuscript chronicle, already named, compiled by one of the +chaplains<a id="notetag150" name="notetag150"></a><a href="#note150">[150]</a> +to King Henry V, gives the particulars of the final +treaty, signed at the house of the Archdeacon of Bangor, more amply +than they can be found elsewhere. The expectation declared in this +treaty that the contracting parties would turn out to be those spoken +of by Merlin, who were to divide amongst them the Greater Britain, as +it is called, corroborates the story told by Hall. The whole passage +is here submitted to the reader's perusal: the words are evidently +those of the treaty." The reader is then furnished with a copy of the +Latin original: but, since no point of the general question as to its +genuineness appears to be affected by the words employed, the +following translation is substituted in its place.</p> + +<div class="letter"> +<p><span class="smcap">TRIPARTITE INDENTURE OF DIVISION.</span></p> + +<p> + "This year, the Earl of Northumberland made a league and covenant + and friendship with Owyn Glyndwr and Edmund Mortimer, son of the + late Edmund Earl of March, in certain articles of the form and + tenor following:—In the first place, that these Lords, Owyn, the + Earl, and Edmund, shall henceforth be mutually joined, + confederate, united, and bound +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page151" name="page151">(p. 151)</a></span> + by the bond of a true + league and true friendship, and sure and good union. Again, that + every of these Lords shall will and pursue, and also procure, the + honour and welfare one of another; and shall, in good faith, + hinder any losses and distresses which shall come to his + knowledge, by any one whatsoever intended to be inflicted on + either of them. Every one, also, of them shall act and do with + another all and every those things which ought to be done by + good, true, and faithful friends to good, true, and faithful + friends, laying aside all deceit and fraud. Also, if ever any of + the said Lords shall know and learn of any loss or damage + intended against another by any persons whatsoever, he shall + signify it to the others as speedily as possible, and assist them + in that particular, that each may take such measures as may seem + good against such malicious purposes; and they shall be anxious + to prevent such injuries in good faith; also, they shall assist + each other to the utmost of their power in the time of necessity. + Also, if by God's appointment it should appear to the said Lords + in process of time that they are the same persons of whom the + Prophet speaks, between whom the government of the Greater + Britain ought to be divided and parted, then they and every of + them shall labour to their utmost to bring this effectually to be + accomplished. Each of them, also, shall be content with that + portion of the kingdom aforesaid limited as below, without + further exaction or superiority; yea, each of them in such + portion assigned to him shall enjoy equal liberty. Also, between + the same Lords it is unanimously covenanted and agreed that the + said Owyn and his heirs shall have the whole of Cambria or Wales, + by the borders, limits, and boundaries underwritten divided from + Leogoed which is commonly called England; namely, from the Severn + sea, as the river Severn leads from the sea, going down to the + north gate of the city of Worcester; and from that gate straight + to the ash-trees, commonly called in the Cambrian or Welsh + language Ouuene Margion, which grow on the high +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page152" name="page152">(p. 152)</a></span> + way + from Bridgenorth to Kynvar; thence by the high way direct, which + is usually called the old or ancient way to the head or source of + the river Trent; thence to the head or source of the river Meuse; + thence as that river leads to the sea, going down within the + borders, limits, and boundaries above written. And the aforesaid + Earl of Northumberland shall have for himself and his heirs the + counties below written, namely, Northumberland, Westmoreland, + Lancashire, York, Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Stafford, + Leicester, Northampton, Warwick, and Norfolk. And the Lord Edmund + shall have all the rest of the whole of England entirely to him + and his heirs. Also, should any battle, riot, or discord fall out + between two of the said Lords, (may it never be!) then the third + of the said Lords, calling to himself good and faithful counsel, + shall duly rectify such discord, riot, and battle; whose approval + or sentence the discordant parties shall be held bound to obey. + They shall also be faithful to defend the kingdom against all + men; saving the oak on the part of the said Owyn given to the + most illustrious Prince Charles, by the grace of God King of the + French, in the league and covenant between them made. And that + the same be, all and singular, well and faithfully observed, the + said Lords, Owyn, the Earl, and Edmund, by the holy body of the + Lord which they now stedfastly look upon, and by the holy Gospels + of God by them now bodily touched, have sworn to observe the + premises all and singular to their utmost, inviolably; and have + caused their seals to be mutually affixed thereto."</p></div> + + +<p>The above learned Editor of this instrument (to whose labours in +rescuing from oblivion so many original documents relative to these +times we are repeatedly induced to acknowledge our obligations,) seems +to have fallen into some serious mistakes here. Either influenced by +the fascinating reminiscences +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page153" name="page153">(p. 153)</a></span> +of Shakspeare's representations, +or following Hall with too implicit a confidence, he has altogether +overlooked the date assigned in the manuscript itself to the execution +of this partition deed, and the persons between whom the agreement is +there said to have been made. So far from countenancing the assumption +that "the indenture was finally agreed upon towards the middle of the +year next after the date of Edmund Mortimer's letter announcing his +junction with Owyn (December 14th, 1402)," the manuscript expressly +states that the covenant was made on the 28th of +February,<a id="notetag151" name="notetag151"></a><a href="#note151">[151]</a> +in the +fourth year of Henry IV; and that the contracting parties were Henry +Earl of Northumberland, Sir Edmund Mortimer, and Owyn Glyndowr. Hall, +on whom there exists strong reason for believing that Shakspeare +rested as his authority, asserts that the contracting parties were +Glyndowr, the <span class="smcap">Lord Percy</span> (by which title he throughout designates +Hotspur), and the <span class="smcap">Earl of March</span>. Hall's expressions would lead us to +infer that the circumstance was not generally recognised or +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page154" name="page154">(p. 154)</a></span> +known by the chroniclers before his time, but was recorded by one only +of those with whose writings he was acquainted. "A certain writer," he +says, "writeth that this Earl of March, the Lord Percy, and Owyn +Glyndowr were unwisely made believe by a Welsh prophesier that King +Henry was the Moldwarp cursed of God's own mouth, and that they were +the Dragon, the Lion, and the Wolf which should divide the realm +between them, by the deviation, not divination, of that mawmet +Merlin." Hall then proceeds to tell us that the tripartite indenture +was sealed by the deputies of the three parties in the Archdeacon's +house; and that, by the treaty, Wales was given to Owyn, all England +from Severn and Trent southward and eastward, was assigned to the Earl +of March, and the remnant to Lord Percy.</p> + +<p>The strange confusion made either by Hall, or "the certain writer" +from whom he draws his story, of Owyn's prisoner and son-in-law, +Edmund Mortimer, with the Earl of March his nephew, then a minor in +the King's safe custody, throws doubtless great suspicion on his +narrative; nevertheless, such as it is, (allowing for that mistake,) +his account seems far more probable than the statement given in the +Sloane manuscript,—the only authority, it is presumed, now known to +have reported the alleged words of the treaty. It is much more likely, +that the project of dividing South Britain among the houses of +Glyndowr, Mortimer, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page155" name="page155">(p. 155)</a></span> +and Percy, should have been entertained +before the battle of Shrewsbury, when the Earl of Worcester's +malicious love of mischief might have suggested it, and Hotspur's +headstrong impetuosity might have caught at the scheme, and their +troops, not yet dispirited by defeat, might have been sanguine of +success, than after that struggle, when the old Earl of +Northumberland<a id="notetag152" name="notetag152"></a><a href="#note152">[152]</a> +was the only representative of the house of Percy +who could have signed it. The cause of Owyn, Mortimer, and +Northumberland had so sunk into its wane after Hotspur's death, that +they could then scarcely have contemplated as a thing feasible the +division of the fair realm of England and Wales among themselves. Of +the authority of the manuscript from which the indenture is extracted, +the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page156" name="page156">(p. 156)</a></span> +Author (for reasons stated in the Appendix) is compelled +to form a very low estimate. And if such a deed ever was signed, it is +far less improbable that the manuscript (full, as it confessedly is +elsewhere, of errors) should have inserted it incorrectly in point of +chronological order, than that the contracting parties should have +postponed their contemplated arrangement to a period when success must +have appeared almost beyond hope. Independently, however, of the +suspicion cast on the document by the date assigned to it in the +manuscript, it seems to carry with it internal evidence against +itself. The contract was made by Edmund Mortimer, the Earl of +Northumberland, and Owyn, and among them the land was to be divided; +but, so far from the report of such an intended distribution being +corroborated by any other authority, there is much evidence to render +it incredible. Edmund Mortimer's own genuine letter, for example, +announcing his adhesion to Owyn, which preceded this agreement, makes +no allusion to the Percies, or even to himself, as portionists. "The +cause," he says, "which he espoused would guarantee to Owyn his rights +in Wales, and, in case Richard were dead, would place the Earl of +March on the throne." It is, indeed, scarcely conceivable that the +nobles, the gentry, and the people at large would have suffered their +land to be cut up into portions, destroying the integrity of the +kingdom, and exposing it with increased facilities to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page157" name="page157">(p. 157)</a></span> +foreign invasion, and interminable intestine warfare; whilst neither +of the three who were to share the spoil had any pretensions of title +to the crown. It is scarcely less inconceivable that three men, such +as Mortimer, Glyndowr, and Northumberland, could have seriously +devised so desperate a scheme.</p> + +<p>On the whole, the Author is disposed to express his suspicion that the +entire story of the tripartite league is the creature only of +invention, originating in some inexplicable mistake, or fabricated for +the purpose of exciting feelings of contempt or hostility against the +rebels.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>In examining the various accounts of the battle of Shrewsbury with a +view of putting together ascertained facts in right order, and +distinguishing between certainty,—strong probability,—mere +surmise,—improbabilities,—and utter mistakes, we shall find it far +more easy to point out the errors of others, than to adopt one general +view which shall not in its turn be open to objections. Still, in any +important course of events, it seems to be a dereliction of duty in an +author to shrink from offering the most probable outline of facts +which the careful comparison of different statements, and a patient +weighing of opposite authorities, suggest. Before, however, we enter +upon that task, it will be necessary to clear the way by examining +some other questions of doubt and difficulty.</p> + +<p>To +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page158" name="page158">(p. 158)</a></span> +Mr. Hume's inaccuracies, arising from the want of patient +labour in searching for truth at the fountain-head, we have been led +to refer above. His readiness to rest satisfied with whatever first +offered itself, provided it suited his present purpose, without either +scrutinizing its internal evidence, or verifying it by reference to +earlier and better authority, is forced upon our notice in his account +of the battle of Shrewsbury. Just one half of the entire space which +he spares to record the whole affair, he devotes to a minute detail of +the manifesto which Hotspur is said to have sent to the King on the +night before the battle, in the name of his father, his uncle, and +himself. This document, at least in the terms quoted by Mr. Hume, is +proved as well by its own internal self-contradictions, as by +historical facts, to be a forgery of a much later date.</p> + +<p>The first charge which the manifesto is made to bring against Henry +is, that, after his landing at Ravenspurg, he swore on the Gospel that +he only sought his own rightful inheritance, that he would never +disturb Richard in his possession of the throne, and that never would +he aim at being King. And yet another item charges him with having +sworn on the same day, and at the same place, and on the same Gospel, +an oath (the very terms of which imply that he was to be King) that he +never would exact tenths or fifteenths without consent of the three +estates, except in cases of extreme emergence. Again, "It complained +of his cruel policy (says Mr. Hume, without adding a single remark,) +in allowing the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page159" name="page159">(p. 159)</a></span> +young Earl of March, whom he ought to regard +as his sovereign, to remain a captive in the hands of his enemies, and +in even refusing to all his friends permission to treat of his +ransom;" whilst it is beyond all question that the person whom this +pretended manifesto confounds with the Earl of March, "taken in +pitched battle," was Sir Edmund Mortimer. The Earl of March was +himself then a boy, and was in close custody in Henry's castle of +Windsor. The manifesto, as Hume quotes it, is evidently full of +historical blunders; its author had followed those historians who had +confounded Edmund Mortimer with the Earl of March; and yet Mr. Hume +adopts it on the authority of Hall, and gives it so prominent a place +in his work.</p> + +<p>But even as the manifesto is found in its original form in Hardyng, +(though the blunders copied by Hume from +Hall<a id="notetag153" name="notetag153"></a><a href="#note153">[153]</a> +do not appear there +in all their extravagance and absurdity,) something attaches to it +exceedingly suspicious as to its character and circumstances. +Independently of the internal evidence of the document itself, which +will repay a careful scrutiny, the very fact of Hardyng having +withheld even the most distant allusion to such a manifesto in the +copy of his work which he presented to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page160" name="page160">(p. 160)</a></span> +Henry VI, the grandson +of the King whose character the manifesto was designed to blast, at a +time so much nearer the event, when the reality or the falsehood of +his statement might have been more easily ascertained, contrasts very +strikingly with the forced and unnatural manner in which, many years +after, he abruptly thrusts the manifesto in Latin prose into the midst +of his English poem. He +then<a id="notetag154" name="notetag154"></a><a href="#note154">[154]</a> +desired to please Edward IV, to whom +any adverse reflection on Bolinbroke would be acceptable.</p> + +<p>The document, however, itself savours strongly of forgery. In the +first place, it purports to be signed and sealed by Henry Percy, Earl +of Northumberland, (though the Earl at that time was in +Northumberland,) Henry Percy, his first-born son, and Thomas Earl of +Worcester, styling themselves Procurators and Protectors of the +kingdom. Should this apparent contradiction be thought to be +reconciled with the truth by what Hardyng mentions, that +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page161" name="page161">(p. 161)</a></span> +the +document was made by good advice of the Archbishop of York, and divers +other holy men and lords; it must be answered that it could not have +been drawn up for the purpose of being used whenever an opportunity +might offer, for, in the name of the three, it challenges the King, +and declares that they will prove the allegations "<i>on this day</i>," +"<i>on this instant day</i>," twice repeated. Evidently the writer of the +document had his mind upon the fatal day of Shrewsbury.</p> + +<p>Again, one of their principal charges seems to have emanated from a +person totally ignorant of some facts which must have been known to +the Percies, and which are established by documents still in our +hands. The words of the clause to which we refer run thus: "We aver +and intend to prove, that whereas Edmund Mortimer, brother of the Earl +of March, was taken by Owyn Glyndowr in mortal battle, in the open +field, and has <span class="smcap">UP TO THIS +TIME</span><a id="notetag155" name="notetag155"></a><a href="#note155">[155]</a> +<i>been cruelly kept in prison</i> and +bands of iron, in your cause, you have publicly declared him to have +been guilefully taken, [ex dolo,—willingly, as Hall quotes it, to +yield himself prisoner to the said Owyn,] and you would not suffer him +to be ransomed, neither by his own means nor by us his relatives and +friends. We have, therefore, negociated with Owyn, as well for his +ransom from our own proper goods, as also for peace between you and +Owyn. Wherefore have you regarded +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page162" name="page162">(p. 162)</a></span> +us as traitors, and +moreover have craftily and secretly planned and imagined our death and +utter destruction."</p> + +<p>This clause of the manifesto declares the King to have publicly +proclaimed that Edmund Mortimer, who was taken in pitched battle, had +fraudulently given himself up to Owyn. The King's own letter to the +council<a id="notetag156" name="notetag156"></a><a href="#note156">[156]</a> +is totally irreconcileable with his making such a +declaration. He announces to them the news which he had just received +of Mortimer's capture, as a calamity which had made him resolve to +proceed in person against the rebels. "Tidings have reached us from +Wales, that the rebels have taken our very dear and much beloved +Edmund Mortimer." Again, the clause avers that the King had suffered +the same person, Edmund Mortimer, to be kept cruelly in prison and +iron chains <i>up to that time</i>, and would not suffer him to be +ransomed. In contradiction to this charge, we are assured by the early +chroniclers<a id="notetag157" name="notetag157"></a><a href="#note157">[157]</a> +that Owyn treated Mortimer with all the humanity and +respect in his power; and that because he possessed not the means of +paying a ransom, he had, as early as St. Andrew's day, (30th of +November 1402, less than six months after his capture, and nearly +eight months before the alleged delivery of the manifesto,) been +married to the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page163" name="page163">(p. 163)</a></span> +daughter of Owyn with great solemnity; and, +"thus turning wholly to the Welsh people, he pledged himself +thereafter to fight for them to the utmost of his power against the +English."</p> + +<p>Another expression in this clause, incompatible with the truth, but +quite consistent with the mistakes which from very early times +prevailed as to the circumstances preceding the battle of Shrewsbury, +charges the King with having pronounced the three Percies to be +traitors, and with having secretly planned and imagined their ruin and +death; and this is said to have been signed and sealed by +Northumberland, then remaining in the north. Whereas the truth, +established beyond controversy, though little known, is, that, up to +the very day when the King announced to the council Hotspur's +rebellion,—barely four days before the battle,—he had entertained no +idea of their disloyalty. Even in his last preceding despatch he +informed the council that he was on his way "to afford aid and comfort +to his very dear and faithful cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and +his son Henry, and to join them in their expedition against the +Scots."<a id="notetag158" name="notetag158"></a><a href="#note158">[158]</a></p> + +<p>These considerations, among others, throw so many and such weighty +suspicions on the manifesto, that it can scarcely be regarded as +deserving of credit. Nor must the Author here disguise his conviction, +that the whole is a forgery, guiltily made for the purpose of +blackening the memory of Henry +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page164" name="page164">(p. 164)</a></span> +IV, and of casting odium on +the dynasty of the house of Lancaster.</p> + +<p>Another important mistake into which tradition seems to have betrayed +some very pains-taking persons is that which charges Owyn Glyndowr +with a breach of faith, and a selfish conduct, on the occasion of the +battle of Shrewsbury, utterly unworthy of any man of the slightest +pretensions to integrity and honour. He is said by Leland to have +promised Percy to be present at that struggle: he is reported by +Pennant to have remained, as if spell-bound, with twelve thousand men +at Oswestry. The History of Shrewsbury tells us of the still existing +remains of an oak at Shelton, into the top-most branches of which he +climbed to see the turn of the battle, resolving to proceed or retire +as that should be; having come with his forces to that spot time +enough to join the conflict. The question involving Owyn Glyndowr's +good faith and valour, or zeal and activity, is one of much interest, +and deserves to be patiently investigated; whilst an attentive +examination of authentic documents, and a careful comparison of dates, +are essential to the establishment of the truth. The result of the +inquiry may be new, and yet not on that account the less to be relied +upon.</p> + +<p>That Owyn gladly promised to co-operate with the Percies, there is +every reason to regard as time; that he undertook to be with them at +Shrewsbury on that day of battle cannot, it should seem, be true. +Probably he never heard of any expectation +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page165" name="page165">(p. 165)</a></span> +of such an +engagement, and the first news which reached him relating to it may +have been tidings of Percy's death, and the discomfiture of his +troops. The Welsh historians unsparingly charge him with having +deceived his northern friends on that day: and some assert that he +remained at Oswestry, only seventeen miles off; others that he came to +the very banks of the Severn, and tarried there in safety, consulting +only his own interest, whilst a vigorous effort on his part might have +turned the victory that day against the King. This is, perhaps, within +the verge of possibility; but is in the highest degree improbable. +That the reports have originated in an entire ignorance of Owyn's +probable position at the time, and of the sudden, unforeseen, and +unexpected character of the struggle to which Bolinbroke's +instantaneous decision forced the Percies, will evidently appear, if, +instead of relying on vague tradition, we follow in search of the +reality where facts only, or fair inferences from ascertained facts, +may conduct us.</p> + +<p>It appears, then, to be satisfactorily demonstrable by original +documents, interpreted independently of preconceived theory, that, +four days only before King Henry's proclamation against the Percies +was issued at Burton upon Trent, Owyn Glyndowr was in the extreme +divisions of Caermarthenshire, most actively and anxiously engaged in +reducing the English castles which still held out against him, and by +no means free from formidable antagonists +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page166" name="page166">(p. 166)</a></span> +in the field, +being fully occupied at that juncture, and likely to be detained there +for some time. It must be also remembered that the King published his +proclamation as soon as ever he had himself heard of Hotspur's +movements from the north, and that even his knowledge of the hostile +intentions of the Percies preceded the very battle itself only by the +brief space of five days. This circumstance has never (it is presumed) +been noticed by any of our historians; and the examination of the +whole question involves so new and important a view of the affairs of +the Principality at that period, and bears so immediately on the +charge made against the great rebel chieftain for dastardly cowardice +or gross breach of faith, that it seems to claim in these volumes a +fuller and more minute investigation than might otherwise have been +desirable or generally interesting. The documents furnishing the facts +on which we ground our opinion, are chiefly original letters preserved +in the British Museum, and made accessible to the general reader by +having been published by Sir Henry +Ellis.<a id="notetag159" name="notetag159"></a><a href="#note159">[159]</a> +That excellent Editor, +however, has unquestionably referred them to an earlier date than can +be truly assigned to +them.<a id="notetag160" name="notetag160"></a><a href="#note160">[160]</a> +Independently of the material fact +which they are intended to establish, they carry with them much +intrinsic interest of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page167" name="page167">(p. 167)</a></span> +their own; and although the detail of +the evidence in the body of the work might seem to impede +unnecessarily the progress of the narrative, the dissertation in its +detached form is recommended to the reader's careful perusal. Should +he close his examination of those documents under the same impression +which the Author confesses they have made on himself, he will +acquiesce in the conclusion above stated, and consider this position +as admitting no reasonable doubt,—That, a few days only before the +fatal battle of Shrewsbury, Owyn Glyndowr was in the very extremity of +South Wales, engaged in attempts to reduce the enemy's garrisons, and +crush his power in those quarters; with a prospect also before him of +much similar employment in a service of great danger to himself. And +when we recollect that probably Henry Percy as little expected the +King to meet him at Shrewsbury, as the King a week before had thought +to find him or his father in any other part of the kingdom than in +Northumberland, whither he was himself on his march to join them; when +we recollect the nature and extent of the country which lies between +Pembrokeshire and Salop; and reflect also on the undisciplined state +of Owyn's "eight thousand and eight score spears, such as they were;" +instead of being surprised at his absence from Shrewsbury on the 21st +of July, and charging him with having deserted his friends and sworn +allies on that sad field, we are driven to believe that his presence +there would have savoured +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page168" name="page168">(p. 168)</a></span> +more of the marvellous than many +of his most celebrated achievements. The simple truth breaks the spell +of the poet's picture, and forces us to unveil its fallacy, though it +has been pronounced by the historian of Shrewsbury to "form one of the +brightest ornaments of the pages of Marmion." To whatever cause we +ascribe the decline of Owyn's power, we cannot trace its origin to a +judicial visitation as the consequence of his failure in that hour of +need. The poet's imagination, creative of poetical justice, wrought +upon the tale as it was told; but that tale was not built on truth. +The lines, however, deserve to have been the vehicle of a less +ill-founded tradition.</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"E'en from the day when chained by fate,<br> +By wizard's dream or potent spell,<br> +Lingering from sad Salopia's field,<br> +Reft of his aid, the Percy fell;—<br> +E'en from that day misfortune still,<br> +As if for violated faith,<br> +Pursued him with unwearied step,<br> +Vindictive still for Hotspur's death."<a id="notetag161" +name="notetag161"></a><a href="#note161">[161]</a></p> + + +<p>Those who feel an interest in tracing the localities of this battle +with a greater minuteness of detail in its circumstances than is +requisite for the purpose of these Memoirs, will do well to consult +the "Historian of Shrewsbury." The following is offered as the +probable outline of the circumstances of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page169" name="page169">(p. 169)</a></span> +the engagement, +together with those which preceded and followed it.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>The Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur were engaged in +collecting and organizing troops in the north, for the professed +purpose of invading Scotland as soon as the King should join them with +his forces. Taking from these troops "eight score horse," +Hotspur<a id="notetag162" name="notetag162"></a><a href="#note162">[162]</a> +marched southward from +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page170" name="page170">(p. 170)</a></span> +Berwick at their head, and came +through Lancashire and Cheshire, spreading his rebellious principles +on every side, and adding to his army, especially from among the +gentry. He proclaimed everywhere that their favourite Richard, though +deposed by the tyranny of Bolinbroke, was still alive; and many +gathered round his standard, resolved to avenge the wrongs of their +liege lord. The King, with a considerable force, the amount of which +is not precisely known, was on his march towards the north, with the +intention of joining the forces raised by the Percies, and of +advancing with them into Scotland, and, "that expedition well ended," +of returning to quell the rebels in Wales. He was at Burton on Trent +when news was brought to him of Hotspur's proceedings, which decided +him<a id="notetag163" name="notetag163"></a><a href="#note163">[163]</a> +instantly to grapple with this unlooked-for rebellion. +Hotspur was believed to be on his road to join Glyndowr, and the King +resolved to intercept him.</p> + +<p>So far from inferring, as some authors have done, from the smallness +of the numbers on either side, that the country considered it more a +personal quarrel between two great families than as a national +concern, we might rather feel surprise at the magnitude +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page171" name="page171">(p. 171)</a></span> +of +the body of men which met in the field of +Shrewsbury.<a id="notetag164" name="notetag164"></a><a href="#note164">[164]</a> +It must be +remembered that the King did not "go down" from the seat of government +with 14,000 men; but that the army with which he hastened to crush the +rising rebellion consisted only of the troops at the head of whom he +was marching towards the north, of the body then under the Prince of +Wales on the borders, and of those who could be gathered together on +the exigence of the moment by the royal proclamation. It must be borne +also in mind that (according to all probability) barely four days +elapsed between the first intimation which reached the King's ears of +the rebellion of the Percies, and the desperate conflict which crushed +them. As we have already seen, the King, only on the 10th of July, +(scarcely eleven days before that decisive struggle,) believed himself +to be on his road northward to join "his beloved and loyal" +Northumberland and Hotspur against the Scots.</p> + +<p>The Prince of Wales, who, as we infer, first apprised the King of this +rising peril, was on the Welsh borders, near Shrewsbury; and he formed +a junction with his father,—but where, and on what day, is not known. +Very probably the first intimation +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page172" name="page172">(p. 172)</a></span> +that Henry of Monmouth +himself had of the hostile designs of the Percies, was the sudden +departure of the Earl of Worcester, his guardian, who unexpectedly +left the Prince's retinue, and, taking his own dependents with him, +joined Hotspur.</p> + +<p>At all events, delay would have added every hour to the imminent peril +of the royal cause, and probably Hotspur's impetuosity seconded the +King's manifest policy of hastening an immediate engagement; and thus +the "sorry battle of Shrewsbury" was fought by the united forces of +the King and the Prince on the one side, and the forces of Hotspur and +his uncle the Earl of Worcester on the other, unassisted by Glyndowr.</p> + +<p>That the opposed parties engaged in "Heyteley +Field,"<a id="notetag165" name="notetag165"></a><a href="#note165">[165]</a> +near that +town, is placed beyond question. With regard to their relative +position immediately before the battle, there is no inconsiderable +doubt. Some say that the King's army reached the town and took +possession of the castle on the Friday, only three hours before +Hotspur arrived: others, following +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page173" name="page173">(p. 173)</a></span> +Walsingham, represent +Hotspur as having arrived first, and being in the very act of +assaulting the town, when the sudden, unexpected appearance of the +royal banner advancing made him desist from that attempt, and face the +King's forces. Be this as it may, on Saturday the 21st of July, the +two hostile armies were drawn up in array against each other in +Hateley Field, ready to rush to the struggle on which the fate of +England was destined much to depend. Whether any manifesto were sent +from Hotspur, or not, it is certain that the King made an effort to +prevent the desperate conflict, and the unnecessary shedding of so +much Christian blood. He despatched the Abbot of Shrewsbury and the +Clerk of the Privy Seal to Hotspur's lines, with offers of pardon even +then, would they return to their allegiance. Hotspur was much moved by +this act of grace, and sent his uncle, the Earl of Worcester, to +negociate. This man has been called the origin of all the mischief; +and he is said so to have addressed the King, and so to have +misinterpreted his mild and considerate conversation, "who +condescended, in his desire of reconciliation, even below the royal +dignity," that both parties were incensed the more, and resolved +instantly to try their strength. The onset was made by the archers of +Hotspur, whose tremendous volleys caused dreadful carnage among the +King's troops. "They fell," says Walsingham, "as the leaves fall on +the ground after a frosty night at +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page174" name="page174">(p. 174)</a></span> +the approach of winter. +There was no room for the arrows to reach the ground, every one struck +a mortal man." The King's bowmen also did their duty. A rumour, +spreading through the host, that the King had fallen, shook the +steadiness and confidence of his partisans, and many took to flight; +the royal presence, however, in every part of the engagement soon +rallied his men. Hotspur and Douglas seemed anxious to fight neither +with small nor great, but with the King +only;<a id="notetag166" name="notetag166"></a><a href="#note166">[166]</a> +though they mowed +down his ranks, making alleys, as in a field of corn, in their +eagerness to reach him. He was, we are told, unhorsed again and again; +but returned to the charge with increased impetuosity. His +standard-bearer was killed at his side, and the standard thrown down. +At length the Earl of Dunbar forced him away from the post which he +had taken. Henry of Monmouth, though he was then no novice in martial +deeds, yet had never before been engaged on any pitched-battle field; +and here he did his duty valiantly. He was wounded in the face by an +arrow; but, so far from allowing himself to be removed on that account +to a place of safety, he urged his friends to lead him into the very +hottest of the conflict. Elmham records his address: whether they are +the very words +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page175" name="page175">(p. 175)</a></span> +he uttered, or such only as he was likely to +have used, they certainly suit his character: "My lords, far be from +me such disgrace, as that, like a poltroon, I should stain my +noviciate in arms by flight. If the Prince flies, who will wait to end +the battle? Believe it, to be carried back before victory would be to +me a perpetual death! Lead me, I implore you, to the very face of the +foe. I may not say to my friends, 'Go ye on first to the fight.' Be it +mine to say, 'Follow me, my friends.'" The next time we hear of Henry +of Monmouth is as an agent of mercy. The personal conflict between him +and Hotspur, into the description of which Shakspeare has infused so +full a share of his powers of song, has no more substantial origin +than the poet's own imagination. Percy fell by an unknown hand, and +his death decided the contest. The cry, "Henry Percy is dead!" which +the royalists raised, was the signal for utter confusion and +flight.<a id="notetag167" name="notetag167"></a><a href="#note167">[167]</a> +The number of the slain on either side is differently +reported. When the two armies met, the King's was superior in numbers, +but Hotspur's far more abounded in gentle blood. The greater part of +the gentlemen of Cheshire fell on that day. On the King's +part,<a id="notetag168" name="notetag168"></a><a href="#note168">[168]</a> +except the Earl +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page176" name="page176">(p. 176)</a></span> +of Stafford and Sir Walter Blount, few names +of note are reckoned among the slain.</p> + +<p>The Earl of Worcester, Lord Douglas, and Sir Richard Vernon, fell into +the hands of the King; they were kept prisoners till the next Monday, +when Worcester and Vernon were beheaded. The Earl's head was sent up +to London on the 25th (the following Wednesday), by the bearer of the +royal mandate, commanding it to be placed upon London bridge.</p> + +<p>Thus ended the "sad and sorry field of +Shrewsbury."<a id="notetag169" name="notetag169"></a><a href="#note169">[169]</a> +The battle +appeared to be the archetype of that +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page177" name="page177">(p. 177)</a></span> +cruel conflict which in +the middle of the century almost annihilated the ancient nobility of +England. Fabyan says, "it was more to be noted vengeable, for there +the father was slain of the son, and the son of the father."</p> + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page178" name="page178">(p. 178)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER IX.</h2> + +<h3><span class="smcap">the prince commissioned to receive the rebels into allegiance. — the +king summons northumberland. — hotspur's corpse disinterred. — the +reason. — glyndowr's french auxiliaries. — he styles himself "prince +of wales." — devastation of the border counties. — henry's letters +to the king, and to the council. — testimony of him by the county of +hereford. — his famous letter from hereford. — battle of grossmont.</span><br><br> + +1403-1404.</h3> + + +<p>No sooner had the King gained the field of Shrewsbury than he took the +most prompt measures to extinguish what remained of the rebellion of +the Percies. On the very next day he issued a commission to the Earl +of Westmoreland, William Gascoigne, and others, for levying forces to +act against the Earl of Northumberland. That nobleman, as we have +seen, remained in the north, probably in consequence of a sudden +attack of illness, when Hotspur made his ill-fated descent into the +south: but the King had good reason to believe that he was still in +arms against the crown; and although he despatched that commission of +array to the Earl of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page179" name="page179">(p. 179)</a></span> +Westmoreland within only a few hours of +the battle, yet he resolved to march forthwith in +person,<a id="notetag170" name="notetag170"></a><a href="#note170">[170]</a> +and +crush the rebellion by one decisive blow. On Monday the 23rd, the Earl +of Worcester was beheaded; and on the same day all his silver vessels, +forfeited to the King, were given to the +Prince.<a id="notetag171" name="notetag171"></a><a href="#note171">[171]</a> +On the Tuesday +the King must have started for the north; for we find two ordinances +dated at Stafford, a distance of thirty miles from Shrewsbury, on +Wednesday the 25th. Whilst one of these royal mandates savours of +severity, the other not only is the message of mercy and forgiveness, +but recommends itself to us from the consideration of the person to +whom the exercise of the royal clemency was intrusted with unlimited +discretion. Henry of Monmouth, perhaps, left Shrewsbury after the +battle, and proceeded with his father on his journey northward; but we +conclude Stafford to have been, at all events, the furthest point from +the Principality to which he accompanied him. Whether the measure of +mercy originated with the King or the Prince, certainly both the King +believed that his son would gladly execute the commission, and the +Prince felt happy in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page180" name="page180">(p. 180)</a></span> +being made the royal representative in +the exercise of a monarch's best and holiest prerogative. An ordinance +was made by the King at Stafford, investing the Prince of Wales with +full powers to pardon the rebels who were in the company of Henry +Percy. The Prince probably remained in or near Shrewsbury for the +discharge of the duties assigned to him by this commission. The King, +having despatched messengers throughout the whole realm announcing +Henry Percy's death and the defeat of the rebels, and commanding all +ports to be watched that none of the vanquished might escape, +proceeded northward. On the 4th of August we find him at Pontefract, +from which place he issued an order to the +Sheriff<a id="notetag172" name="notetag172"></a><a href="#note172">[172]</a> +of York, which +certainly indicates anything rather than a thirst of vengeance on his +enemies. It appears that many persons, reckless of justice and +confident of impunity, had laid violent hands on the goods of the +rebels; and different families had thus been subjected to most +grievous spoliation. The King's ordinance conveys a peremptory order +to the Sheriff of Yorkshire to interpose his authority, and prevent +such acts of violence and wrong, even upon +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page181" name="page181">(p. 181)</a></span> +the King's +enemies. On the 6th, we find him still at Pontefract, and again on the +14th. Official documents, without supplying any matter which needs +detain us here, account for him through the intervening days. +Walsingham also relates that the King proceeded to York, and summoned +the whole county of Northumberland to appear before him. The Earl, who +had started with a strong body a few days after the battle, either in +ignorance of his son's failure, or to meet the King for the purpose of +treating with him for peace, had been resisted by the Earl of +Westmoreland, and compelled to retire to Warkworth. On receiving the +King's summons, leaving the commonalty behind, he approached the royal +presence with a small retinue, and, in the humble guise of a +suppliant, besought +forgiveness.<a id="notetag173" name="notetag173"></a><a href="#note173">[173]</a> +The King granted him full +pardon, on the 11th of +August;<a id="notetag174" name="notetag174"></a><a href="#note174">[174]</a> +and then began his return towards +Wales. We find him, from the 14th to the +16th,<a id="notetag175" name="notetag175"></a><a href="#note175">[175]</a> +at Pontefract; on +the 17th, at Doncaster. On the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page182" name="page182">(p. 182)</a></span> +18th, at Worksop; on the 26th, +at Woodstock; and on the 8th of September, at +Worcester.<a id="notetag176" name="notetag176"></a><a href="#note176">[176]</a></p> + +<p>After these acts of grace and pardon to Lord Douglas, Northumberland, +and all others who were joined to Sir Henry Percy, we should not +expect to find a charge substantiated of wanton and brutal cruelty and +vengeance on the part of the King against the corpse of that gallant +knight. Such a charge, however, is brought in the most severe terms +which language can supply in the manifesto said to have been made by +the Archbishop of York. The fact of Hotspur's exhumation may be +granted, and yet the King's memory may remain free from such a +charge.<a id="notetag177" name="notetag177"></a><a href="#note177">[177]</a> +That the body was buried, and afterwards disinterred and +exposed to public view, seems not to admit of a doubt. As it appears +from the Chronicle of London, "Persons reported that Percy was yet +alive. He was therefore taken up out of the grave, and bound upright +between two mill-stones, that all men might see that he was dead." +"The cause of Hotspur's exhumation is therefore +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page183" name="page183">(p. 183)</a></span> +satisfactorily explained; and, since it must have been very desirable +to remove all doubt as to the fact of his death, the charge of +needless barbarity which has been brought against the King for +disinterring him is without +foundation."<a id="notetag178" name="notetag178"></a><a href="#note178">[178]</a></p> + +<p>The King now adopted prompt and vigorous measures for the suppression +of the rebellion in Wales; and with that view issued from Worcester an +ordinance to several persons by name, to keep their castles in good +repair, well provided also with men and arms. Among others, the Bishop +of St. David's is strictly charged as to his castle of Laghadyn; +Nevill de Furnivale, for Goodrich; Edward Charleton of Powis, for +Caerleon and Usk; John Chandos, for Snowdon. On the 10th of September, +the King, still at Worcester, created his son, John of Lancaster, +Constable of England. On the 14th he was at +Hereford,<a id="notetag179" name="notetag179"></a><a href="#note179">[179]</a> +when he +gave a warrant to William Beauchamp, (to whom was intrusted the care +of Abergavenny and Ewias Harold,) to receive into their allegiance the +Welsh rebels of those lordships. A similar warrant for the rebels of +Brecknock, Builth, Haye, with others, is given, on the 15th, to Sir +John Oldcastle, John ap Herry, and John Fairford, clerk, dated +Devennock. The King was then on his route towards +Caermarthen,<a id="notetag180" name="notetag180"></a><a href="#note180">[180]</a> +where he stayed only a +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page184" name="page184">(p. 184)</a></span> +short time; and left the Earl of +Somerset, Sir Thomas Beaufort, the Bishop of Bath, and Lord Grey to +keep the castle and town for one month. He shortly afterwards +commissioned Prince Henry to negociate with those persons for their +pardon who had been excepted from the act of oblivion after the battle +of Shrewsbury.<a id="notetag181" name="notetag181"></a><a +href="#note181">[181]</a></p> + +<p>The Welsh, though driven probably from +Caermarthenshire<a id="notetag182" name="notetag182"></a><a +href="#note182">[182]</a> in the +early part of this autumn, seem to have carried on their hostilities +in other districts with much vigour into the very middle of +winter.<a id="notetag183" name="notetag183"></a><a href="#note183">[183]</a> +On +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page185" name="page185">(p. 185)</a></span> +the 8th of November, the King, being then at +Cirencester, issued strict orders for the payment of 100<i>l.</i> to Lord +Berkeley, for the succour of the garrison of Llanpadarn Castle, then +straitly besieged by the rebels, and in great danger of falling into +their hands. Lord Berkeley was appointed Admiral of the Fleet to the +westward of the Thames, on the 5th of November 1403.</p> + +<p>On the 22d of November the King issued a proclamation for all rebels +to apply for an amnesty before the Feast of the Epiphany next ensuing, +or in default thereof to expect nothing but the strict course of the +law.</p> + +<p>It is matter of doubt whether Prince Henry remained in Wales and the +borders through the winter, or returned to his charge in the spring. +On the opening of the campaign, however, in 1404, we find the Welsh +chieftain aided by a power which must have made his rebellion far more +formidable than it had hitherto been. A truce between England and +France had been concluded just before the battle of Shrewsbury, but it +was of very short duration. Early in the spring, the French appeared +off the shores of Wales in armed vessels, and in conjunction with +Glyndowr's forces, laid siege to several castles along the coast. As +early as April 23rd, a sum of 300<i>l.</i> is assigned by the council for +equipping with men and arms, provisions and stores, five +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page186" name="page186">(p. 186)</a></span> +vessels in the port of Bristol, to relieve the castles of Aberystwith +and Cardigan, and to compel the French to raise the siege of +Caernarvon and Harlech.<a id="notetag184" name="notetag184"></a><a +href="#note184">[184]</a> Not only were the castles on the coast +brought into increased jeopardy by this accession of a continental +force to Owyn's army of native rebels, but the inhabitants of the +interior, already miserably plundered, and in numberless cases utterly +ruined, by the ravages of the Welsh, now began to give themselves up +to despair. A letter from the King's loyal subjects of Shropshire +(which we must refer to this spring), praying for immediate succour +against the confederate forces of Wales and France, furnishes a most +deplorable view of the state of those districts. One-third part of +that county, they say, had been already destroyed, whilst the +inhabitants were compelled to leave their homes, in order to obtain +their living in other more favoured parts of the realm. The petition +prays for the protection of men-at-arms and archers, till the +Prince<a id="notetag185" name="notetag185"></a><a href="#note185">[185]</a> +himself should come.</p> + +<p>Soon +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page187" name="page187">(p. 187)</a></span> +after the French had carried on these hostile movements, +their King made a solemn league with Owyn Glyndowr, as an independent +sovereign, acknowledging him to be Prince of Wales. Owyn dated his +princedom from the year 1400, and assumed the full title and authority +of a monarch.<a id="notetag186" name="notetag186"></a><a +href="#note186">[186]</a> In this year he commissioned Griffin Young his +chancellor, and John Hangmer, both "his beloved relatives," to treat +with the King of France, in consideration of the affection and sincere +love which that illustrious monarch had shown <i>towards him</i> and <i>his +subjects</i>.<a id="notetag187" name="notetag187"></a><a +href="#note187">[187]</a> This commission is dated "Doleguelli, 10th +May, <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> +1404, and in the fourth year of our principality." In conformity with +its tenour, a league was made and sworn to between the ambassadors of +"<i>our illustrious and most dread lord, Owyn, Prince of Wales</i>," and +those of the King of France. That sovereign signed the commission +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page188" name="page188">(p. 188)</a></span> +on the 14th of June; and the league was sealed in the +chancellor's house at Paris, on the 14th July. Its provisions are +chiefly directed against "Henry of Lancaster."</p> + +<p>The reinforcements which Owyn Glyndowr received from France at the +opening of the campaign in the spring of 1404, enabled him not only to +lay siege to the castles in North and West Wales (as it was called), +but to make desperate inroads into England, as well about Shropshire +as in Herefordshire. A letter addressed to the council, June 10th, by +the sheriff, the receiver, and other gentlemen of the latter county, +conveys a most desponding representation of the state of those parts; +especially through the district of Archenfield. The bearer of this +letter was the Archdeacon of Hereford, Dean of Windsor, the same +person who wrote in such "haste and dread" to the King the year +before. Some parts of this letter deserve to be transcribed, they +afford so lively a description of the frightful calamities of a civil +war. "The Welsh rebels in great numbers have entered +Irchonfeld,<a id="notetag188" name="notetag188"></a><a href="#note188">[188]</a> +which is a division of the county of Hereford, and there they have +burnt houses, killed the inhabitants, taken prisoners, and ravaged +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page189" name="page189">(p. 189)</a></span> +the country, to the great dishonour of our King, and the +insupportable damage of the county. We have often advertised the King +that such mischiefs would befal us. We have also now certain +information that within the next eight days the rebels are resolved to +make an attack in the March of Wales, to its utter ruin if speedy +succour be not sent. True it is, indeed, that we have no power to +shelter us, except that of Lord Richard of York and his men, far too +little to defend us. We implore you to consider this very perilous and +pitiable case, and to pray our sovereign lord that he will come in his +royal person, or send some person with sufficient power to rescue us +from the invasion of the aforesaid rebels; otherwise we shall be +utterly destroyed,—which God forbid! Whoever comes will, as we are +led to believe from the report of our spies, have to engage in battle, +or will have a very severe struggle, with the rebels. And, for God's +sake, remember that honourable and valiant man the Lord +Abergavenny,<a id="notetag189" name="notetag189"></a><a href="#note189">[189]</a> +who is on the very point of destruction if he be not +rescued. Written in haste at Hereford, June 10th."</p> + +<p>The +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page190" name="page190">(p. 190)</a></span> +King had in some measure anticipated this strong +memorial, by signing, on the very day preceding its +date,<a id="notetag190" name="notetag190"></a><a href="#note190">[190]</a> +a +commission of array to the sheriffs of Hereford, Worcester, +Gloucester, and Warwick to raise their counties and proceed forthwith +to join Richard of York, and to advance in one body with him for the +rescue of William Beauchamp, who was then straitly besieged in his +castle of Abergavenny, and entirely destitute. Though no mention is +here made of the Prince, nor any allusion to him, we have the best +evidence that he was personally engaged during this summer in +endeavouring to resist the violence and excesses of the rebels. He was +crippled by want of means; he was forced to pawn his few jewels for +the present support of himself and his retinue; and, when the money +raised on them was exhausted, he was compelled to assure the council +in the most direct terms, of his utter inability to remain on his +post, if they did not forthwith provide him with adequate supplies. He +seems to have acted both with vigour and discretion; and the council +placed throughout the fullest confidence in his judgment and +integrity.</p> + +<p>Three documents at this point of time deserve especial attention. The +first is a letter, in French, from the Prince, addressed to his +father, and dated Worcester, 25th of June 1404; the second is another +letter +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page191" name="page191">(p. 191)</a></span> +of the same date, written by the Prince to the +council; the third contains the resolutions adopted by them in +consequence of this communication.</p> + +<p>It is very true that letters afford no infallible proof of the +writer's real sentiments and feelings; and it has been said, that +expressions of piety or affection in epistles of past ages are not to +be interpreted as indices of the mind and state of him who utters +them, any more than the ordinary close of a note in the present day +proves that it came from a humble-minded and gratefully obliged +person. Nevertheless, with these general suggestions before us, and +not impugned, there does seem to pervade the following letter from +Henry to his father, somewhat more than words of course, or +matter-of-form expressions, indicative (unless the writer be a +hypocrite,—and hypocrisy has never been laid to Henry of Monmouth's +charge<a id="notetag191" name="notetag191"></a><a href="#note191">[191]</a>) +of filial dutifulness and affection, as well as of a +pious and devout trust in Providence. At all events, it is incumbent +on those who forbid our inference in favour of any one from such +testimony to show some act, or to quote some words, or direct us to +some implied sentiments in the individual, whose letters +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page192" name="page192">(p. 192)</a></span> +we +are discussing, which would give presumptive evidence against our +decision in his favour. But history has assigned no act, no sentiment, +no word of an irreligious or immoral tendency, to Henry of Monmouth up +to the date of this letter. It is not here implied, or conceded, that +history possesses facts of another character subsequently to this +date; that point must be the subject of our further inquiry. When this +letter was written, as far as we can ascertain, fame had not begun to +breathe a whisper against the religious and moral character of the +Prince of Wales.</p> + +<div class="letter"> +<p><span class="smcap">LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE KING HIS FATHER.</span></p> +<p> + "My very dread and sovereign lord and father.—In the most humble + and obedient manner that I know or am able, I commend myself to + your high Majesty, desiring every day your gracious blessing, and + sincerely thanking your noble Highness for your honourable + letters, which you were lately pleased to send to me, written at + your Castle of Pontefract, the 21st day of this present month of + June [1404]; by which letters I have been made acquainted with + the great prosperity of your high and royal estate, which is to + me the greatest joy that can fall to my lot in this world. And I + have taken the very highest pleasure and entire delight at the + news, of which you were pleased to certify me; first, of the + speedy arrival of my very dear cousin, the Earl of Westmoreland, + and William Clifford, to your Highness; and secondly, the arrival + of the despatches from your adversary of Scotland, and other + great men of his kingdom, by virtue of your safe conduct, for the + good of both the kingdoms, which God of his mercy grant; and that + you may +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page193" name="page193">(p. 193)</a></span> + accomplish all your honourable designs, to his + pleasure, to your honour, and the welfare of your kingdom, as I + have firm reliance in Him who is omnipotent, that you will do. My + most dread and sovereign lord and father, at your high command in + other your gracious letters, I have removed with my small + household to the city of Worcester; and at my request there is + come to me, with a truly good heart, my very dear and beloved + cousin, the Earl of Warwick, with a fine retinue at his own very + heavy expenses; so he well deserves thanks from you for his + goodwill at all times.</p> + +<p>"And whether the news from the Welsh be true, and what measures I + purpose to adopt on my arrival, as you desire to be informed, may + it please your Highness to know that the Welsh have made a + descent on Herefordshire, burning and destroying also the county, + with very great force, and with a supply of provisions for + fifteen days. And true it is that they have burnt and made very + great havoc on the borders of the said county. But, since my + arrival in these parts, I have heard of no further damage from + them, God be thanked! But I am informed for certain that they are + assembled with all their power, and keep themselves together for + some important object, and, as it is said, to burn the said + county. For this reason I have sent for my beloved cousins, my + Lord Richard of York and the Earl Marshal, and others the most + considerable persons of the counties of that march, to be with me + at Worcester on the Tuesday next after the date of this letter, + to inform me plainly of the government of their districts; and + how many men they will be able to bring, if need be; and to give + me their advice as to what may seem to them best to be done for + the safeguard of the aforesaid parts. And, agreeably to their + advice, I will do all I possibly can to resist the rebels and + save the English country, to the utmost of my little power, as + God shall give me grace: ever trusting in your high Majesty to + remember my poor estate; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page194" name="page194">(p. 194)</a></span> + and that I have not the means + of continuing here without the adoption of some other measures + for my maintenance; and that the expenses are insupportable to + me. And may you thus make an ordinance for me with speed, that I + may do good service, to your honour and the preservation of my + humble state. My dread sovereign lord and father, may the + allpowerful Lord of heaven and earth grant you a blessed and long + life in all good prosperity, to your satisfaction! Written at + Worcester the 26th day of June.<br> +<span class="left20"> + "Your humble and obedient Son,</span> <span class="smcap">Henry</span>."</p> +</div> + +<p>The second letter, written at the same time and place, but addressed +to the council, is nearly word for word identical with this till +towards its close, when it gives the following strong view of the +straits and difficulties to which the Prince and the government were +then driven by want of +money;<a id="notetag192" name="notetag192"></a><a href="#note192">[192]</a> +and the personal sacrifice which he +was himself compelled to make. "We implore you to make some ordinance +for us in time, assured that we have nothing from which we can support +ourselves here, except that we have pawned our little plate and +jewels, and raised money from them, and with that we shall be able to +remain only a short time. And after that, unless you make provision +for us, we shall +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page195" name="page195">(p. 195)</a></span> +be compelled to depart with disgrace and +mischief: and the country will be utterly destroyed; which God forbid! +And now, since we have shown you the perils and mischiefs [which must +ensue], for God's sake make your ordinance in time, for the salvation +of the honour of our sovereign lord the King our father, of ourselves, +and of the whole realm. And may our Lord protect you, and give you +grace to do right!"</p> + +<p>The Prince, finding his difficulties increasing, wrote another letter, +dated June 30, to the council, urging them to prompt measures; and +stating in very positive terms the utter impossibility of his +remaining in those parts without supplies. What immediate notice was +taken of these pressing communications, does not appear; that the +council enabled him to remain on the borders, and to protect the +country effectually from the rebels, is proved by their proceedings at +Lichfield on the 29th and 30th of the August following. The minutes of +those two councils are full of interest. By the first we are informed +that the French, under the French Earl of March, had equipped a fleet +of sixty vessels in the port of Harfleur, full of soldiers, for the +purpose of an immediate invasion of Wales. To meet this rising +mischief, the council advise that, since the King could not soon raise +an army proportionate to his high estate and dignity, to proceed +forthwith into Wales, he should remain at Tutbury until the meeting of +parliament at Coventry in the October following; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page196" name="page196">(p. 196)</a></span> +and in the +mean time proclamations should be made, directing all able-bodied men +to be ready to attend the King. Orders were also given to the officers +of the customs in Bristol to supply wine, corn, and other provisions +for the soldiers in the town of Caermarthen, in part payment of their +wages. The minutes then record, that, with regard to the county of +Hereford, the sheriff and the other gentlemen had requested the lords +of the council to pray the King that he would be pleased to thank the +Prince for the good protection of the said county since the Nativity +of St. John (June 24th), and likewise, that for the well-being of that +county, and also of the county of Gloucester, the Prince might be +assigned to guard the marches of the said counties, and to make +inroads into Overwent and Netherwent, Glamorgan and Morgannoc; and "to +carry this into effect, they must provide the wages of five hundred +men-at-arms and two thousand archers for three weeks, and through +another three weeks three hundred men-at-arms and two thousand +archers." In another council, probably at the end of August, the lords +recommend that the sum of 3000 marks, due to the King as a fine from +the inhabitants of Cheshire, to be paid in three years, should be +assigned to the Prince for the safeguard of the castle of Denbigh, and +towards the expenses of his other castles in North +Wales.<a id="notetag193" name="notetag193"></a><a href="#note193">[193]</a> +They +recommend also +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page197" name="page197">(p. 197)</a></span> +that the people of Shropshire be allowed to +make a truce with Wales until the last day of November; and with +regard to Herefordshire, that the Prince remain on its borders to the +last day of September, and have the same number of men-at-arms and +archers (or more) as he had had since the 29th of June; that he have +on his own account 1000 marks, and that on the first day of October he +be ready with five hundred men-at-arms and two thousand archers to +make an incursion into Wales, and stay there twenty-one days, for the +just chastisement of the rebels. And since for these charges the +Prince should be paid before his departure, measures had been taken to +raise money of several persons by way of loan. Sir John Oldcastle and +John ap Herry were to keep the castles of Brecknock and the Haye till +Michaelmas. The King also issued his mandate, 13th November 1404, to +the sheriffs of Worcester, Gloucester, and other counties, to provide +a contingent each of twenty men-at-arms and two hundred archers to +join the army of his sons; premising that he had, by the advice of his +parliament, sent his two sons, the Prince and the Lord Thomas, to +raise the siege of +Coitey,<a id="notetag194" name="notetag194"></a><a href="#note194">[194]</a> +in which Alexander Berkroller, lord of +that place, was then besieged: we may therefore safely conclude that, +through the first part of the winter at least, young Henry +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page198" name="page198">(p. 198)</a></span> +was most fully occupied in the +Principality.<a id="notetag195" name="notetag195"></a><a href="#note195">[195]</a></p> + +<p>Of the Prince's proceedings in consequence of these instructions we +hear nothing before the beginning of the next March: but through the +winter<a id="notetag196" name="notetag196"></a><a href="#note196">[196]</a> +(as it should seem) the Welsh chieftain and his French +auxiliaries were most busily engaged, especially towards the northern +parts. Indeed, it may be surmised, not without probable reason, that +the King's troops under the Prince in Monmouthshire, Glamorganshire, +and its adjacent districts, and perhaps the forces of Thomas Beaufort, +or the Duke of York, in Caermarthen, had driven Owyn and his partisans +northward, by the vigorous efforts which they made through the autumn +and the early part of the winter. To this season also we are induced +to refer those despatches from Conway and +Chester,<a id="notetag197" name="notetag197"></a><a href="#note197">[197]</a> +which give the +most alarming accounts to the King of the insolence and activity +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page199" name="page199">(p. 199)</a></span> +of his enemies, and the imminent peril of his friends, his +castles, and the whole country. One letter speaks of six ships coming +out of France "with wyn and spicery full laden." Another reports that +the constable of Harlech had been seized by the Welsh and carried to +Owyn Glyndowr; and that the castle was in great danger of falling into +his hands, being garrisoned only by five Englishmen and about sixteen +Welshmen. A third apprises the King that the deputy-constable of +Caernarvon had sent a woman to inform the writer, William Venables, +the constable of Chester, (by word of mouth, because no man dared to +come, and no man or woman could carry letters safely,) of Owyn +Glyndowr's purpose, in conjunction with the French, "to assault the +town and castle of Caernarvon with engines, +sows,<a id="notetag198" name="notetag198"></a><a href="#note198">[198]</a> +and ladders of +very great length;" whilst in the town and castle there were not more +than twenty-eight fighting men,—eleven of the more able of those who +were there at the former siege being dead, some of their wounds, +others of the plague. In the fourth, the constable of Conway informs +the same parties that the people of Caernarvonshire purposed to go +into Anglesey to bring out of it all the men and cattle into the +mountains, "lest Englishmen should be refreshed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page200" name="page200">(p. 200)</a></span> +therewith." +The writer adds, "I durst lay my head that, if there were two hundred +men in Caernarvon and two hundred in Conway, from February until May, +the commons of Caernarvonshire would come to peace, and pay their dues +as well as ever. But should there be a delay till the summer, it will +not be so lightly (likely), for then the rebels will be able to lie +without (in the open air), as they cannot now do. Also I have myself +heard many of the commons and gentlemen of Merionethshire and +Caernarvonshire swear that all men of the aforesaid shires, except +four or five gentlemen and a few vagabonds (vacaboundis), would fain +come to peace, provided Englishmen were left in the country to help in +protecting them from misdoers; especially must they come into the +country whilst the weather is cold." In the fifth letter, we learn +that Owyn had agreed with all the men in the castle of Harlech, except +seven, to have deliverance of the castle on an early fixed day for a +stated sum of gold. A letter, dated Oswestry, February 7th, from the +Earl of Arundel and Surrey, conveys the very same sentiments with +those of the constable of Conway as to the probability of the +immediate termination of the rebellion, either by peace or victory, +should any vigorous measures be adopted. He was appointed to take +charge of Oswestry, with thirty men-at-arms and one hundred and fifty +archers, for eight weeks. He complains that the grand ordinance +resolved upon +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page201" name="page201">(p. 201)</a></span> +by the late parliament at +Coventry<a id="notetag199" name="notetag199"></a><a href="#note199">[199]</a> +had +not been put into execution; and states that the rebels were never at +any time so high or proud, from an assurance that it, like the others, +would become a dead +letter.<a id="notetag200" name="notetag200"></a><a href="#note200">[200]</a></p> + +<p>The letter from Henry to his father in the preceding June, and the +testimony of the gentlemen of Hereford, who prayed that thanks might +be presented to the Prince for his watchful and efficient protection +of their county, inform us that the rebels towards the south marches +had been kept in check since the Prince's arrival; but they were ready +to renew their violence at the very opening of spring. Two letters, +one from the King to his council, the other from the Prince to the +King, require to be translated literally, and copied into these pages. +The former, which is now published for the first time in "The Acts of +the Privy Council," proves the hearty good-will entertained by the +King towards his son, and the lively paternal interest he took up to +that time in his honourable career. It assures us also of the great +importance attached by the King to the victory then gained over the +rebels. The latter, though published by Rymer and Ellis, and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page202" name="page202">(p. 202)</a></span> +others, and though often commented upon before, yet appears to throw +so much light upon the character of Prince Henry as a Christian at +once and a warrior, especially in that union of valour and mercy in +him to which Hotspur first bore testimony four years before, that any +treatise on the life and character of Henry of Monmouth would be +altogether defective were this letter to be omitted. The King's letter +to his council bears date Berkhemstead, March 13, 1405.</p> + +<div class="letter"> + <p>"<span class="smcap">From the King.</span></p> + + <p>"Very dear and faithful! We greet you well. And since we know + that you are much pleased and rejoiced whenever you can hear good + news relating to the preservation of our honour and estate, and + especially of the common good and honour of the whole realm, we + forward to you for your consolation the copy of a letter sent to + us by our very dear son, the Prince, touching his government in + the marches of Wales; by which you will yourselves become + acquainted with the news for which we return thanks to Almighty + God. We beg you will convey these tidings to our very dear and + faithful friends the Mayor and good people of our city of London, + in order that they may derive consolation from them together with + us, and praise our Creator for them. May He always have you in + his holy keeping.—Given under our signet at our Castle of + Berkhemstead, the 13th day of March."</p></div> + + +<p>The following letter, the copy of which the King then forwarded, was +written by the Prince at Hereford, on the 11th of March, at night.</p> + +<div class="letter"> +<p> <span class="smcap">LETTER +FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE KING HIS FATHER.</span><span class="pagenum"> +<a id="page203" name="page203">(p. 203)</a></span></p> + + <p>"My most redoubted and most sovereign lord and father, in the + most humble manner that in my heart I can devise, I commend + myself to your royal Majesty, humbly requesting your gracious + blessing. My most redoubted and most sovereign lord and father, I + sincerely pray that God will graciously show his miraculous aid + toward you in all places: praised be He in all his works! For on + Wednesday, the eleventh day of this present month of March, your + rebels of the parts of Glamorgan, Morgannoc, Usk, Netherwent, and + Overwent, were assembled to the number of eight thousand men + according to their own account; and they went on the said + Wednesday in the morning, and burnt part of your town of Grosmont + within your lordship of Monmouth. And I +immediately<a id="notetag201" name="notetag201"></a><a href="#note201">[201]</a> +sent off + my very dear cousin the Lord Talbot, and the small body of my own + household, and with them joined your faithful and gallant knights + William Neuport and John Greindre; who were but a very small + force in all. But very true it is that <span class="smcap">VICTORY IS NOT IN A + MULTITUDE OF PEOPLE, BUT IN THE POWER OF GOD</span>; and this was well + proved there. And there, by the aid of the blessed Trinity, your + people gained the field, and slew of them by fair account on the + field, by the time of their return from the pursuit, some say + eight hundred, and some say a thousand, being questioned on pain + of death. Nevertheless, whether on such an account it were one or + the other I would not contend.</p> + + <p>"And, to inform you fully of all that has been done, I send you a + person worthy of credit in this case, my faithful servant the + <span class="pagenum"><a id="page204" name="page204">(p. 204)</a></span> + bearer of this letter, who was present at the + engagement, and did his duty very satisfactorily, as he does on + all occasions. And such amends has God ordained you for the + burning of four houses of your said town. And prisoners there + were none taken excepting +one,<a id="notetag202" name="notetag202"></a><a href="#note202">[202]</a> +who was a great chieftain + among them, whom I would have sent to you, but he <i>cannot yet + ride at his ease</i>.</p> + + <p>"And touching the governance which I purpose to make after this, + please your Highness to give sure credence to the bearer of this + letter in whatever he shall lay before your Highness on my part. + And I pray God that He will preserve you always in joy and + honour, and grant me shortly to comfort you with other good news. + Written at Hereford, the said Wednesday, at night.<br> + +<span class="left20"> + "Your very humble and obedient son,</span> + <span class="smcap jump">Henry</span>.<br> + + + "To the King, my most redoubted<br> +<span class="poem1">and sovereign lord and father."</span></p></div> + + + +<p>The true reading of "I sent," instead of "Jennoia," at first might +seem to imply that the Prince was +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page205" name="page205">(p. 205)</a></span> +not present in person at +the battle of Grosmont: and there is no positive evidence in the +letter to show that he was there. The testimony which he bears to the +gallant conduct in that field of his faithful servant, whom he +despatched with his letter, has been thought to sanction a belief, +that Henry was an eyewitness of the engagement. But from this doubt +the mind turns with full satisfaction to the religious sentiments +which are interwoven throughout the epistle, and to Henry's +considerate and humane treatment of his prisoner. He would, no doubt, +have felt a satisfaction and pride in immediately placing a high +chieftain of Wales in the hands of the King, on the very day of battle +and victory; but he shrunk from gratifying his own wishes, when his +pleasure involved the pain of a fellow-creature, though that person +was his prisoner. Many an incident throughout his life tends to +justify Shakspeare, when he makes Henry IV. speak of his son's +philanthropy and tenderness of feeling:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"He hath a tear for pity, and a hand<br> +Open as day for melting charity."<br> + +<span class="left30">2</span> <span class="smcap">Henry</span> IV. act iv. sc. iv. +</p> + +<p>Those united qualities of valour and mercy, of courage and kindness of +heart, which are so beautifully ascribed to a modern English warrior, +were never blended in any character of which history speaks in more +perfect harmony than in Henry of Monmouth:</p> + +<p class="figcenter smsize"> <span class="pagenum"><a id="page206" name="page206">(p. 206)</a></span> + "A furious lion in battle;<br> +But, duty appeased, in mercy a lamb."</p> + + +<p>The lesson thus taught him during his early youth in the field of +Grosmont, whether by personal experience of that conflict, or by the +representation of his gallant companions in arms, of what may be +effected by courage and discipline against an enemy infinitely +superior in numbers, was probably not forgotten, ten years afterwards, +at Agincourt.</p> + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page207" name="page207">(p. 207)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER X.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">rebellion of northumberland and bardolf. — execution of the +archbishop of york. — wonderful activity and resolution of the king. +— deplorable state of the revenue. — testimony borne by parliament +to the prince's character. — the prince present at the council-board. +— he is only occasionally in wales, and remains for the most part in +london.</span><br><br> + + +1405-1406.</h3> + + +<p>Whilst the Prince was thus exerting himself to the utmost in keeping +the Welsh rebels in check, the King resolved to go once again in +person to the Principality with as strong a force as he could muster; +and with this intention he set forward, probably about the end of +April. On the 8th of May he was at Worcester, when he was suddenly +informed of the hostile measures of his enemies in the north. The +preface to "The Acts of the Privy Council" gives the following +succinct and clear account of the proceedings:—"The most memorable +event in the sixth year of Henry IV. was the revolt, in May 1405, of +the Earl Marshal, Lord Bardolf, and the Earl of Northumberland, who +had been partially restored to the King's confidence after the death +of his +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page208" name="page208">(p. 208)</a></span> +son and brother in +1403.<a id="notetag203" name="notetag203"></a><a href="#note203">[203]</a> +Henry was at that +moment at Worcester; and the earliest notice of the rebellion is +contained in a letter from the council to the King, which, after +treating of various matters, concluded by stating that they were then +just informed by his Majesty's son, John of Lancaster, that Lord +Bardolf had privately withdrawn himself to the north; at which they +were much astonished, because the King had ordered him to proceed into +Wales. To guard against any ill consequences which might arise from +this suspicious circumstance, the council instantly despatched in the +same direction Lord Roos and Sir William Gascoyne, the Chief Justice, +as the individuals in whom the King placed most confidence; and, +thinking that Henry might be in want of money, the council borrowed +and sent him one thousand marks. With his accustomed promptitude and +activity, the King lost not a moment in setting off for the north, to +meet the rebellious lords in person; and on the 28th of May he wrote +to his council from Derby, acquainting them with the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page209" name="page209">(p. 209)</a></span> +revolt, +and desiring them to hasten to him at Pomfret with as many followers +as possible."</p> + +<p>The Editor of the Proceedings of the Privy Council says nothing of +Scrope, Archbishop of York, who had risen in open rebellion against +the royal authority; but we cannot pass on without some notice of him. +Early in June, King Henry laid hands on that unfortunate prelate, +surrounded by followers, and armed in a coat of mail; and he commanded +Gascoyne, who was with him, to pass sentence of death upon his +prisoner in a summary way. The Chief Justice +refused,<a id="notetag204" name="notetag204"></a><a href="#note204">[204]</a> +with these +words: "Neither you, my lord the King, nor any of your lieges acting +in your name, can lawfully, according to the laws of the kingdom, +condemn any bishop to death." The King then ordered one Fulthorp to +sentence him to decapitation, who forthwith complied; and the +Archbishop was carried to execution with every mark of disgrace, on +Whitmonday, June 8th. Many legends shortly became current about this +warlike prelate, who was one of the most determined enemies of the +House of Lancaster. Of the stories propagated soon after his death, +one declares that in the field of his last earthly struggle the corn +was trodden down, and destroyed irremediably, both by his enemies, who +were preparing for his +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page210" name="page210">(p. 210)</a></span> +execution, and by his friends and +poor neighbours, who came to weep and bewail the fate of their beloved +chief pastor. The Archbishop, seeing the destruction which his death +was causing, spoke with words of comfort to the multitude, and +promised to intercede with heaven that the evil might be averted. The +field, continues the story, brought forth at the ensuing harvest +six-fold above the average crop. The same page tells that the King was +smitten with the leprosy in the face on the very hour of the very day +in which the Archbishop was beheaded. The manuscript adds, that many +miracles were shown day by day by the Lord at the tomb of this +prelate, to which people flocked from every side. The enemies of the +King endeavoured to exalt this zealous son of the church into a saint; +and to propagate the belief that the King's disease, which never left +him, was a signal and miraculous visitation of Heaven, avenging the +foul murder of so dauntless a +martyr.<a id="notetag205" name="notetag205"></a><a href="#note205">[205]</a></p> + +<p>Pope Innocent, in the course of the year, sent a peremptory mandate to +the Archbishop of Canterbury to fulminate the curse of excommunication +against all those who had participated in the prelate's murder: but +the Archbishop did not dare to execute the mandate; for both the King +and a large body of the nobility were implicated more or less directly +in Scrope's execution, and must have been involved in the same general +sentence. The King, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page211" name="page211">(p. 211)</a></span> +on hearing of the decided countenance +thus given by the Pope to his rebellious subjects, despatched a +messenger to Rome, conveying the military vest of the Archbishop, and +charged him to present it to his Holiness; delivering at the same +time, as his royal master's message, the words of Jacob's sons, "Lo! +this have we found; know now whether it be thy son's coat, or no." A +passage in Hardyng seems to imply that, during the life of Henry IV, +the devotions of the people to this warrior bishop were forbidden; for +he records, apparently with approbation, the permission granted by his +son Henry V, to all persons to make their offerings at the shrine of +their sainted prelate:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"He gave then, of good devotion,<br> + All men to offer to Bishop Scrope express,<br> + Without letting or any question."</p> + + +<p>"Before the end of the next month +(June),<a id="notetag206" name="notetag206"></a><a href="#note206">[206]</a> +Henry was engaged in +besieging the Earl of Northumberland's castles; and in a letter to the +council, dated Warkworth, on the 2nd of July, he informed them that +Prudhoe Castle had immediately surrendered: but that the Castle of +Warkworth, being well garrisoned, refused to obey his summons; the +captain having declared as his final answer that he would defend it +for the Earl. The King had therefore ordered his artillery to be +brought against it, which were so ably served, that at +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page212" name="page212">(p. 212)</a></span> +the +seventh discharge the besieged implored his mercy, and the fortress +was delivered into his hands on the 1st of July. All the other castles +had imitated the example of Prudhoe, excepting Alnwick, which he was +then about to attack."</p> + +<p>"The exhausted state of the King's pecuniary resources," continues the +Preface, "and the distress endured by the soldiers and others engaged +in his service, are forcibly shown by the letters of the Prince of +Wales, the Duke of York, and others. The Duke of York, and his brother +Richard, described their retinues in Wales as being in a state of +mutiny for want of their wages; and the Duke had evidently made every +personal sacrifice within his power to satisfy them. He entreated them +to continue there a few weeks longer, authorised them to mortgage his +land in Yorkshire, pledged himself "on his truth, and as he is a true +gentleman," not to receive any part of his revenues until his soldiers +were paid, and promised that he would not ask them to continue longer +than the time specified. Every source of income seems to have been +anticipated; and it is scarcely possible to conceive a government in +greater distress for money than was Henry IV's at this point of time. +Nothing but the wisdom and indomitable energy for which that monarch +was distinguished could have enabled him to surmount the difficulties +of his position; and the facts detailed in this +volume<a id="notetag207" name="notetag207"></a><a href="#note207">[207]</a> +entitle +Henry to a high rank +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page213" name="page213">(p. 213)</a></span> +among the most distinguished of +European sovereigns both as a soldier and as a statesman. No sooner +had he suppressed rebellion in one place than it showed itself in +another; and, for many years, the Welsh could barely be kept in check +by the presence of the Prince of Wales and a large army. By France he +was constantly annoyed; and, if he was not actually at war with the +Scotch, it was necessary to watch their conduct with great anxiety and +suspicion. To add to his embarrassment, the great mass of his own +subjects were tempted to revolt by the distracted condition of the +country, by the existence of the true heir to the throne, and by +reports that their former sovereign was yet alive. Henry's treatment +of them was necessarily firm, but conciliatory. He dared not recruit +his exhausted finances by heavy impositions on the people; and the +generous sacrifices made by the peers to avoid so dangerous an +expedient had reduced them to poverty."</p> + +<p>Such is the clear and able representation given to us of the state of +the kingdom at large, and of the difficulties with which Henry IV. and +his supporters had to struggle, whilst Henry of Monmouth was exerting +himself to the very utmost in repressing the rebels in +Wales.<a id="notetag208" name="notetag208"></a><a href="#note208">[208]</a> +His +means were, indeed, very +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page214" name="page214">(p. 214)</a></span> +limited; he seldom had a "large +army" at his command; and his measures were lamentably embarrassed by +the exhausted state of the treasury. The King endeavoured from time to +time, in some cases successfully, at others with a total failure, to +remedy these evils, and to supply his son with the power of acting in +a manner worthy of himself, and the importance of the enterprise in +which he was engaged. On the 31st of May he despatched a letter to his +council from Nottingham, which contains many interesting particulars; +whilst the total inability of his ministers to comply with his +directions speaks very strongly of the trying circumstances in which +the Prince was trained. The King begins by reminding the council that +it was by the advice of them and other nobles, and the commons of the +realm, that the defence of Wales was committed to his very dear and +beloved son the Prince, as his lieutenant there; at the time of whose +appointment it was agreed, that since he had in his retinue a certain +number of men-at-arms and archers, though for the protection of the +realm, yet living at his expense, he should receive a certain +proportion of the subsidy voted at the last parliament. The King then +representing to them the vast mischiefs which would befal the marches, +and by consequence the whole realm, if the rebels were not effectually +resisted, strictly charges and commands his council, with all possible +speed to make payment in part of whatever the Prince was to receive +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page215" name="page215">(p. 215)</a></span> +from the King on that account. And though the Prince had +under him the Duke of York living there for the safeguard of the +country, nevertheless the King desired that the money paid for the +whole country of Wales should be put wholly and exclusively into the +hands of the Prince himself, to be employed and disbursed at his +discretion, with the advice of his council. The reason for this last +order he alleges to be the assurance given to him that the sums on +former occasions paid to others under the Prince for his use had not +been expended properly to the profit of the marches, nor agreeably to +the intention of the King and council. He ends his letter by enjoining +them, for the love they bore to him, and the confidence he placed in +them, to pay hearty attention to this subject. Notwithstanding this +urgent appeal, the council reply that the assignments already made, +and the payments absolutely indispensable, together with the failure +of the supplies, would not suffer them to meet his wishes. This answer +was written on a Monday, probably the 8th of June. On the 12th we find +the King (it may be, to make some little compensation for this +disappointment,) assigning to the Prince, in aid of his sustentation, +the castle and estates of Framlyngham, which had fallen to the crown +by forfeiture from Thomas Mowbray.</p> + +<p>The rapid movements of the King in those days of incessant alarm are +quite astonishing. Just as in the battle of Shrewsbury he impressed +the enemy with +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page216" name="page216">(p. 216)</a></span> +an idea of his ubiquity throughout the whole +field, so at this time, from day to day, he appears in whatever part +of the kingdom his presence seemed to be most needed. On the 7th of +August he was at Pontefract, whither tidings were brought to him that +the French admiral, Hugevyn, had arrived at Milford to aid the Welsh +rebels; and he sent a commission of array to the sheriff of +Herefordshire to meet him. On the 4th of +September<a id="notetag209" name="notetag209"></a><a href="#note209">[209]</a> +we find him at +Hereford, attended by many nobles and others, where he issued a +warrant to raise money by way of loan, to enable him to resist the +Welsh.</p> + +<p>In less than three weeks from this time the King was resident near +York, and promulgated an ordinance on the 22nd of September to the +sheriffs of Devon and other counties to meet him on the 10th of +October at Evesham; the body of this ordinance contained a very +interesting report which the King had received from "his most dear +first-born son," Henry Prince of Wales, whom he had left in that +country for the chastisement of the rebels. "Those," he says, "in the +castle of Llanpadarn have submitted to the Prince, and have sworn on +the body of the Lord, administered to them by the hands of our cousin +Richard Courtney, chancellor of Oxford, in the presence of the Duke of +York, that if we, or our son, or our lieutenant, shall not be removed +from the siege by Owyn Glyndowr between the 24th October next coming +at sunrising, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page217" name="page217">(p. 217)</a></span> +and the Feast of All Saints the next to come +(1st November), in that case the said rebels will restore the castle +in the same condition; and for greater security they have given +hostages. Wishing to preserve the state and honour of ourself, our +son, and the common good of England, which may be secured by the +conquest of that castle, (since probably by the conquest of that +castle the whole rebellion of the Welsh will be terminated, the +contrary to which is to be lamented by us and all our faithful +subjects,) we intend shortly to be present at that siege, on the 24th +of October, together with our son, or to send a sufficient deputy to +aid our son. We therefore command you to cause all who owe us suit and +service to meet us at Evesham on the 10th of October."</p> + +<p>Towards the close of this year we are reminded again of the deplorable +state of the King's revenue, by the urgent remonstrance of Lord Grey +of Codnor, and the recommendation of the council in consequence. Lord +Grey complained that he could obtain no money from the King's +receivers, though they had warrants and commands to pay him: that he +had pawned his plate and other goods; and that, without redeeming +them, he could not remove from Caermarthen to +Brecon.<a id="notetag210" name="notetag210"></a><a href="#note210">[210]</a> +He then +prays +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page218" name="page218">(p. 218)</a></span> +that means may be adopted for payment of his debts and +the wages of his men, if the royal pleasure was for him to remain in +those parts, or else to allow him to be excused. The council advise +the King to make him Lieutenant of South Wales and West Wales, +considering his vast trouble in bringing his people from England; to +direct payment to be made to him from the revenues of Brecknock, +Kidwelly, +Monmouth,<a id="notetag211" name="notetag211"></a><a href="#note211">[211]</a> +and Oggmore, belonging to the Duchy of +Lancaster; and to grant him the commission to be Justice of those +parts during the time of his lieutenancy. He was appointed lieutenant +on the 2nd of December 1405, and continued so till the 1st of February +1406. The council also complained that the people of Pembrokeshire had +not done their duty in resisting the rebels, and recommended the King +to charge Lord Grey to make inquisition of the +defaulters.<a id="notetag212" name="notetag212"></a><a href="#note212">[212]</a> +</p> + +<p>In the following year, on the 22nd of March 1406, Henry Beaufort +Bishop of Winchester, was commissioned to treat anew for a marriage +between Prince Henry and some "one of the daughters of our adversary +of France." But the negociation seems to have failed. On the 18th of +this month permission +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page219" name="page219">(p. 219)</a></span> +was given by the King to Edmund +Walsingham to ransom his brother Nicholas. The document gives a brief +but most significant account of the treatment which awaited Owyn's +captives. Walsingham, who was taken prisoner near Brecknock, was +plundered and kept in ward in so wretched and miserable a state that +he could scarcely survive. His ransom was to be +50<i>l.</i><a id="notetag213" name="notetag213"></a><a href="#note213">[213]</a></p> + +<p>On the 3rd of April the Commons prayed the King to send his honourable +letters under his privy seal, thanking the Prince for the good and +constant labour and diligence which he had, and continued to have, in +resisting and chastening the rebels.</p> + +<p>On the 5th of April a commission was given by the King to Lord Grey +and the Prior of Ewenny to execute "all contracts and +agreements<a id="notetag214" name="notetag214"></a><a href="#note214">[214]</a> +made by the Prince our dear son, whom we have appointed our Lieutenant +of North and South Wales, and have authorized to receive into +allegiance at his discretion our rebels up to the Feast of St. Martin +in Yeme."<a id="notetag215" name="notetag215"></a><a href="#note215">[215]</a></p> + +<p>Very few events are recorded as having taken place through this spring +and summer which tend to throw light on the character or proceedings +of Henry +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page220" name="page220">(p. 220)</a></span> +of Monmouth. He remained in Wales, probably without +leaving it for any length of time. The crown had been already settled +upon him and his three brothers in succession; but on the 22nd of +December this year, in full parliament, at the urgent instance of the +great people of the realm, the succession was again limited to Henry +the Prince and his three brothers, and their heirs, but not to the +exclusion of females.</p> + +<p>The French made a more feeble attempt to assist Glyndowr, in 1406, +with a fleet of thirty-six vessels, the greater part of which was +shipwrecked in a +storm.<a id="notetag216" name="notetag216"></a><a href="#note216">[216]</a> +They had been more successful on their +former invasions of Wales: but they found in that wild and +impoverished country little to induce them to persevere in a struggle +which promised neither national glory nor individual profit; and they +left Owyn to drag out his war as he best could, depending on his own +resources.</p> + +<p>It is with unalloyed satisfaction that we are able to record the +testimony which the Commons of England at this time, by the mouth of +their Speaker, bore to the character of Henry of Monmouth. It may seem +strange that no use has been made of this evidence by any historian, +not even by those who have undertaken to rescue his name from the +aspersions with which it has been assailed. The tribute of praise and +admiration for his son, then addressed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page221" name="page221">(p. 221)</a></span> +to the King on his +throne, in the midst of the assembled prelates, and peers, and commons +of the whole realm, is the more valuable because it bears on some of +those very points in which his reputation has been most attacked. The +vague tradition of subsequent chroniclers, the unbridled fancy of the +poet, the bitterness of polemical controversy, unite in representing +Henry as a self-willed, obstinate young man, regardless of every +object but his own gratification, "as dissolute as desperate," under +no control of feelings of modesty, with no reverence for his elders, +discarding all parental authority, reckless of consequences; his own +will being his only rule of conduct, his own pleasures the chief end +for which he seemed to live. These charges have been adopted, and +re-echoed, and sent down to posterity with gathered strength and +confirmation, by our poets, by our historians, civil and +ecclesiastical, by the ornaments of the legal profession,—even one of +our most celebrated Judges adding the weight of his name to the +general accusation. It is not the province of this work to vindicate +the character of Henry from charges brought against him: truth, not +eulogy, is its professed object, and will (the Author trusts) be found +to have been its object not in profession only. But, before the +verdict of guilty be returned against Henry, justice requires that the +evidence which his accusers offer be thoroughly sifted, and the +testimony of his contemporaries, solemnly given before the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page222" name="page222">(p. 222)</a></span> +assembled estates of the realm, must in common fairness be weighed +against the assertions of those who could have had no personal +knowledge of him, and who derived their views through channels of the +character and purity of which we are not assured. The evidence here +offered was given when Henry was towards the close of his nineteenth +year.</p> + +<p>The Rolls of Parliament record the following as the substance of the +opening address made by the Speaker, on Monday, June 7, 1406, "to the +King seated on his royal throne." "He made a commendation of the many +excellencies and virtues which habitually dwelt [reposerent] in the +honourable person of the Prince; and especially, first, of the +humility and obedience which he bears towards our sovereign lord the +King, his father; so that there can be no person, of any degree +whatever, who entertains or shows more honour and reverence of +humbleness and obedience to his father than he shows in his honourable +person. Secondly, how God hath granted to him, and endowed him with +good heart and courage, as much as ever was needed in any such prince +in the world. And, thirdly, [he spoke] of the great virtue which God +hath granted him in an especial manner, that howsoever much he had set +his mind upon any important undertaking to the best of his own +judgment, yet for the great confidence which he placed in his council, +and in their loyalty, judgment, and discretion, he would kindly and +graciously be influenced, and conform +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page223" name="page223">(p. 223)</a></span> +himself to his council +and their ordinance, according to what seemed best to them, setting +aside entirely his own will and pleasure; from which it is probable +that, by the grace of God, very great comfort and honour and advantage +will flow hereafter. For this, the said Commons humbly thank our Lord +Jesus Christ, and they pray for its good continuance." Such is the +preface to the prayer of their petition that he might be acknowledged +by law as heir apparent.</p> + +<p>It may be questioned, after every fair deduction has been made from +the intrinsic value of this testimony, on the ground of the +complimentary nature of such state-addresses in general, whether +history contains any document of undisputed genuineness which bears +fuller or more direct testimony to the union in the same prince of +undaunted valour, filial reverence and submission, respect for the +opinion of others, readiness to sacrifice his own will, and to follow +the advice of the wise and good, than this Roll of Parliament bears to +the character of Henry of Monmouth. And when we reflect to what a high +station he had been called whilst yet a boy; with what important +commissions he had been intrusted; how much fortune seems to have done +to spoil him by pride and vain-glory from his earliest youth, this +page of our national records seems to set him high among the princes +of the world; not so much as an undaunted warrior and triumphant hero, +as the conqueror of himself, the example of a chastened +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page224" name="page224">(p. 224)</a></span> +modest spirit, of filial reverence, and a single mind bent on his +duty. To all this Henry added that quality without which such a +combination of moral excellencies would not have existed, the +believing obedient heart of a true Christian. This last quality is not +named in words by the Speaker; but his immediate reference to the +grace of God, and his thanks in the name of the people of England to +the Almighty Saviour for having imparted these graces to their Prince, +appear to bring the question of his religious principles before our +minds. Whilst in seeking for the solution of that question we find +other pages of his history, equally genuine and authentic, which +assure us that he was a sincere and pious Christian, or else a +consummate hypocrite,—a character which his bitterest accusers have +never ventured to fasten upon +him.<a id="notetag217" name="notetag217"></a><a href="#note217">[217]</a></p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>On the same day, June 7, +1406,<a id="notetag218" name="notetag218"></a><a href="#note218">[218]</a> +the Commons pray that Henry the +Prince may be commissioned to go into Wales with all possible haste, +considering the news that is coming from day to day of the rebellion +of the Earl of Northumberland, and others. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page225" name="page225">(p. 225)</a></span> +They also, June +19, declare the thanks of the nation to be due to Lord Grey, John +Greindore, Lord Powis, and the Earls of Chester and Salop. Henry +probably returned to the Principality without delay; but there is +reason to infer that, towards the autumn of this year, Owyn Glyndowr +felt himself too much impoverished and weakened to attempt any +important exploit; resolved not to yield, and yet unable to strike any +efficient blow. The Prince was thus left at liberty to visit London +for a while; and, on the 8th of December 1406, we find him present at +a council at Westminster. This council met to deliberate upon the +governance of the King's household; which seems to have drawn to +itself their serious attention by its extravagance and +mismanagement.<a id="notetag219" name="notetag219"></a><a href="#note219">[219]</a> +They requested that good and honest officers might +be appointed, especially a good controller. They even recommended two +by name, Thomas Bromflet and Arnaut Savari; and desired that the +steward and treasurer +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page226" name="page226">(p. 226)</a></span> +might seek for others. They proposed +also that a proper sum should be provided for the household before +Christmas. The council then proceeded to make the following +suggestion, which probably could have been regarded by the King only +as an encroachment on his personal liberty and prerogative, a severe +reflection upon himself, and an indication of the unkind feelings of +those with whom it originated. "Also, it seems desirable that, the +said feast ended, our said sovereign the King should withdraw himself +to some convenient place, where, by the deliberation and advice of +himself and his council and officers, such moderate regulations might +be established in the said household as would thenceforth tend to the +pleasure of God and the people."</p> + +<p>Whether the Prince took any part in these proceedings, or not, we are +left in ignorance. Equally in the dark are we as to his line of +conduct with regard to those thirty-one articles proposed by the +Commons, just a fortnight afterwards; articles evidently tending to +interfere with the royal prerogative, and to limit the powers and +increase the responsibility of the King's council. "The Speaker +requested that all the lords of the council should be sworn to observe +these articles;" but they refused to comply, unless the King, "of his +own motion," should specially command them to take the oath. This +proceeding respecting the council forms an important feature in its +history, as it proves the very +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page227" name="page227">(p. 227)</a></span> +extensive manner in which the +Commons interested themselves in its measures and constitution. +Whether we may trace to these transactions, as their origin, the +differences which in after years show themselves plainly between the +King and his son, or whether other causes were then in operation, +which time has veiled from our sight, or which documents still in +existence, but hitherto unexamined, may bring again to light, we +cannot undertake to +determine.<a id="notetag220" name="notetag220"></a><a href="#note220">[220]</a> +Be that as it may, though from +this time we find Henry of Monmouth on some occasions in Wales, yet he +seems to have taken more and more a part in the management of the +nation at large; and, as he grew in the estimation of the great people +of the land, his royal father appears to have more and more retired +from public business, and to have sunk in importance. Few +documents<a id="notetag221" name="notetag221"></a><a href="#note221">[221]</a> +are preserved among the records now accessible which +give any information as to the Prince's +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page228" name="page228">(p. 228)</a></span> +proceedings through +the year 1407; but those few are by no means devoid of interest, as +throwing some light upon the progress of the Welsh rebellion, and, in +a degree, on Henry's character being at the same time confirmatory of +the view above taken of his occupations.</p> + +<p>The Prince had laid siege to the castle of Aberystwith, situate near +the town of Llanpadern; but how long he had been before that fortress, +or, indeed, at what time he had returned to the Principality, history +does not record. If, as we may infer, the King did retire, according +to the suggestion of the council, "to some convenient place," the +Prince's presence was more required in London; whilst, Owyn's power +being evidently at that time on the decline, the necessity of his +personal exertions in Wales became less urgent. No accounts of the +proceedings either of Owyn, of the King, or of the Prince, at this +precise period seem to have reached our time. Probably nothing beyond +the siege of a castle, or an indecisive skirmish, took place during +the spring and summer. Among the documents, to which allusion has just +been made, one bears date September 12, 1407, containing an agreement +between Henry Prince of Wales on the one part, and, on the other, Rees +ap Gryffith and his associates. The Welshmen stipulate not to destroy +the houses, nor molest the shipping, should any arrive; and the Prince +covenants to give them free egress for their persons and goods. The +motives by which he professes +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page229" name="page229">(p. 229)</a></span> +to be influenced are very +curious: "For the reverence of God and All Saints, and especially also +of his own patron, John of +Bridlington;<a id="notetag222" name="notetag222"></a><a href="#note222">[222]</a> +for the saving of human +blood; and at the petition of Richard ap Gryffyth, Abbot of +Stratflorida."</p> + +<p>Eight years after this, 23rd January 1415, a petition, which presents +more than one point of curiosity, was preferred to Henry of Monmouth, +then King, with reference to this siege of Aberystwith. Gerard Strong +prays that the King would issue a warrant commanding the treasurer and +barons of the exchequer to grant him a discharge for the metal of a +brass cannon burst at the siege of Aberystwith; of a cannon called +<i>The King's Daughter</i>, burst at the siege of Harlech; of a cannon +burst in proving it by Anthony Gunner, at Worcester; of a cannon with +two chambers; two iron guns, with gunpowder; and cross-bows and +arrows, delivered to various castles." The King granted the petition +in all its prayer. This petitioner was perhaps encouraged +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page230" name="page230">(p. 230)</a></span> +to +prefer his memorial by the success with which another suit had been +urged, only in the preceding month (13th December 1414), with +reference to the same period. John Horne, citizen and fishmonger of +London, presented to Henry V. and his council a petition in these +words: "When you were Prince, his vessel laden with provisions was +arrested (pressed) for the service of Lords Talbot and Furnivale, and +their soldiers, at the siege of +Harlech;<a id="notetag223" name="notetag223"></a><a href="#note223">[223]</a> +which siege would have +failed had those supplies not been furnished by him, as Lord Talbot +certifies. On unlading and receiving payment, the rebels came upon +him, burnt his ship, took himself prisoner, and fixed his ransom at +twenty marks. He was liable to be imprisoned for the debt which he +owed for the cargo." The King granted his petition, and ordered him to +be paid. Henry was then on the point of leaving England for Normandy; +and these reminiscences of his early campaigns might have presented +themselves to his thoughts with agreeable associations, and rendered +his ear more ready to listen to petitions, which seem at all events to +have been presented somewhat tardily.</p> + +<p>An important circumstance, hitherto unobserved by writers on these +times, is incidentally recorded in the Pell Rolls. Prince Henry is +there reimbursed, on June 1, 1409, a much larger sum than usual +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page231" name="page231">(p. 231)</a></span> +for the pay of his men-at-arms and archers in Wales; and is in +the same entry stated to have been retained by the consent of the +council, on the 12th of the preceding May, to remain in attendance on +the person of the King, and at his bidding. The +Latin<a id="notetag224" name="notetag224"></a><a href="#note224">[224]</a> +might be +thought to leave it in doubt whether this absence from his +Principality, and constant attendance on the King, was originally the +result of his own wishes, or his father's, or at the suggestion of the +council. But the circumstance of the consent of the council being +recorded proves that Henry's absence from Wales and residence in +London were not the mere result of his own will and pleasure, +independently of the wishes of those whom he ought to respect; but +were at all events in accordance with the expressed approbation of his +father and the council. Probably the plan originated with the council, +the Prince willingly accepting the office, the King intimating his +consent.</p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page232" name="page232">(p. 232)</a></span> + + +<h2>CHAPTER XI.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">prince henry's expedition to scotland, and success. — thanks +presented to him by parliament. — his generous testimony to the duke +of york. — is first named as president of the council. — returns to +wales. — is appointed warden of the cinque ports and constable of +dover. — welsh rebellion dwindles and dies. — owyn glyndowr's +character and circumstances; his reverses and trials. — his bright +points undervalued. — the unfavourable side of his conduct unjustly +darkened by historians. — reflections on his last days. — facsimile +of his seals as prince of wales.</span><br><br> + + +1407-1409.</h3> + + +<p>Though our own documents fail to supply us with any further +information as to the proceedings of Henry of Monmouth through the +year 1407, and though he might have been allowed some breathing time +by the decreased energy of the Welsh rebels, yet Monstrelet informs us +that he was actively engaged in a campaign at the other extremity of +the kingdom. The historian thus introduces his readers to this affair: +"How the Prince of Wales, eldest son +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page233" name="page233">(p. 233)</a></span> +of the King of England, +accompanied by his two uncles and a very great body of chivalry, went +into Scotland to make war." He then commences his chapter by the not +very usual assurance that he is about to relate a matter of fact. +"Then it is the truth that at this time, 1407, about the Feast of All +Saints (1st November), Henry Prince of +Wales<a id="notetag225" name="notetag225"></a><a href="#note225">[225]</a> +mustered an army of +one thousand men-at-arms and six thousand archers; among whom were his +two uncles, the Duke of York, the Earl of Dorset, the Lords Morteines, +de Beaumont, de Rol, and Cornwal, together with many other noblemen; +who all marched towards Scotland, chiefly because the Scots had lately +broken the truce between the two kingdoms, and done great damage by +fire and sword in the duchy of Lancaster, and the district around +Roxburgh. The Scots were not aware of their approach till they were +near at hand, and had committed great devastation. As soon as the King +of Scotland, who was at the town of Saint "Iango" (Andrew's) in the +middle of his kingdom, heard of it, he issued orders immediately to +his chiefs; and in a few days a powerful army was assembled, which he +sent under the command of the Earl of Douglas and Buchan towards the +Marches. But, when they were within +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page234" name="page234">(p. 234)</a></span> +six leagues, they learnt +that the English were too strong for them. They consequently sent +ambassadors to the Prince of Wales and his council, who brought about +a renewal of the truce for a year; and thus the aforesaid Prince of +Wales, having done much damage in Scotland, returned into England, and +the Scots dismissed their army."</p> + +<p>Soon after his return from Scotland we find Henry with his father at +Gloucester,<a id="notetag226" name="notetag226"></a><a href="#note226">[226]</a> +where a Parliament was held in the beginning of +December; the records of which enable us to carry on still further the +testimony borne to the Prince's character by his contemporaries, and +to speak of an act of generosity and noble-mindedness placed beyond +the reach of calumny to disparage. The King, on the 1st of December +issued a commission for negociating a peace with France; alleging, as +the chief reason for hastening it, his desire to have more time and +leisure to appease the schism in the church. On the last day of their +sitting, the Parliament prayed the King to present the thanks of the +nation to the Prince of Wales for his great services; in answer to +which the King returned many thanks to the Commons. Immediately on +receiving this testimony of public gratitude, "the Prince fell down +upon his knees +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page235" name="page235">(p. 235)</a></span> +before the King, and very humbly mentioning +that he had heard of certain evil-intentioned obloquies and +detractions made to the slander of the Duke of +York,<a id="notetag227" name="notetag227"></a><a href="#note227">[227]</a> +declared +that, if it were not for the Duke's good advice and counsel, he, my +lord the Prince himself, and others in his company, would have been in +great peril and desolation." "Moreover," (continued the Prince,) "the +Duke, as though he had been one of the poorest gentlemen of the realm +who would have to toil and struggle for the acquirement of his own +honour and name, laboured, and did his very best to give courage and +comfort to all others around him. He affirmed also, that the Duke was +in everything a loyal and valiant +knight."<a id="notetag228" name="notetag228"></a><a href="#note228">[228]</a> +This generous conduct +towards one on whom the royal displeasure had fallen, but who seems to +have always conducted himself as a brave and faithful and honourable +subject, naturally raised in all who witnessed it a still higher +admiration of the character of the Prince, whose conduct had +repeatedly called for their grateful thanks +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page236" name="page236">(p. 236)</a></span> +and warmest +eulogies. The Parliament would not separate without first praying the +King, that all who adhered steadily and faithfully to the Prince of +Wales might be encouraged and rewarded, and all who deserted him, and +left his company without his permission, might be punished.</p> + +<p>The records of the year 1408 are particularly barren of facts with +regard either to the affairs of the kingdom at large, to the +state<a id="notetag229" name="notetag229"></a><a href="#note229">[229]</a> +of the Principality, or to the occupations and proceedings +of Henry of Monmouth. Shortly after Midsummer he was present as a +member of a council held in the church of St. Paul, when an indenture +of agreement between the King and his son, Thomas of Lancaster, +afterwards Duke of Clarence, was submitted to them for confirmation. +Besides the stipulated conditions on which the Lord Thomas should +engage to execute the office of Viceroy in Ireland, together with the +sources of his allowance and the mode of payment, this agreement +contains also a provision that the +Prince<a id="notetag230" name="notetag230"></a><a href="#note230">[230]</a> +should +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page237" name="page237">(p. 237)</a></span> +first +be paid what was assigned to him for the safeguard of Wales. The +record of this council concludes by adding, "And it was agreed by my +lord the Prince, and the other lords of the council, and by them +promised to the said Lord Thomas, that, as much as in them lay, the +assignments made to him, and specified in that indenture, should not +be revoked or stopped in any way." The closing paragraph of this +minute of the council is very important and interesting, especially in +one particular, presenting Henry of Monmouth to us under a new aspect: +it is the first instance in which we find the name of the Prince +mentioned by itself individually, in contradistinction to the other +members of the council; a practice for some time afterwards generally +observed.</p> + +<p>Henry began at this time, in consequence, no doubt, of the requisition +of the council, to take a prominent part in the government of the +kingdom at large, and to enter upon that life of political activity +which gained for him the confidence and admiration of the great +majority of the people, whilst it exposed him to the envy and jealousy +of some individuals; yet he was not immediately released from the +cares and anxieties and expenses which the disturbed +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page238" name="page238">(p. 238)</a></span> +state +of his Principality involved. For in the early part of the autumn of +this year we find him again present at +Caermarthen:<a id="notetag231" name="notetag231"></a><a href="#note231">[231]</a> +we have +reason, nevertheless, to believe that, when the winter closed in, he +quitted Wales, never to return to it again either as Prince or King.</p> + +<p>After the Prince, however, had withdrawn from personally exerting +himself in the suppression of the insurgents, Owyn Glyndowr still +carried on a kind of desultory warfare, rallying from time to time his +scattered and dispirited adherents, heading them in predatory +incursions upon the property of his enemies, laying violent hands on +the persons of those who resisted his authority, and depriving them of +their liberty or their lives, as best suited his own views of policy. +On the 16th of May 1409, a mandate issued by the King at Westminster, +to Edward Charleton, Lord Powis, with +others,<a id="notetag232" name="notetag232"></a><a href="#note232">[232]</a> +is couched in +language which draws a frightful picture of the terror and confusion +and misery caused by these reckless rebels; conveying, nevertheless, +at the same time the idea of a lawless +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page239" name="page239">(p. 239)</a></span> +band of insurgents +resisting the authority of the government to the utmost of their +power, but no longer of an army headed by a sovereign and struggling +for independence. The preamble of the commission runs thus: "Whereas, +from the report of many, we understand that Owyn de Glyndowrdy, and +John,<a id="notetag233" name="notetag233"></a><a href="#note233">[233]</a> +who pretends that he is Bishop of St. Asaph, and other our +rebels and traitors in Wales, together with certain of our enemies of +France, Scotland, and other places, have now recently congregated +afresh, and gone about the lands of us, and of others our lieges, in +the same parts of Wales, day and night wickedly seizing upon some of +the said lands; and capturing, scourging, and imprisoning our faithful +lieges; +consuming,<a id="notetag234" name="notetag234"></a><a href="#note234">[234]</a> +carrying away, and devastating +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page240" name="page240">(p. 240)</a></span> +their +property, and committing many other enormities against our peace: We, +willing to resist the malice of the aforesaid Owyn, and the aforesaid +pretended Bishop, and to provide for the peace and repose of Wales, +give you this command."</p> + +<p>Ten Welsh prisoners, under a warrant dated October 18th, were +delivered, as it is supposed for execution, by the Constable of +Windsor to William Lisle, Marshal of England. From this circumstance +some writers have inferred that a considerable engagement took place +this summer; but it may be doubted whether the measures adopted in +accordance with the above commission would not sufficiently account +for even a far greater number of prisoners being at the disposal of +the King: for he strictly charged all those lords and sheriffs to whom +his commission was directed "not to quit Wales till Owyn and the +pretended Bishop should be utterly routed, but to attack them with the +whole posse of the realm night and day." No doubt can be entertained +that both their duty and their interest would induce these persons to +put the King's mandate into execution promptly and vigorously; and +probably many of Owyn's partisans fell into +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page241" name="page241">(p. 241)</a></span> +the hands of the +government in the course of the present summer and autumn: Owyn +himself, also, either sued for a truce, or acceded to the proposals +made to him. The persons to whom the King delegated the duty of +crushing him, either influenced by a sense of the misery caused far +and wide by the depredations and havoc carried on by the Welsh rebels +on every side, or growing tired of a protracted struggle which brought +to them neither glory nor profit, made a truce with Owyn without any +warrant from the King. So far, however, was he from sanctioning their +proceeding that he annulled the truce altogether, and (November 23rd, +1409,) issued a new mandate to divers other persons to hasten with all +their powers against the rebels.</p> + +<p>A curious legal document, of a date later by five years than the +circumstance to which it refers, informs us that the King, when +enumerating in his commission to Lord Powis the partisans of Owyn, in +addition to the auxiliaries of Scotland and France, might have +mentioned the malcontents also of England. Owyn's British supporters, +even at so late a period of his rebellion, were not confined to the +Principality, but were found in other parts of the kingdom. In Trinity +Term, 2 Henry V. (1414,) a presentation is found, recording this +curious fact: "John, Lord +Talbot,<a id="notetag235" name="notetag235"></a><a href="#note235">[235]</a> +(the Lord Furnivale,) was on +his road towards Caernarvon, there to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page242" name="page242">(p. 242)</a></span> +abide, and resist the +malice of Owyn Glyndowr and other rebels in the parts of Wales. +Accompanied by sixty men-at-arms and seven score archers, he was +hastening onward with all possible speed, in need of victuals, arms, +and other necessaries, intending to pass through Shrewsbury, and there +to buy them. On the Monday before the Nativity of John the Baptist, +(17th June,) in the tenth year of the late King, (1409,) one John +Weole, constable of the town and castle, and Richard Laken of Laken, +in the same county, Esquire, and others, with very many malefactors, +of premeditated malice closed the gates against them, and guarded +them, and would not suffer any of the King's lieges to come out and +assist them. By which Lord Furnivale and his men were much impeded, +and many of the King's commands remained +unexecuted."<a id="notetag236" name="notetag236"></a><a href="#note236">[236]</a></p> + +<p>Of the rebellion in Wales, however, very few circumstances are +recorded after Henry of Monmouth had ceased to resist the rebels in +person: the war gradually dwindled, and sunk at last into +insignificance. A few embers of the conflagration still remained +unquenched, and called for the watchfulness of government; but the +flames had been so far subdued, that all sense of danger to the +general peace of the realm had been removed from the people of +England. No precise date can be assigned to the last show of +resistance on the part of Owyn or his followers. It must have been, at +all events, later +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page243" name="page243">(p. 243)</a></span> +than our historians have generally +supposed. About Christmas 1411 a free pardon was granted for all +treasons and crimes, with an exception from the King's grace of Owyn +Glyndowr himself, and one Thomas Trumpyngton, who seems to have made +himself very obnoxious to the government. In the same year payment was +made of various sums to defray the expenses of the late siege of +Harlech, the successful issue of which the record ascribes, to the +favour of God. In 1412 the King's licence was given to John Tiptoft, +seneschal, and William Boteler, receiver of Brecknock, to negociate +with Owyn for the ransom of David Gamne, the gallant Welshman who +afterwards fell at the battle of Agincourt. The licence was granted at +the suit of Llewellin ap Howell, David Gamne's father, and authorised +the parties to offer in exchange any Welshmen whom they could take +prisoners. In the same year, about Midsummer, the Pell Rolls, +recording a large sum paid to the Prince for the safeguard of Wales, +at the same time acquaint us with the waning state of the +insurrection; for the money was to enable the Prince to resist the +rebels "now seldom rising in +arms."<a id="notetag237" name="notetag237"></a><a href="#note237">[237]</a> +The same expression occurs in +the following December.</p> + +<p>Still, though their rising was even then rare, yet as late as February +19, 1414, payment is registered of a sum "to a certain Welshman coming +to London, and continuing there, to give information concerning +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page244" name="page244">(p. 244)</a></span> +the proceedings and designs of Ewain Glendowrdy."</p> + +<p>We gladly bring to a close these references to the last days of the +dying rebellion in Wales, by recording an act of grace on the part of +Henry of +Monmouth.<a id="notetag238" name="notetag238"></a><a href="#note238">[238]</a> +It was after he had returned from his victory +at Agincourt, and when, notwithstanding the immense drain of men and +money in his campaign in Normandy, he could doubtless have extirpated +the whole remnant of the rebels, had he delighted in vengeance rather +than in mercy, that he commissioned Sir Gilbert Talbot to "communicate +and treat with Meredith ap Owyn, son of Owyn de Glendowrdy; and as +well the said Owyn, as other our rebels, to admit and receive into +their allegiance, if they seek it." Probably the stubborn heart of +Owyn scorned to sue for pardon, and to share the King's grace.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Of the last years of Owyn Glyndowr history furnishes us with very +scanty information. It is certain that he never fell into the hands of +his enemies: it is probable that, after having been compelled at +length to withdraw from the hopeless struggle in which he had +persevered with indomitable courage, he passed away in concealment his +few remaining years of disappointment and sorrow. Tradition ventures +to hint that friends in Herefordshire threw the shelter of their +hospitality over +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page245" name="page245">(p. 245)</a></span> +him in his days of distress and desolation. +But history returns no satisfactory answer to our inquiries whether he +was blessed with the consolations of religion in his calamity; nor +whether, to lighten the dreadful vicissitudes of his eventful life, he +was cheered at the close of his sorrow by any whom he loved. His +reverses brought with them no ordinary degree of suffering. In the +very opening of the rebellion his houses were burnt, and his lands +were confiscated. His brother fell in one of the earliest engagements +on the borders. In the course of the +struggle,<a id="notetag239" name="notetag239"></a><a href="#note239">[239]</a> +his wife and his +children, sons and daughters, were carried away captive, and retained +as prisoners. His friends were gone; many had fallen on the field of +battle; many had died under the hand of the executioner; many had +provided for their own safety by deserting him. Every act of grace and +pardon, though it embraced almost +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page246" name="page246">(p. 246)</a></span> +all besides, made an +exception of his name; till the above offer of mercy from Henry of +Monmouth included Owyn himself. His sufferings were enough in number +and intenseness to satisfy the vengeance of any one who was not +athirst for blood.</p> + +<p>In estimating the character of this extraordinary man, we must +remember that almost the whole evidence which we have of him has been +derived through the medium of his enemies; in the next place, we must +not allow circumstances over which he had no control to darken his +fame; nor must our zeal in condemning the rebel, bury in oblivion the +patriot, though mistaken; or the hero, though unsuccessful.</p> + +<p>Especially, then, must it be borne in mind, that not Henry Bolinbroke, +but Richard II. was the sovereign to whom +Glyndowr<a id="notetag240" name="notetag240"></a><a href="#note240">[240]</a> +had owed and +had originally sworn allegiance; that he had been especially and +confidentially employed in that unhappy monarch's immediate service; +that he was one of the very few who remained faithful to him, and +accompanied him through perils and trials to the last; and that he +left him only when Richard's misfortunes prohibited his friends from +giving him any longer assistance or comfort. We must remember also, +that, even had his master Richard been deposed or dead, it was not +Henry Bolinbroke, but the Earl of March, whom +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page247" name="page247">(p. 247)</a></span> +the laws of the +country had taught him to regard as his liege lord. We cannot, indeed, +in honesty assign to Glyndowr the crown of martyrdom won in his +country's cause; we cannot justly ascribe his career exclusively to +pure patriotism: there is too much of +self<a id="notetag241" name="notetag241"></a><a href="#note241">[241]</a> +mingled in his +character to justify us in enrolling him among the devoted friends of +freedom, and the disinterested enemies of tyranny. He was driven into +rebellion by the sense of individual injury and insult rather than of +his country's wrongs; and he too eagerly assumed to himself the +honours, authority, and power, as well as the title of sovereign of +his native land. But he was not one of those heartless ringleaders of +confusion,—he was not one of those desperate rebels with whom the +English too harshly and too rashly have been wont to number him. He +possessed many qualities of the hero, deserving a better cause and a +better fate. It is impossible not to admire his unconquerable courage, +his endurance of hardships, his faculty of making the very best of the +means within his reach, and his unshrinking perseverance as long as +there remained to him one ray of hope or one particle of strength. The +guilt of violated faith, though laid to his charge, has never been +established. He has been, moreover, often accused of cruelty, and of +engaging in savage warfare; but even his enemies and conquerors, by +their +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page248" name="page248">(p. 248)</a></span> +actions and by their despatches, prove, that though +Owyn slew, and burnt, and laid waste far and wide, yet in all this he +executed only the law of retaliation, dreadful as that law is both in +its principle and in its consequences.</p> + +<p>Owyn Glyndowr failed, and he was denounced as a rebel and a traitor. +But had the issue of the "sorry fight" of Shrewsbury been otherwise +than it was; had Hotspur so devised, and digested, and matured his +plan of operations, as to have enabled Owyn with his forces to join +heart and hand in that hard-fought field; had Bolinbroke and his +son<a id="notetag242" name="notetag242"></a><a href="#note242">[242]</a> +fallen on that fatal day;—instead of lingering among his +native mountains as a fugitive and a branded felon; bereft of his +lands, his friends, his children and his wife; waiting only for the +blow of death to terminate his earthly sufferings, and, when that blow +fell, leaving no +memorial<a id="notetag243" name="notetag243"></a><a href="#note243">[243]</a> +behind him to mark +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page249" name="page249">(p. 249)</a></span> +either the +time or the place of his release,—Owyn Glyndowr might have been +recognised even by England, as he actually had been by France, in the +character of an independent sovereign; and his people might have +celebrated his name as the avenger of his country's wrongs, the +scourge of her oppressors, and the restorer of her independence. The +anticipations of his own bard, Gryffydd Llydd, might have been amply +realized.<a id="notetag244" name="notetag244"></a><a href="#note244">[244]</a></p> + + +<p class="poem"> +Strike then your harps, ye Cambrian bards!<br> +<span class="poem1">The song of triumph best rewards</span><br> +<span class="poem1">An hero's toils. Let Henry weep</span><br> +His warriors wrapt in everlasting sleep:<br> +<span class="poem1">Success and victory are thine,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Owain Glyndurdwy divine!</span><br> +Dominion, honour, pleasure, praise,<br> +Attend upon thy vigorous days.<br> +And, when thy evening's sun is set,<br> +May grateful Cambria ne'er forget<br> +Thy noon-tide blaze; but on thy tomb<br> +<span class="poem1">Never-fading laurels bloom.</span></p> + + +<p>By +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page250" name="page250">(p. 250)</a></span> +the obliging kindness of Sir Henry Ellis, the Author is +enabled to enrich his work by authentic representations of the Great +and Privy Seals of Owyn Glyndowr as Prince of Wales; he borrows at the +same time the clear and scientific description of them, with which +that antiquary furnished the +Archæologia.<a id="notetag245" name="notetag245"></a><a href="#note245">[245]</a> +The originals are +appended to two instruments preserved in the Hôtel Soubise at Paris, +both dated in the year 1404, and believed to relate to the furnishing +of the troops which were then supplied to Owyn by the King of France.</p> + +<p>"On the obverse of the Great Seal, Owyn is represented with a bifid +beard, very similar to Richard II, seated under a canopy of Gothic +tracery; the half-body of a wolf forming the arms of his chair on each +side; the back-ground is ornamented with a mantle semée of lions, held +up by angels. At his feet are two lions. A sceptre is in his right +hand; but he has no crown. The inscription, OWENUS ... <span class="smcap">PRINCEPS +WALLIÆ</span>. On the reverse Owyn is represented on horseback in armour: in +his right hand, which is extended, he holds a sword; and with his +left, his shield charged with four lions rampant: a drapery, probably +a <i>kerchief de plesaunce</i>, or handkerchief won at a tournament, +pendent from the right wrist. Lions rampant also appear upon the +mantle of the horse. On his helmet, as well as on his horse's head, is +the Welsh dragon. The area of the seal is diapered with roses. The +inscription +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page251" name="page251">(p. 251)</a></span> +on this side seems to fill the gap upon the +obverse, <span class="smcap">OWENUS DEI GRATIA</span> ... +<span class="smcap">WALLIÆ</span>.</p> + +<p>The Privy Seal represents the four lions rampant, towards the +spectator's left, on a shield, surmounted by an open coronet; the +dragon of Wales as a supporter on the dexter side, on the sinister a +lion. The inscription seems to have been <span class="smcap">SIGILLUM OWENI PRINCIPIS +WALLIÆ</span>.</p> + +<p>No impression of this seal is probably now to be found either in Wales +or England. Its workmanship shows that Owyn Glyndowr possessed a taste +for art far beyond the types of the seals of his predecessors."</p> + +<a id="img002_01" name="img002_01"></a> +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/img002_01.jpg" width="200" height="201" +alt="Seal" title=""> +</div> + + + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page252" name="page252">(p. 252)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER XII.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">reputed differences between henry and his father examined. — he is +made captain of calais. — his residence at coldharbour. — presides +at the council-board. — cordiality still visible between him and his +father. — affray in east-cheap. — no mention of henry's presence. — +projected marriage between henry and a daughter of burgundy. — charge +against henry for acting in opposition to his father in the quarrel of +the dukes of burgundy and orleans unfounded.</span><br><br> + + +1409-1412.</h3> + + +<p>Henry of Monmouth, whose years, from the earliest opening of youth to +the entrance of manhood, had chiefly been occupied within the +precincts of his own Principality in quelling the spirit of rebellion +which had burst forth there with great fury, and had been protracted +with a vitality almost incredible, is from this date to be viewed and +examined under a totally different combination of circumstances. Early +in the year 1409 he was appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports and +Constable of Dover for life, with a salary of 300<i>l.</i> a year. Thomas +Erpyngham, "the King's beloved and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page253" name="page253">(p. 253)</a></span> +faithful knight," who +held those offices by patent, having resigned them in favour of the +King's "very dear +son."<a id="notetag246" name="notetag246"></a><a href="#note246">[246]</a> +He was made on the 18th of March 1410, +Captain of Calais, by writ of privy seal; and he was constituted also +President of the King's Council.</p> + +<p>The character of Henry having been assailed, not only in times distant +from our own, but by writers also of the present age, on the ground of +his having behaved towards his father with unkindness and cruelty +after the date of his appointment to these offices, it becomes +necessary, in order to ascertain the reality of the charge and its +extent, as well as the time to which his change of behaviour is to be +referred, to trace his footsteps in all his personal transactions with +his father, and in the management of the public affairs of the realm, +more narrowly than it might otherwise have been necessary or +interesting for us to do. Every incidental circumstance which can +throw any light on this uncertain and perplexing page of his history +becomes invested with an interest beyond its own intrinsic importance, +just as in a judicial investigation, where the animus of any party +bears upon the question at issue, the most minute and trifling +particular will often give a clue, whilst broad and striking events +may not assist in relieving the judge from any portion of his doubts. +On this principle the following facts are inserted here. They may +perhaps appear too +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page254" name="page254">(p. 254)</a></span> +disjointed for a continuous narrative; +and they are cited only as separate links which might form a chain of +evidence all bearing upon the question as to Henry's position from +this time with his father.</p> + +<p>Early in the year 1409, the King, in a letter to the Pope, when +speaking of the Cardinal of Bourdeaux says, "He came into the presence +of us and of our first-born son, the Prince of Wales, and others, our +prelates." At this period we are informed by the dry details of the +royal exchequer, that the King was anxiously bent on the marriage of +his son. To Sir William Bourchier payment is made, (17th May 1409,) on +account of a voyage to Denmark and Norway, to treat with Isabella, +Queen of Denmark, for a marriage between the Lord Henry, Prince of +Wales, and the daughter of Philippa of Denmark; and on the 23rd of the +same +month<a id="notetag247" name="notetag247"></a><a href="#note247">[247]</a> +a payment is made to "Hugh Mortimer, Esq., lately +twice sent by the King's command to France, to enter into a contract +of marriage between the Prince and the second daughter of the King's +adversary, the King of France." In the August of 1409 the council +assembled at Westminster, resolved, with regard to Ireland, that, +should it be agreeable to the King and the Lord Thomas, it would be +expedient for Lord John Stanley to be appointed Lieutenant, he paying +a stipulated sum every year to the Lord Thomas. Before the council +broke up, the Prince, who +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page255" name="page255">(p. 255)</a></span> +presided, undertook to speak on +this subject, as well to the King his father, as to his brother the +Lord Thomas. At this time it would appear that, so far from any +coldness, and jealousies, and suspicions existing between the Prince +and the members of his family, he was deemed the most fit person to +negociate an affair of much delicacy between the council and his +father and his brother.</p> + +<p>On the 31st of January 1410, the King, in the palace of Lambeth, +"delivered the great seals to Thomas Beaufort, his brother, in the +presence of the Archbishop, Henry of York, and my lord the +Prince."<a id="notetag248" name="notetag248"></a><a href="#note248">[248]</a> +On the 5th of March following, the King's warrant was +signed for the burning of John Badley. The Prince's conduct on that +occasion, which has been strangely misrepresented, but which seems at +all events to testify to the kindness of his disposition, and his +anxiety to save a fellow-creature from suffering, is examined at some +length in another part of this work, where his character is +investigated with reference to the sweeping charge brought against him +of being a religious persecutor. On the 18th of that month, when he +was appointed Captain of Calais, his father at the same time made him +a present for life of his house called Coldharbour. It must be here +observed that the disagreement which evidently arose +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page256" name="page256">(p. 256)</a></span> +and +continued for some time between the King and the Commons, though the +Prince was compelled to take a part in it, seems not to have shaken +the King's confidence in him, nor to have alienated his affections +from him at all. On the 23rd of March the Commons require the King to +appoint a council; and on Friday, the 2nd of May following, they ask +the King to inform them of the names of his council: on which occasion +this remarkable circumstance +occurred.<a id="notetag249" name="notetag249"></a><a href="#note249">[249]</a> +The King replied that many +had been excused; that the others were the Prince, the Bishops of +Worcester, Durham, and Bath, Lords Arundel, Westmoreland, and Burnell. +The Prince then, in the name of all, prayed to be excused, if there +would not be found money sufficient to defray the necessary charges; +and, should nothing adequate be granted, then that they should at the +end of the parliament be discharged from all expenses incurred by +them. Upon this they resolved that the Prince should not be sworn as a +member of the council, because of the high dignity of his honourable +person. The other members were sworn. It is to this stipulation of the +Prince that the King refers at the close of the parliament in 1411, +when, after the Commons had prayed the King to thank the Prince and +council, he says, "I am persuaded they would have done more had they +had more ample means, as my lord the Prince declared when they were +appointed."</p> + +<p>It +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page257" name="page257">(p. 257)</a></span> +has often been a subject of wonder what should have +brought the Prince and his brother so often into East-Cheap; and the +story of the Boar's Head in Shakspeare has long associated in our +minds Henry Prince of Wales with a low and vulgar part of London, in +which he could have had no engagement worthy of his station, and to +which, therefore, he must have resorted only for the purposes of riot +and revelry with his unworthy and dissolute companions. History +records nothing of the Prince derogatory to his princely and Christian +character during his residence in Coldharbour; it does indeed charge +two of the King's sons with a riot there, but they are stated by name +to be Thomas and John. Henry's name does not occur at all in connexion +with any disturbance or misdoing. The fact, however, (not generally +known,) of Henry having his own house, the gift of his father, in the +heart of London, near East-Cheap, (the scene indeed of Shakspeare's +poetical romance, but really the frequent place of meeting for the +King's council whilst Henry was their president,) might seem to call +for a few words as to the locality of Coldharbour and its +circumstances. The grant by his father of this mansion, dated +Westminster, March 18th, 1410, is couched in these words: "Know ye, +that, of our especial grace, we have granted to our dearest son, Henry +Prince of Wales, a certain hostel or place called Coldharbour, in our +city of London, with its appurtenances, to hold for the term +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page258" name="page258">(p. 258)</a></span> +of his life, without any payment to us for the +same."<a id="notetag250" name="notetag250"></a><a href="#note250">[250]</a> +These +premises, we learn, came into Henry IV.'s possession by the right of +his wife. Stowe, who supplies the materials from which we safely make +that inference, does not seem to have been aware that it was ever in +the possession of either that King or his son. He tells us it was +bought in the 8th of Edward III. by John Poultney, who was four times +mayor, and who lived there when it was called Poultney Inn. But, +thirteen years afterward (21 Edward III.), he, by charter, gave and +confirmed it to Humfrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, as "his +whole tenement called Coldharbour, with all the tenements and key +adjoining, on the way called Haywharf Lane (All Saints ad fœnum), +for a rose at Midsummer, if demanded. In 1397, John Holland, Earl of +Huntingdon, lodged there; and Richard II, his brother, dined with him. +It was then counted a right fair and stately +house."<a id="notetag251" name="notetag251"></a><a href="#note251">[251]</a></p> + +<p>We are led to infer, though the formal grant of this house to Prince +Henry was made only in the March of this year, yet that it had been +his residence for some time previously; for, on the 8th of the +preceding February, we find a council held there, himself present as +its chief.</p> + +<p>It does not appear by any positive statement that the Prince visited +Calais immediately on his appointment +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page259" name="page259">(p. 259)</a></span> +to its captaincy, but +we shall probably be safe in concluding that he did so; for, very soon +afterwards, we find letters of +protection<a id="notetag252" name="notetag252"></a><a href="#note252">[252]</a> +for one year (from +April 23) given to Thomas Selby, who was to go with the Prince, and +remain with him at Calais. At all events, he was resident in London by +the middle of June, and had apparently engaged most actively in the +affairs of government. On the 16th of that month we find him president +at two sittings of the council on the same +day:<a id="notetag253" name="notetag253"></a><a href="#note253">[253]</a> +the first at +Coldharbour, in which it was determined that three parts of the +subsidy granted to the King on wools, hides, &c. should be applied to +the payment of the garrison of Calais and of the marches thereof; the +second, at the Convent of the Preaching Friars, when an ordinance was +made for the payment of the garrison of Berwick and the East March of +Scotland.</p> + +<p>The Prince presided at a council, on the 18th of June, in Westminster; +and, on the 19th, in the house of the Bishop of Hereford. To this +council his brother Thomas of Lancaster presented a petition praying +for reformation of certain tallies, by default of which he could not +obtain the money due to him. The preamble, as well as the body of this +petition, proves that at this time the Prince was regarded not merely +as a member of the council, but as its president, to be named and +addressed individually +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page260" name="page260">(p. 260)</a></span> +and in contradistinction to the other +members. "The petition of my lord Thomas of Lancaster, made to the +very honourable and puissant lord the Prince, and the other very +honourable and wise lords of the council of our sovereign lord the +King. First, may it please my said lord the Prince, and the other +lords of the council," &c.—That up to this time no jealousy had +arisen in the King's mind in consequence of the growing popularity and +ascendency of his son, is evidenced by the record of the same council. +That document tells us plainly that the King was cordial with him, and +employed him as his confidential representative: it shall speak for +itself. "And then my said lord the Prince reported to the other +members of the council, that he had it in command from his very good +lord and father to ordain, with the advice of the others of the said +council, that the Lord Thomas Beaufort, brother of our said lord the +King and his chancellor of England, should have such gratuity for one +year beyond his fees as to them should seem reasonable. On which, by +our said lord the Prince, and all the others, it was agreed that the +said chancellor should receive for one year, from the day of his +appointment, 800 marks."</p> + +<p>The next council, at which also we find the Prince acting as +president, was held on the 11th of July. Between the dates of these +two last councils, that disturbance in the street took place which the +Chronicle of London refers to merely as "an affray +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page261" name="page261">(p. 261)</a></span> +in +East-Cheap between the townsmen and the Princes Thomas and John;" but +which Stowe records with much of detail and minuteness. Many, it is +believed, may be disposed to regard it as the foundation chosen by +Shakspeare on which to build the superstructure of his own fascinating +imagination, and on which other writers more grave, though not more +trustworthy as historians, have rested for conclusive evidence of the +wild frolics and "madcap" adventures of Henry of Monmouth. Stowe's +account is this: "In the year 1410, upon the eve of St. John the +Baptist, (i.e. June 23,) the King's sons, Thomas and John, being in +East-Cheap at supper, or rather at breakfast, (for it was after the +watch was broken up, betwixt two and three of the clock after +midnight,) a great debate happened between their men and other of the +court, which lasted an hour, even till the mayor and sheriffs, with +other citizens, appeased the same: for the which afterwards the said +mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs were sent for to answer before the King; +his sons and divers lords being highly moved against the city. At +which time, William Gascoigne, chief justice, required the mayor and +aldermen, for the citizens, to put them in the King's +grace.<a id="notetag254" name="notetag254"></a><a href="#note254">[254]</a> +Whereunto they answered that they had not offended, but according to +the law had done their best in stinting debate and maintaining of the +peace: upon which +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page262" name="page262">(p. 262)</a></span> +answer the King remitted all his ire and +dismissed them." It must be observed that not one word is here said of +Prince Henry having anything whatever to do with the affray: whether +"other of the court" meant some of his household, or not, does not +appear; neither are we told that the two brothers had been supping +with the Prince. And yet, unless some facts are alleged by which the +mayor and the chief justice may be connected with him in reference to +some broil, we may well question whether the current stories relating +to his East-Cheap revelries have any other foundation than this. At +all events, the Prince seems to have been most regular during this +summer in his attendance at the council-board. On the 22nd, 29th, 30th +of July, we find him acting as president. The last council was held at +the house of Robert Lovell, Esq. near Old Fish Street in London; at +which 1400<i>l.</i> was voted to the Prince for the safeguard of Calais, to +be repaid out of the first receipts from the duties on wools and +skins.<a id="notetag255" name="notetag255"></a><a href="#note255">[255]</a></p> + +<p>On the 18th of November we find a mandate directed to the Prince, as +Warden of the Cinque Ports, to see justice done in a case of piracy; +and on the 29th, the King, being then at Leicester, issues to Henry +the Prince, as Captain of Calais, and to his lieutenant, the same +commission, to grant safe-conducts, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page263" name="page263">(p. 263)</a></span> +as had been given to +John Earl of Somerset, the late +captain.<a id="notetag256" name="notetag256"></a><a href="#note256">[256]</a></p> + +<p>Where the Prince passed the winter does not seem to be recorded. In +the following spring we find this minute of council. "Be it +remembered, that on Thursday, the 19th of March, in the twelfth year +of our sovereign lord the King, at Lambeth, in presence of our said +lord the King, and his very dear son my lord the Prince, the following +prelates and other lords were +assembled."<a id="notetag257" name="notetag257"></a><a href="#note257">[257]</a> +It cannot escape +observation, that, instead of the Prince being mentioned as one of the +council, or as their president, his name is coupled with the King's as +one of the two in whose presence the others were +assembled.<a id="notetag258" name="notetag258"></a><a href="#note258">[258]</a></p> + +<p>Early +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page264" name="page264">(p. 264)</a></span> +in the autumn of this year a negociation was set on +foot for a marriage between Prince Henry and the daughter of the Duke +of Burgundy. Ambassadors were appointed for carrying on the treaty; +and on September 1st, 1411, instructions were given to the Bishop of +St. David's, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Francis de Court, Hugh +Mortimer, Esq. and John Catryk, Clerk, or any two or more of them, how +to negociate without finally concluding the treaty, and to report to +the King and Prince.</p> + +<p>The instructions may be examined at full length in Sir Harris Nicolas' +"Acts of the Privy Council" by +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page265" name="page265">(p. 265)</a></span> +any who may feel an interest +in them independently of Henry of Monmouth's character and +proceedings; to others the first paragraph will sufficiently indicate +the tenour of the whole document. "First, inasmuch as our sovereign +lord the King, by the report of the message of the Duke of Burgundy, +understood that the Duke entertains a great affection and desire to +have an alliance with our said sovereign by means of a marriage to be +contracted, God willing, between our redoubted lord the Prince and the +daughter of the aforesaid Duke, the King wishes that his said +ambassadors should first of all demand of the Duke his daughter, to be +given to my lord the Prince; and that after they have heard what the +Duke will offer on account of the said marriage, whether by grant of +lands and possessions, or of goods and jewels, and according to the +greatest offer which by this negociation might be made by one party or +the other, a report be made of that to our said lord the King and our +said lord the Prince by the ambassadors." The other instructions +relate rather to political stipulations than pecuniary arrangements. +These negociations met with the fate they merited; and all idea of a +marriage between the Prince and the daughter of the Duke of Burgundy +was abandoned. But since Henry's behaviour in the transaction has been +urged as proof of his having then discarded parental authority, and +acted for himself in contravention of his father's wishes, thereby +incurring his royal displeasure, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page266" name="page266">(p. 266)</a></span> +and sowing the seeds of +that state of mutual dissatisfaction, and jealousy, and strife which +is said to have grown up afterwards into a harvest of bitterness, the +subject assumes greater importance to those who are anxiously tracing +Henry's real character; and must be examined and sifted with care, and +patience, and candour.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>The question involved is this: "In the quarrel between the Dukes of +Burgundy and Orleans, did Prince Henry send the first troops from his +own forces under the command of his own friends to the aid of the Duke +of Burgundy, against the express wishes of his father; or did the +contradictory measures of England in first succouring the Duke of +Burgundy, and then the Duke of Orleans his antagonist, arise from a +change of policy in the King himself and the English government, +without implying undutiful conduct on the part of the Prince, or +dissatisfaction in his father towards him?" The former view has been +recommended for adoption, though it reflects upon the Prince's +character as a son; and it has been thereupon suggested that, "instead +of denying his previous faults, we should recollect his sudden and +earnest reformation, and the new direction of his feelings and +character, as the mode more beneficial to his +memory."<a id="notetag259" name="notetag259"></a><a href="#note259">[259]</a> +But in +this work, which professes not to search for exculpation, nor to deal +in eulogy, but to seek the truth, and follow it to whatever +consequences +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page267" name="page267">(p. 267)</a></span> +it might lead, we must on no account so hastily +acquiesce in the assumption that Henry of Monmouth was on this +occasion undutifully opposed to his +father.<a id="notetag260" name="notetag260"></a><a href="#note260">[260]</a> +However rejoiced we +may be to find in a fellow-Christian the example of a sincere penitent +growing in grace, it cannot be right to multiply or aggravate his +faults for the purpose of making his conversion more striking and +complete. We may firmly hope that, if he had been a disobedient and +unkind son in any one particular, he repented truly of that fault. But +his biographer must sift the evidence adduced in proof of the alleged +delinquency; instead of admitting on insufficient ground an +allegation, in order to assimilate his character to general fame, or +to heighten the dramatic effect of his subsequent course of virtue.</p> + +<p>In discussing this question it will be necessary to attend with care +to the order and date of each circumstance. By a temporary +forgetfulness of this indispensable part of an historian's duty, the +writers who have adopted the view most adverse to Henry as a son, have +been led to give an incorrect view of the whole transaction, +especially as it affects the character and filial conduct of the +Prince.</p> + +<p>The first application for aid was made to the King by the Duke of +Burgundy, who offered at the same +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page268" name="page268">(p. 268)</a></span> +time his daughter in +marriage to the Prince. This was in August 1411; and doubtless, if he +found the King backward or unfavourably inclined, he would naturally +apply to the Prince for his good offices, who was personally most +interested in the result of the negociation; not to induce him to act +against his father, but to prevail upon his father to agree to the +proposal. This course was, we are told, actually pursued, and Prince +Henry was allowed by his father to send some forces immediately to +strengthen the ranks of Burgundy. They joined his army, and remained +at Paris till provisions became so dear that they resolved to procure +them from the enemy, who were stationed at St. Cloud. Here, at the +broken bridge, the two parties engaged; and Burgundy, by the help of +the English auxiliaries, completely routed the Duke of Orleans' +forces. The English subsequently received their pay; and, their +services being no longer required, returned at their leisure by Calais +to their own country. The Duke of Orleans learning that these troops +were dismissed unceremoniously by his antagonist, and conceiving that +Henry's resentment of the indignity might make for him a favourable +opening, despatched ambassadors to England with most magnificent +offers; but this was not till the beginning of the next year after the +battle of St. Cloud, which took +place<a id="notetag261" name="notetag261"></a><a href="#note261">[261]</a> +on the 10th November 1411. +That the King himself contemplated +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page269" name="page269">(p. 269)</a></span> +the expediency of sending +auxiliaries to the Duke of Burgundy in the beginning of September, is +put beyond doubt by the instructions given to the ambassadors. Even so +late as February 10, 1412, the King issued a commission to Lord Grey, +the Bishop of Durham, and others, not only to treat for the marriage +of the Prince with that Duke's daughter, but to negociate with him +also on mutual alliances and confederacies, and on the course of trade +between England and Flanders; the King having previously, on the 11th +of January, signed letters patent, to remain in force till the Feast +of Pentecost, for the safe conduct and protection of the Duke's +ambassadors with one hundred men. With a view of enabling the reader +more satisfactorily to form his own judgment on the validity of this +charge of unfilial and selfwilled conduct on the part of Henry of +Monmouth, the Author is induced, instead of confining himself to the +general statement of his own views, or of the considerations on which +his conclusion has been built, to cite the evidence separately of +several authors who have recorded the proceedings. He trusts the +importance of the point at issue will be thought to justify the +detail.</p> + +<p>Walsingham, who is in some points very minute when describing these +transactions, so as even to record the very words employed by the King +on the first application of the Duke, does not mention the name of the +Prince of Wales throughout. He represents the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page270" name="page270">(p. 270)</a></span> +King as having +recommended the Duke to try measures of mutual forgiveness and +reconciliation; at all events, to let the fault of encouraging civil +discord be with his adversaries; but withal promising, in case of the +failure of that plan, to send the aid he desired. The same writer +states the mission of the Earl of Arundel, Lord Kyme, Lord Cobham, +(Sir John Oldcastle,) and others, with an army, as the consequence of +this engagement on the part of the +King.<a id="notetag262" name="notetag262"></a><a href="#note262">[262]</a> +He then tells us that, +in the next year after these forces had been dismissed by the Duke of +Burgundy, the Duke of Orleans made application to the King.</p> + +<p>Elmham, who mentions the successful application of Burgundy to the +Prince, and the consequent mission of an English force, represents the +Prince as having recommended himself more than ever to his royal +father on that +occasion.<a id="notetag263" name="notetag263"></a><a href="#note263">[263]</a></p> + +<p>Titus Livius, who says that the Duke of Burgundy applied to the +Prince, and that he sent some of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page271" name="page271">(p. 271)</a></span> +his own men to succour him, +distinctly tells us that he did it with the good-will and consent of +his father. He adds, (what could have originated only in an oversight +of dates,) that the Prince was made, in consequence of his conduct on +this occasion, the chief of the council, and was always called the +dear and beloved son of his father. He intimates, (but very +obscurely,) that, by the aspersions of some, his fame sustained for a +short time some blemish in this +point.<a id="notetag264" name="notetag264"></a><a href="#note264">[264]</a></p> + +<p>Polydore +Vergil<a id="notetag265" name="notetag265"></a><a href="#note265">[265]</a> +says distinctly that, on the Duke of Burgundy +first opening the negociation, the King, anticipating good to himself +from the quarrels of his neighbours, willingly promised aid, and as +soon as possible sent a strong force to succour him. He then records +the victory gained by Burgundy at the Bridge of St. Cloud, and the +dismissal of his English allies with presents; adding, that King Henry +thought it a weakness in him to send them home prematurely, before he +had finished the struggle. And +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page272" name="page272">(p. 272)</a></span> +when the Duke of Orleans, on +hearing of this hasty dismissal, entered upon a counter negociation, +the King willingly listened to his proposals, having felt hurt at the +conduct of the Duke of Burgundy towards those English auxiliaries.</p> + +<p>The Chronicle of London tells us that, when the King would grant no +men to the Duke of Burgundy, he applied to the Prince, "who sent the +Earl of Arundel and the Lord Cobham, with other lords and gentles, +with a fair retinue and well-arrayed people."</p> + +<p>Whilst we remark that in these several accounts no allusion whatever +is made to any opposition to his father on the part of the Prince, or +any sign of displeasure on the part of the King in this particular +point of his conduct, the simple facts are decidedly against the +supposition of any such unsatisfactory proceeding. In February 1412, +more than three months after the Earl of Arundel's dismissal by the +Duke of Burgundy, the King was still engaged in negociations with that +Duke: nor was it till three months after that,—not till May +18th,—that the final treaty between the King and the Duke of Orleans +was signed.<a id="notetag266" name="notetag266"></a><a href="#note266">[266]</a> +And it is very remarkable that, within two days, the +Prince<a id="notetag267" name="notetag267"></a><a href="#note267">[267]</a> +himself, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page273" name="page273">(p. 273)</a></span> +as well as his three brothers, in the +presence of their father, solemnly undertook to be parties to that +treaty, and to abide faithfully by its provisions.</p> + +<p>We are compelled, then, to infer, that there is no evidence whatever +of Prince Henry having acted in this affair in contravention of his +father's will. He very probably used his influence to persuade the +King, and was successful. And as to the application having been made +to him by the Duke of Burgundy, and not to the King, we must bear in +mind that, at this period, it was to him that even his brother Thomas +presented his petition, and not to his father; and that the Pope sent +his commendatory letters to him, and not to the +King.<a id="notetag268" name="notetag268"></a><a href="#note268">[268]</a></p> + +<p>The French historians, though their attention has naturally been drawn +to the introduction of English auxiliaries into the land of France, +rather than to the authority by which they were commissioned, enable +us to acquiesce with increased satisfaction in the conclusion to which +we have arrived. Whether contemporary or +modern,<a id="notetag269" name="notetag269"></a><a href="#note269">[269]</a> +they seem all to +have considered the original mission of Lord Arundel and the troops +under his command as the act of King Henry IV. +himself.<a id="notetag270" name="notetag270"></a><a href="#note270">[270]</a> +They +inform us, moreover, that, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page274" name="page274">(p. 274)</a></span> +on the arrival in England of the +subsequent embassy of the Duke of Burgundy, so late as March +1412,<a id="notetag271" name="notetag271"></a><a href="#note271">[271]</a> +his representatives were received with every mark of +respect and cordiality, not only by the Prince, but by the King also, +and his other sons. They lead us also to infer that, when the +confederate French princes made their application for succours "to the +King and his second +son,"<a id="notetag272" name="notetag272"></a><a href="#note272">[272]</a> +the Prince withheld his concurrence +from the change of conduct adopted by his father, and endeavoured to +the utmost of his power to prevent the contemplated expedition under +the Duke of Clarence from being carried into effect. A comparison of +these authors with our own undisputed documents supplies a very +intelligible and consistent view of the whole transaction; and so far +from representing Henry of Monmouth as an undutiful son, obstinately +bent on pursuing his own career, reckless of his father's wishes, +bears incidental testimony both to his steadiness of purpose, and to +his unwillingness to act in opposition to his father. In conjunction +with the King he originally espoused the cause of Burgundy, and was +afterwards averse from deserting their ally. He was anxious also to +dissuade his father from adopting that vacillating policy on which he +saw him bent. But within two days after the King had irrevocably taken +his final resolve, and had joined himself to the Duke of Orleans, and +the other confederated princes by a league, offensive and defensive, +against +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page275" name="page275">(p. 275)</a></span> +the Duke of Burgundy, instead of persevering in his +opposition to that measure, or defying his father's authority, within +two days he made himself a party to that league, and pledged his faith +to observe it.</p> + +<p>Although Prince Henry seems to have had little to do with these +continental expeditions beyond the first mission of Lord Arundel and +his forces, yet it is impossible not to suspect (as the French at the +time anticipated) that this decided interference, on the part of +England, with the affairs of France, may have been a prelude to the +enterprise of the next reign. Who can say that the battle and victory +at St. Cloud passed away without any influence on the course of events +which made Henry V. heir to the King of France?</p> + +<p>We must not leave the mention of this battle without repeating the +testimony borne by the chroniclers of the day to the courage and +humanity of the English, though we lament, at the same time, the act +of cruelty on the part of the French, with which the character of our +forefathers stands in such strong contrast. When the victory was won, +the Duke of Burgundy, with the usual ferocity of civil warfare, +commanded his officers to put their prisoners to death. The English +generals resisted this sanguinary +mandate,<a id="notetag273" name="notetag273"></a><a href="#note273">[273]</a> +declaring they would +die with their captives +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page276" name="page276">(p. 276)</a></span> +rather than see them murdered; at the +same time forming their men in battle-array to support, with their +lives, their noble resolution.</p> + +<p>It was about the Feast of the Assumption (August 25) that the King +sent his son Thomas Duke of +Clarence<a id="notetag274" name="notetag274"></a><a href="#note274">[274]</a> +to aid the Duke of Orleans +against the Duke of Burgundy: "many persons," says Walsingham, +"wondering what could be the sudden change, that +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page277" name="page277">(p. 277)</a></span> +in so short +a space of time the English should support two opposite contending +parties." The Duke of Orleans failed to join them in time, and the +English committed many depredations as in an enemy's country. At last, +the two generals meeting, the Duke of Orleans consented to pay a large +sum to the Duke of Clarence on condition that the English should +evacuate the country: and the Earl of +Angouleme<a id="notetag275" name="notetag275"></a><a href="#note275">[275]</a> +was given as a +hostage for the due payment of the stipulated sum. The Duke of +Clarence did not return to England till after his father's death.</p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page278" name="page278">(p. 278)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER XIII.</h2> + +<h3><span class="smcap">unfounded charge against henry of peculation. — still more serious +accusation of a cruel attempt to dethrone his diseased father. — the +question fully examined. — probably a serious though temporary +misunderstanding at this time between the king and his son. — henry's +conduct filial, open, and merciful. — the "chamber" or the "crown +scene." — death of henry the fourth.</span><br><br> + +1412-1413.</h3> + + +<p>Two other accusations brought against the fair fame of Henry of +Monmouth in reference to his conduct in the very year before his +accession to the throne, must be now carefully weighed. The first, +indeed, is fully refuted by the selfsame page of our records which +contains it: the second, unless some new light could be thrown upon +this dark and mysterious page of his life, can scarcely have failed to +make an unfavourable impression on the minds of every one whose heart +has ever felt the bond of filial duty and affection.</p> + +<p>With regard to the first accusation, we cannot do better than quote +the words of the antiquary who has first brought both the calumnious +charge and its refutation +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page279" name="page279">(p. 279)</a></span> +to light. "The general impression +(says that writer) which exists respecting the character of Henry V, +and especially whilst Prince of Wales, is so opposed to the idea that +he could possibly be suspected of a pecuniary fraud, that it excites +surprise that he should have been accused of appropriating to his own +use the money which he had received for the payment of his soldiers. +In the Minutes of the Council, between July and September 1412, the +following entry occurs: 'Because my lord the Prince, Captain of the +town of Calais, is slandered in the said town and elsewhere, that he +should have received many large sums of money for the payment of his +soldiers, and that those sums have not been distributed among them, +the contrary is proved by two rolls of paper being in the council, and +sent by my said lord the Prince; it is ordered that letters be issued +under the privy seal, explanatory of the fact respecting the Prince in +that matter.'"</p> + +<p>Although it may excite our wonder that the character of Henry of +Monmouth should have been assailed for appropriating to other purposes +money received for the payment of his troops, yet such an acquaintance +with the exhausted state of the treasury of England at that day, as +even these pages afford, will diminish the +surprise.<a id="notetag276" name="notetag276"></a><a href="#note276">[276]</a> +The +probability is, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page280" name="page280">(p. 280)</a></span> +that, of the "large sums" voted by +parliament, a very small proportion only was immediately forthcoming; +and that, as in Wales, so in Calais, he could with great difficulty +gather from that exhausted source enough from time to time to keep his +men together. Persons not acquainted with this fact, hearing of the +large sums voted, might naturally suspect that there was not +altogether fair and upright dealing. However, the above extract is the +only document known on the subject; and the same sentence which +records the "slander," contains also his acquittal. He had forwarded +his debtor and creditor account in two rolls, and by them it was +proved that the slander was unfounded; and a writ of privy seal +declaring his innocence was immediately issued. The fact is, that, at +that very time, there was due to the Prince for Calais no less a sum +than 8689<i>l.</i> 12<i>s.</i>; besides the sum of 1200<i>l.</i> due for the wages of +sixty men-at-arms and one hundred and twenty archers, who were still +living at Kymmere and Bala for the safeguard of Wales; whilst the +council at the same time declared, that they knew not how to raise the +money for the wages of the men who were with the Prince. The affairs +of Calais seem to have fallen into some confusion before the Prince +was appointed Captain, as the Minutes of Council speak of the ancient +debts incurred whilst the Earl of Somerset was captain, as well as the +more recent expenses; and record that Robert Thorley, the treasurer, +and Richard Clitherowe, victualler, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page281" name="page281">(p. 281)</a></span> +were charged to come, +with their accounts written out, on the morrow of All Souls next +ensuing, specifying the persons to whom the several sums were paid, +and the dates of payment. The King, also, in a council at Merton, on +October 21st, orders certain changes to be made in the mode of +collecting the duties on skins and wools; "to the intent that my lord +the Prince, as Captain of the town of Calais, may the more readily +receive payment of the arrears due to him and his soldiers, living +there for the safeguard of the said town." We have seen that, in +Wales, the Prince was driven by necessity to pawn the few jewels in +his possession, in order to pay the soldiers under him; and, as +Captain of Calais, he appears to have had a great difficulty in +obtaining payment of the sums assigned to +him.<a id="notetag277" name="notetag277"></a><a href="#note277">[277]</a> +No one can any +longer wonder that the soldiers were not paid, or that their +complaints should offer themselves in the form of accusation. The +Prince stands entirely free from blame, and clear of all suspicion of +misdoing.</p> + +<p>Though these causes are of themselves more than enough to account for +the depressed state of Henry of Monmouth's finances; yet there was +another drain, the pecuniary difficulties of his father, which, though +hitherto unnoticed, must not be suppressed in these Memoirs. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page282" name="page282">(p. 282)</a></span> +It is not necessary more than to refer to the causes of the pecuniary +difficulties of Henry IV; as the public and authentic documents of his +reign suggest a suspicion of want of economy in his more domestic +expenditure, and leave no doubt as to the extent to which he +endeavoured to meet his increasing wants by loans from spiritual and +municipal bodies, as well as from individuals. Among others, his son +Henry's name occurs, not once or twice, but repeatedly. Whilst some +loans, with reference to the then value of money, must be considered +large; others cannot fail to excite surprise from the smallness of +their +amount.<a id="notetag278" name="notetag278"></a><a href="#note278">[278]</a></p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>A charge, however, more vitally affecting Henry's character than any +other by which it has ever been assailed, requires now a patient and +thorough investigation. The groundwork, indeed, upon which the +accusation is built, is of great antiquity, though the superstructure +is of very recent date. Were it sufficient for a biographer, who would +deal uprightly, merely to contradict the evidence by demonstrating its +inconsistency with indisputable facts, the business of refutation in +this instance would be brief, as the accusation breaks down in every +particular, from whatever point of view we may examine it. But the +province of these Memoirs must not be so confined. To establish the +truth in these points satisfactorily, as well as +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page283" name="page283">(p. 283)</a></span> +to place +clearly before the mind the total inadequacy of the evidence to +substantiate the charge, will require a more full and detailed +examination of the value of the Manuscript on which the charge is made +to rest, than could be conveniently introduced into the body of this +narrative. The whole is therefore reserved for the Appendix; and to a +careful, dispassionate weighing of the arguments there adduced, the +reader is earnestly invited.</p> + +<p>But the Author, as he has above intimated, does not think his duty +would be performed were he merely to prove that the charge against +Henry is altogether untenable upon the evidence adduced; though that +is all which the accusation so unsparingly now in these late years +brought against him requires or deserves. The very allusion to such an +offence as undutiful, unfilial conduct in one whose life is otherwise +an example of obedience, respect, and affection towards his father, +requires the biographer to take up the province of inquisitor, and +ascertain what ground there may be, independently of that inadequate +evidence alleged by others, for believing Henry to have once at least, +and for a time, forgotten the duties of a son; or what proceedings, +not involving his guilt, might have given rise to the unfounded +rumour, and of what satisfactory explanation they may admit.</p> + +<p>The charge is this: That, in the parliament held in November 1411, +Prince Henry desired of his father the resignation of his crown, on +the plea that the malady +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page284" name="page284">(p. 284)</a></span> +under which the King was suffering +would not allow him to rule any longer for the honour and welfare of +the kingdom. On the King's firm and peremptory refusal, the Prince, +greatly offended, withdrew from the court, and formed an overwhelming +party of his own among the nobility and gentry of the land, +"associating them to his dominion in homage and pay." Such is the +statement made (not indeed in the form of an accusation, but merely as +one of the occurrences of the year,) in the manuscript above referred +to. The modern comment upon this text would probably never have been +made, if the writer had given more time and patient investigation to +the subject; and now, were such a suppression compatible with the +thorough sifting of Henry's character and conduct, the quotation of it +might well have been spared in these pages. A few words, however, on +that comment, and recently renewed charge, seem indispensable. "The +King's subsequent death (such are the words of the modern historian) +prevented the final explosion of this unfilial conduct, which, as thus +stated, deserves the denomination of an unnatural rebellion; and shows +that the dissolute companion of Falstaff was not the gay and +thoughtless youth which his dramatic representation exhibits to us, +but that, amid his vicious gaieties, he could cherish feelings which +too much resemble the unprincipled ambition of a Catilinarian +temper."<a id="notetag279" name="notetag279"></a><a href="#note279">[279]</a></p> + +<p>These are hard words; and, if deserved, must condemn Henry of +Monmouth. That they are not deserved; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page285" name="page285">(p. 285)</a></span> +that he was not guilty +of this offence against God and his father; that the page which +records it condemns itself, and is contradictory to our undisputed +public records; that the manuscript which contains the charge carries +with it no authority whatever; and that the inference which has lately +been fastened upon the original report is altogether inconsistent with +the acknowledged facts of the case, are points which the Author +believes he has established beyond further controversy in the +Appendix; and to that dissertation he again with confidence refers the +reader. But every reader whose verdict is worth receiving, will agree +that our abhorrence of a crime should only increase our care and +circumspection that no innocent person stand charged with it. If Henry +were guilty, his character must remain branded with an indelible +stain, in the estimation of every parent and every child, incomparably +more disgraceful than those "vicious gaieties" with which poets and +historiographers have delighted to stamp his memory.—At a time when +disease was paralysing all a father's powers of body and mind, and +hurrying him prematurely to the grave, that a first-born son, instead +of devoting himself, and all his heart, and all his faculties, to his +parent; strengthening his feeble hands, supporting his faltering +steps, guiding his erring counsels, bearing his heavy burden, +protecting him from the machinations of the malicious and designing, +cheering his drooping spirits, making (as far +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page286" name="page286">(p. 286)</a></span> +as in him lay) +his last days on earth days of peace, and comfort, and calm +preparation for the change to which he was hastening;—instead of +this, that a son, who had always professed respect and affection for +his father, should thrust the most painful thorn of all into the side +of a sinking, broken down, dying man, is so abhorrent from every +feeling, not only of a truly noble and generous spirit, but of mere +ordinary humanity,—is so utterly "unprincipled," "unfilial," and +"unnatural,"—that though in such a case we might hope, after a life +of sincere Christian penitence, the stain might have been removed from +his conscience; yet, in the estimation of the wise and good, he could +never have obtained the name of "the most excellent and most gracious +flower of Christian chivalry."</p> + +<p>Although for the real merits of the question, as far as relates to the +manuscript, we refer to the argument in the Appendix; and although, if +the foundation of original documents be withdrawn, it matters little +to the investigator of the truth what superstructure modern writers +have hastily run up; yet such a positive assertion as that "the King's +subsequent death prevented the final explosion of this unfilial +conduct and unnatural rebellion" of the Prince, who cherished +"feelings resembling the unprincipled ambition of a Catilinarian +temper," does seem to call for a few words before we proceed with the +narrative. It is difficult to say whether the confused views of the +manuscript, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page287" name="page287">(p. 287)</a></span> +or of its modern commentator, be the greater. +The manuscript, (to mention here only one specimen of its confusion,) +in the very page which contains the accusing passage, represents the +expedition to France in the summer of 1411; the battle of St. Cloud, +which was fought November 10, of the same year; the expedition under +the Duke of Clarence, which was undertaken after Midsummer 1412; and +the return of the Duke and his forces to England, which was not till +the spring of 1413, as having all taken place in the thirteenth year +of Henry IV. And the commentator who tells us that the King's death +prevented the final explosion of Henry's unfilial conduct, by +confounding (as the manuscript had also done) the parliament in +November 1411, with the parliament in February 1413, has entirely +overlooked the facts which give a direct contradiction to his +statement. The King's death did not occur till March 1413, more than a +year and a quarter after the parliament ended in which the Prince is +said to have been guilty of this act. The session of that parliament +began on the 3rd of November, and broke up on the 20th of December; +and the King, nearly half a year after its dissolution, declares his +fixed<a id="notetag280" name="notetag280"></a><a href="#note280">[280]</a> +purpose, in order to avoid the spilling of human blood, to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page288" name="page288">(p. 288)</a></span> +go in his own person to the Duchy of Guienne, and vindicate +his rights with all possible +speed."<a id="notetag281" name="notetag281"></a><a href="#note281">[281]</a> +Surely the web of his +father's life left Henry no lack of time and opportunity for the +execution of any measures which the most reckless ambition could +devise, or the most "Catilinarian" temper sanction. But, leaving this +ill-advised statement without further observation, it remains for us +to proceed with our narrative, entirely free from any apprehensions or +misgivings that our researches and reflections may tend only to +elucidate the character of one who, in the midst of splendid sins, +would sacrifice his own father to unbounded, reckless ambition, and +unprincipled self-aggrandizement.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Henry of Monmouth had now for a long time been virtually in possession +of the royal authority. He was not only President of the Council, but +his name is united with the King's when both are present; and +everything seems to have proceeded smoothly, with the best feelings of +mutual confidence and kindness between himself, his father, and his +brothers. Whether the King's own inclination, uninfluenced by the +representations of his parliament, would have led him to put the reins +of government +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page289" name="page289">(p. 289)</a></span> +into his son's hand, or whether he was induced +by the complaints and urgent suggestions of the council (of which many +broad and deep vestiges remain on record) to transfer the executive +and legislative functions of the royal prerogative to a son in whom +the people had entire confidence, may admit of much doubt. Probably +both causes, his own increasing infirmities, and his people's +dissatisfaction at the mismanagement of the court, expressed in no +covert language, co-operated in producing that result. Hardyng (as he +first wrote on this subject) would lead us to adopt the former view:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"The King fell sick then, each day more and more;<br> + Wherefore the Prince <i>he</i> made (as it was seen)<br> + Chief of Council, to ease him of his sore;<br> + Who to the Duke of Burgoyne sent, I ween;"</p> + +<p>whilst the petitions presented to him, and some subsequent events +which must hereafter be noticed, make us suspect that the behaviour of +the Commons might have hastened his resolution.</p> + +<p>At the close of the year, (from recounting the transactions of which +this serious charge against Henry's character induced us to digress,) +the parliament met in the first week in November. It was to have been +opened on the morrow of All Souls, (November 3, 1411,) but the peers +and commoners were so tardy in their arrival, that the King postponed +his meeting the parliament till the next day. In those times, the +monarch seems to have been +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page290" name="page290">(p. 290)</a></span> +in the habit of attending the +parliamentary deliberations, and receiving the petitions, and taking +part generally in the proceedings in person. Through this session +Henry IV. was repeatedly present; and the Prince alone, of all his +sons, appears to have attended also. Towards the close of this +parliament, (the very parliament in which the alleged unfilial conduct +of the Prince is represented to have occurred,) proceedings are +recorded, which, though referred to in the Appendix for the sake of +the argument, seem to require notice here also in the way of +narration.</p> + +<p>"Also, on Monday the last day of November, the said Speaker, in the +name of the Commons, prayed the King to thank my lord the Prince, the +Bishops of Winchester, of Durham, and others, who were assigned by the +King to be of his council in the last parliament, for their great +labour and diligence. For, as it appears to the said Commons, my lord +the Prince, and the other lords, have well and loyally done their duty +according to their promise in that +parliament.<a id="notetag282" name="notetag282"></a><a href="#note282">[282]</a> +And upon that, my +lord the Prince, kneeling, with the other lords, declared by the mouth +of my lord the Prince how they had taken pains and diligence and +labours, according to their promise, and the charge given them in +parliament, to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page291" name="page291">(p. 291)</a></span> +their skill and knowledge. This the King +remembered well, and thanked them most graciously. And he said +besides, that 'he was well assured, if they had possessed larger means +than they had, in the manner it had been spoken by the mouth of my +lord the Prince at the time the King charged them to be of his council +in the said parliament, they would have done their duty to effect more +good than was done, in divers parts, for the defence, honour, good, +and profit of him and his kingdom.' And our lord the King also said, +that he felt very contented with their good and loyal diligence, +counsel, and duty, for the time they had been of his council." This +took place about a month after the Parliament had first met, and +within less than three weeks of its termination. On the very last day +of this same parliament, "the Speaker recommending the persons of the +Queen, of the Prince, and of other the King's sons, prayeth the +advancement of their estates. For which the King giveth hearty +thanks." The question unavoidably forces itself upon the mind of every +one.—Could such a transaction as that, by which the fair fame of the +Prince is attempted to be destroyed for ever, have taken place in this +parliament? It may be deemed superfluous to add, that, though the +records of this parliament are very full and minute, not the most +distant allusion occurs to any such conduct of the Prince.</p> + +<p>But whilst, as we have seen, there had arisen much +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page292" name="page292">(p. 292)</a></span> +discontent among the people with regard to the royal expenditure and +the government of the King's household, the King in his turn had +entertained feelings of dissatisfaction towards his parliament; in +consequence, no doubt, of the plain and unreserved manner in which +they had given utterance to their sentiments. When two parties are +thus on the eve of a rupture, there never are wanting spirits of a +temper (from the mere love of evil, or in the hope of benefiting +themselves,) to foment the rising discord, and fan the smoking fuel +into a flame. Such was the case in this instance, and such (as we +shall soon see) was the case also in a course of proceedings far more +closely united with the immediate subject of these Memoirs. On the +same day, the last of the parliament, the Lords and Commons, +addressing the King by petition, express their grief at the +circulation of a report that he was offended on account of some +matters done in this and the last parliament; and they pray him "to +declare that he considers each and every of those in the estates of +parliament to be loyal and faithful subjects," which petition the King +of his especial grace in full parliament granted. This submission on +the part of the parliament, and its gracious acceptance by the King, +seem to have allayed, at least for a time, all hostile feeling between +them.</p> + +<p>The prayer of the parliament to the King, that he would express his +own and the nation's thanks to the Prince and the other members of his +council, has +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page293" name="page293">(p. 293)</a></span> +been thought to imply some suspicion on their +part that the royal favour was withdrawn from the Prince, that the +King was jealous of his influence, and was therefore backward in +publicly acknowledging his obligations to his son. Be this as it may, +two points seem to press themselves on our notice here:—first, that +up to the May of the following year, 1412, no appearance is +discoverable of any coolness or alienation of regard and confidence +between the Prince and the King;—the second point is, that it is +scarcely possible to read the disjointed records of the intervening +months between the spring of that year and the next winter, without a +strong suspicion suggesting itself, that the cordial harmony with +which the royal father and his son had lived was unhappily interrupted +for a time, and that misunderstandings and jealousies had been +fostered to separate them. The subject is one of lively interest, and, +though involved in much mystery, must not be disposed of without +investigation; and, whilst we claim at the hands of others to "set +down nought in malice," we must "nothing extenuate," nor allow any +apprehension of consequences to suppress or soften the very truth. The +Author feels himself bound to state not only the mere details of facts +from which inferences might be drawn, but to offer unreservedly his +own opinion, formed upon a patient research, and an honest weighing of +whatever evidence he may have found. The results of his inquiries, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page294" name="page294">(p. 294)</a></span> +after looking at the point in all the bearings in which his +own reflections or the suggestions of others have placed it, is this:</p> + +<p>Henry of Monmouth was assigned on the 12th of May 1407, with the +consent of the council, to remain about the person of the King, that +he might devote himself more constantly to the public service; +probably the declining health of the King even then made such a +measure desirable. From the hour when the Prince became president of +the council, his influence through every rank of society naturally +grew very rapidly, and extended to every branch of the executive +government. Petitions were presented to him by name, not only by +inferior applicants, but even by his brothers. Letters of +recommendation were addressed to him by foreigners; and, in more than +one instance, his interest was sought even by the Pope himself. When +the King was personally present in the council, the record states, +that the business was conducted "in the presence of the King, and of +his son the Prince." The father retained the name, the son exercised +the powers of sovereign. Such pre-eminence, as long as human nature +remains the same, will give offence to some, and will engender +envyings and jealousies and oppositions: nor was the Prince suffered +long to enjoy his high station unmolested. Who were the persons more +especially engaged in the unkind office of severing the father from +his son, is matter of conjecture; so is also the immediate cause and +occasion +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page295" name="page295">(p. 295)</a></span> +of their disunion. One of the oldest +chroniclers<a id="notetag283" name="notetag283"></a><a href="#note283">[283]</a> +would induce us to believe that a temporary +estrangement was effected in consequence of some malicious detractors +having misrepresented the Prince's conduct with reference to the Dukes +of Burgundy and Orleans. Some may suspect that the appointment of his +brother Thomas to take the command of the troops in the expedition to +Guienne, when their father's increasing malady prevented him from +putting into execution his design of conducting that campaign in +person, might have given umbrage to the Prince, and led to an open +rupture. And undoubtedly it would have been only natural, had the +Prince felt that, in return for all his labours and his devoted +exertions in the field and at the council-board, the honourable post +of commanding the armament to Guienne should have been assigned to him +as the representative of his diseased +parent.<a id="notetag284" name="notetag284"></a><a href="#note284">[284]</a> +But, perhaps, this +was +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page296" name="page296">(p. 296)</a></span> +not in his thoughts at all. Certainly no trace in our +histories or public documents is discoverable of any coolness or +distance<a id="notetag285" name="notetag285"></a><a href="#note285">[285]</a> +prevailing afterwards between himself and his brother +Thomas, as though he regarded him as a rival and supplanter. Hardyng +(the two editions of whose poem, brought out at distant times, and +under different auspices, in many cases give a very different +colouring to the same transaction,) represents the time of the +Prince's dismissal from the council, and the temporary quarrel between +him and his father, to have followed soon after the return of the +English soldiers sent to aid the Duke of Burgundy. His second edition, +however, paints in more unfavourable colours the opposition of the +Prince to his father, and sinks that voluntary return to filial +obedience and regard which his first edition had described in +expressions implying praise. In the Lansdowne manuscript, or first +edition, an original marginal note directs the reader to observe "How +the King and the Prince fell at great discord, and soon accorded."</p> + +<p class="poem"> + <span class="pagenum"><a id="page297" name="page297">(p. 297)</a></span> +"Then came they home with great thanks and reward,<br> + So, of the Duke of Burgoyne without fail.<br> + Soon after then (befel it afterward)<br> + The Prince was then discharged of counsaile.<br> + His brother Thomas then, for the King's availe,<br> + Was in his stead then set by ordinance,<br> + For which the <i>Prince</i> and <i>he</i> fell at distance.<br> + With whom the King took part, in great sickness,<br> + Again[st] the Prince with all his excellence.<br> + But with a rety of lords and soberness<br> + The Prince came into his magnificence<br> + Obey, and hole with all benevolence<br> + Unto the King, and fully were accord<br> + Of all matters of which they were discord."</p> + + +<p>In his later publication, the same writer gives a very different +colouring to the whole proceeding on the part of the Prince; robbing +him of his hearty good-will towards reconciliation, and representing +his return to a right understanding with his father as the result +rather of defeat and compulsion; but this was at a time when the star +of the house of Lancaster had set, and when the house of York was in +the ascendant.</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"The King discharged the Prince from his counsail,<br> + And set my lord Sir Thomas in his stead<br> + Chief of council, for the King's more avail.<br> + For which the Prince, of wrath and wilful head,<br> + Again[st] him made debate and froward head;<br> + With whom the King took part, and held the field<br> + To time the Prince unto the King him yield."</p> + + +<p>Either of these representations of Hardyng will fully account for +Shakspeare's</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"Thy +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page298" name="page298">(p. 298)</a></span> +place in council thou hast rudely lost,<br> + Which by thy younger brother is +supplied:"<a id="notetag286" name="notetag286"></a><a href="#note286">[286]</a> +</p> + +<p>though the poet, by fixing the interview between Henry and his father +before the battle of Shrewsbury, has made the expulsion of the Prince +from the council precede his original admission into it by four years, +and his withdrawal from it by at least eight or nine years. It must +here be remarked, that no historical document records the presence of +Thomas Duke of Clarence as a member of the council-board: though, at +the same time, the records in which we might have expected to find his +presence registered, by observing a similar silence with regard to the +Prince, seem to leave little doubt that Henry had ceased to attend the +board a year before his father's death. Some strong though obscure +passages, moreover, in the Chronicles of the time, would go far to +suggest the probability of a demonstration of his power and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page299" name="page299">(p. 299)</a></span> +influence through the country having actually taken place on the part +of the Prince. Thus the Chronicle of London records, that "on the last +day of June the Prince came to London with much people and gentles, +and remained in the Bishop of Durham's house till July 11th. And the +King, who was then at St. John's house, removed to the Bishop of +London's palace, and thence to his house at +Rotherhithe."<a id="notetag287" name="notetag287"></a><a href="#note287">[287]</a> +But the +Chronicle suggests no reason for these movements and ambiguous +proceedings. Thus, too, on the 23rd of September, the mere fact is +stated that "Prince Henry came to the council with a huge people," +supplying no clue as to the meaning and intention of the concourse. It +cannot, moreover, escape observation, that, though the King held a +council at Rotherhithe on the 8th and on the 10th of July, the Prince +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page300" name="page300">(p. 300)</a></span> +was not present: on the 9th, also, when his brother Thomas +was created Duke of Clarence and Earl of Albemarle, though the Bishop +of Durham, at whose house the Prince was staying, witnessed the +creation, the Prince was not himself one of the witnesses. This +circumstance, indeed may be so interpreted as to remove all idea of +open hostility prevailing at that time between the King and the +Prince. The prelate, it may fairly be supposed, would scarcely have +been a welcome attendant at Rotherhithe, if he were showing all kind +and free hospitality to a rebellious son, who was acting at that very +time in menacing defiance of his father, and evincing by the +demonstration of his numerous and powerful friends the fixed purpose +of avenging himself for whatever insults he might believe himself to +have received from the court party.</p> + +<p>Equally in the dark do our records leave us as to the persons who were +the fomentors of this breach between father and son. The oldest +historians intimate that there were mischief-makers, whose malicious +designs were for a time successful. Subsequent events (referred to +hereafter in these volumes) compel us to entertain a strong suspicion +that the Queen (Johanna) was at the head of a party resolved, if +possible, to check the growing and absorbing interest of her +son-in-law in the national council, to diminish his power, and tarnish +his +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page301" name="page301">(p. 301)</a></span> +honour.<a id="notetag288" name="notetag288"></a><a href="#note288">[288]</a> +Be this as it may, there are, to be placed +in the opposite scale, facts at which we have already slightly +glanced, seeming to imply that things were going on smoothly between +Henry and his father, even through that brief interval of time about +which alone any doubts can be reasonably entertained. A Minute of the +Council, apparently between the July and September of this year +(1412), records that "it is the King's pleasure for my lord the +Prince<a id="notetag289" name="notetag289"></a><a href="#note289">[289]</a> +to have payment on an assignment for the wages of his men +still in his pay in Wales:" and on the 21st of October, in a council +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page302" name="page302">(p. 302)</a></span> +at Merton, "the King wills that the treasurer of Calais shall +not interfere with any receipt or payments henceforward till otherwise +advised; and that the treasurer of England shall receive all the +monies arising from the third part of the subsidy on wools, to be paid +by him from time to time at his discretion to the treasurer of Calais, +with such intent that my lord the Prince, Captain of the town of +Calais, might the more readily receive payment of what is in arrear to +him and his soldiers living with him, according to the agreement; and +also for the increase of his soldiers by the ordinance of the King +beyond the number comprised in that agreement."</p> + +<p>On the whole of this extraordinary and mysterious passage of Henry of +Monmouth's life, the Author must confess that it will be no surprise +to him to find (with a mass of other matter more voluminous and +important than we may now anticipate) new evidence affecting Henry's +character, probably to his utter exculpation, possibly to his +disadvantage, yet forthcoming from the countless treasures of +unpublished records. Meanwhile, he can now, after a patient +examination of all the books and manuscripts, original documents and +subsequent histories, with which it has been his lot to meet, only +return a verdict upon the evidence before him. And the inferences in +which alone he has been able satisfactorily to acquiesce, are +these:—First, that, after the Prince had for some time been most +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page303" name="page303">(p. 303)</a></span> +active and indefatigable President of the Council; he ceased to +retain that office in consequence of a misunderstanding between +himself and his father, fostered by some persons whose interest or +malicious pleasure instigated them to so unworthy an expedient: +Secondly, that after a demonstration of his strength in the affections +and devotedness of the people, for the purpose (not of acting with +violence or intimidation towards the +King,<a id="notetag290" name="notetag290"></a><a href="#note290">[290]</a> +but) of convincing his +enemies that the machinations +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page304" name="page304">(p. 304)</a></span> +of jealousy and detraction +would have no power permanently to blast his reputation, and crush his +influence, the alienation was soon happily terminated by the frank and +filial conduct of the Prince, who as anxiously sought a full +reconciliation as his father willingly conceded it: Thirdly, that, +through the last months of his life, the King was free from all +uneasiness and disquietude on that ground; and that the illness which +terminated his earthly career, instead of being aggravated by the +Prince's undutiful demeanour, was lightened by his affectionate +attendance; and the dying monarch was comforted by the tender offices +of his son.</p> + +<p>On the whole (allowing for inaccuracies as well of addition as of +omission, which, though incapable of any specific correction, must +perhaps exist in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page305" name="page305">(p. 305)</a></span> +so detailed a narrative,) we shall not be +far from the truth if we accept in its general outline the relation of +this event as we find it in Stowe.</p> + +<p>"Henry, the Prince, offended with certain of his father's family, who +were said to sow discord between the father and the son, wrote unto +all the parts of the realm, endeavouring himself to refute all the +practices and imaginations of such detractors and slanderous people; +and, to make the matter more manifest to the world, he came to the +King, his father, about the Feast of Peter and Paul, with such a +number of his friends and wellwishers, as a greater had not been seen +in those days. He was straightway admitted to his father's presence, +of whom this one thing he besought of him, that if such as had accused +him might be convicted of unjust accusation, they might be punished, +not according to their deserts, but yet, after their lies were proved, +they might somewhat taste of that which they had meant, although not +to the uttermost. The which request the King seemed to grant; but he +told him that he must tarry a parliament, that such might be tried and +punished by judgment of their +peers."<a id="notetag291" name="notetag291"></a><a href="#note291">[291]</a> +Stowe refers to the work +ascribed to Otterbourne, the sentiments of which he faithfully +represents, and then proceeds with the further narrative. "The King +had entertained suspicions in consequence of the Prince's excesses, +and the great +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page306" name="page306">(p. 306)</a></span> +recourse of people unto him, of which his +court was at all times more abundant than his father's, that he would +presume to usurp the crown; so that, in consequence of this suspicious +jealousy, he withdrew in part his affection and singular love from the +Prince.<a id="notetag292" name="notetag292"></a><a href="#note292">[292]</a> +He was accompanied by a large body of lords and +gentlemen; but those he would not suffer to advance beyond the fire in +the hall, in order to remove all suspicion from his father of any +intention to overawe or intimidate him. As soon as the Prince had +declared to his father that his life was not so desirable to him that +he would wish to live one day to his father's displeasure, and that he +coveted not so much his own life as his father's pleasure and welfare, +the King embraced the Prince, and with tears addressed him: 'My right +dear and heartily beloved son, it is of truth that I had you partly +suspect, and, as I now perceive, undeserved on your part. I will have +you no longer in distrust for any reports that shall be made unto me. +And thereof I assure you upon my honour.' Thus, by his great wisdom, +was the wrongful imagination of his father's hate utterly avoided, and +himself restored to the King's former grace and favour."</p> + +<p>Stowe +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page307" name="page307">(p. 307)</a></span> +then reports that after Christmas the King called a +parliament (on the morrow of the Purification, February 3,) to the end +of which he did not survive. During his illness, which became much +worse from about Christmas, he gave most excellent advice to Henry; +the particulars of which, as recorded by Stowe, are probably more the +fruits of the writer's imagination than the faithful transcript of any +recorded sentiments. Still the possibility of their having existed in +documents since lost, may perhaps be deemed a sufficient reason for +assigning to them a place in this work.</p> + +<p>"'My dear and well-beloved son, I beseech thee, and upon my blessing +charge thee, that, like as thou hast said, so thou minister justice +equally, and in no wise suffer them that be oppressed long to call +upon thee for justice; but redress oppressions, and indifferently and +without delay: for no persuasion of flatterers, nor of them that be +partial, or such as have their hands replenished with gifts, defer not +justice till to-morrow if that thou mayest do justice this day, lest +peradventure God do justice on thee in the mean time, and take from +thee thine authority. Remember that the wealth of thy body and thy +soul and of thy realm resteth in the execution of justice: and do not +thy justice so that thou be called a tyrant; but use thyself in the +middle way between justice and mercy in those things that belong to +thee. And between parties do justice truly, to the consolation of thy +poor subjects +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page308" name="page308">(p. 308)</a></span> +that suffer injuries, and to the punishment of +them that be extortioners and doers of oppression, that others thereby +may take example; and in thus doing thou shalt obtain the favour of +God, and the love and fear of thy subjects; and therefore also thou +shalt have thy realm more in tranquillity and rest, which shall be +occasion of great prosperity within thy realm, which Englishmen +naturally do desire; for, so long as they have wealth and riches, so +long shalt thou have obeisance; and, when they be poor, then they be +always ready at every motion to make insurrections, and it causeth +them to rebel against their sovereign lord; for the nature of them is +such rather to fear losing of their goods and worldly substance, than +the jeopardy of their lives. And if thou thus keep them in subjection, +mixed with love and fear, thou shalt have the most peaceable and +fertile country, and the most loving, faithful, and manly people of +the world; which shall be cause of no small fear to thine adversaries. +My son, when it shall please God to call me to the way decreed for +every worldly creature, to thee, as my son and heir, I must leave my +crown and my realm; which I advise thee not to take vainly, and as a +man elate in pride, and rejoiced in worldly honour; but think that +thou art more oppressed with charge to purvey for every person within +the realm, than exalted by vain honour of the world. Thou shalt be +exalted unto the crown for the wealth and conservation of the realm, +and not for thy singular commodity +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page309" name="page309">(p. 309)</a></span> +and avail. My son, thou +shalt be a minister unto thy realm, to keep it in tranquillity and to +defend it. Like as the heart in the midst of the body is principal and +chief thing, and serveth to covet and desire that thing that is most +necessary to every of thy members; so, my son, thou shalt be amongst +thy people as chief and principal of them, to minister, imagine, and +acquire those things that may be most beneficial unto them. And then +thy people shall be obedient unto thee, to aid and succour thee, and +in all things to accomplish thy commandments, like as thy ministers +labour every one in his office to acquire and get that thing that thy +heart desireth: and as thy heart is of no force, and impotent, without +the aid of thy members, so without thy people thy reign is nothing. My +son, thou shalt fear and dread God above all things; and thou shalt +love, honour, and worship him with all thy heart: thou shalt attribute +and ascribe to him all things wherein thou seest thyself to be well +fortunate, be it victory of thine enemies, love of thy friends, +obedience of thy subjects, strength and activeness of body, honour, +riches, or fruitful generations, or any other thing, whatever it be, +that chanceth to thy pleasure. Thou shalt not imagine that any such +thing should fortune to thee by thine act, nor by thy desert; but thou +shalt think that all cometh only of the goodness of the Lord. Thus +shalt thou with all thine heart praise, honour, and thank God for all +his benefits +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page310" name="page310">(p. 310)</a></span> +that he giveth unto thee. And in thyself eschew +all vainglory and elation of heart, following the wholesome counsel of +the Psalmist, which saith, 'Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us! but unto +thy name give the praise!' These, and many other admonitions and +doctrines, this victorious King gave unto this noble Prince his son, +who with effect followed the same after the death of his father, +whereby he obtained grace of our Lord to attain to great victories, +and many glorious and incredible conquests, through the help and +succour of our Lord, whereof he was never destitute."</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>For the exquisitely beautiful picture of Shakspeare, called by some +'The Chamber Scene,' by others 'The Crown Scene,' the materials +probably were gathered from Monstrelet, whose narrative is the only +evidence we now have of the incident. That narrative, indeed, is not +contradicted by any other account; still its authenticity is very +questionable. It is, perhaps, impossible not to entertain a suspicion +that a French writer would, without much enquiry, admit an anecdote by +which Henry IV. is made to disclaim all title to the English throne, +and, by immediate consequence, all title to the English possessions in +the fair realm of France. It is also improbable either that Henry IV. +would have uttered this sentiment in the presence of a witness, or +that his son would have made it known to others. Monstrelet's +anecdote, nevertheless, being the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page311" name="page311">(p. 311)</a></span> +source of so inimitable a +scene as Shakspeare has drawn from it, deserves a place here: "The +King's attendant, not perceiving him to breathe, concluded he was +dead, and covered his face with a cloth. The crown was then upon a +cushion near the bed. The Prince, believing his father to be dead, +took away the crown. Shortly after, the King uttered a groan, and +revived; and, missing his crown, sent for his son, and asked why he +had removed it. The Prince mentioned his supposition that his father +had died. The King gave a deep sigh, and said, 'My fair son, what +right have you to it? you knew I had none.'—'My lord,' replied Henry, +'as you have held it by right of your sword, it is my intent to hold +and defend it the same during my life.' The King answered, 'Well, all +as you see best; I leave all things to God, and pray that he will have +mercy on me.' Shortly after, without uttering another word, he +expired."<a id="notetag293" name="notetag293"></a><a href="#note293">[293]</a></p> + +<p>Henry IV. expired on Monday, March 20, 1413; and his remains were +taken to Canterbury, and there interred near the grave of his first +wife. Clement +Maidstone<a id="notetag294" name="notetag294"></a><a href="#note294">[294]</a> testifies to his having heard a man swear +to his father, that he threw the body into the Thames between Barking +and Gravesend; but, on a late investigation, under the superintendence +of members of the cathedral, the body was found still to be in the +coffin, proving the falsehood of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page312" name="page312">(p. 312)</a></span> +this foolish +story.<a id="notetag295" name="notetag295"></a><a href="#note295">[295]</a> +The funeral was celebrated with great solemnity; and Henry V. attended +in person to assist in paying this last homage of respect to the +earthly remains of his sovereign and father.</p> + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page313" name="page313">(p. 313)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER XIV.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">henry of monmouth's character. — unfairness of modern writers. — +walsingham examined. — testimony of his father — of hotspur — of +the parliament — of the english and welsh counties — of contemporary +chroniclers. — no one single act of immorality alleged against him. +— no intimation of his extravagance, or injustice, or riot, or +licentiousness, in wales, london, or calais. — direct testimony to +the opposite virtues. — lydgate. — occleve.</span></h3> + + + +<p>The hour of his father's death having been fixed upon as the date of +Henry's reputed conversion from a career of thoughtless dissipation +and reckless profligacy to a life of religion and virtue, this may +appear to be the most suitable place for a calm review of his previous +character and conduct.</p> + +<p>In the very threshold of our inquiry, perhaps the most remarkable +circumstance to be observed is this, that whilst the charges now so +unsparingly and unfeelingly brought against his character, rest solely +on the vague, general, and indefinite assertions of writers, (many of +whom appear to aim at exalting his repentance into somewhat +approaching a miraculous conversion,) no one single act of +violence,<a id="notetag296" name="notetag296"></a><a href="#note296">[296]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page314" name="page314">(p. 314)</a></span> +intemperance, injustice, immorality, or even +levity of any kind, religious or moral, is placed upon record. Either +sweeping and railing accusations are alleged, unsubstantiated by proof +or argument; or else his subsequent repentance is cited to bear +testimony to his former misdoings. Thus one writer +asserts;<a id="notetag297" name="notetag297"></a><a href="#note297">[297]</a> +"This +monarch, in the former part of his life, was remarkable for +dissipation and extravagance of conduct; in the latter, he became the +slave of the popedom. Voluptuousness, ambition, superstition, each in +their turn had the ascendant in this extraordinary character." Thus +does another sum up the whole question in one short +note:<a id="notetag298" name="notetag298"></a><a href="#note298">[298]</a> +"The +assertions of his reformation are so express, that the fact cannot be +justly questioned without doubting all history; and, if there were +reformation, there must have been previous +errors."<a id="notetag299" name="notetag299"></a><a href="#note299">[299]</a></p> + +<p>The +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page315" name="page315">(p. 315)</a></span> +expressions of Walsingham, (being the same in his +History, and in the work called "Ypodigma Neustriæ," or "A Sketch of +Normandy," which he dedicated to Henry V. himself,) are considered by +some persons to have laid an insurmountable barrier in the way of +those who would remove from Henry's "brow," as Prince, "the stain" of +"wildness, riot, and dishonour." And, doubtless, no one who would +discharge the office of an upright judge or an honest witness, would +either suppress or gloss over the passage which is supposed to present +these formidable difficulties, or withdraw from the balance a particle +of the full weight which might appear after examination to belong to +that passage as its own. In our inquiry, however, we must be upon our +guard against the fallacy in which too many writers, when handling +this question, have indulged by arguing in a circle. We must not first +say, Walsingham bears testimony to Henry's early depravity, therefore +we must believe him to have been guilty; and then conclude, because +tradition fixes delinquency on Henry's early days, therefore +Walsingham's passage can admit only of that interpretation which fixes +the guilt upon him. Let Walsingham's text be fairly sifted upon its +own merits; and then, whatever shall appear to have been +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page316" name="page316">(p. 316)</a></span> +his +meaning of an adverse nature, let that be added to the evidence +against Henry; and let the whole be put into the scale, and weighed +against whatever may be alleged in refutation of the charges with +which his memory has been assailed. It would be the result then of a +morbid deference to the opinions of others, rather than the judgment +of his own reasoning, were the Author to withhold his persuasion that +more importance has been assigned to Walsingham's words than a full +and unbiassed scrutiny into their real bearing would sanction. To the +judgment of each individually must this branch of evidence, no less +than the entire question of Henry's moral character, be left. A +transcript of Walsingham's words, as they appear in the printed +editions of his History and in the "Ypodigma +Neustriæ,"<a id="notetag300" name="notetag300"></a><a href="#note300">[300]</a> +will be +found at the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page317" name="page317">(p. 317)</a></span> +foot of the +page.<a id="notetag301" name="notetag301"></a><a href="#note301">[301]</a> +The following is +probably as close a rendering of the original, as the strangely +metaphorical, and in some cases the obscure expressions of Walsingham +will bear. "On which day [of Henry's coronation] there was a very +severe storm of snow, all persons marvelling at the roughness of the +weather. Some considered the disturbance of the atmosphere as +portending the new King's destiny to be cold in action, severe in +discipline and in the exercise of the royal functions; others, forming +a milder estimate of the person of the King, interpreted this +inclemency of the sky as the best omen, namely, that the King himself +would cause the colds and snows of vices to fall in his +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page318" name="page318">(p. 318)</a></span> +reign, and the mild fruits of virtues to spring up; so that, with +practical truth, it might be said by his subjects, 'The winter is +past, the rain is over and gone.' For verily, as soon as he was +initiated with the chaplet of royalty, he suddenly was changed into +another man, studying rectitude, modesty, and gravity, [or propriety, +moderation, and steadiness,] desiring to exercise every class of +virtue without omitting any; whose manners and conduct were an example +to persons of every condition in life, as well of the clergy as of the +laity."</p> + +<p>Unquestionably, from these expressions an inference may be drawn +fairly, and without harshness or exaggeration, that the "changed man" +had been in times past negligent of some important branches of moral +duty; vehement, hasty, and impetuous in his general proceedings; and +not considering in his pursuits their fitness for his station and +place; in a word, guilty of moral delinquencies immediately opposed to +the virtues enumerated. On the other hand, by specifying those three +moral qualities, (in which this passage is interpreted to imply that +Henry's life had undergone a sudden and total change,—rectitude, +modesty, and steadiness,) Walsingham appears to have selected exactly +those identical points, for Henry's full possession of which the +parliament of England had felicitated his father; and which, either +separately, or in combination with other excellencies, continued to be +ascribed to him at various times, as +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page319" name="page319">(p. 319)</a></span> +occasion offered, even +to a period within a few months of his accession to the throne. Never +did a young man receive from his contemporaries more unequivocal +testimony to the practical exercise in his person of propriety, +modesty, and perseverance, than Henry of Monmouth received before he +became King.</p> + +<p>It may be said, and with perfect fairness, that the testimony of +parliament to his virtues so early as the year 1406 leaves a most +important chasm in a young man's life, during which he might have +fallen from his integrity, and have rapidly formed habits of the +opposite vices. But through that period no expressions occur in +history which even by implication involve any degeneracy, any change +from good to bad. On the contrary, to his zeal and steadiness, and +perseverance and integrity, such incidental testimony is borne from +time to time as would of itself leave a very different impression on +the mind from that which Walsingham's words in their usual acceptation +would convey; whilst no allusion whatever is discernible to any habits +or practices contrary to the principles of religious and moral +self-government. Indeed, it has been, not without reason, doubted +whether, in the absence of more positive testimony, such sudden +changes, first from good to bad, and then from bad to good, be not in +themselves improbable.</p> + +<p>On the whole, whilst each must be freely left to pronounce his own +verdict, it is here humbly but sincerely +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page320" name="page320">(p. 320)</a></span> +suggested that +Walsingham's words fairly admit of an interpretation more in +accordance with the view of Henry's moral worth generally adopted in +these Memoirs; namely, that his character rose suddenly with the +occasion; that new energies were called into action by his new duties; +that his moral and intellectual powers kept on a level with his +elevation to so high a dignity, and with such an increase of power and +influence; and that he continued to excite the admiration of the world +by improving rapidly in every excellence, as his awful sense of the +momentous responsibility he then for the first time felt imposed upon +him grew in strength and intenseness. He became "another, a new man," +by giving himself up with all his soul to his new duties as sovereign; +and by cultivating with practical devotedness those virtues which +might render him (and which, as Walsingham says, did actually render +him) a bright and shining example to every class of his +subjects.<a id="notetag302" name="notetag302"></a><a href="#note302">[302]</a></p> + +<p>Undoubtedly most of the subsequent chroniclers not only speak of his +reformation, but broadly state that he had given himself very great +licence in self-gratification, and therefore needed to be reformed. +Before Shakspeare's day, the reports adopted by our historiographers +had fully justified him in his representation of Henry's early +courses; and, since his time, few writers have considered it their +duty to +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page321" name="page321">(p. 321)</a></span> +verify the exquisite traits of his pencil, or +examine the evidence on which he rested.</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<span class="poem1">"His addiction was to courses vain;</span><br> +His companies unlettered, rude, and shallow;<br> +His hours filled up with riots, banquets, sports;<br> +And never noted in him any study,<br> +Any retirement, any sequestration<br> +From open haunts and popularity."</p> + + +<p>Let the investigator who is resolved not to yield an implicit and +blind assent to vague assertion, however positive, and how often +soever repeated, well and truly try for himself the issue by evidence, +and trace Henry from his boyhood; let him search with unsparing +diligence and jealous scrutiny through every authentic document +relating to him; let his steps be followed into the marches, the +towns, the valleys, and the mountains of Wales; let him be watched +narrowly month after month during his residence in London, or wherever +he happened to be staying with the court, or in Calais during his +captaincy there; and not a single hint occurs of any one +irregularity.<a id="notetag303" name="notetag303"></a><a href="#note303">[303]</a> +The research will bring to light no single +expression savouring of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page322" name="page322">(p. 322)</a></span> +impiety, dissoluteness, carelessness, +or even levity.</p> + +<p>Testimony, on the other hand, ample and repeated, as we have already +seen in these pages, is borne to his valour, and unremitting exertions +and industry; to his firmness of purpose, his integrity his filial +duty and affection; his high-mindedness (in the best sense of the +word), his generous spirit, his humanity, his habits of mind, so +unsuspecting as to expose him often to the over-reaching designs of +the crafty and the unprincipled, his pious trust in Providence, and +habitual piety and devotion. To these, and other excellences in his +moral compound, his +father,<a id="notetag304" name="notetag304"></a><a href="#note304">[304]</a> +and his father's antagonist, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page323" name="page323">(p. 323)</a></span> +Hotspur, the assembled parliament of England, the common people +of Wales, the gentlemen of distant counties, contemporary chroniclers, +(combined with the public records of the kingdom and the internal +evidence of his own letters,) bear direct and unstinted witness. From +the first despatch of Hotspur to the last vote of thanks in +parliament, there is a chain of testimonies (detailed in their +chronological order in previous chapters of this work) very seldom +equalled in the case of so young a man, and, through so long a period, +perhaps never surpassed. And yet, though he was through the whole of +that time the constant object of observation, and the subject of men's +thoughts and words, no complaint of any neglect of duty arrests our +notice, nor is there even an insinuation thrown out of any excess, +indiscretion, or extravagance whatever. Not a word from the tongue of +friend or foe, of accuser or apologist, would induce us to suspect +that anything wrong was stifled or kept back. There are complaints of +the extravagant expenditure of his father, and recommendations of +retrenchment and economy in the King's household; but never on any +occasion, (even when the Prince is most urgent and importunate for +supplies of money, offering the most favourable and inviting +opportunity for remonstrance or remark), is +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page324" name="page324">(p. 324)</a></span> +there the +slightest innuendo either from the King, the Lords of the council, or +the Commons in parliament, that he expended the least sum +unnecessarily.<a id="notetag305" name="notetag305"></a><a href="#note305">[305]</a> +No improper channel of expense, public or private, +domestic or personal, is glanced at; nothing is objected to in his +establishment; no item is recommended to be abolished or curtailed; no +change of conduct is hinted at as desirable. And yet subsequent +writers speak with one accord of his reformation; "and reformation +implies previous errors." After examining whatever documents +concerning him the most diligent research could discover, the Author +is compelled to report as his unbiassed and deliberate judgment, that +the character with which Henry of Monmouth's name has been stamped for +profligacy and dissipation, is founded, not on the evidence of facts, +but on the vagueness of tradition. Still such is the tradition, and it +must stand for its due value. And if we allow tradition to tell us of +his faults, we must in common fairness receive from the same tradition +the fullness of his reformation; if we give credence to one who +reports both his guilt and his penitence, we must record both +accounts +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page325" name="page325">(p. 325)</a></span> +or neither. Before, however, we repeat what +tradition has delivered down as to Henry's conduct and behaviour +immediately upon his father's death, it may be well for us to review +some of those testimonies to his character, his principles, and his +conduct, which incidentally (but not on that account less acceptably +or less satisfactorily) offer themselves to our notice, scattered up +and down through the pages of former days.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Were we to draw an inference from the summary way in which many modern +authors have cut short the question with regard to Henry of Monmouth's +character as Prince of Wales, we should conclude that all the evidence +was on one side; that, whilst "it is unfair to distinguished merit to +dwell on the blemishes which it has regretted and reformed," still no +doubt can be entertained of his having, "from a too early initiation +into military life, stooped to practise irregularities between the +ages of sixteen and +twenty-five."<a id="notetag306" name="notetag306"></a><a href="#note306">[306]</a> +Whereas the fact is, that no +allusion to such irregularities is made where we might have expected +to find it; and that, independently of those more formal proofs to the +contrary which are embodied in these pages, and to which we have above +briefly referred, contemporary writers and undisputed documents supply +us with materials for judging of his temper of mind and early +habit,—the character, in short, with which those +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page326" name="page326">(p. 326)</a></span> +who had +the best opportunities of knowing him, were wont to associate his +name.</p> + +<p>All accounts agree in reporting him to have been devotedly fond of +music. As the household expenses of his father informed us, he played +upon the harp before he was ten years old; nor does he seem ever to +have lost the habit of deriving gratification from the same art. It +were easy to represent him prostituting this love of minstrelsy in the +haunts of Eastcheap, and enjoying "through the sweetest morsel of the +night" the songs of impurity in reckless Bacchanalian revels, +self-condemned indeed, and therefore to be judged by others leniently:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<span class="poem1">"I feel me much to blame</span><br> +So idly to profane the precious +time:"<a id="notetag307" name="notetag307"></a><a href="#note307">[307]</a> +</p> + +<p>but nevertheless guilty of profaning the sacred art of music in the +midst of worthless companions, and in the very sinks of low and +dissolute profligacy. This it were easy to do, and this has been done. +But history lends no countenance to such representations. The +chroniclers, who refer again and again to his fondness for music, tell +us that it showed itself in him under very different associations. "He +delighted (as Stowe records) in songs, metres, and musical +instruments; insomuch that in his chapel, among his private prayers he +used our Lord's prayer, certain psalms of David, with divers hymns and +canticles, all which <i>I</i> have +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page327" name="page327">(p. 327)</a></span> +seen translated into English +metre by John Lydgate, Monk of Bury." In this view we are strongly +confirmed by several items of expense specified in the Pell Rolls, +which record sums paid to organists and singers sent over for the use +of Henry's chapel whilst he was in France; but this, being subsequent +to his supposed conversion, cannot be alleged in evidence on the point +at issue.<a id="notetag308" name="notetag308"></a><a href="#note308">[308]</a> +It only shows that his early acquired love of music +never deserted him.</p> + +<p>In this place, moreover, we cannot refrain from anticipating, what +might perhaps have been reserved with equal propriety to a subsequent +page, that the same dry details of the Pell +Rolls<a id="notetag309" name="notetag309"></a><a href="#note309">[309]</a> +enable us to +infer with satisfaction that Henry made his love of minstrelsy +contribute to the gratification of himself and the partner of his joys +and cares, supplying an intimation of domestic habits and conjugal +satisfaction, without which a life passed in the splendour of royalty +must be irksome, and blessed with which the cottage of the poor man +possesses the most enviable treasure. Whether in their home at +Windsor, or during their happy progress through England in the halls +of York and Chester, or in the tented ground on the banks of the Seine +before Melun, our imagination has solid foundation to build +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page328" name="page328">(p. 328)</a></span> +upon when we picture to ourselves Henry and his beloved princess +passing innocently and happily, in minstrelsy and song, some of the +hours spared from the appeals of justice, the exigencies of the state, +or the marshalling of the battle-field.</p> + +<p>But that Henry had also imbibed a real love of literature, and valued +it highly, we possess evidence which well deserves attention. He was +so much enamoured of the "Tale of Troy divine," that he directed John +Lydgate, Monk of Bury St. Edmund's, to translate two poems, "The Death +of Hector," and "The Fall of Troy," into English verse, that his own +countrymen might not be behind the rest of Europe in their knowledge +of the works of antiquity. The testimony borne by this author to the +character of Henry for perseverance and stedfastness of purpose; for +sound practical wisdom, and, at the same time, for a ready and ardent +desire of the counsel of the wise; for mercy mingled with high and +princely resolve and love of justice; for all those qualities which +can adorn a Christian prince,—is so full in itself, and so direct, +and (if honest) is so conclusive, that any memoirs of Henry's life and +character would be culpably defective which should exclude it. The +circumstance, also, of that testimony being couched in the vernacular +language of the times, affords another point of interest to the +English antiquary. Sometimes, indeed, we cannot help suspecting that +the poem has undergone some verbal and grammatical alterations in the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page329" name="page329">(p. 329)</a></span> +course of the four centuries which have elapsed since it was +penned; but that circumstance does not affect its credibility.</p> + +<p>We may be fully aware that the evidence of a poet dedicating a work to +his patron is open to the suspicion of partiality and flattery, and we +may be willing that as much should be deducted on that score from the +weight of the Monk of Bury's testimony as the reader may impartially +pronounce just; still the naked fact remains unimpeached, that the +poet was importuned by Henry, <i>when Prince</i>, to translate two works +for the use of his countrymen. Lydgate, it must not be forgotten, +expressly declares that he undertook the work at the "high command of +Henry Prince of Wales," and that he entered upon it in the autumn of +1412; the exact time when some would have us believe that he was in +the mid-career of his profligacy, and at open variance with his +father. However, let Lydgate's testimony be valued at a fair price; no +one has ever impeached his character for honesty, or accused him of +flattery. Still he may be guilty in both respects. And yet, in a work +published at that very time, we can scarcely believe that any one +would have addressed a wild profligate and noted prodigal in such +verses; and it is very questionable whether, had he done so, any one +who delighted in libertinism and boasted of his follies would have +been gratified by the ascription to himself of a character in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page330" name="page330">(p. 330)</a></span> + all points so directly the reverse. If his patron were an example +of irregularities and licentiousness, it is beyond the reach of +ill-nature and credulity combined to hold it probable that he would +have extolled him for self-restraint, for steady moral and mental +discipline, for manliness at once and virtue, for delighting in +ancient lore, and promoting its free circulation far and wide with the +sole purpose and intent of sowing virtue and discountenancing vice. +Such an effusion would have savoured rather of irony and bitter +sarcasm, than of a desire to write what would be acceptable to the +individual addressed. Lydgate's is the testimony, we confess, of a +poet and a friend, but it is the testimony of a contemporary; of one +who saw Henry in his daily walks, conversed with him often, had a +personal knowledge of his habits and predilections; at all events, he +was one who, by recording the fact that Henry, when Prince, urged him +to translate for his countrymen two poems which he had himself +delighted to read in the original, records at the same time the fact +that Henry was himself a scholar, and the patron of ingenuous +learning.</p> + +<p>The testimony borne to the character of Henry of Monmouth by the poet +Occleve<a id="notetag310" name="notetag310"></a><a href="#note310">[310]</a> +is more indirect than +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page331" name="page331">(p. 331)</a></span> +Lydgate's, but not on +that account less valuable or satisfactory. Occleve represents himself +as walking pensive and sad, in sorrow of heart, pressed down by +poverty, when he is met by a poor old man who accosts him with +kindness. The poet then details their conversation. He communicates to +the aged man, whom he calls father, his worldly wants and anxiety; +who, addressing him by the endearing name of son, endeavours to +suggest to him some means of procuring a remedy for his distress. His +advice is, to write a poem or two with great pains, and present them +to the Prince, with the full assurance that he would graciously accept +them, and relieve his wants. They must be written, he says, with +especial care, because of the Prince's great skill and judgment; +whilst of their welcome the Prince's gentle and benign bearing towards +all worthy suitors gives a most certain pledge. If Occleve deserves +our confidence, Henry, in the estimation of his contemporaries, even +whilst he was yet Prince of Wales, had the character of a gentle and +kind-hearted man; one whose "heart was full applied to grant," and not +to send a petitioner empty away. Instead of his revelling amidst loose +companions at the Boar in East-Cheap, his contemporaries thought they +should best meet his humour, if they supplied him with a "tale fresh +and +gay,"<a id="notetag311" name="notetag311"></a><a href="#note311">[311]</a> +for his study when he +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page332" name="page332">(p. 332)</a></span> +was in his own chamber, +and was still. So far from thinking that an author would suit his +taste by furnishing any of those works which minister what is grateful +to a depraved mind, their admonition was, to write nothing which could +sow the seeds of vice. They deemed him, if any one, able to set the +true value on a literary work; and felt that, if they purposed to +present any production of their own for his perusal and gratification, +they must take especial pains to make it really good. They had formed, +moreover, such an opinion of his high excellence, and his abhorrence +of flattery, that they thought a man had better undertake a pilgrimage +to Jerusalem than be guilty of any indiscretion in this particular. +Let any impartial person +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page333" name="page333">(p. 333)</a></span> +meditate on these things; let him +carefully read the extracts from Lydgate and Occleve which will be +found in the Appendix; and remembering on the one hand that they were +poets anxious to obtain the favour of the court, and on the other that +no single act or word of vice, or insolence, or levity, is recorded of +Henry by any one of his contemporaries, let him then, like an honest +days-man, pronounce his verdict.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>The tradition with regard to Henry's conduct immediately upon his +father's dissolution, as we gather it from various writers who lived +near that time, is one as to the full admission of which even an +eulogist of Henry of Monmouth needs not be jealous; much less will the +candid enquirer be apprehensive of its effect upon the character which +he is investigating. The tradition then is, that Prince Henry was +attending the sick-bed of his father, who, rousing from a slumber into +which he had sunk for a while, asked him what the person was doing +whom he observed in the room. "My father," replied Henry, "it is the +priest, who has just now consecrated the body of our Lord; lift up +your heart in all holy devotion to God!" His father then most +affectionately and fervently blessed him, and resigned his soul into +the hands of his Redeemer. No sooner had the King breathed his last, +than Henry, under an awful sense of his own unworthiness, and of the +vanity of all worldly objects +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page334" name="page334">(p. 334)</a></span> +of desire, conscious also of +the necessity of an abundant supply of divine grace to fit him for the +discharge of the high duties of the kindly office, to which the voice +of Providence then called him, retired forthwith into an inner +oratory. There, prostrate in body and soul, and humbled to the dust +before the majesty of his Creator, he made a full confession of his +past life. Whether the words put into his mouth were the fruits of his +biographer's imagination, or were committed to writing by Henry +himself, (a supposition thought by some by no means improbable,) they +are the words of a sincere Christian penitent. Henry, as we have +frequently been reminded in these Memoirs, seems to have made much +progress in the knowledge of sacred things, and to have become +familiarly acquainted with the Holy Scriptures; and his confessional +prayer breathes the aspirations of one who had made the divine word +his study. He earnestly implores "his most loving Father to have mercy +upon him, not suffering the miserable creature of his hand to perish, +but making him as one of his hired servants." After he had thus poured +out his soul to God in his secret chamber, he went under cover of the +night to a minister of eminent piety, who lived near at hand at +Westminster. To this servant of Christ he opened all his mind, and +received by his kind and holy offices, the consolations and counsels, +the strengthenings and refreshings, which true religion alone can +give, and which it never +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page335" name="page335">(p. 335)</a></span> +withholds from any one, prince or +peasant, who seeks them with sincere purpose of heart, and applies for +them in earnest prayer.</p> + +<p>Between his accession and his coronation, Henry of Monmouth was much +engaged in exercises of devotion; and various acts of self-humiliation +are recorded of him. Even in the midst of the splendid banquet of his +coronation, (as persons, says Elmham, worthy of credit can testify,) +he neither ate nor drank; his whole mind and soul seemed to be +absorbed by the thought of the solemn and deep responsibility under +which he then lay. For three days he never suffered himself to indulge +in repose on any soft couch; but with fasting, watching, and prayer, +fervently and perseveringly implored the heavenly aid of the King of +kings for the good government of his people. Doubtless, some may see +in every penitential prayer an additional proof of his former +licentiousness and dissipation: others, it is presumed, may not so +interpret these scenes. Perhaps candour and experience may combine in +suggesting to many Christians that the self-abasement of Henry should +be interpreted, not as a criterion of his former delinquencies in +comparison with the principles and conduct of others, but as an index +rather of the standard of religious and moral excellence by which he +tried his own life; that the rule with reference to which a practical +knowledge of his own deficiency filled him with so great compunction +and sorrow of heart, was not the tone +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page336" name="page336">(p. 336)</a></span> +and fashion of the +world, but the pure and holy law of God; and that, consequently, his +degree of contrition does not imply in him any extraordinary sense of +immorality in his past days, but rather the profound reverence which +he had formed of the divine law, and a consciousness of the lamentable +instances in which he had failed to fulfil +it.<a id="notetag312" name="notetag312"></a><a href="#note312">[312]</a> +Be this as it may, +a calm review of all the intimations with regard to his principles, +his conduct, and his feelings, which history and tradition offer, +seems to suggest to our thoughts the expressions of the Psalmist as +words in which Prince Henry might well and sincerely have addressed +the throne of grace. "I have gone astray, like a sheep that is lost. +O! seek thy servant, for I do not forget thy commandments!"</p> + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page337" name="page337">(p. 337)</a></span> + + +<h2>CHAPTER XV.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">shakspeare. — the author's reluctance to test the scenes of the +poet's dramas by matters of fact. — necessity of so doing. — hotspur +in shakspeare the first to bear evidence to henry's reckless +profligacy. — the hotspur of history the first who testifies to his +character for valour, and mercy, and faithfulness in his duties. — +anachronisms of shakspeare. — hotspur's age. — the capture of +mortimer. — battle of homildon. — field of shrewsbury. — archbishop +scrope's death.</span></h3> + + + +<p>The Author has already intimated in his Preface the reluctance with +which he undertook to examine the descriptions of the Prince of +dramatic poets with a direct reference to the test of historical +truth; and he cannot enter upon that inquiry in this place without +repeating his regret, nor without alleging some of the reasons which +seem to make the investigation an imperative duty in these Memoirs.</p> + +<p>In our endeavours to ascertain the real character and conduct of Henry +V, it is not enough that we close the volume of Shakspeare's dramas, +determining to allow it no weight in the scale of evidence. If +nothing +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page338" name="page338">(p. 338)</a></span> +more be done, Shakspeare's representations will have +weight, despite of our resolution. Were Shakspeare any ordinary +writer, or were the parts of his remains which bear on our subject +few, unimportant, and uninteresting, the biographer, without +endangering the truth, might lay him aside with a passing caution +against admitting for evidence the poet's views of facts and +character. But the large majority of readers in England, who know +anything of those times, have formed their estimate of Henry from the +scenic descriptions of Shakspeare, or from modern historians who have +been indebted for their information to no earlier or more authentic +source than his plays. Even writers of a higher character, and to whom +the English student is much indebted, would tempt us to rest satisfied +with the general inferences to be drawn from the scenes of Shakspeare, +though they willingly allow that much of the detail was the fruit only +of his fertile imagination. A modern +author<a id="notetag313" name="notetag313"></a><a href="#note313">[313]</a> +opens his chapter on +the reign of Henry V. with a passage, a counterpart to which we find +expressed, or at least conveyed by implication, in many other writers, +to whose views, however, the searcher after truth and fact cannot +possibly accede. "With the traditionary irregularities of the youth of +Henry V. we are early familiarized by the magical pen of Shakspeare, +never more fascinating than in portraying the associates and frolics +of this illustrious Prince. But +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page339" name="page339">(p. 339)</a></span> +the personifications of the +poet must not be expected to be found in the chroniclers who have +annalised this reign."—"The general facts of his irregularities, and +their amendment, have never been forgotten; but no historical Hogarth +has painted the individual adventures of the princely rake."</p> + +<p>It is not because we would palliate Henry's vices, if such there be on +record, or disguise his follies, or wish his irregularities to be +forgotten in the vivid recollections of his conquests, that we would +try "our immortal bard" by the test of rigid fact. We do so, because +he is the authority on which the estimate of Henry's character, as +generally entertained, is mainly founded. Mr. +Southey,<a id="notetag314" name="notetag314"></a><a href="#note314">[314]</a> +indeed, is +speaking only of his own boyhood when he says, "I had learned all I +knew of English history from Shakspeare." But very many pass through +life without laying aside or correcting those impressions which they +caught at the first opening of their minds; and never have any other +knowledge of the times of which his dramas speak, than what they have +learned from his representations. The great Duke of Marlborough is +known to have confessed that all his acquaintance with English history +was derived from Shakspeare: whilst not unfrequently persons of +literary pursuits, who have studied our histories for themselves, are +to the last under the practical influence of their earliest +associations: unknown +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page340" name="page340">(p. 340)</a></span> +to their own minds the poet is still +their instructor and guide. And this influence Shakspeare exercises +over the historical literature of his country, though he was born more +than one hundred and sixty years after the historical date of that +scene in which he first speaks of the "royal rake's" strayings and +unthriftiness; and though many new sources, not of vague tradition, +but of original and undoubted record, which were closed to him, have +been opened to students of the present day. It has indeed been alleged +that he might have had means of information no longer available by us; +that manuscripts are forgotten, or lost, which bore testimony to +Henry's career of wantonness. But surely such a suggestion only +renders it still more imperative to examine with strict and exact +scrutiny into the poet's descriptions. If these are at all +countenanced by a coincidence with ascertained historical facts, we +must admit them as evidence, secondary indeed, but still the best +within our reach. But if they prove to be wholly untenable when tested +by facts, and irreconcileable with what history places beyond doubt, +we have solid grounds for rejecting them as legitimate testimonies. We +must consider them either as the fascinating but aëry visions of a +poet who lived after the intervention of more than a century and a +half, or as inferences built by him on documents false and misleading.</p> + +<p>It may be said that the poet, in his delineation of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page341" name="page341">(p. 341)</a></span> +the +manners of the time, and in his vivid representations of the sallies +and excesses of a prince notorious for his wildness and profligate +habits, must not be shackled by the rigid and cold bands of historical +verity, any more than we would require of him, in his description of a +battle, the accuracy of a general's bulletin. But if a master poet +should so describe the battle as to involve on the part of the +commander the absence of military skill, and of clear conceptions of a +soldier's duty, or ignorance of the enemy's position and strength, and +of his own resources, or a suspicion of faintheartedness and ungallant +bearing, truth would require us to analyse the description, and either +to restore the fair fame of the commander, or to be convinced that he +had justly lost his military character. On this principle we must +refer Shakspeare's representations to a more unbending standard than a +poet's fantasy.</p> + +<p>The first occasion on which reference is found to the habits and +character of Henry, occurs in the tragedy of Richard II, act v. scene +3, in which his father is represented as making inquiries, of "Percy +and other lords," in such terms as these:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"Can no man tell of my <i>unthrifty</i> son?<br> +'Tis full <span class="smcap">THREE MONTHS</span> since I did see him last:<br> +If any plague hang over us, 'tis he.<br> +I would to Heaven, my lords, he might be found!<br> +Inquire at London 'mongst the taverns there,<br> +For there, they say, he daily doth frequent,<br> +With unrestrained loose companions;<br> +Even +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page342" name="page342">(p. 342)</a></span> + such, they say, as stand in narrow lanes,<br> +And beat our watch, and rob our passengers;<br> +While he, young, wanton, and effeminate boy,<br> +Takes on the point of honour to support<br> +So dissolute a crew."</p> + + +<p>To this inquiry <span class="smcap">Percy</span> is made to answer,</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<span class="poem1">"My lord! some two days since I saw the Prince,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">And told him of these triumphs held at Oxford."</span><br> +<i>Bolinbroke</i>.—"And what said the gallant?"<br> +<i>Percy</i>.—"His answer was—he would unto the stews,<br> +<span class="poem1">And from the common'st creature pluck a glove,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">And wear it as a favour; and, with that,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">He would unhorse the lustiest challenger."</span><br> +<i>Bolinbroke</i>.—"As dissolute as desperate: yet, through both,<br> +<span class="poem1">I see some sparkles of a better hope,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Which elder days may happily bring forth."</span></p> + + +<p>To understand what degree of reliance should be placed upon this +passage as a channel of biographical information, it is only necessary +to recal to mind two points established beyond doubt from history: +first, that the Prince was then not twelve years and a half old; and +secondly, that the circumstance, previously to which this lamentation +must be fixed, took place <span class="smcap">not three months</span> after the coronation, +subsequently to which the King created this his "unthrifty son," "this +gallant, dissolute as desperate," Prince of +Wales.<a id="notetag315" name="notetag315"></a><a href="#note315">[315]</a> +The scene is +placed by Shakspeare at Windsor; +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page343" name="page343">(p. 343)</a></span> +and the conversation +between Henry IV. inquiring about his son, and Percy, so unkindly +fanning his suspicions, is ended abruptly by the breathless haste of +Lord Albemarle, who breaks in upon the court to denounce the +conspiracy against the King's life. This could not have been later +than January 4, 1400; for on that day the conspirators entered +Windsor, after Henry IV, having been apprised of their plot, had left +that place for London. The coronation was celebrated on the 13th of +the preceding October, and the Prince of Wales was born August 9, +1387. The whole year before his father's coronation he was in the +safe-keeping of Richard II, through some months of it in Ireland; and, +on Richard's return to England, he was left a prisoner in Trym Castle. +How many days before the coronation he was brought from Ireland to his +father, does not appear; probably messengers were sent for him +immediately after Richard fell into the hands of Henry IV. The +certainty is, that "<i>full three months</i> could not have passed" since +they +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page344" name="page344">(p. 344)</a></span> +last saw each other; the strong probability is, that +both father and son had kept the feast of Christmas together at +Windsor. That a boy of not twelve years and a half old, just returned +from a year's safe-keeping in the hand of his father's enemy and whom +his father, not three months before, had created Prince of Wales with +all the honours and expressions of regard ever shown on similar +occasions, should have been the leader and supporter of a dissolute +crew of unrestrained loose companions, the frequenter of those sinks +of sin and profligacy which then disgraced the metropolis (as they do +now), is an improbability so gross, that nothing but the excellence of +Shakspeare's pen could have rendered an exposure of it +necessary.<a id="notetag316" name="notetag316"></a><a href="#note316">[316]</a></p> + +<p>The +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page345" name="page345">(p. 345)</a></span> +second introduction of the same subject occurs in the +scene in the court of London, the very day after the news arrived of +Mortimer being taken by Owyn Glyndowr.</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<i>Westmoreland</i>.—"But <i>yesternight</i>; when all athwart there came<br> +<span class="poem1">A post from Wales loaden with heavy news;</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Whose worst was that the noble Mortimer,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Leading the Herefordshire men to fight</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Against the irregular and wild Glyndower,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Was by the rude hands of that Welshman taken."</span></p> + + +<p>The anachronism of Shakspeare, in making the two reports, of +Mortimer's capture and of the battle of Homildon, reach London on the +same day, though there was an interval of more than three months +between them, only tends to show that we must not look to him as a +channel of historical accuracy. How utterly inappropriate is the +desponding lamentation of Henry IV, the bare reference to actual dates +is alone needed to show.</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<i>Westmoreland</i>.—"Faith! 'tis a conquest for a prince to boast of."<br> +<i>K. Henry</i>.—"Yea: there thou makest me sad, and makest me sin<br> +<span class="poem1">In envy that my Lord Northumberland</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Should be the father of so blest a son;</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Whilst I, by looking on the praise of him,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">See riot and dishonour stain the brow</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Of</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page346" name="page346">(p. 346)</a></span> + my young Harry. O that it could be proved<br> +<span class="poem1">That some night-tripping fairy had exchanged</span><br> +<span class="poem1">In cradle-clothes our children where they lay,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">And called mine Percy, his Plantagenet;</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Then I would have his Harry, and he mine!</span><br> +<span class="poem1">But let him from my thoughts."</span></p> + + +<p>In this glowing page of Shakspeare is preserved one of those +exquisite, fascinating illusions which are scattered up and down +throughout his never-dying remains, and which, arresting us +everywhere, hold the willing imagination spell-bound, till, after +reflection, Truth rises upon the mind, and with one gleam of her soft +but omnipotent light varies the charm, and contrasts the satisfaction +of reality with the pleasures of fiction. The poet's imagery paints to +our mind's eye Harry Hotspur and Harry of Monmouth lying each in his +"cradle-clothes" on some one and the same night, when the powers of +Fairy-land might have exchanged the boys, and called Percy, +Plantagenet. To effect such a change, however, of the first-born sons +of Northumberland and Bolinbroke, an extent of power and skill must +have been in requisition far beyond what their warmest advocates are +wont to assign to those "night-tripping" personages. Hotspur was at +least one-and-twenty years old when Henry of Monmouth "lay in his +cradle-clothes." The pencil also of the painter has lent its aid to +confirm and propagate the same delusion as to the relative ages of +these two warriors. In the representation (for example) of the +Battle-field of Shrewsbury, Hotspur +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page347" name="page347">(p. 347)</a></span> +and Henry, the heroes in +the fore-ground, are models of two gallant youths, equal in age, +struggling for the mastery: and in the chamber-scene, whilst Henry is +represented in all the freshness of a beardless youth, his father +shows the worn-out veteran; his brow and cheeks deeply furrowed, his +whole frame borne down towards the grave by length of days as much as +by infirmities, though when he died his age did not exceed his +forty-seventh year.</p> + +<p>The time of Hotspur's birth has generally been considered matter only +for conjecture; but whether we draw our inferences from undisputed +facts, and the clearest deductions of sound argument, or rest only on +the direct evidence now for the first time, it is presumed, brought +forward, we cannot regard Hotspur at the very lowest calculation as a +single year younger than Henry of Monmouth's father, the very +Bolinbroke whom the poet makes to utter such a lamentation and such a +wish. Bolinbroke's birth-day cannot be assigned (as we have seen) to +an earlier date than April 6, 1366; and the Annals of the +Peerage<a id="notetag317" name="notetag317"></a><a href="#note317">[317]</a> +refer Hotspur's birth to May 20, +1364.<a id="notetag318" name="notetag318"></a><a href="#note318">[318]</a> +The Author, however, is +disposed to think that the Annals have antedated his birth by more +than a year at least. In the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page348" name="page348">(p. 348)</a></span> +Scrope and Grosvenor +controversy,<a id="notetag319" name="notetag319"></a><a href="#note319">[319]</a> +the record of which supplied us with the ages of +Glyndowr and his brother, the commissioners examined both Hotspur and +his father. The father, usually called the "aged Earl," gave his +testimony on the 19th November 1386, as "the Earl of Northumberland, +of the age of forty-five years, having borne arms thirty years." +Hotspur, who was examined on the 30th of the preceding October, that +is, in the year before Henry of Monmouth was born, gave his testimony +as "Sir Henry Percy, of the age of twenty years." Hotspur must, +therefore, have been born between the end of October 1365 and the end +of October 1366. And if the annalists are right in fixing upon the day +of the year on which he was born, his birth-day was in the month next +following the birth-day of Bolinbroke. On the most probable +calculation, he might have been five months older than Bolinbroke; he +could not have been seven months younger. It is a curious and +interesting circumstance, that, instead of specifying the number of +years through which he had borne arms, Hotspur referred the +commissioners to the first occasion of his having seen and shared the +real service of battle: +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page349" name="page349">(p. 349)</a></span> +"First armed when the castle of +Berwick was taken by the Scots, and when the rescue was made." The +surprise of Berwick by the Scots took place on the Thursday before St. +Andrew's day in the year 1378, (which fell on November 25,) so that +Hotspur passed his noviciate in the field of battle when he was only +just past his twelfth year, and almost nine years before Henry of +Monmouth was born. In 1388, when Henry was only one year old, Hotspur +was taken prisoner by the Scots. His eldest son, whom Henry with so +much generosity restored to his honours and estates, was born February +3, 1393.<a id="notetag320" name="notetag320"></a><a href="#note320">[320]</a></p> + +<p>Though +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page350" name="page350">(p. 350)</a></span> +these facts prove that Shakspeare has spread through +the world a most erroneous opinion of the relative ages and +circumstances of Bolinbroke, Hotspur, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page351" name="page351">(p. 351)</a></span> +and Henry of +Monmouth,—a circumstance, indeed, in itself of no great +importance,—the question on which we are engaged will be more +immediately and strongly affected if it can be shown precisely, that +at the very time when (according to the poet's representation) Henry +IV. uttered this lamentation, expressive of deep present sorrow at the +reckless misdoings of his son, and of anticipations of worse, that +very son was doing his duty valiantly and mercifully in Wales.</p> + +<p>On the lowest calculation, a full month before Mortimer's capture, the +young royal warrior had scoured the whole country of Glyndwrdy in +person, and had burnt two of Owyn's mansions; whilst the strong +probability is, that he had headed his troops on that expedition more +than a year before.</p> + +<p>It is very remarkable (though Shakspeare doubtless never became +acquainted with the circumstance) that the identical Percy whom he +makes Henry IV. desire to have been his son, instead of his own Henry, +bears ample testimony, at least a full year previously, to the valour +and kind-heartedness of him on whose brow the poet makes his father +lament "the stain of riot and dishonour."</p> + +<p>Sir Edmund Mortimer was taken by Glyndowr at Melienydd in Radnor, June +12th, 1402; and, as early as the 3rd of May 1401, Percy wrote from +Caernarvon to the council that North Wales was obedient to the law, +except the rebels of Conway and Rees Castles, who were in the +mountains, whom he +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page352" name="page352">(p. 352)</a></span> +expresses his expectation that the Prince +of Wales would subdue. "These will be right well chastened," said he, +"if God please, by the force and governance which my lord the Prince +<i>has</i> sent against them, as well of his council as of his retinue." In +the same letter Hotspur informs the King's council that the commons of +the counties of Caernarvon and Merioneth (who had come before him in +the sessions which he was then holding as Chief Justice of North +Wales) had humbly expressed their thanks to the Prince for the great +pains of his kind good-will in endeavouring to obtain their +pardon."<a id="notetag321" name="notetag321"></a><a href="#note321">[321]</a> +Henry Prince of Wales, whom the poet makes his father +thus to disparage at the mere mention of Henry Percy's victory, would +lose nothing in point of prowess, and generosity, and high-minded +bearing, at this very early period of his youth, by a comparison +either with Percy himself, or with any other of his contemporaries, +whose names are recorded in history.</p> + +<p>The next passage of our historical dramatist which requires to be +examined, occurs in that very affecting interview between Henry and +his father on the news of Percy's rebellion, and the resolution +declared to take the field at +Shrewsbury.<a id="notetag322" name="notetag322"></a><a href="#note322">[322]</a></p> + +<p class="poem"> +"I know not whether God will have it so,<br> +For some displeasing service I have done,<br> +That, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page353" name="page353">(p. 353)</a></span> + in his secret, doom out of my blood<br> +He breeds revengement and a scourge for me.<br> +But thou dost, in thy passages of life,<br> +Make me believe that thou art only marked<br> +For the hot vengeance and the rod of heaven,<br> +To punish my mistreadings. Tell me else,<br> +Could such inordinate and low desires,<br> +Such barren, base, such lewd, such mean attempts,<br> +Such barren pleasures, rude + society,<a id="notetag323" name="notetag323"></a><a href="#note323">[323]</a><br> +As thou art matched withal and grafted to,<br> +Accompany the greatness of thy blood,<br> +And hold their level with thy princely heart?<br> +Thy +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page354" name="page354">(p. 354)</a></span> + place in council thou hast rudely lost,<br> +Which by thy younger brother is supplied;<br> +And art almost an alien to the hearts<br> +Of all the court, and princes of my blood."</p> + + +<p>The battle of Shrewsbury was fought July 21, 1403. The tragedian +represents Henry the Prince as at this period in the full career of +his unbridled extravagances; his father bewailing his sad degeneracy, +himself pleading nothing in excuse, praying for pardon, and promising +amendment. It must appear passing strange to those who have drawn +their estimate of those years of Prince Henry's youth from Shakspeare, +to find the real truth to be this. Not only was he not then in London +the profligate debauchee, the reckless madcap, the creature of "vassal +fear and base inclination," "the nearest and dearest of his father's +foes;" not only was he acting valiantly in defence of his father's +throne; but that very father's own pen is the instrument to bear chief +testimony to his valour and noble merits at that very hour. It is as +though history were designed on set purpose, and by especial +commission, to counteract the bewitching fictions of the poet. Henry +IV. was on his road to assist Hotspur and the Earl of Northumberland, +in utter ignorance of their rebellion. Arrived at Higham Ferrers, he +wrote to his council, informing them that he had received, as well by +his son Henry's own letters, as by the report of his messengers, most +satisfactory accounts of this very dear and well-beloved +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page355" name="page355">(p. 355)</a></span> +son +the Prince, which gave him very great + pleasure.<a id="notetag324" name="notetag324"></a><a href="#note324">[324]</a> +He then directs +them to send the Prince 1000<i>l.</i> to enable him to keep his forces +together. This letter is dated July 10, 1403, just eleven days before +the battle of Shrewsbury. The King heard of Hotspur's rebellion on his +arrival at Burton on Trent, from which place he dates his +proclamation. Henry of Monmouth was appointed Lieutenant of Wales on +the 4th of March 1403; and he was with his men-at-arms and archers +there, discharging the duties of a faithful son and valiant young +warrior, when Hotspur revolted; and he left his charge in Wales, not +to revel in London, but only to join his own to his father's forces, +and fight for their kingdom on the field of Shrewsbury.</p> + +<p>The extraordinary confusion of place and time, pervading the "Second +Part of King Henry IV," is only equalled by the mistaken view which +the writer gives of the character of Henry of Monmouth. News of the +overthrow of Archbishop Scrope is brought to London on the very day on +which Henry IV. sickens and dies; whereas that King was himself in +person in the north, and insisted upon the execution of the +Archbishop, just eight years before. The Archbishop was beheaded on +Whitmonday (June 8) in the year 1405. Henry IV. died March 20, 1413. +And instead of Henry, the Prince, being either at Windsor hunting, or +in London +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page356" name="page356">(p. 356)</a></span> +"with Poins and other his continual followers," +when his father was depressed and perplexed by the rebellion in the +north, he was doing his duty well, gallantly, and to the entire +satisfaction of his father. We have a letter, dated Berkhemstead, +March 13, 1405, written by the King to his council, with a copy of his +son Henry's letter announcing the victory over the Welsh rebels at +Grosmont in Monmouthshire, which was won on Wednesday the 11th of that +month. The King writes with great joy and exultation, bidding his +council to convey the glad tidings to the mayor and citizens of +London, that "they (he says) may rejoice with us, and join in praises +to our Creator."</p> + +<p>Thus does history prove that, in every instance of Shakspeare's +fascinating representations of Henry of Monmouth's practices, the poet +was guided by his imagination, which, working only on the vague +tradition of a sudden change for the better in the Prince immediately +on his accession, and magnifying that change into something almost +miraculous, has drawn a picture which can never be seen without being +admired for its life, and boldness, and colouring; but which, as an +historical portrait, is not only unlike the original, but misleading +and unjust in essential points of character.</p> + +<p>It has been said, and perhaps with truth, to what extent soever we may +believe Shakspeare to have made "Europe ring from side to side" with +the vices and follies, the riots and extravagances, of the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page357" name="page357">(p. 357)</a></span> +young Prince, yet that he had spread his fame and glory far more +widely, and excited an incomparably greater interest in his character, +than history itself, however full, and however true in recording his +merits, could have done. The admirer therefore of the Prince's +character, who reflects on Shakspeare, is held to be ungrateful to +Henry's best benefactor; and, as far as his influence reaches, tends +to check the interest excited for the hero of his choice. But, whilst +he recalls with grateful reminiscence the enjoyment which he has often +drawn himself freely from the same well-head, the Author, in +attempting to distinguish between truth and fiction, would on no +account damp the ardour with which his countrymen will still derive +pleasure from these scenes of "Nature's child;" and he trusts that, +whilst he has supplied solid and substantial ground for Englishmen +still retaining Henry of Monmouth in their affections, among their +favourite princes and kings, his work has no tendency to close against +a single individual those sources of intellectual delight, which will +be open wide to all, whilst literature itself shall have a place on +earth.</p> + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page358" name="page358">(p. 358)</a></span> + +<h2>CHAPTER XVI.</h2> + +<h3><span class="smcap">story of prince henry and the chief justice. — first found in the +work of sir thomas elyot, published nearly a century and a half +subsequently to the supposed transaction. — sir john hawkins hall — +hume. — no allusion to the circumstance in the early chroniclers. — +dispute as to the judge. — various claimants of the distinction. — +gascoyne — hankford — hody — markham. — some interesting +particulars with regard to gascoyne, lately discovered and verified. +— improbability of the entire story.</span></h3> + + +<p>In a little work, not long since published, intended to interest the +rising generation in the history of their own country, the preface +assigns as the author's reason for not coming down later than the +Revolution of 1689, "that, from that period, history becomes too +distinct and important to be trifled with." The doctrine involved in +the position, which is implied here, <i>that the previous history of our +country may be trifled with</i>, is so dangerous to the cause of truth, +that we may well believe the sentiment to have fallen from the pen of +the author unadvisedly. It is, however, unhappily a principle on which +too many, in works of far higher stamp +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page359" name="page359">(p. 359)</a></span> +and graver moment, +have justified themselves in substituting their own theories, and +hypotheses, and descriptive scenes, for the unbending strictness of +fact, thus sapping the foundation of all confidence in history. It is +not the poet only, and the fascinating author of historical romances, +who have thus "trifled with history;" our annalists and chroniclers, +our lawyers and moralists, often, no doubt unwittingly, certainly +unscrupulously, have countenanced and aided the same pernicious +practice. It is frequently curious and amusing to trace the various +successive gradations, beginning with surmise, and proceeding through +probability onward to positive assertion, each writer borrowing from +his predecessor; and then in turn, from his own filling-up of the +outline, furnishing somewhat more for another, who supplies at length +the whole historical portrait, complete in all its form and colouring. +Had the author above referred to not taken to himself practically in +the body of his work the indulgence which his latitudinarian principle +recognizes in the preface, he would not have so distorted facts in his +"story of Madcap Harry and the Old Judge," for the purpose of making a +pretty consistent tale,—consistent with itself, but not with the +truth of history,—to amuse children in their earliest days, at the +risk of misleading them, and giving them a wrong bias through their +lives.</p> + +<p>In examining the alleged fact of Henry's violence and insults +exhibited in a court of justice, there +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page360" name="page360">(p. 360)</a></span> +is much greater +difficulty than may generally be supposed, in consequence of the +entire silence of all contemporary annalists and chroniclers. Not one +word occurs asserting it; no allusion to the circumstance whatever is +found previously to the reign of Henry VIII, nearly a century and a +half after Henry V.'s accession. + Hume<a id="notetag325" name="notetag325"></a><a href="#note325">[325]</a> asserts it on the authority +of Hall; and Hall has exaggerated the alleged facts most egregiously, +and most unjustifiably. Whether the fact took place, and, if it did, +what were the time, the place, and the circumstances, the reader must +judge for himself. The present treatise professes only to bring +together the evidences on all sides fairly.</p> + +<p>It has been already stated that no historian or chronicler, (whose +work is now in existence and known,) for nearly one hundred and fifty +years, has ever alluded to the transaction. The first writer in whom +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page361" name="page361">(p. 361)</a></span> +it is found is Sir Thomas Elliott (or Elyot), who, in a work +called The Governour, dedicated to Henry VIII. about the year 1534, +thus particularizes the occurrence. Elyot gives no reference to his +authority.</p> + +<p>"The most renowned Prince, King Henry V. late King of England, during +the life of his father, was noted to be fierce and of wanton courage. +It happened that one of his servants, whom he well favoured, was, for +felony by him committed, arraigned at the King's Bench. Whereof the +Prince being advertised, and incensed by light persons about him, in +furious rage came hastily to the bar, where his servant stood as a +prisoner, and commanded him to be ungyved and set at liberty: whereat +all men were abashed, reserved [except] the Chief Justice, who humbly +exhorted the Prince to be contented that his servant might be ordered +according to the ancient laws of this realm; or, if he would have him +saved from the rigour of the laws, that he should obtain, if he might, +from the King his father his gracious pardon, whereby no law or +justice should be derogate. With which answer the Prince nothing +appeased, but rather more inflamed, endeavoured himself to take away +his servant. The Judge, considering the perilous example and +inconvenience that might thereby issue, with a valiant spirit and +courage commanded the Prince upon his allegiance to leave the prisoner +and depart his way. With which commandment the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page362" name="page362">(p. 362)</a></span> +Prince being +set all in a fury, all chafed and in a terrible manner came up to the +place of judgment, men thinking that he would have slain the Judge, or +have done to him some damage; but the Judge, sitting still without +moving, declaring the majesty of the King's place of judgment, and +with an assured and bold countenance, had to the Prince these words +following: 'Sir, remember yourself: I keep here the place of the King +your sovereign lord and father, to whom ye owe double obedience; +wherefore eftsoons in his name I charge you desist of your wilfulness +and unlawful enterprise, and from henceforth give good example to +those which hereafter shall be your proper subjects. And now, for your +contempt and disobedience, go you to the prison of the King's Bench, +whereunto I commit you; and remain ye there prisoner until the +pleasure of the King your father be further known.' With which words +being abashed, and also wondering at the marvellous gravity of that +worshipful Justice, the noble Prince laying his weapon apart, doing +reverence, departed; and went to the King's Bench, as he was +commanded. Whereat his servants disdaining, came and showed the King +all the whole affair. Whereat he awhile studying, after as a man all +ravished with gladness, holding his hands and eyes up towards heaven +abraided, saying with a loud voice, 'O merciful God, how much am I +above other men bound to your infinite goodness, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page363" name="page363">(p. 363)</a></span> +specially +that ye have given me a Judge who feareth not to minister justice, and +also a son who can suffer semblably, and obey justice!'"</p> + +<p>Sir John +Hawkins,<a id="notetag326" name="notetag326"></a><a href="#note326">[326]</a> +when he cites this passage as evidence of an +ebullition of wanton insolence and unrestrained impetuosity, in +illustration of the character of Henry, to whom he ascribes the +unjustifiable suppression of an act of parliament, lays himself open +to blame in more points than one. In the first place, he ought not, as +regards the suppression of an act of parliament, to have charged upon +Henry, as a self-willed act, what, to say the very least, was equally +the act of the whole Privy Council; and then he ought not to have +endeavoured to brand him with disgrace on the testimony of a witness +who wrote nearly a century and a half after the asserted event.</p> + +<p>Hall, who wrote only at the commencement of the reign of Edward VI, +(the first edition of his work having appeared in 1548,) thus states +the charge against Henry:</p> + +<p>"For imprisonment of +one<a id="notetag327" name="notetag327"></a><a href="#note327">[327]</a> +of his wanton mates and unthrifty +playfaires, he strake the Chief Justice with his fist on his face; for +which offence he was not only committed to streight prison, but also +of his +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page364" name="page364">(p. 364)</a></span> +father put out of the Privy Council and banished the +court, and his brother Thomas Duke of Clarence elected president of +the King's counsail, to his great displeasure and open reproach."</p> + +<p>Perhaps it might be argued without unfairness, that the great +variation and discrepancy in the traditions respecting this affair in +the Prince's life would induce us to believe that, at all events, +something of the kind actually took place; that, without some +foundation in real fact, so extraordinary a transaction could never +have been invented; that, whatever difficulty we may find in filling +up the outline, the broad reality of an insolent and violent bearing +shown by the Prince to a Judge on the bench ought to be admitted; and +that any variation as to the person of the Judge, or the court over +which he presided, or the time at which the incident might have taken +place, or the degree of insult and personal violence exhibited, is +unessential, and proves only the inaccuracy in detail of various +accounts, all of which combine, independently of those minute +circumstances, to establish the main point. To this argument it might +also be added, that the very circumstance of an inspection of original +documents presenting names of real living persons, identically the +same with those which Shakspeare has given to the minor heroes of his +drama, (such as Bardolf, Pistol, &c.) intimates a knowledge on his +part of the transactions of those times which entitles him to a higher +degree of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page365" name="page365">(p. 365)</a></span> +credit, as seeming to imply that he might have had +recourse to documents which are now lost:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"Sir, Here comes the nobleman who committed the +Prince for striking him about <span class="smcap">Bardolf</span>."</p> +<p class="left50 p0t"> +<span class="smcap">2 Hen. IV.</span>act. i.</p> + + +<p>On the other side, it might with equal, perhaps with greater fairness +be argued, that this is not one of those cases in which various +independent authorities bear separate testimony to one important fact; +whilst minor discrepancies as to time and place, and persons and +circumstances, tend only to confirm the testimony, placing the +authority above suspicion, and exempting the case from all idea of +conspiring witnesses. Such arguments are then only sound when the +witnesses are contemporary with the fact, or live soon after its +alleged date. But when chroniclers and biographers, who write +immediately of the times and of the life of the person charged, +recording circumstances far less important and characteristic, omit +all mention whatever of an event which must have been notorious to +all,—but of which no trace whatever can be found, nor any allusion +directly or indirectly to it is discovered, for more than a century +and a quarter after the death of the accused,—the investigator +appears to be justified in requiring some auxiliary evidence; at all +events, such discrepancies cease to contribute the alleged aid to the +establishment of the main fact. When, for example, the Chronicle of +London records an affray in East-Cheap between the townsmen and the +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page366" name="page366">(p. 366)</a></span> +Princes,<a id="notetag328" name="notetag328"></a><a href="#note328">[328]</a> +mentioning by name Thomas and John, and +registers the journeys of John of Gaunt, the execution of Rhys Duy, +the Welshman, with unnumbered events, far less important and notorious +than must have been the commitment to prison of the heir-apparent of +the throne, and on that circumstance is altogether silent, not having +the slightest allusion to anything of the kind; and when those +biographers who lived and wrote nearest to the time (such as Elmham, +Livius, Otterbourne, Hardyng, Walsingham, all of whom speak more or +less strongly of his irregularities and youthful vices, and subsequent +reformation,) never allude to any story of the sort, and apparently +had no knowledge even of any tradition respecting it; the charge +either of partiality or incredulity does not seem to lie at the door +of any one who might doubt the reality of the whole. It is not as +though the deed were regarded as having fixed an indelible stain on +the Prince's memory, and therefore his partial biographers would +gladly have buried it in oblivion. Sir Thomas +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page367" name="page367">(p. 367)</a></span> +Elyot (and his +seems to have been the general opinion) appears to have considered the +issue of the transaction as far more redounding to the Prince's +honour, than its progress stamped him with disgrace; and he attracts +the reader's especial attention to it by a marginal note: "A good +Judge, a good Prince, a good King." It is curious to observe the +progress of this story. Sir Thomas Elyot, the first in point of time +who states it, makes no mention either "of the blow on the Chief +Justice's face with his fist," or the removal of the Prince from the +council, and the substitution of his brother. Hall, on whom Hume +builds, adds both those facts; and then Hume in his turn proceeds to +affirm that his father, during the <i>latter years</i> of his life, had +excluded him <i>from all share in public business</i>. Had Hume examined +the original documents for himself, instead of building only upon +"printed accounts" of later date by more than a century, he could not +have fallen into this error. But a refutation of this mistake, only +incidental to our present question, belonged to another part of this +work, where it may be found in its chronological order. To the +ancillary argument drawn from the names of Henry's supposed reckless +companions in Shakspeare occurring in the records of real history, it +may be answered, that if that fact proved anything, it proves too +much. If, indeed, men of those names were found in Henry's company, as +Prince of Wales, either in London, in Wales, or in Calais, and were +afterwards +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page368" name="page368">(p. 368)</a></span> +lost sight of, or seen only in obscurity and +separate from him, that fact might be regarded as confirmatory of the +popular tradition. But the reality is otherwise. The names of Pistol +and Bardolf<a id="notetag329" name="notetag329"></a><a href="#note329">[329]</a> +are found among those who accompanied the King in his +careers of victory in France: and in the very year before Henry's +death (a fact hitherto unnoticed by historians) William Bardolf was +one of the Barons of the Cinque Ports, and Lieutenant of Calais; a +post which he appears to have held for some years with great credit, +and enjoying the royal favour and confidence. William Bardolf had been +employed ten years before by Henry IV, as one of the commissioners +appointed to treat with the Duke of +Burgundy.<a id="notetag330" name="notetag330"></a><a href="#note330">[330]</a></p> + +<p>It is a curious fact, that the magnanimous conduct of the Judge, +tending so much to his renown, has induced various families and +biographers to challenge +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page369" name="page369">(p. 369)</a></span> +the credit of the affair for their +friends. No less than four claimants require us to examine their +pretensions. Shakspeare and the world at large have consented to give +the honour to Gascoyne; whilst the friends of Markham, Hankford, and +Hody, have each in their turn disputed the palm with him. Of these +four claimants two are reckoned among the "worthies of Devon." With +regard to Sir John Hody, "to whom some of our countrymen (says Mr. +Prince) would ascribe the honour," we need only add the sentence with +which this antiquary sets aside his claim,—"But this cannot be, for +that he was not a judge until thirty years afterwards."</p> + +<p>The claims of Hankford to this distinction rest on the authority of +Risdon, the Devon antiquary, who began his work in 1605, and did not +finish it till 1630. Mr. Prince would add the authority of Baker's +Chronicle; but, were Baker's authority of any value, he does not +mention the name of the Judge; and, by specifying that the transaction +took place at the <i>King's Bench</i> bar, and that the Prince was +committed to the <i>Fleet</i>, he shows that no dependence is to be placed +on his authority. If it took place at the King's Bench bar, the King's +Bench prison would have received the royal culprit; and if, as Risdon +says, the Judge's sentence was, "I command you, prisoner, to the +King's Bench," not Hankford, but Gascoyne, was the Judge. Hankford was +not appointed to the King's Bench before March +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page370" name="page370">(p. 370)</a></span> +29th, 1 Henry +V, some days after the supposed culprit had ascended the +throne.<a id="notetag331" name="notetag331"></a><a href="#note331">[331]</a></p> + +<p>The claim of Judge Markham, it is presumed, is supported only by the +testimony of an ancient manuscript preserved in his family. He was +Chief Justice +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page371" name="page371">(p. 371)</a></span> +of the Common Pleas from 20 Richard II. to 9 +Henry IV.<a id="notetag332" name="notetag332"></a><a href="#note332">[332]</a> +Some colour, however, is given to this claim by the +vague tradition that Prince Henry was committed to the Fleet; to which +prison alone the Judges of the Common Pleas commit their prisoners. +But if he was the Judge who committed the Prince, and if he died in +the 9th of +Henry IV,<a id="notetag333" name="notetag333"></a><a href="#note333">[333]</a> +the allegation that the Prince was then +dismissed from the council falls to the ground; for at that time, and +long after, he seems to have been in the very zenith of his power.</p> + +<p>If, then, Prince Henry was ever guilty of the gross insult and +violence in a court of justice, and the firm, intrepid Judge, to +uphold and vindicate the majesty of the law, committed him to prison +for the offence, the probabilities preponderate in favour of Gascoyne +having been the individual. But this supposition also is not free from +difficulties. He was made Chief Justice of the King's +Bench<a id="notetag334" name="notetag334"></a><a href="#note334">[334]</a> +15th +November, 2 Henry IV. (1401.) And of his +intrepidity<a id="notetag335" name="notetag335"></a><a href="#note335">[335]</a> +in the +discharge of that office, we have already +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page372" name="page372">(p. 372)</a></span> +mentioned an +especial instance at the death of Archbishop Scrope, if what Clemens +Maydestone, a contemporary, says, be true. Henry IV, who had the +person of the Archbishop in his power, called upon Gascoyne, who was +with him, to pass on his prisoner the sentence of death; but, at the +risk of losing the King's favour and his own appointment, he +positively refused, on the ground of its illegality. The Archbishop, +however, was condemned to be beheaded by one Fulthorp, (or, as some +say, Fulford,) afterwards a judge, as we have stated in its place. +Gascoyne was subsequently sent with Lord Ross, by the council, to the +north, as one of those in whom the King was known to have especial +confidence, as soon as the news arrived in London of Lord Bardolf's +hostile movement; and we find him still continued in the office of +Chief Justice, apparently without having incurred the King's +displeasure.</p> + +<p>No adage is more sound than that which affirms a little learning to be +a dangerous thing. More than fifty years ago, the Gentleman's +Magazine<a id="notetag336" name="notetag336"></a><a href="#note336">[336]</a> +triumphantly maintained, that, at all events, Shakspeare +had deviated from history in bringing Henry V. +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page373" name="page373">(p. 373)</a></span> +and Gascoyne +together after the Prince's accession, because Gascoyne died in the +life-time of Henry IV. This view has generally been acquiesced in, and +the powerfully delineated scene of our great dramatist has been +pronounced altogether the groundless fiction of an event which could +not by possibility have transpired. The whole question turns upon the +date of Gascoyne's death. He was buried in Harewood Church in +Yorkshire; and Fuller gives the following as his monumental +inscription: "Gulielmus Gascoyne, Die Dominica, 17<sup>o</sup> Dec<sup>ris</sup>. 1412, 14 +H. IV."—"William Gascoyne [died] on Sunday, December 17th, 1412, in +the fourteenth year of Henry IV." If this were correct, there would be +an end of the question; but the brass was torn from the tomb during +the civil wars, and the copy cannot be verified. The inscription, +however, as given by Fuller, is at all events self-contradictory. The +17th of December fell on a Saturday, not on a Sunday, in 1412.</p> + +<p>The process of the argument, and the accession of new evidence by +which we are now at length enabled to set this point at rest, are very +curious. The Author, indeed, confesses himself to have been one of +those who were induced, by the documents then before them, to believe +that Judge Gascoyne died on Sunday, December 17, 1413, somewhat more +than half a year after Henry V.'s accession; and although the late +discovery of the Judge's last Will +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page374" name="page374">(p. 374)</a></span> +proves that the argument +was then sound only so far as it established the fact that he died +after Henry's accession, and was unsound in fixing the period of his +death at so early a period as December 1413; yet the statement of that +argument may perhaps not be altogether uninteresting, whilst it may +suggest a valuable caution as to the jealous vigilance with which +circumstantial evidence should always be sifted before the conclusions +built upon it be admitted.</p> + +<p>It was then a fact upon record, that Chief Justice Gascoyne was +summoned, on the 22nd March 1413, (the very day after Henry's +accession,) to attend the parliament in the May following. When the +parliament met, Gascoyne's name does not appear among those who were +present; whilst Hankford, his successor, is appointed Trier of +Petitions in the room of Gascoyne, and, in the case of a writ of +error, brings up as Chief Justice the record from the King's Bench. +Hankford's appointment as Chief Justice bears date March 29th, 1413; +and he is summoned to attend parliament as Chief Justice in the +December +following.<a id="notetag337" name="notetag337"></a><a href="#note337">[337]</a> +In the Pell Rolls a payment is recorded, July +7, 1413, of his half-year's fee to "William Gascoyne, late Chief +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page375" name="page375">(p. 375)</a></span> +Justice of Lord Henry the King's father." The inference from +these facts was undoubtedly conclusive: first, that Gascoyne's death +was erroneously referred to December 1412; secondly, that he was alive +and Chief Justice when Henry V. came to the throne; thirdly, that he +ceased to be Chief Justice within eight days of Henry's accession, +somewhere between March 22, and March 29, 1413. It was merely matter +of conjecture whether he was too ill to discharge the duties of his +station, and resigned; or what other probable cause of his removal +existed. The conversation, at all events, which Shakspeare records, +might <i>possibly</i> have taken place; though it is a fact, scarcely +reconcilable with it, that Henry V. never did renew Gascoyne's +appointment,—a proceeding almost invariably adopted on the demise of +a sovereign by his successor. Henry V. might have offered to commit +into his hand "the unstained sword that he was wont to bear:"—within +eight days after Henry IV. had ceased to breathe, Gascoyne had no +longer in his hand the staff of justice.</p> + +<p>The reason which then induced the persons who argued on these facts to +suppose that Fuller had by mistake adopted the date of the year 1412 +instead of 1413 was this:—It was very improbable that the words "Die +Dominica" should have been introduced by the copyist, if they were not +really on the tomb. Hence it was inferred that he died on a Sunday. +Now December 17th was on a Sunday in +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page376" name="page376">(p. 376)</a></span> +the following year, +1413; and, since the date was in Roman letters, it was thought very +probable that the last I had been obliterated in MCCCCXIII. The words, +indeed, "14th Henry IV," were also quoted by Fuller: but it was +unquestionably more credible that those words formed a marginal note +in the reporter's manuscript, and were mere surplusages, than that +they should have been allowed a place in the brass scroll of a +monument.</p> + +<p>Such was the state of our knowledge, and such was the course of our +reasoning as to the time of Gascoyne's decease, till within a very +short period of the publication of this work. A document, however, has +been very lately brought to light on this subject, which supersedes +that statement altogether; setting the whole argument in a new point +of view, and reading a plain lesson on the care and circumspection +with which inferences, however plausible, as to dates and facts, +should be admitted. In the present instance, indeed, the conclusion to +which we had before arrived, on the question of Gascoyne having +survived Henry IV, remains unassailable, or rather, is only still +further removed from the possibility of historical doubt; and the +whole argument on the vast improbability of Prince Henry having ever +offered an insult to the Chief Justice, or of his ever having been +committed to prison for any offence of the kind, remains at least +equally strong as before. Most persons, perhaps, may consider the +degree of improbability +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page377" name="page377">(p. 377)</a></span> +to have become still greater. Be +this as it may, the facts now placed beyond further controversy as to +Gascoyne's death are these. In the Registry of the Court of York the +last Will and testament of William Gascoyne has been found recorded. +It bears date on the Friday after St. Lucy's Day in the year 1419; and +it was proved on the 23rd of December following. In the year 1419, St. +Lucy's Day, December 13, was on a Wednesday. The Will was consequently +made on Friday the 15th of December, and was proved on the morrow +week, Saturday, December 23rd. In the Will, the testator declares that +he was weak in body; and the strong probability is that he died on the +following Sunday, December 17, +1419.<a id="notetag338" name="notetag338"></a><a href="#note338">[338]</a> +This would accord precisely +with Fuller's representation of the scroll on the tomb, "on the Lord's +Day, December 17." Whilst the facility of mistaking MCCCCXIX for +MCCCCXII, (being the obliteration only of one cross stroke in the last +letter,) is even more remarkable than that of the error which on the +former supposition was thought probable, from the obliteration of the +last letter I in MCCCCXIII.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>The Author has had recourse to every means within his reach to assure +himself of the genuineness of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page378" name="page378">(p. 378)</a></span> +this document, and to ascertain +that the testator was the William +Gascoyne<a id="notetag339" name="notetag339"></a><a href="#note339">[339]</a> +who was Chief Justice +of the King's Bench. The result is, that not a shadow of any of the +doubts which he once jealously entertained, remains on the subject; +whilst he gratefully remembers the prompt and satisfactory assistance +rendered him by the present Registrar of York. The document must be +admitted without reserve.</p> + +<p>From these now indisputable facts a thought might perhaps not +unnaturally suggest itself to the mind of any one taking only a +general view of the whole subject, that some countenance is here given +to the prevalent notion that Gascoyne had displeased Henry during the +years of his princedom; but that, instead of holding the worthy and +intrepid Judge in higher honour, (as tradition tells,) and rewarding +him for his noble bearing, on the contrary, the King resented the +insult shown to his person, and dismissed him (contrary to the usual +practice) +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page379" name="page379">(p. 379)</a></span> +from his high judicial station. A +fact,<a id="notetag340" name="notetag340"></a><a href="#note340">[340]</a> +however, new (it is presumed) to history, enables or rather compels us +to dismiss such a conjecture from our minds. Whatever was the definite +cause of Gascoyne's withdrawal from the bench as Chief Justice of +England; whether his declining health, or an inclination for +retirement and repose after so +long<a id="notetag341" name="notetag341"></a><a href="#note341">[341]</a> +and wearisome a discharge of +his arduous duties, or the +competency<a id="notetag342" name="notetag342"></a><a href="#note342">[342]</a> +of his fortune, induced him +to draw back at length from the turmoils of public life, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page380" name="page380">(p. 380)</a></span> +and +pass his last days among his own friends and relatives in the privacy +of a country residence; certainly he carried with him when he left his +court, not the resentment and unkindness, but the most friendly +feelings and respect of his new sovereign. By warrant, November 28, +1414, (that is, in the very year after his retirement,) the King +grants to "our dear and well-beloved William Gascoyne an allowance of +four bucks and does out of the forest of Pontefract for the term of +his life."</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>The sum of the whole matter as to the historical representations of +Henry's conduct is this:</p> + +<p>Before the year 1534, far more than a century after Henry's death, no +allusion whatever is made to any occurrence of the kind in any work, +printed or manuscript, now extant and known. Sir Thomas Elyot, who +mentions it incidentally as an anecdote, combining the merits "of a +good Judge, a good Prince, and a good King," gives no reference to any +authority whatever. Subsequently it is reported in detail by Hall, but +with much exaggeration on Elyot's narrative. It then not only passed +current in our histories, but served as a topic of grave import in our +Prince of tragedians, and of burlesque in the broad farces of later +and perhaps earlier days than his. The biographers of Henry, though +they detail in all their minute particulars many circumstances of his +youth, far less important either to his character, or as facts of +general and national interest, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page381" name="page381">(p. 381)</a></span> +and who lived, some of them, +almost a century nearer the date of the supposed transaction than +Elyot, are to a man silent on the subject; not one of them betraying +the shadow of suspicion that he was even aware of any rumour or vague +tradition of the kind. Such facts as the committal to prison of the +heir-apparent, especially such an heir-apparent as Henry (it is +presumed), must have been notorious through the metropolis and the +whole land, and must have excited a great and general sensation; and +yet the Chronicles, though they often surprise us by their minute +notice of trifling circumstances, do not contain the slightest +intimation that any such affair as this had ever come to the knowledge +of those who kept them. They are silent, and their silence seems +natural.<a id="notetag343" name="notetag343"></a><a href="#note343">[343]</a></p> + +<p>On the whole, most persons will probably believe that either Gascoyne, +or Hankford, or Hody would upon such evidence, we do not say merely +charge the jury for an acquittal, but would, on perusing the +depositions, have previously recommended the grand inquest to return +"Not a true Bill." Still every reader has the evidence fairly before +him, and must decide for himself!</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Should any one be disposed to think that questions of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page382" name="page382">(p. 382)</a></span> +this +sort might well be left undecided, and that the settlement of them is +not worth the trouble and research often required for their thorough +investigation, the Author ventures to suspect that, in the generality +of instances, such reflections originate in an inexperience of the +vast practical moment which facts, the most trifling in themselves, +often carry with them in the investigation of the most important +questions. Doubtless, the wise man will exercise his discretion in not +confounding great things with small; but, on the contrary, in stamping +on every thing its own intrinsic and comparative value. Still, in +great things and small, (though each in its own weight and measure,) +the truth is ever dear for its own sake, and should be for its own +sake pursued. And it must never be forgotten, that one truth, in +itself perhaps too minute and insignificant for its worth to be felt +in the calculation, when probabilities are being estimated, may be a +guiding star to other truths of great value, which, without its +leading, might have remained neglected and unknown. In itself, a false +statement, though generally acquiesced in, may be unimportant; in its +consequences, it may be widely and permanently prejudicial to the +cause of truth. If viewed abstractedly, it might appear like a cloud +in the horizon not larger than a man's hand; but that speck may be the +harbinger of wind and tempest. With regard, indeed, to those natural +appearances in the sky, the most experienced observer can do nothing +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page383" name="page383">(p. 383)</a></span> +towards arresting the progress of the threatened storm; his +foresight can only enable him to provide himself a shelter, or hasten +him on his journey, "that the rain stop him not." In the case of +literary, physical, moral, religious, and historical subjects of +inquiry, (or to whatever department of human knowledge our pursuits +may be directed,) by rectifying the minutest error we may check the +propagation of mischief, and preserve the truth (it may be some +momentous practical truth) in its integrity and brightness.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Connected with the subject of this and the preceding chapter, problems +of very difficult solution present themselves, a full and +comprehensive elucidation of which would involve questions of deep +moral and metaphysical interest with regard to the structure, the +cultivation and training, the associations and habits of the human +mind. Upon the merits of those problems in their various ramifications +the Author has no intention to venture; and probably few persons would +pronounce unhesitatingly how far on the one hand the facts of past +ages (constituting a valuable deposit of especial trust) should be +kept religiously distinct from works of fiction; or on the other hand +how far the field of history itself is legitimate ground for the +imagination in all its excursive ranges to disport upon freely and +fearlessly: in a word, how far the practice is justifiable and +desirable of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page384" name="page384">(p. 384)</a></span> +bending the realities of historical record to +the service of the fancy, and moulding them into the shape best suited +to the writer's purpose in developing his plot, perfecting his +characters, and exciting a more lively interest in his whole design. +Whatever might be the result of such questions fully enucleated, the +Author, with his present views, cannot suffer himself to doubt that +society is infinitely a gainer in possessing the historical dramas of +Shakspeare, and the historical romances of Walter Scott. Instead of +putting the moral and intellectual advantages, the improvement and the +pleasure with which such extraordinary men have enriched their country +and the world in one scale, and jealously weighing them against the +erroneous associations which their exhibition of past events has a +tendency to impart, a philosophical view of the whole case should seem +to encourage us in the full enjoyment of their exquisite treasures; +suggesting, however, at the same time, the salutary caution that we +should never suffer ourselves to be so influenced by the naturalness +and beauty of their poetical creations, as to forego the beneficial +exercise of ascertaining from the safest guides the real facts and +characters of history.</p> + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page385" name="page385">(p. 385)</a></span> + +<h2>APPENDIX, No. I.</h2> + + +<h3><span class="smcap">OWYN GLYNDOWR's ABSENCE FROM THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY.</span></h3> + +<p>Had Owyn Glyndowr joined the army of Hotspur before Henry IV. had +compelled that gallant, but rash and headstrong warrior, to engage in +battle, their united forces might have crushed both the King and Henry +of Monmouth under their overwhelming charge, and crowned the Percies +and Owyn himself with victory; but the reader is reminded that the +question for the more satisfactory solution of which an appeal is made +to the following original documents, is simply this: Did Owyn Glyndowr +wilfully absent himself from the fatal battle of Shrewsbury, leaving +Hotspur and his host to encounter that struggle alone, or are we +compelled to account for the absence of the Welsh chieftain on grounds +which imply no compromise of his valour or his good faith?</p> + +<p>The first of the series of documents from which it is presumed that +light is thrown on this subject, is a letter from Richard Kyngeston, +Archdeacon of Hereford, addressed to the King, dated Hereford, Sunday, +July 8, and therefore 1403,—just thirteen days before the battle of +Shrewsbury. It is written in French; but the postscript, added +evidently in vast trepidation, and as if under the sudden fear that he +had not expressed himself strongly enough, is in English. "His +eagerness for the arrival of the King in Wales by forced marches, is +expressed with an earnestness which is almost +ridiculous."<a id="notetag344" name="notetag344"></a><a href="#note344">[344]</a></p> + +<div class="letter"> +<p> "Our +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page386" name="page386">(p. 386)</a></span> + most redoubted and sovereign Lord the King, I + recommend +myself<a id="notetag345" name="notetag345"></a><a href="#note345">[345]</a> +humbly to your highness.... From day to day + letters are arriving from Wales, by which you may learn that the + whole country is lost unless you go there as quick as possible. + Be pleased to set forth with all your power, and march as well by + night as by day, for the salvation of those parts. It will be a + great disgrace as well as damage to lose in the beginning of your + reign a country which your ancestors gained, and retained so + long; for people speak very unfavourably. I send the copy of a + letter which came from John Scydmore this morning.... Written in + haste, great haste at Hereford, the +8th<a id="notetag346" name="notetag346"></a><a href="#note346">[346]</a> +day of July.<br> + +<span class="left15"> + "Your lowly creature,</span><br> + <span class="smcap left20">"Richard Kyngeston</span>,<br> + <span class="left25">"Archdeacon of Hereford.</span><br></p> + + +<p> "And for God's love, my liege Lord, think on yourself and +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page387" name="page387">(p. 387)</a></span> + your estate; or by my troth all is lost else: but, and ye + come yourself, all other will follow after. On Friday last + Carmarthen town was taken and burnt, and the castle yielden by + R<sup>o</sup> Wygmor, and the castle Emlyn is yielden; and slain of the + town of Carmarthen more than fifty persons. Written in right + great haste on Sunday, and I cry you mercy, and put me in your + high grace that I write so shortly; for, by my troth that I owe + to you, it is needful."</p></div> + + +<p>John Skydmore's letter, dated from the castle of Cerreg Cennen, not +only fixes Owyn Glyndowr at Carmarthen on Thursday, July the 5th; but +acquaints us also with his purpose to proceed thence into +Pembrokeshire, whilst his friends had undertaken to reduce the castles +of Glamorgan. It is addressed to John Fairford, Receiver of Brecknock.</p> + +<p class="letter"> + "Worshipful Sir,—I recommend me to you. And forasmuch as I may + not spare no man from this place away from me to certify neither + the King, nor my lord the Prince, of the mischief of these + countries about, nor no man may pass by no way hence, I pray you + that ye certify them how all Carmarthenshire, Kedwelly, + Carnwalthan, and Yskenen be sworn to Owyn yesterday; and he lay + [to nyzt was] last night in the castle of Drosselan with Rees ap + Griffuth. And there I was, and spake with him upon truce, and + prayed of a safe-conduct under his seal to send home my wife and + her mother, and their [mayne] company. And he would none grant + me. And on this day he is about the town of Carmarthen, and there + thinketh to abide till he may have the town and the castle: and + his purpose is thence +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page388" name="page388">(p. 388)</a></span> + into Pembrokeshire; for he [halt + him siker] feels quite sure of all the castles and towns in + Kedwelly, Gowerland, and Glamorgan, for the same countries have + undertaken the sieges of them till they be won. Wherefore write + to Sir Hugh Waterton, and to all that ye suppose will take this + matter to heart, that they excite the King hitherwards in all + haste to avenge him on some of his false traitors, the which he + has overmuch cherished, and rescue the towns and castles in the + countries, for I dread full sore there be too few true men in + them. I can no more as now: but pray God help you and us that + think to be true. Written at the castle of Carreg Kennen, the + fifth day of July.</p> + +<p class="left50 p0t"> + "Yours, <span class="smcap">John +Skydmore</span>."<a id="notetag347" name="notetag347"></a><a href="#note347">[347]</a> +</p> + +<p>Two other letters, which internal evidence compels us to assign to +this year,—the first to the 7th of July (two days only after John +Skydmore's), the second to the 11th of the same month,—carry on +Owyn's proceedings with perfect consistency. They were written by the +Constable of Dynevor Castle, and seem to have been addressed to the +Receiver of Brecknock, and by him to have been forwarded to the King's +council. "The first gives us no exalted notion of the Constable's +courage: 'A siege is ordained for the castle I keep, and that is great +peril for me. Written in haste and in dread.' The second informs us of +the extent of force with which Glyndowr was then moving in his +inroads; when threatening the castle of Dynevor, he mustered 8240 +(eight thousand and twelve score) spears, such as they +were."<a id="notetag348" name="notetag348"></a><a href="#note348">[348]</a></p> + +<p>The first letter, written on Saturday, July 7, ("the Fest of St. +Thomas the Martir,") he seems to have posted off immediately on the +news reaching Dynevor that Carmarthen had +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page389" name="page389">(p. 389)</a></span> +surrendered to +Owyn, without waiting to ascertain the accuracy of the report; for, in +his second letter, he tells us that they had not yet resolved whether +to burn the town or no.</p> + +<p class="letter"> + "Dear Friend,—I do you to wit that Owyn Glyndowr, Henry Don, + Rees Duy, Rees ap Gv. ap Llewellyn, Rees Gether, have won the + town of Carmarthen, and Wygmer the Constable had yielded the + castle to Carmarthen; and have burnt the town, and slain more + than fifty men: and they be in purpose to Kedwelly, and a siege + is ordained at the castle I keep, and that is great peril for me, + and all that be with me; for they have made a vow that they will + [al gat] at all events have us dead therein. Wherefore I pray you + not to beguile us, but send to us warning shortly whether we may + have any help or no; and, if help is not coming, that we have an + answer, that we may steal away by night to Brecknock, because we + fail victuals and men [and namlich], especially men. Also Jenkyn + ap Ll. hath yielden up the castle of Emlyn with free will; and + also William Gwyn, and many gentles, are in person with Owyn.... + Written at Deynevour, in haste and in dread, in the feast of St. + Thomas the +Martyr.<a id="notetag349" name="notetag349"></a><a href="#note349">[349]</a></p> + +<p class="left50 p0t"> + <span class="smcap">"Jenkyn Hanard</span>,<br> + "Constable de Dynevour."</p> + + +<p>In this letter the Constable says that Owyn's forces were in purpose +to Kedwelly: the second letter refers to Owyn's purpose having been +altered by the formidable approach of the Baron of Carew towards St. +Clare. This was probably on Monday, July 9, the third day after the +surrender of Carmarthen. The Tuesday night he slept at Locharn +(Laugharne). Through the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page390" name="page390">(p. 390)</a></span> +the +little garrison of Dynevor were negociating with him; for he was +resolved to win that castle, and to make it his head-quarters. On that +Wednesday, the Constable tells us, that Owyn intended, should he come +to terms with the Baron of Carew, to return to Carmarthen for his +share of the spoil, and to determine on the utter destruction of the +town, or its preservation. By a letter sent from the Mayor and +burgesses of Caerleon to the Mayor and burgesses of Monmouth,—the +propriety of referring which to this very year can scarcely be +questioned,—we are informed that the Baron of Carew was not so easily +tempted from his allegiance as some other "false traitors" in that +district; and that he defeated and put to the sword a division of Owyn +Glyndowr's army on the 12th of July,—the very day probably after the +date of the Constable's last letter. This fact, when admitted, +increases in importance; because it proves that as late, at least, as +July 12th, Owyn Glyndowr, though generally successful in that +campaign, was not without a formidable enemy there; and therefore by +no means at liberty to quit the country at a moment's warning, or to +leave his adherents without the protection of his forces and his own +presence.</p> + +<p class="p2"> + +<p>Copy of the second letter from the Constable of Dynevor:</p> + +<p class="letter"> + "Dear Friend,—I do you to wit that Owyn was in purpose to + Kedwelly, and the Baron of Carew was coming with a great retinue + towards St. Clare, and so Owyn changed his purpose, and rode to + meet the Baron; and that night he lodged at St. Clare, and + destroyed all the country about. And on Tuesday they were at + treaties all day, and that night he lodged him at the town of + Locharn, six miles out of the town of Carmarthen. The intention + is, if the Baron and he accord in treaty, then he turneth again + to Carmarthen for his part of the good, and Rees +Duy<a id="notetag350" name="notetag350"></a><a href="#note350">[350]</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page391" name="page391">(p. 391)</a></span> + his part. And many of the great masters stand yet in the + castle of Carmarthen; for they have not yet made their ordinance + whether the castle and town shall be burnt or no; and therefore, + if there is any help coming, haste them all haste towards us, for + every house is full about us of their poultry, and yet wine and + honey enough in the country, and wheat and beans, and all manner + of victuals. And we of the castle of Dynevor had treaties with + him on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday; and now he will ordain for + us to leave that castle, [for ther a castyth to ben y serkled + thince,] for that was the chief place in old time. And Owyn's + muster on Monday was eight thousand and twelve score spears, such + as they were. Other tidings I not now; but God of Heaven send you + and us from all enemies! Written at Dynevor this Wednesday in + haste."</p> + +<p>The despatch from the burgesses of Carleon, after stating that seven +hundred men, whom Owyn had sent forwards as pioneers and to search the +ways, were to a man slain by the Lord of Carew's men on the 12th day +of July, records an anecdote so characteristic of Owyn's superstition, +that, whilst examining his conduct, we may scarcely pass it by +unnoticed. He sent after Hopkyn ap Thomas of +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page392" name="page392">(p. 392)</a></span> +Gower, inasmuch +as he held him Master of Brut, (<i>i. e.</i> skilled in the prophecies of +Merlin,) to learn from him what should befal him, and he told him that +he should be taken within a brief time between Carmarthen and Gower +under a black banner. [The Author finds the next sentence so obscure +that he leaves it to the interpretation of the reader.] "Knowelichyd +that thys blake baner scholde dessese hym, and nozt that he schold be +take undir hym."</p> + +<p>In weighing the evidence brought to light by these original +despatches, it will be necessary to have a few dates immediately +present to our mind.</p> + +<p>We have it under the King's own hand, that, when he was at Higham +Ferrers, he believed himself to be on his road northward to form a +junction with Hotspur and his father Northumberland, and together with +them (of whose allegiance and fidelity he apparently had not hitherto +entertained any suspicion) to make a joint expedition against the +Scots. This letter is dated July 10, 1403.</p> + +<p>Five days only at the furthest intervened between the date of this +letter and the King's proclamation at Burton on Trent (still on his +journey northward) to the sheriffs to raise their counties, and join +him to resist the Percies, whose rebellion had then suddenly been made +known to him. This proclamation is dated July 16, 1403. Four days only +elapsed between the issuing of this proclamation and the death of +Hotspur, with the total discomfiture of his followers in Hateley +Field, where the battle of Shrewsbury was fought on Saturday, 21st of +July, the very week on the Monday of which he had first heard of the +revolt of the Percies.</p> + +<p>If the dates relating to Owyn's proceedings,—some ascertained beyond +further question, and others admitted on the ground of high +probability, approaching certainty, with which the documents above +quoted supply us,—are laid side by side with these indisputable +facts, the inference from the comparison seems unavoidable, that Owyn +was never made acquainted +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page393" name="page393">(p. 393)</a></span> +with the expectation on the part +of his allies of so early a struggle with the King's forces in +England; (indeed the conflict evidently was unexpected by Hotspur +himself;) that Owyn was in the most remote corner of South Wales when +the battle was fought; and that probably the sad tidings of Hotspur's +overthrow reached him without his ever having been apprised (at least +in time) that the Percy needed his succour.</p> + + + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page394" name="page394">(p. 394)</a></span> + +<h2>APPENDIX, No. II.</h2> + +<h3><span class="smcap">LYDGATE.</span></h3> + + +<p>Extracts from the Dedication to Henry of Monmouth of his poem, "The +Death of Hector:"</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<p><span class="poem1">"For through the world it is known to every one,</span><br> +And flying Fame reports it far and wide,<br> +That thou, by natural condition,<br> +In things begun wilt constantly abide;<br> +And for the time dost wholly set aside<br> +All rest; and never carest what thou dost spend<br> +Till thou hast brought thy purpose to an end.<br> +And that thou art most circumspect and wise,<br> +And dost effect all things with providence,<br> +As Joshua did by counsel and advice,<br> +Against whose sword there is none can make defence:<br> +And wisdom hast by heavenly influence<br> +With Solomon to judge and to discern<br> +Men's causes, and thy people to govern.<br> +For mercy mixt with thy magnificence,<br> +Doth make thee pity all that are opprest;<br> +And to withstand the force and violence<br> +Of those that right and equity detest.<br> +With David thou to piety art prest;<br> +And like to Julius Cæsar valorous,<br> +That in his time was most victorious.<br> +And in thine hand (like worthy Prince) dost hold<br> +Thy sword, to see that of thy subjects none<br> +Against thee should presume with courage bold<br> +And +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page395" name="page395">(p. 395)</a></span> + pride of heart to raise rebellion;<br> +And in the other, sceptre to maintain<br> +True justice while among us thou dost reign.<br> +More than good heart none can, whatsoe'er he be,<br> +Present nor give to God nor unto man,<br> +Which for my part I wholly give to thee,<br> +And ever shall as far forth as I can;<br> +Wherewith I will (as I at first began)<br> +Continually, not ceasing night nor day,<br> +With sincere mind for thine estate thus pray.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"The time when I this work had fully done</span><br> +By computation just, was in the year<br> +One thousand and four hundred twenty-one<br> +Of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour dear;<br> +And in the eighth year complete of the reign<br> +Of our most noble lord and sovereign<br> +King Henry the Fifth.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"In honour great, for by his puissant might</span><br> +He conquered all Normandy again,<br> +And valiantly, for all the power of France;<br> +And won from them his own inheritance,<br> +And forced them his title to renew<br> +To all the realm of France, which doth belong<br> +To him, and to his lawful heirs by true<br> +Descent, (the which they held from him by wrong<br> +And false pretence,) and, to confirm the same,<br> +Hath given him the honour and the name<br> +Of Regent of the land for Charles his life;<br> +And after his decease they have agreed,<br> +Thereby to end all bloody war and strife,<br> +That he, as heir, shall lawfully succeed<br> +Therein, and reign as King of France by right,<br> +As by records, which extant are to light,<br> +It doth appear.<br> +And I will never cease, both night and day,<br> +With all my heart unto the Lord to pray</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"For</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page396" name="page396">(p. 396)</a></span> + <span class="smcap">Him</span>, by whose commandment I tooke<br> +On me (though far unfit to do the same)<br> +To translate into English verse this booke,<br> +Which Guido wrote in Latin, and doth name<br> +'The Siege of Troy;' and for <span class="smcap">HIS</span> sake alone,<br> +I must confess that I the same begun,<br> +When Henry, whom men <i>Fourth</i> by name did call,<br> +My Prince's father, lived, and possest<br> +The crown. And though I be but rustical,<br> +I have therein not spared to do my best<br> +To please my Prince's humour."</p></div> + + +<p>This poem, "The Life and Death of Hector," was published after the +marriage of Henry with Katharine, and before her arrival in England. +Among its closing sentiments are the following, intended probably as +an honest warning to his royal master, that in the midst of life we +are in death, and that the messenger from heaven knocks at the palace +of the conquering monarch with no less suddenness than at the cottage +of his humblest subject. How appropriate was the warning! Henry did +not survive the publication of this poem more than a single year.</p> + +<div class="poem"> +<p>"For by Troy's fall it plainly doth appear<br> +That neither king nor emperor hath here</p> + +<p><span class="poem1"> "A permanent estate to trust unto.</span><br> +Therefore to Him that died upon the rood<br> +(And was content and willing so to do,<br> +And for mankind did shed his precious blood,)<br> +Lift up your minds, and pray with humble heart<br> +That He his aid unto you will impart.<br> +For, though you be of extreme force and might,<br> +Without his help it will you nought avail;<br> +And He doth give man victory in fight,<br> +And with a few is able to prevail,<br> +And overcome an army huge and strong:<br> +And by his grace makes kings and princes long</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"To</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page397" name="page397">(p. 397)</a></span> + reign here on the earth in happiness;<br> +And tyrants, that to men do offer wrong<br> +And violence, doth suddenly suppress,<br> +Although their power be ne'er so great and strong.<br> +And in his hand his blessings all reserveth<br> +For to reward each one as he deserveth.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"To whom I pray with humble mind and heart,</span><br> +And so I hope all you will do no less,<br> +That of his grace He would vouchsafe to impart<br> +And send all joy, welfare, and happiness,<br> +Health, victory, tranquillity, and honour,<br> +Unto the high and mighty conqueror.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"King Henry the Fifth, that his great name</span><br> +May here on earth be extolled and magnified<br> +While life doth last; and when he yields the same<br> +Into his hands, he may be glorified<br> +In heaven among the saints and angels bright,<br> +There to serve the God of power and might.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"At whose request this work I undertook,</span><br> +As I have said.<br> +God He knows when I this work began,<br> +I did it not for praise of any man,</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"But for to please the humour and the hest</span><br> +Of my good lord and princely patron,<br> +Who [dis]dained not to me to make request<br> +To write the same, lest that oblivion<br> +By tract of time, and time's swift passing by,<br> +Such valiant act should cause obscured to be;</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"As also 'cause his princely high degree</span><br> +Provokes him study ancient histories,<br> +Where, as in mirror, he may plainly see<br> +How valiant knights have won the masteries<br> +In battles fierce by prowess and by might,<br> +To run like race, and prove a worthy knight.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"And</span> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page398" name="page398">(p. 398)</a></span> + as they sought to climb to honour's seat,<br> +So doth my Lord seek therein to excel,<br> +That, as his name, so may his fame be great,<br> +And thereby likewise idleness expel;<br> +For so he doth to virtue bend his mind,<br> +That hard it is his equal now to find.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"To write his princely virtues, and declare</span><br> +His valour, high renown, and majesty,<br> +His brave exploits and martial acts, that are<br> +Most rare, and worthy his great dignity,<br> +My barren head cannot devise by wit<br> +To extol his fame by words and phrases fit.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"This worthy Prince, whom I so much commend,</span><br> +(Yet not so much as well deserves his fame,)<br> +By royal blood doth lineally descend<br> +From Henry King of England, Fourth by name,<br> +His eldest son, and heir to the crown,<br> +And, by his virtues, Prince of high renown.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"For by the graft the fruit men easily know,</span><br> +Encreasing the honour of his pedigree;<br> +His name Lord Henry, as our stories show,<br> +And by his title Prince of Wales is he.<br> +Who with good right, his father being dead,<br> +Shall wear the crown of Britain on his head.</p> + +<p><span class="poem1">"This mighty Prince hath made me undertake</span><br> +To write the siege of Troy, the ancient town,<br> +And of their wars a true discourse to make;<br> +From point to point as Guido set it down,<br> +Who long since wrote the same in Latin verse,<br> +Which in the English now I will rehearse."</p></div> + + +<p>In the poem called the "Siege of Troy," written in different metre, +Lydgate, addressing Henry, "O most worthy Prince! +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page399" name="page399">(p. 399)</a></span> +of +Knighthood source and well!" thus proceeds to state the circumstances +under which he wrote his work:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<span class="poem1">"God I take highly to witness</span><br> +That I this work of heartily low humbless<br> +Took upon me of intention,<br> +Devoid of pride and presumption,<br> +For to obey without variance<br> +<i>My Lord's bidding fully and pleasance</i>;<br> +Which hath desire, soothly for to sayn,<br> +Of very knighthood to remember again<br> +The wortheness (if I shall not lie)<br> +And the prowess of old chivalry,<br> +Because <i>he hath joy and great dainty</i><br> +To <i>read in books of antiquity</i><br> +To <i>find only virtue</i> to sow<br> +By example of them, and also to eschew<br> +The cursed vice of sloth and idleness;<br> +So he enjoyeth in <i>virtuous</i> business,<br> +In all that longeth to manhood, dare I sayn,<br> +He busyeth ever. And thereto is so fain<br> +To haunt his body in plays martial,<br> +Through exercise to exclude sloth at all,<br> +(After the doctrine of Vigetius.)<br> +Thus is he both <i>manful</i> and <i>virtuous</i>,<br> +More passingly than I can of him write;<br> +I want cunning his high renown to indite,<br> +So much of manhood men may in him seen.<br> +And for to wit whom I would mean,<br> +The eldest son of the noble King<br> +Henry the Fourth; of knighthood well and spring;<br> +In whom is showed of what stock that he grew,<br> +The root is virtue;<br> +Called Henry eke, the worthy Prince of Wales,<br> +Which me commanded the dreary piteous tale<br> +Of them of Troy in English to translate;<br> +The siege, also, and the destruction,<br> +Like as the Latin maketh mention,<br> +For +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page400" name="page400">(p. 400)</a></span> + to complete, and after Guido make,<br> +So I could, and write it for his sake;<br> +Because he would that to high and low<br> +The noble story openly were knowe<br> +In our tongue, about in every age,<br> +And written as well in our language<br> +As in Latin and French it is;<br> +That of the story the truth we not miss,<br> +No more than doth each other nation;<br> +This was the fine of his intention.<br> +The which emprise anon I 'gin shall<br> +In his worship for a memorial.<br> +And of the time to make mention,<br> +When I began on this translation,<br> +It was the year, soothly to sayn,<br> +Fourteen complete of his Father's reign."</p> + + +<p>Though this Preface was written when Henry was still Prince of Wales, +the work was not finished till he had ascended the throne; when the +poet sent it into the world with this charge, which he calls +"L'Envoy:"</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"Go forth, my book! veiled with the princely grace<br> +<span class="poem1">Of him that is extolled for excellence</span><br> +Throughout the world, but do not show thy face<br> +<span class="poem1">Without support of his magnificence."</span></p> + + +<p class="p2"> </p> +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page401" name="page401">(p. 401)</a></span> + +<h3><span class="smcap">TESTIMONY OF OCCLEVE.</span></h3> + +<p>The interesting circumstances under which the poet represents the +following dialogue to have taken place are detailed in the body of the +work.<a id="notetag351" name="notetag351"></a><a href="#note351">[351]</a> +The old man addresses Occleve as his son, and the poet +calls his aged monitor father.</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<i>Father.</i> "My Lord the Prince,—knoweth he thee not?<br> +<span class="poem1">If that thou stood in his benevolence,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">He may be salve unto thine indigence."</span><br> + + +<i>Son.</i> "No man better: next his father,—our Lord the Liege<br> +<span class="poem1">His father,—he is my good gracious Lord."</span><br> + +<i>F.</i> "Well, Son! then will I me oblige,<br> +<span class="poem1">And God of heaven vouch I to record,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">That, if thou wilt be fully of mine accord,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Thou shalt no cause have more thus to muse,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">But heaviness void, and it refuse.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Since he thy good Lord is, I am full sure</span><br> +<span class="poem1">His grace shall not to thee be denied.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Thou wotst well he <i>benign</i> is and <i>demure</i></span><br> +<span class="poem1">To sue unto: not is his ghost + maistried<a id="notetag352" name="notetag352"></a><a href="#note352">[352]</a></span><br> +<span class="poem1">With danger; but his heart is full applied</span><br> +<span class="poem1">To grant, and not the needy to warn his grace.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">To him pursue, and thy relief purchase.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">What shall I call thee—what is thy name?"</span><br> + +<i>S.</i> "Occlive<a id="notetag353" name="notetag353"></a><a +href="#note353">[353]</a> (Father mine), men callen me."<br> + +<i>F.</i> "Occlive? Son!"—<i>S.</i> "Yes, Father, the same." + +<span class="pagenum"><a id="page402" name="page402">(p. 402)</a></span><br> + +<i>F.</i> "Thou wert acquainted with Chaucer 'pardie?"<br> + +<i>S.</i> "God save his soul! best of any wight."<br> + +<i>F.</i> "Syn thou mayst not be paid in the Exchequer,<br> +<span class="poem1">Unto my Lord the Prince make instance</span><br> +<span class="poem1">That thy patent unto the Hanaper</span><br> +<span class="poem1">May changed be."—<i>S.</i> "Father, by your sufferance,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">It may not so: because of the ordinance,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Long after this shall no grant chargeable</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Over pass. Father mine, this is no fable."</span><br> + +<i>F.</i> "An equal charge, my Son, in sooth<br> +<span class="poem1">Is no charge, I wot it well indeed.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">What! Son mine! Good heart take unto thee.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Men sayen, 'Whoso of every grass hath dread,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Let him beware to walk in any mead.'</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Assay! assay! thou simple-hearted ghost;</span><br> +<span class="poem1">What grace is shapen thee, thou not wost.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">—--Now, syn me thou toldest</span><br> +<span class="poem1">My Lord the Prince is good Lord thee to;</span><br> +<span class="poem1">No maistery is to thee, if thou woldest</span><br> +<span class="poem1">To be relieved, wost thee what to do.</span><br> +<span class="poem1"><i>Write to him a goodly tale or two</i>,</span><br> +<span class="poem1"><i>On which he may disport him by night</i>,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">And his free grace shall on thee light.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Sharp thy pen, and write on lustily;</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Let see, my Son, make it fresh and gay,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Utter thine art if thou canst craftily;</span><br> +<span class="poem1"><i>His high prudence hath insight very</i></span><br> +<span class="poem1"><i>To judge if it be well made or nay.</i></span><br> +<span class="poem1">Wherefore, Son, it is unto thee need</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Unto thy work take thee greater heed.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">But of one thing be well ware in all wise,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">On flattery that thou thee not found,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">For thereof (Son) Solomon the Wise,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">As that I have in his Proverbs found,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Saith thus: 'They that in feigned speech abound,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">And glossingly unto their friends talk,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Spreaden a net before them, where they walk.'</span><br> +<span class="poem1">This</span> false treason common is and rife; + <span class="pagenum"><a id="page403" name="page403">(p. 403)</a></span><br> +<span class="poem1">Better were it thou wert at Jerusalem</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Now, than thou wert therein defective.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Syn my Lord the Prince is (<i>God hold his life!</i>)</span><br> +<span class="poem1">To thee good Lord, good servant thou thee quit</span><br> +<span class="poem1">To him and true, and it shall thee profit.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Write him <i>nothing that sowneth to vice</i>,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Kyth<a id="notetag354" name="notetag354"></a><a href="#note354">[354]</a> + thy love in matter of sadness.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Look if thou find canst any treatise</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Grounded on his estate's wholesomeness;</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Which thing translate, and unto his highness,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">As humbly as thou canst, it thou present.</span><br> +<span class="poem1">Do thus, my Son."—<i>S.</i> "Father! I assent,</span><br> +<span class="poem1">With heart as trembling as the leaf of + asp."<a id="notetag355" name="notetag355"></a><a href="#note355">[355]</a></span><br> + + + + + +<h3><span class="smcap">END OF VOLUME I.</span></h3> + + +<h6> +LONDON:<br> +PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,<br> +Dorset Street, Fleet Street.</h6> + + +<p><a id="note001" name="note001"></a> +<b>Footnote 1:</b> Thucydides. +<a href="#notetag001">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note002" name="note002"></a> +<b>Footnote 2:</b> Monomothi in Wallia natus v. Id. Aug.—Pauli Jov. +Ang. Reg. Chron.; William of Worcester, &c. +<a href="#notetag002">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note003" name="note003"></a> +<b>Footnote 3:</b> At the foot of the Wardrobe Account of Henry Earl of +Derby from 30th September 1387 to 30th September 1388, (and +unfortunately no account of the Duke of Lancaster's expenses is +as yet found extant before that very year,) an item occurs of +341<i>l.</i> 12<i>s.</i> 5<i>d.</i>, paid 24th September 1386, for the household +expenses of the Earl and his family at Monmouth. This proves that +his father made the castle of Monmouth his residence within less +than a year of the date assigned for Henry's birth. +<a href="#notetag003">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note004" name="note004"></a> +<b>Footnote 4:</b> His wife's sister, Matilda, married to William, Duke +of Holland and Zealand, dying without issue, John of Gaunt +succeeded to the undivided estates and honours of the late duke. +<a href="#notetag004">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note005" name="note005"></a> +<b>Footnote 5:</b> Froissart reports that Henry Bolinbroke was a +handsome young man; and declares that he never saw two such noble +dames, nor ever should were he to live a thousand years, so good, +liberal, and courteous, as his mother the Lady Blanche, and "the +late Queen of England," Philippa of Hainault, wife of Edward the +Third. These were the mother, and the consort of John of Gaunt. +<a href="#notetag005">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note006" name="note006"></a> +<b>Footnote 6:</b> For this fact and the several items by which it is +substantiated, the Author is indebted to the kindness and +antiquarian researches of William Hardy, Esq. of the Duchy of +Lancaster office. These accounts begin to date from September +30th 1381.<a href="#notetag006">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note007" name="note007"></a> +<b>Footnote 7:</b> In 1387 the Duke of Lancaster, accompanied by +Constance and a numerous retinue, went to Spain to claim his +wife's rights; and he succeeded in obtaining from the King of +Spain very large sums in hand, and hostages for the payment of +10,000<i>l.</i> annually to himself and his duchess for life. Wals. +Neust. 544.<a href="#notetag007">(back)</a></p> + + +<div><p><a id="note008" name="note008"></a> +<b>Footnote 8:</b> There is an order, dated June 6th, 1372, to lodge +two pipes of good wine in Kenilworth Priory, and to hasten with +all speed Dame Ilote, the midwife, to the Queen Constance at +Hertford on horse or in carriage as should be best for her ease. +The same person attended the late Duchess Blanche.</p> + +<p>The Author has lately discovered on the Pell Rolls a payment, +dated 21st February 1373, which refers to the birth of a +daughter, and at the same time informs us that his future wife +was then probably a member of his household. "To Catherine +Swynford twenty marks for announcing to the King (Richard the +Second) the birth of a daughter of the Queen of Spain, consort of +John, King of Castile and Leon, and Duke of Lancaster."</p> + +<p>The marriage of John of Gaunt with Catherine Swynford took place +only the second year after the death of Constance, and seems to +have excited among the nobility equal surprise and disgust. "The +great ladies of England, (as Stowe reports,) as the Duchess of +Gloucester, &c. disdained that she should be matched with the +Duke of Lancaster, and by that means accounted second person in +the realm, and be preferred in room before them."</p> + +<p>King Richard however made her a handsome present of a ring, at +the same time that he presented one to Henry, Earl of Derby, +(Henry IV.) and another to Lady Beauchamp. Pell Rolls. +<a href="#notetag008">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note009" name="note009"></a> +<b>Footnote 9:</b> In this same year Bolinbroke's life was put into +imminent peril during the insurrection headed by Wat Tiler. The +rebels broke into the Tower of London, though it was defended by +some brave knights and soldiers; seized and murdered the +Archbishop and others; and, carrying the heads of their victims +on pikes, proceeded in a state of fury to John of Gaunt's palace +at the Savoy, which they utterly destroyed and burnt to the +ground. Gaunt himself was in the North: but his son Bolinbroke +was in the Tower of London, and owed his life to the +interposition of one John Ferrour of Southwark. This is a fact +not generally known to historians; and since the document which +records it, bears testimony to Bolinbroke's spirit of gratitude, +it will not be thought out of place to allude to it here. This +same John Ferrour, with Sir Thomas Blount and others, was tried +in the Castle of Oxford for high treason, in the first year of +Henry IV. Blount and the others were condemned and executed; but +to John Ferrour a free pardon, dated Monday after the Epiphany, +was given, "our Lord the King remembering that in the reign of +Richard the Second, during the insurrection of the Counties of +Essex and Kent, the said John saved the King's life in the midst +of that commonalty, in a wonderful and kind manner, whence the +King happily remains alive unto this day. For since every good +whatever naturally and of right requires another good in return, +the King of his especial grace freely pardons the said John." +Plac. Cor. in Cast. Oxon.<a href="#notetag009">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note010" name="note010"></a> +<b>Footnote 10:</b> Thus, in a warrant, dated 6th March 1381, an order +is given by the Duke for payment to a Goldsmith in London, of +10<i>l.</i> 18<i>s.</i> for a present made by our dear daughter Philippa, +to our very dear daughter Mary, Countess of Derby, on the day of +her marriage; and also "40 shillings for as many pence put upon +the book on the day of the espousals of our much beloved son, the +Earl of Derby." Eight marks are ordered to be paid for "a ruby +given by us to our very dear daughter Mary:" 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> for the +offering at the mass. Ten marks from us to the King's minstrels +being there on the same day; and ten marks to four minstrels of +our brother the Earl of Cambridge being there; and fifty marks to +the officers of our cousin, the Countess of Hereford! On the 31st +of January following, the Duke lays himself under a bond to pay +to "Dame Bohun, Countess of Hereford, her mother, the sum of one +hundred marks annually, for the charge and cost of his +daughter-in-law, Mary, Countess of Derby, until the said Mary +shall attain the full age of fourteen years."<a href="#notetag010">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note011" name="note011"></a> +<b>Footnote 11:</b> Between 30th Sept. 1387 and 1st Oct. 1388. +<a href="#notetag011">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note012" name="note012"></a> +<b>Footnote 12:</b> An item of five yards of cloth for the bed of the +nurse of Thomas at Kenilworth; and an ell of canvass for his +cradle.<a href="#notetag012">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note013" name="note013"></a> +<b>Footnote 13:</b> This is one of those incidents, occurring now and +then, the discovery of which repays the antiquary or the +biographer for wading, with toilsome search, through a confused +mass of uninteresting details, and often encourages him to +persevere when he begins to feel weary and disappointed. +<a href="#notetag013">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note014" name="note014"></a> +<b>Footnote 14:</b> "Thomæ Rothwell informanti Humfridum filium Domini +Regis pro salario suo de termino Paschæ, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>"—1 Hen. +IV.<a href="#notetag014">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note015" name="note015"></a> +<b>Footnote 15:</b> The treasurer's account, during the Earl's absence, +contains some items which remove all doubt from this statement: +among others, 20<i>l.</i> to Lancaster the herald, on Nov. 5, going +toward England; and in the same month, to three "persuivantes," +being with the Earl, eight nobles; and to a certain English +sailor, carrying the news of the birth of Humfrey, son of my +lord, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i><a href="#notetag015">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note016" name="note016"></a> +<b>Footnote 16:</b> King Richard II, the Duke of Lancaster, and his +son, Henry of Bolinbroke, became widowers in the same year. +<a href="#notetag016">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note017" name="note017"></a> +<b>Footnote 17:</b> That Henry cherished the memory of his mother with +filial tenderness, may be inferred from the circumstance that +only two months after he succeeded to the throne, and had the +means and the opportunity of testifying his grateful remembrance +of her, we find money paid "in advance to William Goodyere for +newly devising and making an image in likeness of the Mother of +the present lord the King, ornamented with diverse arms of the +kings of England, and placed over the tomb of the said king's +mother, within the King's College at Leicester, where she is +buried and entombed."—Pell Rolls, May 20, 1413. +<a href="#notetag017">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note018" name="note018"></a> +<b>Footnote 18:</b> The portiphorium was a breviary, containing +directions as to the services of the church. +<a href="#notetag018">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note019" name="note019"></a> +<b>Footnote 19:</b> He bequeaths also, in the same will, "to Joan, +Countess of Hereford, our dear grandmother, a gold cyphus." This +lady, however, died before Henry. In the Pell Rolls we find the +payment of "442<i>l.</i> 17<i>s.</i> 5<i>d.</i> to Robert Darcy and others, +executors of Joan de Bohun, late Countess of Hereford, on account +of live and dead stock belonging to her, February 27, 1421." +<a href="#notetag019">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note020" name="note020"></a> +<b>Footnote 20:</b> Soon after Henry IV's accession, the Pell Rolls, +May 8, 1401, record the payment of "10<i>l.</i> to Bertolf Vander +Eure, who fenced with the present lord the King with the long +sword, and was hurt in the neck by the said lord the King." The +Chronicle of London for 1386 says "there were joustes at +Smithfield. There bare him well Sir Harry of Derby, the Duke's +son of Lancaster."<a href="#notetag020">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note021" name="note021"></a> +<b>Footnote 21:</b> The Author would gladly have presented to the +reader a different portrait of the religious and moral character +of "Old John of Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster;" but a careful +examination of the testimony of his enemies and of his eulogists, +as well as of the authentic documents of his own household, seems +to leave no other alternative, short of the sacrifice of truth. +Godwin, in his Life of Chaucer, has undertaken his defence, but +on such unsound principles of morality as must be reprobated by +every true lover of Religion and Virtue. The same domestic +register of the Duchy which records the wages paid to the +adulteress, and the duke's losses by gambling, proves (as many +other family accounts would prove) that no fortune however +princely can supply the unbounded demands of profligacy and +dissipation. Even John of Gaunt, with his immense possessions, +was driven to borrow money. This fact is accompanied in the +record by the curious circumstance, that an order is given for +the employment of three or four stout yeomen, because of the +danger of the road, to guard the bearers of a loan made by the +Earl of Arundel to the Duke, and sent from Shrewsbury to London. +<a href="#notetag021">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note022" name="note022"></a> +<b>Footnote 22:</b> Fuller in his Church History, having informed us +that Henry's chamber over the College gate was then inhabited by +the historian's friend Thomas Barlow, adds "His picture remaineth +there to this day in <i>brass</i>." +<a href="#notetag022">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note023" name="note023"></a> +<b>Footnote 23:</b> Those who were designed for the military profession +were compelled to bear arms, and go to the field at the age of +fifteen: consequently the little education they received was +confined to their boyhood.<a href="#notetag023">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note024" name="note024"></a> +<b>Footnote 24:</b> "Admodum parvo." +<a href="#notetag024">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note025" name="note025"></a> +<b>Footnote 25:</b> On the 29th of the preceding September 1397, +Richard II. "with the consent of the prelates, lords and commons +in parliament assembled," created Bolinbroke, then Earl of Derby, +Duke of Hereford, with a royal gift of forty marks by the year, +to him and his heirs for ever. Pell Rolls. Pasc. 22 R. II. April +15.<a href="#notetag025">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note026" name="note026"></a> +<b>Footnote 26:</b> The Lincoln register (for a copy of which the +Author is indebted to the present Bishop) dates the commencement +of the year of Henry Beaufort's consecration from July 14, 1398. +<a href="#notetag026">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note027" name="note027"></a> +<b>Footnote 27:</b> It is a curious fact, not generally known, that +Henry IV. in the <i>first</i> year of his reign took possession of all +the property of the Provost and Fellows of Queen's College (on +the ground of mismanagement), and appointed the Chancellor, the +Chief Justice, the Master of the Rolls, and others, guardians of +the College. This is scarcely consistent with the supposition of +his son being resident there at the time, or of his selecting +that college for him afterwards. +<a href="#notetag027">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note028" name="note028"></a> +<b>Footnote 28:</b> The Author trusts to be pardoned, if he suffers +these conjectures on Henry's studies in Oxford to tempt him to +digress in this note further than the strict rules of unity might +approve. They brought a lively image to his mind of the +occupations and confessions of one of the earliest known sons of +Alma Mater. Perhaps Ingulphus is the first upon record who, +having laid the foundation of his learning at Westminster, +proceeded for its further cultivation to Oxford. From the +biographical sketch of his own life, we learn that he was born of +English parents and a native of the fair city of London. Whilst a +schoolboy at Westminster, he was so happy as to have interested +in his behalf Egitha, daughter of Earl Godwin, and queen of +Edward the Confessor. He describes his patroness as a lady of +great beauty, well versed in literature, of most pure chastity +and exalted moral feeling, together with pious humbleness of +mind, tainted by no spot of her father's or her brother's +barbarism, but mild and modest, honest and faithful, and the +enemy of no human being. In confirmation of his estimate of her +excellence, he quotes a Latin verse current in his day, not very +complimentary to her sire: "As a thorn is the parent of the rose, +so was Godwin of Egitha." I have often seen her (he continues) +when I have been visiting my father in the palace. Many a time, +as she met me on my return from school, would she examine me in +my scholarship and verses; and turning with the most perfect +familiarity from the solidity of grammar to the playfulness of +logic, in which she was well skilled, when she had caught me and +held me fast by some subtle chain, she would always direct her +maid to give me three or four pieces of money, and sending me off +to the royal refectory would dismiss me after my refreshment." It +is possible that many of our fair countrywomen in the highest +ranks now, are not aware that, more than eight hundred years ago, +their fair and noble predecessors could play with a Westminster +scholar in grammar, verses, and logic. Egitha left behind her an +example of high religious, moral, and literary worth, by +imitating which, not perhaps in its literal application, but +certainly in its spirit, the noble born among us will best uphold +and adorn their high station. Ingulphus (in the very front of +whose work the Author thinks he sees the stamp of raciness and +originality, though he cannot here enter into the question of its +genuineness) tells us then, how he made proficiency beyond many +of his equals in mastering the doctrines of Aristotle, and +covered himself to the very ankles in Cicero's Rhetoric. But, +alas, for the vanity of human nature! His confession here might +well suggest reflections of practical wisdom to many a young man +who may be tempted, as was Ingulphus, in the university or the +wide world, to neglect and despise his father's roof and his +father's person, after success in the world may have raised him +in society above the humble station of his birth,—a station from +which perhaps the very struggles and privations of that parent +himself may have enabled him to emerge. "Growing up a young man +(he says) I felt a sort of disdainful loathing at the straitened +and lowly circumstances of my parents, and desired to leave my +paternal hearth, hankering after the halls of kings and of the +great, and daily longing more and more to array myself in the +gayest and most luxurious costume." Ingulphus lived to repent, +and to be ashamed of his weakness and folly.<a href="#notetag028">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note029" name="note029"></a> +<b>Footnote 29:</b> John Carpenter. This learned and good man could not +have been much, if at all, Henry's senior. He was made Bishop of +Worcester (not as Goodwin says by Henry V. but) in the year 1443. +He died in 1476; so that if he was in Oxford when we suppose +Henry to have studied there and to have been only his equal in +age, he would have been nearly ninety when he died. Thomas Rodman +was an eminent astronomer as well as a learned divine, of Merton +College. He was not promoted to a bishopric till two years after +Henry's death.</p> + +<p>Among other learned and pious men who were much esteemed by +Henry, we find especially mentioned Robert Mascall, confessor to +his father, and Stephen Partington. The latter was a very popular +preacher, whom some of the nobility invited to court. Henry, +delighted with his eloquence, treated him with favour and +affectionate regard, and advanced him to the see of St. David's. +Robert Mascall was of the order of Friars Carmelites. In 1402 he +was ordered to be continually about the King's person, for the +advantage and health of his soul. Two years afterwards he was +advanced to the see of Hereford. Pell Rolls.<a +href="#notetag029">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note030" name="note030"></a> +<b>Footnote 30:</b> Many ancient documents (of the existence of which +in past years, often not very remote, there can be no doubt,) +now, unhappily for those who would bring the truth to light, are +in a state of abeyance or of perdition. To mention only one +example; the work of Peter Basset, who was chamberlain to Henry +V. and attended him in his wars, referred to by Goodwin, and +reported to be in the library of the College of Arms, is no +longer in existence; at least it has disappeared and not a trace +of it can be found there.<a href="#notetag030">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note031" name="note031"></a> +<b>Footnote 31:</b> Rot. Parl. 21 Rich. II. & Rot. Cart. +<a href="#notetag031">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note032" name="note032"></a> +<b>Footnote 32:</b> It is curious to find that when Henry V. met his +intended bride Katharine of France, the tent prepared for him by +her mother the Queen, was composed of blue and green velvet, and +embroidered with the figures of antelopes.<a +href="#notetag032">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note033" name="note033"></a> +<b>Footnote 33:</b> The Duke of Hereford's armour was exceedingly +costly and splendid. He had sent to Italy to procure it on +purpose for that day; he spared no expense in its preparation; +and it was forwarded to him by the Duke of Milan.<a +href="#notetag033">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note034" name="note034"></a> +<b>Footnote 34:</b> "Rex proclamari fecit quod Dux Herefordiæ debitum +suum honorificč adimplesset."—Wals. 356. +<a href="#notetag034">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note035" name="note035"></a> +<b>Footnote 35:</b> The "Chronicle of London" asserts that Richard +sought and obtained from the Pope of Rome a confirmation of his +statutes and ordinances made at this time. +<a href="#notetag035">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note036" name="note036"></a> +<b>Footnote 36:</b> See the Remains of Thomas Gascoyne, a contemporary +writer. Brit. Mus. 2 I. d. p. 530. +<a href="#notetag036">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note037" name="note037"></a> +<b>Footnote 37:</b> John of Gaunt died on the 3rd of February 1399, at +the house of the Bishop of Ely in Holborn. Will. Worc. +<a href="#notetag037">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note038" name="note038"></a> +<b>Footnote 38:</b> Two candelabra which belonged to Henry Duke of +Lancaster, were presented by Richard to the abbot and convent of +Westminster, 30th June 1399.—Pell Rolls. He also granted to +Catherine Swynford, the late duke's widow, some of the +possessions which she had enjoyed before, but which had fallen +into the king's hands by the confiscation of the present duke's +property.—Pat. 22 Ric. II. Froissart expressly says, that +Richard confiscated Bolinbroke's estates, and divided them among +his own favourites. He acquaints us, moreover, with an act of +cruel persecution and enmity on the part of Richard, which must +have rendered Bolinbroke's exile far more galling, and have +exasperated him far more bitterly against his persecutor. +Richard, says Froissart, sent Lord Salisbury over to France on +express purpose to break off the contemplated marriage between +Bolinbroke and the daughter of the Duke of Berry, in the presence +of the French court calling him a false and wicked traitor. Ed. +1574. Vol. iv. p. 290.<a href="#notetag038">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note039" name="note039"></a> +<b>Footnote 39:</b> The chroniclers give us an idea of expense in +Richard both about his person, his houses, and his presents, +which exceeds belief. Both the Monk of Evesham and the author of +the Sloane Manuscript speak of a single robe which cost thirty +thousand marks.<a href="#notetag039">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note040" name="note040"></a> +<b>Footnote 40:</b> Froissart tells us that Bolinbroke was much beloved +in London. He represents also his reception in France to have +been most cordial; every city opening its gates to welcome +him.—See Froissart, vol. iv. p. 280.<a +href="#notetag040">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note041" name="note041"></a> +<b>Footnote 41:</b> Froissart says that Richard sent expressly both to +Northumberland and Hotspur, requiring their attendance in his +expedition to Ireland; that they both refused; and that he +banished them the realm. Vol. iv. p. 295.<a +href="#notetag041">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note042" name="note042"></a> +<b>Footnote 42:</b> March 5, 1399, the Pell Rolls record the payment of +"10<i>l.</i> to Henry, son of the Duke of Hereford, in part payment of +500<i>l.</i> yearly, which our present lord the King has granted to be +paid him at the Exchequer during pleasure." Twenty pounds also +were paid to him on the 21st of the preceding February. +<a href="#notetag042">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note043" name="note043"></a> +<b>Footnote 43:</b> Whether as a measure of security, or on a principle +of kind considerateness for Henry of Monmouth, when Richard left +England he took with him Henry Beaufort, (Pat. p. 3. 22 Ric. II, +n. 11.): though it is curious to remark that when on his return +to England he left Henry of Monmouth in Trym Castle, we find +Henry Beaufort in the company of Richard. +<a href="#notetag043">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note044" name="note044"></a> +<b>Footnote 44:</b> In 1379, his grandfather John of Gaunt required aid +of his tenants towards making his eldest son, Henry of +Bolinbroke, a knight.<a href="#notetag044">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note045" name="note045"></a> +<b>Footnote 45:</b> M. Creton's Metrical History is translated from a +beautifully illuminated copy, in the British Museum, by the Rev. +John Webb, who has enriched it with many valuable notes and +dissertations, historical, biographical, &c. It forms part of +the twentieth volume of the Archæologia. M. Creton confesses +himself to have been thrown into a terrible panic on the approach +of danger, more than once: and probably he was in higher esteem +in the hall among the guests for his minstrelsy and song, than in +the battle-field for his prowess. +<a href="#notetag045">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note046" name="note046"></a> +<b>Footnote 46:</b> The sons of this Irish chief, Macmore, or Macmorgh, +or Mac Murchard, were hostages in England, May 3, 1399.—Pell +Rolls.<a href="#notetag046">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note047" name="note047"></a> +<b>Footnote 47:</b> The term <i>bachelor</i> signified, in the language of +chivalry, a young gentleman not yet knighted. +<a href="#notetag047">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note048" name="note048"></a> +<b>Footnote 48:</b> Fuller, in his Church History, thus speaks of him, +mingling with his description, however, the verification of the +proverb, "An ill youth may make a good man," a maxim far less +true (though far more popular) than one of at least equally +remote origin, "Like sapling, like oak." He was "one of a strong +and active body, neither shrinking in cold nor slothful in heat, +going commonly with his head uncovered; the wearing of armour was +no more cumbersome to him than a cloak. He never shrunk at a +wound, nor turned away his nose for ill savour, nor closed his +eyes for smoke or dust; in diet, none less dainty or more +moderate; his sleep very short, but sound; fortunate in fight, +and commendable in all his actions." +<a href="#notetag048">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note049" name="note049"></a> +<b>Footnote 49:</b> M. Creton, the author of the Metrical History, +acceded to the earnest request of the Earl of Salisbury to +accompany him, for the sake of his minstrelsy and song. From the +day of his departure from Dublin his knowledge of public affairs, +as far as they are immediately connected with Henry of Monmouth, +ceases almost, if not altogether. He must no longer be followed +implicitly; whatever he relates of the intervening circumstances +till Richard himself came to Conway, he must have derived from +hearsay. In one circumstance too afterwards he must have been +mistaken, when he says the Duke of Lancaster committed Richard at +Chester to the safe keeping of <i>the son of the Duke of +Gloucester</i> and the son of the Earl of Arundel, at least if +Humfrey be the young man he means. Stow and others follow him +here, but, as it should seem, unadvisedly. +<a href="#notetag049">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note050" name="note050"></a> +<b>Footnote 50:</b> The castle of Trym, though described by Walsingham +as a strong fort, was in so dilapidated a state, that, in 1402, +the council, in taking the King's pleasure about its repairs, +represent it as on the point of falling into ruins. +<a href="#notetag050">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note051" name="note051"></a> +<b>Footnote 51:</b> M. Creton expressly states that Henry IV. made +Henry of Monmouth Prince of Wales on the day of his election to +the throne, the first Wednesday in October; but in this he is not +borne out by authority.<a href="#notetag051">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note052" name="note052"></a> +<b>Footnote 52:</b> 1401, March 5, "To Henry Dryhurst of West Chester, +payment for the freightage of a ship to Dublin: also for sailing +to the same place and back again, to conduct the lord the Prince, +the King's son, from Ireland to England; together with the +furniture of a chapel and ornaments of the same, which belonged +to King Richard."<a href="#notetag052">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note053" name="note053"></a> +<b>Footnote 53:</b> Her death took place on the 3rd October 1399, four +days after the accession of Henry IV. On the 6th of the preceding +May the Pell Rolls record payment of the residue of 155<i>l.</i> +11<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> to Alianore de Bohun, Duchess of Gloucester, for the +maintenance of a master, twelve chaplains, and eight clerks, +appointed to perform divine service in the College of Plecy. +<a href="#notetag053">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note054" name="note054"></a> +<b>Footnote 54:</b> Socrates, in his Defence before his Judges. +<a href="#notetag054">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note055" name="note055"></a> +<b>Footnote 55:</b> May 2nd & 6th, 1399, payments are recorded to +both these boys of different sums to purchase dresses, and +coat-armour, &c. preparatory to their voyage to Ireland in +company with the King.<a href="#notetag055">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note056" name="note056"></a> +<b>Footnote 56:</b> Perhaps the sentiments of this afflicted noble +lady's will may be little more than words of course; but, coming +from her as they did a few days only before the news of her son's +death paralyzed her whole frame, they appear peculiarly +appropriate: "Observing and considering the mischances and +uncertainties of this changeable and transitory world." The will +bears date August 9, 1399.<a href="#notetag056">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note057" name="note057"></a> +<b>Footnote 57:</b> Froissart relates, in a very lively manner, how the +English nobility amused themselves in devising the probable +schemes by which Bolinbroke might dispose of himself during his +exile. "He is young, said they, and he has already travelled +enough, in Prussia, and to the Holy Sepulchre, and St. Katharine: +he will now take other journeys to cheat the time. Go where he +will, he will be at home; he has friends in every country."</p> + +<p>The same author tells us that forty thousand persons accompanied +him on his exile, not with music and song, but with sighs and +tears and lamentations; and that on Gaunt's death the people of +England "spoke much and loudly of Derby's return,—especially the +Londoners, who loved him a hundred times more than they did the +King. The Earl, he says, heard of the death of his father, even +before the King of France, though Richard had posted off the +event to that monarch as joyful tidings. He put himself and his +household in deep mourning, and caused the funeral obsequies to +be solemnized with much grandeur. The King, the Duke of Orleans, +and very many nobles and prelates were present at the solemnity, +for the Earl was much beloved by them all, and they deeply +sympathized with his grief, for he was an agreeable knight, +well-bred, courteous, and gentle to every one." +<a href="#notetag057">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note058" name="note058"></a> +<b>Footnote 58:</b> Froissart gives also a very animated description of +the manner in which Bolinbroke was received by the King of France +on his first arrival, and by the Dukes of Orleans, Brittany, +Burgundy, and Bourbon. The meeting, he says, was joyous on both +sides, and they entered Paris in brilliant array: but Henry was +nevertheless very melancholy, being separated from his +family,—four sons and two daughters.</p> + +<p>The author translated by Laboureur, states that Richard no sooner +heard of the welcome which Bolinbroke met with in France than he +sent over a messenger, praying that court not to countenance his +traitors. He adds, that as soon as Lancaster was dead, Richard +regarded his written engagements with no greater scruple than he +had before observed his promises by word of mouth. +<a href="#notetag058">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note059" name="note059"></a> +<b>Footnote 59:</b> Leland says that the Archbishop sojourned, during +his exile, at Utrecht (Trajecti). Froissart is certainly mistaken +in relating that the Londoners sent the Archbishop in a boat down +the Thames with a message to Bolinbroke. It is very probable that +they sent a messenger to the Archbishop, and through him +communicated with their favourite. +<a href="#notetag059">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note060" name="note060"></a> +<b>Footnote 60:</b> Officers were appointed, 16th October 1397, to +seize all lands of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Duke +of Gloucester, and other lords.—Pell Rolls. Pat. 1 Hen. IV. m. +8, the Archbishop's property is restored. +<a href="#notetag060">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note061" name="note061"></a> +<b>Footnote 61:</b> Froissart, who seems to have obtained very correct +information of Bolinbroke's proceedings up to the time of his +embarking on the French coast for England, but from that hour to +have been altogether misled as to his plans and circumstances, +relates that he left Paris under colour of paying a visit to the +Duke of Brittany; that he went by the way of D'Estamps (one Guy +de Baigneux acting as his guide); that he stayed at Blois eight +days, where he received a most kind answer in reply to his +message to the Duke, who gave him a cordial meeting at Nantes. +The Duke promised him a supply of vessels and men to protect him +in crossing the seas, and forwarded him with all kind sympathy +from one of his ports: "and," continues Froissart, "I have heard +that it was Vennes." It might have been, perhaps, during this +visit that Henry formed, or renewed, an acquaintance with the +Duchess, to whom, after the Duke's death, in 1402, he made an +offer of his hand, and was accepted. +<a href="#notetag061">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note062" name="note062"></a> +<b>Footnote 62:</b> See Archæologia, vol. xx. p. 61, note 'h.' +<a href="#notetag062">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note063" name="note063"></a> +<b>Footnote 63:</b> Sir James Mackintosh seems to have been mistaken in +supposing that Bolinbroke visited London on his first march +southward. "His march from London against the few advisers of +Richard, who had forfeited the hope of mercy, was a triumphant +procession."<a href="#notetag063">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note064" name="note064"></a> +<b>Footnote 64:</b> Monk of Evesham.<a href="#notetag064">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note065" name="note065"></a> +<b>Footnote 65:</b> He had many castles of his own in that part of the +country, as Monmouth, Grosmont, Skenfrith, White Castle, &c. +<a href="#notetag065">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note066" name="note066"></a> +<b>Footnote 66:</b> Some think the castle then taken was Beeston. +<a href="#notetag066">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note067" name="note067"></a> +<b>Footnote 67:</b> Over this estuary is now thrown a beautiful +suspension-bridge, one of the ornaments of North Wales. +<a href="#notetag067">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note068" name="note068"></a> +<b>Footnote 68:</b> The author of the Metrical History has certainly +made a mistake here. He says, Duke Henry started from Chester on +Tuesday, August the 22nd; but in 1399 the 22nd day of August was +on a Friday.<a href="#notetag068">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note069" name="note069"></a> +<b>Footnote 69:</b> Great confusion and unnumbered deeds of injustice +and cruelty prevailed through the kingdom between the landing of +Bolinbroke and his accession to the throne; some of these +outrages were, doubtless, of a political character, between the +partisans of Richard and the Duke, many others the result of +private revenge and rapine. To put a stop to these enormities, +Richard was advised (perhaps the more meet expression would be +'compelled') to sign two proclamations, one dated Chester, August +20; the other Lichfield, August 24. In these he calls Bolinbroke +his very dear relative.<a href="#notetag069">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note070" name="note070"></a> +<b>Footnote 70:</b> The Metrical History says, Richard's keepers were +the son of the Duke of Gloucester, and the son of the Earl of +Arundel. The reasons for doubting this have been already +assigned. Humphrey was probably at that time no longer numbered +among the living.<a href="#notetag070">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note071" name="note071"></a> +<b>Footnote 71:</b> The question naturally offers itself here, Might +not this delay have been occasioned by Lancaster's desire not to +start before Henry of Monmouth had returned from Ireland, and +joined him?<a href="#notetag071">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note072" name="note072"></a> +<b>Footnote 72:</b> Hardyng's testimony must, on every subject, be +received with much caution. Confessedly he was a sad example of a +time-server; and was skilled in giving facts a different +colouring, just as they would be the more welcome to those for +whose inspection he was writing. His version of the same events, +when presented to members of the house of York, varies much from +the original work, edited when a Lancastrian was in the +ascendant.<a href="#notetag072">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note073" name="note073"></a> +<b>Footnote 73:</b> M. Creton says (and in this he is followed by +others) that the King, on the very day of his accession, created +his eldest son Prince of Wales, who in that character stood on +the right hand of the King at the coronation, holding in his hand +a sword without any point, the emblem of peace and mercy. But in +this he seems to have been partially mistaken. Henry was not +created Prince of Wales till after his father's coronation, and +he bore in right of the Duchy of Lancaster, and by command of the +King, the blunted sword called Curtana, which belonged to Edward +the Confessor.—Rot. Serv.<a href="#notetag073">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note074" name="note074"></a> +<b>Footnote 74:</b> In the same Parliament he was invested also with +the titles of Duke of Acquitaine and Duke of Lancaster. +<a href="#notetag074">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note075" name="note075"></a> +<b>Footnote 75:</b> The Parliament had no voice in the creation of a +dignity. The Lords and Commons were consulted on this occasion +only out of courtesy by the King.<a href="#notetag075">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note076" name="note076"></a> +<b>Footnote 76:</b> The proposal, of which Froissart has left a graphic +description, that Isabella, the widow (if that be the proper +designation of the child who was the espoused wife) of Richard +II, should remain in England and be married to the Prince of +Wales, was not made till after Richard's death. +<a href="#notetag076">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note077" name="note077"></a> +<b>Footnote 77:</b> Minutes of Privy Council, vol. ii. p. 42. +<a href="#notetag077">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note078" name="note078"></a> +<b>Footnote 78:</b> "Ses chapelles." Under this word were included not +only the place of prayer, but the books, and vestments, and +furniture, together with the priests, and whatever else was +necessary for divine worship. Indeed, the word has often a still +wider signification. We shall see hereafter that Henry was always +attended by his chapel during his campaigns in France. +<a href="#notetag078">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note079" name="note079"></a> +<b>Footnote 79:</b> Some chroniclers say, that the conspiracy was made +known to the Mayor of London, who forthwith hastened to the King +at Windsor, and urged him to save himself and his children. The +same pages tell us that John Holland Earl of Huntingdon was +seized and beheaded in Essex by the Dowager Countess of +Hereford.—Sloane MS.<a href="#notetag079">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note080" name="note080"></a> +<b>Footnote 80:</b> Pat. p. 3, 22 Ric. II. +<a href="#notetag080">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note081" name="note081"></a> +<b>Footnote 81:</b> The Pell Rolls contain several interesting entries +connected with this subject. Payment for a thousand masses to be +said for the soul of Richard, "whose body is buried in Langley." +(20th March, 1400.) Payment also for carrying the body from +Pomfret to London, &c.<a href="#notetag081">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note082" name="note082"></a> +<b>Footnote 82:</b> See Henry's answer to the Duke of Orleans, as +recorded by Monstrellet, in which he solemnly appeals to God for +the vindication of the truth.<a href="#notetag082">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note083" name="note083"></a> +<b>Footnote 83:</b> Sir Harris Nicolas. "Proceedings and Ordinances of +the Privy Council of England."<a href="#notetag083">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note084" name="note084"></a> +<b>Footnote 84:</b> Mr. Tytler, in his History of Scotland, maintains +with much ingenuity the paradoxical position, that Richard +escaped from Pontefract, made his way in disguise to the Western +Isles, was there recognised, and was conducted to the Regent; +that, taken into the safe keeping of the government, and sick of +the world and its disappointments, he lived for many years in +Stirling Castle; and that he there died, and there was buried. It +falls not within the province of these Memoirs to examine the +facts and reasonings by which that writer supports his theory, or +to weigh the value of the objections which have been alleged +against it. The Author, however, in confessing that the result of +his own inquiries is opposed to the hypothesis of Richard's +escape, and that he acquiesces in the general tradition that he +died in Pontefract, cannot refrain from making one remark. Whilst +he is persuaded that Glyndowr, and many others, believed that +Richard was alive in Scotland, yet he thinks it almost capable of +demonstration that Henry IV, with his sons and his court, in +England; and Charles VI, with his court and clergy, and Isabella +herself, and her second husband, had no doubt whatever as to +Richard's death. If they had, if they were not fully assured that +he was no longer among the living, it is difficult to understand +Henry IV.'s proposals to Charles VI. for a marriage between +Isabella and one of his sons; or how, on any other hypothesis +than the conviction of his death, the Earl of Angouleme, +afterwards Duke of Orleans, would have sought her in marriage; +how her father and his clergy could have consented to her +nuptials; or how she could for a moment have entertained the +thought of becoming a bride again. She had not only been +betrothed to Richard, but had been with all solemnity married to +him by the Archbishop of Canterbury in the face of the church; +and she had been crowned queen. Yet she was married to Angouleme +in 1406, and died in childbed in 1409. Had she believed Richard +to be still alive, she would have been more inclined to follow +the bidding which Shakspeare puts into her husband's mouth at +their last farewell, than to have given her hand before the altar +to another:</p> + +<p> +<span class="left50"> "Hie thee to France,</span><br> +<span class="left10">And cloister thee in some religious house."</span></p> + + +<p>Froissart says expressly that the French resolved to wage war +with the English as long as they knew Richard to be alive; but +when certain news of his death reached them, they were bent on +the restoration of Isabella.<a href="#notetag084">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note085" name="note085"></a> +<b>Footnote 85:</b> It is painful to hear the Church historian, without +any qualifying expression of doubt or hope, call Henry IV. "the +murderer of Richard."—Milner, cent. xv. +<a href="#notetag085">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note086" name="note086"></a> +<b>Footnote 86:</b> Froissart expressly says, that, though often urged +to it, Henry would never consent to have Richard put to death. +<a href="#notetag086">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note087" name="note087"></a> +<b>Footnote 87:</b> See Archæologia, xx. 290. +<a href="#notetag087">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note088" name="note088"></a> +<b>Footnote 88:</b> M. Creton. +<a href="#notetag088">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note089" name="note089"></a> +<b>Footnote 89:</b> Froissart asserts that the corpse was exposed in +the street of Cheap to public inspection for two hours, at the +least.<a href="#notetag089">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note090" name="note090"></a> +<b>Footnote 90:</b> A manuscript in the French King's library (No. +8448) states that Sir Piers d'Exton and seven other assassins +entered the room to kill him; but that Richard, pushing down the +table, darted into the midst of them, and, snatching a battleaxe +from one, laid four of them dead at his feet, when Exton felled +him with a blow at the back of his head, and, as he was crying to +God for mercy, with another blow despatched him. This account is +supposed to be entirely disproved by the fact that, when +Richard's tomb was accidentally laid open a few years ago in +Westminster Abbey, the head was carefully examined, and no marks +of violence whatever appeared on it. (See Archæologia, vol. vi. +p. 316, and vol. xx. p. 284.) On the other hand, it is equally +obvious to remark, that, if Henry IV. did exhibit to the people +the body of another person for that of Richard, it was the +substituted body which was buried, first at Langley and +afterwards at Westminster. The absence, consequently, of all +marks of violence on that body, till its identity with the corpse +of Richard is established, proves nothing. But surely there is no +reason to believe that any deception was practised. There could +have been no motive for such fraud, and the strongest reasons +must have existed to dissuade Henry from adopting it. The only +object wished to be secured by the exposure of Richard's corpse, +(and it was exposed at all the chief places between Pontefract +and London,—at night after the offices for the dead, in the +morning after mass,) was the removal of all doubt as to his being +really dead. The false rumours were, not that he was murdered, +but that he was alive. Among the thousands who flocked to see him +were doubtless numbers of his friends and wellwishers, familiarly +acquainted with his features, many of whom, it is thought, must +have detected any imposture, and some of whom would surely have +been bold enough to publish it. Still, on the other hand, it is +suggested that a very short lapse of time after dissolution +effects so material a change in a corpse, that the most intimate +of a man's friends would often not be able to recognise a single +feature in his countenance. And certainly many of Richard's +friends remained unconvinced.<a href="#notetag090">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note091" name="note091"></a> +<b>Footnote 91:</b> Chroniclers give an account of an extraordinary +instrument of death laid in Henry's bed by some secret plotter +against his life. The Sloane Manuscript describes it as a machine +like the engine called the Caltrappe; and the Monk of Evesham +says that it was reported to have been laid for Henry by one of +Isabella's household.<a href="#notetag091">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note092" name="note092"></a> +<b>Footnote 92:</b> Modern writers have erroneously referred to this +year Monstrelet's account of Henry of Monmouth's expedition to +Scotland.<a href="#notetag092">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note093" name="note093"></a> +<b>Footnote 93:</b> A curious item in the Pell Rolls (14 December 1401) +intimates that Henry IV. amused himself with the sports of the +field, and at the same time tells us that such amusements were by +no means unexpensive in those days: "Sixteen pounds paid by the +King to Sir Thomas Erpyngham as the price of a sparrow-hawk." +<a href="#notetag093">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note094" name="note094"></a> +<b>Footnote 94:</b> June 14, he wrote to his council from Clipstone in +Nottinghamshire: July 4th, he was at York.—Min. Council. +<a href="#notetag094">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note095" name="note095"></a> +<b>Footnote 95:</b> "By our liege Lord his commandment, and by yours." +<a href="#notetag095">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note096" name="note096"></a> +<b>Footnote 96:</b> The name of this extraordinary man is very +variously spelt. His Christian name is either Owyain, or Owen, or +Owyn. On his surname the original documents, as well as +subsequent writers, ring many changes: the etymology of the name +is undoubtedly The Glen of the waters of the Dee, or, Of the +black waters. The name consequently is sometimes spelt +Glyndwffrduy, and Glyndwrdu. In general, however, it assumes the +form in English documents of Glendor, or Glyndowr: in Henry of +Monmouth's first letter it is Oweyn de Glyndourdy. In these +Memoirs the form generally adhered to is Owyn Glyndowr. In the +record of the Scrope and Grosvenor controversy, Owyn's name is +spelt Glendore, whilst his brother Tuder's, who was examined the +same day, is written Glyndore.<a href="#notetag096">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note097" name="note097"></a> +<b>Footnote 97:</b> The proceedings of the Welsh, in detail, at this +time, are not found in any contemporary documents, on the +authenticity of which we may rely. As to the general facts, +however, whether we draw them from the traditions of the Welsh or +the English chroniclers, no reasonable doubt can be entertained. +But the Author cannot take upon himself the responsibility of +vouching for the truth of the biographical particulars recorded +of Owyn's early life and adventures, or the measures which he +adopted previously to his breaking out into open revolt, any more +than he can undertake to establish by proof the genealogy of that +chieftain, and trace him through Llewellin ap Jorwarth to Bleddyn +ap Cynfyn, or the third of the five royal tribes. +<a href="#notetag097">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note098" name="note098"></a> +<b>Footnote 98:</b> It is curious, in point of history, to observe for +how very long a time rumours that Richard was still alive were +industriously spread, and as greedily received. The royal +proclamations again and again denounced the authors of such false +rumours. In the rebellion of the Percies it was asserted that +Richard was still alive in the Castle of Chester. In 1406 the +Earl of Northumberland (though he had charged Henry with the +murder of Richard), in his letter to the Duke of Orleans states +the alternative of his being still alive. And even Sir John +Oldcastle, in 1418, when before the Parliament, protested that he +never would acknowledge that court so long as his liege lord, +Richard, was alive in Scotland.—See Archæologia, vol. xx. p. +220.<a href="#notetag098">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note099" name="note099"></a> +<b>Footnote 99:</b> Owyn and his brother Tudor were both examined at +Chester, September 3, 1386, during the controversy between the +families of Scrope and Grosvenor as to the arms of the latter; +and it appears from their own evidence that Owyn was born before +Sept. 3, 1359, and that his brother Tudor (who was slain in the +battle of Grosmont, or Mynydd Pwl Melin) was three years younger. +The record of this controversy assigns to Owyn himself this +honourable title "Oweyn Sire [Lord] de Glendore del age <span class="smcap">XXVII</span> ans +et pluis."<a href="#notetag099">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note100" name="note100"></a> +<b>Footnote 100:</b> Strange wonders, says Walsingham, happened, as men +reported, at the birth of this man; for, the same night he was +born, all his father's horses were found to stand in blood up to +their bellies. It is curious to find both the Sloane MS. and the +Monk of Evesham pointing to the fulfilment of this prophetic +prodigy during the battle in which Edmund Mortimer was taken, +when the bodies of the slain lay between the horses feet rolling +in blood.<a href="#notetag100">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note101" name="note101"></a> +<b>Footnote 101:</b> Leland records the expressions of contempt and +insult with which the dismissal of Owyn's petition was +accompanied, and the advice of the Bishop of St. Asaph scorned. +"They said they cared not for barefooted blackguards:"—"se de +scurris nudipedibus non curare." We cannot wonder if their +national pride was wounded by such contumely. +<a href="#notetag101">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note102" name="note102"></a> +<b>Footnote 102:</b> Sir Henry Ellis, to whom we are deeply indebted +for his succinct and clear statement of the events of these +times, appears, in his introductory remarks on Lord Grey's +letter, to have overlooked the date of Henry IV.'s departure for +Scotland. He says: "Upon Henry's return, the Welsh were rising in +arms, and Lord Grey was ordered to go against them. It seems to +have been at this point of time that the letter was penned. It +was apparently written in the month of June 1400." But the King +did not leave London till towards Midsummer, and we have a letter +from him (on his march northward) dated York, July 4, 1400, +commanding the mayor and authorities of London to provide corn, +wine, &c. for the King's use in Scotland, and as much money +as they could raise on his jewels. The writ in consequence of +this letter was issued July 12. Walsingham, indeed, says that +they seized the opportunity of the King's absence, and rose under +their leader Owyn. The King, on his return from Scotland, was at +Newcastle upon Tyne on the 3rd of September. +<a href="#notetag102">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note103" name="note103"></a> +<b>Footnote 103:</b> At the back of this letter of Lord Grey to Prince +Henry we now find another, pasted, sent by David ap Gruffyth to +Lord Grey, probably the very epistle which the Earl says he had +received "from the greatest thief in Wales;" the few last +sentences of which, apparently written in a sort of jingling +rhyme, indicate the character of its author and the spirit of the +times. "We hope we shall do thee a privy thing: a rope, a ladder, +and a ring, high on a gallows for to heng; and thus shall be your +ending; and he that made thee be there to helpyng, and we on our +behalf shall be well willing." The conclusion of another letter +from the same pen, in defiance of Lord Grey's power, breathes the +feelings with which the Welsh entered upon this rebellion. "And +it was told me that ye been in perpose for to make your men burn +and slay in whatsoever country I be and am seisened in (have +property). Withouten doubt as many men that ye slay, and as many +housen that ye burn for my sake, as many will I burn and slay for +your sake; and doubt not I will have bread and ale of the best +that is in your lordship. I can no more. But God keep your +worshipful state in prosperity. Written in great haste, at the +Park of Brinkiffe, the xi day of June.—<span class="smcap">Gruffuth ap David ap +Gruffuth.</span>"<a href="#notetag103">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note104" name="note104"></a> +<b>Footnote 104:</b> At as early a date as April 19, 1401, the Pell +Rolls record the payment to him of "200<i>l.</i> for continuing at his +own cost the siege of Conway Castle immediately after the rebels +had taken it, without the assistance of any one except the people +of the country."<a href="#notetag104">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note105" name="note105"></a> +<b>Footnote 105:</b> The observations of Sir Harris Nicolas, to whom we +are indebted for the publication of these letters, are very just: +"Much information respecting the state of affairs in Wales is +afforded by the correspondence of Sir Henry Percy, the celebrated +Hotspur; five letters from whom are now for the first time +brought to light. Besides their historical value, these letters +derive great interest from being the only relics of Hotspur which +are known to be preserved, from throwing some light on the cause +of his discontent and subsequent rebellion, and still more from +being in strict accordance with the supposed haughty, captious, +and uncompromising character of that eminent soldier."—Preface, +vol. i. p. xxxviii.<a href="#notetag105">(back)</a></p> + + +<div><a id="note106" name="note106"></a> +<p><b>Footnote 106:</b> King <span class="smcap">Richard</span> II. Act v. scene 3.</p> + +<p><i>Boling.</i>—"Can no man tell of my unthrifty son?"<br> + + <i>Percy.</i>—"My Lord, some two days since I saw the + Prince," &c. +<a href="#notetag106">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note107" name="note107"></a> +<b>Footnote 107:</b> The commons at the same time, of their own free +will, offered to pay as much as they had formerly paid to King +Richard.<a href="#notetag107">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note108" name="note108"></a> +<b>Footnote 108:</b> An exception by name is made of Owyn Glyndowr, and +also of Rees ap Tudor, and William ap Tudor. These two brothers, +however, surrendered the Castle of Conway, and William with +thirty-one more received the royal pardon, dated 8th July 1401. +Pardons in the same terms had been granted on the 6th May to the +rebels of Chirk; on the 10th, to those of Bromfield and Oswestry; +on the 16th, to those of Ellesmere; and, upon June 15th, to the +rebels of Whityngton.<a href="#notetag108">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note109" name="note109"></a> +<b>Footnote 109:</b> The original, in French, is preserved in the +British Museum.—Cotton, Cleop. viii. fol. 117 b. +<a href="#notetag109">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note110" name="note110"></a> +<b>Footnote 110:</b> The original is here imperfect. +<a href="#notetag110">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note111" name="note111"></a> +<b>Footnote 111:</b> See Ellis's Original Letters, second series, vol. +i. p. 8.<a href="#notetag111">(back)</a></p> + +<p><a id="note112" name="note112"></a> +<b>Footnote 112:</b> Lingard places the site of Owyn's victory over +Lord Grey on the banks of the "Vurnway." +<a href="#notetag112">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note113" name="note113"></a> +<b>Footnote 113:</b> The Monk of Evesham reports that Lord Grey was +released about the year 1404, having first paid to Owyn five +thousand marks for his ransom, and leaving his two sons as +pledges for the payment of five thousand more. The same authority +informs us that Edmund Mortimer espoused the daughter of Owyn +with great solemnity. The Pell Rolls (1 Henry V. June 27) leave +us in no doubt as to the fact of that marriage. +<a href="#notetag113">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note114" name="note114"></a> +<b>Footnote 114:</b> This nobleman, John Charlton, Lord Powis, died on +the 19th of October following, and was succeeded by his son +Edward, who, on the 5th of August, (probably in 1402 or 1403,) +applied to the council for a reinforcement.—Min. of Coun. +<a href="#notetag114">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note115" name="note115"></a> +<b>Footnote 115:</b> Many of our own historians have, either in +ignorance or design, very much misled their readers on the +subject.<a href="#notetag115">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note116" name="note116"></a> +<b>Footnote 116:</b> It is not generally understood, (indeed, some of +our historians have not only been ignorant of the fact, but have +asserted the contrary,) that this princess was the elder sister +of Katharine of Valois, married thirteen years after Isabella's +death to Henry of Monmouth. Katharine was not born till after +Isabella's restoration from England to her father's home. +Isabella was born November 9, 1389; was solemnly married by the +Archbishop of Canterbury to Richard II. in Calais, November 4, +1397 (not quite nine years old); was crowned at Westminster on +the 8th of January following; was married to her second husband, +29th June 1406; and died at Blois, 13th September 1409.—Anselme, +vol. i. p. 114.<a href="#notetag116">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note117" name="note117"></a> +<b>Footnote 117:</b> One of these, Wm. ap Tudor, with thirty-one +others, was pardoned July 8. In his petition he suggests that in +all disputes between the burgesses and themselves, there ought to +be a fair inquest, half Welsh and half English. This is supposed +to have been the usual law; but probably in these turbulent times +it might too often have been dispensed with for a less impartial +mode of trial. Besides, among the many severe enactments against +the Welsh, the King, in 1400, had assented to an ordinance +proposed by the Commons, to remain in force for three years, that +no Englishman should have judgment against him at the suit of a +Welshman, except at the hands of judges and a jury entirely +English.<a href="#notetag117">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note118" name="note118"></a> +<b>Footnote 118:</b> The castles in Wales were at this time very +scantily garrisoned; indeed, the smallness of the number of the +men by whom some of them were defended is scarcely credible. And +yet, in the exhausted state of the treasury of the King, of the +Prince, of Henry Percy and others, those castles, even in the +miserably limited extent of their establishments, could with +difficulty be retained. When besieged, the garrison could never +venture upon a sally. For example, Conway had only fifteen +men-at-arms and sixty archers, kept at an expense of 714<i>l.</i> +15<i>s.</i> 10<i>d.</i> annually: Caernarvon had twenty men-at-arms and +eighty archers: Harlech had ten men-at-arms and thirty +archers.—See Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters. +<a href="#notetag118">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note119" name="note119"></a> +<b>Footnote 119:</b> The Monk of Evesham states expressly that, towards +the end of this year, the King, intending to hasten to Wales for +the third time, came to Evesham on Michaelmas-day, September 29, +but not with so large a force as before; and on the third day, +after breakfast, he proceeded to Worcester, whence, after the +ninth day, with the advice of his council, he returned through +Alcester to London.<a href="#notetag119">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note120" name="note120"></a> +<b>Footnote 120:</b> On Monday, October 16, 1402, the Commons "thank +the King for his great labour in body and mind, especially in his +journey to Scotland; and because, on his return, when he heard at +Northampton of the rebellion in Wales, he had at <i>that</i> time, and +<i>three times</i> since, with a great army (as well the King as my +lord the Prince) laboured in divers parts." When Owyn is +represented by Shakspeare as recounting the various successful +struggles in which he had tried his strength with Bolinbroke, the +poet had solid ground on which to build the boastings of the +Welsh chieftain:</p> + +<p class="poem"> + "Three times hath Henry Bolinbroke made head<br> + Against my power: thrice from the banks of Wye<br> + And sandy-bottom'd Severn have I sent him<br> + Bootless home, and weather-beaten back." +<a href="#notetag120">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note121" name="note121"></a> +<b>Footnote 121:</b> The regular appointment bears date 31st March +1402.<a href="#notetag121">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note122" name="note122"></a> +<b>Footnote 122:</b> The Pell Rolls contain many items of payment about +this time to the Prince of Wales; one of which specifies the sum +"of 400<i>l.</i> for one hundred men-at-arms, each 12<i>d.</i> per day, and +four hundred archers at 6<i>d.</i> per day, for one month, who were +sent with despatch to Harlech Castle to remove the besiegers." +Probably they had been sent some considerable time before the +date of this payment, Dec. 14, 1401. +<a href="#notetag122">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note123" name="note123"></a> +<b>Footnote 123:</b> The whole of Anglesey was granted to Hotspur for +life. 1 Hen. IV, 12th October 1399.—MS. Donat. 4596. +<a href="#notetag123">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note124" name="note124"></a> +<b>Footnote 124:</b> He was present in the Castle of Berkhamsted on the +14th of May, at the sealing of the marriage contract of his +sister Philippa with King Eric.—Fœd. viii. 259, 260. +<a href="#notetag124">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note125" name="note125"></a> +<b>Footnote 125:</b> Our history supplies very scanty information as to +the family of this royal lady. In the year 1412 a safe conduct is +given to Giles of Brittany, son of the Queen, to come to England, +to tarry and to return, with twenty men and horses.—Rymer, May +20, 1412.<a href="#notetag125">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note126" name="note126"></a> +<b>Footnote 126:</b> Otterbourne. +<a href="#notetag126">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note127" name="note127"></a> +<b>Footnote 127:</b> "By sorcerye and nygrammancie." +<a href="#notetag127">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note128" name="note128"></a> +<b>Footnote 128:</b> The Pell Rolls (27th Sept. 1418) leave us in no +doubt that John Randolf's goods were forfeited, a circumstance +strongly confirming the report of his conspiracy. Payment is also +made to certain persons for carrying (Feb. 8, 1420) John Randolf, +of the order of Friars Minor, Shrewsbury, from Normandy to the +Tower.<a href="#notetag128">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note129" name="note129"></a> +<b>Footnote 129:</b> No doubt can remain as to the accuracy of the +London Chronicle in this particular: several payments are on +record, expressly declared to have been made out of the lands and +property of this unhappy woman. Thus, the issue of a thousand +marks to the Abbess of Syon (9th May 1421) is made from "the +monies issuing from the possessions of Joanna, Queen of +England."<a href="#notetag129">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note130" name="note130"></a> +<b>Footnote 130:</b> See Acts of Privy Council, vol. i. p. 185. The +Editor quotes Lobinau's Histoire de Brétagne, tom. ii. pp. 874, +878; and Morice's Histoire Ecclésiastique et Civile de Brétagne, +tom. i. p. 433.<a href="#notetag130">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note131" name="note131"></a> +<b>Footnote 131:</b> At the opening of the year 1402 (January 18), one +hundred marks were paid by the treasury to the Bishop of Bangor, +whose lands had been in great part destroyed.—Pell Rolls. This +prelate was Richard Young, who was translated to Rochester in +1404.<a href="#notetag131">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note132" name="note132"></a> +<b>Footnote 132:</b> To the present day the vestiges of two temporary +encampments (army against army) are visible; and there are +barrows in the neighbourhood, which, according to the tradition +of the country, cover the bones of those who fell in this battle, +not less, they say, than three thousand men. The remains of Owyn +Glyndowr's camp are found at a place called Monachdy, in the +parish of Blethvaugh; and about two miles below, in the parish of +Whittow, is the earthwork supposed to have been thrown up by Sir +Edmund Mortimer. Half-way between is a hill called Brynglas, +where the battle is said to have been fought. In the valley of +the Lug are two large tumuli, which are believed to cover the +slain.<a href="#notetag132">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note133" name="note133"></a> +<b>Footnote 133:</b> A general mistake has prevailed among historians +with regard to this prisoner of Owyn's. Walsingham, Stowe, Hall, +Rapin, Hume, Sharon Turner, with others, have uniformly +represented Edmund Earl of March to have been the notable warrior +then captured by Glyndowr; whereas he was only ten years of age, +and a prisoner of the King. Dr. Griffin, a Monmouthshire +antiquary, pointed out the mistake many years ago. +<a href="#notetag133">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note134" name="note134"></a> +<b>Footnote 134:</b> On the 14th of July the council issue commands to +the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Norwich to array +their clergy for the defence of the realm; a measure seldom +resorted to, and only on occasions of great emergence and alarm. +A fortnight before this order (30th June), the King had written +from Harborough to his council, acquainting them with the victory +gained for him over the Scots at Nisbet Moor by the Scotch Earl +of March, and commanding them to protect the marches. +<a href="#notetag134">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note135" name="note135"></a> +<b>Footnote 135:</b> The Monk of Evesham says that in this year, about +August 29, (Festum Decollationis Johannis Bapt.) the King went +again with a great force into Wales, and after twenty days +returned with disgrace.<a href="#notetag135">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note136" name="note136"></a> +<b>Footnote 136:</b> An order, dated Ravensdale, is made on the sheriff +of Lincoln to be ready, notwithstanding the last order, to go +towards the marches of Scotland; and, if the Scots should not +come, then to be at Shrewsbury on the 1st of September. +<a href="#notetag136">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note137" name="note137"></a> +<b>Footnote 137:</b> Walsingham's words would seem to apply more fitly +to this second and more important expedition of 1402 than the +preceding one in July: "Tantus armorum strepitus." +<a href="#notetag137">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note138" name="note138"></a> +<b>Footnote 138:</b> On 20th October 1402, a commission issued to +receive into their allegiance and amnesty the rebels of Usk, +Caerleon, and Trellech, in Monmouthshire. +<a href="#notetag138">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note139" name="note139"></a> +<b>Footnote 139:</b> Leland, in his Collectanea, quotes a passage from +another chronicler, which records the very words of Percy and the +King on this occasion. Percy asked the King's permission for +Mortimer to be ransomed, to whom the King replied that he would +not strengthen his enemies against himself by the money of the +realm. Percy then said, "Ought any man so to expose himself to +danger for you and your kingdom, and you not succour him in his +danger?" The King answered in wrath, "You are a traitor; do you +wish me to succour the enemies of myself and of my kingdom?"—"I +am no traitor," rejoined Percy; "but a faithful man, and as a +faithful man I speak." The King drew his rapier against him. "Not +here," said Percy, "but in the field;" and withdrew. +<a href="#notetag139">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note140" name="note140"></a> +<b>Footnote 140:</b> Circa festum Sancti Andreæ. +<a href="#notetag140">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note141" name="note141"></a> +<b>Footnote 141:</b> Cott. Cleop. F. iii. fol. 122, b. +<a href="#notetag141">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note142" name="note142"></a> +<b>Footnote 142:</b> On the 1st of April 1403, the King most earnestly +requests loans from bishops, abbots, knights, and others, in the +sums severally affixed to their names, to enable him to proceed +against the Welsh and the Scots. +<a href="#notetag142">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note143" name="note143"></a> +<b>Footnote 143:</b> The Pell Rolls (July 17, 1403) record the +appointment of the Prince as the King's deputy in Wales, to see +justice done on all rebels, and the payment of a sum amounting to +8108<i>l.</i> 2<i>s.</i> 0<i>d.</i> for the wages of four barons and bannerets, +twenty knights, four hundred and seventy-six esquires, and two +thousand five hundred archers. +<a href="#notetag143">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note144" name="note144"></a> +<b>Footnote 144:</b> On the next day, July 11, the King issued a +proclamation against selling horses, or armour and weapons, to +the Welsh.<a href="#notetag144">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note145" name="note145"></a> +<b>Footnote 145:</b> Astonishing confusion pervades almost all our +historians as to the circumstances under which Henry IV. first +became acquainted with the defection of the Percies, and then +hastened to resist their hostilities; and most absurd inferences +as to the national interest taken in the ensuing struggle have in +consequence been drawn. The King is almost universally +represented as having left London, accompanied by all the forces +he could, after much preparation, command, for the express +purpose of quelling the rebellion of the Percies; whereas he left +London for the express purpose of joining his forces to those of +the Percies, and to proceed, in conjunction with them, against +the Scots; and he had never heard of their defection till he +reached Burton-upon-Trent. The news came upon him with the +suddenness of an unexpected thunderstorm. +<a href="#notetag145">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note146" name="note146"></a> +<b>Footnote 146:</b> Minutes of Privy Council. +<a href="#notetag146">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note147" name="note147"></a> +<b>Footnote 147:</b> The date of this letter is not ascertained; it +probably was in the July of 1402. It could scarcely have been in +1401, in which year he was certainly in Wales in June, and was +appointed a commissioner for negociating a peace with Scotland on +the 1st of September. In the beginning of July 1403 he was in +Wales, or on its borders, negociating perhaps with Owyn +Glyndowr's representatives, and in Cheshire exciting the people +to rebellion.<a href="#notetag147">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note148" name="note148"></a> +<b>Footnote 148:</b> The fact is, that in the years immediately +preceding their defection, the Issue Rolls of the Exchequer +abound with items of payment, some to a very large amount, to the +Earl of Northumberland and his son. The names of both the father +and the son, sometimes separately, often jointly, recur so +constantly that they can scarcely escape the observation even of +a cursory glance over the Rolls. Generally the payment is for the +protection of the East March and Berwick; in some instances, for +defending the castle of Beaumaris, and the island of Anglesea. On +the 17th July 1403, payment is recorded of precisely the same sum +to the two Percies for their services in the North March, and to +the Prince for the protection of Wales; in each case, no doubt, +falling far short of the requisite amount, but in each case +probably as much as the Exchequer could afford to supply. +<a href="#notetag148">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note149" name="note149"></a> +<b>Footnote 149:</b> Preface to Sir H. Nicolas's Privy Council of +England, p. 4.<a href="#notetag149">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note150" name="note150"></a> +<b>Footnote 150:</b> That this chronicle was not compiled by one of +Henry V.'s chaplains, is shown in the Appendix. +<a href="#notetag150">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note151" name="note151"></a> +<b>Footnote 151:</b> This date cannot have been earlier than February +1404, nor later than 1405. If we interpret the words of the MS. +to mean the regnal year of Henry IV, the date will be the first +of those two years; if it was the February subsequent to the +election of Pope Innocent, October 1404, immediately after +noticing which the MS. records this treaty, it will be the +latter. The copy of this manuscript agrees in all points with the +Sloane, except that it refers it to the 18th instead of the 28th +of February.<a href="#notetag151">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note152" name="note152"></a> +<b>Footnote 152:</b> Nevertheless, it should be remembered that many +ancient accounts mention the Earl of Northumberland's visit to +Glyndowr subsequently to his return from the flight into +Scotland, and that the French auxiliaries invaded England under +Glyndowr's standard long after the battle of Shrewsbury. It was +on the last day of February 1408, that Rokeby, Sheriff of +Yorkshire, compelled Northumberland and Lord Bardolf to engage +with him in the field of Bramham Moor, when the Earl fell in +battle, and Lord Bardolf died of his wounds. The Earl's head, +covered with the snows of age, was exposed on London Bridge. The +people lamented his fate when they recalled to mind his former +magnificence and glory. Many (says Walsingham) applied to him the +lines of Lucan:</p> + +<p class="poem"> + Sed nos nec sanguis, nec tantum vulnera nostri<br> + Afficere senis, quantum gestata per urbem<br> + Ora ducis, quæ transfixo deformia pilo<br> + Vidimus. +<a href="#notetag152">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note153" name="note153"></a> +<b>Footnote 153:</b> Hall says, "Because no chronicle save one makes +mention what was the cause and occasion of this bloody battle, in +the which on both parts were more than forty thousand men +assembled, I word for word, according to my copy, do here +rehearse." He then gives the heads of the manifesto, from which +Hume has drawn his account.<a href="#notetag153">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note154" name="note154"></a> +<b>Footnote 154:</b> The fact is, that Hardyng's character is +assailable, especially on the point of forging documents. +"Several writers have considered Hardyng a most dexterous and +notable forger, who manufactured the deed for which he sought +reward."<a id="notetag154-a" name="notetag154-a"></a><a +href="#note154-a">[154-a]</a> The first manuscript, the Lansdown, containing no +allusion to this said manifesto, comes down to 1436. The Harleian +copy, which contains it, comes down to the flight of Henry VI. +for Scotland. In the Lansdown copy not one word is said about the +oath sworn on Bolinbroke's landing, nor about the manifesto. +<a href="#notetag154">(back)</a></p> + + +<p class="left05"><a id="note154-a" name="note154-a"></a> +<b>Footnote 154-a:</b> See Sir H. Ellis's Introduction to his edition +of Hardyng.<a href="#notetag154-a">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note155" name="note155"></a> +<b>Footnote 155:</b> Adhuc. +<a href="#notetag155">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note156" name="note156"></a> +<b>Footnote 156:</b> Acts of Council, vol. i. p. 185. +<a href="#notetag156">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note157" name="note157"></a> +<b>Footnote 157:</b> Monk of Evesham and Sloane, 1776.—In the passage +relating to Mortimer's marriage in Walsingham's history, the word +"obiit" is evidently an interpolation by mistake. It does not +occur in the corresponding passage in his Ypodig. Neust. +<a href="#notetag157">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note158" name="note158"></a> +<b>Footnote 158:</b> Acts of Council, vol. i. p. 207. +<a href="#notetag158">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note159" name="note159"></a> +<b>Footnote 159:</b> Original Letters, Second Series. +<a href="#notetag159">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note160" name="note160"></a> +<b>Footnote 160:</b> Those documents, with the Author's remarks and +reasonings upon them, will be found in the Appendix. +<a href="#notetag160">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note161" name="note161"></a> +<b>Footnote 161:</b> Quoted by Scott in his Notes on Marmion from a +poem by the Rev. G. Warrington, called "The Spirit's Blasted +Tree." +<a href="#notetag161">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note162" name="note162"></a> +<b>Footnote 162:</b> Hardyng represents the variance between Henry IV. +and the Percies to have originated in three causes:—in their own +refusal to give up certain prisoners of rank who had been taken +at the battle of Homildon; in the King's refusal to let Sir +Edmund Mortimer pay a ransom; and in the displeasure which the +King had felt in consequence of an interview between Hotspur and +Glyndowr, which had excited his suspicions. A commission was +issued on the 14th March 1403, at the instance of the Earl of +Westmoreland, to inquire about the prisoners taken at Homildon or +"Humbledon."—Rym. Fœd. The Pell Rolls acquaint us with the +great importance attached by Henry and the nation to this +victory, by recording the pension assigned to the first bringer +of the welcome news: "To Nicholas Merbury 40<i>l.</i> yearly for other +good services, as also because the same Nicholas was the first +person who reported for a certainty to the said lord the King the +good, agreeable, and acceptable news of the success of the late +expedition at Homeldon, near Wollor, in Northumberland, by Henry, +late Earl of Northumberland. Four earls, many barons and +bannerets, with a great multitude of knights and esquires, as +well Scotch as French, were taken; and also a great multitude +slain, and drowned in the river Tweed." This act of gratitude was +somewhat late, if the entry in the Roll records the first +payment. It is dated Nov. 3, 1405. At the date of this payment +Percy is called the <i>late</i> Earl, because he had forfeited his +title. +<a href="#notetag162">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note163" name="note163"></a> +<b>Footnote 163:</b> Walsingham records that the Earl of Dunbar, urging +Henry to strike an immediate blow, quoted Lucan. He probably +uttered the sentiment,—the quotation being supplied by the +chronicler:</p> + +<p class="poem"> + "Tolle moras; nocuit semper differre paratis,<br> + Dum trepidant nullo firmatæ robore partes." +<a href="#notetag163">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note164" name="note164"></a> +<b>Footnote 164:</b> Mr. Pennant, in his interesting account of Owyn +Glyndowr's life, (though he appears to have been very diligent in +collecting traditionary materials for the work,) represents King +Henry to have "made an expeditious march to Burton on Trent, on +his way <i>against the northern rebels</i>," <i>the Percies</i>; when, on +hearing of Hotspur having come southward, he turned to meet him. +<a href="#notetag164">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note165" name="note165"></a> +<b>Footnote 165:</b> That the battle was fought in Hateley Field is +proved by a document containing a grant by patent (10 Hen. IV.) +of two acres of land for ever to Richard Huse (Hussey), Esquire, +for two chaplains to chant mass for the prosperity of the King +during his life, and for his soul afterwards, and for all his +progenitors, and for the souls of them who died in that battle +and were there interred, and for the souls of all Christians, in +a new chapel to be built on the ground. See Sir Harris Nicolas' +preface to vol. i. p. 53. +<a href="#notetag165">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note166" name="note166"></a> +<b>Footnote 166:</b> The story that Henry adopted the unchivalrous +expedient of fighting in disguise, arraying several persons, +especially the Earl of Stafford and Sir Walter Blount, in royal +armour, seems altogether fabulous. +<a href="#notetag166">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note167" name="note167"></a> +<b>Footnote 167:</b> The Scots fled, the Welshmen ran, the traitors +were overcome; then neither woods letted, nor hills stopped, the +fearful hearts of them that were vanquished.—Hall. +<a href="#notetag167">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note168" name="note168"></a> +<b>Footnote 168:</b> Hume says, most unadvisedly, "the persons of +greatest distinction who fell on that day were on the King's +side." +<a href="#notetag168">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note169" name="note169"></a> +<b>Footnote 169:</b> The Pell Rolls, so called from the pells, or +skins, on rolls of which accounts of the royal receipts and +expenditure used to be kept, are preserved both in the Chapter +House of Westminster, and also in duplicate at the Exchequer +Office in Whitehall. The Author had every facility afforded him +of examining them at his leisure; and doubtless these documents +contain much valuable information, throwing light as well on the +national affairs of the times to which they belong, as on the +more private history of monarchs and people. This is evident to +every one on inspecting the records of any one year. But at the +same time they read a lesson, clear and sound, on the +indispensable necessity of constant care, and circumspection, and +sifting scrutiny, before reliance be placed on them as evidence +conclusive, and beyond appeal. The Author of these Memoirs +entered upon an examination of the original documents, fully +aware that the date of payment with reference to any fact could +never be adduced in evidence that the event took place at the +time the entry was made, but only that it had taken place before +that time. Thus, a debt due to the Prince, or one in command +under him, at the siege of a castle in Wales, or to tradesmen and +merchants for supplying the forces with provisions, or to +messengers sent with all speed bearing despatches to the castle +during the siege, might remain unpaid for several years. He was, +however, at the same time under an impression that the sum was +recorded on the day of payment; at all events, that payments with +reference to any insulated fact could not have been recorded as +having been made before that fact had transpired. In both these +points, however, he was mistaken. Payments were registered not +only long after the day on which they were made, but absolutely +<i>before the event had taken place</i> to which they refer, and which +could not have been anticipated by any human foresight. Thus, not +only is payment recorded as having been made to Hotspur nearly +five months after his death, and to the Earl of Worcester, twelve +weeks after he was beheaded, for expenses incurred by him in +bringing the King's consort from Brittany to England in the +January preceding, but absolutely the payment of messengers sent +throughout the kingdom to announce Henry Percy's death and the +defeat of the rebels near Shrewsbury, and to order all ferries +and passages to be watched to prevent the escape of the rebels, +is recorded as having been made on the 17th of July 1403, <span class="smcap">FOUR +DAYS BEFORE THE BATTLE TOOK PLACE</span>, and the very day on which the +King wrote to his council, informing them of the rebellion, +before he could himself possibly have anticipated the place or +time of any engagement, much less the successful issue of such a +struggle with the rebels. The fact is, these accounts were not +kept with the regularity of a modern banking-house; and the +entries of what may have been omitted were made at the audits, +from rough minutes and account-books. Thus mistakes as to the +date of actual payment probably were not rare. The Pell Rolls are +useful assistants; they must not be followed implicitly as +guides. +<a href="#notetag169">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note170" name="note170"></a> +<b>Footnote 170:</b> Sir Harris Nicolas, in his very valuable preface +to the first volume of the Acts of the Privy Council, has fallen +into the most extraordinary mistake of stating that the King, +after the battle of Shrewsbury, "remained in or near Wales until +November." He was certainly absent through six full weeks on his +northern expedition. The same Editor more than once affirms that +the battle of Shrewsbury was fought on the 23rd of July. +<a href="#notetag170">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note171" name="note171"></a> +<b>Footnote 171:</b> MS. Donat. 4597. +<a href="#notetag171">(back)</a></p> + +<p><a id="note172" name="note172"></a> +<b>Footnote 172:</b> Mr. Morritt of Rokeby, in a letter to Sir Walter +Scott, (Life of Scott, vol. ii. p. 387,) says, "In the time of +Henry IV. the High Sheriff of Yorkshire who overthrew +Northumberland, and drove him to Scotland after the battle of +Shrewsbury, was a Rokeby. Tradition says that this Sheriff was +before an adherent of the Percies, and was the identical knight +who dissuaded Hotspur from the enterprise, on whose letter the +angry warrior comments so freely in Shakspeare." +<a href="#notetag172">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note173" name="note173"></a> +<b>Footnote 173:</b> His friends and retainers spread strange reports +throughout the north, of the King's death; and, assembling in +great force, held the castles of Berwick, Alnwick, and Warkworth +against the royal authority. The Earl of Westmoreland, Warden of +the West March, therefore requested to be supplied with cannon +and other means of assault to reduce these fortresses. The +proceedings are given in detail among the Acts of the Privy +Council, but do not call for a minute examination here. +<a href="#notetag173">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note174" name="note174"></a> +<b>Footnote 174:</b> Walsingham says expressly, it was on the morrow of +St. Lawrence, August 11th. +<a href="#notetag174">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note175" name="note175"></a> +<b>Footnote 175:</b> On the 15th, he issues a proclamation for an +array, to meet him at Worcester, on the 3rd of September at the +latest, to proceed against Owyn. +<a href="#notetag175">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note176" name="note176"></a> +<b>Footnote 176:</b> It was on his return towards Wales that the +military recommended Henry (then much in need of money) to take +from the bishops their horses and gold, and send the prelates +home on foot. The Archbishop resisted the outrage in a manly +speech; and the King prayed a benevolence, which the clergy +granted. +<a href="#notetag176">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note177" name="note177"></a> +<b>Footnote 177:</b> The King, speaking of the death of Hotspur, merely +says, "He hath gone the way of all flesh."—Rot. Pat. 4 Hen. IV. +p. 2. +<a href="#notetag177">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note178" name="note178"></a> +<b>Footnote 178:</b> Sir Harris Nicolas. +<a href="#notetag178">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note179" name="note179"></a> +<b>Footnote 179:</b> On the 12th, he had issued a proclamation from +Hereford for his lieges to meet him there forthwith. +<a href="#notetag179">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note180" name="note180"></a> +<b>Footnote 180:</b> Caermarthen suffered very seriously in this war: +the Pell Rolls, June 26, 1406, record the payment of a sum to the +Burgesses and Goodmen of Caermarthen, in mitigation of the losses +they had sustained. On this occasion the King arrived there on +the 25th and stayed till the 29th. +<a href="#notetag180">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note181" name="note181"></a> +<b>Footnote 181:</b> On the 2nd of October, the King issued a +proclamation against Owyn. He seems to have returned through +Gloucester to London, immediately after the 17th October; on +which day a warrant to Robert Waterton, to arrest Elizabeth wife +of the late Henry Percy, is dated Gloucester.</p> + +<p>On the 8th of October, those four persons whom Henry had left in +charge of Caermarthen, implore the council by letter to send the +Duke of York, or some other general, to take charge of the King's +interests in that district, and to furnish troops to succeed +those whom the King had left in trust there, since they had +expressed their determined resolution not to remain beyond their +month. +<a href="#notetag181">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note182" name="note182"></a> +<b>Footnote 182:</b> On the 1st of December the King acknowledges that +the people of Kedwelly had repaired their walls which Owyn had +injured; and, on the 19th, the castle of Llanstaffan is given to +the custody of David Howell, who undertook to defend it with ten +men-at-arms and twenty archers at his own expense, the late +captain having been taken by Owyn. +<a href="#notetag182">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note183" name="note183"></a> +<b>Footnote 183:</b> On the 26th of October, the King commissions the +Earl of Devon, with the Courtenays and others, to press as many +men as might be necessary wherever they were to be found, and to +proceed forthwith by sea to rescue the castle of Caerdiff, then +in great peril. +<a href="#notetag183">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note184" name="note184"></a> +<b>Footnote 184:</b> Measures had been taken, in expectation, as it +should appear, of these sieges. January 31, 1404, money is paid +to the Prince to purchase sixty-six pipes of honey (to make +mead), twelve casks of wine, four casks of sour wine, fifty casks +of wheat-flour, and eighty quarters of salt, for victualling +Caernarvon, Harlech, Llanpadarn, and Cardigan. +<a href="#notetag184">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note185" name="note185"></a> +<b>Footnote 185:</b> From this expression, Sir Harris Nicolas is +induced to refer the letter (which is dated April 21st) to the +year 1403, the Prince having been appointed Lieutenant of Wales +on the 7th of March preceding. But the mention of the <i>French</i> +auxiliaries, who appear not to have visited those parts till the +year following, seems to fix the date of this document to the +year 1404. +<a href="#notetag185">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note186" name="note186"></a> +<b>Footnote 186:</b> Owyn does not, however, seem to have exercised the +princely prerogative of coining money. Indeed, no Welsh coin of +any date is known to have been ever in existence. Thomas Thomas, +the Welsh antiquary, says that a coin (or Dr. Stukeley's +impression from a coin) of King Bleiddyd is now in the Cotton +museum, of a date above nine hundred years before Christ; and +that there are others of Monagan about the year one hundred and +thirty before the Christian era. A search for them, it is +presumed, would be fruitless. +<a href="#notetag186">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note187" name="note187"></a> +<b>Footnote 187:</b> The words in italics are in the original "erga nos +et <i>subditos</i> nostros." "Illustris et metuendissimi domini nostri +Owini Principis Walliarum."—See Rymer. +<a href="#notetag187">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note188" name="note188"></a> +<b>Footnote 188:</b> Irchonfeld, now called Archenfield, contains some +of the most fertile land in Herefordshire. The inhabitants of +Whitchurch, in that district, used to say, before modern luxury +had taught us to reckon foreign productions among the necessaries +of life, that, excepting salt, their parish supplied whatever was +needed for their subsistence in comfort. +<a href="#notetag188">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note189" name="note189"></a> +<b>Footnote 189:</b> This was William Beauchamp, to whom the King had +given, in the first year of his reign, the castles<a id="notetag189-a" name="notetag189-a"></a><a +href="#note189-a">[189-a]</a> of +Pembroke, Tenby, Kilgarran, with others, by patent, 29th +November, 1 Henry IV; and who was very closely besieged in the +spring of 1401, and the summer of 1404, in the castle of +Abergavenny.<a href="#notetag189">(back)</a></p> + + +<p class="left05"><a id="note189-a" name="note189-a"></a> +<b>Footnote 189-a:</b> MS. Donat. 4596.<a href="#notetag189-a">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note190" name="note190"></a> +<b>Footnote 190:</b> At Doncaster, June 9th. +<a href="#notetag190">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note191" name="note191"></a> +<b>Footnote 191:</b> The Author leaves this sentence as he wrote it, +before he had read the late account of the Field of Agincourt: in +that work Henry of Monmouth is in these days, for the first time, +accused of hypocrisy; with what justice the reader will decide +after reading the charge, and the arguments by which it is now +presumed to have been destroyed root and branch. They will be +found in the second volume. +<a href="#notetag191">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note192" name="note192"></a> +<b>Footnote 192:</b> About this time, the King's treasury was in a +deplorable state. The minutes of council suggest the payment of +1000 marks in part of the debts of the household, incurred in the +time of Atterbury: and the allowance of a sum "for the time past, +and to avoid the clamour of the people."—Minutes of Council, +vol. ii. p. 37. +<a href="#notetag192">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note193" name="note193"></a> +<b>Footnote 193:</b> August 26, 1404, a thousand marks were assigned to +the Prince for the safekeeping of Denbigh and other castles.—MS. +Donat. 4597. +<a href="#notetag193">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note194" name="note194"></a> +<b>Footnote 194:</b> The ruins of Coity Castle are still interesting. +They are near Bridgend, in Glamorganshire. +<a href="#notetag194">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note195" name="note195"></a> +<b>Footnote 195:</b> MS. Donat. 4597. +<a href="#notetag195">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note196" name="note196"></a> +<b>Footnote 196:</b> A few days before Christmas, some French effected +a landing in the Isle of Wight, and boasted that, with the King's +leave or without it, they would keep their Christmas there: but +they were routed. The French demanded a tribute in the name of +Richard and Isabella. +<a href="#notetag196">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note197" name="note197"></a> +<b>Footnote 197:</b> These letters are the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, +thirteenth, and fourteenth, in Sir Henry Ellis' Second Series. He +does not assign them to any date positively. "They were probably +written," he says, "about 1404." It is here presumed, that they +were not written till the opening of the year 1405. They all bear +date between the 7th of January and the 20th of February. +<a href="#notetag197">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note198" name="note198"></a> +<b>Footnote 198:</b> The sow was an engine of the nature of the Roman +Vinea, which, by protecting the assailants from the missiles of +the besieged, enabled them to undermine the wall of a town or +castle. +<a href="#notetag198">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note199" name="note199"></a> +<b>Footnote 199:</b> The parliament called Indoctum, or Lacklearning. +It was in this parliament that the confiscation of the property +of the bishops was proposed. +<a href="#notetag199">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note200" name="note200"></a> +<b>Footnote 200:</b> At this time Owyn Glyndowr confirms his league +with the King of France by deed, dated and signed "in our Castle +of Llanpadarn, the 12th of January 1405, and of our principality +the sixth." +<a href="#notetag200">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note201" name="note201"></a> +<b>Footnote 201:</b> All the writers who have copied this letter, from +Rymer downwards, have fallen into a ludicrous mistake here. +Reading an <i>n</i> instead of a <i>v</i> in the words <i>J'envoia</i> (I sent), +they have translated the passage, "within your lordship of +Monmouth and Jennoia." Sir Harris Nicolas first supplied the true +reading. The mistake led persons well acquainted with +Monmouthshire (among others, the Author of these Memoirs,) to +make different inquiries as to the lordship of Jennoia: they will +now no longer wonder at the unfruitful issue of their search. +<a href="#notetag201">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note202" name="note202"></a> +<b>Footnote 202:</b> The author published under the name of Otterbourne +says, that Owyn's son was made prisoner at Usk on the 25th of +March, and one thousand five hundred of his men were taken or +slain; and that, after the Feast of St. Dunstan, his chancellor +was taken. There is reason to doubt whether that chronicler has +not mistaken the place and time of the battle to which he refers; +though it is not impossible that another battle (of which, +however, we have no authentic record,) was fought at Usk a +fortnight after the rebels were defeated at Grosmont: Grosmont is +about twenty miles distant from Usk. +<a href="#notetag202">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note203" name="note203"></a> +<b>Footnote 203:</b> A review of this "aged Earl's" behaviour, from the +first occasion on which he is introduced to our notice in these +Memoirs to the day of his death, supplies only a melancholy +succession of acts of broken faith. On the 7th of February 1404, +before the assembled estates of the realm, on receiving the +King's pardon for the past, he most solemnly swore upon the cross +of Canterbury to be true and faithful to his sovereign Henry IV: +he "swore also, on the peril of his soul, that he knew of no evil +intentions on the part of the Duke of York, or of the Archbishop; +and that the King might place full trust and confidence in them +as his liege subjects." +<a href="#notetag203">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note204" name="note204"></a> +<b>Footnote 204:</b> Gascoyne does not appear to have been even +suspended from his office in consequence of his refusal to +sentence the Archbishop; he continued Chief Justice till after +the King's death. +<a href="#notetag204">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note205" name="note205"></a> +<b>Footnote 205:</b> Sloane, 1776. +<a href="#notetag205">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note206" name="note206"></a> +<b>Footnote 206:</b> This is extracted from the Preface of Sir Harris +Nicolas, p. 56. +<a href="#notetag206">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note207" name="note207"></a> +<b>Footnote 207:</b> The Acts of the Privy Council. +<a href="#notetag207">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note208" name="note208"></a> +<b>Footnote 208:</b> The extraordinary distress of the King from the +want of pecuniary means cannot be questioned: though +(independently of taxes and subsidies) large sums must have been +flowing into the royal treasury, as well from the immense +possessions belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster, as from the +forfeited estates of the rebels. Still the King's coffers were +drained. +<a href="#notetag208">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note209" name="note209"></a> +<b>Footnote 209:</b> Rymer's Fœd. +<a href="#notetag209">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note210" name="note210"></a> +<b>Footnote 210:</b> In the Minutes of a previous Council, probably in +the spring of 1405, Lord Grey is directed to take charge of +Brecon with forty lances and two hundred archers, and of Radnor +with thirty lances and one hundred and fifty archers. +<a href="#notetag210">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note211" name="note211"></a> +<b>Footnote 211:</b> The council inform the King that the council of +his Duchy had made an exception of the lordship of Monmouth, +which should bear the most substantial of all the assignments. +<a href="#notetag211">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note212" name="note212"></a> +<b>Footnote 212:</b> On the 3rd of March 1406, the Commons speak of +those castles in Wales "which, with God's blessing, might be +hereafter reduced." +<a href="#notetag212">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note213" name="note213"></a> +<b>Footnote 213:</b> MS. Donat. 4596. +<a href="#notetag213">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note214" name="note214"></a> +<b>Footnote 214:</b> The Minutes of Council, at the end of March or the +beginning of April, record a recommendation that the fines of the +rebels as well as the rents and issues from their land, be +expended on the wars in Wales: and John Bodenham was appointed +comptroller of these fines. +<a href="#notetag214">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note215" name="note215"></a> +<b>Footnote 215:</b> St. Martin in the winter. +<a href="#notetag215">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note216" name="note216"></a> +<b>Footnote 216:</b> The French about this time made a sort of +piratical attack on the Isle of Wight. +<a href="#notetag216">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note217" name="note217"></a> +<b>Footnote 217:</b> The Author must now add with regret, that even +hypocrisy has been within these few last years laid to Henry's +charge most unsparingly; with what degree of justice will be +shewn in a subsequent chapter. +<a href="#notetag217">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note218" name="note218"></a> +<b>Footnote 218:</b> Stowe relates, that the King about this time, in +crossing from Queenborough to Essex, was very nearly taken +prisoner by some French vessels. He avoided London because the +plague was raging there, in which thirty thousand persons died. +<a href="#notetag218">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note219" name="note219"></a> +<b>Footnote 219:</b> This dissatisfaction had been expressed in no very +gentle language by the Commons in Parliament on the 7th of the +preceding June, the very day on which they speak in such strong +terms of the good and amiable qualities of the Prince. Indeed, we +can scarcely avoid suspecting that the Commons intended to +reflect, by a sort of side-wind, on the want in the King of an +adequate estimate of his son's worth; with somewhat perhaps of an +implied contrast between his excellences and the defects of his +father, whose unsatisfactory proceedings seem at this time to +have been gradually alienating the public respect, and +transferring his popularity to his son. +<a href="#notetag219">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note220" name="note220"></a> +<b>Footnote 220:</b> In 8 Henry IV, (that is, between September 30, +1406, and September 29, 1407,) a licence is recorded (Pat. 8 Hen. +IV. p. i. m. 17.), by which the King permits "his dearest son +Henry, Prince of Wales, to grant the advowson of the church of +Frodyngham, Lincolnshire,—which was his own possession—to the +abbot and convent of Renesly for ever." Long subsequently to +this, we find no immediate traces of any coolness between Henry +and his father. +<a href="#notetag220">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note221" name="note221"></a> +<b>Footnote 221:</b> The Prince was present, 23rd January 1407, when +his father received from the Bishop of Durham the great seal of +England, and delivered it to Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, +then made Chancellor. (Claus 8 Hen. IV. m. 23, d.) +<a href="#notetag221">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note222" name="note222"></a> +<b>Footnote 222:</b> John of Bridlington.—John of Bridlington had been +very recently admitted among the saints of the Roman calendar: +probably he was the very last then canonized. Letters addressed +to all nations of safe conduct to John Gisbourne, Canon of the +Priory of Bridlington, who was then going to Rome to negociate in +the matter of the canonization of John, the late Prior, were +given by Henry IV. as recently as October 4, 1400. And Walsingham +records that in 1404, by command of the Pope, the body of St. +John, formerly Prior of the Canons of Bridlington, since miracles +evidently attended it, was translated by the hands of the +Archbishop of York and the Bishops of Durham and Carlisle. +<a href="#notetag222">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note223" name="note223"></a> +<b>Footnote 223:</b> This, we infer, must have been in the summer of +1409. Vide infra. +<a href="#notetag223">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note224" name="note224"></a> +<b>Footnote 224:</b> "Hen. Principi Walliæ retento 12<sup>o</sup> die Maii anno +8vo de assensu consilii Regis moraturo penes ipsum Dominum +Regem." +<a href="#notetag224">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note225" name="note225"></a> +<b>Footnote 225:</b> The Pell Rolls record payment (16th November 1407) +to the Prince, by the hand of John Strange, his treasurer of war, +for one hundred and twenty men-at-arms and three hundred and +sixty archers, then remaining at the abbey of Stratfleure, to +reduce the rebels, and give battle in North and South Wales. +<a href="#notetag225">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note226" name="note226"></a> +<b>Footnote 226:</b> The reason assigned by Henry IV. for convening +this Parliament at Gloucester, must not be overlooked.—He +believed that the nearer he himself, and his nobles, and his +court, were to "his dear son, then commissioned to reduce the +rebels in Wales," the greater probability there was of a +successful issue of the Prince's campaign. +<a href="#notetag226">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note227" name="note227"></a> +<b>Footnote 227:</b> By the Author published as Otterbourne, we are +told, that the Lady Le Despenser charged the Duke of York with +having been the author of the plot for stealing away the sons of +the Earl of March, and also for attempting the King's life. On +the Pell Roll, beginning Friday, October 3rd, 1407, payment is +recorded to divers messengers sent to seize for the King's use +all the goods and chattels of Edward, Duke of York, and Lord Le +Despenser: and, subsequently, payment to one Leget, for the safe +conveyance of Lord Le Despenser from London to the castle of +"Killynworth." The year before this, Edward, Duke of York, was +the King's Lieutenant of South Wales. +<a href="#notetag227">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note228" name="note228"></a> +<b>Footnote 228:</b> Rolls of Parliament, 8 Hen. IV. +<a href="#notetag228">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note229" name="note229"></a> +<b>Footnote 229:</b> A minute of council (20th of February) states the +bare fact that Owyn, late secretary to Glyndowr, had been +committed to the custody of Lord Grey, from November 4, 1406, and +had remained in ward four hundred and seventy-three days; and +that Gryffyth of Glyndowrdy, (Owyn Glyndowr's son,) whom the +Constable of the Tower had delivered to the same lord on the 8th +of June, had been in custody two hundred and fifty days. +<a href="#notetag229">(back)</a></p> + +<p><a id="note230" name="note230"></a> +<b>Footnote 230:</b> The custody of the Earl of March and his brother +was given to the Prince of Wales on February 1st, 1409; and, +since he had received nothing for their sustentation, an +assignment of five hundred marks a year was made to him from the +duties of skins and wool. On the 3rd of July, the King granted to +him "the manors belonging to Edmund, son and heir of Roger +Mortimer, Earl of March," during the young man's minority. The +Prince's revenues seem to have been scanty in the extreme, and +his father had recourse to many of the various modes of raising +money usually adopted in those days. +<a href="#notetag230">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note231" name="note231"></a> +<b>Footnote 231:</b> On the 23rd of September, Henry executed a deed by +which of especial grace he gave "for the term of life to William +Malbon, our valet de chambre, the office of Raglore [Qu: +Regulator?] of the commotes of Glenerglyn and Hannynyok in our +county of Cardigan. Given under our seal in our castle of +Caermarthen, in the ninth year of the reign of our lord and +father." +<a href="#notetag231">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note232" name="note232"></a> +<b>Footnote 232:</b> The same commission is sent to the Duke of York, +Lords Arundel, Warwick, Reginald Grey of Ruthyn, Richard Grey of +Codnor, Constance, wife of the late Thomas Le Despenser, William +Beauchamp, and others. +<a href="#notetag232">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note233" name="note233"></a> +<b>Footnote 233:</b> This prelate was John Trevaur, who was consecrated +in 1395, and deposed in 1402. Much doubt hangs over the +appointment of his immediate successor. Some say David, the +second of that name, was appointed to the see in 1402. Robert de +Lancaster was consecrated in 1411. A similar doubt exists as to +the successor of Richard Young, Bishop of Bangor. Whether a +prelate named Lewis immediately followed him on his translation +to Rochester in 1404, or not, is very uncertain. +<a href="#notetag233">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note234" name="note234"></a> +<b>Footnote 234:</b> Sir Henry Ellis, having represented the mischief +done to Wales by Owyn to have been incalculable, enumerates a few +instances of the misery he caused: Montgomery deflourished, (as +Leland expresses himself,) Radnor partly destroyed,—"and the +voice is there, that when he won the castle he took threescore +men that had the guard, and beheaded them on the brink of the +castle yard." "The people about Dinas did burn the castle there, +that Owyn should not keep it for his fortress." The Haye, +Abergavenny, Grosmont, Usk, Pool, the Bishop's castle and the +Archdeacon's house at Llandaff, with the cathedrals of Bangor and +St. Asaph, were all either in part or wholly victims of his rage. +The list might be much augmented. At Cardiff, he burnt the whole +town, except the street in which the Franciscan monks dwelt. +These brethren were reported to have contributed large sums to +support Glyndowr's cause, and to enable him to invade England. +<a href="#notetag234">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note235" name="note235"></a> +<b>Footnote 235:</b> Some documents by mistake represent Lord Talbot +and the Lord Furnivale as two distinct individuals. +<a href="#notetag235">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note236" name="note236"></a> +<b>Footnote 236:</b> MS. Donat. 4599. +<a href="#notetag236">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note237" name="note237"></a> +<b>Footnote 237:</b> "Jam raro insurgentium." +<a href="#notetag237">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note238" name="note238"></a> +<b>Footnote 238:</b> 24th February 1416. +<a href="#notetag238">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note239" name="note239"></a> +<b>Footnote 239:</b> This is a fact, as the Author believes, new in +history; which, however, is placed beyond all doubt by the Issue +Rolls of the Pell Office. 1 Henry V. 27th June, money is paid to +John Weele for the expenses of the wife of Owen Glendourdi, of +the wife of Edmund Mortimer, and of others, their sons and +daughters: "et aliorum filiorum et filiarum suarum." On the 21st +of March, also 1411, Lord Grey of Codnor is authorised, as we +have already stated, by warrant to deliver Gryffuth ap Owyn +Glyndourdy, (that is, Owyn's son Griffith,) and Owyn ap Griffith +ap Rycard, to the constable of the Tower, till further +orders.—MS. Donat. 4599.</p> + +<p>This son, however, of Owyn had been a prisoner for a long time +before the date of this warrant. Lord Grey had payment made for +the expenses of Griffin, son of Owyn Glyndowr, as early as June +1, 1407.—Pell Rolls. +<a href="#notetag239">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note240" name="note240"></a> +<b>Footnote 240:</b> It does not appear, whether Owyn had ever sworn +allegiance to Henry IV. +<a href="#notetag240">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note241" name="note241"></a> +<b>Footnote 241:</b> Pennant says he caused himself, in 1402, to be +acknowledged Prince of Wales by his countrymen, and to be crowned +also. +<a href="#notetag241">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note242" name="note242"></a> +<b>Footnote 242:</b> How beautifully does the poet express this same +thought in the words of Harry Percy's widow:</p> + +<p class="poem"> + "Had my sweet Harry had but half their numbers,<br> + To-day might I, hanging on Hotspur's neck,<br> + Have talked of Monmouth's grave."</p> + +<p class="left50 p0t">Second Part of <span class="smcap">Henry</span> IV. act ii. +</p> + +<p>This lady, Elizabeth Percy, had probably either said or done +something to excite the suspicion of the King; for he issued a +warrant for her apprehension on the 8th of October, after the +battle of Shrewsbury. +<a href="#notetag242">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note243" name="note243"></a> +<b>Footnote 243:</b> The Welsh historians tell of various traditions +relating both to the place and the time of his death, adding many +a romantic tale of his wanderings among the mountains, and in +caves and dens of the earth. But, unable to trace any grounds of +preference for one tradition above another, the Author of these +Memoirs leaves the question (in itself of no great importance), +without expressing any opinion beyond what he has offered in the +text. He must, however, add, that the traditions of his having +passed many of his last days at the houses of Scudamore and +Monnington, of his having been some time concealed in a cavern +called to this day Owyn's Cave, on the coast of Merioneth, and of +his having been buried in Monnington churchyard, are by no means +improbable. The story of his corpse resting under a stone in the +churchyard of Bangor is evidently a mistake; whilst the legend +which would identify him with John of Kent seems altogether +fabulous. +<a href="#notetag243">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note244" name="note244"></a> +<b>Footnote 244:</b> The Author takes the translation from the Appendix +to Williams' Monmouthshire. +<a href="#notetag244">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note245" name="note245"></a> +<b>Footnote 245:</b> Vol. xxv. +<a href="#notetag245">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note246" name="note246"></a> +<b>Footnote 246:</b> MS. Donat. 4599. +<a href="#notetag246">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note247" name="note247"></a> +<b>Footnote 247:</b> The payments prove nothing as to the dates of the +debts incurred. +<a href="#notetag247">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note248" name="note248"></a> +<b>Footnote 248:</b> These insulated facts may be thought to prove +little of themselves; but they throw light (it is presumed) both +on Henry of Monmouth's occupations, through these years of his +life, and especially on the point of any rupture existing between +himself and the King his father. +<a href="#notetag248">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note249" name="note249"></a> +<b>Footnote 249:</b> Parl. Rolls, 1410. +<a href="#notetag249">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note250" name="note250"></a> +<b>Footnote 250:</b> Rym. Fœd. vol. vii. +<a href="#notetag250">(back)</a></p> + +<p><a id="note251" name="note251"></a> +<b>Footnote 251:</b> Stowe's London, ii. 206. +<a href="#notetag251">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note252" name="note252"></a> +<b>Footnote 252:</b> Rymer's Fœd. +<a href="#notetag252">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note253" name="note253"></a> +<b>Footnote 253:</b> Acts of Council. +<a href="#notetag253">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note254" name="note254"></a> +<b>Footnote 254:</b> That is, that they should ask the King's pardon. +<a href="#notetag254">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note255" name="note255"></a> +<b>Footnote 255:</b> On the 7th of September the King commissions his +very dear son the Prince, or his lieutenant, to punish the rebels +of Wales. +<a href="#notetag255">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note256" name="note256"></a> +<b>Footnote 256:</b> The Earl died on Palm Sunday, 16th of March 1410; +immediately on whose demise the Prince was appointed captain. +Minutes of Council, 16th June 1410. +<a href="#notetag256">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note257" name="note257"></a> +<b>Footnote 257:</b> There are many curious items of expenditure in the +minutes of this council; one which few perhaps would have +expected: "Item, to John Rys, for the lions in his custody per +annum 120<i>l.</i>" +<a href="#notetag257">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note258" name="note258"></a> +<b>Footnote 258:</b> In a minute of the council, about April this year, +we find an item of expense which proves that Wales still required +the presence of a considerable force: "Item, to my lord the +Prince, for the wages of three hundred men-at-arms and six +hundred archers who have lived and will live for the safeguard of +the Welsh parts, from the 9th day of July 1410, to the 7th day of +April then next ensuing, 8000<i>l.</i>"</p> + +<p>In this month the King implores the Archbishops of Canterbury and +York to pray for him, and to urge all their clergy to supplicate +God's help and protection of himself, his children, and his +realm. And many prayers, and processions, and masses are ordered; +and all in so urgent a manner as would lead us to think that +there was some especial cause of anxiety and alarm, or some +severe affliction present or feared.—Rymer.</p> + +<p>On the 18th of August, a warrant is issued for the liberation of +Llewellyn ap David Whyht, and Yon ap Griffith ap Lli, from the +Tower.—MS. Donat. 4599.</p> + +<p>In the parliament, at the close of this year, grievous complaints +are made by the Border counties against the violence and ravages +and extortions of the Welsh; and an order is sought "to arrest +the cousins of all rebels and evil-doers of the Welsh, until the +malefactors yield themselves up; for by such kinsmen only are +they supported."</p> + +<p>The cruelties of the Welsh are described in very strong colours +by the petitioners; but it is not evident what was the result of +their prayer. The rebels and robbers, they say, carry the English +off into woods and deserts, and tie them to trees, and keep them, +as in prison, for three or four months, till they are ransomed at +the utmost value of their goods; and yet these malefactors were +pardoned by the lords of the marches. The petitioners pray for +more summary justice. Rolls of Parl. +<a href="#notetag258">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note259" name="note259"></a> +<b>Footnote 259:</b> Turner's Hist. Eng. +<a href="#notetag259">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note260" name="note260"></a> +<b>Footnote 260:</b> The character of the manuscript, on the authority +of which this and another charge against Henry of Monmouth have +been grounded, will be examined at length, as to its genuineness +and authenticity in the Appendix. +<a href="#notetag260">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note261" name="note261"></a> +<b>Footnote 261:</b> Monstrelet says distinctly, that the Duke of +Burgundy left Paris, at midnight, on the 9th of November. +<a href="#notetag261">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note262" name="note262"></a> +<b>Footnote 262:</b> "Transmissi sunt <i>ergo</i>;" without the slightest +intimation of any interference on the part of the Prince. +<a href="#notetag262">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note263" name="note263"></a> +<b>Footnote 263:</b> These chroniclers show clearly the general opinion +in their day to have been that there was for a time an alienation +of affection between Henry and his father, brought about by +envious calumniators; but that they were soon cordially +reconciled: "Non obstante quorundam detractatione et accusatione +multiplici, ipse, invidis renitentibus, suæ piissimæ benignitatis +mediis, &c". Elmham, thus ascribes the cause of the temporary +interruption of cordiality to the malice of detractors, and its +final and lasting restoration to Henry's filial and affectionate +kindness. +<a href="#notetag263">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note264" name="note264"></a> +<b>Footnote 264:</b> "Etsi nonnullorum detrectationibus in hoc +<i>aliquantisper</i> fama sua læsa fuerit." Some writers have built +very unadvisedly on this expression. It is at best obscure, and +capable of a very different interpretation; and, even at the +most, it only implies that the Prince was then the object of +calumny at the hand of some persons who could not effect any +lasting wound on his fame. +<a href="#notetag264">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note265" name="note265"></a> +<b>Footnote 265:</b> The testimony of these later authors is only +valuable so far as they are believed to have been faithful in +copying the accounts, or extracting from the statements, of +preceding writings, the works of many of whom have not come down +to our times. +<a href="#notetag265">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note266" name="note266"></a> +<b>Footnote 266:</b> The King had issued a proclamation at Canterbury, +addressed to all sheriffs, and to the Captain also of Calais, +forbidding his subjects of any condition or degree whatsoever to +interfere in this foreign quarrel. April 10, 1412. +<a href="#notetag266">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note267" name="note267"></a> +<b>Footnote 267:</b> Rymer Fœd. +<a href="#notetag267">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note268" name="note268"></a> +<b>Footnote 268:</b> On February 9th, in the third year of his +pontificate (1413), Pope John recommends John Bremor to the kind +offices of the Prince; and, on the kalends of March (1st of +March), the same pontiff sent Dr. Richard Derham with a message +to him by word of mouth. +<a href="#notetag268">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note269" name="note269"></a> +<b>Footnote 269:</b> M. Petitot. +<a href="#notetag269">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note270" name="note270"></a> +<b>Footnote 270:</b> Jean Le Fevre, Morice, Lobineau. +<a href="#notetag270">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note271" name="note271"></a> +<b>Footnote 271:</b> Monstrelet. +<a href="#notetag271">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note272" name="note272"></a> +<b>Footnote 272:</b> Laboureur. +<a href="#notetag272">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note273" name="note273"></a> +<b>Footnote 273:</b> Hardyng has thus recorded this gratifying +exhibition of generous feeling and noble resolve on the part of +the English:</p> + +<p class="poem"> +<span class="poem1"> "He commanded then eche capitayn</span><br> + His prisoners to kill them in certayn.<br> + To which, Gilbert Umfreuile, Erle of Kyme,<br> + Answered for all his fellowes and their men,<br> + They should all die together at a tyme<br> + Ere theyr prisoners so shulde be slayn then;<br> + And, with that, took the field as folk did ken,<br> + With all theyr men and all theyr prysoners,<br> + To die with them, as worship it requires.<br> + He said they were not come thyther as bouchers<br> + To kyll the folke in market or in feire,<br> + Nor them to sell; but, as arms requires,<br> + Them to gouern without any dispeyre."<br> + +<span class="left50">Hardyng's Chron.<a href="#notetag273">(back)</a> +</span></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note274" name="note274"></a> +<b>Footnote 274:</b> There is some discrepancy in the accounts of the +time of Clarence's departure. The Chronicle of London puts it +nearly a month earlier than Walsingham: "And then rode Thomas, +the King's son, Duke of Clarence, and with him the Duke of York, +and Beauford, then Earl of Dorset, towards [South] Hampton with a +great retinue of people; and on Tuesday rode the Earl's brother +of Oxenford, and on the Wednesday rode the Earl of Oxenford; and +they all lay at Hampton, and abode in the wynde till on the +Thursday, the 1st day of August. The which Thursday, Friday, and +Saturday they passed out of the haven <span class="smcap">XIIII</span> ships,—were driven +back on Sunday,—and after landed at St. Fasters, near Hagges, in +Normandy." +<a href="#notetag274">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note275" name="note275"></a> +<b>Footnote 275:</b> In the "Additional Charters," now in the British +Museum, purchased of the Baron de Joursanvault, we find letters +patent from Charles VI, reciting that, by his permission, a +treaty had been made with the Duke of Clarence and other English, +who agreed to evacuate the country without making war; the Duke +of Orleans giving to them the Earl of Angouleme as a hostage, for +whose ransom the Duke was put to vast charges. Letters also are +preserved from the Duke to his chancellor, reciting that a large +sum was to be paid to the English, and in particular a hundred +crowns of gold were to be paid to John Seurmaistre, chancellor of +the Duke of Clarence, who was going to Rome on the affairs of the +Duke of Clarence. This bears date, Blois, Nov. 20, 1412. His +mission to Rome was, no doubt, to negociate for the dispensation +necessary to enable the Duke to marry his uncle's widow. In the +March of the next year, the same document acquaints us with the +present of a head-dress from the Duke of Orleans to that lady, +then Duchess of Clarence. +<a href="#notetag275">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note276" name="note276"></a> +<b>Footnote 276:</b> The Prince's appointment (when he took charge of +the town) is dated March 18, 1410, which was the Tuesday before +Easter; at which time there was due a debt, incurred before Henry +had anything whatever to do with Calais, of not less than +9000<i>l.</i>—Minutes of Council, 30th July 1410. +<a href="#notetag276">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note277" name="note277"></a> +<b>Footnote 277:</b> Within a year of the Prince's accession to the +throne, the Pell Rolls, January 27, 1414, record the payment of +826<i>l.</i> 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> to the Bishop of Winchester, lent to the +King when he was Prince of Wales. +<a href="#notetag277">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note278" name="note278"></a> +<b>Footnote 278:</b> Pell Rolls, 9 Hen. IV. 17th July, &c. +<a href="#notetag278">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note279" name="note279"></a> +<b>Footnote 279:</b> Turner's History. +<a href="#notetag279">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note280" name="note280"></a> +<b>Footnote 280:</b> This resolution of the King is embodied in his +letter to the Burgomasters of Ghent, &c. dated May 16, 1412; +in which he tells them that the Dukes of Berry, Orleans, and +Bourbon had offered to surrender to him such lands of his as they +held in the Duchy of Guienne, and to assist him in recovering the +remainder. He prays the Burgomasters not to impede him in his +designs. +<a href="#notetag280">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note281" name="note281"></a> +<b>Footnote 281:</b> On the 18th of April 1412, a warrant was issued to +press sailors for the King's intended voyage. +<a href="#notetag281">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note282" name="note282"></a> +<b>Footnote 282:</b> Sir Robert Cotton, in his Abridgement of the Rolls +of Parliament, seems to think (though without assigning any +reason) that the "thanks were for well employing the treasure +granted in the last parliament." +<a href="#notetag282">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note283" name="note283"></a> +<b>Footnote 283:</b> Elmham. +<a href="#notetag283">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note284" name="note284"></a> +<b>Footnote 284:</b> It may, moreover, be very fairly conjectured that +the presence of the Prince at home was regarded by the people as +far too important at this time to admit of his leaving the +kingdom on such an expedition. It will be remembered that one of +the first requests made by the parliament on the accession of his +father was, that the Prince's life, and the welfare of the +nation, might not be hazarded by his departure out of the +kingdom; and subsequently, on his own accession, one of the first +recommendations of his council was that he would remain in or +near London. It is very probable that a similar wish might have +interposed, had he, and not his brother, been commissioned to +conduct the expedition to Guienne. Calais was so identified with +the kingdom of England that his residence there is no exception +to the rule. +<a href="#notetag284">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note285" name="note285"></a> +<b>Footnote 285:</b> In the Sloane manuscript, indeed, we are told that +on a pecuniary dispute arising between Henry Beaufort, Bishop of +Winchester, and Thomas Duke of Clarence, with reference to the +will of the late Duke of Exeter, brother of the Bishop, who was +his executor, and whose widow the Duke of Clarence had married, +the Prince took part with the Bishop, and so the Duke of Clarence +failed of obtaining his full demand. +<a href="#notetag285">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note286" name="note286"></a> +<b>Footnote 286:</b> A passage which the Author has lately discovered +in the Pell Roll, 18th February 1412, will not admit of any other +interpretation than that the Prince, at the date of payment, had +ceased to be of the King's especial council. Members of that +board (as appears by various entries) were paid for their +attendance. In the Easter Roll, for example, of the previous +year, payment on that ground "to the King's brother, the Bishop +of Winchester," is recorded. The payment to the Prince is thus +registered: "To Henry Prince of Wales 1000 marks,—666<i>l.</i> 13<i>s.</i> +<i>4d.</i>—ordered by the King to be paid in consideration of the +labours, costs, and charges sustained by him at the time when he +<i>was</i> of the council of our lord himself the King,"—"tempore quo +fuit de consilio ipsius Domini Regis." +<a href="#notetag286">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note287" name="note287"></a> +<b>Footnote 287:</b> Perhaps more importance than the reality would +warrant has been attached to the circumstance that the King on +this occasion went to Rotherhithe, as though he withdrew from his +son for safety to so unwonted and retired a place. It was not +unusual for Henry IV. to hold his council at Rotherhithe. A year +before this muster of the Prince's friends, the instructions +given to the Earl of Arundel and others on their embassy to treat +with the Duke of Burgundy for a marriage between his daughter and +the Prince were signed by the King at Rotherhithe. In these +instructions the Prince is mentioned throughout as though he and +his father were inseparably united in the issue of the +proceeding. "Till the report be made to the King <i>and</i> his very +dear son the Prince." "Our lord the King is well disposed, <i>and</i> +his very dear son my lord the Prince, to send aid." And Hugh +Mortimer, one of the ambassadors, was chamberlain to the Prince. +<a href="#notetag287">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note288" name="note288"></a> +<b>Footnote 288:</b> Who were the inferior agents in this ungracious +and mischievous proceeding we have not discovered. Perhaps, +however, the Author would not be justified in suppressing a +suspicion which has forced itself on his mind, that, among those +who entertained no kind feeling towards the Prince, was Richard +Kyngeston, then late Archdeacon of Hereford, for a long time +employed in the King's household, and through whose +administration the expenses seem to have swollen very much; to +control which was one of the principal causes for the appointment +of the Prince, the Bishop of Winchester, and others, to be +members of the especial council of the King. This suspicion was +first suggested by the absence of all allusion to the Prince in +the Archdeacon's letters to the King from Hereford in the early +years of the Welsh rebellion, though Henry was close at hand; and +the very ambiguous expression, "Trust ye nought to no +lieutenant," when the Prince himself was virtually, if not +already by indenture, Lieutenant of Wales. +<a href="#notetag288">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note289" name="note289"></a> +<b>Footnote 289:</b> We have already seen that in the month of May the +Prince in his own person (with his brothers) ratifies the league +entered into between the King and the Dukes of Orleans, Berry, +and Bourbon. Jean le Fevre dates it May 8th, 1412. +<a href="#notetag289">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note290" name="note290"></a> +<b>Footnote 290:</b> Among the conjectures which may suggest themselves +as to the possible origin of the manuscripts' charge, that the +Prince sought to obtain from his father a resignation of his +crown, it might not be unreasonably surmised, nor would the +supposition reflect unfavourably at all on Henry's character, +that, finding his father to be in the hands of unworthy persons, +preying upon his fortune, misdirecting his counsels, rendering +the monarch personally unpopular, and bringing the monarchy +itself into disrepute, (of all which evils there is strong +evidence,) the Prince might have urged on his father the +necessity of again intrusting the management of the public weal +(which disease had incapacitated him from conducting himself) to +the hands of the same counsellors who had before served him and +the realm to the acknowledged profit and honour of both. The +Prince might, influenced only by the most honest, and upright, +and affectionate motives, have professed his willingness to +undertake the duties again from which he had (with his +colleagues) been as it should seem causelessly discharged. And +such a proceeding on his part might easily have been so +misrepresented as to constitute the charge contained in the +manuscript. The representations of Elmham, to which we have +already briefly referred, and which are confirmed by other early +writers, are so express with reference to these points, that they +seem to require something more than a mere reference in this +place. "When his father was suffering under the torture of a +grievous sickness, the Prince endeavoured with filial devotedness +to meet his wishes in every possible way; and notwithstanding the +biting detraction and manifold accusations of some, which +(according to the prevalence of common opinion) made efforts to +diminish the kind feeling of the father towards his son, the +Prince himself, by means of his own most affectionate kindness, +succeeded finally in securing with his father favour, grace, and +blessing, though those envious persons still resisted it."—Cum +idem pater gravissimis ægritudinis incommodis torqueretur, eidem +juxta omnem possibilitatem, totis conatibus, filiali obsequio +obedivit, et non obstante quorundam detractatione mordaci et +accusatione multiplici quæ (prout vulgaris opinio cecinit) +paterni favoris in filium moliebantur decrementa, ipse invidis +renitentibus, suæ piissimæ benignitatis mediis, apud patrem, +favorem, gratiam et benedictionem finaliter consequi merebatur. +<a href="#notetag290">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note291" name="note291"></a> +<b>Footnote 291:</b> Stowe's Annals. +<a href="#notetag291">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note292" name="note292"></a> +<b>Footnote 292:</b> How far we ought to believe the strange story +about the Prince visiting his father in a mountebank's disguise, +and praying the King to stab him with a dagger which he presented +to him, is very problematical. There is much about it, and its +circumstances, which gives it the air of great incredibility. +Stowe here assumes, without good ground, that the suspicions of +the King were excited by Henry's excesses. +<a href="#notetag292">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note293" name="note293"></a> +<b>Footnote 293:</b> Monstrelet, viii. +<a href="#notetag293">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note294" name="note294"></a> +<b>Footnote 294:</b> Anglia Sacra, vol. ii. p. 371. +<a href="#notetag294">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note295" name="note295"></a> +<b>Footnote 295:</b> Archæologia. +<a href="#notetag295">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note296" name="note296"></a> +<b>Footnote 296:</b> The story of the Chief Justice, &c. will be +examined separately and at length. The charge from Calais of +peculation (we have already seen) brought with it its own +refutation: whilst the evidence on which alone the charge against +him of undutiful conduct towards his father rests is proved to be +altogether devoid of credit. +<a href="#notetag296">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note297" name="note297"></a> +<b>Footnote 297:</b> Milner, Church History, Cent. XV. +<a href="#notetag297">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note298" name="note298"></a> +<b>Footnote 298:</b> Turner, History of England, book ii. ch. x. +<a href="#notetag298">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note299" name="note299"></a> +<b>Footnote 299:</b> Rapin, who follows Hall, and gives no better +authority, tells us that Prince Henry's court was the receptacle +of libertines, debauchees, buffoons, parasites, and the like. The +question naturally suggests itself, "Ought not such a writer as +Rapin to have sought for some evidence to support this +assertion?" Had he sought diligently, and reported honestly, such +a sentence as this could never have fallen from his pen. Carte +gives a very different view of Henry of Monmouth's court; and a +view, as many believe, far nearer the truth. "It was crowded," he +says, "by the nobles and great men of the land, when his father's +court was comparatively deserted." +<a href="#notetag299">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note300" name="note300"></a> +<b>Footnote 300:</b> The Author has searched in vain for any +contemporary manuscript of Walsingham's "Ypodigma Neustriæ." +There is a copy in the British Museum, written up to a certain +point on vellum; the latter part, containing these sentences, is +on paper, and of comparatively a very recent date, transcribed, +as the Author thinks, not from a previous MS. of the Ypodigma, +but from a copy of the History. His ground for this inference is +the circumstance that the interpolation in the History, as to +Edmund Mortimer's death, which is not found in the printed +editions of the Ypodigma, occurs in this MS. The MS. on vellum, +preserved in the Heralds' College, is a copy of the History, +transcribed, as the Author conceives, by a very ignorant copyist. +The same interpolation of "Obiit" occurs here also; and, instead +of calling the person spoken of Edmund Mortimer, it has "Edmundus +mortifer." The Author was very desirous of comparing the original +copy of Walsingham's Ypodigma, as dedicated to Henry V, with +subsequent transcripts or versions. He entertains a strong +suspicion that the sentences here commented upon were not in the +original; but, in the absence of the means of ascertaining the +matter of fact, he reasons upon them as though they were actually +submitted to the eye of Henry himself. +<a href="#notetag300">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note301" name="note301"></a> +<b>Footnote 301:</b> "Quo die fuit tempestas nivis maxima, cunctis +admirantibus de temporis asperitate; quibusdam novelli Regis +fatis impingentibus aeris turbulentiam, velut ipse futurus esset +in agendis frigidus, in regimine regnoque severus. Aliis mitiųs +de personâ Regis sapientibus, et hanc aeris intemperiem +interpretantibus omen optimum, quōd ipse videlicet nives et +frigora vitiorum faceret in regno cadere, et serenos virtutum +fructus emergere; ut posset effectualiter ā suis dici subditis, +'Jam enim hyems transiit, imber abiit et recessit.' Qui reverâ, +mox ut initiatus est regni infulis, repente mutatus est in virum +alterum, honestati, modestiæ, ac gravitati studens, nullum +virtutum genus omittens quod non cuperet exercere. Cujus mores et +gestus omni conditioni, tām religiosorum quām laicorum, in +exempla fuere." +<a href="#notetag301">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note302" name="note302"></a> +<b>Footnote 302:</b> Hardyng uses this expression:<br> + +<span class="left10"> "A new man made in all good regimence."<a +href="#notetag302">(back)</a></span></div> + + +<p><a id="note303" name="note303"></a> +<b>Footnote 303:</b> The Author having heard of a reported arrest of +the Prince at Coventry for a riot, with his two brothers, in +1412, took great pains to investigate the authenticity of the +record. It is found in a manuscript of a date not earlier than +James I; whilst the more ancient writings of the place are +entirely silent on the subject. The best local antiquaries, after +having carefully examined the question, have reported the whole +story to the Author as apocryphal. +<a href="#notetag303">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note304" name="note304"></a> +<b>Footnote 304:</b> It is not within the province of these Memoirs to +record the Will of Henry IV, or to comment upon its provisions. +There is, however, one sentence in it, a reference to which +cannot be out of place here. In the year 1408, 21st January, a +Will, which to the day of his death he never revoked, contains +this sentence written in English: "And for to execute this +testament well and truly, for the great trust that I have of my +son the Prince, I ordain and make him my executor of my testament +aforesaid, calling to him such as him thinketh in his discretion +that can and will labour to the soonest speed of my will +comprehended in this my testament. And to fulfil all things +aforesaid truly, I charge my aforesaid son on my blessing." It +may deserve consideration whether this clause in a father's last +Will, never revoked, be consistent with the idea of his having +expelled the son of whom he thus speaks from his council, and +banished him his presence; and whether it may not fairly be put +in the opposite scale against the vague and unsubstantial +assertions of the Prince's recklessness, and his father's +alienation from him. It must at the same time be borne in mind +that the Will was made before the time usually selected as the +period of their estrangement. The Will, nevertheless, was not +revoked nor altered in this particular. +<a href="#notetag304">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note305" name="note305"></a> +<b>Footnote 305:</b> In a fragment of the records of a council, 6 May +1421, among other former debts not provided for, such as "ancient +debts for Harfleur and Calais," occurs one item, "Debts of Henry +IV;" and another, "Debts of the King, whilst he was Prince." We +have seen that he was more than once compelled to borrow money on +his plate and jewels to pay the King's soldiers. +<a href="#notetag305">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note306" name="note306"></a> +<b>Footnote 306:</b> Turner. +<a href="#notetag306">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note307" name="note307"></a> +<b>Footnote 307:</b> Second Part of Henry IV, act ii. sc 4. +<a href="#notetag307">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note308" name="note308"></a> +<b>Footnote 308:</b> Pell Rolls, 7 Hen. V. 28th Oct.—D<sup>o</sup>. 22nd Nov. +<a href="#notetag308">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note309" name="note309"></a> +<b>Footnote 309:</b> Pell Rolls, 8 Hen. V. (2nd Oct. 1420.) For the +price of harps for the King and Queen, 8<i>l.</i> 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> A +subsequent item (Sept. 4, 1421), records payment of 2<i>l.</i> 6<i>s.</i> +8<i>d.</i> for a harp purchased at his command and sent to him in +France. +<a href="#notetag309">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note310" name="note310"></a> +<b>Footnote 310:</b> Thomas Occleve, or Hoccleve, was Clerk of the +Privy Seal to Henry IV; many small payments to him in that +character are recorded in the Pell Rolls. He was probably born in +the year 1370, and lived to be eighty years of age. +<a href="#notetag310">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note311" name="note311"></a> +<b>Footnote 311:</b> Henry seems to have supplied himself with books on +various other subjects of interest to him. He was, we are told, +fond of the chase; and we find payment in the Pell Rolls of +12<i>l.</i> 8<i>s.</i> to John Robart for writing twelve books on hunting +for the use of the King (21 Nov. 1421). Payment is also made for +a variety of books to the executors of Joan de Bohun, late +Countess of Hereford, his grandmother, 24th May, 1420. Two +petitions, presented after his death to the council of his infant +son, contribute also incidentally their testimony to the same +view of his character. The first prays that the books in the +possession of the late King, which belonged to the Countess of +Westmoreland, "The Chronicle of Jerusalem," and "The Journey of +Godfrey Baylion," might be restored. The other petition is, that +"a large book containing all the works of St. Gregory the Pope," +left to the Church of Canterbury by Archbishop Arundell, and lent +to Henry V. by Gilbert Umfraville, one of the executors of the +Archbishop's will, and which was directed in the last will of the +King to be restored, might be delivered up by the Convent of +Shene, where it had been kept, to the Prior of +Canterbury.—Rymer. Fœd. 11 Hen. IV. +<a href="#notetag311">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note312" name="note312"></a> +<b>Footnote 312:</b> It is quite curious and painful, but at the same +time instructive, to observe how differently the same acts may be +interpreted, accordingly as they are viewed by persons under the +influence of various prejudices and peculiar associations. In the +case of Henry of Monmouth, the confession of his own unworthiness +is adduced in evidence only of his former habits of dissoluteness +and dissipation. The same confession in his contemporary, Lord +Cobham, is hailed only as an indication of the work of grace in +his soul.—See Milner, Cent. XV. ch. i. +<a href="#notetag312">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note313" name="note313"></a> +<b>Footnote 313:</b> Mr. Turner. +<a href="#notetag313">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note314" name="note314"></a> +<b>Footnote 314:</b> Preface to his Poetical Works. +<a href="#notetag314">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note315" name="note315"></a> +<b>Footnote 315:</b> Reference is here made to the creation of Henry as +Prince of Wales, not in anywise for the purpose of insinuating +that he would not have been raised to that honour by his father, +had he been the "desperate gallant" which the poet delineates, +but solely to show that the King's lamentation cannot be +historically correct. The poet, having fastened on the general +tradition as to Henry's wildness, gives rein to his fancy, and +would fain carry his readers along with him in the belief that +Henry had absented himself for full three months from his +paternal roof, and revelled in abandoned profligacy; whilst the +facts with which the poet has connected it, fix the outbreaking +of the Prince to a time when the real Henry was not twelve years +and a half old. Shakspeare's poetry is not inconsistent with +itself, but it is with historical verity. +<a href="#notetag315">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note316" name="note316"></a> +<b>Footnote 316:</b> There are, however, other circumstances deserving +our attention, which took place, some undoubtedly, and others +most probably, within the three months preceding this very time. +In the first place, the Commons, who had at the coronation sworn +the same fealty to the Prince as to the King, on the 3rd of +November petition that the creation of Henry as Prince of Wales +might be entered on the record of Parliament; and on the same day +they pray the King that the Prince might not pass forth from this +realm, (in consequence of the movements of the Scots,) "forasmuch +as he is of tender age." In the course of that same month of +November 1399, a negociation was set on foot to bring about the +espousals for a future union of the Prince with one of the +daughters of the King of France. And about the same time +(probably within a month of the scene of Shakspeare which we are +examining,) the Prince makes a direct appeal to the council to +fulfil the expressed wishes of his royal father as to his +establishment, seeing that he was destitute of a suitable house +and furniture; whilst not a hint occurs in allusion to any +extravagance, or folly, or precocious dissipation, in any single +document of the time. +<a href="#notetag316">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note317" name="note317"></a> +<b>Footnote 317:</b> See Collins' Peerage by Brydges, vol. ii. p. 267. +<a href="#notetag317">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note318" name="note318"></a> +<b>Footnote 318:</b> The same authorities record that he was knighted +at the coronation of Richard II, July 16, 1377. +<a href="#notetag318">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note319" name="note319"></a> +<b>Footnote 319:</b> "Le Count de Northumberland del age de <span class="smcap">XLV</span> ans; +armez de <span class="smcap">XXX</span> ans."</p> + +<p>"Mons. Henr' de Percy del age de vynt ans, armez premierement, +quant la chastell de Berwick etait pris par les Escoces, et quant +le rescous fuist fait." +<a href="#notetag319">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note320" name="note320"></a> +<b>Footnote 320:</b> We cannot read the document on which these +observations are founded without being reminded at how early an +age in those times the youth of our country were expected to take +up arms, and follow some experienced captain, or even themselves +lead their warriors to the field. When Hotspur accompanied his +father to the rescue of Berwick, he was only in his thirteenth +year; his father had borne arms from the age of fifteen; and +Henry of Monmouth (accompanied we know by a tutor or guardian, as +probably Hotspur was at Berwick) was certainly in Wales, +"chastising the rebels," soon after he had completed his +thirteenth year. Another reflection, forced upon the mind by a +familiar acquaintance with the political and the domestic history +of those times, is on the very low average of human life at that +period of the English monarchy. Few reached what is now called +old age; and persons are spoken of as old, who would now be +scarcely considered to have passed the meridian of life. It would +form a subject of an interesting, and perhaps a very useful +inquiry, were a philosophical antiquary (who would found his +conclusions on a wide induction of facts, and not seek for +evidence in support of any previously adopted theory,) to trace +the existence, and operation, and extent of those causes, +physical and moral, which exercise doubtless important influences +over human life, and, under Providence, contract or lengthen the +number of our days here. Unquestionably, such an investigator +would immediately find many changes adopted in the present day +conducive to longevity, in the structure of our habitations, the +nature of our clothing, our habits of cleanliness, our food, +comparative moderation in the use of inebriating liquors, with +many other causes of health now believed to exist among us. To +two causes of the average shortness of life, in operation through +that range of years to which these Memoirs chiefly refer, the +Author's mind has been especially drawn in the course of his +researches: one of a political character,—in itself far more +obvious, and chiefly affecting men; the other arising from habits +of domestic life with regard to one of our institutions of all +the most universally comprehensive,—a cause chiefly, but far +from exclusively, affecting the life of females. The first cause, +awful and appalling, is seen in the precarious tenure of human +life, during the violence of those political struggles which +deluged the whole land with blood. Those families seem to have +been rare exceptions, of which no member forfeited his life on +the scaffold or in the field; those houses were few which the +scourge of civil or foreign wars passed over without leaving one +dead. The second cause is traced to the very early age at which +marriages were then solemnized. The day of Nature's trial came +before the constitution had gained strength for the struggle, and +an awful proportion of females was thus prematurely hurried to +the grave; whilst the offspring also shared in the weakness of +the parent. Comparatively a small minority sunk by gradual and +calm decay; in the case of very few could the comparison of Job's +reprover be applied with truth, "Thou shalt come to the grave in +full age, as a shock of corn cometh in his season." +<a href="#notetag320">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note321" name="note321"></a> +<b>Footnote 321:</b> See these facts stated historically in previous +chapters of this volume. +<a href="#notetag321">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note322" name="note322"></a> +<b>Footnote 322:</b> I Hen. IV. act iii. scene 1. +<a href="#notetag322">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note323" name="note323"></a> +<b>Footnote 323:</b> It is curious to contrast this description of his +habits and pursuits, written by the Prince of tragedians a +century and a half after Henry's death, with the advice +represented to have been given by an old man to a young aspiring +poet during his very lifetime. The Author is conscious of the +tautology of which he is guilty in again recommending the reader +not to pass over unread the extracts in the Appendix from Occleve +and Lydgate.</p> + +<p class="poem"> + "Write to him a goodly tale or two,<br> + On which he may disport him at night.<br> + His high prudence hath insight very<br> + To judge if it be well made or nay.<br> + Write him nothing that soweneth to vice.<br> + Look if find thou canst any treatise<br> + Grounded on his estate's wholesomeness."—Occleve.</p> + +<p class="poem"> + "Because he hathe joy and great dainty<br> + To <i>read in books of antiquity</i>,<br> + To find only <i>virtue to sow</i>,<br> + By example of them; and also to eschew<br> + The <i>cursed vice of sloth and idleness</i>:<br> + So he enjoyed in <i>virtuous</i> business,<br> + In all that <i>longeth to manhood</i><br> + He <i>busyeth</i> ever."—Lydgate. +<a href="#notetag323">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note324" name="note324"></a> +<b>Footnote 324:</b> See these facts stated historically in former +pages of this volume. +<a href="#notetag324">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note325" name="note325"></a> +<b>Footnote 325:</b> Hume is no authority on any disputed point. An +anecdote, of the accuracy of which the Author has no doubt, +throws a strong suspicion on the work of that writer, and marks +it as a history on which the student can place no dependence. +Hume made application at one of the public offices of State +Records for permission to examine its treasures. Not only was +leave granted, but every facility was afforded, and the documents +bearing upon the subject immediately in hand were selected and +placed in a room for his exclusive use. He never came. Shortly +after his work appeared: and, on one of the officers expressing +his surprise and regret that he had not paid his promised visit, +Hume said, "I find it far more easy to consult printed works, +than to spend my time on manuscripts." No wonder Hume's England +is a work of no authority. +<a href="#notetag325">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note326" name="note326"></a> +<b>Footnote 326:</b> Pleas of the crown. +<a href="#notetag326">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note327" name="note327"></a> +<b>Footnote 327:</b> Shakspeare represents Henry as having given the +Chief Justice the blow some time before the expedition against +the Archbishop of York.—2 Hen. IV. act i. +<a href="#notetag327">(back)</a></p> + + +<div> +<p><a id="note328" name="note328"></a> +<b>Footnote 328:</b> The Chronicle of London, twice within a very brief +space, records such a disturbance as the Chief Justice in +Shakspeare is represented to have hastened "to stint;" but in +each case, by adding the names of the King's sons, rescues Henry +from all share in the affray.</p> + +<p>"In this year (the 11th, 1410,) was a fray made in East-Cheap by +the King's sons, Thomas and John, with the men of the town."</p> + +<p>"This year, (the 12th, 1411,) on St. Peter's even, (June 28,) was +a great debate in Bridge Street, between the Lord Thomas's men +and the men of London." +<a href="#notetag328">(back)</a></p></div> + + +<p><a id="note329" name="note329"></a> +<b>Footnote 329:</b> The name of John Fastolfe, Esq. occurs in the +muster rolls of Henry on his first expedition to France. But it +must be remembered that not Falstaff, but Sir John Oldcastle, was +made the buffoon on the stage at first, and continued so for many +years, till the offence which it gave led to the substitution of +Falstaff. "Stage poets," says Fuller, "have themselves been very +bold with, and others very merry at, the memory of Sir John +Oldcastle; whom they have fancied a boon companion, a jovial +roister, and yet a coward to boot, contrary to the credit of all +chronicles, owning him a martial man of merit. The best is, Sir +John Falstaff hath relieved the memory of Sir John Oldcastle, and +of late is substituted buffoon in his place.—Church History, iv. +38." +<a href="#notetag329">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note330" name="note330"></a> +<b>Footnote 330:</b> See Pell Rolls (Issue), 8 Henry V, March 11; 9 +Henry V, April 1. See also Acts of Privy Council, vol. ii. pp. 5, +344, &c.] +<a href="#notetag330">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note331" name="note331"></a> +<b>Footnote 331:</b> There is so much of fable mingled with the +traditionary biography of this "Devonshire worthy," that most +persons probably will dismiss the claim altogether. He became +weary of his life, and, being determined to rid himself from the +direful apprehensions of dangerous approaching evils, he adopted +this strange mode of suicide: having given strict orders to his +keeper to shoot any person at night who would not stand when +challenged, he threw himself into the keeper's way, and was shot +dead upon the spot. "This story (says the author) is +authenticated by several writers, and the constant tradition of +the neighbourhood; and I myself have been shown the rotten stump +of an old oak under which he is said to have fallen." But as to +the cause which drove him to this rash act the same writers vary, +and tradition is strangely diversified. One author says, that "on +the deposition of Richard II, who had made him a judge, he was so +terrified by the sight of infinite executions and bloody +assassinations, which caused him continual agonies, that, upon +apprehension what his own fate might be, he fell into that +melancholy which hastened his end." His re-appointment to the +office on September 30, 1401, by Henry IV, would have relieved +him from these apprehensions. Others say, that, "having committed +the Prince to prison in his younger days, he was afraid that, on +the sceptre of justice falling into his hands, that royal culprit +would take a too severe revenge thereof; and this filled him with +such insuperable melancholy, that he was driven to the desperate +act of self-murder." But his appointment to succeed Gascoyne as +Chief Justice of the King's Bench, March 29, 1413, must have +conquered that melancholy; and he discharged that office through +the whole of Henry V.'s reign, and through one year of Henry VI, +after which he died, December 20, 1422. +<a href="#notetag331">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note332" name="note332"></a> +<b>Footnote 332:</b> In a manuscript, a copy of which was shown to a +gentleman who gave the Author the information, belonging to the +Markhams, an ancient family of Nottinghamshire, of about the date +of Queen Elizabeth, the honour is claimed for Markham: and in an +old play, which turns the whole into broad farce, (probably +anterior to Shakspeare,) the Judge is made to commit the Prince +to the Fleet. +<a href="#notetag332">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note333" name="note333"></a> +<b>Footnote 333:</b> Or even if he died, as some say, on St. +Sylvester's Day, (December 30,) 1409. +<a href="#notetag333">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note334" name="note334"></a> +<b>Footnote 334:</b> Pat. 2 Henry IV. p. 1. m. 28. +<a href="#notetag334">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note335" name="note335"></a> +<b>Footnote 335:</b> How far the high esteem in which the memory of +Judge Gascoyne has been held may be owing to the tradition +concerning Henry of Monmouth, we need not inquire. His name has +constantly been held in great honour. Judge Denison, by his own +especial desire, was buried close to the grave of Gascoyne. +<a href="#notetag335">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note336" name="note336"></a> +<b>Footnote 336:</b> The Magazine is followed in its erroneous views by +subsequent writers. +<a href="#notetag336">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note337" name="note337"></a> +<b>Footnote 337:</b> Dugdale is unquestionably mistaken, and the many +authors who follow him, in fixing Hankford's appointment to +January 29, 1 Hen. V. 1414. He refers for his authority to +"Patent 1 Hen. V. m. 33;" but no entry of the kind is found +there. +<a href="#notetag337">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note338" name="note338"></a> +<b>Footnote 338:</b> It must be regarded as a very curious coincidence +connected with this argument, that the 17th of December should +have fallen on a Sunday, both in the year MCCCCXIII, and in +MCCCCXIX, but in no other year between 1402 and 1421. +<a href="#notetag338">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note339" name="note339"></a> +<b>Footnote 339:</b> The mention in the body of the Will of the names +of his former wife, and of his second wife then alive, and the +record of the Will of that second wife, who states herself the +widow of William Gascoyne, late Chief Justice, preserved in the +same register, fix the identity of the testator beyond dispute. +The Author was first indebted for a knowledge of the existence of +this document to the volume called Testamenta Eboracensia, +published by the Surtees Society; though he cannot suppress the +surprise with which he read the comment of the editors, the chief +mistake of which was discovered in time to be rectified in an +"erratum" after the work had been printed. +<a href="#notetag339">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note340" name="note340"></a> +<b>Footnote 340:</b> For this fact, and many others, as well as for +most valuable suggestions, and assistance of various kinds, the +Author is indebted to T. Duffus Hardy, Esq. of the Record Office +in the Tower,—a gentleman who, with a mind admirably stored with +antiquarian knowledge, possesses also the faculty of applying his +stores to the best advantage in the developement of whatever +subject he undertakes, and the principle also of employing his +knowledge and abilities in the cause of truth. +<a href="#notetag340">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note341" name="note341"></a> +<b>Footnote 341:</b> Gascoyne had been Chief Justice of the King's +Bench more than twelve years,—a portion of life considerably +beyond the average duration of their office in those high +functionaries. Reckoning either from Hanlow, 1258, in the reign +of Henry III, or from Gascoyne, in 1401, in the reign of Henry +IV, to the present time, the average number of years through +which the Chief Justices of the King's Bench have retained their +seats is below nine. Through the last century, however, +(reckoning from Lord Hardwick's appointment, in 1733, to Lord +Tenterden's death, in 1832,) the average has risen to above +fourteen years. +<a href="#notetag341">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note342" name="note342"></a> +<b>Footnote 342:</b> He was in a condition to lend the King money when +the exigencies of the state pressed him hard. Among other +creditors, the Pell Rolls (14th May 1420) record the repayment of +a loan to the executors of William Gascoyne, which was within +half a year of his death. +<a href="#notetag342">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note343" name="note343"></a> +<b>Footnote 343:</b> By the kind assistance of those to whom the state +of the records of our courts of justice is most familiar, the +Author has been enabled to assure himself satisfactorily that +they offer nothing which can throw any light whatever on the +question examined in these pages. +<a href="#notetag343">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note344" name="note344"></a> +<b>Footnote 344:</b> See Ellis. +<a href="#notetag344">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note345" name="note345"></a> +<b>Footnote 345:</b> This ecclesiastic was much in the royal +confidence. By a commission dated June 16, 1404, he, as +Archdeacon of Hereford, is authorized to receive the subsidy in +the counties of Hereford, Gloucester, and Warwick, and to dispose +of it in the support of men-at-arms and archers to resist the +Welsh.<a id="notetag345-a" name="notetag345-a"></a><a href="#note345-a">[345-a]</a> And sums, three years afterwards, were paid to him out +of the exchequer for the maintenance of soldiers <i>remaining with +him</i> in the parts of Wales for the safeguard of the same. He +seems to have been not only the dispenser of the money, but the +captain of the men. The debt, however, had probably been due from +the crown for a long time. He was for many years Master of the +Wardrobe to Henry IV; and during his time the expences of the +court appear to have become more extravagant, and to have led to +that remonstrance and interference of the council and parliament, +to which reference has been made in the body of this work. Pell +Rolls, Issue, 5 May 1407.—Do. Michs. 1409. +<a href="#notetag345">(back)</a></p> + + +<p class="left05"><a id="note345-a" name="note345-a"></a> +<b>Footnote 345-a:</b> MS. Donat. 4597. +<a href="#notetag345-a">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note346" name="note346"></a> +<b>Footnote 346:</b> This letter is the more valuable, because, though +the year is not annexed in words, the information that he wrote +it on Sunday, July 8, fixes the date to 1403: the next year to +which this date would apply being 1408, four years after +Kyngeston had ceased to be Archdeacon of Hereford; and far too +late for any such apprehension of great mischief from Glyndowr. +<a href="#notetag346">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note347" name="note347"></a> +<b>Footnote 347:</b> The custody of Carreg Kennen (Karekenny) was +granted to John Skydmore, 2 May 1402. +<a href="#notetag347">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note348" name="note348"></a> +<b>Footnote 348:</b> Ellis. +<a href="#notetag348">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note349" name="note349"></a> +<b>Footnote 349:</b> This letter was probably written on Saturday, July +7, 1403,—that is, on the Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr. +<a href="#notetag349">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note350" name="note350"></a> +<b>Footnote 350:</b> This partisan of Owyn, who is here said to have +gone to share with him in the spoil of Carmarthen, partook even +in greater bitterness of his cup of affliction. He was taken +prisoner and beheaded. The Chronicle of London asserts that his +quarters were salted, and sent to different parts of the kingdom; +but this assertion, in an affair of little importance, shows how +small reliance can be placed on anonymous records. The King, by +writ of privy seal, 29 May 1412, commands Rees Duy's body, then +in the custody of his officers, to be buried in some consecrated +cemetery. It had perhaps been exposed for some time. MS. Donat. +4599, p. 128. +<a href="#notetag350">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note351" name="note351"></a> +<b>Footnote 351:</b> See page 331. +<a href="#notetag351">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note352" name="note352"></a> +<b>Footnote 352:</b> The Author has not formed any satisfactory opinion +as to the meaning of the phrase "his ghost maistried with +danger." Perhaps it implies that the spirit of the Prince was not +under the <i>control</i> of such passions as would render it a service +of <i>danger</i> to prefer a suit to him. +<a href="#notetag352">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note353" name="note353"></a> +<b>Footnote 353:</b> In some MSS. it is "Hoccleve." +<a href="#notetag353">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note354" name="note354"></a> +<b>Footnote 354:</b> "Kyth thy love," means "make thy love known." Our +word "kith," in the proverb "kith and kin," means persons of our +acquaintance. +<a href="#notetag354">(back)</a></p> + + +<p><a id="note355" name="note355"></a> +<b>Footnote 355:</b> Bib. Reg. 17. D. 6. p. 34. +<a href="#notetag355">(back)</a></p> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1, by J. 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Endell Tyler + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1 + Memoirs of Henry the Fifth + +Author: J. Endell Tyler + +Release Date: January 31, 2007 [EBook #20488] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HENRY OF MONMOUTH, VOLUME 1 *** + + + + +Produced by Christine P. Travers and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + +[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected. +The original spelling has been retained. + +Printer's error corrected: +- Page 18: portophorium to portiphorium. +- Page 27: applition to application. +- Page 42: chace to chase. +- Page 80: ' changes to ". + +Definition: +- Dē: Ditto.] + +[Illustration: Henri of Monmouth] + + + + HENRY OF MONMOUTH: + + + OR, + + + MEMOIRS + + OF THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF + + + + HENRY THE FIFTH, + + + AS + + PRINCE OF WALES AND KING OF ENGLAND. + + + + BY J. ENDELL TYLER, B.D. + + RECTOR OF ST. GILES IN THE FIELDS. + + + + "Go, call up Cheshire and Lancashire, + And Derby hills, that are so free; + But neither married man, nor widow's son; + No widow's curse shall go with me." + + + + IN TWO VOLUMES. + + VOL. I. + + + + LONDON: + RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET, + Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty. + + 1838. + + + LONDON: + PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY, + Dorset Street, Fleet Street. + + + + +TO HER MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY THE QUEEN. (p. iii) + + +MADAM, + +The gracious intimation of your Royal pleasure that these Memoirs of +your renowned Predecessor should be dedicated to your Majesty, while +it increases my solicitude, suggests at the same time new and cheering +anticipations. I cannot but hope that, appearing in the world under +the auspices of your great name, the religious and moral purposes +which this work is designed to serve will be more widely and +effectually realised. + + * * * * * + +Under a lively sense of the literary defects which render these +volumes unworthy of so august a patronage, to one point I may revert +with feelings of satisfaction and encouragement. I have gone only (p. iv) +where Truth seemed to lead me on the way: and this, in your Majesty's +judgment, I am assured will compensate for many imperfections. + + * * * * * + +That your Majesty may ever abundantly enjoy the riches of HIS favour +who is the Spirit of Truth, and having long worn your diadem here in +honour and peace, in the midst of an affectionate and happy people, +may resign it in exchange for an eternal crown in heaven, is the +prayer of one who rejoices in the privilege of numbering himself, + + Madam, + + Among your Majesty's + + Most faithful and devoted + + Subjects and servants. + + J. ENDELL TYLER. + +24, Bedford Square, + May 24, 1838. + + + + +PREFACE. (p. v) + + +Memoirs such as these of Henry of Monmouth might doubtless be made +more attractive and entertaining were their Author to supply the +deficiencies of authentic records by the inventions of his fancy, and +adorn the result of careful inquiry into matters of fact by the +descriptive imagery and colourings of fiction. To a writer, also, who +could at once handle the pen of the biographer and of the poet, few +names would offer a more ample field for the excursive range of +historical romance than the life of Henry of Monmouth. From the day of +his first compulsory visit to Ireland, abounding as that time does +with deeply interesting incidents, to his last hour in the now-ruined +castle of Vincennes;--or rather, from his mother's espousals to the +interment of his earthly remains within the sacred precincts of +Westminster, every period teems with animating suggestions. So far, +however, from possessing such adventitious recommendations, the point +on which (rather perhaps than any other) an apology might be expected +for this work, is, that it has freely tested by the standard of (p. vi) +truth those delineations of Henry's character which have contributed +to immortalize our great historical dramatist. The Author, indeed, is +willing to confess that he would gladly have withdrawn from the task +of assaying the substantial accuracy and soundness of Shakspeare's +historical and biographical views, could he have done so safely and +without a compromise of principle. He would have avoided such an +inquiry, not only in deference to the acknowledged rule which does not +suffer a poet to be fettered by the rigid shackles of unbending facts; +but from a disinclination also to interfere, even in appearance, with +the full and free enjoyment of those exquisite scenes of humour, wit, +and nature, in which Henry is the hero, and his "riotous, reckless +companions" are subordinate in dramatical excellence only to himself. +The Author may also not unwillingly grant, that (with the majority of +those who give a tone to the "form and pressure" of the age) +Shakspeare has done more to invest the character of Henry with a +never-dying interest beyond the lot of ordinary monarchs, than the +bare records of historical verity could ever have effected. Still he +feels that he had no alternative. He must either have ascertained the +historical worth of those scenic representations, or have suffered to +remain in their full force the deep and prevalent impressions, as to +Henry's principles and conduct, which owe, if not their origin, yet, +at least, much of their universality and vividness, to Shakspeare. (p. vii) +The poet is dear, and our early associations are dear; and pleasures +often tasted without satiety are dear: but to every rightly balanced +mind Truth will be dearer than all. + + * * * * * + +It must nevertheless be here intimated, that these volumes are neither +exclusively, nor yet especially, designed for the antiquarian student. +The Author has indeed sought for genuine information at every +fountain-head accessible to him; but he has prepared the result of his +researches for the use (he would trust, for the improvement as well as +the gratification,) of the general reader. And whilst he has not +consciously omitted any essential reference, he has guarded against +interrupting the course of his narrative by an unnecessary accumulation +of authorities. He is, however, compelled to confess that he rises +from this very limited sphere of inquiry under an impression, which +grew stronger and deeper as his work advanced, that, before a history +of our country can be produced worthy of a place among the records of +mankind, the still hidden treasures of the metropolis and of our +universities, together with the stores which are known to exist in +foreign libraries, must be studied with far more of devoted care and +zealous perseverance than have hitherto been bestowed upon them. That +the honest and able student, however unwearied in zeal and industry, +may be supplied with the indispensable means of verifying what (p. viii) +tradition has delivered down, enucleating difficulties, rectifying +mistakes, reconciling apparent inconsistencies, clearing up doubts, +and removing that mass of confusion and error under which the truth +often now lies buried,--our national history must be made a subject of +national interest. It is a maxim of our law, and the constant practice +of our courts of justice, never to admit evidence unless it be the +best which under the circumstances can be obtained. Were this principle +of jurisprudence recognised and adopted in historical criticism, the +student would carefully ascend to the first witnesses of every period, +on whom modern writers (however eloquent or sagacious) must depend for +their information. How lamentably devoid of authority and credit is +the work of the most popular and celebrated of our modern English +historians in consequence of his unhappy neglect of this fundamental +principle, will be made palpably evident by the instances which could +not be left unnoticed even within the narrow range of these Memoirs. +And the Author is generally persuaded that, without a far more +comprehensive and intimate acquaintance with original documents than +our writers have possessed, or apparently have thought it their duty +to cultivate, error will continue to be propagated as heretofore; and +our annals will abound with surmises and misrepresentations, instead +of being the guardian depositories of historical verity. Only by the +acknowledgment and application of the principle here advocated will (p. ix) +England be supplied with those monuments of our race, those +"POSSESSIONS FOR EVER," as the Prince of Historians[1] once named +them, which may instruct the world in the philosophy of moral cause +and effect, exhibit honestly and clearly the natural workings of the +human heart, and diffuse through the mass of our fellow-creatures a +practical assurance that piety, justice, and charity form the only +sure groundwork of a people's glory and happiness; while religious and +moral depravity in a nation, no less than in an individual, leads, +(tardily it may be and remotely, but by ultimate and inevitable +consequence,) to failure and degradation. + + [Footnote 1: Thucydides.] + +In those portions of his work which have a more immediate bearing upon +religious principles and conduct, the Author has not adopted the most +exciting mode of discussing the various subjects which have naturally +fallen under his review. Party spirit, though it seldom fails to +engender a more absorbing interest for the time, and often clothes a +subject with an importance not its own, will find in these pages no +response to its sentiments, under whatever character it may give +utterance to them. In these departments of his inquiry, to himself far +the most interesting, (and many such there are, especially in the +second volume,) the Author trusts that he has been guided by the +Apostolical maxim of "SPEAKING THE TRUTH IN LOVE." He has not +willingly advanced a single sentiment which should unnecessarily (p. x) +cause pain to any individual or to any class of men; he has not been +tempted by morbid delicacy or fear to suppress or disguise his view of +the very TRUTH. + +The reader will readily perceive that, with reference to the foreign +and domestic policy of our country,--the advances of civilization,--the +manners of private life, as well in the higher as in the more +humble grades of society,--the state of literature,--the progress of +the English constitution,--the condition and discipline of the army, +which Henry greatly improved,--and the rise and progress of the royal +navy, of which he was virtually the founder, many topics are either +purposely avoided, or only incidentally and cursorily noticed. To one +point especially (a subject in itself most animating and uplifting, +and intimately interwoven with the period embraced by these Memoirs,) +he would have rejoiced to devote a far greater portion of his book, +had it been compatible with the immediate design of his +undertaking;--THE PROMISE AND THE DAWN OF THE REFORMATION. + + * * * * * + +However the value of his labours may be ultimately appreciated, the +Author confidently trusts that their publication can do no disservice +to the cause of truth, of sound morality, and of pure religion. He +would hope, indeed, that in one point at least the power of an (p. xi) +example of pernicious tendency might be weakened by the issue of his +investigation. If the results of these inquiries be acquiesced in as +sound and just, no young man can be encouraged by Henry's example (as +it is feared many, especially in the higher classes, have been +encouraged,) in early habits of moral delinquency, with the intention +of extricating himself in time from the dominion of his passions, and +of becoming, like Henry, in after-life a pattern of religion and +virtue, "the mirror of every grace and excellence." The divine, the +moralist, and the historian know that authenticated instances of such +sudden moral revolutions in character are very rare,--exceptions to +the general rule; and among those exceptions we cannot be justified in +numbering Henry of Monmouth. + +He was bold and merciful and kind, but he was no libertine, in his +youth; he was brave and generous and just, but he was no persecutor, +in his manhood. On the throne he upheld the royal authority with +mingled energy and mildness, and he approved himself to his subjects +as a wise and beneficent King; in his private individual capacity he +was a bountiful and considerate, though strict and firm master, a warm +and sincere friend, a faithful and loving husband. He passed through +life under the habitual sense of an overruling Providence; and, in his +premature death, he left us the example of a Christian's patient and +pious resignation to the Divine Will. As long as he lived, he was (p. xii) +an object of the most ardent and enthusiastic admiration, confidence, +and love; and, whilst the English monarchy shall remain among the +unforgotten things on earth, his memory will be honoured, and his name +will be enrolled among the NOBLE and the GOOD. + + + + +TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS, (p. xiii) + +IN THEIR CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. + + +[*] Those years, months, or days, respectively, to which an +asterisk is attached, are not considered to have been so fully +ascertained as the other dates. + +1340* Feb.* John of Gaunt born. +1340} Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's father, born, +1341} before Nov. 19, 1341. +1359 May 19, John of Gaunt married to Blanche. +1358} Owyn Glyndowr born, before Sept. 3, 1359. +1359} +1366 April 6, Henry Bolinbroke born. +1365} May 20,* Henry Percy (Hotspur) born before 30th Oct. 1366. +1366} +1367 Jan. Richard II. born at Bourdeaux. +1369* Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt died. +1371* John of Gaunt married Constance. +1376 June 8, Edward the Black Prince died. +1377 June 21, King Edward III. died. +1378 Nov. Hotspur first bore arms at Berwick. +1381 Bolinbroke nearly slain by the rioters. +1382 Richard II. married to Queen Anne. +1384 Dec. 31, Wickliffe's death. +1386* Bolinbroke married Mary Bohun. +1387 John of Gaunt went to Spain. +1387* Aug. 9,* HENRY born at MONMOUTH. +1388 Hotspur taken prisoner by the Scots. +1388 Thomas Duke of Clarence born. +1389 Nov. 9, Isabel, Richard II.'s wife, born. +1389* Nov.* John of Gaunt returned from Spain. (p. xiv) +1389* John Duke of Bedford born. +1390* Humfrey Duke of Gloucester born. +1390} Bolinbroke visited Barbary. +1391} +1392} Bolinbroke visited Prussia and the Holy Sepulchre. +1393} +1394* Mary, HENRY's mother, died. +1394* Constance, John of Gaunt's wife, died. +1394 June 7, Anne, Richard II.'s Queen, died. +1396 John of Gaunt recalled from Acquitaine by Richard II. +1396 John of Gaunt married Katharine Swynford. +1397 Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, banished. +1397 Sept. 29, Bolinbroke created Duke of Hereford. +1397* John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, banished. +1397 Nov. 4, Richard II. married to Isabel. +1398* Henry of Monmouth resided in Oxford. +1398 July 14, Henry Beaufort consecrated Bishop of Lincoln. +1398 Sept. 16, Bolinbroke and Norfolk at Coventry. +1398 Bolinbroke banished. +1399 Feb. 3, John of Gaunt died. +1399 May 29, Richard II. sailed for Ireland. +1399 June 23, HENRY of Monmouth knighted. +1399 June 28, News of Bolinbroke's designs reached London. +1399 July 4, Bolinbroke landed at Ravenspur. +1399 August, HENRY shut up in Trym Castle. +1399 August, Richard landed at Milford. +1399 Aug. 14, Richard fell into Bolinbroke's hands. +1399 August, Bolinbroke sent to Ireland for HENRY. +1399 August, Death of the young Duke of Gloucester. +1399 Sept. 1, Bolinbroke brought Richard captive to London. +1399 Oct. 1, Richard's resignation of the crown read in Parliament. +1399 Oct. 13, Bolinbroke crowned as Henry IV. (p. xv) +1399 Oct. 15, HENRY created PRINCE of Wales. +1400 Jan. 4, Conspiracy against the King at Windsor. +1400* Feb. 14,* Richard II. died at Pontefract. +1400* Oct. 25,* Chaucer died. +1400 June Henry IV. proceeded to Scotland. +1400 June 23, Lord Grey of Ruthyn's letter to HENRY. +1400 Sept. 19, First proclamation against the Welsh. +1400 Owyn Glyndowr in open rebellion. +1401 HENRY in Wales, before April 10. +1401 April 10, Hotspur's first Letter. +1401* Sept. 13,* KATHARINE, HENRY's Queen, born. +1401* Nov. 11,* Restoration of Isabel. +1402 April 3, Henry IV. espoused to Joan of Navarre. +1402 June 12,* Edmund Mortimer taken prisoner. +1432 Sept. 14, Battle of Homildon. +1402* Nov. 30,* Edmund Mortimer married to a daughter of Owyn Glyndowr. +1403 March 7, HENRY appointed Lieutenant of Wales. +1403* May 30, HENRY's Letter to the Council. +1403 July 21, Battle of Shrewsbury. +1404 May 10, Glyndowr dated "the fourth year of our Principality." +1404 June 10, Welsh with Frenchmen overran Archenfield. +1404 June 25, HENRY's letter to his father. +1404 Oct. 6, Parliament at Coventry. +1405 Feb. 20, Sons of the Earl of March stolen from Windsor. +1405 March 1, Crown settled on HENRY and his brothers. +1405 March 11, Battle of Grosmont. +1405 May, Revolt of the Earl of Northumberland and Bardolf. +1405 June 8, Scrope, Archbishop of York, beheaded. +1406 June 7, Testimony of the Commons to HENRY's excellences. +1406* June 29,* Isabel married to Angouleme. +1407* Nov. 1,* HENRY went to Scotland. +1408 Feb. 28,* Earl of Northumberland, Hotspur's father, fell (p. xvi) + in battle. +1408 July 8, HENRY in London, as President of the Council. +1409 Feb. 1, HENRY, Guardian of the Earl of March. +1409 Feb. 28, HENRY, Warden of Cinque Ports and Constable of Dover. +1409* Sept. 13,* Death of Isabel, Richard II.'s widow. +1410 March 5, Warrant for the burning of Badby. +1410 March 18, HENRY, Captain of Calais. +1410 June 16, HENRY sate as President of the Council. +1410 June 18, Dē. dē. +1410 June 19, Dē. dē. +1410 June 23, Affray in Eastcheap, by the Lords Thomas and John, + his brothers. +1410 July 22, HENRY, as President. +1410 July 29, Dē. +1410 July 30, Dē. +1411 March 19, HENRY with his father at Lambeth. +1411 August,* Duke of Burgundy obtained succour. +1411 Nov. 3, Parliament opened. +1411 Nov. 10, Battle of St. Cloud. +1412 May 18, Treaty with the Duke of Orleans. +1412* June 30,* HENRY came to London attended by "Lords and Gentils." +1412 July 9, The Lord Thomas created Duke of Clarence. +1412* Sept. 23,* He came again with "a huge people." +1413 Feb. 3, Parliament opened. +1413 March 20, Henry IV. died. +1413 April 9, HENRY V. CROWNED. +1413 May 15, Parliament at Westminster. +1413 June 26, Convocation of the Clergy. +1413 Lord Cobham cited. +1413 Lord Cobham escaped from the Tower. +1414 Jan. 10, Affair of St. Giles' Field. +1414 April 20, Parliament at Leicester. +1414 HENRY founded Sion and Shene. +1414 Council of Constance. +1415 May 4, The Council of Constance condemned Wickliffe's (p. xvii) + memory, and commanded the exhumation of his bones. +1415 July 6, John Huss condemned. +1415 July 20, Conspiracy at Southampton. +1415 Aug. 11, HENRY sailed for Normandy. +1415 Sept. 15, Death of Bishop of Norwich in the camp. +1415 Sept. 22, Surrender of Harfleur. +1415 Clayton and Gurmyn burnt for heresy. +1415 Oct. 25, Battle of AGINCOURT. +1415 Nov. 16, HENRY returned to England. +1415 Nov. 22, Thanksgiving in London. +1416 April 29, Emperor Sigismund visited England. +1416 May 30, Jerome of Prague burnt. +1416 Aug. 15, League signed by HENRY and Sigismund. +1417 July 23, HENRY's second expedition. +1417 Sept. 4, Surrender of Caen. +1417 Dec. Execution of Lord Cobham. +1418 July 1, Rouen besieged. +1419 Jan. 19, Rouen taken. +1419 May 30, HENRY and KATHARINE first met. +1419* July 7, HENRY's letter concerning Oriel College. +1420 May 30, HENRY and Katharine married. +1420 July, Katharine lodged in the camp before Melun. +1420 HENRY and Katharine, with the King and Queen of + France, entered Paris. +1421 Jan 31, HENRY and Katharine arrived in England. +1421 Feb 23, Katharine crowned in Westminster. +1421 March 23, They passed their Easter at Leicester. + {Between} +1421 {March &} They travelled through the greater part of England. + {May, } +1421 March 23, Death of the Duke of Clarence. +1421 May 26, Taylor condemned to imprisonment for heresy. +1421 June 1, HENRY left London on his third expedition. +1421 June 10, HENRY landed at Calais. (p. xviii) +1421 Oct. 6, Siege of Meaux began, and lasted till the April + following. +1421 Dec. 6, HENRY's son born at Windsor. +1422 May 21, Katharine landed at Harfleur. +1422 HENRY met her at the Bois de Vincennes. +1422 They entered Paris together. +1422 Aug. HENRY left Katharine at Senlis. + +1422 Aug. 31, DEATH of HENRY. + +1423 March 1, William Taylor burnt for heresy. + + + + +CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. (p. xix) + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +1387-1398. + +Henry of Monmouth's Parents. -- Time and place of his Birth. -- John +of Gaunt and Blanche of Lancaster. -- Henry Bolinbroke. -- Monmouth +Castle. -- Henry's infancy and childhood. -- His education. -- +Residence in Oxford. -- Bolinbroke's Banishment. Page 1 + + +CHAPTER II. + +1398-1399. + +Henry taken into the care of Richard. -- Death of John of Gaunt. -- +Henry knighted by Richard in Ireland. -- His person and manners. -- +News of Bolinbroke's landing and hostile measures reaches Ireland. -- +Indecision and delay of Richard. -- He shuts up Henry and the young +Duke of Gloucester in Trym Castle. -- Reflections on the fate of these +two Cousins -- of Bolinbroke -- of Richard -- and of the widowed +Duchess of Gloucester. Page 32 + + +CHAPTER III. (p. xx) + +1398-1399. + +Proceedings of Bolinbroke from his Interview with Archbishop Arundel, +in Paris, to his making King Richard his prisoner. -- Conduct of +Richard from the news of Bolinbroke's landing. -- Treachery of +Northumberland. -- Richard taken by Bolinbroke to London. Page 52 + + +CHAPTER IV. + +1399-1400. + +Richard resigns the Crown. -- Bolinbroke elected King. -- Henry of +Monmouth created Prince of Wales. -- Plot to murder the King. -- Death +of Richard. -- Friendship between him and Henry. -- Proposals for a +Marriage between Henry and Isabel, Richard's Widow. -- Henry applies +for an Establishment. -- Hostile movement of the Scots. -- Tradition, +that young Henry marched against them, doubted. Page 68 + + +CHAPTER V. + +1400-1401. + +The Welsh Rebellion. -- Owyn Glyndowr. -- His former Life. -- Dispute +with Lord Grey of Ruthyn. -- That Lord's Letter to Prince Henry. -- +Hotspur. -- His Testimony to Henry's presence in Wales, -- to his +Mercy and his Prowess. -- Henry's Despatch to the Privy Council. Page 88 + + +CHAPTER VI. (p. xxi) + +1403. + +Glyndowr joined by Welsh Students of Oxford. -- Takes Lord Grey +prisoner. -- Hotspur's further Despatches. -- He quits Wales. -- +Reflections on the eventful Life and premature Death of Isabel, +Richard's Widow. -- Glyndowr disposed to come to terms. -- The King's +Expeditions towards Wales abortive. -- Marriage proposed between Henry +and Katharine of Norway. -- The King marries Joan of Navarre. Page 108 + + +CHAPTER VII. + +1402-1403. + +Glyndowr's vigorous Measures. -- Slaughter of Herefordshire Men. -- +Mortimer taken prisoner. -- He joins Glyndowr. -- Henry implores +Succours, -- Pawns his Plate to support his Men. -- The King's +Testimony to his Son's conduct. -- The King, at Burton-on-Trent, hears +of the Rebellion of the Percies. Page 129 + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +1403. + +The Rebellion of the Percies, -- Its Origin. -- Letters of Hotspur and +the Earl of Northumberland. -- Tripartite Indenture between the +Percies, Owyn, and Mortimer. -- Doubts as to its Authenticity. -- +Hotspur hastens from the North. -- The King's decisive conduct. -- He +forms a junction with the Prince. -- "Sorry Battle of Shrewsbury." -- +Great Inaccuracy of David Hume. -- Hardyng's Duplicity. -- Manifesto +of the Percies probably a Forgery. -- Glyndowr's Absence from the +Battle involves neither Breach of Faith nor Neglect of Duty. -- +Circumstances preceding the Battle. -- Of the Battle itself. -- Its +immediate consequences. Page 141 + + +CHAPTER IX. (p. xxii) + +1403-1404. + +The Prince commissioned to receive the Rebels into allegiance. -- The +King summons Northumberland. -- Hotspur's Corpse disinterred. -- The +Reason. -- Glyndowr's French Auxiliaries. -- He styles himself "Prince +of Wales." -- Devastation of the Border Counties. -- Henry's Letters +to the King, and to the Council. -- Testimony of him by the County of +Hereford. -- His famous Letter from Hereford. -- Battle of Grosmont. + Page 178 + + +CHAPTER X. + +1405-1406. + +Rebellion of Northumberland and Bardolf. -- Execution of the +Archbishop of York. -- Wonderful Activity and Resolution of the King. +-- Deplorable state of the Revenue. -- Testimony borne by Parliament +to the Prince's Character. -- The Prince present at the Council-board. +-- He is only occasionally in Wales, and remains for the most part in +London. Page 207 + + +CHAPTER XI. + +1407-1409. + +Prince Henry's Expedition to Scotland, and Success. -- Thanks +presented to him by Parliament. -- His generous Testimony to the Duke +of York. -- Is first named as President of the Council. -- Returns to +Wales. -- Is appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of +Dover. -- Welsh Rebellion dwindles and dies. -- Owyn Glyndowr's +Character and Circumstances; his Reverses and Trials. -- His Bright +Points undervalued. -- The unfavourable side of his Conduct unjustly +darkened by Historians. -- Reflections on his Last Days. -- Fac-simile +of his Seals as Prince of Wales. Page 232 + + +CHAPTER XII. (p. xxiii) + +1409-1412. + +Reputed Differences between Henry and his Father examined. -- He is +made Captain of Calais. -- His Residence at Coldharbour. -- Presides +at the Council-board. -- Cordiality still visible between him and his +Father. -- Affray in East-Cheap. -- No mention of Henry's presence. +--Projected Marriage between Henry and a Daughter of Burgundy. -- +Charge against Henry for acting in opposition to his Father in the +Quarrel of the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans unfounded. Page 252 + + +CHAPTER XIII. + +1412-1413. + +Unfounded Charge against Henry of Peculation. -- Still more serious +Accusation of a cruel attempt to dethrone his diseased Father. -- The +Question fully examined. -- Probably a serious though temporary +Misunderstanding at this time between the King and his Son. -- Henry's +Conduct filial, open, and merciful. -- The "Chamber" or the "Crown +Scene." -- Death of Henry the Fourth. Page 278 + + +CHAPTER XIV. + +Henry of Monmouth's Character. -- Unfairness of Modern Writers. -- +Walsingham examined. -- Testimony of his Father, -- of Hotspur, -- of +the Parliament, -- of the English and Welsh Counties, -- of +Contemporary Chroniclers. -- No one single act of Immorality alleged +against him. -- No intimation of his Extravagance, or Injustice, or +Riot, or Licentiousness, in Wales, London, or Calais. -- Direct +Testimony to the opposite Virtues. -- Lydgate. -- Occleve. Page 313 + + +CHAPTER XV. (p. xxiv) + +Shakspeare. -- The Author's reluctance to test the Scenes of the +Poet's Dramas by Matters of Fact. -- Necessity of so doing. -- Hotspur +in Shakspeare the first to bear evidence to Henry's reckless +Profligacy; -- The Hotspur of History the first who testifies to his +Character for Valour, and Mercy, and Faithfulness in his Duties. -- +Anachronisms of Shakspeare. -- Hotspur's Age. -- The Capture of +Mortimer. -- Battle of Homildon. -- Field of Shrewsbury. -- Archbishop +Scrope's Death. Page 337 + + +CHAPTER XVI. + +Story of Prince Henry and the Chief Justice, first found in the Work +of Sir Thomas Elyot, published nearly a century and a half +subsequently to the supposed transaction. -- Sir John Hawkins -- Hall +-- Hume. -- No allusion to the circumstance in the Early Chroniclers. +-- Dispute as to the Judge. -- Various Claimants of the distinction. +-- Gascoyne -- Hankford -- Hody -- Markham. -- Some interesting +particulars with regard to Gascoyne, lately discovered and verified. +-- Improbability of the entire Story. Page 358 + + +APPENDIX. + +No. 1. Owyn Glyndowr 385 + 2. Lydgate 394 + 3. Occleve 401 + + + + +MEMOIRS OF HENRY OF MONMOUTH. (p. 001) + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +HENRY OF MONMOUTH'S PARENTS. -- TIME AND PLACE OF HIS BIRTH. -- JOHN +OF GAUNT AND BLANCHE OF LANCASTER. -- HENRY BOLINBROKE. -- MONMOUTH +CASTLE. -- HENRY'S INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD. -- HIS EDUCATION. -- +RESIDENCE IN OXFORD. -- BOLINBROKE'S BANISHMENT. + +1387-1398. + + +Henry the Fifth was the son of Henry of Bolinbroke and Mary daughter +of Humfrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford. No direct and positive evidence +has yet been discovered to fix with unerring accuracy the day or the +place of his birth. If however we assume the statement of the +chroniclers[2] to be true, that he was born at Monmouth on the ninth +day of August in the year 1387,[3] history supplies many ascertained +facts not only consistent with that hypothesis, but in (p. 002) +confirmation of it; whilst none are found to throw upon it the faintest +shade of improbability. At first sight it might perhaps appear strange +that the exact time of the birth as well of Henry of Monmouth, as of +his father, two successive kings of England, should even yet remain +the subject of conjecture, tradition, and inference; whilst the day +and place of the birth of Henry VI. is matter of historical record. A +single reflection, however, on the circumstances of their respective +births, renders the absence of all precise testimony in the one case +natural; whilst it would have been altogether unintelligible in the +other. When Henry of Bolinbroke and Henry of Monmouth were born, their +fathers were subjects, and nothing of national interest was at the +time associated with their appearance in the world; at Henry of +Windsor's birth he was the acknowledged heir to the throne both of +England and of France. + + [Footnote 2: Monomothi in Wallia natus v. Id. + Aug.--Pauli Jov. Ang. Reg. Chron.; William of + Worcester, &c.] + + [Footnote 3: At the foot of the Wardrobe Account of + Henry Earl of Derby from 30th September 1387 to + 30th September 1388, (and unfortunately no account + of the Duke of Lancaster's expenses is as yet found + extant before that very year,) an item occurs of + 341_l._ 12_s._ 5_d._, paid 24th September 1386, for + the household expenses of the Earl and his family + at Monmouth. This proves that his father made the + castle of Monmouth his residence within less than a + year of the date assigned for Henry's birth.] + +To what extent Henry of Monmouth's future character and conduct were, +under Providence, affected by the circumstances of his family and its +several members, it would perhaps be less philosophical than +presumptuous to define. But, that those circumstances were (p. 003) +peculiarly calculated to influence him in his principles and views and +actions, will be acknowledged by every one who becomes acquainted with +them, and who is at the same time in the least degree conversant with +the growth and workings of the human mind. It must, therefore, fall +within the province of the inquiry instituted in these pages, to take +a brief review of the domestic history of Henry's family through the +years of his childhood and early youth. + +John, surnamed "of Gaunt," from Ghent or Gand in Flanders, the place +of his birth, was the fourth son of King Edward the Third. At a very +early age he married Blanche, daughter and heiress of Henry +Plantagenet, Duke of Lancaster, great-grandson of Henry the Third.[4] +The time of his marriage with Blanche,[5] though recorded with +sufficient precision, is indeed comparatively of little consequence; +whilst the date of their son Henry's birth, from the influence which +the age of a father may have on the destinies of his child, becomes +matter of much importance to those who take any interest in the (p. 004) +history of their grandson, Henry of Monmouth. On this point it has +been already intimated that no conclusive evidence is directly upon +record. The principal facts, however, which enable us to draw an +inference of high probability, are associated with so pleasing and so +exemplary a custom, though now indeed fallen into great desuetude +among us, that to review them compensates for any disappointment which +might be felt from the want of absolute certainty in the issue of our +research. It was Henry of Bolinbroke's custom[6] every year on the +Feast of the Lord's Supper, that is, on the Thursday before Easter, to +clothe as many poor persons as equalled the number of years which he +had completed on the preceding birthday; and by examining the accounts +still preserved in the archives of the Duchy of Lancaster, the details +of which would be altogether uninteresting in this place, we are led +to infer that Henry Bolinbroke was born on the 4th of April 1366. +Blanche, his mother, survived the birth of Bolinbroke probably not +more than three years. Whether this lady found in John of Gaunt a +faithful and loving husband, or whether his libertinism caused her to +pass her short life in disappointment and sorrow, no authentic +document enables us to pronounce. It is, however, impossible to close +our eyes against the painful fact, that Catherine Swynford, who (p. 005) +was the partner of his guilt during the life of his second wife, +Constance, had been an inmate of his family, as the confidential +attendant on his wife Blanche, and the governess of her daughters, +Philippa and Elizabeth of Lancaster. That he afterwards, by a life of +abandoned profligacy, disgraced the religion which he professed, is, +unhappily, put beyond conjecture or vague rumour. Though we cannot +infer from any expenses about her funeral and her memory, that Blanche +was the sole object of his affections, (the most lavish costliness at +the tomb of the departed too often being only in proportion to the +unkindness shown to the living,) yet it may be worth observing, that +in 1372 we find an entry in the account, of 20_l._ paid to two +chaplains (together with the expenses of the altar) to say masses for +her soul. He was then already[7] married to his second wife, +Constance, daughter of Peter the Cruel, King of Castile. By this lady, +whom he often calls "the Queen," he appears to have had only one +child, married, it is said, to Henry III. King of Castile.[8] +Constance, the mother, is represented to have been one of the most (p. 006) +amiable and exemplary persons of the age, "above other women innocent +and devout;" and from her husband she deserved treatment far different +from what it was her unhappy lot to experience. But however severe +were her sufferings, she probably concealed them within her own +breast: and she neither left her husband nor abandoned her duties in +disgust. It is indeed possible, though in the highest degree +improbable, that whilst his unprincipled conduct was too notorious to +be concealed from others, she was not herself made fully acquainted +with his infidelity towards her. At all events we may indulge in the +belief that she proved to her husband's only legitimate son, Henry (p. 007) +of Bolinbroke, a kind and watchful mother. + + [Footnote 4: His wife's sister, Matilda, married to + William, Duke of Holland and Zealand, dying without + issue, John of Gaunt succeeded to the undivided + estates and honours of the late duke.] + + [Footnote 5: Froissart reports that Henry + Bolinbroke was a handsome young man; and declares + that he never saw two such noble dames, nor ever + should were he to live a thousand years, so good, + liberal, and courteous, as his mother the Lady + Blanche, and "the late Queen of England," Philippa + of Hainault, wife of Edward the Third. These were + the mother, and the consort of John of Gaunt.] + + [Footnote 6: For this fact and the several items by + which it is substantiated, the Author is indebted + to the kindness and antiquarian researches of + William Hardy, Esq. of the Duchy of Lancaster + office. These accounts begin to date from September + 30th 1381.] + + [Footnote 7: In 1387 the Duke of Lancaster, + accompanied by Constance and a numerous retinue, + went to Spain to claim his wife's rights; and he + succeeded in obtaining from the King of Spain very + large sums in hand, and hostages for the payment of + 10,000_l._ annually to himself and his duchess for + life. Wals. Neust. 544.] + + [Footnote 8: There is an order, dated June 6th, + 1372, to lodge two pipes of good wine in Kenilworth + Priory, and to hasten with all speed Dame Ilote, + the midwife, to the Queen Constance at Hertford on + horse or in carriage as should be best for her + ease. The same person attended the late Duchess + Blanche. + + The Author has lately discovered on the Pell Rolls + a payment, dated 21st February 1373, which refers + to the birth of a daughter, and at the same time + informs us that his future wife was then probably a + member of his household. "To Catherine Swynford + twenty marks for announcing to the King (Richard + the Second) the birth of a daughter of the Queen of + Spain, consort of John, King of Castile and Leon, + and Duke of Lancaster." + + The marriage of John of Gaunt with Catherine + Swynford took place only the second year after the + death of Constance, and seems to have excited among + the nobility equal surprise and disgust. "The great + ladies of England, (as Stowe reports,) as the + Duchess of Gloucester, &c. disdained that she + should be matched with the Duke of Lancaster, and + by that means accounted second person in the realm, + and be preferred in room before them." + + King Richard however made her a handsome present of + a ring, at the same time that he presented one to + Henry, Earl of Derby, (Henry IV.) and another to + Lady Beauchamp. Pell Rolls.] + +At that period of our history, persons married at a much earlier age +than is usually the case among us now; and the espousals of young +people often preceded for some years the period of quitting their +parents' home, and living together, as man and wife. In the year 1381 +Henry, at that time only fifteen years of age, was espoused[9] to his +future wife, Mary Bohun, daughter of the Earl of Hereford, who had (p. 008) +then not reached her twelfth year. These espousals were in those days +accompanied by the religious service of matrimony, and the bride +assumed the title of her espoused husband.[10] + + [Footnote 9: In this same year Bolinbroke's life + was put into imminent peril during the insurrection + headed by Wat Tiler. The rebels broke into the + Tower of London, though it was defended by some + brave knights and soldiers; seized and murdered the + Archbishop and others; and, carrying the heads of + their victims on pikes, proceeded in a state of + fury to John of Gaunt's palace at the Savoy, which + they utterly destroyed and burnt to the ground. + Gaunt himself was in the North: but his son + Bolinbroke was in the Tower of London, and owed his + life to the interposition of one John Ferrour of + Southwark. This is a fact not generally known to + historians; and since the document which records + it, bears testimony to Bolinbroke's spirit of + gratitude, it will not be thought out of place to + allude to it here. This same John Ferrour, with Sir + Thomas Blount and others, was tried in the Castle + of Oxford for high treason, in the first year of + Henry IV. Blount and the others were condemned and + executed; but to John Ferrour a free pardon, dated + Monday after the Epiphany, was given, "our Lord the + King remembering that in the reign of Richard the + Second, during the insurrection of the Counties of + Essex and Kent, the said John saved the King's life + in the midst of that commonalty, in a wonderful and + kind manner, whence the King happily remains alive + unto this day. For since every good whatever + naturally and of right requires another good in + return, the King of his especial grace freely + pardons the said John." Plac. Cor. in Cast. Oxon.] + + [Footnote 10: Thus, in a warrant, dated 6th March + 1381, an order is given by the Duke for payment to + a Goldsmith in London, of 10_l._ 18_s._ for a + present made by our dear daughter Philippa, to our + very dear daughter Mary, Countess of Derby, on the + day of her marriage; and also "40 shillings for as + many pence put upon the book on the day of the + espousals of our much beloved son, the Earl of + Derby." Eight marks are ordered to be paid for "a + ruby given by us to our very dear daughter Mary:" + 13_s._ 4_d._ for the offering at the mass. Ten + marks from us to the King's minstrels being there + on the same day; and ten marks to four minstrels of + our brother the Earl of Cambridge being there; and + fifty marks to the officers of our cousin, the + Countess of Hereford! On the 31st of January + following, the Duke lays himself under a bond to + pay to "Dame Bohun, Countess of Hereford, her + mother, the sum of one hundred marks annually, for + the charge and cost of his daughter-in-law, Mary, + Countess of Derby, until the said Mary shall attain + the full age of fourteen years."] + +We shall probably not be in error, if we fix the period of the +Countess of Derby leaving her mother's for her husband's roof +somewhere in the year 1386, when he was twenty, and she sixteen years +old; and we are not without reason for believing that they made +Monmouth Castle their home. + +Some modern writers affirm that this was the favourite residence of +John of Gaunt's family: but it is very questionable whether from +having themselves experienced the beauty and loveliness of the spot, +they have not been unconsciously tempted to venture this assertion (p. 009) +without historical evidence. Monmouth is indeed situated in one of the +fairest and loveliest valleys within the four seas of Britain. Near +its centre, on a rising ground between the river Monnow (from which +the town derives its name) and the Wye and not far from their +confluence, the ruins of the Castle are still visible. The poet Gray +looked over it from the side of the Kymin Hill, when he described the +scene before him as "the delight of his eyes, and the very seat of +pleasure." With his testimony, unbiassed as it was by local +attachment, it would be unwise to mingle the feelings of affection +entertained by one whose earliest associations, "redolent of joy and +youth," can scarcely rescue his judgment from the suspicion of +partiality. At that time John of Gaunt's estates and princely mansions +studded, at various distances, the whole land of England from its +northern border to the southern coast. And whether he allowed Henry of +Bolinbroke to select for himself from the ample pages of his rent-roll +the spot to which he would take his bride, or whether he assigned it +of his own choice to his son as the fairest of his possessions; or +whether any other cause determined the place of Henry the Fifth's +birth, we have no reasonable ground for doubting that he was born in +the Castle of Monmouth, on the 9th of August 1387. + +Of Monmouth Castle, the dwindling ruins are now very scanty, and in +point of architecture present nothing worthy of an antiquary's (p. 010) +research. They are washed by the streams of the Monnow, and are +embosomed in gardens and orchards, clothing the knoll on which they +stand; the aspect of the southern walls, and the rocky character of +the soil admirably adapting them for the growth of the vine, and the +ripening of its fruits. In the memory of some old inhabitants, who +were not gathered to their fathers when the Author could first take an +interest in such things, and who often amused his childhood with tales +of former days, the remains of the Hall of Justice were still +traceable within the narrowed pile; and the crumbling bench on which +the Justices of the Circuit once sate, was often usurped by the boys +in their mock trials of judge and jury. Somewhat more than half a +century ago, a gentleman whose garden reached to one of the last +remaining towers, had reason to be thankful for a marked interposition +in his behalf of the protecting hand of Providence. He was enjoying +himself on a summer's evening in an alcove built under the shelter and +shade of the castle, when a gust of wind blew out the candle by his +side, just at the time when he felt disposed to replenish and rekindle +his pipe. He went consequently with the lantern in his hand towards +his house, intending to renew his evening's recreation; but he had +scarcely reached the door when the wall fell, burying his retreat, and +the entire slope, with its shrubs and flowers and fruits, under one +mass of ruin. + +From this castle, tradition says, that being a sickly child, Henry (p. 011) +was taken to Courtfield, at the distance of six or seven miles from +Monmouth, to be nursed there. That tradition is doubtless very ancient; +and the cradle itself in which Henry is said to have been rocked, was +shown there till within these few years, when it was sold, and taken +from the house. It has since changed hands, if it be any longer in +existence. The local traditions, indeed, in the neighbourhood of +Courtfield and Goodrich are almost universally mingled with the very +natural mistake that, when Henry of Monmouth was born, his father was +king; and so far a shade of improbability may be supposed to invest +them all alike; yet the variety of them in that one district, and the +total absence of any stories relative to the same event on every other +side of Monmouth, should seem to countenance a belief that some real +foundation existed for the broad and general features of these +traditionary tales. Thus, though the account acquiesced in by some +writers, that the Marchioness of Salisbury was Henry of Monmouth's +nurse at Courtfield, may have originated in an officious anxiety to +supply an infant prince with a nurse suitable to his royal birth; +still, probably, that appendage would not have been annexed to a story +utterly without foundation, and consequently throws no incredibility +on the fact that the eldest son of the young Earl of Derby was nursed +at Courtfield. Thus, too, though the recorded salutation of the +ferryman of Goodrich congratulates his Majesty on the birth of a (p. 012) +noble prince, as the King was hastening from his court and palace of +Windsor to his castle of Monmouth; yet the unstationary habits of +Bolingbroke, his love of journeyings and travels, and his restlessness +at home, render it very probable that he was absent from Monmouth even +when the hour of perilous anxiety was approaching; and thus on his +return homeward (perhaps too from Richard's court at Windsor) the +first tidings of the safety of his Countess and the birth of the young +lord may have saluted him as he crossed the Wye at Goodrich Ferry. So +again in the little village of Cruse, lying between the church and the +castle of Goodrich, the cottagers still tell, from father to son, as +they have told for centuries over their winter's hearth, how the +herald, hurrying from Monmouth to Goodrich fast as whip and spur could +urge his steed onward, with the tidings of the Prince of Wales' birth, +fell headlong, (the horse dropping under him in the short, steep, and +rugged lane leading to the ravine, beyond which the castle stands,) +and was killed on the spot. No doubt the idea of its being the news of +a prince's birth, that was thus posted on, has added, in the +imagination of the villagers, to the horse's fleetness and the +breathless impetuosity of the messenger; but it is very probable that +the news of the young lord's birth, heir to the dukedom of Lancaster, +should have been hastened from the castle of Monmouth to Goodrich; +and there is no solid reason for discrediting the story. (p. 013) + +Still, beyond tradition, there is no evidence at all to fix the young +lord either at Courtfield, or indeed at Monmouth, for any period +subsequently to his birth. On the contrary, several items of expense +in the "Wardrobe account of Henry, Earl of Derby," would induce us to +infer either that the tradition is unfounded, or that at the utmost +the infant lord was nursed at Courtfield only for a few months. In +that account[11] we find an entry of a charge for a "_long gown_" for +the young lord Henry; and also the payment of 2_l._ to a midwife for +her attendance on the Countess during her confinement at the birth of +the young lord Thomas, the gift of the Earl, "_at London_". By this +document it is proved that Henry's younger brother, the future Duke of +Clarence, was born before October 1388, and that some time in the +preceding year Henry was himself still in the long robes of an infant; +and that the family had removed from Monmouth to London. In the +Wardrobe expenses of the Countess for the same year, we find several +items of sums defrayed for the clothes of the young lords Henry and +Thomas together, but no allusion whatever to the brothers being +separate: one entry,[12] fixing Thomas and his nurse at Kenilworth +soon after his birth, leaves no ground for supposing that his (p. 014) +elder brother was either at Monmouth or at Courtfield. It may be +matter of disappointment and of surprise that Henry's name does not +occur in connexion with the place of his birth in any single +contemporary document now known. The fact, however, is so. But whilst +the place of Henry's nursing is thus left in uncertainty, the name of +his nurse--in itself a matter not of the slightest importance--is made +known to us not only in the Wardrobe account of his mother, but also +by a gratifying circumstance, which bears direct testimony to his own +kind and grateful, and considerate and liberal mind. Her name was +Johanna Waring; on whom, very shortly after he ascended the throne, he +settled an annuity of 20_l._ "in consideration of good service done to +him in former days."[13] + + [Footnote 11: Between 30th Sept. 1387 and 1st Oct. + 1388.] + + [Footnote 12: An item of five yards of cloth for + the bed of the nurse of Thomas at Kenilworth; and + an ell of canvass for his cradle.] + + [Footnote 13: This is one of those incidents, + occurring now and then, the discovery of which + repays the antiquary or the biographer for wading, + with toilsome search, through a confused mass of + uninteresting details, and often encourages him to + persevere when he begins to feel weary and + disappointed.] + +Very few incidents are recorded which can throw light upon Henry's +childhood, and for those few we are indebted chiefly to the dry +details of account-books. In these many particular items of expense +occur relative as well to Henry as to his brothers; which, probably, +would differ very little from those of other young noblemen of England +at that period of her history. The records of the Duchy of Lancaster +provide us with a very scanty supply of such particulars as convey (p. 015) +any interesting information on the circumstances and occupations and +amusements of Henry of Monmouth. From these records, however, we learn +that he was attacked by some complaint, probably both sudden and +dangerous, in the spring of 1395; for among the receiver's accounts is +found the charge of "6_s._ 8_d._ for Thomas Pye, and a horse hired at +London, March 18th, to carry him to Leicester with all speed, on +account of the illness of the young lord Henry." In the year 1397, +when he was just ten years old, a few entries occur, somewhat +interesting, as intimations of his boyish pursuits. Such are the +charge of "8_d._ paid by the hands of Adam Garston for harpstrings +purchased for the harp of the young lord Henry," and "12_d._ to +Stephen Furbour for a new scabbard of a sword for young lord Henry," +and "1_s._ 6_d._ for three-fourths of an ounce of tissue of black silk +bought at London of Margaret Stranson for a sword of young lord +Henry." Whilst we cannot but be sometimes amused by the minuteness +with which the expenditure of the smallest sum in so large an +establishment as John of Gaunt's is detailed, these little incidents +prepare us for the statement given of Henry's early youth by the +chroniclers,--that he was fond both of minstrelsy and of military +exercises. + +The same dry pages, however, assure us that his more severe studies +were not neglected. In the accounts for the year ending February 1396, +we find a charge of "4_s._ for seven books of Grammar contained (p. 016) +in one volume, and bought at London for the young Lord Henry." The +receiver-general's record informs us of the name of the lord Humfrey's +tutor;[14] but who was appointed to instruct the young lord Henry does +not appear; nor can we tell how soon he was put under the guidance of +Henry Beaufort. If, as we have reason to believe, he had that +celebrated man as his instructor, or at least the superintendent of +his studies, in Oxford so early as 1399, we may not, perhaps, be +mistaken in conjecturing, that even this volume of Grammar was first +learned under the direction of the future Cardinal. + + [Footnote 14: "Thomae Rothwell informanti Humfridum + filium Domini Regis pro salario suo de termino + Paschae, 13_s._ 4_d._"--1 Hen. IV.] + +Scanty as are the materials from which we must weave our opinion with +regard to the first years of Henry of Monmouth, they are sufficient to +suggest many reflections upon the advantages as well as the +unfavourable circumstances which attended him: We must first, however, +revert to a few more particulars relative to his family and its chief +members. + +His father, who was then about twenty-four years of age, certainly +left England[15] between the 6th of May 1390 and the 30th of April (p. 017) +1391, and proceeded to Barbary. During his absence his Countess was +delivered of Humfrey, his fourth son. Between the summers of 1392 and +1393 he undertook a journey to Prussia, and to the Holy Sepulchre. + + [Footnote 15: The treasurer's account, during the + Earl's absence, contains some items which remove + all doubt from this statement: among others, 20_l._ + to Lancaster the herald, on Nov. 5, going toward + England; and in the same month, to three + "persuivantes," being with the Earl, eight nobles; + and to a certain English sailor, carrying the news + of the birth of Humfrey, son of my lord, 13_s._ + 4_d._] + +The next year visited Henry with one of the most severe losses which +can befall a youth of his age. His mother,[16] then only twenty-four +years old, having given birth to four sons and two daughters, was +taken away from the anxious cares and comforts of her earthly career, +in the very prime of life.[17] Nor was this the only bereavement which +befell the family at this time. Constance, the second wife of John of +Gaunt, a lady to whose religious and moral worth the strongest and +warmest testimony is borne by the chroniclers of the time; and who +might (had it so pleased the Disposer of all things) have watched (p. 018) +over the education of her husband's grandchildren, was also this same +year removed from them to her rest: they were both buried at +Leicester, then one of the chief residences of the family. + + [Footnote 16: King Richard II, the Duke of + Lancaster, and his son, Henry of Bolinbroke, became + widowers in the same year.] + + [Footnote 17: That Henry cherished the memory of + his mother with filial tenderness, may be inferred + from the circumstance that only two months after he + succeeded to the throne, and had the means and the + opportunity of testifying his grateful remembrance + of her, we find money paid "in advance to William + Goodyere for newly devising and making an image in + likeness of the Mother of the present lord the + King, ornamented with diverse arms of the kings of + England, and placed over the tomb of the said + king's mother, within the King's College at + Leicester, where she is buried and entombed."--Pell + Rolls, May 20, 1413.] + +The mind cannot contemplate the case of either of these ladies without +feelings of pity rather than of envy. They were both nobly born, and +nobly married; and yet the elder was joined to a man, who, to say the +very least, shared his love for her with another; and the younger, +though requiring, every year of her married state, all the attention +and comfort and support of an affectionate husband, yet was more than +once left to experience a temporary widowhood. And if we withdraw our +thoughts from those of whom this family was then deprived, there is +little to lessen our estimate of their loss, when we think of those +whom they left behind. Henry's maternal grandmother, indeed, the +Countess of Hereford, survived her daughter many years; and we are not +without an intimation that she at least interested herself in her +grandson's welfare. In his will, dated 1415, he bequeaths to Thomas, +Bishop of Durham, "the missal and portiphorium[18] which we had of the +gift of our dear grandmother, the Countess of Hereford."[19] We may +fairly infer from this circumstance that Henry had at least one (p. 019) +near relation both able and willing to guide him in the right way. How +far opportunities were afforded her of exercising her maternal +feelings towards him, cannot now be ascertained; and with the +exception of this noble lady, there is no other to whom we can turn +with entire satisfaction, when we contemplate the salutary effects +either of precept or example in the case of Henry of Monmouth. + + [Footnote 18: The portiphorium was a breviary, + containing directions as to the services of the + church.] + + [Footnote 19: He bequeaths also, in the same will, + "to Joan, Countess of Hereford, our dear + grandmother, a gold cyphus." This lady, however, + died before Henry. In the Pell Rolls we find the + payment of "442_l._ 17_s._ 5_d._ to Robert Darcy + and others, executors of Joan de Bohun, late + Countess of Hereford, on account of live and dead + stock belonging to her, February 27, 1421."] + +His father indeed was a gallant young knight, often distinguishing +himself at justs and tournaments;[20] of an active, ardent and +enterprising spirit; nor is any imputation against his moral character +found recorded. But we have no ground for believing, that he devoted +much of his time and thoughts to the education of his children. + + [Footnote 20: Soon after Henry IV's accession, the + Pell Rolls, May 8, 1401, record the payment of + "10_l._ to Bertolf Vander Eure, who fenced with the + present lord the King with the long sword, and was + hurt in the neck by the said lord the King." The + Chronicle of London for 1386 says "there were + joustes at Smithfield. There bare him well Sir + Harry of Derby, the Duke's son of Lancaster."] + +Henry Beaufort, the natural son of John of Gaunt, a person of +commanding talent, and of considerable attainments for that age, +whilst there is no reason to believe him to have been that abandoned +worldling whose eyes finally closed in black despair without a (p. 020) +hope of Heaven, yet was not the individual to whose training a +Christian parent would willingly intrust the education of his child. +And in John of Gaunt[21] himself, little perhaps can be discovered +either in principle, or judgment, or conduct, which his grandson could +imitate with religious and moral profit. Thus we find Henry of +Monmouth in his childhood labouring under many disadvantages. Still +our knowledge of the domestic arrangements and private circumstances +of his family is confessedly very limited; and it would be unwise to +conclude that there were no mitigating causes in operation, nor any +advantages to put as a counterpoise into the opposite scale. He may +have been under the guidance and tuition of a good Christian and (p. 021) +well-informed man; he may have been surrounded by companions whose +acquaintance would be a blessing. But this is all conjecture; and +probably the question is now beyond the reach of any satisfactory +solution. + + [Footnote 21: The Author would gladly have + presented to the reader a different portrait of the + religious and moral character of "Old John of + Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster;" but a careful + examination of the testimony of his enemies and of + his eulogists, as well as of the authentic + documents of his own household, seems to leave no + other alternative, short of the sacrifice of truth. + Godwin, in his Life of Chaucer, has undertaken his + defence, but on such unsound principles of morality + as must be reprobated by every true lover of + Religion and Virtue. The same domestic register of + the Duchy which records the wages paid to the + adulteress, and the duke's losses by gambling, + proves (as many other family accounts would prove) + that no fortune however princely can supply the + unbounded demands of profligacy and dissipation. + Even John of Gaunt, with his immense possessions, + was driven to borrow money. This fact is + accompanied in the record by the curious + circumstance, that an order is given for the + employment of three or four stout yeomen, because + of the danger of the road, to guard the bearers of + a loan made by the Earl of Arundel to the Duke, and + sent from Shrewsbury to London.] + +With regard to the next step also in young Henry's progress towards +manhood, we equally depend upon tradition for the views which we may +be induced to take: still it is a tradition in which we shall probably +acquiesce without great danger of error. He is said to have been sent +to Oxford, and to have studied in "The Queen's College" under the +tuition of Henry Beaufort, his paternal uncle, then Chancellor of the +University. No document is known to exist among the archives of the +College or of the University, which can throw any light on this point; +except that the fact has been established of Henry Beaufort having +been admitted a member of Queen's College, and of his having been +chancellor of the university only for the year 1398. + +This extraordinary man was consecrated Bishop of Lincoln, July 14, +1398, as appears by the Episcopal Register of that See; after which he +did not reside in Oxford. If therefore Henry of Monmouth studied under +him in that university, it must have been through the spring and +summer of that year, the eleventh of his age. And on this we may rely +as the most probable fact. Certainly in the old buildings of Queen's +College, a chamber used to be pointed out by successive generations as +Henry the Fifth's. It stood over the gateway opposite to St. (p. 022) +Edmund's Hall. A portrait of him in painted glass, commemorative of +the circumstance, was seen in the window, with an inscription (as it +should seem of comparatively recent date) in Latin: + + To record the fact for ever. + The Emperor of Britain, + The Triumphant Lord of France, + The Conqueror of his enemies and of himself, + Henry V. + Of this little chamber, + Once the great Inhabitant.[22] + + [Footnote 22: Fuller in his Church History, having + informed us that Henry's chamber over the College + gate was then inhabited by the historian's friend + Thomas Barlow, adds "His picture remaineth there to + this day in _brass_".] + +It may be observed that in the tender age of Henry involved in this +supposition, there is nothing in the least calculated to throw a shade +of improbability on this uniform tradition. Many in those days became +members of the university at the time of life when they would now be +sent to school.[23] And possibly we shall be most right in supposing +that Henry (though perhaps without himself being enrolled among the +regular academics) lived with his uncle, then chancellor, and studied +under his superintendence. There is nothing on record (hitherto (p. 023) +discovered) in the slightest degree inconsistent with this view; +whereas if we were inclined to adopt the representation of some (on +what authority it does not appear) that Henry was sent to Oxford soon +after his father ascended the throne, many and serious difficulties +would present themselves. In the first place his uncle, who was +legitimated only the year before, was prematurely made Bishop of +Lincoln by the Pope, through the interest of John of Gaunt, in the +year 1398, and never resided in Oxford afterwards. How old he was at +his consecration, has not yet been satisfactorily established; +conjecture would lead us to regard him as a few years only (perhaps +ten or twelve) older than his nephew. Otterbourne tells us that he was +made Bishop[24] when yet a boy. + + [Footnote 23: Those who were designed for the + military profession were compelled to bear arms, + and go to the field at the age of fifteen: + consequently the little education they received was + confined to their boyhood.] + + [Footnote 24: "Admodum parvo."] + +In the next place we can scarcely discover six months in Henry's life +after his uncle's consecration, through which we can with equal +probability suppose him to have passed his time in Oxford. It is next +to certain that before the following October term, he had been removed +into King Richard's palace, carefully watched (as we shall see +hereafter); whilst in the spring of the following year, 1399, he was +unquestionably obliged to accompany that monarch in his expedition to +Ireland. Shortly after his return, in the autumn of that year, on his +father's accession to the throne, he was created Prince of Wales; and +through the following spring the probability is strong that his father +was too anxiously engaged in negotiating a marriage between him (p. 024) +and a daughter of the French King, and too deeply interested in +providing for him an adequate establishment in the metropolis, to take +any measures for improving and cultivating his mind in the university. +Independently of which we may be fully assured that had he become a +student of the University of Oxford as Prince of Wales, it would not +have been left to chance, to deliver his name down to after-ages: the +archives of the University would have furnished direct and +contemporary evidence of so remarkable a fact; and the College would +have with pride enrolled him at the time among its members: as the boy +of the Earl of Derby, or the Duke of Hereford, living with his uncle, +there is nothing[25] in the omission of his name inconsistent with our +hypothesis. At all events, whatever evidence exists of Henry having +resided under any circumstances in Oxford, fixes him there under the +tuition of the future Cardinal; and that well-known personage is +proved not to have resided there subsequently to his appointment to +the see[26] of Lincoln, in the summer of 1398.[27] + + [Footnote 25: On the 29th of the preceding + September 1397, Richard II. "with the consent of + the prelates, lords and commons in parliament + assembled," created Bolinbroke, then Earl of Derby, + Duke of Hereford, with a royal gift of forty marks + by the year, to him and his heirs for ever. Pell + Rolls. Pasc. 22 R. II. April 15.] + + [Footnote 26: The Lincoln register (for a copy of + which the Author is indebted to the present Bishop) + dates the commencement of the year of Henry + Beaufort's consecration from July 14, 1398.] + + [Footnote 27: It is a curious fact, not generally + known, that Henry IV. in the _first_ year of his + reign took possession of all the property of the + Provost and Fellows of Queen's College (on the + ground of mismanagement), and appointed the + Chancellor, the Chief Justice, the Master of the + Rolls, and others, guardians of the College. This + is scarcely consistent with the supposition of his + son being resident there at the time, or of his + selecting that college for him afterwards.] + +What were Henry's studies in Oxford, whether, like Ingulphus some (p. 025) +centuries before, he drank to his fill of "Aristotle's[28] Philosophy +and Cicero's Rhetoric," or whether his mind was chiefly directed to +the scholastic theology so prevalent in his day, it were fruitless (p. 026) +to inquire. His uncle (as we have already intimated) seems to have +been a person of some learning, an excellent man of business, and in +the command of a ready eloquence. In establishing his positions (p. 027) +before the parliament, we find him not only quoting from the Bible, +(often, it must be acknowledged, without any strict propriety of +application,) but also citing facts from ancient Grecian history. We +may, however, safely conclude that the Chancellor of Oxford confined +himself to the general superintendence of his nephew's education, +intrusting the details to others more competent to instruct him in the +various branches of literature. It is very probable that to some +arrangement of that kind Henry was indebted for his acquaintance with +such excellent men as his friends John Carpenter of Oriel, and Thomas +Rodman, or Rodburn, of Merton.[29] + + [Footnote 28: The Author trusts to be pardoned, if + he suffers these conjectures on Henry's studies in + Oxford to tempt him to digress in this note further + than the strict rules of unity might approve. They + brought a lively image to his mind of the + occupations and confessions of one of the earliest + known sons of Alma Mater. Perhaps Ingulphus is the + first upon record who, having laid the foundation + of his learning at Westminster, proceeded for its + further cultivation to Oxford. From the + biographical sketch of his own life, we learn that + he was born of English parents and a native of the + fair city of London. Whilst a schoolboy at + Westminster, he was so happy as to have interested + in his behalf Egitha, daughter of Earl Godwin, and + queen of Edward the Confessor. He describes his + patroness as a lady of great beauty, well versed in + literature, of most pure chastity and exalted moral + feeling, together with pious humbleness of mind, + tainted by no spot of her father's or her brother's + barbarism, but mild and modest, honest and + faithful, and the enemy of no human being. In + confirmation of his estimate of her excellence, he + quotes a Latin verse current in his day, not very + complimentary to her sire: "As a thorn is the + parent of the rose, so was Godwin of Egitha." I + have often seen her (he continues) when I have been + visiting my father in the palace. Many a time, as + she met me on my return from school, would she + examine me in my scholarship and verses; and + turning with the most perfect familiarity from the + solidity of grammar to the playfulness of logic, in + which she was well skilled, when she had caught me + and held me fast by some subtle chain, she would + always direct her maid to give me three or four + pieces of money, and sending me off to the royal + refectory would dismiss me after my refreshment." + It is possible that many of our fair countrywomen + in the highest ranks now, are not aware that, more + than eight hundred years ago, their fair and noble + predecessors could play with a Westminster scholar + in grammar, verses, and logic. Egitha left behind + her an example of high religious, moral, and + literary worth, by imitating which, not perhaps in + its literal application, but certainly in its + spirit, the noble born among us will best uphold + and adorn their high station. Ingulphus (in the + very front of whose work the Author thinks he sees + the stamp of raciness and originality, though he + cannot here enter into the question of its + genuineness) tells us then, how he made proficiency + beyond many of his equals in mastering the + doctrines of Aristotle, and covered himself to the + very ankles in Cicero's Rhetoric. But, alas, for + the vanity of human nature! His confession here + might well suggest reflections of practical wisdom + to many a young man who may be tempted, as was + Ingulphus, in the university or the wide world, to + neglect and despise his father's roof and his + father's person, after success in the world may + have raised him in society above the humble station + of his birth,--a station from which perhaps the + very struggles and privations of that parent + himself may have enabled him to emerge. "Growing up + a young man (he says) I felt a sort of disdainful + loathing at the straitened and lowly circumstances + of my parents, and desired to leave my paternal + hearth, hankering after the halls of kings and of + the great, and daily longing more and more to array + myself in the gayest and most luxurious costume." + Ingulphus lived to repent, and to be ashamed of his + weakness and folly.] + + [Footnote 29: John Carpenter. This learned and good + man could not have been much, if at all, Henry's + senior. He was made Bishop of Worcester (not as + Goodwin says by Henry V. but) in the year 1443. He + died in 1476; so that if he was in Oxford when we + suppose Henry to have studied there and to have + been only his equal in age, he would have been + nearly ninety when he died. Thomas Rodman was an + eminent astronomer as well as a learned divine, of + Merton College. He was not promoted to a bishopric + till two years after Henry's death. + + Among other learned and pious men who were much + esteemed by Henry, we find especially mentioned + Robert Mascall, confessor to his father, and + Stephen Partington. The latter was a very popular + preacher, whom some of the nobility invited to + court. Henry, delighted with his eloquence, treated + him with favour and affectionate regard, and + advanced him to the see of St. David's. Robert + Mascall was of the order of Friars Carmelites. In + 1402 he was ordered to be continually about the + King's person, for the advantage and health of his + soul. Two years afterwards he was advanced to the + see of Hereford. Pell Rolls.] + +But whatever course of study was chalked out for him, and through (p. 028) +however long or short a period before the summer of 1398, or under +what guides soever he pursued it, it is impossible to read his +letters, and reflect on what is authentically recorded of him, without +being involuntarily impressed by an assurance that he had imbibed a +very considerable knowledge of Holy Scripture, even beyond the young +men of his day. His conduct also in after-life would prepare us for +the testimony borne to him by chroniclers, that "he held in great +veneration such as surpassed in learning and virtue." Still, whilst we +regret that history throws no fuller light on the early days of Henry +of Monmouth, we cannot but hope that in the hidden treasures of +manuscripts hereafter to be again brought into the light of day, much +may be yet ascertained on satisfactory evidence; and we must leave the +subject to those more favoured times.[30] + + [Footnote 30: Many ancient documents (of the + existence of which in past years, often not very + remote, there can be no doubt,) now, unhappily for + those who would bring the truth to light, are in a + state of abeyance or of perdition. To mention only + one example; the work of Peter Basset, who was + chamberlain to Henry V. and attended him in his + wars, referred to by Goodwin, and reported to be in + the library of the College of Arms, is no longer in + existence; at least it has disappeared and not a + trace of it can be found there.] + +But whilst doubts may still be thought to hang over the exact time and +the duration of Henry's academical pursuits, it is matter of (p. 029) +historical certainty, that an event took place in the autumn of 1398, +which turned the whole stream of his life into an entirely new +channel, and led him by a very brief course to the inheritance of the +throne of England. His father, hitherto known as the Earl of Derby, +was created Duke of Hereford by King Richard II. Very shortly after +his creation, he stated openly in parliament[31] that the Duke of +Norfolk, whilst they were riding together between Brentford and +London, had assured him of the King's intention to get rid of them +both, and also of the Duke of Lancaster with other noblemen, of whose +designs against his throne or person he was apprehensive. The Duke of +Norfolk denied the charge, and a trial of battle was appointed to +decide the merits of the question. The King, doubting probably the +effect on himself of the issue of that wager of battle, postponed the +day from time to time. At length he fixed finally upon the 16th of +September, and summoned the two noblemen to redeem their pledges at +Coventry. Very splendid preparations had been made for the struggle; +and the whole kingdom shewed the most anxious interest in the result. +On the day appointed, the Lord High Constable and the Lord High +Marshal of England, with a very great company, and splendidly arrayed, +first entered the lists. About the hour of prime the Duke of Hereford +appeared at the barriers on a white courser, barbed with blue and (p. 030) +green velvet, sumptuously embroidered with swans and antelopes[32] of +goldsmith's work,[33] and armed at all points. The King himself soon +after entered with great pomp, attended by the peers of the realm, and +above ten thousand men in arms to prevent any tumult. The Duke of +Norfolk then came on a steed "barbed with crimson velvet embroidered +with mulberry-trees and lions of silver." At the proclamation of the +herald, Hereford sprang upon his horse, and advanced six or seven +paces to meet his adversary. The king upon this suddenly threw down +his warder, and commanded the spears to be taken from the combatants, +and that they should resume their chairs of state. He then ordered +proclamation to be made that the Duke of Hereford had honourably[34] +fulfilled his duty; and yet, without assigning any reason, he +immediately sentenced him to be banished for ten years: at the same +time he condemned the Duke of Norfolk to perpetual exile, adding also +the confiscation of his property, except only one thousand pounds by +the year. This act of tyranny towards Bolinbroke,[35] contrary, (p. 031) +as the chroniclers say, to the known laws and customs of the realm, as +well as to the principles of common justice, led by direct consequence +to the subversion of Richard's throne, and probably to his premature +death. + + [Footnote 31: Rot. Parl. 21 Rich. II. & Rot. Cart.] + + [Footnote 32: It is curious to find that when Henry + V. met his intended bride Katharine of France, the + tent prepared for him by her mother the Queen, was + composed of blue and green velvet, and embroidered + with the figures of antelopes.] + + [Footnote 33: The Duke of Hereford's armour was + exceedingly costly and splendid. He had sent to + Italy to procure it on purpose for that day; he + spared no expense in its preparation; and it was + forwarded to him by the Duke of Milan.] + + [Footnote 34: "Rex proclamari fecit quod Dux + Herefordiae debitum suum honorifice + adimplesset."--Wals. 356.] + + [Footnote 35: The "Chronicle of London" asserts + that Richard sought and obtained from the Pope of + Rome a confirmation of his statutes and ordinances + made at this time.] + +Whilst however the people sympathized with the Duke of Hereford, and +reproached the King for his rashness, as impolitic as it was +iniquitous, they seemed to view in the sentence of the Duke of +Norfolk, the visitation of divine justice avenging on his head the +cruel murder of the Duke of Gloucester. It was remarked (says +Walsingham) that the sentence was passed on him by Richard on the very +same day of the year on which, only one twelvemonth before, he had +caused that unhappy prince to be suffocated in Calais. + + + + +CHAPTER II. (p. 032) + +HENRY TAKEN INTO THE CARE OF RICHARD. -- DEATH OF JOHN OF GAUNT. -- +HENRY KNIGHTED BY RICHARD IN IRELAND. -- HIS PERSON AND MANNERS. -- +NEWS OF BOLINBROKE'S LANDING AND HOSTILE MEASURES REACHES +IRELAND.--INDECISION AND DELAY OF RICHARD. -- HE SHUTS UP HENRY AND +THE YOUNG DUKE OF GLOUCESTER IN TRYM CASTLE. -- REFLECTIONS ON THE +FATE OF THESE TWO COUSINS -- OF BOLINBROKE -- RICHARD -- AND THE +WIDOWED DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER. + +1398-1399. + + +The first years of Henry of Monmouth fall, in part at least, as we +have seen, within the province of conjecture rather than of authentic +history: and the facts for reasonable conjecture to work upon are much +more scanty with regard to this royal child, than we find to be the +case with many persons far less renowned, and still further removed +from our day. But from the date of his father's banishment, very few +months in any one year elapse without supplying some clue, which +enables us to trace him step by step through the whole career of his +eventful life, to the very last day and hour of his mortal existence. + +His father's exile dates from October 13, 1398, when Henry had just +concluded his eleventh year. Whether up to that time he had been (p. 033) +living chiefly in his father's house, or with his grandfather John of +Gaunt, or with his maternal grandmother, or with his uncle Henry +Beaufort either at Oxford or elsewhere, we have no positive evidence. +John of Gaunt did not die till the 3rd of the following February, and +he would, doubtless, have taken his grandson under his especial care, +at all events on his father's banishment, probably assigning Henry +Beaufort to be his tutor and governor. But when Richard sentenced +Henry of Bolinbroke, he was too sensible of his own injustice, and too +much alive, in this instance at least, to his own danger, to suffer +Henry of Monmouth to remain at large. One of the most ancient, and +most widely adopted principles of tyranny, pronounces the man "to be a +fool, who when he makes away with a father, leaves the son in power to +avenge his parent's wrongs." Accordingly Richard took immediate +possession of the persons both of the son of the murdered Duke of +Gloucester, and of Henry of Monmouth, of whose relatives, as the +chroniclers say, he had reason to be especially afraid. + +John of Gaunt, we may conclude, now disabled as he was, by those +infirmities[36] which hastened him to the grave[37] more rapidly than +the mere progress of calm decay, could exert no effectual means (p. 034) +either of sheltering his son from the unjust tyrant who sentenced him +to ten years banishment from his native land, or of rescuing his +grandson from the close custody of the same oppressor. Still the very +name of that renowned duke must have put some restraint upon his royal +nephew. The lion had yet life, and might put forth one dying effort, +if the oppression were carried past his endurance; and it might have +been thought well to let him linger and slumber on, till nature should +have struggled with him finally. We find, consequently, that though +before Bolinbroke's departure from England Richard had remitted four +years of his banishment, as a sort of peace-offering perhaps to John +of Gaunt, no sooner was that formidable person dead, than Richard, +throwing off all semblance of moderation, exiled Bolinbroke for life, +and seized and confiscated his property.[38] + + [Footnote 36: See the Remains of Thomas Gascoyne, a + contemporary writer. Brit. Mus. 2 I. d. p. 530.] + + [Footnote 37: John of Gaunt died on the 3rd of + February 1399, at the house of the Bishop of Ely in + Holborn. Will. Worc.] + + [Footnote 38: Two candelabra which belonged to + Henry Duke of Lancaster, were presented by Richard + to the abbot and convent of Westminster, 30th June + 1399.--Pell Rolls. He also granted to Catherine + Swynford, the late duke's widow, some of the + possessions which she had enjoyed before, but which + had fallen into the king's hands by the + confiscation of the present duke's property.--Pat. + 22 Ric. II. Froissart expressly says, that Richard + confiscated Bolinbroke's estates, and divided them + among his own favourites. He acquaints us, + moreover, with an act of cruel persecution and + enmity on the part of Richard, which must have + rendered Bolinbroke's exile far more galling, and + have exasperated him far more bitterly against his + persecutor. Richard, says Froissart, sent Lord + Salisbury over to France on express purpose to + break off the contemplated marriage between + Bolinbroke and the daughter of the Duke of Berry, + in the presence of the French court calling him a + false and wicked traitor. Ed. 1574. Vol. iv. p. + 290.] + +Though Richard behaved towards Bolinbroke with such reckless (p. 035) +injustice, he does not appear to have been forgetful of his wants +during his exile. Within two months of the date of his banishment the +Pell Rolls record payment (14 November 1398) "of a thousand marks to +the Duke of Hereford, of the King's gift, for the aid and support of +himself, and the supply of his wants, on his retirement from England +to parts beyond the seas assigned for his sojourn." And on the 20th of +the following June payment is recorded of "1586_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ part +of the 2000_l._ which the king had granted to him, to be advanced +annually at the usual times." But this was a poor compensation for the +honours and princely possessions of the Dukedom of Lancaster, and the +comforts of his home. No wonder if he were often found, as historians +tell, in deep depression of spirits, whilst he thought of "his four +brave boys, and two lovely daughters," now doubly orphans. + +The plan of this work does not admit of any detailed enumeration of +the exactions, nor of any minute inquiry into the violence and +reckless tyranny of Richard. It cannot be doubted that a long series +of oppressive measures at this time alienated the affections of many +of his subjects, and exposed his person and his throne to the (p. 036) +attacks of proud and powerful, as well as injured and insulted +enemies. His conduct appears to evince little short of infatuation. He +was determined to act the part of a tyrant with a high hand, and he +defied the consequences of his rashness. He had stopped his ears to +sounds which must have warned him of dangers setting thick around him +from every side; and he had wilfully closed his eyes, and refused to +look towards the precipice whither he was every day hastening.[39] He +rushed on, despising the danger, till he fell once, and for ever. The +murder of the Duke of Gloucester, involving on the part of the king +one of the most base and cold-hearted pieces of treachery ever +recorded of any ruthless tyrant, had filled the whole realm with +indignation; and chroniclers do not hesitate to affirm that Richard +would have been then deposed and destroyed, had it not been for the +interposition of John of Gaunt; and now the eldest son of that very +man, who alone had sheltered him from his people's vengeance, Richard +banishes for ever without cause, confiscating his princely estates, +and pursuing him with bitter and insulting vengeance even in his +exile. + + [Footnote 39: The chroniclers give us an idea of + expense in Richard both about his person, his + houses, and his presents, which exceeds belief. + Both the Monk of Evesham and the author of the + Sloane Manuscript speak of a single robe which cost + thirty thousand marks.] + +If his own reason had not warned him beforehand against such (p. 037) +self-destroying acts of iniquity and violence, yet the signs of the +popular feeling which followed them, would have recalled any but an +infatuated man to a sense of the danger into which he was plunging. +When Henry of Bolinbroke left London for his exile, forty thousand +persons are said to have been in the streets lamenting his fate; and +the mayor, accompanied by a large body of the higher class of +citizens, attended him on his way as far as Dartford; and some never +left him till they saw him embark at Dover.[40] But to all these clear +and strong indications of the tone and temper of his subjects, Richard +was obstinately blind and deaf. If he heard and saw them, he hardened +himself against the only practical influence which they were +calculated to produce. Setting the approaching political storm, and +every moral peril, at defiance, he quitted England just as though he +were leaving behind him contented and devoted subjects. + + [Footnote 40: Froissart tells us that Bolinbroke + was much beloved in London. He represents also his + reception in France to have been most cordial; + every city opening its gates to welcome him.--See + Froissart, vol. iv. p. 280.] + +Having assigned Wallingford Castle for the residence of his Queen +Isabel, he departed for Ireland about the 18th of May; but did not set +sail from Milford Haven till the 29th; he reached Waterford on the +last day of the month. Though Richard[41] was prompted solely by (p. 038) +reasons of policy and by a regard to his own safety to take with him +to Ireland Henry of Monmouth, (together with Humphrey, son of the +murdered Duke of Gloucester,) we should do him great injustice were we +to suppose that he treated him as an enemy.[42] On the contrary, we +have reason to believe that he behaved towards him with great kindness +and respect.[43] + + [Footnote 41: Froissart says that Richard sent + expressly both to Northumberland and Hotspur, + requiring their attendance in his expedition to + Ireland; that they both refused; and that he + banished them the realm. Vol. iv. p. 295.] + + [Footnote 42: March 5, 1399, the Pell Rolls record + the payment of "10_l._ to Henry, son of the Duke of + Hereford, in part payment of 500_l._ yearly, which + our present lord the King has granted to be paid + him at the Exchequer during pleasure." Twenty + pounds also were paid to him on the 21st of the + preceding February.] + + [Footnote 43: Whether as a measure of security, or + on a principle of kind considerateness for Henry of + Monmouth, when Richard left England he took with + him Henry Beaufort, (Pat. p. 3. 22 Ric. II, n. + 11.): though it is curious to remark that when on + his return to England he left Henry of Monmouth in + Trym Castle, we find Henry Beaufort in the company + of Richard.] + +About midsummer the king advanced towards the country and strong-holds +of Macmore, his most formidable antagonist. On the opening of that +campaign he conferred upon young Henry the order of knighthood;[44] +and wishing to signalize this mark of the royal favour with unusual +celebrity, he conferred on that day the same distinction (expressly +in honour of Henry) upon ten others his companions in arms. The (p. 039) +particulars of this transaction, and the details of the entire +campaign against the Wild Irish, as they were called, are recorded in +a metrical history by a Frenchman named Creton, who was an eye-witness +of the whole affair. This gentleman had accepted the invitation of a +countryman of his own, a knight, to accompany him to England. On their +arrival in London they found the king himself in the very act of +starting for Ireland, and thither they went in his company as +amateurs. + + [Footnote 44: In 1379, his grandfather John of + Gaunt required aid of his tenants towards making + his eldest son, Henry of Bolinbroke, a knight.] + +This writer thus describes[45] the courteous act and pledge of +friendship bestowed by Richard on his youthful companion and prisoner, +recording, with some interesting circumstances, the very words of +knightly and royal admonition with which the distinguished honour was +conferred. "Early on a summer's morning, the vigil of St. John, the +King marched directly to Macmore[46], who would neither submit, (p. 040) +nor obey him in any way, but affirmed that he was himself the rightful +king of Ireland, and that he would never cease from war and the +defence of his country till death. Then the King prepared to go into +the depths of the deserts in search of him. For his abode is in the +woods, where he is accustomed to dwell at all seasons; and he had with +him, according to report, 3000 hardy men. Wilder people I never saw; +they did not appear to be much dismayed at the English. The whole host +were assembled at the entrance of the deep woods; and every one put +himself right well in his array: for it was thought for the time that +we should have battle; but I know that the Irish did not show +themselves on this occasion. Orders were then given by the King that +every thing around should be set fire to. Many a village and house +were then consumed. While this was going on, the King, who bears +leopards in his arms, caused a space to be cleared on all sides, and +pennon and standards to be quickly hoisted. Afterwards, out of true +and entire affection, he sent for the son of the Duke of Lancaster, a +_fair young and handsome bachelor_,[47] and knighted him, saying, 'My +fair cousin, henceforth be gallant and bold, for, unless you conquer, +you will have little name for valour.' And for his greater honour and +satisfaction, to the end that it might be better imprinted on his +memory, he made eight or ten other knights; but indeed I do not (p. 041) +know what their names were, for I took little heed about the matter, +seeing that melancholy, uneasiness and care had formed, and altogether +chosen my heart for their abode, and anxiety had dispossessed me of +joy." + + [Footnote 45: M. Creton's Metrical History is + translated from a beautifully illuminated copy, in + the British Museum, by the Rev. John Webb, who has + enriched it with many valuable notes and + dissertations, historical, biographical, &c. It + forms part of the twentieth volume of the + Archaeologia. M. Creton confesses himself to have + been thrown into a terrible panic on the approach + of danger, more than once: and probably he was in + higher esteem in the hall among the guests for his + minstrelsy and song, than in the battle-field for + his prowess.] + + [Footnote 46: The sons of this Irish chief, + Macmore, or Macmorgh, or Mac Murchard, were + hostages in England, May 3, 1399.--Pell Rolls.] + + [Footnote 47: The term _bachelor_ signified, in the + language of chivalry, a young gentleman not yet + knighted.] + +The English suffered much from hunger and fatigue during this +expedition in search of the archrebel, and after many fruitless +attempts to reduce him, reached Dublin, where all their sufferings +were forgotten in the plenty and pleasures of that "good city." + + * * * * * + +The day on which Richard conferred upon Henry so distinguished a mark +of his regard and friendship, offering the first occasion on which any +reference is made to his personal appearance and bodily constitution, +the present may, perhaps, be deemed an appropriate place for recording +what we may have been able to glean in that department of biographical +memoir with which few, probably, are inclined to dispense. + +M. Creton, in his account of this memorable knighthood, represents +Henry as "a handsome young bachelor," then in his twelfth year; and +very little further, of a specific character, is recorded by his +immediate contemporaries. The chroniclers next in succession describe +him as a man of "a spare make, tall, and well-proportioned," +"exceeding," says Stow, "the ordinary stature of men;" beautiful (p. 042) +of visage, his bones small: nevertheless he was of marvellous strength, +pliant and passing swift of limb; and so trained was he to feats of +agility by discipline and exercise, that with one or two of his lords +he could, on foot, readily give chase to a deer without hounds, bow, +or sling, and catch the fleetest of the herd. By the period of his +early youth he must have outgrown the weakness and sickliness of his +childhood, or he could never have endured the fatigues of body and +mind to which he was exposed through his almost incessant campaigns +from his fourteenth to his twentieth year. These hardships, nevertheless, +may have been all the while sowing the seeds of that fatal disease +which at the last carried him so prematurely from the labours, and +vexations, and honours of this world.[48] + + [Footnote 48: Fuller, in his Church History, thus + speaks of him, mingling with his description, + however, the verification of the proverb, "An ill + youth may make a good man," a maxim far less true + (though far more popular) than one of at least + equally remote origin, "Like sapling, like oak." He + was "one of a strong and active body, neither + shrinking in cold nor slothful in heat, going + commonly with his head uncovered; the wearing of + armour was no more cumbersome to him than a cloak. + He never shrunk at a wound, nor turned away his + nose for ill savour, nor closed his eyes for smoke + or dust; in diet, none less dainty or more + moderate; his sleep very short, but sound; + fortunate in fight, and commendable in all his + actions."] + +With regard to his habits of social intercourse, his powers of +conversation, the disposition and bent of his mind when he mingled (p. 043) +with others, whether in the seasons of public business, or the more +private hours of retirement and relaxation, (whilst the never-ending +tales of his dissipation among his unthrifty reckless playmates are +reserved for a separate inquiry,) a few words only will suffice in +this place. In addition to the testimony of later authors, the records +of contemporaneous antiquity, sometimes by direct allusion to him, +sometimes incidentally and as it were undesignedly, lead us to infer +that he was a distinguished example of affability and courteousness; +still not usually a man of many words; clear in his own conception of +the subject of conversation or debate, and ready in conveying it to +others, yet peculiarly modest and unassuming in maintaining his +opinion, listening with so natural an ease and deference, and kindness +to the sentiments and remarks and arguments of others, as to draw into +a close and warm personal attachment to himself those who had the +happiness to be on terms of familiarity with him. Certainly the +unanimous voice of Parliament ascribed to him, when engaged in the +deeper and graver discussions involving the interests and welfare of +the state, qualities corresponding in every particular with these +representations of individual chroniclers. The glowing, living +language of Shakspeare seems only to have recommended by becoming and +graceful ornament, what had its existence really and substantially in +truth. + + Hear him but reason in divinity, (p. 044) + And, all-admiring, with an inward wish + You would desire the King were made a prelate: + Hear him debate of commonwealth affairs, + You would say, it hath been all-in-all his study: + List his discourse in war, and you shall hear + A fearful battle render'd you in music: + Turn him to any cause of policy, + The Gordian knot of it he will unloose, + Familiar as his garter; that, when he speaks, + The air, a charter'd libertine, is still, + And the mute wonder lurketh in men's ears, + To steal his sweet and honey'd sentences. + +Soon after Richard reached Dublin, the Duke of Albemarle, Constable of +England, arrived with a large fleet, and with forces all ready for a +campaign: but he came too late for any good purpose, and better had it +been for Richard had he never come at all. His advice was the king's +ruin. Richard with his army passed full six weeks in Dublin, in the +free enjoyment of ease and pleasure, altogether ignorant of the +terrible reverse which awaited him. In consequence of the +uninterrupted prevalence of adverse winds, his self-indulgence was +undisturbed by the news which the first change of weather was destined +to bring. Through the whole of this momentous crisis the weather was +so boisterous that no vessel dared to brave the tempest. On the return +of a quiet sea, a barge arrived at Dublin upon a Saturday, laden with +the appalling tidings that Henry, Duke of Lancaster, had returned from +exile and was carrying all before him; supported by Richard's (p. 045) +most powerful subjects, now in open rebellion against his authority; +and encouraged by the Archbishop, who in the Pope's name preached +plenary absolution and a place in paradise to all who would assist the +duke to recover his just rights from his unjust sovereign. The King +grew pale at this news, and instantly resolved to return to England on +the Monday following. But the Duke of Albemarle advised that unhappy +monarch, fatally for his interests, to remain in Ireland till his +whole navy could be gathered; and in the mean time[49] to send over +the Earl of Salisbury. That nobleman departed forthwith, (Richard +solemnly promising to put to sea in six days,) and landed at Conway, +"the strongest and fairest town in Wales." + + [Footnote 49: M. Creton, the author of the Metrical + History, acceded to the earnest request of the Earl + of Salisbury to accompany him, for the sake of his + minstrelsy and song. From the day of his departure + from Dublin his knowledge of public affairs, as far + as they are immediately connected with Henry of + Monmouth, ceases almost, if not altogether. He must + no longer be followed implicitly; whatever he + relates of the intervening circumstances till + Richard himself came to Conway, he must have + derived from hearsay. In one circumstance too + afterwards he must have been mistaken, when he says + the Duke of Lancaster committed Richard at Chester + to the safe keeping of _the son of the Duke of + Gloucester_ and the son of the Earl of Arundel, at + least if Humfrey be the young man he means. Stow + and others follow him here, but, as it should seem, + unadvisedly.] + +Either before the Earl of Salisbury's departure, or as is the more +probable, towards the last of those eighteen days through which (p. 046) +afterwards, to the ruin of his cause, Richard wasted his time (the +only time left him) in Ireland, he sent for Henry of Monmouth, and +upbraided him with his father's treason. Otterbourne minutely records +the conversation which is said then to have passed between them. +"Henry, my child," said the King, "see what your father has done to +me. He has actually invaded my land as an enemy, and, as if in regular +warfare, has taken captive and put to death my liege subjects without +mercy and pity. Indeed, child, for you individually I am very sorry, +because for this unhappy proceeding of your father you must perhaps be +deprived of your inheritance." 'To whom Henry, though a boy, replied +in no boyish manner,' "In truth, my gracious king and lord, I am +sincerely grieved by these tidings; and, as I conceive, you are fully +assured of my innocence in this proceeding of my father."--"I know," +replied the King, "that the crime which your father has perpetrated +does not attach at all to you; and therefore I hold you excused of it +altogether." + +Soon after this interview the unfortunate Richard set off from Dublin +to return to his kingdom, which was now passing rapidly into other +hands: but his two youthful captives, Henry of Monmouth, and Humfrey, +son of the late Duke of Gloucester, he caused to be shut up in the +safe keeping of the castle of Trym.[50] From that day, which must have +been somewhere about the 20th of August, till the following (p. 047) +October,[51] when he was created Prince of Wales in a full assembly of +the nobles and commons of England, we have no direct mention made of +Henry of Monmouth. That much of the intervening time was a season of +doubt and anxiety and distress to him, we have every reason to +believe. Though he had been previously detained as a hostage, yet he +had been treated with great kindness; and Richard, probably inspiring +him with feelings of confidence and attachment towards himself, had +led him to forget his father's enemy and oppressor in his own personal +benefactor and friend. Richard had now left him and his cousin (a +youth doubly related to him) as prisoners in a solitary castle far +from their friends, and in the custody of men at whose hands they +could not anticipate what treatment they might receive. How long they +remained in this state of close and, as they might well deem it, +perilous confinement, we do not learn. Probably the Duke of Lancaster, +on hearing of Richard's departure from Dublin, sent off immediately to +release the two captive youths; or at the latest, as soon as he had +the unhappy king within his power. On the one hand it may be (p. 048) +argued that had Henry of Monmouth joined his father before the +cavalcade reached London, so remarkable a circumstance would have been +noticed by the French author, who accompanied them the whole way. On +the other hand we learn from the Pell Rolls that a ship was sent from +Chester to conduct him to London, though the payment of a debt does +not fix the date at which it was incurred.[52] We may be assured no +time was lost by the Duke, by those whom he employed, or by his son; +at all events that Henry was restored to his father at Chester (a +circumstance which would be implied had Richard there been consigned +to the custody of young Humphrey), is not at all in evidence. The far +more reasonable inference from what is recorded is, that Humphrey, his +young fellow-prisoner and companion, and near relative and friend, was +snatched from him by sudden death at the very time when Providence +seemed to have opened to him a joyous return to liberty and to his +widowed mother. There is no reason to doubt that the news of Richard's +captivity, and the Duke of Lancaster's success, reached the two +friends whilst prisoners in Trym Castle; nor that they were both +released, and embarked together for England. Where they were when (p. 049) +the hand of death separated them is not certainly known. The general +tradition is, that poor Humphrey had no sooner left the Irish coast +than he was seized by a fever, or by the plague, which carried him off +before the ship could reach England. But whether he landed or not, +whether he had joined the Duke or not before the fatal malady attacked +him, there is no doubt that his death followed hard upon his release. +His mother, the widowed duchess of his murdered father, who had +moreover never been allowed the solace of her child's company, now +bereft of husband and son, could bear up against her affliction no +longer. On hearing of her desolate state, excessive grief overwhelmed +her; and she fell sick and died.[53] + + [Footnote 50: The castle of Trym, though described + by Walsingham as a strong fort, was in so + dilapidated a state, that, in 1402, the council, in + taking the King's pleasure about its repairs, + represent it as on the point of falling into + ruins.] + + [Footnote 51: M. Creton expressly states that Henry + IV. made Henry of Monmouth Prince of Wales on the + day of his election to the throne, the first + Wednesday in October; but in this he is not borne + out by authority.] + + [Footnote 52: 1401, March 5, "To Henry Dryhurst of + West Chester, payment for the freightage of a ship + to Dublin: also for sailing to the same place and + back again, to conduct the lord the Prince, the + King's son, from Ireland to England; together with + the furniture of a chapel and ornaments of the + same, which belonged to King Richard."] + + [Footnote 53: Her death took place on the 3rd + October 1399, four days after the accession of + Henry IV. On the 6th of the preceding May the Pell + Rolls record payment of the residue of 155_l._ + 11_s._ 8_d._ to Alianore de Bohun, Duchess of + Gloucester, for the maintenance of a master, twelve + chaplains, and eight clerks, appointed to perform + divine service in the College of Plecy.] + +It is impossible to contemplate these two youthful relatives setting +out from the prison doors full of joy, and happy auguries, and mutual +congratulations, in health and spirits, panting for their dearest +friends,--one going to a princedom, and a throne, and a brilliant +career of victories, the other to disease and death,--without being +impressed with the wonderful acts of an inscrutable Providence, with +the ignorance and weakness of man, and with the resistless will (p. 050) +of the merciful Ruler of man's destinies. Even had young Humphrey +foreseen his dissolution, then so nigh at hand, as the gates of Trym +Castle opened for their release, he might well have addressed his +companion in words once used by the prince of Grecian philosophers at +the close of his defence before the court who condemned him. "And now +we are going, I indeed to death, you to life; to which of the two is +the better fate assigned is known only to God!"[54] + + [Footnote 54: Socrates, in his Defence before his + Judges.] + +Since this page was first written, the Author has been led to examine +the Pell Rolls;[55] and he is induced to confess that, independently +of the full confirmation afforded by those original documents to +numberless facts referred to in these Memoirs, many an interesting +train of thought is suggested by the inspection of them. The bare and +dry entries of one single roll at the period now under consideration, +bring with them to his mind associations of a truly affecting, +serious, and solemn character. The very last roll of Richard II. by +the merest details of expenditure records the payment of sums made by +that unhappy monarch to Bolinbroke, then in exile, expatriated by his +unjust and wanton decree; to Humphrey, the orphan son of the late (p. 051) +murdered Duke of Gloucester; to Henry of Monmouth his cousin, both +then in Richard's safe keeping; and to Eleanor, the widowed mother of +Humphrey, and maternal aunt of Henry. Can any event paint in deeper +and stronger colouring the vicissitudes and reverses of mortality, +"the changes and chances" of our life on earth? Before the scribe had +filled the next half-year's roll, (now lying with it side by side, and +speaking like a monitor from the grave to high and low, rich and poor, +prince and peasant alike,)--of those five persons, Richard had lost +both his crown and his life; Bolinbroke had mounted the throne from +which Richard had fallen; Henry of Monmouth had been created Prince of +Wales, and was hailed as heir apparent to that throne; his cousin +Humphrey, once the companion of his imprisonment, and the sharer of +his anticipations of good or ill, had been carried off from this world +by death at the very time of his release; and the broken-hearted +Eleanor, (the root and the branch of her happiness now gone for ever,) +unable to bear up against her sorrows, had sunk under their weight +into her grave![56] + + [Footnote 55: May 2nd & 6th, 1399, payments are + recorded to both these boys of different sums to + purchase dresses, and coat-armour, &c. preparatory + to their voyage to Ireland in company with the + King.] + + [Footnote 56: Perhaps the sentiments of this + afflicted noble lady's will may be little more than + words of course; but, coming from her as they did a + few days only before the news of her son's death + paralyzed her whole frame, they appear peculiarly + appropriate: "Observing and considering the + mischances and uncertainties of this changeable and + transitory world." The will bears date August 9, + 1399.] + + + + +CHAPTER III. (p. 052) + +PROCEEDINGS OF BOLINBROKE FROM HIS INTERVIEW WITH ARCHBISHOP ARUNDEL, +IN PARIS, TO HIS MAKING KING RICHARD HIS PRISONER. -- CONDUCT OF +RICHARD FROM THE NEWS OF BOLINBROKE'S LANDING. -- TREACHERY OF +NORTHUMBERLAND. -- RICHARD TAKEN BY BOLINBROKE TO LONDON. + +1398-1399. + + +Whether Henry of Monmouth met his father and the cavalcade at Chester, +or joined them on their road to London, or followed them thither; +whether he witnessed on the way the humiliation and melancholy of his +friend, and the triumphant exaltation of his father, or not; every +step taken by either of those two chieftains through the eventful +weeks which intervened between King Richard making the youth a knight +in the wilds of Ireland, and King Henry creating him Prince of Wales +in the face of the nation at Westminster, bears immediately upon his +destinies. And the whole complicated tissue of circumstances then in +progress is so inseparably connected with him both individually and as +the future monarch of England, that a brief review of the proceedings +as well of the falling as of the rising antagonist seems (p. 053) +indispensable in this place. + + * * * * * + +Henry Bolinbroke (having now, by the death of John of Gaunt,[57] +succeeded to the dukedom of Lancaster,) found himself, during his +exile, far from being the only victim of Richard's rash despotism; nor +the only one determined to try, if necessary, and when occasion should +offer, by strength of hand to recover their lost country, together +with their property and their homes. Indeed, others proved to have (p. 054) +been far more forward in that bold measure than himself. Whilst he was +in Paris[58], he received by the hands of Arundel, Archbishop of +Canterbury, an invitation to return, and set up his standard in their +native land. Arundel,[59] himself one of Richard's victims, had been +banished two years before the Duke, by a sentence which confiscated[60] +all his property. He made his way, we are told, to Valenciennes in the +disguise of a pilgrim, and, proceeding to Paris, obtained an interview +with Henry; whom he found at first less sanguine perhaps, and less (p. 055) +ready for so desperate an undertaking, than he expected. The Duke for +some time remained, apparently, absorbed in deep thought, as he leaned +on a window overlooking a garden; and at length replied that he would +consult his friends. Their advice, seconding the appeal of the Archbishop, +prevailed upon Henry to prepare for the hazardous enterprise; in which +success might indeed be rewarded with the crown of England, over and +above the recovery of his own vast possessions, but in which defeat +must lead inevitably to ruin. He left Paris for Brittany; and sailing +from one of its ports with three ships, having in his company only +fifteen lances or knights, he made for the English coast.[61] About +the 4th of July he came to shore at the spot where of old time had (p. 056) +stood the decayed town of Ravenspur. Landing boldly though with such a +handful of men, he was soon joined by the Percies, and other powerful +leaders; and so eagerly did the people flock to him as their deliverer +from a headstrong reckless despot, that in a short time he numbered as +his followers sixty thousand men, who had staked their property, their +liberty, and their lives, on the same die. The most probable account +of his proceedings up to his return to Chester, immediately before the +unfortunate Richard fell into his hands, is the following, for which +we are chiefly indebted to the translator of the "Metrical +History."[62] + + [Footnote 57: Froissart relates, in a very lively + manner, how the English nobility amused themselves + in devising the probable schemes by which + Bolinbroke might dispose of himself during his + exile. "He is young, said they, and he has already + travelled enough, in Prussia, and to the Holy + Sepulchre, and St. Katharine: he will now take + other journeys to cheat the time. Go where he will, + he will be at home; he has friends in every + country." + + The same author tells us that forty thousand + persons accompanied him on his exile, not with + music and song, but with sighs and tears and + lamentations; and that on Gaunt's death the people + of England "spoke much and loudly of Derby's + return,--especially the Londoners, who loved him a + hundred times more than they did the King. The + Earl, he says, heard of the death of his father, + even before the King of France, though Richard had + posted off the event to that monarch as joyful + tidings. He put himself and his household in deep + mourning, and caused the funeral obsequies to be + solemnized with much grandeur. The King, the Duke + of Orleans, and very many nobles and prelates were + present at the solemnity, for the Earl was much + beloved by them all, and they deeply sympathized + with his grief, for he was an agreeable knight, + well-bred, courteous, and gentle to every one."] + + [Footnote 58: Froissart gives also a very animated + description of the manner in which Bolinbroke was + received by the King of France on his first + arrival, and by the Dukes of Orleans, Brittany, + Burgundy, and Bourbon. The meeting, he says, was + joyous on both sides, and they entered Paris in + brilliant array: but Henry was nevertheless very + melancholy, being separated from his family,--four + sons and two daughters. + + The author translated by Laboureur, states that + Richard no sooner heard of the welcome which + Bolinbroke met with in France than he sent over a + messenger, praying that court not to countenance + his traitors. He adds, that as soon as Lancaster + was dead, Richard regarded his written engagements + with no greater scruple than he had before observed + his promises by word of mouth.] + + [Footnote 59: Leland says that the Archbishop + sojourned, during his exile, at Utrecht (Trajecti). + Froissart is certainly mistaken in relating that + the Londoners sent the Archbishop in a boat down + the Thames with a message to Bolinbroke. It is very + probable that they sent a messenger to the + Archbishop, and through him communicated with their + favourite.] + + [Footnote 60: Officers were appointed, 16th October + 1397, to seize all lands of Thomas Archbishop of + Canterbury, Thomas Duke of Gloucester, and other + lords.--Pell Rolls. Pat. 1 Hen. IV. m. 8, the + Archbishop's property is restored.] + + [Footnote 61: Froissart, who seems to have obtained + very correct information of Bolinbroke's + proceedings up to the time of his embarking on the + French coast for England, but from that hour to + have been altogether misled as to his plans and + circumstances, relates that he left Paris under + colour of paying a visit to the Duke of Brittany; + that he went by the way of D'Estamps (one Guy de + Baigneux acting as his guide); that he stayed at + Blois eight days, where he received a most kind + answer in reply to his message to the Duke, who + gave him a cordial meeting at Nantes. The Duke + promised him a supply of vessels and men to protect + him in crossing the seas, and forwarded him with + all kind sympathy from one of his ports: "and," + continues Froissart, "I have heard that it was + Vennes." It might have been, perhaps, during this + visit that Henry formed, or renewed, an + acquaintance with the Duchess, to whom, after the + Duke's death, in 1402, he made an offer of his + hand, and was accepted.] + + [Footnote 62: See Archaeologia, vol. xx. p. 61, note + 'h.'] + +The Duke of Lancaster's first measures, upon his landing, are not very +accurately recorded by historians, nor do the accounts impress us with +an opinion that they had arisen out of any digested plan of operation. +But a comparison of the desultory information which is furnished +relative to them, with what may fairly be supposed to be most +advisable on his part, will, perhaps, show that they were the result +of good calculation. The following is offered as the outline of the +scheme. To secure to Henry a chance of success, it was in the first +instance necessary, not only that the most powerful nobles remaining +at home should join him, but that means should be devised for +detaining the King in Ireland. It would be expedient to try the +disposition of the people on the eastern coast, and that he should (p. 057) +select a spot for his descent, from which he could immediately put +himself in communication with his friends: Yorkshire afforded the +greatest facility. The wind which took Albemarle over into Ireland +must have been advantageous to Lancaster; and the tempestuous weather +which succeeded must have been equally in his favour. He landed at +Ravenspur, and marched to Doncaster, where the Percies and others came +down to him. Knaresborough and Pontefract were his own by inheritance. +Having thus gained a footing, he marched toward the south; and his +opponents withdrew from before him.[63] The council, consisting of the +Regent, Scroop, Bussy, Green, and Bagot, could interpose no obstacle, +and were driven by fear to Bristol. The Duke of York made some show of +resistance. Perhaps the others intended to make for Milford, and +thence to Ireland, or to await the King's arrival. Henry advanced to +Leicester and Kenilworth, both his own castles; and went through +Evesham to Gloucester and Berkeley. At Berkeley he came to an agreement +with the Duke of York, secured many of Richard's adherents, passed on +to Bristol, took the castle, slew three out of four of the unfortunate +ministers, and gained possession of a place entirely disaffected (p. 058) +to the King. From Bristol he directed his course back to Gloucester, +thence bearing westward to Ross and Hereford. Here he was joined by +the Bishop and Lord Mortimer;[64] and, passing through Leominster and +Ludlow, he moved onward,[65] increasing his forces as he advanced +towards Shrewsbury and Chester. In the mean time the plans of Albemarle +(if we acknowledge the reality of his alleged treason) were equally +successful. At all events Richard's course was most favourable for +Henry. Had he gone from Dublin to Chester, he might have anticipated +his enemy, and infused a spirit into his loyal subjects. But he came +southward whilst Henry was going northward; and, about the time that +Richard came on shore at Milford, Henry must have been at Chester, +surrounded by his friends, at the head of an immense force, master of +London, Bristol, and Chester, and of all the fortresses that had been +his own, or had belonged to Richard, within a triangle, the apex of +which is to be found in Bristol, the base extending from the mouth of +the Humber to that of the Dee. + + [Footnote 63: Sir James Mackintosh seems to have + been mistaken in supposing that Bolinbroke visited + London on his first march southward. "His march + from London against the few advisers of Richard, + who had forfeited the hope of mercy, was a + triumphant procession."] + + [Footnote 64: Monk of Evesham.] + + [Footnote 65: He had many castles of his own in + that part of the country, as Monmouth, Grosmont, + Skenfrith, White Castle, &c.] + + * * * * * + +If in like manner we trace the steps of the misguided and infatuated +Richard, treacherous at once and betrayed, from the hour when the news +of Bolinbroke's hostile and successful measures reached him in (p. 059) +Dublin to the day when he fell powerless into the hands of his enemy, +we shall find much to reprehend; much to pity; little, perhaps +nothing, which can excite the faintest shadow of respect. When the +Earl of Salisbury left Ireland, Richard solemnly promised him that he +would himself put to sea in six days; and the Earl, whose conduct is +marked by devoted zeal and fidelity in the cause of his unfortunate +master, acted upon that pledge. But whether misled by the treacherous +suggestions of Albemarle, or following his own self-will or imbecility +of judgment, Richard allowed eighteen days to pass away before he +embarked, every hour of which was pregnant with most momentous +consequences to himself and his throne. He landed at length at Milford +Haven, and then had with him thirty-two thousand men; but in one night +desertions reduced this body to six thousand. It is said that, on the +morrow after his return, looking from his window on the field where +his forces were encamped overnight, he was panic-struck by the +smallness of the number that remained. After deliberation, he resolved +on starting in the night for Conway, disguised in the garb of a poor +priest of the Friars-Minor, and taking with him only thirteen or +fourteen friends. He so planned his journey as to reach Conway at +break of day, where he found the Earl of Salisbury no less dejected +than himself. That faithful adherent had taken effectual means, (p. 060) +on his first arrival in Wales, to collect an army of Cambrians and +Cheshiremen in sufficient strength, had the King joined them with his +forces, to offer a formidable resistance to Bolinbroke. But, at the +end of fourteen days, despairing of the King's arrival, they had +disbanded themselves, and were scattered over the country, or returned +to their own homes. On his clandestine departure also from Milford, +the wreck of his army, who till then had remained true, were entirely +dispersed: and his great treasure was plundered by the Welshmen, who +are said to have been indignant at the treachery of those who were +left in charge of it. Among many others, Sir Thomas Percy himself +escaped naked and wounded to the Duke of Lancaster. + + * * * * * + +The page of history which records the proceedings of the two hostile +parties, from the day of Richard's reaching Conway to the hour of his +falling into the hands of Henry, presents in every line transactions +stained with so much of falsehood and baseness, such revolting treachery +and deceit, such wilful deliberate perjury, that we would gladly pass +it over unread, or throw upon it the most cursory glance compatible +with a bare knowledge of the facts. But whilst the desperate wickedness +of the human heart is made to stand out through these transactions in +most frightful colours, and whilst we shudder at the wanton prostitution +of the most solemn ordinances of the Gospel, there so painfully (p. 061) +exemplified, the same page suggests to us topics of gratitude and of +admonition,--gratitude that we live in an age when these shameless +violations of moral and religious bonds would not be tolerated; and +admonition that the principles of integrity and righteousness can +alone exalt a people, or be consistent with sound policy. The truth of +history here stamps the king, the nobleman, the prelate, and the more +humble instruments of the deeds then done, with the indelible stain of +dishonour and falsehood, and a reckless violation of law human and +divine. + +The King, believing his case to be desperate, implored his friends to +advise him what course to adopt. At their suggestion he sent off the +Dukes of Exeter and Surrey to remonstrate with Bolinbroke, and to +ascertain his real designs. Meanwhile he retired with his little party +of adherents, not more than sixteen in all, first to Beaumaris; then +to Caernarvon, where he stayed four or five days, living on the most +scanty supply of the coarsest food, and having nothing better to lie +upon than a bed of straw. Though this was a very secure place for him +to await the issue of the present course of events, yet, unable to +endure such privations any longer, he returned to Conway. Henry, +meanwhile, having reduced Holt Castle,[66] and possessed himself (p. 062) +of an immense treasure deposited there by Richard, was bent on +securing the person of that unhappy King. He consequently detained the +two Dukes in Chester Castle; and then, at the suggestion, it is said, +of Arundel, sent off the Earl of Northumberland with an injunction not +to return till either by truce or force he should bring back the King +with him. The Duke, attended by one thousand archers and four hundred +lances, advanced to Flint Castle, which forthwith surrendered to him. +From Flint he proceeded along a toilsome road over mountains and rocks +to Ruddlan, the gates of which were thrown open to him; when he +promised the aged castellan the enjoyment of his post there for life. +Richard knew nothing of these proceedings, and wondered at the absence +of his two noble messengers, who had started for Chester eight days +before. Northumberland, meanwhile, having left his men concealed in +ambush "under the rough and lofty cliffs of a rock," proceeded with +five or six only towards Conway. When he reached the arm[67] of the +sea which washes the walls of that fortress, he sent over a herald, +who immediately obtained permission for his approach. Northumberland, +having reached the royal presence, proposed that the King should +proceed with Bolinbroke amicably to London, and there hold a parliament, +and suffer certain individuals named to be put on their trial. (p. 063) +"I will swear," continued he, "on the body of our Lord, consecrated by +a priest's hand, that Duke Henry shall faithfully observe all that I +have said; for he solemnly pledged it to me on the sacrament when we +parted." Northumberland then withdrew from the royal presence, when +Richard thus immediately addressed his few counsellors: "Fair sirs, we +will grant it to him, for I see no other way. But I swear to you that, +whatever assurance I may give him, he shall be surely put to a bitter +death; and, doubt it not, no parliament shall be held at Westminster. +As soon as I have spoken with Henry, I will summon the men of Wales, +and make head against him; and, if he and his friends be discomfited, +they shall die: some of them I will flay alive." Richard had declared, +before he left Ireland, that if he could but once get Henry into his +power, he "would put him to death in such a manner as that it should +be spoken of long enough, even in Turkey." Northumberland was then +called in; and Richard assured him that, if he would swear upon the +Host, he would himself keep the agreement. "Sire," said the Earl, "let +the body of our Lord be consecrated. I will swear that there is no +deceit in this affair; and that the Duke will observe the whole as you +have heard me relate it here." Each of them heard mass with all +outward devotion, and the Earl took the oath. Never was a contract +made more solemnly, nor with a more fixed purpose on both sides (p. 064) +not to abide by its engagements: it is indeed a dark and painful page +of history. Upon this pledge of faith, mutually given, the King +readily agreed to start, sending the Earl on to prepare dinner at +Ruddlan. No sooner had he reached the top of the rock than he beheld +the Earl and his men below; and, being now made aware of the treachery +by which he had fallen, he sank into despair, and had recourse only to +unmanly lamentations. His company did not amount to more than +five-and-twenty, and retreat was impossible. His remonstrance with the +Earl as he charged him with perjury and treason availed nothing, and +he was compelled to proceed. They dined at Ruddlan, and in the +afternoon advanced to Flint Castle.[68] Northumberland lost no time in +apprising the Duke of the success of his enterprise. The messenger +arrived at Chester by break of day; and the Duke set off with his +army, consisting, it is said, of not less than one hundred thousand +men. After mass, Richard beheld the Duke's army approaching along the +sea-shore. "It was marvellously great, and showed such joy that the +sound and noise of their instruments, horns, buisines, and trumpets, +were heard even as far as the castle." The Duke sent forward the +Archbishop, with two or three more, who approached the King with +profound reverence. In this interview, the first which the King (p. 065) +had with Arundel since he banished him the realm and confiscated +his property, they conversed long together, and alone. Whether any +allusion was then made to the necessity of the King abdicating the +throne, must remain matter of conjecture. The Archbishop (as the Earl +of Salisbury reported) then comforted the King in a very gentle manner, +bidding him not to be alarmed, for no harm should happen to +his person. + + [Footnote 66: Some think the castle then taken was + Beeston.] + + [Footnote 67: Over this estuary is now thrown a + beautiful suspension-bridge, one of the ornaments + of North Wales.] + + [Footnote 68: The author of the Metrical History + has certainly made a mistake here. He says, Duke + Henry started from Chester on Tuesday, August the + 22nd; but in 1399 the 22nd day of August was on a + Friday.] + +The Duke did not enter the castle till Richard had dined, for he was +fasting. At the table he protracted the repast as long as possible, +dreading what would follow. Dinner ended, he came down to meet the +Duke, who, as soon as he perceived him, bowed very low. The King took +off his bonnet, and first addressed Bolinbroke. The French writer +pledges himself to the words, for, as he says, he heard them +distinctly, and understood them well. "Fair cousin of Lancaster, you +be right welcome." Then Duke Henry replied, bowing very low to the +ground, "My lord, I am come sooner than you sent for me; the reason +whereof I will tell you. The common report of your people is, that you +have for the space of twenty years and more governed them very badly +and very rigorously; and they are not well contented therewith: but, +if it please our Lord, I will help you to govern them better." King +Richard answered, "Fair cousin, since it pleaseth you, it pleaseth me +well." + +Upon this Henry, when the time of departure was come, knowing that (p. 066) +Richard was particularly fond of fine horses, is said to have called +out with a stern and savage voice, "Bring out the King's horses;" and +then _they brought him two little horses not worth forty francs_: the +King mounted one, and the Earl of Salisbury the other. If this statement +of the French author be accurate, Henry compelled his king to endure a +studied mortification, as uncalled for as it was galling. Starting +from Flint about two o'clock, they proceeded to Chester,[69] where the +Duke was received with much reverence, whilst the unhappy monarch was +exposed to the insults of the populace. He was immediately lodged in +the castle with his few friends, and committed to the safe keeping[70] +of his enemies. In Chester they remained three days,[71] and then set +out on the direct road for London. Their route lay through (p. 067) +Nantwich, Newcastle-under-Line, Stafford, Lichfield, Daventry, Dunstable, +and St. Alban's. Nothing worthy of notice occurred during the journey, +excepting that at Lichfield the captive monarch endeavoured to escape +at night, letting himself down into a garden from the window of a tower +in which they kept him. He was however discovered, and from that time +was watched most narrowly. + + [Footnote 69: Great confusion and unnumbered deeds + of injustice and cruelty prevailed through the + kingdom between the landing of Bolinbroke and his + accession to the throne; some of these outrages + were, doubtless, of a political character, between + the partisans of Richard and the Duke, many others + the result of private revenge and rapine. To put a + stop to these enormities, Richard was advised + (perhaps the more meet expression would be + 'compelled') to sign two proclamations, one dated + Chester, August 20; the other Lichfield, August 24. + In these he calls Bolinbroke his very dear + relative.] + + [Footnote 70: The Metrical History says, Richard's + keepers were the son of the Duke of Gloucester, and + the son of the Earl of Arundel. The reasons for + doubting this have been already assigned. Humphrey + was probably at that time no longer numbered among + the living.] + + [Footnote 71: The question naturally offers itself + here, Might not this delay have been occasioned by + Lancaster's desire not to start before Henry of + Monmouth had returned from Ireland, and joined + him?] + +When they arrived within five or six miles of London, they were met by +various companies of the citizens, who carried Richard first to +Westminster, and next day to the Tower. Henry did not accompany him, +but turned aside to enter the city by the chief gate. Proceeding along +Cheapside to St. Paul's amidst the shouts of the people, he advanced +in full armour to the high altar; and, having offered his devotions +there, he turned to the tomb of his father and mother, at the sight of +which he was deeply affected. He lodged the first five or six days in +the Bishop's house; and, having passed another fortnight in the +hospital of St. John without Smithfield, he went to Hertford, where he +stayed three weeks. From that place he returned to meet the +parliament, which was to assemble in Westminster Hall on Wednesday the +first day of October. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. (p. 068) + +RICHARD RESIGNS THE CROWN. -- BOLINBROKE ELECTED KING. -- HENRY OF +MONMOUTH CREATED PRINCE OF WALES. -- PLOT TO MURDER THE KING. -- DEATH +OF RICHARD. -- FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN HIM AND HENRY. -- PROPOSALS FOR A +MARRIAGE BETWEEN HENRY AND ISABELLA, RICHARD'S WIDOW. -- HENRY APPLIES +FOR AN ESTABLISHMENT. -- HOSTILE MOVEMENT OF THE SCOTS. -- TRADITION, +THAT YOUNG HENRY MARCHED AGAINST THEM, DOUBTED. + +1399-1400. + + +When the Parliament assembled in Westminster Hall on Wednesday, +October 1st, a deed of resignation of the crown, signed by the unhappy +Richard, and witnessed by various noblemen, was publicly read. +Whether, whilst a prisoner in the Tower, his own reflections on the +present desperate state of his affairs had persuaded him to sever +himself from the cares and dangers of a throne; whether he was +prevailed upon to take this view of his interests and his duty by the +honest and kind representations of his friends; or whether any degree +of violence by threat and intimidation, and alarming suggestions of +future evils had been applied, it would be fruitless to inquire. The +instrument indeed itself is couched in terms expressive of most (p. 069) +voluntary and unqualified self-abasement, containing, among others, +such expressions as these: "I do entirely, of my own accord, renounce +and totally resign all kingly dignity and majesty; purely, voluntarily, +simply, and absolutely." On the other hand, if we believe Hardyng,[72] +the Earl of Northumberland asserted in his hearing, that Richard was +forced to resign under fear of death. Probably from his first interview +with the Archbishop in Flint Castle, to the hour before he consented +to execute the deed, his mind had been gradually and incessantly +worked upon by various agents, and different means, short of actual +violence, for the purpose of inducing him to make, ostensibly at +least, a voluntary resignation. He seems more than once to have +received both from Arundel and from Bolinbroke himself an assurance of +personal safety; and he is said to have expressed a hope that "his +cousin would be a kind lord to him." + + [Footnote 72: Hardyng's testimony must, on every + subject, be received with much caution. Confessedly + he was a sad example of a time-server; and was + skilled in giving facts a different colouring, just + as they would be the more welcome to those for + whose inspection he was writing. His version of the + same events, when presented to members of the house + of York, varies much from the original work, edited + when a Lancastrian was in the ascendant.] + +The accounts which have reached us of the proceedings, from the hour +when Richard entered the Tower, to the day of his death, are by no +means uniform and consistent. The discrepancies however of the (p. 070) +various traditions neither involve any questions of great moment, +nor deeply affect the characters of those who were engaged in the +transactions. Of one point indeed we must make an exception, the cause +and circumstances of Richard's death; which, whether we look to Henry +of Monmouth's previous attachment to him, and the respect which he +industriously and cordially showed to the royal remains immediately +upon his becoming king himself; or whether we reflect on the vast +consequence, affecting Bolinbroke's character, involved in the +solution of that much-agitated question, may seem not only to justify, +but to call for, a distinct examination in these pages. The broad +facts, meanwhile, relative to the deposition of Richard and the +accession of Henry, are clear and indisputable; whilst some minor +details, which have excited discussions carried on in the spirit +rather of angry contention than of the simple love of truth, and which +do not bear immediately upon the objects of this work, may well be +omitted altogether. + +After Richard had signed the deed of resignation, the steps were few +and easy which brought Henry of Bolinbroke to the throne. The +Parliament, either by acquiescence in his demand of the crown, or in +answer to the questions put by the Archbishop, elected Henry IV. to be +king, and denounced all as traitors who should gainsay his election +or dispute his right.[73] He was crowned on the Feast of St. (p. 071) +Edward, Monday, October 13, when his eldest son, Henry of Monmouth, +bore the principal sword of state; who, on the Wednesday following, by +assent of all the Estates of Parliament, was created Prince of Wales, +Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, and declared also to be heir to +the throne.[74] On this occasion his father caused him to be brought +into his presence as he sate upon the throne; and placing a gold +coronet, adorned with pearls, on his head, and a ring on his finger, +and delivering into his hand a golden rod, kissed him and blessed him. +Upon which the Duke of York conducted him to the place assigned to him +in right of his principality. The Estates swore "the same faith, +loyalty, aid, assistance, and fealty" to the Prince, as they had sworn +to his father. Much interest seems to have been excited by this +creation of Henry of Monmouth as Prince of Wales. On the 3rd of +November the "Commons pray that they may be entered on the record (p. 072) +at the election of the Prince." Their petition can scarcely be +interpreted as betraying a jealousy of the King's[75] right to create +a Prince of Wales independently of themselves; we must suppose it to +have originated in a desire to be recorded as parties to an act so +popular and national. At all events, in the then transition-state of +the royal authority, it was wise to combine the suffrages of all: and +the prayer of the Commons was granted. Another petition, presented on +the same day, acquaints us with the lively interest taken from the +very first by the nation at large in the safety and welfare of their +young Prince. They pray the King, "for-as-much as the Prince is of +tender age, that he may not pass forth from this realm: for we, the +Commons, are informed that the Scots are coming with a mighty hand; +and they of Ireland are purposed to elect a king among them, and +disdain to hold of you." This lively interest evinced thus early, and +in so remarkable a manner, by the Commons, in the safety and +well-being of Henry of Monmouth, seems never to have slackened at any +single period of his life, but to have grown still warmer and wider to +the very close of his career on earth. After the date of his creation +as Prince of Wales, history records but few facts relating to him, +either in his private or in his public capacity, till we find him (p. 073) +personally engaged in suppressing the Welsh rebellion; a point of +time, however, far less removed from the commencement of his princedom +than seems to have been generally assumed. In the same month, +(November 1399,) a negociation was set on foot, with the view of +bringing about a marriage between the Prince and one of the daughters +of the King of France. Since, however, he apparently took no part +whatever in the affair, the whole being a state-device to avoid the +restoration to France of Isabella's valuable paraphernalia; and since +the proposals of the treaty were for the marriage of a daughter of +France with the Prince, OR _any other of the King's children_; we need +not dwell on a proceeding which reflects no great credit on his +father, or his father's counsellors.[76] Not that the vague offers of +the negociation stamp the negociators with any especial disgrace. We +cannot read many pages of history without being apprised, sometimes by +painful instances, sometimes by circumstances rather ludicrous than +grave, that marriages were regarded as subjects of fair and honourable +negociation; but requiring no greater delicacy than nations would +observe in bargaining for a line of territory, or individuals in (p. 074) +the purchase and sale of an estate. The negociation, however, though +the Bishop of Durham and the Earl of Worcester, both able diplomatists, +were employed on the part of England, was eventually broken off; and +Isabella was reluctantly and tardily restored to France. + + [Footnote 73: M. Creton says (and in this he is + followed by others) that the King, on the very day + of his accession, created his eldest son Prince of + Wales, who in that character stood on the right + hand of the King at the coronation, holding in his + hand a sword without any point, the emblem of peace + and mercy. But in this he seems to have been + partially mistaken. Henry was not created Prince of + Wales till after his father's coronation, and he + bore in right of the Duchy of Lancaster, and by + command of the King, the blunted sword called + Curtana, which belonged to Edward the + Confessor.--Rot. Serv.] + + [Footnote 74: In the same Parliament he was + invested also with the titles of Duke of Acquitaine + and Duke of Lancaster.] + + [Footnote 75: The Parliament had no voice in the + creation of a dignity. The Lords and Commons were + consulted on this occasion only out of courtesy by + the King.] + + [Footnote 76: The proposal, of which Froissart has + left a graphic description, that Isabella, the + widow (if that be the proper designation of the + child who was the espoused wife) of Richard II, + should remain in England and be married to the + Prince of Wales, was not made till after Richard's + death.] + +About the close of the present year, or the commencement of the +following (1400), the Prince makes a direct appeal to the council,[77] +that they would forthwith fulfil the expressed desire of his royal +father with reference to his princely state and condition in all +points. He requires them first of all to determine upon his place of +residence, and the sources of his income; and then to take especial +care that the King's officers, each in his own department and post of +duty, should fully and perfectly put into execution whatever orders +the council might give. "You are requested (says the memorial) to +consider how my lord the Prince is utterly destitute of every kind of +appointment relative to his household." The enumeration of his wants +specified in detail is somewhat curious: "that is to say, his +chapels,[78] chambers, halls, wardrobe, pantry, buttery, kitchen, (p. 075) +scullery, saucery, almonry, anointry, and generally all things requisite +for his establishment." + + [Footnote 77: Minutes of Privy Council, vol. ii. p. + 42.] + + [Footnote 78: "Ses chapelles." Under this word were + included not only the place of prayer, but the + books, and vestments, and furniture, together with + the priests, and whatever else was necessary for + divine worship. Indeed, the word has often a still + wider signification. We shall see hereafter that + Henry was always attended by his chapel during his + campaigns in France.] + + * * * * * + +It has been already intimated in the Preface, that an examination +would be instituted in the course of this work into the correspondence +of Shakspeare's representations of Henry's character and conduct with +the real facts of history, and we will not here anticipate that +inquiry. Only it may be necessary to observe, as we pass on, that the +period of his life when the poet first describes him to be revelling +in the deepest and foulest sinks of riot and profligacy, as nearly as +possible corresponds with the date of this petition to the council to +supply him with a home. + +It was in the very first week of the year 1400 that Henry IV. +discovered the treasonable plot, laid by the Lords Salisbury, +Huntingdon, and others, to assassinate him during some solemn justs +intended to be held at Oxford, professedly in honour of his accession. +The King was then at Windsor; and, immediately on receiving +information of the conspiracy, he returned secretly, but with all +speed, to London.[79] The defeat of these treasonable designs, and (p. 076) +the execution of the conspirators, are matter of general history; and, +as the name of the Prince does not occur even incidentally in any +accounts of the transaction, we need not dwell upon it. Probably he +was then living with his father under the superintendence of Henry +Beaufort, now Bishop of Winchester, from whom indeed up to this time +he seems to have been much less separated than from his parent. We +have already seen that, whether for the benefit of the "young bachelor," +or, with an eye to his own security, unwilling to leave so able an +enemy behind, King Richard, when he took the boy Henry with him to +Ireland, caused his uncle and tutor (Henry Beaufort) to accompany him +also.[80] The probability also has been shown to approach demonstration +that his residence in Oxford could not have taken place at this time; +but that it preceded his father's banishment, rather than followed his +accession to the throne. Be this as it may, history (as far as it +appears) makes no direct mention of the young Prince Henry through the +spring of 1400. + + [Footnote 79: Some chroniclers say, that the + conspiracy was made known to the Mayor of London, + who forthwith hastened to the King at Windsor, and + urged him to save himself and his children. The + same pages tell us that John Holland Earl of + Huntingdon was seized and beheaded in Essex by the + Dowager Countess of Hereford.--Sloane MS.] + + [Footnote 80: Pat. p. 3, 22 Ric. II.] + +Soon, however, after the conspiracy against his father's life had been +detected and frustrated, an event took place, already alluded to, which +must have filled the warm and affectionate heart of Henry with feelings +of sorrow and distress,--the premature death of Richard. That Henry +had formed a sincere attachment for Richard, and long cherished (p. 077) +his memory with gratitude for personal kindness, is unquestionable; +and doubtless it must have been a source of anxiety and vexation to +him that his father was accused in direct terms of having procured the +death of the deposed monarch. He probably was convinced that the +charge was an ungrounded calumny; yet, with his generous indignation +roused by the charge of so foul a crime, he must have mingled feelings +of increased regret at the miserable termination of his friend's life. + +The name of Henry of Monmouth has never been associated with Richard's +except under circumstances which reflect credit on his own character. +The bitterest enemies of his house, who scrupled not to charge Henry +IV. with the wilful murder of his prisoner, have never sought to +implicate his son in the same guilt in the most remote degree, or even +by the gentlest whisper of insinuation. Whether Richard died in +consequence of any foul act at the hand of an enemy, or by the fatal +workings of a harassed mind and broken heart, or by self-imposed +abstinence from food, (for to every one of these, as well as to other +causes, has his death been severally attributed,) is a question +probably now beyond the reach of successful inquiry. The whole subject +has been examined by many able and, doubtless, unprejudiced persons; +but their verdicts are far from being in accordance with each other. +The general (though, as it should now seem, the mistaken) opinion +appears to be, that after Richard had been removed from the Tower (p. 078) +to Leeds Castle, and thence to other places of safe custody, and had +finally been lodged in Pontefract,[81] the partisans of Henry IV. +hastened his death. The Archbishop of York directly charged the King +with the foul crime of murder, which he as positively and indignantly +denied.[82] The minutes of the Privy Council have not been sufficiently +noticed by former writers on this event; and the reflections of the +Editor,[83] in his Preface, are so sensible and so immediately to the +point, that we may be contented in these pages to do little more than +record his sentiments.[84] + + [Footnote 81: The Pell Rolls contain several + interesting entries connected with this subject. + Payment for a thousand masses to be said for the + soul of Richard, "whose body is buried in Langley." + (20th March, 1400.) Payment also for carrying the + body from Pomfret to London, &c.] + + [Footnote 82: See Henry's answer to the Duke of + Orleans, as recorded by Monstrellet, in which he + solemnly appeals to God for the vindication of the + truth.] + + [Footnote 83: Sir Harris Nicolas. "Proceedings and + Ordinances of the Privy Council of England."] + + [Footnote 84: Mr. Tytler, in his History of + Scotland, maintains with much ingenuity the + paradoxical position, that Richard escaped from + Pontefract, made his way in disguise to the Western + Isles, was there recognised, and was conducted to + the Regent; that, taken into the safe keeping of + the government, and sick of the world and its + disappointments, he lived for many years in + Stirling Castle; and that he there died, and there + was buried. It falls not within the province of + these Memoirs to examine the facts and reasonings + by which that writer supports his theory, or to + weigh the value of the objections which have been + alleged against it. The Author, however, in + confessing that the result of his own inquiries is + opposed to the hypothesis of Richard's escape, and + that he acquiesces in the general tradition that he + died in Pontefract, cannot refrain from making one + remark. Whilst he is persuaded that Glyndowr, and + many others, believed that Richard was alive in + Scotland, yet he thinks it almost capable of + demonstration that Henry IV, with his sons and his + court, in England; and Charles VI, with his court + and clergy, and Isabella herself, and her second + husband, had no doubt whatever as to Richard's + death. If they had, if they were not fully assured + that he was no longer among the living, it is + difficult to understand Henry IV.'s proposals to + Charles VI. for a marriage between Isabella and one + of his sons; or how, on any other hypothesis than + the conviction of his death, the Earl of Angouleme, + afterwards Duke of Orleans, would have sought her + in marriage; how her father and his clergy could + have consented to her nuptials; or how she could + for a moment have entertained the thought of + becoming a bride again. She had not only been + betrothed to Richard, but had been with all + solemnity married to him by the Archbishop of + Canterbury in the face of the church; and she had + been crowned queen. Yet she was married to + Angouleme in 1406, and died in childbed in 1409. + Had she believed Richard to be still alive, she + would have been more inclined to follow the bidding + which Shakspeare puts into her husband's mouth at + their last farewell, than to have given her hand + before the altar to another: + + "Hie thee to France, + And cloister thee in some religious house." + + Froissart says expressly that the French resolved + to wage war with the English as long as they knew + Richard to be alive; but when certain news of his + death reached them, they were bent on the + restoration of Isabella.] + +"Shortly after the attempt of the Earls of Kent, Salisbury, and (p. 079) +Huntingdon to restore Richard to the throne, a great council was held +for the consideration of many important matters. The first point was +'that if Richard the late king be alive, as some suppose he is, (p. 080) +it be ordained that he be well and securely guarded for the salvation +of the state of the King and of his kingdom.' On which subject the +council resolved, that it was necessary to speak to the King, that, in +case Richard the late king be still living, he be placed in security +agreeably to the law of the realm; but if he be dead, then that he be +openly showed to the people, that they may have knowledge thereof." +These minutes (observes Sir Harris Nicolas) appear to exonerate +Henry[85] from the generally received charge of having sent Sir Piers +Exton to Pontefract for the purpose of murdering his prisoner. Had +such been the fact, it is impossible to believe that one of Henry's +ministers would have gone through the farce of submitting the above +question to the council; or that the council would, with still greater +absurdity, have deliberated on the subject, and gravely expressed the +opinion which they offered to the King. A corpse, which was said to be +that of Richard, was publicly exhibited at St. Paul's by Henry's +direction, and he has been accused of substituting the body of some +other person; but these minutes prove that the idea of such an +exposure came from the council, and, at the moment when it was +suggested, they actually did not know whether Richard was dead or +alive, because they provided for either contingency. It is also (p. 081) +demonstrated by them that, so far from any violence or ill-treatment +being meditated in case he were living, the council merely recommended +that he should be placed in such security as might be approved by the +peers of the realm.[86] It must be observed that this new piece of +evidence, coupled with the fact that a corpse said to be the body of +Richard was exhibited shortly after the meeting of the council, +strongly supports the belief that he died about the 14th of February +1400, and that Henry and his council were innocent of having by unfair +means produced or accelerated his decease." + + [Footnote 85: It is painful to hear the Church + historian, without any qualifying expression of + doubt or hope, call Henry IV. "the murderer of + Richard."--Milner, cent. xv.] + + [Footnote 86: Froissart expressly says, that, + though often urged to it, Henry would never consent + to have Richard put to death.] + +Such we may hope to have been the case: at all events, the purpose of +this work does not admit of any fuller investigation of the points at +issue. If Henry were accessory to Richard's death, (to use an +expression quoted as that unhappy king's own words,)[87] "it would be +a reproach to him for ever, so long as the world shall endure, or the +deep ocean be able to cast up tide or wave." It is, however, +satisfactory to find in these authentic documents evidence which seems +to justify us in adopting no other alternative than to return for +Bolinbroke a verdict of "Not guilty." The corpse[88] of Richard was +carried through the city of London to St. Paul's with much of religious +ceremony and solemn pomp, Henry himself as King bearing the pall, (p. 082) +"followed by all those of his blood in fair array." After it had been +inspected by multitudes, (Froissart[89] says by more than twenty +thousand,) it was buried at Langley, where Richard had built a Dominican +convent. Henry V, soon after his accession, removed the corpse to +Westminster Abbey, and, laid it by the side of Ann, Richard's former +queen, in the tomb which he had prepared for her and himself.[90] + + [Footnote 87: See Archaeologia, xx. 290.] + + [Footnote 88: M. Creton.] + + [Footnote 89: Froissart asserts that the corpse was + exposed in the street of Cheap to public inspection + for two hours, at the least.] + + [Footnote 90: A manuscript in the French King's + library (No. 8448) states that Sir Piers d'Exton + and seven other assassins entered the room to kill + him; but that Richard, pushing down the table, + darted into the midst of them, and, snatching a + battleaxe from one, laid four of them dead at his + feet, when Exton felled him with a blow at the back + of his head, and, as he was crying to God for + mercy, with another blow despatched him. This + account is supposed to be entirely disproved by the + fact that, when Richard's tomb was accidentally + laid open a few years ago in Westminster Abbey, the + head was carefully examined, and no marks of + violence whatever appeared on it. (See Archaeologia, + vol. vi. p. 316, and vol. xx. p. 284.) On the other + hand, it is equally obvious to remark, that, if + Henry IV. did exhibit to the people the body of + another person for that of Richard, it was the + substituted body which was buried, first at Langley + and afterwards at Westminster. The absence, + consequently, of all marks of violence on that + body, till its identity with the corpse of Richard + is established, proves nothing. But surely there is + no reason to believe that any deception was + practised. There could have been no motive for such + fraud, and the strongest reasons must have existed + to dissuade Henry from adopting it. The only object + wished to be secured by the exposure of Richard's + corpse, (and it was exposed at all the chief places + between Pontefract and London,--at night after the + offices for the dead, in the morning after mass,) + was the removal of all doubt as to his being really + dead. The false rumours were, not that he was + murdered, but that he was alive. Among the + thousands who flocked to see him were doubtless + numbers of his friends and wellwishers, familiarly + acquainted with his features, many of whom, it is + thought, must have detected any imposture, and some + of whom would surely have been bold enough to + publish it. Still, on the other hand, it is + suggested that a very short lapse of time after + dissolution effects so material a change in a + corpse, that the most intimate of a man's friends + would often not be able to recognise a single + feature in his countenance. And certainly many of + Richard's friends remained unconvinced.] + +Henry IV. had no sooner gained the throne of England, than he was made +to feel that he could retain possession of it only by unremitting +watchfulness, and by a vigorous overthrow of each successive (p. 083) +design of his enemies as it arose. In addition as well to the hostility +of France (whose monarch and people were grievously incensed by the +deposition of Richard), as to the restless warfare of the Scots, he +was compelled to provide against the more secret and more dangerous +machinations of his own subjects.[91] After the discovery and defeat +of the plot laid by the malcontent lords in the beginning of January +(1400), he first employed himself in making preparations to repress +the threatened aggressions of his northern neighbours. His council (p. 084) +had received news as early as the 9th of February of the intention of +the Scots to invade England; indeed, as far back as the preceding +November, the petition of the Commons informs us that they considered +war with Scotland inevitable. On this campaign Henry IV. resolved to +enter in his own person, and he left London for the North in the June +following. Our later historians seem not to have entertained any doubts +as to the accuracy of some early chroniclers, when they state that +Henry of Monmouth was sent on towards Scotland as his father's +representative, in command of the advanced guard, in the opening of +the summer[92] of 1400. Elmham states the general fact that Henry was +sent on with the first troops, but in the manuscript there is a +"Quaere" in the margin in the same hand-writing. And the querist seems +to have had sufficient reasons for expressing his doubts as to the +accuracy of such a statement. The renown of the Prince as a youthful +warrior will easily account for any premature date assigned to his +earliest campaign; whilst the age of his father, who was seen at the +head of the invading army in Scotland, might perhaps have contributed +to a mistake. The King himself, at that time personally little known +among his subjects, was not more than thirty-four years old.[93] (p. 085) +Be this as it may, we have great reason to believe that Henry IV, when +he proceeded northward, left the Prince of Wales at home. In the first +place, we must remember that, among their primary and most solemn acts +after the King's coronation, the Commons, anticipating the certainty +of this expedition into Scotland, preferred to him a petition, praying +that the Prince by reason of his tender age might not go thither, "nor +elsewhere forth of the realm." The letter too of Lord Grey of Ruthyn, +to which we must hereafter refer, announcing the turbulent state of +Wales, and the necessity of suppressing its disorders with a stronger +hand, can best be explained on the supposition that the King was absent +at the date of that letter,[94] about Midsummer 1400, and that the +Prince was at home. Lord Grey addresses his letter to the Prince, and +not to the King; though the King, as well as the Prince, had commissioned +him to put down the rising disturbances in his neighbourhood.[95] Some, +perhaps, may think this intelligible on the ground that Lord Grey wrote +to Henry as Prince of Wales, and therefore more immediately (p. 086) +intrusted with the preservation of its peace. But his suggestion to +the Prince to take the advice of the King's council,--"with advice of +our liege lord his council,"--is scarcely consistent with the idea of +the King himself being at hand to give the necessary directions and a +"more plainer commission." + + [Footnote 91: Chroniclers give an account of an + extraordinary instrument of death laid in Henry's + bed by some secret plotter against his life. The + Sloane Manuscript describes it as a machine like + the engine called the Caltrappe; and the Monk of + Evesham says that it was reported to have been laid + for Henry by one of Isabella's household.] + + [Footnote 92: Modern writers have erroneously + referred to this year Monstrelet's account of Henry + of Monmouth's expedition to Scotland.] + + [Footnote 93: A curious item in the Pell Rolls (14 + December 1401) intimates that Henry IV. amused + himself with the sports of the field, and at the + same time tells us that such amusements were by no + means unexpensive in those days: "Sixteen pounds + paid by the King to Sir Thomas Erpyngham as the + price of a sparrow-hawk."] + + [Footnote 94: June 14, he wrote to his council from + Clipstone in Nottinghamshire: July 4th, he was at + York.--Min. Council.] + + [Footnote 95: "By our liege Lord his commandment, + and by yours."] + + * * * * * + +Be this however as it may: whether Henry of Monmouth's noviciate in +arms was passed on the Scotch borders, (for in Ireland, as the +companion of Richard, he had been merely a spectator,) or whether, as +the evidence seems to preponderate, we consider the chroniclers to +have antedated his first campaign, he was not allowed to remain long +without being personally engaged in a struggle of far greater magnitude +in itself, and of vastly more importance to the whole realm of England, +than any one could possibly infer from the brief and cursory references +made to it by the historians who are the most generally consulted by our +countrymen. The rebellion of Owyn Glyndowr[96] is despatched by Hume in +less than two octavo pages, though it once certainly struck a (p. 087) +panic into the very heart of England, and through the whole of Henry +IV.'s reign, more or less, involved a considerable portion of the +kingdom in great alarm; carrying devastation far and wide through some +of its fairest provinces; and at one period of the struggle, by the +succour of Henry's foreign and domestic enemies, with whom the Welsh +made common cause, threatening to wrest the sceptre itself from the +hands of that monarch. The part which his son Henry of Monmouth was +destined to take personally in resisting the progress of this rebellion, +and the evidence which the indisputable facts recorded of that protracted +contest bear to his character, (facts, most of which are comparatively +little known, and many of which are altogether new in history,) seem +to require at our hands a somewhat fuller investigation into the origin, +progress, and circumstances of this rebellion, than has hitherto been +undertaken by our chroniclers. + + [Footnote 96: The name of this extraordinary man is + very variously spelt. His Christian name is either + Owyain, or Owen, or Owyn. On his surname the + original documents, as well as subsequent writers, + ring many changes: the etymology of the name is + undoubtedly The Glen of the waters of the Dee, or, + Of the black waters. The name consequently is + sometimes spelt Glyndwffrduy, and Glyndwrdu. In + general, however, it assumes the form in English + documents of Glendor, or Glyndowr: in Henry of + Monmouth's first letter it is Oweyn de Glyndourdy. + In these Memoirs the form generally adhered to is + Owyn Glyndowr. In the record of the Scrope and + Grosvenor controversy, Owyn's name is spelt + Glendore, whilst his brother Tuder's, who was + examined the same day, is written Glyndore.] + + + + +CHAPTER V. (p. 088) + +THE WELSH REBELLION. -- OWYN GLYNDOWR. -- HIS FORMER LIFE. -- DISPUTE +WITH LORD GREY OF RUTHYN. -- THAT LORD'S LETTER TO PRINCE HENRY. -- +HOTSPUR. -- HIS TESTIMONY TO HENRY'S PRESENCE IN WALES, -- TO HIS +MERCY AND HIS PROWESS. -- HENRY'S DESPATCH TO THE PRIVY COUNCIL. + +1400-1401. + + +Previously to the accession of Henry IV, Wales had enjoyed, for nearly +seventy years, a season of comparative security and rest. During the +desperate struggles in the reign of Henry III, in which its inhabitants, +chiefly under their Prince Llewellin, fought so resolutely for their +freedom, many districts of the Principality, especially the border-lands, +had been rendered all but deserts. From this melancholy devastation +they had scarcely recovered, when Queen Isabella, wife of Edward II, +headed the rebel army against her own husband, who had taken refuge in +Glamorganshire; and carried with her the most dreadful of all national +scourges,--a sanguinary civil war. The whole country of South Wales, +we are told, was so miserably ravaged by these intestine horrors, (p. 089) +and the dearth consequent upon them was so excessive, that horses and +dogs became at last the ordinary food of the miserable survivors. From +the accession of Edward III, and throughout his long reign, Wales +seems to have enjoyed undisturbed tranquillity and repose. Its +oppressors were improving their fortunes, rapidly and largely, in +France, reaping a far more abundant harvest in her rich domains than +this impoverished land could have offered to their expectations. +Through the whole reign also of Richard II, we hear of no serious +calamity having befallen these ancient possessors of Britain. A +friendly intercourse seems at that time to have been formed between +the Principality and the kingdom at large; and a devoted attachment to +the person of the King appears to have sprung up generally among the +Welsh, and to have grown into maturity. We may thus consider the +natives of Wales to have enjoyed a longer period of rest and peace +than had fallen to their lot for centuries before, when the deposition +of Richard, who had taken refuge among their strongholds, and in +defence of whom they would have risked their property and their lives, +prepared them to follow any chieftain who would head his countrymen +against the present dynasty, and direct them in their struggle to +throw off the English, or rather, perhaps, the Lancastrian yoke. + +The French writer to whom we have so often referred, M. Creton, (p. 090) +in describing the creation of Henry of Monmouth as Prince of Wales, +employs these remarkable words: "Then arose Duke Henry. His eldest +son, who humbly knelt before him, he made Prince of Wales, and gave +him the land; but I think he must conquer it if he will have it: for +in my opinion the Welsh would on no account allow him to be their +lord, for the sorrow, evil, and disgrace which the English, together +with his father, had brought upon King Richard." How correctly this +foreigner had formed an estimate of the feelings and principles of the +Welsh, will best appear from that portion of Henry's life on which we +are now entering. His prediction was fully verified by the event. +Henry of Monmouth was compelled to conquer Wales for himself; and in a +struggle, too, which lasted through an entire third part of his +eventful career. + + * * * * * + +In accounting for the origin of the civil war in Wales, historians +generally dwell on the injustice and insults committed by Lord Grey of +Ruthyn on Owyn Glyndowr, and the consequent determination of that +resolute chief to take vengeance for the wrongs by which he had been +goaded. Probably the far more correct view is to consider the Welsh at +large as altogether ready for revolt, and the conduct of Lord Grey as +having only instigated Owyn to put himself at their head; at all +events to accept the office of leader, to which, as we are told, his +countrymen[97] elected him. The train was already laid in the (p. 091) +unshaken fidelity of the Welsh to their deposed monarch, whom they +believed to be still alive[98] and in the deadly hatred against all +who had assisted Henry of Lancaster in his act of usurpation; the +spark was supplied by the resentment of a personal injury. His +countrymen were ripe for rebellion, and Owyn was equally ready to +direct their counsels, and to head them in the field of battle. + + [Footnote 97: The proceedings of the Welsh, in + detail, at this time, are not found in any + contemporary documents, on the authenticity of + which we may rely. As to the general facts, + however, whether we draw them from the traditions + of the Welsh or the English chroniclers, no + reasonable doubt can be entertained. But the Author + cannot take upon himself the responsibility of + vouching for the truth of the biographical + particulars recorded of Owyn's early life and + adventures, or the measures which he adopted + previously to his breaking out into open revolt, + any more than he can undertake to establish by + proof the genealogy of that chieftain, and trace + him through Llewellin ap Jorwarth to Bleddyn ap + Cynfyn, or the third of the five royal tribes.] + + [Footnote 98: It is curious, in point of history, + to observe for how very long a time rumours that + Richard was still alive were industriously spread, + and as greedily received. The royal proclamations + again and again denounced the authors of such false + rumours. In the rebellion of the Percies it was + asserted that Richard was still alive in the Castle + of Chester. In 1406 the Earl of Northumberland + (though he had charged Henry with the murder of + Richard), in his letter to the Duke of Orleans + states the alternative of his being still alive. + And even Sir John Oldcastle, in 1418, when before + the Parliament, protested that he never would + acknowledge that court so long as his liege lord, + Richard, was alive in Scotland.--See Archaeologia, + vol. xx. p. 220.] + +Owyn Glyndowr was no upstart adventurer. He was of an ancient (p. 092) +family, or rather, we must say, of princely extraction, being descended +from Llewellin ap Jorwarth Droyndon, Prince of Wales. We have reason to +conclude that he succeeded to large hereditary property. The exact time +of his birth is not known: most writers have placed it between 1349 and +1354; but it was probably later by five years than the latter of those +two dates.[99] This extraordinary man, whose unwearied zeal and +indomitable bravery, had they taken a different direction, would have +merited, humanly speaking, a better fate, was invested by the +superstitions of the times with a supernatural character. His vaunt to +Hotspur is not so much the offspring of Shakspeare's imagination, as +an echo to the popular opinions generally entertained of him:[100] + + [Footnote 99: Owyn and his brother Tudor were both + examined at Chester, September 3, 1386, during the + controversy between the families of Scrope and + Grosvenor as to the arms of the latter; and it + appears from their own evidence that Owyn was born + before Sept. 3, 1359, and that his brother Tudor + (who was slain in the battle of Grosmont, or Mynydd + Pwl Melin) was three years younger. The record of + this controversy assigns to Owyn himself this + honourable title "Oweyn Sire [Lord] de Glendore del + age XXVII ans et pluis."] + + [Footnote 100: Strange wonders, says Walsingham, + happened, as men reported, at the birth of this + man; for, the same night he was born, all his + father's horses were found to stand in blood up to + their bellies. It is curious to find both the + Sloane MS. and the Monk of Evesham pointing to the + fulfilment of this prophetic prodigy during the + battle in which Edmund Mortimer was taken, when the + bodies of the slain lay between the horses feet + rolling in blood.] + + At my birth (p. 093) + The front of heaven was full of fiery shapes, + The goats ran from the mountains, and the herds + Were strangely clamorous in the frighted fields. + These signs have marked me extraordinary, + And all the courses of my life do show + I am not in the roll of common men. + 1 HENRY IV. iii. 1. + +Whether Owyn had persuaded himself to believe the fabulous stories +told of his birth; or whether for purposes of policy he merely +countenanced, in the midst of an ignorant and superstitious people, +what others had invented and spread; there is no doubt that even in +his lifetime he was supposed, not only within the borders of his +father-land, but even through England itself, to have intercourse with +the spirits of the invisible world, and through their agency to possess, +among other vague and indefinite powers, a supernatural influence over +the elements, and to have the winds and storms at his bidding. Absurd +as were the fables told concerning him, they exercised great influence +on his enemies as well as his friends; and few, perhaps, dreaded the +powers of his spell more than the King himself. Still, independently +of any aid from superstition, Glyndowr combined in his own person many +qualities fitting him for the prominent station which he acquired, and +which he so long maintained among his countrymen; and as the enemy of +Henry IV. he was one of a very numerous and powerful body, formed from +among the first persons of the whole realm. He received his (p. 094) +education in London, and studied in one of the Inns of Court. He +became afterwards an esquire of the body to King Richard; and he was +one of the few faithful subjects who remained in his suite till he was +taken prisoner in Flint Castle. After his master's fall he was for a +short time esquire to the Earl of Arundel, whose castle, situated in +the immediate neighbourhood of Glyndowrdy, was called Castel Dinas +Bran. Its ruins, with the hill on the crown of which it was built, +still form a most striking object near Llangollen, on the right of the +magnificent road leading from Shrewsbury to Bangor. + +A few months only had elapsed after the deposition of Richard when +those occurrences took place which are said to have driven Glyndowr +into open revolt. He was residing on his estate, which lay contiguous +to the lands of Lord Grey of Ruthyn. That nobleman claimed and seized +some part of Owyn's property. Against this act of oppression Owyn +petitioned the Parliament, which sate early in 1400, praying for +redress. The Bishop of St. Asaph is said to have cautioned the +Parliament not to treat the Welshman with neglect, lest his countrymen +should espouse his cause and have recourse to arms. This advice was +disregarded, and Owyn's petition was dismissed in the most uncourteous +manner.[101] + + [Footnote 101: Leland records the expressions of + contempt and insult with which the dismissal of + Owyn's petition was accompanied, and the advice of + the Bishop of St. Asaph scorned. "They said they + cared not for barefooted blackguards:"--"se de + scurris nudipedibus non curare." We cannot wonder + if their national pride was wounded by such + contumely.] + +Another act of injustice and treachery on the part of Lord Grey (p. 095) +drove Owyn to take the desperate step either of raising the standard +of rebellion, or of joining his countrymen who had already raised it. +Lord Grey withheld the letter of summons for the Welsh chief to attend +the King in his expedition against Scotland, till it was too late for +him to join the rendezvous. Owyn excused himself on the shortness of +the notice; but Lord Grey reported him as disobedient. Aware that he +had incurred the King's displeasure, and could expect no mercy, since +his deadly foe had possession of the royal ear, Owyn put himself +boldly at the head of his rebellious countrymen, who almost unanimously +renounced their allegiance to the crown of England, and subsequently +acknowledged Owyn as their sovereign lord. + +The Monk of Evesham, and the MS. Chronicle which used to be regarded +as the compilation of one of Henry V.'s chaplains, both preserved in +the British Museum, speak of the Welsh as having first risen in arms, +and as having afterwards elected Owyn for their chief. It is, however, +remarkable that no mention is made of Owyn Glyndowr in the King's +proclamations, or any public document till the spring of 1401. Probably +at first the proceedings, in which he took afterwards so (p. 096) +pre-eminent a part, resembled riotous outrages, breaking forth in entire +defiance of the law, but conducted neither on any preconcerted plan, nor +under the direction of any one leader. + +Lord Grey's ancestors had received Ruthyn with a view to the protection +of the frontier; and on the first indication of the rebellious spirit +breaking out in acts of disorder and violence, both the King and the +Prince wrote separately to Lord Grey, reminding him of his duty to +disperse the rioters, and put down the insurgents. These mandates were +despatched probably in the beginning of June 1400, some days before +the King departed for the borders of Scotland. Lord Grey, in the +letter[102] to which we have above referred, supposing that the (p. 097) +King had already started on that expedition, returned an answer +only to the Prince, acknowledging the receipt of his and his father's +commands; but pleading the impossibility of executing them with +effect, unless the Prince, with the advice of the King's council, +would forward to him a commission with more ample powers, authorizing +him to lay hands on the insurgents in whatever part of the country +they might chance to be found; ordaining also that no lord's land +should be respected as a sanctuary to shield them from the law; and +that all the King's officers should be enjoined through the whole +territory to aid and assist in quelling the insurrection.[103] + + [Footnote 102: Sir Henry Ellis, to whom we are + deeply indebted for his succinct and clear + statement of the events of these times, appears, in + his introductory remarks on Lord Grey's letter, to + have overlooked the date of Henry IV.'s departure + for Scotland. He says: "Upon Henry's return, the + Welsh were rising in arms, and Lord Grey was + ordered to go against them. It seems to have been + at this point of time that the letter was penned. + It was apparently written in the month of June + 1400." But the King did not leave London till + towards Midsummer, and we have a letter from him + (on his march northward) dated York, July 4, 1400, + commanding the mayor and authorities of London to + provide corn, wine, &c. for the King's use in + Scotland, and as much money as they could raise on + his jewels. The writ in consequence of this letter + was issued July 12. Walsingham, indeed, says that + they seized the opportunity of the King's absence, + and rose under their leader Owyn. The King, on his + return from Scotland, was at Newcastle upon Tyne on + the 3rd of September.] + + [Footnote 103: At the back of this letter of Lord + Grey to Prince Henry we now find another, pasted, + sent by David ap Gruffyth to Lord Grey, probably + the very epistle which the Earl says he had + received "from the greatest thief in Wales;" the + few last sentences of which, apparently written in + a sort of jingling rhyme, indicate the character of + its author and the spirit of the times. "We hope we + shall do thee a privy thing: a rope, a ladder, and + a ring, high on a gallows for to heng; and thus + shall be your ending; and he that made thee be + there to helpyng, and we on our behalf shall be + well willing." The conclusion of another letter + from the same pen, in defiance of Lord Grey's + power, breathes the feelings with which the Welsh + entered upon this rebellion. "And it was told me + that ye been in perpose for to make your men burn + and slay in whatsoever country I be and am seisened + in (have property). Withouten doubt as many men + that ye slay, and as many housen that ye burn for + my sake, as many will I burn and slay for your + sake; and doubt not I will have bread and ale of + the best that is in your lordship. I can no more. + But God keep your worshipful state in prosperity. + Written in great haste, at the Park of Brinkiffe, + the xi day of June.--GRUFFUTH AP DAVID AP + GRUFFUTH."] + +This nobleman had evidently taken a very alarming view of the state of +the country; and the first documents which we inspect manifest (p. 098) +the uncurbed fury and deadly hatred with which the Welsh rushed into +this rebellion. Indeed, the general character of Owyn's campaigns +breathes more "of savage warfare than of chivalry." Lord Grey's letter +is dated June 23, and must have been written in the year 1400; for, +long before the corresponding month in the following year had come +round, the Prince had himself been personally engaged in the district +which the Earl was more especially appointed to guard. + +It does not appear what steps were taken in consequence of this +communication of Lord Grey; except that the King, on the 19th of +September, issued his first proclamation against the rebels. Probably +on his return from Scotland, the King went himself immediately towards +Wales; for the Monk of Evesham states expressly that he came from +Worcester to Evesham on the 19th of October, and returned the next day +for London. In the course, however, of a very few months at the latest, +a commission to suppress the rebellion, and restore peace in the northern +counties of the Principality, was entrusted to an individual whose +character, and fortunes, and death, deeply involved as they are in an +eventful period of the history of our native land, could not but (p. 099) +have recommended the part he then took in Wales to our especial notice +under any circumstances whatsoever; whilst his name excites in us feelings +of tenfold greater interest when it offers itself in conjunction with +the name of Henry of Monmouth. + +Henry Percy, eldest son of the Earl of Northumberland, known more +familiarly as HOTSPUR,--a name which historians and poets have preferred +as characteristic of his decision, and zeal, and the impetuosity of +his disposition,--very shortly after Henry IV.'s accession had been +appointed not only Warden of the East Marches of Scotland and Governor +of Berwick, but also Chief Justice of North Wales and Chester, and +Constable of the Castles of Chester, Flint, Conway, and Caernarvon. In +this latter capacity, with the utmost promptitude and decision, +Hotspur exerted himself to the very best of his power, at great +personal labour and expense, to crush the rebellion in its +infancy.[104] + + [Footnote 104: At as early a date as April 19, + 1401, the Pell Rolls record the payment to him of + "200_l._ for continuing at his own cost the siege + of Conway Castle immediately after the rebels had + taken it, without the assistance of any one except + the people of the country."] + +The letters of this renowned and ill-fated nobleman, the originals of +which are preserved among the records of the Privy Council, seem to have +escaped the notice of our historians.[105] They throw, however, (p. 100) +much light on the affairs of Wales and on Glyndowr's rebellion at this +early stage, and to the Biographer of Henry of Monmouth are truly +valuable. The first of these original papers, all of which are beautifully +corroborative of Hotspur's character as we have received it, both from +the notices of the historian and the delineations of the poet, is dated +Denbigh, April 10, 1401. It is addressed to the King's council under +feelings of annoyance that they could have deemed it necessary to +admonish him to exert himself in putting down the insurgents, and +restoring peace to the turbulent districts over which his commission +gave him authority. His character, he presumes, ought to have been a +pledge to them of his conduct. In this letter there is not a shade of +anything but devoted loyalty. + + [Footnote 105: The observations of Sir Harris + Nicolas, to whom we are indebted for the + publication of these letters, are very just: "Much + information respecting the state of affairs in + Wales is afforded by the correspondence of Sir + Henry Percy, the celebrated Hotspur; five letters + from whom are now for the first time brought to + light. Besides their historical value, these + letters derive great interest from being the only + relics of Hotspur which are known to be preserved, + from throwing some light on the cause of his + discontent and subsequent rebellion, and still more + from being in strict accordance with the supposed + haughty, captious, and uncompromising character of + that eminent soldier."--Preface, vol. i. p. + xxxviii.] + +The reference which Hotspur makes in this first letter to "those of +the council of his most honoured and redoubted Prince being in these +parts," is perhaps the very earliest intimation we have of Henry (p. 101) +of Monmouth being himself personally engaged in suppressing the rebellion +in his principality, with the exception, at least, of the inference to +be fairly drawn from the acts of the Privy Council in the preceding +month. The King at his house, "Coldharbour," (the same which he +afterwards assigned to the Prince,) had assented to a proclamation +against the Welsh on the 13th of March; and on the 21st of March the +council had agreed to seal an instrument with the great seal, +authorizing the Prince himself to discharge any constables of the +castles who should neglect their duty, and not execute their office in +person. It is, however, to the second letter of Hotspur, dated +Caernarvon, May 3rd, 1401, that any one who takes a lively interest in +ascertaining the real character of Henry of Monmouth will find his +mind irresistibly drawn; he will meditate upon it again and again, and +with increasing interest as he becomes more familiar with the +circumstances under which it was written; and comparing it with the +prejudices almost universally adopted without suspicion and without +inquiry, will contemplate it with mingled feelings of surprise and +satisfaction. The name of Harry Hotspur, when set side by side with +the name of Harry of Monmouth, has been too long associated in the +minds of all who delight in English literature, with feelings of +unkindness and jealous rivalry. At the risk of anticipating what may +hereafter be established more at large, we cannot introduce this document +to the reader without saying that we hail the preservation of this (p. 102) +one, among the very few letters of Percy now known to be in existence, +with satisfaction and thankfulness. It is as though history were +destined of set purpose to correct the fascinating misrepresentations +of the poet, and to vindicate a character which has been too long +misunderstood. In the fictions of our dramatic poet Hotspur is the +very first to bear to Bolinbroke testimony of the reckless, dissolute +habits of Henry of Monmouth.[106] Hotspur is the very first whom the +truth of history declares to have given direct and voluntary evidence +to the military talents of this same Prince, and the kindness of his +heart,--to his prowess at once and his mercy; the combination of which +two noble qualities characterizes his whole life, and of which, blended +in delightful harmony, his campaigns in Wales supply this, by no means +solitary, example. Hotspur informs the council that North Wales, where +he was holding his sessions, was obedient to the law in all points, +excepting the rebels in Conway, and in Rees Castle which was in the +mountains. "And these," continues Percy, "will be well chastised, if +it so please God, by the force and governance which my redoubted lord +the Prince has sent against them, as well of his council as of his +retinue, to besiege these rebels in the said castles; which siege, (p. 103) +if it can be continued till the said rebels be taken, will bring great +ease and profit to the governance of the same country in time to +come." "Also," he proceeds, "the commons of the said country of North +Wales, that is, the counties of Caernarvon and Merioneth, who have +been before me at present, have humbly offered their thanks to my lord +the Prince for the great exertions of his kindness and goodwill in +procuring their pardon at the hands of our sovereign lord the +King."[107] The pardon itself, dated Westminster, 10th of March 1401, +bears testimony to these exertions of Prince Henry in behalf of the +rebels: "Of our especial grace, and at the prayer of our dearest +first-born son, Henry Prince of Wales, we have pardoned all treasons, +rebellions, &c."[108] Henry of Monmouth, when one of the first +noblemen and most renowned warriors of the age bears this testimony to +his character for valour and for kind-heartedness, had not quite +completed his fourteenth year. + + [Footnote 106: King RICHARD II. Act v. scene 3. + + _Boling._--"Can no man tell of my unthrifty son?" + _Percy._--"My Lord, some two days since I saw the + Prince," &c.] + + [Footnote 107: The commons at the same time, of + their own free will, offered to pay as much as they + had formerly paid to King Richard.] + + [Footnote 108: An exception by name is made of Owyn + Glyndowr, and also of Rees ap Tudor, and William ap + Tudor. These two brothers, however, surrendered the + Castle of Conway, and William with thirty-one more + received the royal pardon, dated 8th July 1401. + Pardons in the same terms had been granted on the + 6th May to the rebels of Chirk; on the 10th, to + those of Bromfield and Oswestry; on the 16th, to + those of Ellesmere; and, upon June 15th, to the + rebels of Whityngton.] + +This communication of Henry Percy, as remarkable as it is (p. 104) +interesting, appears to fix to the year 1401 the date of the following, +the very first letter known to exist from Henry of Monmouth. It is +dated Shrewsbury, May 15, and is addressed to the Lords of the Council, +whom he thanks for the kind attention paid by them to all his wants +during his absence in Wales. The epistle breathes the spirit of a +gallant young warrior full of promptitude and intrepidity.[109] It may +be surmised, perhaps, that the letter was written by the Prince's +secretary; and that the sentiments and turn of thought here exhibited +may, after all, be no fair test of his own mind. But this is mere +conjecture and assumption, requiring the testimony of facts to confirm +it: and, against it, we must observe, that there is a simplicity, a +raciness and an individuality of character pervading Henry's letters +which seem to stamp them for his own. Especially do they stand out in +broad contrast, when put side by side with the equally characteristic +despatches of Hotspur. + + LETTER OF PRINCE HENRY TO THE COUNCIL. + + "Very dear and entirely well-beloved, we greet you much from our + whole heart, thanking you very sincerely for the kind attention + you have given to our wants during our absence; and we pray of + you very earnestly the continuance of your good and friendly (p. 105) + services, as our trust is in you. As to news from these parts, + if you wish to hear of what has taken place, we were lately + informed that Owyn Glyndowr [Oweyn de Glyndourdy] had assembled + his forces, and those of other rebels, his adherents, in great + numbers, purposing to commit inroads; and, in case of any + resistance to his plans on the part of the English, to come + to battle with them: and so he boasted to his own people. + Wherefore we took our men, and went to a place of the said Owyn, + well built, which was his chief mansion, called Saghern, where we + thought we should have found him, if he wished to fight, as he + said. And, on our arrival there, we found no person. So we caused + the whole place to be set on fire, and many other houses around + it, belonging to his tenants. And then we went straight to his + other place of Glyndourdy, to seek for him there. There we burnt + a fine lodge in his park, and the whole country round. And we + remained there all that night. And certain of our people sallied + forth, and took a gentleman of high degree of that country, who + was one of the said Owyn's chieftains. This person offered five + hundred pounds for his ransom to save his life, and to pay that + sum within two weeks. Nevertheless that was not accepted, and he + was put to death; and several of his companions, who were taken + the same day, met with the same fate. We then proceeded to the + commote of Edirnyon in Merionethshire, and there laid waste a + fine and populous country; thence we went to Powys, and, there + being in Wales a want of provender for horses, we made our people + carry oats with them, and we tarried there for ---- days.[110] + And to give you fuller information of this expedition, and all + other news from these parts at present, we send to you our + well-beloved esquire, John de Waterton, to whom you will be + pleased to give entire faith and credence in what he shall report + to you on our part with respect to the above-mentioned (p. 106) + affair. And may our Lord have you always in his holy keeping.--Given + under our signet, at Shrewsbury, the 15th day of May." + + [Footnote 109: The original, in French, is + preserved in the British Museum.--Cotton, Cleop. + viii. fol. 117 b.] + + [Footnote 110: The original is here imperfect.] + +Two days only after the date of this epistle, Hotspur despatched +another letter from Denbigh, which seems to convey the first +intimation of his dissatisfaction with the King's government; a +feeling which rapidly grew stronger, and led probably to the +subsequent outbreaking of his violence and rebellion. Hotspur presses +upon the council the perilous state of the Welsh Marches, at the same +time declaring that he could not endure the expense and labour then +imposed upon him more than one month longer; within four days at +furthest from the expiration of which time he must absolutely resign +his command. + +In less than ten days after this despatch of Percy, the King's +proclamation mentions Owyn Glyndowr by name, as a rebel determined to +invade and ravage England. The King, announcing his own intention to +proceed the next day towards Worcester to crush the rebellion himself, +commands the sheriffs of various counties to join him with their +forces, wheresoever he might be. At this period the rebels entered +upon the campaign with surprising vigour. Many simultaneous assaults +appear to have been made against the English in different parts of the +borders. On the 28th of May a proclamation declares Glyndowr to be in +the Marches of Caermarthen; and, only ten days before (May 18th), (p. 107) +a commission was issued to attack the Welsh, who were besieging +William Beauchamp and his wife in the Castle of Abergavenny; whilst, +at the same time, the people of Salop were excused a subsidy, in +consideration of the vast losses they had sustained by the inroads of +the Welsh. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. (p. 108) + +GLYNDOWR JOINED BY WELSH STUDENTS OF OXFORD. -- TAKES LORD GREY +PRISONER. -- HOTSPUR'S FURTHER DESPATCHES. -- HE QUITS WALES. -- +REFLECTIONS ON THE EVENTFUL LIFE AND PREMATURE DEATH OF ISABELLA, +RICHARD'S WIDOW. -- GLYNDOWR DISPOSED TO COME TO TERMS. -- THE KING'S +EXPEDITIONS TOWARDS WALES ABORTIVE. -- MARRIAGE PROPOSED BETWEEN HENRY +AND KATHARINE OF NORWAY. -- THE KING MARRIES JOAN OF NAVARRE. + +1401. + + +When Owyn Glyndowr raised the standard of rebellion in his native +land, and assuming to himself the name and state and powers of an +independent sovereign, under the title of "Prince of Wales," declared +war against Henry of Bolinbroke and his son, he was fully impressed +with the formidable power of his antagonists, and with the fate that +might await him should he fail in his attempt to rescue Wales from the +yoke of England. Embarked in a most perilous enterprise, a cause of +life or death, he vigorously entered on the task of securing every +promising means of success. His countrymen, whom he now called his +subjects, soon flocked to his standard from all quarters. Not only (p. 109) +did those who were already in the Principality take up arms; but +numbers also who had left their homes, and were resident in distant +parts of the kingdom, returned forthwith as at the command of their +prince and liege lord. The Welsh scholars,[111] who were pursuing +their studies in the University of Oxford, were summoned by Owyn, and +the names of some who obeyed the mandate are recorded. Owyn at the +same time negociated for assistance from France, with what success we +shall see hereafter; and sent also his emissaries to Scotland and "the +distant isles." On those of his countrymen who espoused the cause of +the King, and refused to join his standard, he afterwards poured the +full fury of his vengeance; and in the uncurbed madness of his rage, +forgetful of the future welfare of his native land, and of his own +interests should he be established as its prince, unmindful also of +the respect which even enemies pay to the sacred edifices of the +common faith, he reduced to ashes not only the houses of his opponents, +but Episcopal palaces, monasteries, and cathedrals within the +Principality. + + [Footnote 111: See Ellis's Original Letters, second + series, vol. i. p. 8.] + +Owyn Glyndowr was in a short time so well supported by an army, +undisciplined no doubt, and in all respects ill appointed, but yet +devoted to him and their common cause, that he was emboldened to try +his strength with Lord Grey in the field. A battle, fought (as it (p. 110) +should seem) in the very neighbourhood of Glyndowrdy,[112] terminated +in favour of Owyn, who took the Earl prisoner, and carried him into +the fastnesses of Snowdon. The precise date of this conflict is not +known; probably it was at the opening of spring: the circumstances +also of his capture are very differently represented. It is generally +asserted that a marriage with one of Owyn's daughters was the condition +of regaining his liberty proposed to the Earl; that the marriage was +solemnized; and that Owyn then, instead of keeping his word and releasing +him, demanded of him a most exorbitant ransom. It is, moreover, affirmed, +that the Earl remained Glyndowr's prisoner to the day of his death. +Now, that Lord Grey fell into the Welsh chieftain's hands as a prisoner, +is beyond question; so it is that he paid a heavy ransom: but that he +died in confinement is certainly not true, for he accompanied Henry V. +to France, and also served him by sea. The report of his marriage with +Owyn's daughter, might have originated in some confusion of Lord Grey +with Sir Edmund Mortimer; who unquestionably did take one of the Welsh +chieftain's daughters for his wife.[113] It is scarcely probable that +both Owyn's prisoners should have married his daughters; and still (p. 111) +less probable that he should have exacted so large a ransom from his +son-in-law as to exhaust his means, and prevent him from acting as a +baron of the realm was then expected to act. Dugdale's Baronage gives +the Earl two wives, without naming the daughter of Glyndowr. Hardyng, +in his Chronicle presented to Henry VI, thus describes the affair: + + Soone after was the same Lord Gray in feelde + Fightyng taken, and holden prisoner + By Owayne, so that hym in prison helde + Till his ransom was made, and fynaunce clear, + Ten thousand marks, and fully payed were; + For whiche he was so poor then all his life, + That no power he had to war, nor stryfe. + + [Footnote 112: Lingard places the site of Owyn's + victory over Lord Grey on the banks of the + "Vurnway."] + + [Footnote 113: The Monk of Evesham reports that + Lord Grey was released about the year 1404, having + first paid to Owyn five thousand marks for his + ransom, and leaving his two sons as pledges for the + payment of five thousand more. The same authority + informs us that Edmund Mortimer espoused the + daughter of Owyn with great solemnity. The Pell + Rolls (1 Henry V. June 27) leave us in no doubt as + to the fact of that marriage.] + +Another letter from Henry Percy to the council, dated June 4, 1401, is +very interesting in several points of view. It proves that the +negociations "carried in and out," mentioned in a letter written by +the chamberlain of Caernarvon to the King's council, had been +successful, and that the Scots had sent aid to the Welsh chieftain: it +proves also that Hotspur himself was at this time (though bitterly +dissatisfied) carrying on the war for the King in the very heart of +Wales, and amidst its mountain-recesses and strongholds; and that Owyn +was at that time assailed on all sides by the English forces, a (p. 112) +circumstance which might probably have led to his "good intention to +return to his allegiance," at the close of the present year. Henry +Percy declares to the council that he can support the expenses of the +campaign no longer. He informs them of an engagement in which, assisted +by Sir Hugh Browe and the Earl of Arundel, the only Lords Marchers who +had joined him in the expedition, he had a few days before routed the +Welsh at Cader Idris. News, he adds, had just reached him of a victory +gained by Lord Powis[114] over Owyn; also that an English vessel had +been retaken from the Scots, and a Scotch vessel of war had been +captured at Milford. Another letter, dated 3rd July, (probably the +same year, 1401,) reiterates his complaints of non-payment of his +forces, and of the government having underrated his services; it +expresses his hope also that, since he had written to the King himself +with a statement of his destitute condition, should any evil happen to +castle, town, or march, the blame would not be cast on him, whose +means were so utterly crippled, but would fall on the heads of those +who refused the supplies. Henry IV. had certainly not neglected this +rebellion in Wales, though evidently the measures adopted against the +insurgents were not so vigorous at the commencement as the (p. 113) +urgency of the case required. His exchequer was exhausted, and he had +other business in hand to drain off the supplies as fast as they could +possibly be collected. He was, therefore, contented for the present to +keep the rebels in check, without attempting to crush them by pouring +in an overwhelming force from different points at once. + + [Footnote 114: This nobleman, John Charlton, Lord + Powis, died on the 19th of October following, and + was succeeded by his son Edward, who, on the 5th of + August, (probably in 1402 or 1403,) applied to the + council for a reinforcement.--Min. of Coun.] + +Towards the middle of this summer, the King marched in person to +Worcester. He had directed the sheriffs to forward their contingents +thither; but, when he arrived at that city, he changed his purpose and +soon returned to London. Among the considerations which led to this +change in his plans, we may probably reckon the following. In the +first place, he found his son the Prince, Lord Powis, and Henry Percy, +in vigorous operation against the rebels; his arrival at Worcester +having been only three or four days after the date of Percy's last +letter. In the next place, the council had urged him not to go in +person against the rebels: besides, almost all the inhabitants of +North Wales had returned to their allegiance, and had been pardoned. +He was, moreover, naturally anxious to summon a parliament, with a +view of replenishing his exhausted treasury, and enabling himself to +enter upon the campaign with means more calculated to insure success. + +In a letter to his council, dated Worcester, 8th June 1401, the King +refers to two points of advice suggested by them. "Inasmuch as (p. 114) +you have advised us," he says, "to write to our much beloved son, the +Prince, and to others, who may have in their possession any jewels +which ought to be delivered with our cousin the Queen, (Isabella,) +know ye, that we will send to our said son, that, if he has any of +such jewels, he will send them with all possible speed to you at our +city of London, where, if God will, we intend to be in our own person +before the Queen's departure; and we will cause to be delivered to her +there the rest of the said jewels, which we and others our children +have in our keeping." In answer to their advice that he would not go +in person against the rebels, because they were not in sufficient +strength, and of too little reputation to warrant that step, he said +that he found they had risen in great numbers, and called for his +personal exertions. He forwarded to them at the same time a copy of +the letter which he had just received from Owyn himself. Not from this +correspondence only, but from other undisputed documents, and from the +loud complaints of French writers,[115] we are compelled to infer +something extremely unsatisfactory in the conduct of Henry IV. with +regard to the valuable paraphernalia of Isabella, the maiden-widow of +Richard. To avoid restoring these treasures, which fell into his hands +on the capture of that unfortunate monarch, Henry proposed, in (p. 115) +November 1399, a marriage between one of his sons and one of the +daughters of the French monarch. In January 1400 a truce was signed +between the two kingdoms, and the same negociators (the Bishop of +Durham and the Earl of Worcester) were directed to treat with the +French ambassadors on the terms of the restitution of Isabella; and so +far did they immediately proceed, that horses were ordered for her +journey to Dover. But legal doubts as to her dower (she not being +twelve years of age) postponed her departure till the next year. She +had arrived at Boulogne certainly on the 1st of August 1401; and was +afterwards delivered up to her friends by the Earl of Worcester, with +the solemn assurance of her spotless purity. + + [Footnote 115: Many of our own historians have, + either in ignorance or design, very much misled + their readers on the subject.] + +It is impossible to glance at this lady's brief and melancholy career +without feelings of painful interest:--espoused when yet a child to +the reigning monarch of England; whilst yet a child, crowned Queen of +England; whilst yet a child, become a virgin-widow; when she was not +yet seventeen years old, married again to Charles, Earl of Angouleme; +and three years afterwards, before she reached the twentieth +anniversary of her birthday, dying in childbed.[116] + + [Footnote 116: It is not generally understood, + (indeed, some of our historians have not only been + ignorant of the fact, but have asserted the + contrary,) that this princess was the elder sister + of Katharine of Valois, married thirteen years + after Isabella's death to Henry of Monmouth. + Katharine was not born till after Isabella's + restoration from England to her father's home. + Isabella was born November 9, 1389; was solemnly + married by the Archbishop of Canterbury to Richard + II. in Calais, November 4, 1397 (not quite nine + years old); was crowned at Westminster on the 8th + of January following; was married to her second + husband, 29th June 1406; and died at Blois, 13th + September 1409.--Anselme, vol. i. p. 114.] + +By the above letter of the King, which led to this digression, (p. 116) +we are informed that the Prince was neither with his father, nor in +London; for the King promised to write to him to send the jewels to +London. He was probably at that time on the borders of North Wales; or +engaged in reducing the Castles of Conway and Rhees, and in bringing +that district into subjection. Indeed, that the Prince was still +personally exerting himself in suppressing the Welsh towards the north +of the Principality, seems to be put beyond all question by the +records of the Privy Council, which state that "certain members of the +Prince's council brought with them to the King's council the indenture +between the said Prince and Henry Percy the son (Chief Justice) on one +part, and those who seized the Castle[117] of Conway on the other (p. 117) +part, made at the time of the restitution of the same castle."[118] + + [Footnote 117: One of these, Wm. ap Tudor, with + thirty-one others, was pardoned July 8. In his + petition he suggests that in all disputes between + the burgesses and themselves, there ought to be a + fair inquest, half Welsh and half English. This is + supposed to have been the usual law; but probably + in these turbulent times it might too often have + been dispensed with for a less impartial mode of + trial. Besides, among the many severe enactments + against the Welsh, the King, in 1400, had assented + to an ordinance proposed by the Commons, to remain + in force for three years, that no Englishman should + have judgment against him at the suit of a + Welshman, except at the hands of judges and a jury + entirely English.] + + [Footnote 118: The castles in Wales were at this + time very scantily garrisoned; indeed, the + smallness of the number of the men by whom some of + them were defended is scarcely credible. And yet, + in the exhausted state of the treasury of the King, + of the Prince, of Henry Percy and others, those + castles, even in the miserably limited extent of + their establishments, could with difficulty be + retained. When besieged, the garrison could never + venture upon a sally. For example, Conway had only + fifteen men-at-arms and sixty archers, kept at an + expense of 714_l._ 15_s._ 10_d._ annually: + Caernarvon had twenty men-at-arms and eighty + archers: Harlech had ten men-at-arms and thirty + archers.--See Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters.] + +Owyn appears to have left his own country, in which the spirit of +rebellion had received a considerable though temporary check; and to +have been at this period exciting and heading the rebels in South +Wales, especially about Caermarthen and Gower. + + * * * * * + +Hotspur himself left Wales probably about the July or August of this +year, 1401; for on the 1st of September he was appointed one of the +commissioners to treat with the Scots for peace; and he was present at +the solemn espousals which were celebrated by proxy at Eltham, April +3, 1402, between Henry IV. and Joan of Navarre. We must, therefore, +refer to a subsequent date the information quoted by Sir Henry Ellis +from an original paper in the British Museum, "that Jankin Tyby of the +north countri bringthe lettres owte of the northe country to (p. 118) +Owein, as thei demed from Henr. son Percy." Soon after the departure +of Percy, a proclamation, dated 18th September 1401, notifies the rapid +progress of disaffection and rebellion among the Welsh: whether it was +secretly encouraged by him at this early date, or not, is matter only +of conjecture. His growing discontent, visibly shown in his own letters, +this vague rumour that Jankin Tyby might be the confidential messenger +for his treasonable purposes, and his subsequent conduct, combine to +render the suspicion by no means improbable. The proclamation states +that a great part of the inhabitants of Wales had gone over to Owyn, +and commands all ablebodied men to meet the King at Worcester on the +1st, or, at the furthest, the 2nd of October. Perhaps this, like his +former visit to Worcester, was little more than a demonstration of his +force.[119] Historians generally say that he made the first of his +expeditions into Wales in the July of the following year; the Minutes +of Council prove at all events that he was there in the present autumn, +but how long or with what results does not appear. The council met (p. 119) +in November 1401, to deliberate, among other subjects, upon the affairs +of Wales, "from which country (as the Minute expressly states) our +sovereign lord the King hath but lately returned,[120] having appointed +the Earl of Worcester to be Lieutenant of South Wales, and Captain of +Cardigan."[121] + + [Footnote 119: The Monk of Evesham states expressly + that, towards the end of this year, the King, + intending to hasten to Wales for the third time, + came to Evesham on Michaelmas-day, September 29, + but not with so large a force as before; and on the + third day, after breakfast, he proceeded to + Worcester, whence, after the ninth day, with the + advice of his council, he returned through Alcester + to London.] + + [Footnote 120: On Monday, October 16, 1402, the + Commons "thank the King for his great labour in + body and mind, especially in his journey to + Scotland; and because, on his return, when he heard + at Northampton of the rebellion in Wales, he had at + _that_ time, and _three times_ since, with a great + army (as well the King as my lord the Prince) + laboured in divers parts." When Owyn is represented + by Shakspeare as recounting the various successful + struggles in which he had tried his strength with + Bolinbroke, the poet had solid ground on which to + build the boastings of the Welsh chieftain: + + "Three times hath Henry Bolinbroke made head + Against my power: thrice from the banks of Wye + And sandy-bottom'd Severn have I sent him + Bootless home, and weather-beaten back."] + + [Footnote 121: The regular appointment bears date + 31st March 1402.] + +The record of this council is remarkably interesting on more than one +point. It throws great light on the state of Owyn's mind, and his +attachment to the Percies; on the confidence still reposed by the +King's government in Percy, and on the condition of Prince Henry +himself. The several chastisements which Owyn and his party had +received from the Prince, from Percy, from Lord Powis and others, had +perhaps at this time made him very doubtful of the issue of the struggle, +and inclined him to negociate for his own pardon, and the peace of the +country. The Minute of Council says, "To know the King's will (p. 120) +about treating with Glyndowr to return to his allegiance, _seeing his +good intention at present thereto_". His readiness to treat is +accompanied, as we find in the same record, with a declaration that he +was not himself the cause of the destruction going on in his native +land, nor of the daily captures, and the murders there; and that he +would most gladly return to peace. As to his inheritance, he protests +that he had only received a part, and not his own full right. And even +now he would willingly come to the borders, and speak and treat with +any lords, provided the commons would not raise a rumour and clamour +that he was purposed to destroy "_all who spoke the English language_". +He seems to have been apprehensive, should he venture to approach the +marches to negociate a peace, that the violence and rage of the people +at large would endanger his personal safety. No wonder, for his +footsteps were to be traced everywhere by the blood of men, and the +ashes of their habitations and sacred edifices. At the same time, he +expressed his earnest desire to carry on the treaty of peace through +the Earl of Northumberland, for whom he professes to entertain great +regard and esteem, in preference to any other English nobleman. + +Whether any steps were taken in consequence of this present opening +for peace, or not, we are not told. But we have reason to suppose that +Wales was in comparative tranquillity through the following (p. 121) +winter[122] and spring. The rebel chief, however, again very shortly +carried the sword and flame with increased horrors through his devoted +native land. We read of no battle or skirmish till the campaign of the +next year. + + [Footnote 122: The Pell Rolls contain many items of + payment about this time to the Prince of Wales; one + of which specifies the sum "of 400_l._ for one + hundred men-at-arms, each 12_d._ per day, and four + hundred archers at 6_d._ per day, for one month, + who were sent with despatch to Harlech Castle to + remove the besiegers." Probably they had been sent + some considerable time before the date of this + payment, Dec. 14, 1401.] + +The questions relating to Prince Henry, which were submitted to this +council, inform us incidentally of the important fact, that though he +was now intrusted with the command of the forces against the Welsh, +and was assisted in his office (just as was the King) by a council, +yet it was deemed right to appoint him an especial governor, or tutor +(maistre). He was now in his fifteenth year. These Minutes also make +it evident that the soldiers employed in his service looked for their +pay to him, and not to the King's exchequer. We shall have frequent +occasion to observe the great personal inconveniences to which this +practice subjected the Prince, and how injurious it was to the service +generally. But the evil was unavoidable; for at that time the royal +exchequer was quite drained. + +"As to the article touching the governance of the Prince, as well (p. 122) +for him to have a tutor or guardian, as to provide money for the support +of his vast expenses in the garrisons of his castles in Wales, and the +wages of his men-at-arms and archers, whom he keeps from day to day +for resisting the malice of the rebels of the King, it appears to the +council, if it please the King, that the Isle of Anglesey ought to be +restored to the prince, and that Henry Percy[123] should agree, and +have compensation from the issues of the lands which belonged to the +Earl of March; and that all other possessions which ought to belong to +the Prince should be restored, and an amicable arrangement be made +with those in whose hands they are. And as for a governor for the +Prince, may it please the King to choose one of these,--the Earl of +Worcester, Lord Lovel, Mr. Thomas Erpyngham, or the Lord Say; and, for +the Prince's expenses, that 1000_l._ be assigned from the rents of the +Earl of March, which were due about last Michaelmas." We have reason +to believe that the Earl of Worcester, Thomas Percy, was appointed +Henry of Monmouth's tutor and preceptor. He remained in attendance +upon him till, with the guilt of aggravated treachery, he abruptly +left his prince and pupil to join his nephew Hotspur before the battle +of Shrewsbury. + + [Footnote 123: The whole of Anglesey was granted to + Hotspur for life. 1 Hen. IV, 12th October + 1399.--MS. Donat. 4596.] + +We are not informed how long Prince Henry remained at this period (p. 123) +in Wales, after Percy had left it. Probably (as it has been already +intimated) there was an armistice virtually, though not by any formal +agreement, through that winter and the spring of 1402. The next undoubted +information as to the Prince fixes him in London in the beginning of +the following May, when being in the Tower, in the presence of his +father, and with his consent, he declares himself willing to contract +a marriage with Katharine, sister of Eric, King of Norway;[124] and on +the 26th of the same month, being then in his castle of Tutbury, in +the diocese of Lincoln, he confirms this contract, and authorises the +notary public to affix his seal to the agreement. The pages of authentic +history remind us, that too many marriage-contracts in every rank of +life, and in every age of the world, have been the result, not of +mutual affection between the affianced bride and bridegroom, but of +pecuniary and political considerations. Perhaps when kings negociate +and princes approve, their exalted station renders the transaction +more notorious, and the stipulated conditions may be more unreservedly +confessed. But it may well be doubted whether the same motives do not +equally operate in every grade of life; whilst those objects which +should be primary and indispensable, are regarded as secondary (p. 124) +and contingent. Happiness springing from mutual affection, may doubtless +grow and ripen, despite of such arrangements, in the families of the +noble, the wealthy, the middle classes, and the poor; but the chances +are manifold more, that coldness, and dissatisfaction, and mutual +carelessness of each other's comforts will be the permanent result. We +must however bear in mind, when estimating the moral worth of an +individual, that negociations of this kind in the palaces of kings +imply nothing of that cold-heartedness by which many are led into +connexions from which their affections revolt. The individual's +character seems altogether protected from reprobation by the usage of +the world, and the necessity of the case. State-considerations impose +on princes restraints, compelling them to acquiesce in measures which +excite in us other feelings than indignation or contempt. We regret +the circumstance, but we do not condemn the parties. Henry IV. of +England, and Eric of Norway, fancied they saw political advantages +likely to arise from the nuptials of Henry's son with Eric's sister; +and the document we have just quoted tells us that the boy Henry, then +not fifteen, and still under tutors and governors, gave his consent to +the proposed alliance. + + [Footnote 124: He was present in the Castle of + Berkhamsted on the 14th of May, at the sealing of + the marriage contract of his sister Philippa with + King Eric.--Foed. viii. 259, 260.] + +The more rare however the occurrence, the more general is the admiration +with which an union in the palaces of monarchy is contemplated when mutual +respect and attachment precede the marriage, and conjugal love and (p. 125) +domestic happiness attend it. And here we are irresistibly tempted to +contemplate with satisfaction and delight the unsuccessful issue of +this negociation, whilst Henry was yet a boy; and to anticipate what +must be repeated in its place, that, to whatever combination of +circumstances, and course of events and state-considerations, the +marriage of Henry of Monmouth with Katharine of France may possibly be +referred, he proved himself to have formed for her a most sincere and +heartfelt attachment before their union; and, whenever his duty did +not separate them, to have lived with her in the possession of great +conjugal felicity. Even the dry details of the Exchequer issues bear +most gratifying, though curious, testimony to their domestic habits, +and their enjoyment of each other's society. + +Whilst the King was thus negociating a marriage for his son, he was +himself engaged by solemn espousals to marry, as his second wife, Joan +of Navarre, Duchess of Brittany. As well in the most exalted, as in +the most humble family in the realm, such an event as this can never +take place without involving consequences of deepest moment and most +lively interest to all parties,--to the husband, to his wife, and to +their respective children. If he has been happy in his choice, a man +cannot provide a more substantial blessing for his offspring than by +joining himself by the most sacred of all ties to a woman who will (p. 126) +cheerfully and lovingly perform the part of a conscientious and +affectionate mother towards them. If the choice is unhappy; if there +be a want of sound religious and moral principle, a neglect, or +carelessness and impatience in the discharge of domestic duties; if a +discontented, suspicious, cold, and unkind spirit accompany the new +bride, domestic comfort must take flight, and all the proverbial evils +of such a state must be realized. The marriage of Henry of Monmouth's +father with Joan of Navarre does not enable us to view the bright side +of this alternative. Of the new Queen we hear little for many +years;[125] but, at the end of those years of comparative silence, we +find Henry V. compelled to remove from his mother-in-law all her +attendants, and to commit her to the custody of Lord John Pelham in +the castle of Pevensey.[126] She was charged with having entertained +malicious and treasonable designs against the life of the King, her +son-in-law. The Chronicle of London, (1419,) throwing[127] an air of +mystery and superstition over the whole affair, asserts that Queen +Joanna excited her confessor, one friar Randolf,[128] a master in (p. 127) +divinity, to destroy the King; "but, as God would, his falseness was +at last espied:" "wherefore," as the Chronicle adds, "the Queen +forfeited her lands."[129] Of this marriage of Henry IV. with Joan of +Navarre very little notice beyond the bare fact has been taken by our +English historians. Many particulars, however, are found in the +histories of Brittany. It appears that the Duchess, who was the widow +of Philip de Mont Forte, Duke of Brittany, by whom she had sons and +daughters, was solemnly contracted to Henry by her proxy, Anthony Rys, +at Eltham, on the 3rd of April 1402, in the presence of the Archbishop +of Canterbury, the Earl of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and +his son Hotspur, the Earl of Worcester, Thomas Langley, Keeper of the +Privy Seal, and others. Having appointed guardians for her son, the +young Duke of Brittany, she left Nantes on the 26th December, embarked +on board one of the ships sent by Henry, at Camaret, on the 13th (p. 128) +January, and sailed the next day, intending to land at Southampton. +After a stormy passage of five days, the squadron was forced into a +port in Cornwall. She was married on the 7th, and was crowned at +Westminster on the 25th, of February following.[130] By Henry she had +no child. + + [Footnote 125: Our history supplies very scanty + information as to the family of this royal lady. In + the year 1412 a safe conduct is given to Giles of + Brittany, son of the Queen, to come to England, to + tarry and to return, with twenty men and + horses.--Rymer, May 20, 1412.] + + [Footnote 126: Otterbourne.] + + [Footnote 127: "By sorcerye and nygrammancie."] + + [Footnote 128: The Pell Rolls (27th Sept. 1418) + leave us in no doubt that John Randolf's goods were + forfeited, a circumstance strongly confirming the + report of his conspiracy. Payment is also made to + certain persons for carrying (Feb. 8, 1420) John + Randolf, of the order of Friars Minor, Shrewsbury, + from Normandy to the Tower.] + + [Footnote 129: No doubt can remain as to the + accuracy of the London Chronicle in this + particular: several payments are on record, + expressly declared to have been made out of the + lands and property of this unhappy woman. Thus, the + issue of a thousand marks to the Abbess of Syon + (9th May 1421) is made from "the monies issuing + from the possessions of Joanna, Queen of + England."] + + [Footnote 130: See Acts of Privy Council, vol. i. + p. 185. The Editor quotes Lobinau's Histoire de + Bretagne, tom. ii. pp. 874, 878; and Morice's + Histoire Ecclesiastique et Civile de Bretagne, tom. + i. p. 433.] + + + + +CHAPTER VII. (p. 129) + +GLYNDOWR'S VIGOROUS MEASURES. -- SLAUGHTER OF HEREFORDSHIRE MEN. -- +MORTIMER TAKEN PRISONER. -- HE JOINS GLYNDOWR. -- HENRY IMPLORES +SUCCOURS, -- PAWNS HIS PLATE TO SUPPORT HIS MEN. -- THE KING'S +TESTIMONY TO HIS SON'S CONDUCT. -- THE KING, AT BURTON-ON-TRENT, HEARS +OF THE REBELLION OF THE PERCIES. + +1402-1403. + + +If Owyn Glyndowr, as we have supposed, allowed Wales to remain undisturbed +by battles and violence through the winter[131] and spring, it was only +to employ the time in preparing for a more vigorous campaign. The first +battle of which we have any historical certainty, was fought June 12, +1402, near Melienydd, (Dugdale says, "upon the mountain called Brynglas, +near Knighton in Melenyth,") in Radnorshire. The whole array of +Herefordshire was routed on that field. More than one thousand (p. 130) +Englishmen were slain, on whom the Welsh were guilty of savage, +unheard-of indignities. The women especially gave vent to their rage +and fury by actions too disgraceful to be credible were they not +recorded as uncontradicted facts. For the honour of the sex, we wish +to regard them as having happened only once; whilst we would bury the +disgusting details in oblivion.[132] Owyn was victorious, and took +many of high degree prisoners; among whom was Sir Edmund Mortimer, the +uncle of the Earl of March. Perhaps the most authentic statement of +this victory as to its leading features, though without any details, +is found in a letter from the King to his council, dated +Berkhampstead, June 25. + + [Footnote 131: At the opening of the year 1402 + (January 18), one hundred marks were paid by the + treasury to the Bishop of Bangor, whose lands had + been in great part destroyed.--Pell Rolls. This + prelate was Richard Young, who was translated to + Rochester in 1404.] + + [Footnote 132: To the present day the vestiges of + two temporary encampments (army against army) are + visible; and there are barrows in the + neighbourhood, which, according to the tradition of + the country, cover the bones of those who fell in + this battle, not less, they say, than three + thousand men. The remains of Owyn Glyndowr's camp + are found at a place called Monachdy, in the parish + of Blethvaugh; and about two miles below, in the + parish of Whittow, is the earthwork supposed to + have been thrown up by Sir Edmund Mortimer. + Half-way between is a hill called Brynglas, where + the battle is said to have been fought. In the + valley of the Lug are two large tumuli, which are + believed to cover the slain.] + +"The rebels have taken my beloved cousin,[133] Esmon Mortymer, and +many other knights and esquires. We are resolved, consequently, to go +in our own person with God's permission. You will therefore (p. 131) +command all in our retinue and pay to meet us at Lichfield, where we +intend to be at the latest on the 7th of July." The proclamation for +an array "to meet the King at Lichfield, and proceed with him towards +Wales to check the insolence and malice of Owyn Glyndowr and other +rebels," was issued the same day. On the 5th of July,[134] the King, +being at Westminster, appointed Hugh de Waterton governor of his children, +John and Philippa, till his return from Wales. An order of council at +Westminster, on the last day of July, the King himself being present, +seems to leave us no alternative in deciding that Henry made two +expeditions to Wales this summer; the first at the commencement of +July, the second towards the end of August. This appears to have +escaped the observation of historians. Walsingham speaks only of one, +and that before the Feast of the Assumption, August 25; in which (p. 132) +he represents the King and his army to have been well-nigh destroyed +by storms of rain, snow, and hail, so terrible as to have excited the +belief that they were raised by the machination of the devil, and of +course at Owyn's bidding. This order of council is directed to many +sheriffs, commanding them to proclaim an array through their several +counties to meet the King at Shrewsbury,[135] on the 27th of August at +the latest, to proceed with him into Wales.[136] The order declares +the necessity of this second array to have originated in the +impossibility, through the shortness of the time, of the King's +chastising the rebels, who lurked in mountains and woods; and states +his determination to be there again shortly, and to remain fifteen +days for the final overthrow and destruction of his enemies. How +lamentably he was mistaken in his calculation of their resistance, and +his own powers of subjugating them, the sequel proved to him too +clearly. The rebellion from first to last was protracted through +almost as many years as the days he had numbered for its utter +extinction. The order on the sheriff of Derby commands him to go (p. 133) +with his contingent to Chester, "to our dearest son the Prince," on +the 27th of August, and to advance in his retinue to Wales. On this +occasion,[137] it is said that Henry invaded Wales in three points at +once, himself commanding one division of his army, the second being +headed by the Prince, the third by Lord Arundel. The details of these +measures, under the personal superintendence of the King, are not +found in history. Probably Walsingham's account of their total failure +must be admitted as nearest the truth. That no material injury befel +Owyn from them, and that neither were his means crippled, nor his +resolution daunted, is testified by the inroads which, not long after, +he made into England with redoubled impetuosity. + + [Footnote 133: A general mistake has prevailed + among historians with regard to this prisoner of + Owyn's. Walsingham, Stowe, Hall, Rapin, Hume, + Sharon Turner, with others, have uniformly + represented Edmund Earl of March to have been the + notable warrior then captured by Glyndowr; whereas + he was only ten years of age, and a prisoner of the + King. Dr. Griffin, a Monmouthshire antiquary, + pointed out the mistake many years ago.] + + [Footnote 134: On the 14th of July the council + issue commands to the Archbishop of Canterbury and + the Bishop of Norwich to array their clergy for the + defence of the realm; a measure seldom resorted to, + and only on occasions of great emergence and alarm. + A fortnight before this order (30th June), the King + had written from Harborough to his council, + acquainting them with the victory gained for him + over the Scots at Nisbet Moor by the Scotch Earl of + March, and commanding them to protect the marches.] + + [Footnote 135: The Monk of Evesham says that in + this year, about August 29, (Festum Decollationis + Johannis Bapt.) the King went again with a great + force into Wales, and after twenty days returned + with disgrace.] + + [Footnote 136: An order, dated Ravensdale, is made + on the sheriff of Lincoln to be ready, + notwithstanding the last order, to go towards the + marches of Scotland; and, if the Scots should not + come, then to be at Shrewsbury on the 1st of + September.] + + [Footnote 137: Walsingham's words would seem to + apply more fitly to this second and more important + expedition of 1402 than the preceding one in July: + "Tantus armorum strepitus."] + +The following winter, we may safely conclude, was spent by the Welsh +chieftain in negociations both with the malcontent lords of England, +and with the courts of France and Scotland; in recruiting his forces +and improving his means of warfare;[138] for, before the next +midsummer, (as we know on the best authority,) he was prepared to +engage in an expedition into England, with a power too formidable (p. 134) +for the Prince and his retinue to resist without further reinforcement. +During this winter also a most important accession accrued to the +power and influence of Owyn by the defection from the royal cause of +his prisoner Sir Edmund Mortimer, who became devotedly attached to +him. King Henry had, we are told, refused to allow a ransom to be paid +for Mortimer, though urged to it by Henry Percy, who had married +Mortimer's sister. The consequence of this ungracious refusal[139] +was, that he joined Glyndowr, whose daughter, as the Monk of Evesham +informs us, he married with the greatest solemnity about the end of +November.[140] In a fortnight after this marriage, Mortimer announced +to his tenants his junction with Owyn, and called upon them to forward +his views. The letter, written in French, is preserved in the British +Museum. + + [Footnote 138: On 20th October 1402, a commission + issued to receive into their allegiance and amnesty + the rebels of Usk, Caerleon, and Trellech, in + Monmouthshire.] + + [Footnote 139: Leland, in his Collectanea, quotes a + passage from another chronicler, which records the + very words of Percy and the King on this occasion. + Percy asked the King's permission for Mortimer to + be ransomed, to whom the King replied that he would + not strengthen his enemies against himself by the + money of the realm. Percy then said, "Ought any man + so to expose himself to danger for you and your + kingdom, and you not succour him in his danger?" + The King answered in wrath, "You are a traitor; do + you wish me to succour the enemies of myself and of + my kingdom?"--"I am no traitor," rejoined Percy; + "but a faithful man, and as a faithful man I + speak." The King drew his rapier against him. "Not + here," said Percy, "but in the field;" and + withdrew.] + + [Footnote 140: Circa festum Sancti Andreae.] + + LETTER FROM EDMUND MORTIMER TO HIS TENANTS. (p. 135) + + "Very dear and well-beloved, I greet you much, and make known to + you that Oweyn Glyndor has raised a quarrel, of which the object + is, if King Richard be alive, to restore him to his crown; and if + not, that my honoured nephew, who is the right heir to the said + crown, shall be King of England, and that the said Owen will + assert his right in Wales. And I, seeing and considering that the + said quarrel is good and reasonable, have consented to join in + it, and to aid and maintain it, and, by the grace of God, to a + good end. Amen! I ardently hope, and from my heart, that you will + support and enable me to bring this struggle of mine to a + successful issue. I have moreover to inform you that the + lordships of Mellenyth, Werthrenon, Raydre, the commot of Udor, + Arwystly, Keveilloc, and Kereynon, are lately come into our + possession. Wherefore I moreover entreat you that you will + forbear making inroad into my said lands, or to do any damage to + my said tenantry, and that you furnish them with provisions at a + certain reasonable price, as you would wish that I should treat + you; and upon this point be pleased to send me an answer. Very + dear and well-beloved, God give you grace to prosper in your + beginnings, and to arrive at a happy issue.--Written at + Mellenyth, the 13th day of December. + "EDMUND MORTIMER." + + "To my very dear and well-beloved M. John Greyndor, Howell Vaughan, + and all the gentles and commons of Radnor and Prestremde."[141] + + [Footnote 141: Cott. Cleop. F. iii. fol. 122, b.] + +Of the Prince himself, between the end of August 1402, and the +following spring, little is recorded. In March 1403 he was made +Lieutenant of Wales by the King, and with the consent of his (p. 136) +council, with full powers of inquiring into offences, of pardoning +offenders, of arraying the King's lieges, and of doing all other things +which he should find necessary. This appointment, implying personal +interference, would lead us to infer, either that he tarried through the +winter in the midst of the Principality, or near its borders, or that he +returned to it early in the spring.[142] To this year also we shall +probably be correct in referring the following letter of Prince Henry +to the council, dated Shrewsbury, 30th May; but which Sir Harris +Nicolas considers to have been written the year before. That it could +not have been written by the Prince at Shrewsbury on the 30th of May +1402, seems demonstrable from the circumstance of his having been +personally present in the Tower of London on the 8th of May, and of +his having executed a deed in the Castle of Tutbury on the 26th of May +1402. Whilst the probability of its having been written in the end of +May 1403, is much strengthened by the ordinance of the King, dated +June 16, 1403, in which he mentions the reports which he had received +from the Prince's council then in Wales of Owyn Glyndowr's intention +to invade England; and also by the order made July 10, 1403, by the +King, that the council would send 1000_l._ to the Prince, to (p. 137) +enable him to keep his people together,--the very object chiefly +desired in this despatch. The letter is in French. + + [Footnote 142: On the 1st of April 1403, the King + most earnestly requests loans from bishops, abbots, + knights, and others, in the sums severally affixed + to their names, to enable him to proceed against + the Welsh and the Scots.] + + LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE COUNCIL. + + "FROM THE PRINCE. + + "Very dear and entirely well-beloved, we greet you well. And + forasmuch as our soldiers desire to know from us whether they + will be paid for the three months of the present quarter, and + tell us that they will not remain here without being promptly + paid their wages according to their agreements, we beseech you + very sincerely that you will order payment for the said months, + or supply us otherwise, and take measures in time for the + safeguard of these marches. For the rebels are trying to find out + every day whether we shall be paid, and they well know that + without payment we shall not be able to continue here: and they + propose to levy all the power of Northwales and Southwales to + make inroads, and to destroy the march and the counties adjoining + to it; and we have not the power here of resisting them, so as to + hinder them from the full execution of their malicious designs. + And when our men are withdrawn from us, we must at all events + ourselves retire into England, or be disgraced for ever. For + every one must know that without troops we can do no more than + another man of inferior rank. And at present we have very great + expenses, and we have raised the largest sum in our power to meet + them from our little stock of jewels. Our two castles of Harlech + and Lampadern are besieged, and have been so for a long time, and + we must relieve them and victual them within these ten days; and, + besides that, protect the march around us with the third of our + forces against the invasion of the rebels. Nevertheless, if this + campaign could be continued, the rebels never were so likely (p. 138) + to be destroyed as at present. And now, since we have fully shown + the state of these districts, please to take such measures as shall + seem best to you for the safety of these same parts, and of this + portion of the realm of England; which may God protect, and give + you grace to determine upon the best for the time. And our Lord + have you in his keeping.--Given under our signet at Shrewsbury, + the 30th day of May. And be well assured that we have fully shown + to you the peril of whatever may happen hereafter, if remedy be + not sent in time. + +On this letter it is impossible not to remark that, so far from having +an abundant supply of money to squander on his supposed vices and +follies, Henry was compelled to pawn his own little stock of plate and +jewels to raise money for the indispensable expenses of the war. + +The first direct mention made of the Prince after this is found in the +ordinance above referred to, dated June 16, 1403, which informs us +that he certainly was then in Wales, and strongly implies that he had +been there for some time previously. The King says, "I heard from many +persons of my son the Prince's council, now in Wales, that Owyn Glyndowr +is on the point of making an incursion into England with a great power, +for the purpose of obtaining supplies. I therefore command the sheriffs +of Gloucester, Salop, Worcester, and Hereford, to make proclamation for +all knights, and gentlemen of one hundred shillings' annual income, to +go and put themselves under the governance of the Prince." Another +letter from Henry to his council, dated Higham Ferrers, July 10, (p. 139) +1403,[143] is deeply interesting, not only as bearing testimony to the +persevering bravery of his son Henry, but as affording an example of +the uncertainty of human calculations, and the deceitfulness of human +engagements and friendships. He informs the council that he had received +letters from his son, and information by his messengers, acquainting him +with the gallant and good bearing of his very dear and well-beloved +son, which gave him very great pleasure. He then commissions them to +pay 1000_l._[144] to the Prince for the purpose of enabling him to +keep his soldiers together. "We are now," he adds, "on our way to +succour our beloved and loyal cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and +Henry his son, in the conflict which they have honourably undertaken +for us and our realm; and, as soon as that campaign shall have ended +honourably, with the aid of God, we will hasten towards Wales."[145] + + [Footnote 143: The Pell Rolls (July 17, 1403) + record the appointment of the Prince as the King's + deputy in Wales, to see justice done on all rebels, + and the payment of a sum amounting to 8108_l._ + 2_s._ 0_d._ for the wages of four barons and + bannerets, twenty knights, four hundred and + seventy-six esquires, and two thousand five hundred + archers.] + + [Footnote 144: On the next day, July 11, the King + issued a proclamation against selling horses, or + armour and weapons, to the Welsh.] + + [Footnote 145: Astonishing confusion pervades + almost all our historians as to the circumstances + under which Henry IV. first became acquainted with + the defection of the Percies, and then hastened to + resist their hostilities; and most absurd + inferences as to the national interest taken in the + ensuing struggle have in consequence been drawn. + The King is almost universally represented as + having left London, accompanied by all the forces + he could, after much preparation, command, for the + express purpose of quelling the rebellion of the + Percies; whereas he left London for the express + purpose of joining his forces to those of the + Percies, and to proceed, in conjunction with them, + against the Scots; and he had never heard of their + defection till he reached Burton-upon-Trent. The + news came upon him with the suddenness of an + unexpected thunderstorm.] + +This letter had not been written more than five days when King (p. 140) +Henry became acquainted with the rebellion of those, his "beloved and +faithful lieges," to assist whom against his northern foes he was then +actually on his road. His proclamation for all sheriffs to raise their +counties, and hasten to him wherever he might be, is dated +Burton-on-Trent, July 16, 1403. On the morrow he sent off a despatch +to his council, informing them that Henry Percy, calling him only +Henry of Lancaster, was in open rebellion against him, and was +spreading far and wide through Cheshire the false rumours that Richard +was still alive. He then assures them, "for their consolation," that +he was powerful enough to encounter all his enemies; at the same time +expressing his pleasure that they should all come to him wherever he +might be, except only the Treasurer, whom he wished to stay, for the +purpose of collecting as large sums as possible to meet the exigence +of the occasion. The Chancellor, on Wednesday, June 18th, met the +bearer of these tidings before he reached London, opened the letters, +and forwarded them to the council with an apology.[146] + + [Footnote 146: Minutes of Privy Council.] + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. (p. 141) + +THE REBELLION OF THE PERCIES, -- ITS ORIGIN. -- LETTERS OF HOTSPUR, +AND THE EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. -- TRIPARTITE INDENTURE BETWEEN THE +PERCIES, OWYN, AND MORTIMER. -- DOUBTS AS TO ITS AUTHENTICITY. -- +HOTSPUR HASTENS FROM THE NORTH. -- THE KING'S DECISIVE CONDUCT. -- HE +FORMS A JUNCTION WITH THE PRINCE. -- "SORRY BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY." -- +GREAT INACCURACY OF DAVID HUME. -- HARDYNG'S DUPLICITY. -- MANIFESTO +OF THE PERCIES PROBABLY A FORGERY. -- GLYNDOWR'S ABSENCE FROM THE +BATTLE INVOLVES NEITHER BREACH OF FAITH NOR NEGLECT OF DUTY. -- +CIRCUMSTANCES PRECEDING THE BATTLE. -- OF THE BATTLE ITSELF. -- ITS +IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES. + +1403. + + +In analysing the motives which drove the Percies, father and son, into +rebellion, we are recommended by some writers to search only into +those antecedent probabilities, those general causes of mutual +dissatisfaction, which must have operated on parties situated as they +were with regard to Henry IV. The same authors would dissuade us from +seeking for any immediate and proximate causes, because "chroniclers +have not discovered or detailed the beginning incidents." But we shall +scarcely be able to do justice to our subject if we strictly follow +this prescribed rule of inquiry. The general causes enumerated (p. 142) +by Hume, and expatiated upon in modern times, we may take for granted. +Undoubtedly ingratitude on the one side, and discontent on the other, +were not only to be expected, but, as we know, actually prevailed. +"The sovereign naturally became jealous of that power which had advanced +him to the throne, and the subject was not easily satisfied in the +returns which he thought so great a favour had merited." But we are by +no means left to conjecture abstractedly on the "beginning incidents," +as the proximate causes of the open revolt of the family of Percy have +been called: Hotspur's own letters, as well as those of his father +Northumberland, the existence of which seems not to have been known to +our historians, prepare us for much of what actually took place. We +have already observed the indications of wounded pride, and indignation, +and utter discontent, which Hotspur's despatches from Wales evince. +Another communication, dated Swyneshed, in Lincolnshire, July 3, is more +characteristic of his temper of mind than the preceding, and makes his +subsequent conduct still more easily understood.[147] Sir Harris (p. 143) +Nicolas has so clearly analysed this letter, that we may well content +ourselves with the substance of it as we find it in his valuable +preface. + + [Footnote 147: The date of this letter is not + ascertained; it probably was in the July of 1402. + It could scarcely have been in 1401, in which year + he was certainly in Wales in June, and was + appointed a commissioner for negociating a peace + with Scotland on the 1st of September. In the + beginning of July 1403 he was in Wales, or on its + borders, negociating perhaps with Owyn Glyndowr's + representatives, and in Cheshire exciting the + people to rebellion.] + +"Hotspur commenced by reminding the council of his repeated applications +for payment of the money due to him as Warden of the East March; and +then alluded to the other sums owing to his father and himself, and to +the promise made by the treasurer, when he was last in London, that, +if it were agreeable to the council, 2,000 marks should be paid him +before the February then last past. He said he had heard that at the +last parliament, when the necessities of the realm were explained by +the lords of the great council to the barons and commons, the war +allowance was demanded for all the marches, Calais, Guienne and Scotland, +the sea, and Ireland; that the proposition for the Scotch marches was +limited to 37,000_l._; and that, as the payment for the marches in +time of truce, due to his father and to him, did not exceed 5,000_l._ +per annum, it excited his astonishment that it could not be paid in +good faith; that it appeared to him either that the council attached +too little consideration to the said marches, where the most formidable +enemies which they had would be found, or that they were not satisfied +with his and his father's services therein; but, if they made proper +inquiry, he hoped that the greatest neglect they would discover in the +marches was the neglect of payment, without which they would find no +one who could render such service. On this subject he had, he (p. 144) +said, written to the King, entreating him that, if any injury occurred +to town, castle, or march, in his charge, from default of payment, he +might not be blamed; but that the censure should rest on those who would +not pay him, agreeably to his Majesty's honourable command and desire. +He begged the council not to be displeased that he wrote ignorantly in +his rude and feeble manner on this subject, because he was compelled +to do so by the necessities not merely of himself, but of his soldiers, +who were in such distress, that, without providing a remedy, he neither +could nor dared to go to the marches; and he concluded by requesting the +council to take such measures as they might think proper." + +Two letters from the Earl of Northumberland, the one to the council in +May, the other to the King, dated 26th June 1403, breathe the same +spirit with those of his son Hotspur, and would have led us to +anticipate the same subsequent conduct; at least they ought to have +prepared the King and council for the resentments of two such men, +overflowing with bitter indignation at the neglect and injustice with +which they considered themselves to have been treated. + +"The last of these letters (we quote throughout the words of the same +Editor) is extremely curious. Northumberland commenced by acknowledging +the receipt of a letter from the King, wherein Henry has expressed (p. 145) +his expectation that the Earl would be at Ormeston Castle on the day +appointed, and in sufficient force, without creating any additional +expense to his Majesty; but that, on consideration, the King, reflecting +that this could not be the case without expenses being incurred by the +Earl and his son Hotspur, had ordered some money to be speedily sent +to them. Of that money the Earl said he knew not the amount, nor the +day of payment; that his honour, as well as the state of the kingdom, +was in question; and that the day on which he was to be at Ormeston +was so near, that, if payment was not soon ordered, it was very +probable that the fair renown of the chivalry of the realm would not +be maintained at that place, to the utter dishonour and grief of him +and of his son, who were the King's loyal subjects; which they +believed could not be his wish, nor had they deserved it. 'If,' the +Earl sarcastically observed, 'we had both been paid the 60,000_l._ +since your coronation, as I have heard you were informed by those who +do not wish to tell you the truth, then we could better support such a +charge; but to this day there is clearly due to us, as can be fully +proved, 20,000_l._ and more'. He then entreated the King to order his +council and treasurer to pay him and his son a large sum conformably +to the grant made in the last parliament, and to their indentures, so +that no injury might arise to the realm by the non-payment of what was +due to them.' To this letter he signed himself 'Your Matathias, (p. 146) +who supplicates you to take his state and labour to heart in this +affair.'" + +There is so much sound reasoning also and good sense in the review of +these proceedings, presented to us by the same pen, that we cannot do +better than adopt it. The Author's subsequent researches have all +tended to confirm that Editor's view: + +"This letter preceded the rebellion of the Percies by less than four +weeks; and that event may, it is presumed, be mainly attributed to the +inattention shown to their requests of payment of the large sums which +they had expended in the King's service. They were not only harassed +by debts, and destitute of means to pay their followers, but their +honour, as the Earl expressly told the King, was involved in the +fulfilment of their engagements; a breach of which not only exposed +them to the greatest difficulties, but, in the opinion of their +chivalrous contemporaries, perhaps affected their reputation. That +under these circumstances, and goaded by a sense of injury and injustice, +the fiery Hotspur should throw off his allegiance, and revolt, is not +surprising; but it is matter of astonishment that Henry should have +hazarded such a result. To the house of Percy he was chiefly indebted +for the crown; and it is scarcely credible that at the moment of their +defection it could have been his policy to offend them. The country +was at war with France and Scotland, Wales was then in open rebellion, +and Henry was far from satisfied of the general loyalty of his (p. 147) +subjects. Can it be believed that he desired to increase his enemies +by adding the most powerful family in the kingdom to the number? Nor +can Henry's constant efforts to prevent the people from becoming +disaffected, be reconciled with the wish to excite discontent in two +of the most influential and distinguished personages in the realm. It +is shown in another part of this volume, (Minutes of Privy Council,) +that the King had not the slightest suspicion of Hotspur's revolt +until it took place; and it appears that, when he heard of it, he was +actually on his route to join that chieftain, and, to use his own +words to his council, 'to give aid and support to his very dear and +loyal cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and his son Henry, in the +expedition which they had honourably commenced for him and his realm +against his enemies the Scotch.' Instead of refusing to pay to the +Percies the money which they claimed, from the desire to lessen their +power, or to inflict upon them any species of mortification, all which +is known of the state of this country justifies the inference that +Henry had the strongest motives for conciliating that family. The +neglect of their repeated demands seems, therefore, to have arisen +solely from his being unable[148] to comply with them; and the (p. 148) +King's pecuniary embarrassments are shown by the documents in this +work to have been of so pressing and so permanent a nature, that there +is no difficulty in believing such to have been the case. It is deserving +of observation, however, that the discontent which is visible in the +letters of Hotspur and his father, is as much at the conduct of the +council as at that of the King; and jealousy of their superior influence +with Henry, and possibly a suspicion that they endeavoured to injure +them in his estimation, as well as to impede their exertions in his +service, by withholding the necessary resources, may have combined +with other causes in producing their disaffection."[149] + + [Footnote 148: The fact is, that in the years + immediately preceding their defection, the Issue + Rolls of the Exchequer abound with items of + payment, some to a very large amount, to the Earl + of Northumberland and his son. The names of both + the father and the son, sometimes separately, often + jointly, recur so constantly that they can scarcely + escape the observation even of a cursory glance + over the Rolls. Generally the payment is for the + protection of the East March and Berwick; in some + instances, for defending the castle of Beaumaris, + and the island of Anglesea. On the 17th July 1403, + payment is recorded of precisely the same sum to + the two Percies for their services in the North + March, and to the Prince for the protection of + Wales; in each case, no doubt, falling far short of + the requisite amount, but in each case probably as + much as the Exchequer could afford to supply.] + + [Footnote 149: Preface to Sir H. Nicolas's Privy + Council of England, p. 4.] + + * * * * * + +Not Shakspeare only, in his highly-wrought scene at the Archdeacon of +Bangor's house, but our historians also and their commentators, +instruct us to refer to a point of time very little subsequent to the +date of the last letter from the Earl of Northumberland the celebrated +TRIPARTITE INDENTURE OF DIVISION. Shakspeare has traced, with (p. 149) +such exquisite designs and shades of colouring, the different characters +of the contracting parties in their acts and sentiments, and has +thrown such vividness and life and beauty into the whole procedure, +that the imagination is led captive, superinducing an unwillingness to +doubt the reality; and the mind reluctantly engages in an examination +of the truth. But, consistently with the principles adopted in these +Memoirs, the Author is compelled to sift the evidence on which the +genuineness of the treaty depends. The document, if it could have been +established as trustworthy, could not have failed to be interesting to +every one as a fact in general history, whilst the English and Welsh +antiquary must in an especial manner have been gratified by being made +acquainted with its particular provisions. At all events, whatever +opinion may be ultimately formed of its character as the vehicle of +historical verity, it is in itself too important, and has been too +widely recognised, to be passed over in these pages without notice. + +Sir Henry Ellis, to whom we are indebted for having first called +attention to the specific stipulations of this alleged treaty, with +his accustomed perspicuity and succinctness thus introduces the +subject to his reader: + +"Sir Edmund Mortimer's letter is dated December 13 (1402), and the +Tripartite Indenture of Partition was not fully agreed upon till +toward the middle of the next year. The negociation for the (p. 150) +partition of the kingdom seems to have originated with Mortimer and +Glyndowr only. The battle of Shrewsbury was fought on July 21st, 1403. +The manuscript chronicle, already named, compiled by one of the +chaplains[150] to King Henry V, gives the particulars of the final +treaty, signed at the house of the Archdeacon of Bangor, more amply +than they can be found elsewhere. The expectation declared in this +treaty that the contracting parties would turn out to be those spoken +of by Merlin, who were to divide amongst them the Greater Britain, as +it is called, corroborates the story told by Hall. The whole passage +is here submitted to the reader's perusal: the words are evidently +those of the treaty." The reader is then furnished with a copy of the +Latin original: but, since no point of the general question as to its +genuineness appears to be affected by the words employed, the +following translation is substituted in its place. + + [Footnote 150: That this chronicle was not compiled + by one of Henry V.'s chaplains, is shown in the + Appendix.] + + TRIPARTITE INDENTURE OF DIVISION. + + "This year, the Earl of Northumberland made a league and covenant + and friendship with Owyn Glyndwr and Edmund Mortimer, son of the + late Edmund Earl of March, in certain articles of the form and + tenor following:--In the first place, that these Lords, Owyn, the + Earl, and Edmund, shall henceforth be mutually joined, confederate, + united, and bound by the bond of a true league and true (p. 151) + friendship, and sure and good union. Again, that every of these + Lords shall will and pursue, and also procure, the honour and + welfare one of another; and shall, in good faith, hinder any losses + and distresses which shall come to his knowledge, by any one + whatsoever intended to be inflicted on either of them. Every one, + also, of them shall act and do with another all and every those + things which ought to be done by good, true, and faithful friends + to good, true, and faithful friends, laying aside all deceit and + fraud. Also, if ever any of the said Lords shall know and learn of + any loss or damage intended against another by any persons whatsoever, + he shall signify it to the others as speedily as possible, and assist + them in that particular, that each may take such measures as may + seem good against such malicious purposes; and they shall be anxious + to prevent such injuries in good faith; also, they shall assist + each other to the utmost of their power in the time of necessity. + Also, if by God's appointment it should appear to the said Lords + in process of time that they are the same persons of whom the + Prophet speaks, between whom the government of the Greater Britain + ought to be divided and parted, then they and every of them shall + labour to their utmost to bring this effectually to be accomplished. + Each of them, also, shall be content with that portion of the + kingdom aforesaid limited as below, without further exaction or + superiority; yea, each of them in such portion assigned to him + shall enjoy equal liberty. Also, between the same Lords it is + unanimously covenanted and agreed that the said Owyn and his heirs + shall have the whole of Cambria or Wales, by the borders, limits, + and boundaries underwritten divided from Leogoed which is commonly + called England; namely, from the Severn sea, as the river Severn + leads from the sea, going down to the north gate of the city of + Worcester; and from that gate straight to the ash-trees, commonly + called in the Cambrian or Welsh language Ouuene Margion, which + grow on the high way from Bridgenorth to Kynvar; thence by (p. 152) + the high way direct, which is usually called the old or ancient way + to the head or source of the river Trent; thence to the head or + source of the river Meuse; thence as that river leads to the sea, + going down within the borders, limits, and boundaries above written. + And the aforesaid Earl of Northumberland shall have for himself + and his heirs the counties below written, namely, Northumberland, + Westmoreland, Lancashire, York, Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, + Stafford, Leicester, Northampton, Warwick, and Norfolk. And the + Lord Edmund shall have all the rest of the whole of England + entirely to him and his heirs. Also, should any battle, riot, or + discord fall out between two of the said Lords, (may it never be!) + then the third of the said Lords, calling to himself good and + faithful counsel, shall duly rectify such discord, riot, and battle; + whose approval or sentence the discordant parties shall be held + bound to obey. They shall also be faithful to defend the kingdom + against all men; saving the oak on the part of the said Owyn given + to the most illustrious Prince Charles, by the grace of God King + of the French, in the league and covenant between them made. And + that the same be, all and singular, well and faithfully observed, + the said Lords, Owyn, the Earl, and Edmund, by the holy body of + the Lord which they now stedfastly look upon, and by the holy + Gospels of God by them now bodily touched, have sworn to observe + the premises all and singular to their utmost, inviolably; and + have caused their seals to be mutually affixed thereto." + +The above learned Editor of this instrument (to whose labours in rescuing +from oblivion so many original documents relative to these times we +are repeatedly induced to acknowledge our obligations,) seems to have +fallen into some serious mistakes here. Either influenced by the +fascinating reminiscences of Shakspeare's representations, or (p. 153) +following Hall with too implicit a confidence, he has altogether +overlooked the date assigned in the manuscript itself to the execution +of this partition deed, and the persons between whom the agreement is +there said to have been made. So far from countenancing the assumption +that "the indenture was finally agreed upon towards the middle of the +year next after the date of Edmund Mortimer's letter announcing his +junction with Owyn (December 14th, 1402)," the manuscript expressly +states that the covenant was made on the 28th of February,[151] in the +fourth year of Henry IV; and that the contracting parties were Henry +Earl of Northumberland, Sir Edmund Mortimer, and Owyn Glyndowr. Hall, +on whom there exists strong reason for believing that Shakspeare +rested as his authority, asserts that the contracting parties were +Glyndowr, the LORD PERCY (by which title he throughout designates +Hotspur), and the EARL OF MARCH. Hall's expressions would lead us to +infer that the circumstance was not generally recognised or known (p. 154) +by the chroniclers before his time, but was recorded by one only of +those with whose writings he was acquainted. "A certain writer," he +says, "writeth that this Earl of March, the Lord Percy, and Owyn +Glyndowr were unwisely made believe by a Welsh prophesier that King +Henry was the Moldwarp cursed of God's own mouth, and that they were +the Dragon, the Lion, and the Wolf which should divide the realm +between them, by the deviation, not divination, of that mawmet Merlin." +Hall then proceeds to tell us that the tripartite indenture was sealed +by the deputies of the three parties in the Archdeacon's house; and +that, by the treaty, Wales was given to Owyn, all England from Severn +and Trent southward and eastward, was assigned to the Earl of March, +and the remnant to Lord Percy. + + [Footnote 151: This date cannot have been earlier + than February 1404, nor later than 1405. If we + interpret the words of the MS. to mean the regnal + year of Henry IV, the date will be the first of + those two years; if it was the February subsequent + to the election of Pope Innocent, October 1404, + immediately after noticing which the MS. records + this treaty, it will be the latter. The copy of + this manuscript agrees in all points with the + Sloane, except that it refers it to the 18th + instead of the 28th of February.] + +The strange confusion made either by Hall, or "the certain writer" +from whom he draws his story, of Owyn's prisoner and son-in-law, Edmund +Mortimer, with the Earl of March his nephew, then a minor in the King's +safe custody, throws doubtless great suspicion on his narrative; +nevertheless, such as it is, (allowing for that mistake,) his account +seems far more probable than the statement given in the Sloane +manuscript,--the only authority, it is presumed, now known to have +reported the alleged words of the treaty. It is much more likely, that +the project of dividing South Britain among the houses of Glyndowr, +Mortimer, and Percy, should have been entertained before the (p. 155) +battle of Shrewsbury, when the Earl of Worcester's malicious love of +mischief might have suggested it, and Hotspur's headstrong impetuosity +might have caught at the scheme, and their troops, not yet dispirited +by defeat, might have been sanguine of success, than after that struggle, +when the old Earl of Northumberland[152] was the only representative of +the house of Percy who could have signed it. The cause of Owyn, Mortimer, +and Northumberland had so sunk into its wane after Hotspur's death, +that they could then scarcely have contemplated as a thing feasible +the division of the fair realm of England and Wales among themselves. +Of the authority of the manuscript from which the indenture is +extracted, the Author (for reasons stated in the Appendix) is (p. 156) +compelled to form a very low estimate. And if such a deed ever was +signed, it is far less improbable that the manuscript (full, as it +confessedly is elsewhere, of errors) should have inserted it incorrectly +in point of chronological order, than that the contracting parties +should have postponed their contemplated arrangement to a period when +success must have appeared almost beyond hope. Independently, however, +of the suspicion cast on the document by the date assigned to it in +the manuscript, it seems to carry with it internal evidence against +itself. The contract was made by Edmund Mortimer, the Earl of +Northumberland, and Owyn, and among them the land was to be divided; +but, so far from the report of such an intended distribution being +corroborated by any other authority, there is much evidence to render +it incredible. Edmund Mortimer's own genuine letter, for example, +announcing his adhesion to Owyn, which preceded this agreement, makes +no allusion to the Percies, or even to himself, as portionists. "The +cause," he says, "which he espoused would guarantee to Owyn his rights +in Wales, and, in case Richard were dead, would place the Earl of +March on the throne." It is, indeed, scarcely conceivable that the +nobles, the gentry, and the people at large would have suffered their +land to be cut up into portions, destroying the integrity of the +kingdom, and exposing it with increased facilities to foreign (p. 157) +invasion, and interminable intestine warfare; whilst neither of the +three who were to share the spoil had any pretensions of title to the +crown. It is scarcely less inconceivable that three men, such as +Mortimer, Glyndowr, and Northumberland, could have seriously devised +so desperate a scheme. + + [Footnote 152: Nevertheless, it should be + remembered that many ancient accounts mention the + Earl of Northumberland's visit to Glyndowr + subsequently to his return from the flight into + Scotland, and that the French auxiliaries invaded + England under Glyndowr's standard long after the + battle of Shrewsbury. It was on the last day of + February 1408, that Rokeby, Sheriff of Yorkshire, + compelled Northumberland and Lord Bardolf to engage + with him in the field of Bramham Moor, when the + Earl fell in battle, and Lord Bardolf died of his + wounds. The Earl's head, covered with the snows of + age, was exposed on London Bridge. The people + lamented his fate when they recalled to mind his + former magnificence and glory. Many (says + Walsingham) applied to him the lines of Lucan: + + Sed nos nec sanguis, nec tantum vulnera nostri + Afficere senis, quantum gestata per urbem + Ora ducis, quae transfixo deformia pilo + Vidimus.] + +On the whole, the Author is disposed to express his suspicion that the +entire story of the tripartite league is the creature only of +invention, originating in some inexplicable mistake, or fabricated for +the purpose of exciting feelings of contempt or hostility against the +rebels. + + * * * * * + +In examining the various accounts of the battle of Shrewsbury with a +view of putting together ascertained facts in right order, and +distinguishing between certainty,--strong probability,--mere +surmise,--improbabilities,--and utter mistakes, we shall find it far +more easy to point out the errors of others, than to adopt one general +view which shall not in its turn be open to objections. Still, in any +important course of events, it seems to be a dereliction of duty in an +author to shrink from offering the most probable outline of facts +which the careful comparison of different statements, and a patient +weighing of opposite authorities, suggest. Before, however, we enter +upon that task, it will be necessary to clear the way by examining +some other questions of doubt and difficulty. + +To Mr. Hume's inaccuracies, arising from the want of patient (p. 158) +labour in searching for truth at the fountain-head, we have been led +to refer above. His readiness to rest satisfied with whatever first +offered itself, provided it suited his present purpose, without either +scrutinizing its internal evidence, or verifying it by reference to +earlier and better authority, is forced upon our notice in his account +of the battle of Shrewsbury. Just one half of the entire space which +he spares to record the whole affair, he devotes to a minute detail of +the manifesto which Hotspur is said to have sent to the King on the +night before the battle, in the name of his father, his uncle, and +himself. This document, at least in the terms quoted by Mr. Hume, is +proved as well by its own internal self-contradictions, as by historical +facts, to be a forgery of a much later date. + +The first charge which the manifesto is made to bring against Henry +is, that, after his landing at Ravenspurg, he swore on the Gospel that +he only sought his own rightful inheritance, that he would never +disturb Richard in his possession of the throne, and that never would +he aim at being King. And yet another item charges him with having +sworn on the same day, and at the same place, and on the same Gospel, +an oath (the very terms of which imply that he was to be King) that he +never would exact tenths or fifteenths without consent of the three +estates, except in cases of extreme emergence. Again, "It complained +of his cruel policy (says Mr. Hume, without adding a single remark,) +in allowing the young Earl of March, whom he ought to regard as (p. 159) +his sovereign, to remain a captive in the hands of his enemies, and +in even refusing to all his friends permission to treat of his ransom;" +whilst it is beyond all question that the person whom this pretended +manifesto confounds with the Earl of March, "taken in pitched battle," +was Sir Edmund Mortimer. The Earl of March was himself then a boy, and +was in close custody in Henry's castle of Windsor. The manifesto, as +Hume quotes it, is evidently full of historical blunders; its author +had followed those historians who had confounded Edmund Mortimer with +the Earl of March; and yet Mr. Hume adopts it on the authority of +Hall, and gives it so prominent a place in his work. + +But even as the manifesto is found in its original form in Hardyng, +(though the blunders copied by Hume from Hall[153] do not appear there +in all their extravagance and absurdity,) something attaches to it +exceedingly suspicious as to its character and circumstances. +Independently of the internal evidence of the document itself, which +will repay a careful scrutiny, the very fact of Hardyng having +withheld even the most distant allusion to such a manifesto in the +copy of his work which he presented to Henry VI, the grandson of (p. 160) +the King whose character the manifesto was designed to blast, at a +time so much nearer the event, when the reality or the falsehood of +his statement might have been more easily ascertained, contrasts very +strikingly with the forced and unnatural manner in which, many years +after, he abruptly thrusts the manifesto in Latin prose into the midst +of his English poem. He then[154] desired to please Edward IV, to whom +any adverse reflection on Bolinbroke would be acceptable. + + [Footnote 153: Hall says, "Because no chronicle + save one makes mention what was the cause and + occasion of this bloody battle, in the which on + both parts were more than forty thousand men + assembled, I word for word, according to my copy, + do here rehearse." He then gives the heads of the + manifesto, from which Hume has drawn his account.] + + [Footnote 154: The fact is, that Hardyng's + character is assailable, especially on the point of + forging documents. "Several writers have considered + Hardyng a most dexterous and notable forger, who + manufactured the deed for which he sought + reward."[154-a] The first manuscript, the Lansdown, + containing no allusion to this said manifesto, + comes down to 1436. The Harleian copy, which + contains it, comes down to the flight of Henry VI. + for Scotland. In the Lansdown copy not one word is + said about the oath sworn on Bolinbroke's landing, + nor about the manifesto.] + + [Footnote 154-a: See Sir H. Ellis's Introduction to + his edition of Hardyng.] + +The document, however, itself savours strongly of forgery. In the +first place, it purports to be signed and sealed by Henry Percy, Earl +of Northumberland, (though the Earl at that time was in Northumberland,) +Henry Percy, his first-born son, and Thomas Earl of Worcester, styling +themselves Procurators and Protectors of the kingdom. Should this +apparent contradiction be thought to be reconciled with the truth by +what Hardyng mentions, that the document was made by good advice (p. 161) +of the Archbishop of York, and divers other holy men and lords; it +must be answered that it could not have been drawn up for the purpose +of being used whenever an opportunity might offer, for, in the name of +the three, it challenges the King, and declares that they will prove +the allegations "_on this day_," "_on this instant day_," twice repeated. +Evidently the writer of the document had his mind upon the fatal day of +Shrewsbury. + +Again, one of their principal charges seems to have emanated from a +person totally ignorant of some facts which must have been known to +the Percies, and which are established by documents still in our +hands. The words of the clause to which we refer run thus: "We aver +and intend to prove, that whereas Edmund Mortimer, brother of the Earl +of March, was taken by Owyn Glyndowr in mortal battle, in the open +field, and has UP TO THIS TIME[155] _been cruelly kept in prison_ and +bands of iron, in your cause, you have publicly declared him to have +been guilefully taken, [ex dolo,--willingly, as Hall quotes it, to +yield himself prisoner to the said Owyn,] and you would not suffer him +to be ransomed, neither by his own means nor by us his relatives and +friends. We have, therefore, negociated with Owyn, as well for his +ransom from our own proper goods, as also for peace between you and +Owyn. Wherefore have you regarded us as traitors, and moreover (p. 162) +have craftily and secretly planned and imagined our death and utter +destruction." + + [Footnote 155: Adhuc.] + +This clause of the manifesto declares the King to have publicly +proclaimed that Edmund Mortimer, who was taken in pitched battle, had +fraudulently given himself up to Owyn. The King's own letter to the +council[156] is totally irreconcileable with his making such a +declaration. He announces to them the news which he had just received +of Mortimer's capture, as a calamity which had made him resolve to +proceed in person against the rebels. "Tidings have reached us from +Wales, that the rebels have taken our very dear and much beloved +Edmund Mortimer." Again, the clause avers that the King had suffered +the same person, Edmund Mortimer, to be kept cruelly in prison and +iron chains _up to that time_, and would not suffer him to be +ransomed. In contradiction to this charge, we are assured by the early +chroniclers[157] that Owyn treated Mortimer with all the humanity and +respect in his power; and that because he possessed not the means of +paying a ransom, he had, as early as St. Andrew's day, (30th of +November 1402, less than six months after his capture, and nearly +eight months before the alleged delivery of the manifesto,) been +married to the daughter of Owyn with great solemnity; and, "thus (p. 163) +turning wholly to the Welsh people, he pledged himself thereafter to +fight for them to the utmost of his power against the English." + + [Footnote 156: Acts of Council, vol. i. p. 185.] + + [Footnote 157: Monk of Evesham and Sloane, + 1776.--In the passage relating to Mortimer's + marriage in Walsingham's history, the word "obiit" + is evidently an interpolation by mistake. It does + not occur in the corresponding passage in his + Ypodig. Neust.] + +Another expression in this clause, incompatible with the truth, but +quite consistent with the mistakes which from very early times +prevailed as to the circumstances preceding the battle of Shrewsbury, +charges the King with having pronounced the three Percies to be +traitors, and with having secretly planned and imagined their ruin and +death; and this is said to have been signed and sealed by +Northumberland, then remaining in the north. Whereas the truth, +established beyond controversy, though little known, is, that, up to +the very day when the King announced to the council Hotspur's +rebellion,--barely four days before the battle,--he had entertained no +idea of their disloyalty. Even in his last preceding despatch he +informed the council that he was on his way "to afford aid and comfort +to his very dear and faithful cousins, the Earl of Northumberland and +his son Henry, and to join them in their expedition against the +Scots."[158] + + [Footnote 158: Acts of Council, vol. i. p. 207.] + +These considerations, among others, throw so many and such weighty +suspicions on the manifesto, that it can scarcely be regarded as +deserving of credit. Nor must the Author here disguise his conviction, +that the whole is a forgery, guiltily made for the purpose of +blackening the memory of Henry IV, and of casting odium on the (p. 164) +dynasty of the house of Lancaster. + +Another important mistake into which tradition seems to have betrayed +some very pains-taking persons is that which charges Owyn Glyndowr +with a breach of faith, and a selfish conduct, on the occasion of the +battle of Shrewsbury, utterly unworthy of any man of the slightest +pretensions to integrity and honour. He is said by Leland to have +promised Percy to be present at that struggle: he is reported by +Pennant to have remained, as if spell-bound, with twelve thousand men +at Oswestry. The History of Shrewsbury tells us of the still existing +remains of an oak at Shelton, into the top-most branches of which he +climbed to see the turn of the battle, resolving to proceed or retire +as that should be; having come with his forces to that spot time +enough to join the conflict. The question involving Owyn Glyndowr's +good faith and valour, or zeal and activity, is one of much interest, +and deserves to be patiently investigated; whilst an attentive +examination of authentic documents, and a careful comparison of dates, +are essential to the establishment of the truth. The result of the +inquiry may be new, and yet not on that account the less to be relied +upon. + +That Owyn gladly promised to co-operate with the Percies, there is +every reason to regard as time; that he undertook to be with them at +Shrewsbury on that day of battle cannot, it should seem, be true. +Probably he never heard of any expectation of such an engagement, (p. 165) +and the first news which reached him relating to it may have been +tidings of Percy's death, and the discomfiture of his troops. The +Welsh historians unsparingly charge him with having deceived his +northern friends on that day: and some assert that he remained at +Oswestry, only seventeen miles off; others that he came to the very +banks of the Severn, and tarried there in safety, consulting only his +own interest, whilst a vigorous effort on his part might have turned +the victory that day against the King. This is, perhaps, within the +verge of possibility; but is in the highest degree improbable. That +the reports have originated in an entire ignorance of Owyn's probable +position at the time, and of the sudden, unforeseen, and unexpected +character of the struggle to which Bolinbroke's instantaneous decision +forced the Percies, will evidently appear, if, instead of relying on +vague tradition, we follow in search of the reality where facts only, +or fair inferences from ascertained facts, may conduct us. + +It appears, then, to be satisfactorily demonstrable by original +documents, interpreted independently of preconceived theory, that, +four days only before King Henry's proclamation against the Percies +was issued at Burton upon Trent, Owyn Glyndowr was in the extreme +divisions of Caermarthenshire, most actively and anxiously engaged in +reducing the English castles which still held out against him, and by +no means free from formidable antagonists in the field, being (p. 166) +fully occupied at that juncture, and likely to be detained there +for some time. It must be also remembered that the King published his +proclamation as soon as ever he had himself heard of Hotspur's movements +from the north, and that even his knowledge of the hostile intentions +of the Percies preceded the very battle itself only by the brief space +of five days. This circumstance has never (it is presumed) been noticed +by any of our historians; and the examination of the whole question +involves so new and important a view of the affairs of the Principality +at that period, and bears so immediately on the charge made against +the great rebel chieftain for dastardly cowardice or gross breach of +faith, that it seems to claim in these volumes a fuller and more +minute investigation than might otherwise have been desirable or +generally interesting. The documents furnishing the facts on which we +ground our opinion, are chiefly original letters preserved in the +British Museum, and made accessible to the general reader by having +been published by Sir Henry Ellis.[159] That excellent Editor, +however, has unquestionably referred them to an earlier date than can +be truly assigned to them.[160] Independently of the material fact +which they are intended to establish, they carry with them much +intrinsic interest of their own; and although the detail of the (p. 167) +evidence in the body of the work might seem to impede unnecessarily +the progress of the narrative, the dissertation in its detached form +is recommended to the reader's careful perusal. Should he close his +examination of those documents under the same impression which the +Author confesses they have made on himself, he will acquiesce in the +conclusion above stated, and consider this position as admitting no +reasonable doubt,--That, a few days only before the fatal battle of +Shrewsbury, Owyn Glyndowr was in the very extremity of South Wales, +engaged in attempts to reduce the enemy's garrisons, and crush his +power in those quarters; with a prospect also before him of much +similar employment in a service of great danger to himself. And when +we recollect that probably Henry Percy as little expected the King to +meet him at Shrewsbury, as the King a week before had thought to find +him or his father in any other part of the kingdom than in +Northumberland, whither he was himself on his march to join them; when +we recollect the nature and extent of the country which lies between +Pembrokeshire and Salop; and reflect also on the undisciplined state +of Owyn's "eight thousand and eight score spears, such as they were;" +instead of being surprised at his absence from Shrewsbury on the 21st +of July, and charging him with having deserted his friends and sworn +allies on that sad field, we are driven to believe that his presence +there would have savoured more of the marvellous than many of his (p. 168) +most celebrated achievements. The simple truth breaks the spell of the +poet's picture, and forces us to unveil its fallacy, though it has +been pronounced by the historian of Shrewsbury to "form one of the +brightest ornaments of the pages of Marmion." To whatever cause we +ascribe the decline of Owyn's power, we cannot trace its origin to a +judicial visitation as the consequence of his failure in that hour of +need. The poet's imagination, creative of poetical justice, wrought +upon the tale as it was told; but that tale was not built on truth. +The lines, however, deserve to have been the vehicle of a less +ill-founded tradition. + + [Footnote 159: Original Letters, Second Series.] + + [Footnote 160: Those documents, with the Author's + remarks and reasonings upon them, will be found in + the Appendix.] + + "E'en from the day when chained by fate, + By wizard's dream or potent spell, + Lingering from sad Salopia's field, + Reft of his aid, the Percy fell;-- + E'en from that day misfortune still, + As if for violated faith, + Pursued him with unwearied step, + Vindictive still for Hotspur's death."[161] + + [Footnote 161: Quoted by Scott in his Notes on + Marmion from a poem by the Rev. G. Warrington, + called "The Spirit's Blasted Tree."] + +Those who feel an interest in tracing the localities of this battle +with a greater minuteness of detail in its circumstances than is +requisite for the purpose of these Memoirs, will do well to consult +the "Historian of Shrewsbury." The following is offered as the +probable outline of the circumstances of the engagement, together (p. 169) +with those which preceded and followed it. + + * * * * * + +The Earl of Northumberland and his son Hotspur were engaged in collecting +and organizing troops in the north, for the professed purpose of +invading Scotland as soon as the King should join them with his +forces. Taking from these troops "eight score horse," Hotspur[162] +marched southward from Berwick at their head, and came through (p. 170) +Lancashire and Cheshire, spreading his rebellious principles on every +side, and adding to his army, especially from among the gentry. He +proclaimed everywhere that their favourite Richard, though deposed by +the tyranny of Bolinbroke, was still alive; and many gathered round +his standard, resolved to avenge the wrongs of their liege lord. The +King, with a considerable force, the amount of which is not precisely +known, was on his march towards the north, with the intention of +joining the forces raised by the Percies, and of advancing with them +into Scotland, and, "that expedition well ended," of returning to +quell the rebels in Wales. He was at Burton on Trent when news was +brought to him of Hotspur's proceedings, which decided him[163] +instantly to grapple with this unlooked-for rebellion. Hotspur was +believed to be on his road to join Glyndowr, and the King resolved to +intercept him. + + [Footnote 162: Hardyng represents the variance + between Henry IV. and the Percies to have + originated in three causes:--in their own refusal + to give up certain prisoners of rank who had been + taken at the battle of Homildon; in the King's + refusal to let Sir Edmund Mortimer pay a ransom; + and in the displeasure which the King had felt in + consequence of an interview between Hotspur and + Glyndowr, which had excited his suspicions. A + commission was issued on the 14th March 1403, at + the instance of the Earl of Westmoreland, to + inquire about the prisoners taken at Homildon or + "Humbledon."--Rym. Foe The Pell Rolls acquaint + us with the great importance attached by Henry and + the nation to this victory, by recording the + pension assigned to the first bringer of the + welcome news: "To Nicholas Merbury 40_l._ yearly + for other good services, as also because the same + Nicholas was the first person who reported for a + certainty to the said lord the King the good, + agreeable, and acceptable news of the success of + the late expedition at Homeldon, near Wollor, in + Northumberland, by Henry, late Earl of + Northumberland. Four earls, many barons and + bannerets, with a great multitude of knights and + esquires, as well Scotch as French, were taken; and + also a great multitude slain, and drowned in the + river Tweed." This act of gratitude was somewhat + late, if the entry in the Roll records the first + payment. It is dated Nov. 3, 1405. At the date of + this payment Percy is called the _late_ Earl, + because he had forfeited his title.] + + [Footnote 163: Walsingham records that the Earl of + Dunbar, urging Henry to strike an immediate blow, + quoted Lucan. He probably uttered the + sentiment,--the quotation being supplied by the + chronicler: + + "Tolle moras; nocuit semper differre paratis, + Dum trepidant nullo firmatae robore partes."] + +So far from inferring, as some authors have done, from the smallness +of the numbers on either side, that the country considered it more a +personal quarrel between two great families than as a national concern, +we might rather feel surprise at the magnitude of the body of men (p. 171) +which met in the field of Shrewsbury.[164] It must be remembered that +the King did not "go down" from the seat of government with 14,000 +men; but that the army with which he hastened to crush the rising +rebellion consisted only of the troops at the head of whom he was +marching towards the north, of the body then under the Prince of Wales +on the borders, and of those who could be gathered together on the +exigence of the moment by the royal proclamation. It must be borne +also in mind that (according to all probability) barely four days +elapsed between the first intimation which reached the King's ears of +the rebellion of the Percies, and the desperate conflict which crushed +them. As we have already seen, the King, only on the 10th of July, +(scarcely eleven days before that decisive struggle,) believed himself +to be on his road northward to join "his beloved and loyal" +Northumberland and Hotspur against the Scots. + + [Footnote 164: Mr. Pennant, in his interesting + account of Owyn Glyndowr's life, (though he appears + to have been very diligent in collecting + traditionary materials for the work,) represents + King Henry to have "made an expeditious march to + Burton on Trent, on his way _against the northern + rebels_," _the Percies_; when, on hearing of + Hotspur having come southward, he turned to meet + him.] + +The Prince of Wales, who, as we infer, first apprised the King of this +rising peril, was on the Welsh borders, near Shrewsbury; and he formed +a junction with his father,--but where, and on what day, is not known. +Very probably the first intimation that Henry of Monmouth himself (p. 172) +had of the hostile designs of the Percies, was the sudden departure of +the Earl of Worcester, his guardian, who unexpectedly left the Prince's +retinue, and, taking his own dependents with him, joined Hotspur. + +At all events, delay would have added every hour to the imminent peril +of the royal cause, and probably Hotspur's impetuosity seconded the +King's manifest policy of hastening an immediate engagement; and thus +the "sorry battle of Shrewsbury" was fought by the united forces of +the King and the Prince on the one side, and the forces of Hotspur and +his uncle the Earl of Worcester on the other, unassisted by Glyndowr. + +That the opposed parties engaged in "Heyteley Field,"[165] near that +town, is placed beyond question. With regard to their relative position +immediately before the battle, there is no inconsiderable doubt. Some +say that the King's army reached the town and took possession of the +castle on the Friday, only three hours before Hotspur arrived: others, +following Walsingham, represent Hotspur as having arrived first, (p. 173) +and being in the very act of assaulting the town, when the sudden, +unexpected appearance of the royal banner advancing made him desist +from that attempt, and face the King's forces. Be this as it may, on +Saturday the 21st of July, the two hostile armies were drawn up in +array against each other in Hateley Field, ready to rush to the struggle +on which the fate of England was destined much to depend. Whether any +manifesto were sent from Hotspur, or not, it is certain that the King +made an effort to prevent the desperate conflict, and the unnecessary +shedding of so much Christian blood. He despatched the Abbot of +Shrewsbury and the Clerk of the Privy Seal to Hotspur's lines, with +offers of pardon even then, would they return to their allegiance. +Hotspur was much moved by this act of grace, and sent his uncle, the +Earl of Worcester, to negociate. This man has been called the origin +of all the mischief; and he is said so to have addressed the King, and +so to have misinterpreted his mild and considerate conversation, "who +condescended, in his desire of reconciliation, even below the royal +dignity," that both parties were incensed the more, and resolved +instantly to try their strength. The onset was made by the archers of +Hotspur, whose tremendous volleys caused dreadful carnage among the +King's troops. "They fell," says Walsingham, "as the leaves fall on +the ground after a frosty night at the approach of winter. There (p. 174) +was no room for the arrows to reach the ground, every one struck a +mortal man." The King's bowmen also did their duty. A rumour, spreading +through the host, that the King had fallen, shook the steadiness and +confidence of his partisans, and many took to flight; the royal presence, +however, in every part of the engagement soon rallied his men. Hotspur +and Douglas seemed anxious to fight neither with small nor great, but +with the King only;[166] though they mowed down his ranks, making +alleys, as in a field of corn, in their eagerness to reach him. He +was, we are told, unhorsed again and again; but returned to the charge +with increased impetuosity. His standard-bearer was killed at his +side, and the standard thrown down. At length the Earl of Dunbar +forced him away from the post which he had taken. Henry of Monmouth, +though he was then no novice in martial deeds, yet had never before +been engaged on any pitched-battle field; and here he did his duty +valiantly. He was wounded in the face by an arrow; but, so far from +allowing himself to be removed on that account to a place of safety, +he urged his friends to lead him into the very hottest of the conflict. +Elmham records his address: whether they are the very words he (p. 175) +uttered, or such only as he was likely to have used, they certainly +suit his character: "My lords, far be from me such disgrace, as that, +like a poltroon, I should stain my noviciate in arms by flight. If the +Prince flies, who will wait to end the battle? Believe it, to be carried +back before victory would be to me a perpetual death! Lead me, I +implore you, to the very face of the foe. I may not say to my friends, +'Go ye on first to the fight.' Be it mine to say, 'Follow me, my +friends.'" The next time we hear of Henry of Monmouth is as an agent +of mercy. The personal conflict between him and Hotspur, into the +description of which Shakspeare has infused so full a share of his +powers of song, has no more substantial origin than the poet's own +imagination. Percy fell by an unknown hand, and his death decided the +contest. The cry, "Henry Percy is dead!" which the royalists raised, +was the signal for utter confusion and flight.[167] The number of the +slain on either side is differently reported. When the two armies met, +the King's was superior in numbers, but Hotspur's far more abounded in +gentle blood. The greater part of the gentlemen of Cheshire fell on +that day. On the King's part,[168] except the Earl of Stafford and (p. 176) +Sir Walter Blount, few names of note are reckoned among the slain. + + [Footnote 165: That the battle was fought in + Hateley Field is proved by a document containing a + grant by patent (10 Hen. IV.) of two acres of land + for ever to Richard Huse (Hussey), Esquire, for two + chaplains to chant mass for the prosperity of the + King during his life, and for his soul afterwards, + and for all his progenitors, and for the souls of + them who died in that battle and were there + interred, and for the souls of all Christians, in a + new chapel to be built on the ground. See Sir + Harris Nicolas' preface to vol. i. p. 53.] + + [Footnote 166: The story that Henry adopted the + unchivalrous expedient of fighting in disguise, + arraying several persons, especially the Earl of + Stafford and Sir Walter Blount, in royal armour, + seems altogether fabulous.] + + [Footnote 167: The Scots fled, the Welshmen ran, + the traitors were overcome; then neither woods + letted, nor hills stopped, the fearful hearts of + them that were vanquished.--Hall.] + + [Footnote 168: Hume says, most unadvisedly, "the + persons of greatest distinction who fell on that + day were on the King's side."] + +The Earl of Worcester, Lord Douglas, and Sir Richard Vernon, fell into +the hands of the King; they were kept prisoners till the next Monday, +when Worcester and Vernon were beheaded. The Earl's head was sent up +to London on the 25th (the following Wednesday), by the bearer of the +royal mandate, commanding it to be placed upon London bridge. + +Thus ended the "sad and sorry field of Shrewsbury."[169] The battle +appeared to be the archetype of that cruel conflict which in the (p. 177) +middle of the century almost annihilated the ancient nobility of England. +Fabyan says, "it was more to be noted vengeable, for there the father was +slain of the son, and the son of the father." + + [Footnote 169: The Pell Rolls, so called from the + pells, or skins, on rolls of which accounts of the + royal receipts and expenditure used to be kept, are + preserved both in the Chapter House of Westminster, + and also in duplicate at the Exchequer Office in + Whitehall. The Author had every facility afforded + him of examining them at his leisure; and doubtless + these documents contain much valuable information, + throwing light as well on the national affairs of + the times to which they belong, as on the more + private history of monarchs and people. This is + evident to every one on inspecting the records of + any one year. But at the same time they read a + lesson, clear and sound, on the indispensable + necessity of constant care, and circumspection, and + sifting scrutiny, before reliance be placed on them + as evidence conclusive, and beyond appeal. The + Author of these Memoirs entered upon an examination + of the original documents, fully aware that the + date of payment with reference to any fact could + never be adduced in evidence that the event took + place at the time the entry was made, but only that + it had taken place before that time. Thus, a debt + due to the Prince, or one in command under him, at + the siege of a castle in Wales, or to tradesmen and + merchants for supplying the forces with provisions, + or to messengers sent with all speed bearing + despatches to the castle during the siege, might + remain unpaid for several years. He was, however, + at the same time under an impression that the sum + was recorded on the day of payment; at all events, + that payments with reference to any insulated fact + could not have been recorded as having been made + before that fact had transpired. In both these + points, however, he was mistaken. Payments were + registered not only long after the day on which + they were made, but absolutely _before the event + had taken place_ to which they refer, and which + could not have been anticipated by any human + foresight. Thus, not only is payment recorded as + having been made to Hotspur nearly five months + after his death, and to the Earl of Worcester, + twelve weeks after he was beheaded, for expenses + incurred by him in bringing the King's consort from + Brittany to England in the January preceding, but + absolutely the payment of messengers sent + throughout the kingdom to announce Henry Percy's + death and the defeat of the rebels near Shrewsbury, + and to order all ferries and passages to be watched + to prevent the escape of the rebels, is recorded as + having been made on the 17th of July 1403, FOUR + DAYS BEFORE THE BATTLE TOOK PLACE, and the very day + on which the King wrote to his council, informing + them of the rebellion, before he could himself + possibly have anticipated the place or time of any + engagement, much less the successful issue of such + a struggle with the rebels. The fact is, these + accounts were not kept with the regularity of a + modern banking-house; and the entries of what may + have been omitted were made at the audits, from + rough minutes and account-books. Thus mistakes as + to the date of actual payment probably were not + rare. The Pell Rolls are useful assistants; they + must not be followed implicitly as guides.] + + + + +CHAPTER IX. (p. 178) + +THE PRINCE COMMISSIONED TO RECEIVE THE REBELS INTO ALLEGIANCE. -- THE +KING SUMMONS NORTHUMBERLAND. -- HOTSPUR'S CORPSE DISINTERRED. -- THE +REASON. -- GLYNDOWR'S FRENCH AUXILIARIES. -- HE STYLES HIMSELF "PRINCE +OF WALES." -- DEVASTATION OF THE BORDER COUNTIES. -- HENRY'S LETTERS +TO THE KING, AND TO THE COUNCIL. -- TESTIMONY OF HIM BY THE COUNTY OF +HEREFORD. -- HIS FAMOUS LETTER FROM HEREFORD. -- BATTLE OF GROSSMONT. + +1403-1404. + + +No sooner had the King gained the field of Shrewsbury than he took the +most prompt measures to extinguish what remained of the rebellion of +the Percies. On the very next day he issued a commission to the Earl +of Westmoreland, William Gascoigne, and others, for levying forces to +act against the Earl of Northumberland. That nobleman, as we have seen, +remained in the north, probably in consequence of a sudden attack of +illness, when Hotspur made his ill-fated descent into the south: but +the King had good reason to believe that he was still in arms against +the crown; and although he despatched that commission of array to the +Earl of Westmoreland within only a few hours of the battle, yet (p. 179) +he resolved to march forthwith in person,[170] and crush the rebellion +by one decisive blow. On Monday the 23rd, the Earl of Worcester was +beheaded; and on the same day all his silver vessels, forfeited to the +King, were given to the Prince.[171] On the Tuesday the King must have +started for the north; for we find two ordinances dated at Stafford, a +distance of thirty miles from Shrewsbury, on Wednesday the 25th. +Whilst one of these royal mandates savours of severity, the other not +only is the message of mercy and forgiveness, but recommends itself to +us from the consideration of the person to whom the exercise of the +royal clemency was intrusted with unlimited discretion. Henry of +Monmouth, perhaps, left Shrewsbury after the battle, and proceeded +with his father on his journey northward; but we conclude Stafford to +have been, at all events, the furthest point from the Principality to +which he accompanied him. Whether the measure of mercy originated with +the King or the Prince, certainly both the King believed that his son +would gladly execute the commission, and the Prince felt happy in (p. 180) +being made the royal representative in the exercise of a monarch's +best and holiest prerogative. An ordinance was made by the King at +Stafford, investing the Prince of Wales with full powers to pardon the +rebels who were in the company of Henry Percy. The Prince probably +remained in or near Shrewsbury for the discharge of the duties assigned +to him by this commission. The King, having despatched messengers +throughout the whole realm announcing Henry Percy's death and the +defeat of the rebels, and commanding all ports to be watched that none +of the vanquished might escape, proceeded northward. On the 4th of +August we find him at Pontefract, from which place he issued an order +to the Sheriff[172] of York, which certainly indicates anything rather +than a thirst of vengeance on his enemies. It appears that many +persons, reckless of justice and confident of impunity, had laid +violent hands on the goods of the rebels; and different families had +thus been subjected to most grievous spoliation. The King's ordinance +conveys a peremptory order to the Sheriff of Yorkshire to interpose +his authority, and prevent such acts of violence and wrong, even upon +the King's enemies. On the 6th, we find him still at Pontefract, (p. 181) +and again on the 14th. Official documents, without supplying any matter +which needs detain us here, account for him through the intervening days. +Walsingham also relates that the King proceeded to York, and summoned +the whole county of Northumberland to appear before him. The Earl, who +had started with a strong body a few days after the battle, either in +ignorance of his son's failure, or to meet the King for the purpose of +treating with him for peace, had been resisted by the Earl of +Westmoreland, and compelled to retire to Warkworth. On receiving the +King's summons, leaving the commonalty behind, he approached the royal +presence with a small retinue, and, in the humble guise of a +suppliant, besought forgiveness.[173] The King granted him full +pardon, on the 11th of August;[174] and then began his return towards +Wales. We find him, from the 14th to the 16th,[175] at Pontefract; on +the 17th, at Doncaster. On the 18th, at Worksop; on the 26th, at (p. 182) +Woodstock; and on the 8th of September, at Worcester.[176] + + [Footnote 170: Sir Harris Nicolas, in his very + valuable preface to the first volume of the Acts of + the Privy Council, has fallen into the most + extraordinary mistake of stating that the King, + after the battle of Shrewsbury, "remained in or + near Wales until November." He was certainly absent + through six full weeks on his northern expedition. + The same Editor more than once affirms that the + battle of Shrewsbury was fought on the 23rd of + July.] + + [Footnote 171: MS. Donat. 4597.] + + [Footnote 172: Mr. Morritt of Rokeby, in a letter + to Sir Walter Scott, (Life of Scott, vol. ii. p. + 387,) says, "In the time of Henry IV. the High + Sheriff of Yorkshire who overthrew Northumberland, + and drove him to Scotland after the battle of + Shrewsbury, was a Rokeby. Tradition says that this + Sheriff was before an adherent of the Percies, and + was the identical knight who dissuaded Hotspur from + the enterprise, on whose letter the angry warrior + comments so freely in Shakspeare."] + + [Footnote 173: His friends and retainers spread + strange reports throughout the north, of the King's + death; and, assembling in great force, held the + castles of Berwick, Alnwick, and Warkworth against + the royal authority. The Earl of Westmoreland, + Warden of the West March, therefore requested to be + supplied with cannon and other means of assault to + reduce these fortresses. The proceedings are given + in detail among the Acts of the Privy Council, but + do not call for a minute examination here.] + + [Footnote 174: Walsingham says expressly, it was on + the morrow of St. Lawrence, August 11th.] + + [Footnote 175: On the 15th, he issues a + proclamation for an array, to meet him at + Worcester, on the 3rd of September at the latest, + to proceed against Owyn.] + + [Footnote 176: It was on his return towards Wales + that the military recommended Henry (then much in + need of money) to take from the bishops their + horses and gold, and send the prelates home on + foot. The Archbishop resisted the outrage in a + manly speech; and the King prayed a benevolence, + which the clergy granted.] + +After these acts of grace and pardon to Lord Douglas, Northumberland, +and all others who were joined to Sir Henry Percy, we should not expect +to find a charge substantiated of wanton and brutal cruelty and vengeance +on the part of the King against the corpse of that gallant knight. +Such a charge, however, is brought in the most severe terms which +language can supply in the manifesto said to have been made by the +Archbishop of York. The fact of Hotspur's exhumation may be granted, +and yet the King's memory may remain free from such a charge.[177] +That the body was buried, and afterwards disinterred and exposed to +public view, seems not to admit of a doubt. As it appears from the +Chronicle of London, "Persons reported that Percy was yet alive. He +was therefore taken up out of the grave, and bound upright between two +mill-stones, that all men might see that he was dead." "The cause of +Hotspur's exhumation is therefore satisfactorily explained; and, (p. 183) +since it must have been very desirable to remove all doubt as to the +fact of his death, the charge of needless barbarity which has been +brought against the King for disinterring him is without foundation."[178] + + [Footnote 177: The King, speaking of the death of + Hotspur, merely says, "He hath gone the way of all + flesh."--Rot. Pat. 4 Hen. IV. p. 2.] + + [Footnote 178: Sir Harris Nicolas.] + +The King now adopted prompt and vigorous measures for the suppression +of the rebellion in Wales; and with that view issued from Worcester an +ordinance to several persons by name, to keep their castles in good +repair, well provided also with men and arms. Among others, the Bishop +of St. David's is strictly charged as to his castle of Laghadyn; +Nevill de Furnivale, for Goodrich; Edward Charleton of Powis, for +Caerleon and Usk; John Chandos, for Snowdon. On the 10th of September, +the King, still at Worcester, created his son, John of Lancaster, +Constable of England. On the 14th he was at Hereford,[179] when he +gave a warrant to William Beauchamp, (to whom was intrusted the care +of Abergavenny and Ewias Harold,) to receive into their allegiance the +Welsh rebels of those lordships. A similar warrant for the rebels of +Brecknock, Builth, Haye, with others, is given, on the 15th, to Sir +John Oldcastle, John ap Herry, and John Fairford, clerk, dated +Devennock. The King was then on his route towards Caermarthen,[180] +where he stayed only a short time; and left the Earl of Somerset, (p. 184) +Sir Thomas Beaufort, the Bishop of Bath, and Lord Grey to keep the +castle and town for one month. He shortly afterwards commissioned +Prince Henry to negociate with those persons for their pardon who had +been excepted from the act of oblivion after the battle of +Shrewsbury.[181] + + [Footnote 179: On the 12th, he had issued a + proclamation from Hereford for his lieges to meet + him there forthwith.] + + [Footnote 180: Caermarthen suffered very seriously + in this war: the Pell Rolls, June 26, 1406, record + the payment of a sum to the Burgesses and Goodmen + of Caermarthen, in mitigation of the losses they + had sustained. On this occasion the King arrived + there on the 25th and stayed till the 29th.] + + [Footnote 181: On the 2nd of October, the King + issued a proclamation against Owyn. He seems to + have returned through Gloucester to London, + immediately after the 17th October; on which day a + warrant to Robert Waterton, to arrest Elizabeth + wife of the late Henry Percy, is dated Gloucester. + + On the 8th of October, those four persons whom + Henry had left in charge of Caermarthen, implore + the council by letter to send the Duke of York, or + some other general, to take charge of the King's + interests in that district, and to furnish troops + to succeed those whom the King had left in trust + there, since they had expressed their determined + resolution not to remain beyond their month.] + +The Welsh, though driven probably from Caermarthenshire[182] in the +early part of this autumn, seem to have carried on their hostilities +in other districts with much vigour into the very middle of winter.[183] +On the 8th of November, the King, being then at Cirencester, (p. 185) +issued strict orders for the payment of 100_l._ to Lord Berkeley, for +the succour of the garrison of Llanpadarn Castle, then straitly besieged +by the rebels, and in great danger of falling into their hands. Lord +Berkeley was appointed Admiral of the Fleet to the westward of the +Thames, on the 5th of November 1403. + + [Footnote 182: On the 1st of December the King + acknowledges that the people of Kedwelly had + repaired their walls which Owyn had injured; and, + on the 19th, the castle of Llanstaffan is given to + the custody of David Howell, who undertook to + defend it with ten men-at-arms and twenty archers + at his own expense, the late captain having been + taken by Owyn.] + + [Footnote 183: On the 26th of October, the King + commissions the Earl of Devon, with the Courtenays + and others, to press as many men as might be + necessary wherever they were to be found, and to + proceed forthwith by sea to rescue the castle of + Caerdiff, then in great peril.] + +On the 22d of November the King issued a proclamation for all rebels +to apply for an amnesty before the Feast of the Epiphany next ensuing, +or in default thereof to expect nothing but the strict course of the +law. + +It is matter of doubt whether Prince Henry remained in Wales and the +borders through the winter, or returned to his charge in the spring. +On the opening of the campaign, however, in 1404, we find the Welsh +chieftain aided by a power which must have made his rebellion far more +formidable than it had hitherto been. A truce between England and +France had been concluded just before the battle of Shrewsbury, but it +was of very short duration. Early in the spring, the French appeared +off the shores of Wales in armed vessels, and in conjunction with +Glyndowr's forces, laid siege to several castles along the coast. As +early as April 23rd, a sum of 300_l._ is assigned by the council for +equipping with men and arms, provisions and stores, five vessels (p. 186) +in the port of Bristol, to relieve the castles of Aberystwith and +Cardigan, and to compel the French to raise the siege of Caernarvon +and Harlech.[184] Not only were the castles on the coast brought into +increased jeopardy by this accession of a continental force to Owyn's +army of native rebels, but the inhabitants of the interior, already +miserably plundered, and in numberless cases utterly ruined, by the +ravages of the Welsh, now began to give themselves up to despair. A +letter from the King's loyal subjects of Shropshire (which we must +refer to this spring), praying for immediate succour against the +confederate forces of Wales and France, furnishes a most deplorable +view of the state of those districts. One-third part of that county, +they say, had been already destroyed, whilst the inhabitants were +compelled to leave their homes, in order to obtain their living in +other more favoured parts of the realm. The petition prays for the +protection of men-at-arms and archers, till the Prince[185] himself +should come. + + [Footnote 184: Measures had been taken, in + expectation, as it should appear, of these sieges. + January 31, 1404, money is paid to the Prince to + purchase sixty-six pipes of honey (to make mead), + twelve casks of wine, four casks of sour wine, + fifty casks of wheat-flour, and eighty quarters of + salt, for victualling Caernarvon, Harlech, + Llanpadarn, and Cardigan.] + + [Footnote 185: From this expression, Sir Harris + Nicolas is induced to refer the letter (which is + dated April 21st) to the year 1403, the Prince + having been appointed Lieutenant of Wales on the + 7th of March preceding. But the mention of the + _French_ auxiliaries, who appear not to have + visited those parts till the year following, seems + to fix the date of this document to the year 1404.] + +Soon after the French had carried on these hostile movements, (p. 187) +their King made a solemn league with Owyn Glyndowr, as an independent +sovereign, acknowledging him to be Prince of Wales. Owyn dated his +princedom from the year 1400, and assumed the full title and authority +of a monarch.[186] In this year he commissioned Griffin Young his +chancellor, and John Hangmer, both "his beloved relatives," to treat +with the King of France, in consideration of the affection and sincere +love which that illustrious monarch had shown _towards him_ and _his +subjects_.[187] This commission is dated "Doleguelli, 10th May, A. D. +1404, and in the fourth year of our principality." In conformity with +its tenour, a league was made and sworn to between the ambassadors of +"_our illustrious and most dread lord, Owyn, Prince of Wales_," and +those of the King of France. That sovereign signed the commission (p. 188) +on the 14th of June; and the league was sealed in the chancellor's house +at Paris, on the 14th July. Its provisions are chiefly directed against +"Henry of Lancaster." + + [Footnote 186: Owyn does not, however, seem to have + exercised the princely prerogative of coining + money. Indeed, no Welsh coin of any date is known + to have been ever in existence. Thomas Thomas, the + Welsh antiquary, says that a coin (or Dr. + Stukeley's impression from a coin) of King Bleiddyd + is now in the Cotton museum, of a date above nine + hundred years before Christ; and that there are + others of Monagan about the year one hundred and + thirty before the Christian era. A search for them, + it is presumed, would be fruitless.] + + [Footnote 187: The words in italics are in the + original "erga nos et _subditos_ nostros." + "Illustris et metuendissimi domini nostri Owini + Principis Walliarum."--See Rymer.] + +The reinforcements which Owyn Glyndowr received from France at the +opening of the campaign in the spring of 1404, enabled him not only to +lay siege to the castles in North and West Wales (as it was called), +but to make desperate inroads into England, as well about Shropshire +as in Herefordshire. A letter addressed to the council, June 10th, by +the sheriff, the receiver, and other gentlemen of the latter county, +conveys a most desponding representation of the state of those parts; +especially through the district of Archenfield. The bearer of this letter +was the Archdeacon of Hereford, Dean of Windsor, the same person who +wrote in such "haste and dread" to the King the year before. Some +parts of this letter deserve to be transcribed, they afford so lively +a description of the frightful calamities of a civil war. "The Welsh +rebels in great numbers have entered Irchonfeld,[188] which is a +division of the county of Hereford, and there they have burnt houses, +killed the inhabitants, taken prisoners, and ravaged the country, (p. 189) +to the great dishonour of our King, and the insupportable damage of +the county. We have often advertised the King that such mischiefs +would befal us. We have also now certain information that within the +next eight days the rebels are resolved to make an attack in the March +of Wales, to its utter ruin if speedy succour be not sent. True it is, +indeed, that we have no power to shelter us, except that of Lord +Richard of York and his men, far too little to defend us. We implore +you to consider this very perilous and pitiable case, and to pray our +sovereign lord that he will come in his royal person, or send some +person with sufficient power to rescue us from the invasion of the +aforesaid rebels; otherwise we shall be utterly destroyed,--which God +forbid! Whoever comes will, as we are led to believe from the report +of our spies, have to engage in battle, or will have a very severe +struggle, with the rebels. And, for God's sake, remember that +honourable and valiant man the Lord Abergavenny,[189] who is on the +very point of destruction if he be not rescued. Written in haste at +Hereford, June 10th." + + [Footnote 188: Irchonfeld, now called Archenfield, + contains some of the most fertile land in + Herefordshire. The inhabitants of Whitchurch, in + that district, used to say, before modern luxury + had taught us to reckon foreign productions among + the necessaries of life, that, excepting salt, + their parish supplied whatever was needed for their + subsistence in comfort.] + + [Footnote 189: This was William Beauchamp, to whom + the King had given, in the first year of his reign, + the castles[189-a] of Pembroke, Tenby, Kilgarran, with + others, by patent, 29th November, 1 Henry IV; and + who was very closely besieged in the spring of + 1401, and the summer of 1404, in the castle of + Abergavenny.] + + [Footnote 189-a: MS. Donat. 4596.] + +The King had in some measure anticipated this strong memorial, (p. 190) +by signing, on the very day preceding its date,[190] a commission of +array to the sheriffs of Hereford, Worcester, Gloucester, and Warwick +to raise their counties and proceed forthwith to join Richard of York, +and to advance in one body with him for the rescue of William Beauchamp, +who was then straitly besieged in his castle of Abergavenny, and entirely +destitute. Though no mention is here made of the Prince, nor any +allusion to him, we have the best evidence that he was personally +engaged during this summer in endeavouring to resist the violence and +excesses of the rebels. He was crippled by want of means; he was +forced to pawn his few jewels for the present support of himself and +his retinue; and, when the money raised on them was exhausted, he was +compelled to assure the council in the most direct terms, of his utter +inability to remain on his post, if they did not forthwith provide him +with adequate supplies. He seems to have acted both with vigour and +discretion; and the council placed throughout the fullest confidence +in his judgment and integrity. + + [Footnote 190: At Doncaster, June 9th.] + +Three documents at this point of time deserve especial attention. The +first is a letter, in French, from the Prince, addressed to his father, +and dated Worcester, 25th of June 1404; the second is another letter +of the same date, written by the Prince to the council; the third (p. 191) +contains the resolutions adopted by them in consequence of this +communication. + + [Footnote 191: The Author leaves this sentence as + he wrote it, before he had read the late account of + the Field of Agincourt: in that work Henry of + Monmouth is in these days, for the first time, + accused of hypocrisy; with what justice the reader + will decide after reading the charge, and the + arguments by which it is now presumed to have been + destroyed root and branch. They will be found in + the second volume.] + +It is very true that letters afford no infallible proof of the writer's +real sentiments and feelings; and it has been said, that expressions +of piety or affection in epistles of past ages are not to be interpreted +as indices of the mind and state of him who utters them, any more than +the ordinary close of a note in the present day proves that it came +from a humble-minded and gratefully obliged person. Nevertheless, with +these general suggestions before us, and not impugned, there does seem +to pervade the following letter from Henry to his father, somewhat +more than words of course, or matter-of-form expressions, indicative +(unless the writer be a hypocrite,--and hypocrisy has never been laid +to Henry of Monmouth's charge[191]) of filial dutifulness and affection, +as well as of a pious and devout trust in Providence. At all events, it +is incumbent on those who forbid our inference in favour of any one from +such testimony to show some act, or to quote some words, or direct us to +some implied sentiments in the individual, whose letters we are (p. 192) +discussing, which would give presumptive evidence against our decision +in his favour. But history has assigned no act, no sentiment, no word +of an irreligious or immoral tendency, to Henry of Monmouth up to the +date of this letter. It is not here implied, or conceded, that history +possesses facts of another character subsequently to this date; that +point must be the subject of our further inquiry. When this letter was +written, as far as we can ascertain, fame had not begun to breathe a +whisper against the religious and moral character of the Prince of +Wales. + + LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE KING HIS FATHER. + + "My very dread and sovereign lord and father.--In the most humble + and obedient manner that I know or am able, I commend myself to + your high Majesty, desiring every day your gracious blessing, and + sincerely thanking your noble Highness for your honourable + letters, which you were lately pleased to send to me, written at + your Castle of Pontefract, the 21st day of this present month of + June [1404]; by which letters I have been made acquainted with + the great prosperity of your high and royal estate, which is to + me the greatest joy that can fall to my lot in this world. And I + have taken the very highest pleasure and entire delight at the + news, of which you were pleased to certify me; first, of the + speedy arrival of my very dear cousin, the Earl of Westmoreland, + and William Clifford, to your Highness; and secondly, the arrival + of the despatches from your adversary of Scotland, and other + great men of his kingdom, by virtue of your safe conduct, for the + good of both the kingdoms, which God of his mercy grant; and that + you may accomplish all your honourable designs, to his (p. 193) + pleasure, to your honour, and the welfare of your kingdom, as I + have firm reliance in Him who is omnipotent, that you will do. My + most dread and sovereign lord and father, at your high command in + other your gracious letters, I have removed with my small + household to the city of Worcester; and at my request there is + come to me, with a truly good heart, my very dear and beloved + cousin, the Earl of Warwick, with a fine retinue at his own very + heavy expenses; so he well deserves thanks from you for his + goodwill at all times. + + "And whether the news from the Welsh be true, and what measures I + purpose to adopt on my arrival, as you desire to be informed, may + it please your Highness to know that the Welsh have made a + descent on Herefordshire, burning and destroying also the county, + with very great force, and with a supply of provisions for + fifteen days. And true it is that they have burnt and made very + great havoc on the borders of the said county. But, since my + arrival in these parts, I have heard of no further damage from + them, God be thanked! But I am informed for certain that they are + assembled with all their power, and keep themselves together for + some important object, and, as it is said, to burn the said + county. For this reason I have sent for my beloved cousins, my + Lord Richard of York and the Earl Marshal, and others the most + considerable persons of the counties of that march, to be with me + at Worcester on the Tuesday next after the date of this letter, + to inform me plainly of the government of their districts; and + how many men they will be able to bring, if need be; and to give + me their advice as to what may seem to them best to be done for + the safeguard of the aforesaid parts. And, agreeably to their + advice, I will do all I possibly can to resist the rebels and + save the English country, to the utmost of my little power, as + God shall give me grace: ever trusting in your high Majesty to + remember my poor estate; and that I have not the means of (p. 194) + continuing here without the adoption of some other measures + for my maintenance; and that the expenses are insupportable to + me. And may you thus make an ordinance for me with speed, that I + may do good service, to your honour and the preservation of my + humble state. My dread sovereign lord and father, may the + allpowerful Lord of heaven and earth grant you a blessed and long + life in all good prosperity, to your satisfaction! Written at + Worcester the 26th day of June. + "Your humble and obedient Son, HENRY." + +The second letter, written at the same time and place, but addressed +to the council, is nearly word for word identical with this till +towards its close, when it gives the following strong view of the +straits and difficulties to which the Prince and the government were +then driven by want of money;[192] and the personal sacrifice which he +was himself compelled to make. "We implore you to make some ordinance +for us in time, assured that we have nothing from which we can support +ourselves here, except that we have pawned our little plate and +jewels, and raised money from them, and with that we shall be able to +remain only a short time. And after that, unless you make provision +for us, we shall be compelled to depart with disgrace and (p. 195) +mischief: and the country will be utterly destroyed; which God forbid! +And now, since we have shown you the perils and mischiefs [which must +ensue], for God's sake make your ordinance in time, for the salvation +of the honour of our sovereign lord the King our father, of ourselves, +and of the whole realm. And may our Lord protect you, and give you +grace to do right!" + + [Footnote 192: About this time, the King's treasury + was in a deplorable state. The minutes of council + suggest the payment of 1000 marks in part of the + debts of the household, incurred in the time of + Atterbury: and the allowance of a sum "for the time + past, and to avoid the clamour of the + people."--Minutes of Council, vol. ii. p. 37.] + +The Prince, finding his difficulties increasing, wrote another letter, +dated June 30, to the council, urging them to prompt measures; and +stating in very positive terms the utter impossibility of his remaining +in those parts without supplies. What immediate notice was taken of +these pressing communications, does not appear; that the council enabled +him to remain on the borders, and to protect the country effectually +from the rebels, is proved by their proceedings at Lichfield on the +29th and 30th of the August following. The minutes of those two councils +are full of interest. By the first we are informed that the French, +under the French Earl of March, had equipped a fleet of sixty vessels +in the port of Harfleur, full of soldiers, for the purpose of an +immediate invasion of Wales. To meet this rising mischief, the council +advise that, since the King could not soon raise an army proportionate +to his high estate and dignity, to proceed forthwith into Wales, he +should remain at Tutbury until the meeting of parliament at Coventry +in the October following; and in the mean time proclamations (p. 196) +should be made, directing all able-bodied men to be ready to attend +the King. Orders were also given to the officers of the customs in +Bristol to supply wine, corn, and other provisions for the soldiers in +the town of Caermarthen, in part payment of their wages. The minutes +then record, that, with regard to the county of Hereford, the sheriff +and the other gentlemen had requested the lords of the council to pray +the King that he would be pleased to thank the Prince for the good +protection of the said county since the Nativity of St. John (June +24th), and likewise, that for the well-being of that county, and also +of the county of Gloucester, the Prince might be assigned to guard the +marches of the said counties, and to make inroads into Overwent and +Netherwent, Glamorgan and Morgannoc; and "to carry this into effect, +they must provide the wages of five hundred men-at-arms and two +thousand archers for three weeks, and through another three weeks +three hundred men-at-arms and two thousand archers." In another +council, probably at the end of August, the lords recommend that the +sum of 3000 marks, due to the King as a fine from the inhabitants of +Cheshire, to be paid in three years, should be assigned to the Prince +for the safeguard of the castle of Denbigh, and towards the expenses +of his other castles in North Wales.[193] They recommend also (p. 197) +that the people of Shropshire be allowed to make a truce with Wales +until the last day of November; and with regard to Herefordshire, that +the Prince remain on its borders to the last day of September, and +have the same number of men-at-arms and archers (or more) as he had +had since the 29th of June; that he have on his own account 1000 marks, +and that on the first day of October he be ready with five hundred +men-at-arms and two thousand archers to make an incursion into Wales, +and stay there twenty-one days, for the just chastisement of the +rebels. And since for these charges the Prince should be paid before +his departure, measures had been taken to raise money of several +persons by way of loan. Sir John Oldcastle and John ap Herry were to +keep the castles of Brecknock and the Haye till Michaelmas. The King +also issued his mandate, 13th November 1404, to the sheriffs of +Worcester, Gloucester, and other counties, to provide a contingent +each of twenty men-at-arms and two hundred archers to join the army of +his sons; premising that he had, by the advice of his parliament, sent +his two sons, the Prince and the Lord Thomas, to raise the siege of +Coitey,[194] in which Alexander Berkroller, lord of that place, was +then besieged: we may therefore safely conclude that, through the +first part of the winter at least, young Henry was most fully (p. 198) +occupied in the Principality.[195] + + [Footnote 193: August 26, 1404, a thousand marks + were assigned to the Prince for the safekeeping of + Denbigh and other castles.--MS. Donat. 4597.] + + [Footnote 194: The ruins of Coity Castle are still + interesting. They are near Bridgend, in + Glamorganshire.] + + [Footnote 195: MS. Donat. 4597.] + +Of the Prince's proceedings in consequence of these instructions we +hear nothing before the beginning of the next March: but through the +winter[196] (as it should seem) the Welsh chieftain and his French +auxiliaries were most busily engaged, especially towards the northern +parts. Indeed, it may be surmised, not without probable reason, that +the King's troops under the Prince in Monmouthshire, Glamorganshire, +and its adjacent districts, and perhaps the forces of Thomas Beaufort, +or the Duke of York, in Caermarthen, had driven Owyn and his partisans +northward, by the vigorous efforts which they made through the autumn +and the early part of the winter. To this season also we are induced +to refer those despatches from Conway and Chester,[197] which give the +most alarming accounts to the King of the insolence and activity (p. 199) +of his enemies, and the imminent peril of his friends, his castles, +and the whole country. One letter speaks of six ships coming out of +France "with wyn and spicery full laden." Another reports that the +constable of Harlech had been seized by the Welsh and carried to Owyn +Glyndowr; and that the castle was in great danger of falling into his +hands, being garrisoned only by five Englishmen and about sixteen +Welshmen. A third apprises the King that the deputy-constable of +Caernarvon had sent a woman to inform the writer, William Venables, +the constable of Chester, (by word of mouth, because no man dared to +come, and no man or woman could carry letters safely,) of Owyn +Glyndowr's purpose, in conjunction with the French, "to assault the +town and castle of Caernarvon with engines, sows,[198] and ladders of +very great length;" whilst in the town and castle there were not more +than twenty-eight fighting men,--eleven of the more able of those who +were there at the former siege being dead, some of their wounds, +others of the plague. In the fourth, the constable of Conway informs +the same parties that the people of Caernarvonshire purposed to go +into Anglesey to bring out of it all the men and cattle into the +mountains, "lest Englishmen should be refreshed therewith." The (p. 200) +writer adds, "I durst lay my head that, if there were two hundred men +in Caernarvon and two hundred in Conway, from February until May, the +commons of Caernarvonshire would come to peace, and pay their dues as +well as ever. But should there be a delay till the summer, it will not +be so lightly (likely), for then the rebels will be able to lie without +(in the open air), as they cannot now do. Also I have myself heard +many of the commons and gentlemen of Merionethshire and Caernarvonshire +swear that all men of the aforesaid shires, except four or five +gentlemen and a few vagabonds (vacaboundis), would fain come to peace, +provided Englishmen were left in the country to help in protecting +them from misdoers; especially must they come into the country whilst +the weather is cold." In the fifth letter, we learn that Owyn had +agreed with all the men in the castle of Harlech, except seven, to +have deliverance of the castle on an early fixed day for a stated sum +of gold. A letter, dated Oswestry, February 7th, from the Earl of +Arundel and Surrey, conveys the very same sentiments with those of the +constable of Conway as to the probability of the immediate termination +of the rebellion, either by peace or victory, should any vigorous +measures be adopted. He was appointed to take charge of Oswestry, with +thirty men-at-arms and one hundred and fifty archers, for eight weeks. +He complains that the grand ordinance resolved upon by the late (p. 201) +parliament at Coventry[199] had not been put into execution; and states +that the rebels were never at any time so high or proud, from an +assurance that it, like the others, would become a dead letter.[200] + + [Footnote 196: A few days before Christmas, some + French effected a landing in the Isle of Wight, and + boasted that, with the King's leave or without it, + they would keep their Christmas there: but they + were routed. The French demanded a tribute in the + name of Richard and Isabella.] + + [Footnote 197: These letters are the tenth, + eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth, in + Sir Henry Ellis' Second Series. He does not assign + them to any date positively. "They were probably + written," he says, "about 1404." It is here + presumed, that they were not written till the + opening of the year 1405. They all bear date + between the 7th of January and the 20th of + February.] + + [Footnote 198: The sow was an engine of the nature + of the Roman Vinea, which, by protecting the + assailants from the missiles of the besieged, + enabled them to undermine the wall of a town or + castle.] + + [Footnote 199: The parliament called Indoctum, or + Lacklearning. It was in this parliament that the + confiscation of the property of the bishops was + proposed.] + + [Footnote 200: At this time Owyn Glyndowr confirms + his league with the King of France by deed, dated + and signed "in our Castle of Llanpadarn, the 12th + of January 1405, and of our principality the + sixth."] + +The letter from Henry to his father in the preceding June, and the +testimony of the gentlemen of Hereford, who prayed that thanks might +be presented to the Prince for his watchful and efficient protection +of their county, inform us that the rebels towards the south marches +had been kept in check since the Prince's arrival; but they were ready +to renew their violence at the very opening of spring. Two letters, +one from the King to his council, the other from the Prince to the +King, require to be translated literally, and copied into these pages. +The former, which is now published for the first time in "The Acts of +the Privy Council," proves the hearty good-will entertained by the +King towards his son, and the lively paternal interest he took up to +that time in his honourable career. It assures us also of the great +importance attached by the King to the victory then gained over the +rebels. The latter, though published by Rymer and Ellis, and (p. 202) +others, and though often commented upon before, yet appears to throw +so much light upon the character of Prince Henry as a Christian at +once and a warrior, especially in that union of valour and mercy in +him to which Hotspur first bore testimony four years before, that any +treatise on the life and character of Henry of Monmouth would be +altogether defective were this letter to be omitted. The King's letter +to his council bears date Berkhemstead, March 13, 1405. + + "FROM THE KING. + + "Very dear and faithful! We greet you well. And since we know + that you are much pleased and rejoiced whenever you can hear good + news relating to the preservation of our honour and estate, and + especially of the common good and honour of the whole realm, we + forward to you for your consolation the copy of a letter sent to + us by our very dear son, the Prince, touching his government in + the marches of Wales; by which you will yourselves become + acquainted with the news for which we return thanks to Almighty + God. We beg you will convey these tidings to our very dear and + faithful friends the Mayor and good people of our city of London, + in order that they may derive consolation from them together with + us, and praise our Creator for them. May He always have you in + his holy keeping.--Given under our signet at our Castle of + Berkhemstead, the 13th day of March." + +The following letter, the copy of which the King then forwarded, was +written by the Prince at Hereford, on the 11th of March, at night. + + LETTER FROM PRINCE HENRY TO THE KING HIS FATHER. (p. 203) + + "My most redoubted and most sovereign lord and father, in the + most humble manner that in my heart I can devise, I commend + myself to your royal Majesty, humbly requesting your gracious + blessing. My most redoubted and most sovereign lord and father, I + sincerely pray that God will graciously show his miraculous aid + toward you in all places: praised be He in all his works! For on + Wednesday, the eleventh day of this present month of March, your + rebels of the parts of Glamorgan, Morgannoc, Usk, Netherwent, and + Overwent, were assembled to the number of eight thousand men + according to their own account; and they went on the said + Wednesday in the morning, and burnt part of your town of Grosmont + within your lordship of Monmouth. And I immediately[201] sent off + my very dear cousin the Lord Talbot, and the small body of my own + household, and with them joined your faithful and gallant knights + William Neuport and John Greindre; who were but a very small + force in all. But very true it is that VICTORY IS NOT IN A + MULTITUDE OF PEOPLE, BUT IN THE POWER OF GOD; and this was well + proved there. And there, by the aid of the blessed Trinity, your + people gained the field, and slew of them by fair account on the + field, by the time of their return from the pursuit, some say + eight hundred, and some say a thousand, being questioned on pain + of death. Nevertheless, whether on such an account it were one or + the other I would not contend. + + "And, to inform you fully of all that has been done, I send you a + person worthy of credit in this case, my faithful servant the + bearer of this letter, who was present at the engagement, (p. 204) + and did his duty very satisfactorily, as he does on all occasions. + And such amends has God ordained you for the burning of four houses + of your said town. And prisoners there were none taken excepting + one,[202] who was a great chieftain among them, whom I would have + sent to you, but he _cannot yet ride at his ease_. + + "And touching the governance which I purpose to make after this, + please your Highness to give sure credence to the bearer of this + letter in whatever he shall lay before your Highness on my part. + And I pray God that He will preserve you always in joy and + honour, and grant me shortly to comfort you with other good news. + Written at Hereford, the said Wednesday, at night. + "Your very humble and obedient son, + "To the King, my most redoubted HENRY. + and sovereign lord and father." + + [Footnote 201: All the writers who have copied this + letter, from Rymer downwards, have fallen into a + ludicrous mistake here. Reading an _n_ instead of a + _v_ in the words _J'envoia_ (I sent), they have + translated the passage, "within your lordship of + Monmouth and Jennoia." Sir Harris Nicolas first + supplied the true reading. The mistake led persons + well acquainted with Monmouthshire (among others, + the Author of these Memoirs,) to make different + inquiries as to the lordship of Jennoia: they will + now no longer wonder at the unfruitful issue of + their search.] + + [Footnote 202: The author published under the name + of Otterbourne says, that Owyn's son was made + prisoner at Usk on the 25th of March, and one + thousand five hundred of his men were taken or + slain; and that, after the Feast of St. Dunstan, + his chancellor was taken. There is reason to doubt + whether that chronicler has not mistaken the place + and time of the battle to which he refers; though + it is not impossible that another battle (of which, + however, we have no authentic record,) was fought + at Usk a fortnight after the rebels were defeated + at Grosmont: Grosmont is about twenty miles distant + from Usk.] + +The true reading of "I sent," instead of "Jennoia," at first might +seem to imply that the Prince was not present in person at the (p. 205) +battle of Grosmont: and there is no positive evidence in the letter to +show that he was there. The testimony which he bears to the gallant +conduct in that field of his faithful servant, whom he despatched with +his letter, has been thought to sanction a belief, that Henry was an +eyewitness of the engagement. But from this doubt the mind turns with +full satisfaction to the religious sentiments which are interwoven +throughout the epistle, and to Henry's considerate and humane treatment +of his prisoner. He would, no doubt, have felt a satisfaction and pride +in immediately placing a high chieftain of Wales in the hands of the +King, on the very day of battle and victory; but he shrunk from +gratifying his own wishes, when his pleasure involved the pain of a +fellow-creature, though that person was his prisoner. Many an incident +throughout his life tends to justify Shakspeare, when he makes Henry +IV. speak of his son's philanthropy and tenderness of feeling: + + "He hath a tear for pity, and a hand + Open as day for melting charity." + 2 HENRY IV. act iv. sc. iv. + +Those united qualities of valour and mercy, of courage and kindness of +heart, which are so beautifully ascribed to a modern English warrior, +were never blended in any character of which history speaks in more +perfect harmony than in Henry of Monmouth: + + "A furious lion in battle; (p. 206) + But, duty appeased, in mercy a lamb." + +The lesson thus taught him during his early youth in the field of +Grosmont, whether by personal experience of that conflict, or by the +representation of his gallant companions in arms, of what may be +effected by courage and discipline against an enemy infinitely +superior in numbers, was probably not forgotten, ten years afterwards, +at Agincourt. + + + + +CHAPTER X. (p. 207) + +REBELLION OF NORTHUMBERLAND AND BARDOLF. -- EXECUTION OF THE +ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. -- WONDERFUL ACTIVITY AND RESOLUTION OF THE KING. +-- DEPLORABLE STATE OF THE REVENUE. -- TESTIMONY BORNE BY PARLIAMENT +TO THE PRINCE'S CHARACTER. -- THE PRINCE PRESENT AT THE COUNCIL-BOARD. +-- HE IS ONLY OCCASIONALLY IN WALES, AND REMAINS FOR THE MOST PART IN +LONDON. + +1405-1406. + + +Whilst the Prince was thus exerting himself to the utmost in keeping +the Welsh rebels in check, the King resolved to go once again in person +to the Principality with as strong a force as he could muster; and with +this intention he set forward, probably about the end of April. On the +8th of May he was at Worcester, when he was suddenly informed of the +hostile measures of his enemies in the north. The preface to "The Acts +of the Privy Council" gives the following succinct and clear account +of the proceedings:--"The most memorable event in the sixth year of +Henry IV. was the revolt, in May 1405, of the Earl Marshal, Lord Bardolf, +and the Earl of Northumberland, who had been partially restored to the +King's confidence after the death of his son and brother in (p. 208) +1403.[203] Henry was at that moment at Worcester; and the earliest notice +of the rebellion is contained in a letter from the council to the King, +which, after treating of various matters, concluded by stating that they +were then just informed by his Majesty's son, John of Lancaster, that +Lord Bardolf had privately withdrawn himself to the north; at which they +were much astonished, because the King had ordered him to proceed into +Wales. To guard against any ill consequences which might arise from +this suspicious circumstance, the council instantly despatched in the +same direction Lord Roos and Sir William Gascoyne, the Chief Justice, +as the individuals in whom the King placed most confidence; and, +thinking that Henry might be in want of money, the council borrowed +and sent him one thousand marks. With his accustomed promptitude and +activity, the King lost not a moment in setting off for the north, to +meet the rebellious lords in person; and on the 28th of May he wrote +to his council from Derby, acquainting them with the revolt, and (p. 209) +desiring them to hasten to him at Pomfret with as many followers +as possible." + + [Footnote 203: A review of this "aged Earl's" + behaviour, from the first occasion on which he is + introduced to our notice in these Memoirs to the + day of his death, supplies only a melancholy + succession of acts of broken faith. On the 7th of + February 1404, before the assembled estates of the + realm, on receiving the King's pardon for the past, + he most solemnly swore upon the cross of Canterbury + to be true and faithful to his sovereign Henry IV: + he "swore also, on the peril of his soul, that he + knew of no evil intentions on the part of the Duke + of York, or of the Archbishop; and that the King + might place full trust and confidence in them as + his liege subjects."] + +The Editor of the Proceedings of the Privy Council says nothing of Scrope, +Archbishop of York, who had risen in open rebellion against the royal +authority; but we cannot pass on without some notice of him. Early in +June, King Henry laid hands on that unfortunate prelate, surrounded by +followers, and armed in a coat of mail; and he commanded Gascoyne, who +was with him, to pass sentence of death upon his prisoner in a summary +way. The Chief Justice refused,[204] with these words: "Neither you, +my lord the King, nor any of your lieges acting in your name, can +lawfully, according to the laws of the kingdom, condemn any bishop to +death." The King then ordered one Fulthorp to sentence him to +decapitation, who forthwith complied; and the Archbishop was carried +to execution with every mark of disgrace, on Whitmonday, June 8th. +Many legends shortly became current about this warlike prelate, who +was one of the most determined enemies of the House of Lancaster. Of +the stories propagated soon after his death, one declares that in the +field of his last earthly struggle the corn was trodden down, and +destroyed irremediably, both by his enemies, who were preparing for +his execution, and by his friends and poor neighbours, who came (p. 210) +to weep and bewail the fate of their beloved chief pastor. The Archbishop, +seeing the destruction which his death was causing, spoke with words +of comfort to the multitude, and promised to intercede with heaven +that the evil might be averted. The field, continues the story, brought +forth at the ensuing harvest six-fold above the average crop. The same +page tells that the King was smitten with the leprosy in the face on +the very hour of the very day in which the Archbishop was beheaded. +The manuscript adds, that many miracles were shown day by day by the +Lord at the tomb of this prelate, to which people flocked from every +side. The enemies of the King endeavoured to exalt this zealous son of +the church into a saint; and to propagate the belief that the King's +disease, which never left him, was a signal and miraculous visitation +of Heaven, avenging the foul murder of so dauntless a martyr.[205] + + [Footnote 204: Gascoyne does not appear to have + been even suspended from his office in consequence + of his refusal to sentence the Archbishop; he + continued Chief Justice till after the King's + death.] + + [Footnote 205: Sloane, 1776.] + +Pope Innocent, in the course of the year, sent a peremptory mandate to +the Archbishop of Canterbury to fulminate the curse of excommunication +against all those who had participated in the prelate's murder: but +the Archbishop did not dare to execute the mandate; for both the King +and a large body of the nobility were implicated more or less directly +in Scrope's execution, and must have been involved in the same general +sentence. The King, on hearing of the decided countenance thus (p. 211) +given by the Pope to his rebellious subjects, despatched a messenger +to Rome, conveying the military vest of the Archbishop, and charged +him to present it to his Holiness; delivering at the same time, as his +royal master's message, the words of Jacob's sons, "Lo! this have we +found; know now whether it be thy son's coat, or no." A passage in +Hardyng seems to imply that, during the life of Henry IV, the devotions +of the people to this warrior bishop were forbidden; for he records, +apparently with approbation, the permission granted by his son Henry +V, to all persons to make their offerings at the shrine of their +sainted prelate: + + "He gave then, of good devotion, + All men to offer to Bishop Scrope express, + Without letting or any question." + +"Before the end of the next month (June),[206] Henry was engaged in +besieging the Earl of Northumberland's castles; and in a letter to the +council, dated Warkworth, on the 2nd of July, he informed them that +Prudhoe Castle had immediately surrendered: but that the Castle of +Warkworth, being well garrisoned, refused to obey his summons; the +captain having declared as his final answer that he would defend it +for the Earl. The King had therefore ordered his artillery to be brought +against it, which were so ably served, that at the seventh (p. 212) +discharge the besieged implored his mercy, and the fortress was delivered +into his hands on the 1st of July. All the other castles had imitated the +example of Prudhoe, excepting Alnwick, which he was then about to attack." + + [Footnote 206: This is extracted from the Preface + of Sir Harris Nicolas, p. 56.] + +"The exhausted state of the King's pecuniary resources," continues the +Preface, "and the distress endured by the soldiers and others engaged +in his service, are forcibly shown by the letters of the Prince of Wales, +the Duke of York, and others. The Duke of York, and his brother +Richard, described their retinues in Wales as being in a state of +mutiny for want of their wages; and the Duke had evidently made every +personal sacrifice within his power to satisfy them. He entreated them +to continue there a few weeks longer, authorised them to mortgage his +land in Yorkshire, pledged himself "on his truth, and as he is a true +gentleman," not to receive any part of his revenues until his soldiers +were paid, and promised that he would not ask them to continue longer +than the time specified. Every source of income seems to have been +anticipated; and it is scarcely possible to conceive a government in +greater distress for money than was Henry IV's at this point of time. +Nothing but the wisdom and indomitable energy for which that monarch +was distinguished could have enabled him to surmount the difficulties +of his position; and the facts detailed in this volume[207] entitle +Henry to a high rank among the most distinguished of European (p. 213) +sovereigns both as a soldier and as a statesman. No sooner had he +suppressed rebellion in one place than it showed itself in another; +and, for many years, the Welsh could barely be kept in check by the +presence of the Prince of Wales and a large army. By France he was +constantly annoyed; and, if he was not actually at war with the +Scotch, it was necessary to watch their conduct with great anxiety and +suspicion. To add to his embarrassment, the great mass of his own +subjects were tempted to revolt by the distracted condition of the +country, by the existence of the true heir to the throne, and by +reports that their former sovereign was yet alive. Henry's treatment +of them was necessarily firm, but conciliatory. He dared not recruit +his exhausted finances by heavy impositions on the people; and the +generous sacrifices made by the peers to avoid so dangerous an +expedient had reduced them to poverty." + + [Footnote 207: The Acts of the Privy Council.] + +Such is the clear and able representation given to us of the state of +the kingdom at large, and of the difficulties with which Henry IV. and +his supporters had to struggle, whilst Henry of Monmouth was exerting +himself to the very utmost in repressing the rebels in Wales.[208] His +means were, indeed, very limited; he seldom had a "large army" (p. 214) +at his command; and his measures were lamentably embarrassed by the +exhausted state of the treasury. The King endeavoured from time to +time, in some cases successfully, at others with a total failure, to +remedy these evils, and to supply his son with the power of acting in +a manner worthy of himself, and the importance of the enterprise in +which he was engaged. On the 31st of May he despatched a letter to his +council from Nottingham, which contains many interesting particulars; +whilst the total inability of his ministers to comply with his +directions speaks very strongly of the trying circumstances in which +the Prince was trained. The King begins by reminding the council that +it was by the advice of them and other nobles, and the commons of the +realm, that the defence of Wales was committed to his very dear and +beloved son the Prince, as his lieutenant there; at the time of whose +appointment it was agreed, that since he had in his retinue a certain +number of men-at-arms and archers, though for the protection of the +realm, yet living at his expense, he should receive a certain +proportion of the subsidy voted at the last parliament. The King then +representing to them the vast mischiefs which would befal the marches, +and by consequence the whole realm, if the rebels were not effectually +resisted, strictly charges and commands his council, with all possible +speed to make payment in part of whatever the Prince was to receive +from the King on that account. And though the Prince had under him (p. 215) +the Duke of York living there for the safeguard of the country, +nevertheless the King desired that the money paid for the whole +country of Wales should be put wholly and exclusively into the hands +of the Prince himself, to be employed and disbursed at his discretion, +with the advice of his council. The reason for this last order he +alleges to be the assurance given to him that the sums on former +occasions paid to others under the Prince for his use had not been +expended properly to the profit of the marches, nor agreeably to the +intention of the King and council. He ends his letter by enjoining +them, for the love they bore to him, and the confidence he placed in +them, to pay hearty attention to this subject. Notwithstanding this +urgent appeal, the council reply that the assignments already made, +and the payments absolutely indispensable, together with the failure +of the supplies, would not suffer them to meet his wishes. This answer +was written on a Monday, probably the 8th of June. On the 12th we find +the King (it may be, to make some little compensation for this +disappointment,) assigning to the Prince, in aid of his sustentation, +the castle and estates of Framlyngham, which had fallen to the crown +by forfeiture from Thomas Mowbray. + + [Footnote 208: The extraordinary distress of the + King from the want of pecuniary means cannot be + questioned: though (independently of taxes and + subsidies) large sums must have been flowing into + the royal treasury, as well from the immense + possessions belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster, as + from the forfeited estates of the rebels. Still the + King's coffers were drained.] + +The rapid movements of the King in those days of incessant alarm are +quite astonishing. Just as in the battle of Shrewsbury he impressed +the enemy with an idea of his ubiquity throughout the whole field, (p. 216) +so at this time, from day to day, he appears in whatever part of the +kingdom his presence seemed to be most needed. On the 7th of August he +was at Pontefract, whither tidings were brought to him that the French +admiral, Hugevyn, had arrived at Milford to aid the Welsh rebels; and +he sent a commission of array to the sheriff of Herefordshire to meet +him. On the 4th of September[209] we find him at Hereford, attended by +many nobles and others, where he issued a warrant to raise money by +way of loan, to enable him to resist the Welsh. + + [Footnote 209: Rymer's Foed.] + +In less than three weeks from this time the King was resident near +York, and promulgated an ordinance on the 22nd of September to the +sheriffs of Devon and other counties to meet him on the 10th of October +at Evesham; the body of this ordinance contained a very interesting +report which the King had received from "his most dear first-born +son," Henry Prince of Wales, whom he had left in that country for the +chastisement of the rebels. "Those," he says, "in the castle of +Llanpadarn have submitted to the Prince, and have sworn on the body of +the Lord, administered to them by the hands of our cousin Richard +Courtney, chancellor of Oxford, in the presence of the Duke of York, +that if we, or our son, or our lieutenant, shall not be removed from +the siege by Owyn Glyndowr between the 24th October next coming at +sunrising, and the Feast of All Saints the next to come (1st (p. 217) +November), in that case the said rebels will restore the castle in the +same condition; and for greater security they have given hostages. +Wishing to preserve the state and honour of ourself, our son, and the +common good of England, which may be secured by the conquest of that +castle, (since probably by the conquest of that castle the whole +rebellion of the Welsh will be terminated, the contrary to which is to +be lamented by us and all our faithful subjects,) we intend shortly to +be present at that siege, on the 24th of October, together with our +son, or to send a sufficient deputy to aid our son. We therefore +command you to cause all who owe us suit and service to meet us at +Evesham on the 10th of October." + +Towards the close of this year we are reminded again of the deplorable +state of the King's revenue, by the urgent remonstrance of Lord Grey +of Codnor, and the recommendation of the council in consequence. Lord +Grey complained that he could obtain no money from the King's receivers, +though they had warrants and commands to pay him: that he had pawned +his plate and other goods; and that, without redeeming them, he could +not remove from Caermarthen to Brecon.[210] He then prays that (p. 218) +means may be adopted for payment of his debts and the wages of his men, +if the royal pleasure was for him to remain in those parts, or else to +allow him to be excused. The council advise the King to make him +Lieutenant of South Wales and West Wales, considering his vast trouble +in bringing his people from England; to direct payment to be made to +him from the revenues of Brecknock, Kidwelly, Monmouth,[211] and +Oggmore, belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster; and to grant him the +commission to be Justice of those parts during the time of his +lieutenancy. He was appointed lieutenant on the 2nd of December 1405, +and continued so till the 1st of February 1406. The council also +complained that the people of Pembrokeshire had not done their duty in +resisting the rebels, and recommended the King to charge Lord Grey to +make inquisition of the defaulters.[212] + + [Footnote 210: In the Minutes of a previous + Council, probably in the spring of 1405, Lord Grey + is directed to take charge of Brecon with forty + lances and two hundred archers, and of Radnor with + thirty lances and one hundred and fifty archers.] + + [Footnote 211: The council inform the King that the + council of his Duchy had made an exception of the + lordship of Monmouth, which should bear the most + substantial of all the assignments.] + + [Footnote 212: On the 3rd of March 1406, the + Commons speak of those castles in Wales "which, + with God's blessing, might be hereafter reduced."] + +In the following year, on the 22nd of March 1406, Henry Beaufort Bishop +of Winchester, was commissioned to treat anew for a marriage between +Prince Henry and some "one of the daughters of our adversary of +France." But the negociation seems to have failed. On the 18th of this +month permission was given by the King to Edmund Walsingham to (p. 219) +ransom his brother Nicholas. The document gives a brief but most +significant account of the treatment which awaited Owyn's captives. +Walsingham, who was taken prisoner near Brecknock, was plundered and +kept in ward in so wretched and miserable a state that he could +scarcely survive. His ransom was to be 50_l._[213] + + [Footnote 213: MS. Donat. 4596.] + +On the 3rd of April the Commons prayed the King to send his honourable +letters under his privy seal, thanking the Prince for the good and +constant labour and diligence which he had, and continued to have, in +resisting and chastening the rebels. + +On the 5th of April a commission was given by the King to Lord Grey +and the Prior of Ewenny to execute "all contracts and agreements[214] +made by the Prince our dear son, whom we have appointed our Lieutenant +of North and South Wales, and have authorized to receive into +allegiance at his discretion our rebels up to the Feast of St. Martin +in Yeme."[215] + + [Footnote 214: The Minutes of Council, at the end + of March or the beginning of April, record a + recommendation that the fines of the rebels as well + as the rents and issues from their land, be + expended on the wars in Wales: and John Bodenham + was appointed comptroller of these fines.] + + [Footnote 215: St. Martin in the winter.] + +Very few events are recorded as having taken place through this spring +and summer which tend to throw light on the character or proceedings +of Henry of Monmouth. He remained in Wales, probably without (p. 220) +leaving it for any length of time. The crown had been already settled +upon him and his three brothers in succession; but on the 22nd of +December this year, in full parliament, at the urgent instance of the +great people of the realm, the succession was again limited to Henry +the Prince and his three brothers, and their heirs, but not to the +exclusion of females. + +The French made a more feeble attempt to assist Glyndowr, in 1406, +with a fleet of thirty-six vessels, the greater part of which was +shipwrecked in a storm.[216] They had been more successful on their +former invasions of Wales: but they found in that wild and +impoverished country little to induce them to persevere in a struggle +which promised neither national glory nor individual profit; and they +left Owyn to drag out his war as he best could, depending on his own +resources. + + [Footnote 216: The French about this time made a + sort of piratical attack on the Isle of Wight.] + +It is with unalloyed satisfaction that we are able to record the +testimony which the Commons of England at this time, by the mouth of +their Speaker, bore to the character of Henry of Monmouth. It may seem +strange that no use has been made of this evidence by any historian, +not even by those who have undertaken to rescue his name from the +aspersions with which it has been assailed. The tribute of praise and +admiration for his son, then addressed to the King on his throne, (p. 221) +in the midst of the assembled prelates, and peers, and commons of the +whole realm, is the more valuable because it bears on some of those +very points in which his reputation has been most attacked. The vague +tradition of subsequent chroniclers, the unbridled fancy of the poet, +the bitterness of polemical controversy, unite in representing Henry +as a self-willed, obstinate young man, regardless of every object but +his own gratification, "as dissolute as desperate," under no control +of feelings of modesty, with no reverence for his elders, discarding +all parental authority, reckless of consequences; his own will being +his only rule of conduct, his own pleasures the chief end for which he +seemed to live. These charges have been adopted, and re-echoed, and +sent down to posterity with gathered strength and confirmation, by our +poets, by our historians, civil and ecclesiastical, by the ornaments +of the legal profession,--even one of our most celebrated Judges +adding the weight of his name to the general accusation. It is not the +province of this work to vindicate the character of Henry from charges +brought against him: truth, not eulogy, is its professed object, and +will (the Author trusts) be found to have been its object not in +profession only. But, before the verdict of guilty be returned against +Henry, justice requires that the evidence which his accusers offer be +thoroughly sifted, and the testimony of his contemporaries, solemnly +given before the assembled estates of the realm, must in common (p. 222) +fairness be weighed against the assertions of those who could have had +no personal knowledge of him, and who derived their views through +channels of the character and purity of which we are not assured. The +evidence here offered was given when Henry was towards the close of +his nineteenth year. + +The Rolls of Parliament record the following as the substance of the +opening address made by the Speaker, on Monday, June 7, 1406, "to the +King seated on his royal throne." "He made a commendation of the many +excellencies and virtues which habitually dwelt [reposerent] in the +honourable person of the Prince; and especially, first, of the humility +and obedience which he bears towards our sovereign lord the King, his +father; so that there can be no person, of any degree whatever, who +entertains or shows more honour and reverence of humbleness and +obedience to his father than he shows in his honourable person. +Secondly, how God hath granted to him, and endowed him with good heart +and courage, as much as ever was needed in any such prince in the +world. And, thirdly, [he spoke] of the great virtue which God hath +granted him in an especial manner, that howsoever much he had set his +mind upon any important undertaking to the best of his own judgment, +yet for the great confidence which he placed in his council, and in +their loyalty, judgment, and discretion, he would kindly and graciously +be influenced, and conform himself to his council and their (p. 223) +ordinance, according to what seemed best to them, setting aside +entirely his own will and pleasure; from which it is probable that, by +the grace of God, very great comfort and honour and advantage will +flow hereafter. For this, the said Commons humbly thank our Lord Jesus +Christ, and they pray for its good continuance." Such is the preface +to the prayer of their petition that he might be acknowledged by law +as heir apparent. + +It may be questioned, after every fair deduction has been made from +the intrinsic value of this testimony, on the ground of the complimentary +nature of such state-addresses in general, whether history contains any +document of undisputed genuineness which bears fuller or more direct +testimony to the union in the same prince of undaunted valour, filial +reverence and submission, respect for the opinion of others, readiness +to sacrifice his own will, and to follow the advice of the wise and +good, than this Roll of Parliament bears to the character of Henry of +Monmouth. And when we reflect to what a high station he had been +called whilst yet a boy; with what important commissions he had been +intrusted; how much fortune seems to have done to spoil him by pride +and vain-glory from his earliest youth, this page of our national +records seems to set him high among the princes of the world; not so +much as an undaunted warrior and triumphant hero, as the conqueror of +himself, the example of a chastened modest spirit, of filial (p. 224) +reverence, and a single mind bent on his duty. To all this Henry added +that quality without which such a combination of moral excellencies +would not have existed, the believing obedient heart of a true Christian. +This last quality is not named in words by the Speaker; but his immediate +reference to the grace of God, and his thanks in the name of the +people of England to the Almighty Saviour for having imparted these +graces to their Prince, appear to bring the question of his religious +principles before our minds. Whilst in seeking for the solution of +that question we find other pages of his history, equally genuine and +authentic, which assure us that he was a sincere and pious Christian, +or else a consummate hypocrite,--a character which his bitterest +accusers have never ventured to fasten upon him.[217] + + [Footnote 217: The Author must now add with regret, + that even hypocrisy has been within these few last + years laid to Henry's charge most unsparingly; with + what degree of justice will be shewn in a + subsequent chapter.] + + * * * * * + +On the same day, June 7, 1406,[218] the Commons pray that Henry the +Prince may be commissioned to go into Wales with all possible haste, +considering the news that is coming from day to day of the rebellion +of the Earl of Northumberland, and others. They also, June 19, (p. 225) +declare the thanks of the nation to be due to Lord Grey, John Greindore, +Lord Powis, and the Earls of Chester and Salop. Henry probably returned +to the Principality without delay; but there is reason to infer that, +towards the autumn of this year, Owyn Glyndowr felt himself too much +impoverished and weakened to attempt any important exploit; resolved +not to yield, and yet unable to strike any efficient blow. The Prince +was thus left at liberty to visit London for a while; and, on the 8th +of December 1406, we find him present at a council at Westminster. +This council met to deliberate upon the governance of the King's +household; which seems to have drawn to itself their serious attention +by its extravagance and mismanagement.[219] They requested that good +and honest officers might be appointed, especially a good controller. +They even recommended two by name, Thomas Bromflet and Arnaut Savari; +and desired that the steward and treasurer might seek for others. (p. 226) +They proposed also that a proper sum should be provided for the household +before Christmas. The council then proceeded to make the following +suggestion, which probably could have been regarded by the King only +as an encroachment on his personal liberty and prerogative, a severe +reflection upon himself, and an indication of the unkind feelings of +those with whom it originated. "Also, it seems desirable that, the +said feast ended, our said sovereign the King should withdraw himself +to some convenient place, where, by the deliberation and advice of +himself and his council and officers, such moderate regulations might +be established in the said household as would thenceforth tend to the +pleasure of God and the people." + + [Footnote 218: Stowe relates, that the King about + this time, in crossing from Queenborough to Essex, + was very nearly taken prisoner by some French + vessels. He avoided London because the plague was + raging there, in which thirty thousand persons + died.] + + [Footnote 219: This dissatisfaction had been + expressed in no very gentle language by the Commons + in Parliament on the 7th of the preceding June, the + very day on which they speak in such strong terms + of the good and amiable qualities of the Prince. + Indeed, we can scarcely avoid suspecting that the + Commons intended to reflect, by a sort of + side-wind, on the want in the King of an adequate + estimate of his son's worth; with somewhat perhaps + of an implied contrast between his excellences and + the defects of his father, whose unsatisfactory + proceedings seem at this time to have been + gradually alienating the public respect, and + transferring his popularity to his son.] + +Whether the Prince took any part in these proceedings, or not, we are +left in ignorance. Equally in the dark are we as to his line of conduct +with regard to those thirty-one articles proposed by the Commons, just +a fortnight afterwards; articles evidently tending to interfere with +the royal prerogative, and to limit the powers and increase the +responsibility of the King's council. "The Speaker requested that all +the lords of the council should be sworn to observe these articles;" +but they refused to comply, unless the King, "of his own motion," +should specially command them to take the oath. This proceeding +respecting the council forms an important feature in its history, as +it proves the very extensive manner in which the Commons (p. 227) +interested themselves in its measures and constitution. Whether we may +trace to these transactions, as their origin, the differences which in +after years show themselves plainly between the King and his son, or +whether other causes were then in operation, which time has veiled +from our sight, or which documents still in existence, but hitherto +unexamined, may bring again to light, we cannot undertake to +determine.[220] Be that as it may, though from this time we find Henry +of Monmouth on some occasions in Wales, yet he seems to have taken +more and more a part in the management of the nation at large; and, as +he grew in the estimation of the great people of the land, his royal +father appears to have more and more retired from public business, and +to have sunk in importance. Few documents[221] are preserved among the +records now accessible which give any information as to the Prince's +proceedings through the year 1407; but those few are by no means (p. 228) +devoid of interest, as throwing some light upon the progress of the +Welsh rebellion, and, in a degree, on Henry's character being at the +same time confirmatory of the view above taken of his occupations. + + [Footnote 220: In 8 Henry IV, (that is, between + September 30, 1406, and September 29, 1407,) a + licence is recorded (Pat. 8 Hen. IV. p. i. m. 17.), + by which the King permits "his dearest son Henry, + Prince of Wales, to grant the advowson of the + church of Frodyngham, Lincolnshire,--which was his + own possession--to the abbot and convent of Renesly + for ever." Long subsequently to this, we find no + immediate traces of any coolness between Henry and + his father.] + + [Footnote 221: The Prince was present, 23rd January + 1407, when his father received from the Bishop of + Durham the great seal of England, and delivered it + to Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, then made + Chancellor. (Claus 8 Hen. IV. m. 23, d.)] + +The Prince had laid siege to the castle of Aberystwith, situate near +the town of Llanpadern; but how long he had been before that fortress, +or, indeed, at what time he had returned to the Principality, history +does not record. If, as we may infer, the King did retire, according +to the suggestion of the council, "to some convenient place," the +Prince's presence was more required in London; whilst, Owyn's power +being evidently at that time on the decline, the necessity of his +personal exertions in Wales became less urgent. No accounts of the +proceedings either of Owyn, of the King, or of the Prince, at this +precise period seem to have reached our time. Probably nothing beyond +the siege of a castle, or an indecisive skirmish, took place during +the spring and summer. Among the documents, to which allusion has just +been made, one bears date September 12, 1407, containing an agreement +between Henry Prince of Wales on the one part, and, on the other, Rees +ap Gryffith and his associates. The Welshmen stipulate not to destroy +the houses, nor molest the shipping, should any arrive; and the Prince +covenants to give them free egress for their persons and goods. The +motives by which he professes to be influenced are very curious: (p. 229) +"For the reverence of God and All Saints, and especially also of his +own patron, John of Bridlington;[222] for the saving of human blood; +and at the petition of Richard ap Gryffyth, Abbot of Stratflorida." + + [Footnote 222: John of Bridlington.--John of + Bridlington had been very recently admitted among + the saints of the Roman calendar: probably he was + the very last then canonized. Letters addressed to + all nations of safe conduct to John Gisbourne, + Canon of the Priory of Bridlington, who was then + going to Rome to negociate in the matter of the + canonization of John, the late Prior, were given by + Henry IV. as recently as October 4, 1400. And + Walsingham records that in 1404, by command of the + Pope, the body of St. John, formerly Prior of the + Canons of Bridlington, since miracles evidently + attended it, was translated by the hands of the + Archbishop of York and the Bishops of Durham and + Carlisle.] + +Eight years after this, 23rd January 1415, a petition, which presents +more than one point of curiosity, was preferred to Henry of Monmouth, +then King, with reference to this siege of Aberystwith. Gerard Strong +prays that the King would issue a warrant commanding the treasurer and +barons of the exchequer to grant him a discharge for the metal of a +brass cannon burst at the siege of Aberystwith; of a cannon called +_The King's Daughter_, burst at the siege of Harlech; of a cannon +burst in proving it by Anthony Gunner, at Worcester; of a cannon with +two chambers; two iron guns, with gunpowder; and cross-bows and arrows, +delivered to various castles." The King granted the petition in all +its prayer. This petitioner was perhaps encouraged to prefer his (p. 230) +memorial by the success with which another suit had been urged, only +in the preceding month (13th December 1414), with reference to the +same period. John Horne, citizen and fishmonger of London, presented +to Henry V. and his council a petition in these words: "When you were +Prince, his vessel laden with provisions was arrested (pressed) for +the service of Lords Talbot and Furnivale, and their soldiers, at the +siege of Harlech;[223] which siege would have failed had those supplies +not been furnished by him, as Lord Talbot certifies. On unlading and +receiving payment, the rebels came upon him, burnt his ship, took +himself prisoner, and fixed his ransom at twenty marks. He was liable +to be imprisoned for the debt which he owed for the cargo." The King +granted his petition, and ordered him to be paid. Henry was then on +the point of leaving England for Normandy; and these reminiscences of +his early campaigns might have presented themselves to his thoughts +with agreeable associations, and rendered his ear more ready to listen +to petitions, which seem at all events to have been presented somewhat +tardily. + + [Footnote 223: This, we infer, must have been in + the summer of 1409. Vide infra.] + +An important circumstance, hitherto unobserved by writers on these +times, is incidentally recorded in the Pell Rolls. Prince Henry is +there reimbursed, on June 1, 1409, a much larger sum than usual (p. 231) +for the pay of his men-at-arms and archers in Wales; and is in the same +entry stated to have been retained by the consent of the council, on the +12th of the preceding May, to remain in attendance on the person of the +King, and at his bidding. The Latin[224] might be thought to leave it +in doubt whether this absence from his Principality, and constant +attendance on the King, was originally the result of his own wishes, +or his father's, or at the suggestion of the council. But the circumstance +of the consent of the council being recorded proves that Henry's +absence from Wales and residence in London were not the mere result of +his own will and pleasure, independently of the wishes of those whom +he ought to respect; but were at all events in accordance with the +expressed approbation of his father and the council. Probably the plan +originated with the council, the Prince willingly accepting the +office, the King intimating his consent. + + [Footnote 224: "Hen. Principi Walliae retento 12ē + die Maii anno 8vo de assensu consilii Regis + moraturo penes ipsum Dominum Regem."] + + + + +CHAPTER XI. (p. 232) + +PRINCE HENRY'S EXPEDITION TO SCOTLAND, AND SUCCESS. -- THANKS +PRESENTED TO HIM BY PARLIAMENT. -- HIS GENEROUS TESTIMONY TO THE DUKE +OF YORK. -- IS FIRST NAMED AS PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. -- RETURNS TO +WALES. -- IS APPOINTED WARDEN OF THE CINQUE PORTS AND CONSTABLE OF +DOVER. -- WELSH REBELLION DWINDLES AND DIES. -- OWYN GLYNDOWR'S +CHARACTER AND CIRCUMSTANCES; HIS REVERSES AND TRIALS. -- HIS BRIGHT +POINTS UNDERVALUED. -- THE UNFAVOURABLE SIDE OF HIS CONDUCT UNJUSTLY +DARKENED BY HISTORIANS. -- REFLECTIONS ON HIS LAST DAYS. -- FACSIMILE +OF HIS SEALS AS PRINCE OF WALES. + +1407-1409. + + +Though our own documents fail to supply us with any further information +as to the proceedings of Henry of Monmouth through the year 1407, and +though he might have been allowed some breathing time by the decreased +energy of the Welsh rebels, yet Monstrelet informs us that he was +actively engaged in a campaign at the other extremity of the kingdom. +The historian thus introduces his readers to this affair: "How the +Prince of Wales, eldest son of the King of England, accompanied (p. 233) +by his two uncles and a very great body of chivalry, went into Scotland +to make war." He then commences his chapter by the not very usual +assurance that he is about to relate a matter of fact. "Then it is the +truth that at this time, 1407, about the Feast of All Saints (1st +November), Henry Prince of Wales[225] mustered an army of one thousand +men-at-arms and six thousand archers; among whom were his two uncles, +the Duke of York, the Earl of Dorset, the Lords Morteines, de Beaumont, +de Rol, and Cornwal, together with many other noblemen; who all +marched towards Scotland, chiefly because the Scots had lately broken +the truce between the two kingdoms, and done great damage by fire and +sword in the duchy of Lancaster, and the district around Roxburgh. The +Scots were not aware of their approach till they were near at hand, +and had committed great devastation. As soon as the King of Scotland, +who was at the town of Saint "Iango" (Andrew's) in the middle of his +kingdom, heard of it, he issued orders immediately to his chiefs; and +in a few days a powerful army was assembled, which he sent under the +command of the Earl of Douglas and Buchan towards the Marches. But, +when they were within six leagues, they learnt that the English (p. 234) +were too strong for them. They consequently sent ambassadors to the +Prince of Wales and his council, who brought about a renewal of the +truce for a year; and thus the aforesaid Prince of Wales, having done +much damage in Scotland, returned into England, and the Scots +dismissed their army." + + [Footnote 225: The Pell Rolls record payment (16th + November 1407) to the Prince, by the hand of John + Strange, his treasurer of war, for one hundred and + twenty men-at-arms and three hundred and sixty + archers, then remaining at the abbey of + Stratfleure, to reduce the rebels, and give battle + in North and South Wales.] + +Soon after his return from Scotland we find Henry with his father at +Gloucester,[226] where a Parliament was held in the beginning of December; +the records of which enable us to carry on still further the testimony +borne to the Prince's character by his contemporaries, and to speak of +an act of generosity and noble-mindedness placed beyond the reach of +calumny to disparage. The King, on the 1st of December issued a commission +for negociating a peace with France; alleging, as the chief reason for +hastening it, his desire to have more time and leisure to appease the +schism in the church. On the last day of their sitting, the Parliament +prayed the King to present the thanks of the nation to the Prince of +Wales for his great services; in answer to which the King returned +many thanks to the Commons. Immediately on receiving this testimony of +public gratitude, "the Prince fell down upon his knees before the (p. 235) +King, and very humbly mentioning that he had heard of certain +evil-intentioned obloquies and detractions made to the slander of the +Duke of York,[227] declared that, if it were not for the Duke's good +advice and counsel, he, my lord the Prince himself, and others in his +company, would have been in great peril and desolation." "Moreover," +(continued the Prince,) "the Duke, as though he had been one of the +poorest gentlemen of the realm who would have to toil and struggle for +the acquirement of his own honour and name, laboured, and did his very +best to give courage and comfort to all others around him. He affirmed +also, that the Duke was in everything a loyal and valiant knight."[228] +This generous conduct towards one on whom the royal displeasure had +fallen, but who seems to have always conducted himself as a brave and +faithful and honourable subject, naturally raised in all who witnessed +it a still higher admiration of the character of the Prince, whose +conduct had repeatedly called for their grateful thanks and (p. 236) +warmest eulogies. The Parliament would not separate without first praying +the King, that all who adhered steadily and faithfully to the Prince +of Wales might be encouraged and rewarded, and all who deserted him, +and left his company without his permission, might be punished. + + [Footnote 226: The reason assigned by Henry IV. for + convening this Parliament at Gloucester, must not + be overlooked.--He believed that the nearer he + himself, and his nobles, and his court, were to + "his dear son, then commissioned to reduce the + rebels in Wales," the greater probability there was + of a successful issue of the Prince's campaign.] + + [Footnote 227: By the Author published as + Otterbourne, we are told, that the Lady Le + Despenser charged the Duke of York with having been + the author of the plot for stealing away the sons + of the Earl of March, and also for attempting the + King's life. On the Pell Roll, beginning Friday, + October 3rd, 1407, payment is recorded to divers + messengers sent to seize for the King's use all the + goods and chattels of Edward, Duke of York, and + Lord Le Despenser: and, subsequently, payment to + one Leget, for the safe conveyance of Lord Le + Despenser from London to the castle of + "Killynworth." The year before this, Edward, Duke + of York, was the King's Lieutenant of South Wales.] + + [Footnote 228: Rolls of Parliament, 8 Hen. IV.] + +The records of the year 1408 are particularly barren of facts with +regard either to the affairs of the kingdom at large, to the state[229] +of the Principality, or to the occupations and proceedings of Henry of +Monmouth. Shortly after Midsummer he was present as a member of a +council held in the church of St. Paul, when an indenture of agreement +between the King and his son, Thomas of Lancaster, afterwards Duke of +Clarence, was submitted to them for confirmation. Besides the stipulated +conditions on which the Lord Thomas should engage to execute the office +of Viceroy in Ireland, together with the sources of his allowance and +the mode of payment, this agreement contains also a provision that the +Prince[230] should first be paid what was assigned to him for the (p. 237) +safeguard of Wales. The record of this council concludes by adding, +"And it was agreed by my lord the Prince, and the other lords of the +council, and by them promised to the said Lord Thomas, that, as much +as in them lay, the assignments made to him, and specified in that +indenture, should not be revoked or stopped in any way." The closing +paragraph of this minute of the council is very important and interesting, +especially in one particular, presenting Henry of Monmouth to us under +a new aspect: it is the first instance in which we find the name of +the Prince mentioned by itself individually, in contradistinction to +the other members of the council; a practice for some time afterwards +generally observed. + + [Footnote 229: A minute of council (20th of + February) states the bare fact that Owyn, late + secretary to Glyndowr, had been committed to the + custody of Lord Grey, from November 4, 1406, and + had remained in ward four hundred and seventy-three + days; and that Gryffyth of Glyndowrdy, (Owyn + Glyndowr's son,) whom the Constable of the Tower + had delivered to the same lord on the 8th of June, + had been in custody two hundred and fifty days.] + + [Footnote 230: The custody of the Earl of March and + his brother was given to the Prince of Wales on + February 1st, 1409; and, since he had received + nothing for their sustentation, an assignment of + five hundred marks a year was made to him from the + duties of skins and wool. On the 3rd of July, the + King granted to him "the manors belonging to + Edmund, son and heir of Roger Mortimer, Earl of + March," during the young man's minority. The + Prince's revenues seem to have been scanty in the + extreme, and his father had recourse to many of the + various modes of raising money usually adopted in + those days.] + +Henry began at this time, in consequence, no doubt, of the requisition +of the council, to take a prominent part in the government of the +kingdom at large, and to enter upon that life of political activity +which gained for him the confidence and admiration of the great +majority of the people, whilst it exposed him to the envy and jealousy +of some individuals; yet he was not immediately released from the +cares and anxieties and expenses which the disturbed state of his (p. 238) +Principality involved. For in the early part of the autumn of this +year we find him again present at Caermarthen:[231] we have reason, +nevertheless, to believe that, when the winter closed in, he quitted +Wales, never to return to it again either as Prince or King. + + [Footnote 231: On the 23rd of September, Henry + executed a deed by which of especial grace he gave + "for the term of life to William Malbon, our valet + de chambre, the office of Raglore [Qu: Regulator?] + of the commotes of Glenerglyn and Hannynyok in our + county of Cardigan. Given under our seal in our + castle of Caermarthen, in the ninth year of the + reign of our lord and father."] + +After the Prince, however, had withdrawn from personally exerting +himself in the suppression of the insurgents, Owyn Glyndowr still +carried on a kind of desultory warfare, rallying from time to time his +scattered and dispirited adherents, heading them in predatory +incursions upon the property of his enemies, laying violent hands on +the persons of those who resisted his authority, and depriving them of +their liberty or their lives, as best suited his own views of policy. +On the 16th of May 1409, a mandate issued by the King at Westminster, +to Edward Charleton, Lord Powis, with others,[232] is couched in +language which draws a frightful picture of the terror and confusion +and misery caused by these reckless rebels; conveying, nevertheless, +at the same time the idea of a lawless band of insurgents (p. 239) +resisting the authority of the government to the utmost of their power, +but no longer of an army headed by a sovereign and struggling for +independence. The preamble of the commission runs thus: "Whereas, from +the report of many, we understand that Owyn de Glyndowrdy, and +John,[233] who pretends that he is Bishop of St. Asaph, and other our +rebels and traitors in Wales, together with certain of our enemies of +France, Scotland, and other places, have now recently congregated afresh, +and gone about the lands of us, and of others our lieges, in the same +parts of Wales, day and night wickedly seizing upon some of the said +lands; and capturing, scourging, and imprisoning our faithful lieges; +consuming,[234] carrying away, and devastating their property, (p. 240) +and committing many other enormities against our peace: We, willing to +resist the malice of the aforesaid Owyn, and the aforesaid pretended +Bishop, and to provide for the peace and repose of Wales, give you +this command." + + [Footnote 232: The same commission is sent to the + Duke of York, Lords Arundel, Warwick, Reginald Grey + of Ruthyn, Richard Grey of Codnor, Constance, wife + of the late Thomas Le Despenser, William Beauchamp, + and others.] + + [Footnote 233: This prelate was John Trevaur, who + was consecrated in 1395, and deposed in 1402. Much + doubt hangs over the appointment of his immediate + successor. Some say David, the second of that name, + was appointed to the see in 1402. Robert de + Lancaster was consecrated in 1411. A similar doubt + exists as to the successor of Richard Young, Bishop + of Bangor. Whether a prelate named Lewis + immediately followed him on his translation to + Rochester in 1404, or not, is very uncertain.] + + [Footnote 234: Sir Henry Ellis, having represented + the mischief done to Wales by Owyn to have been + incalculable, enumerates a few instances of the + misery he caused: Montgomery deflourished, (as + Leland expresses himself,) Radnor partly + destroyed,--"and the voice is there, that when he + won the castle he took threescore men that had the + guard, and beheaded them on the brink of the castle + yard." "The people about Dinas did burn the castle + there, that Owyn should not keep it for his + fortress." The Haye, Abergavenny, Grosmont, Usk, + Pool, the Bishop's castle and the Archdeacon's + house at Llandaff, with the cathedrals of Bangor + and St. Asaph, were all either in part or wholly + victims of his rage. The list might be much + augmented. At Cardiff, he burnt the whole town, + except the street in which the Franciscan monks + dwelt. These brethren were reported to have + contributed large sums to support Glyndowr's cause, + and to enable him to invade England.] + +Ten Welsh prisoners, under a warrant dated October 18th, were delivered, +as it is supposed for execution, by the Constable of Windsor to +William Lisle, Marshal of England. From this circumstance some writers +have inferred that a considerable engagement took place this summer; +but it may be doubted whether the measures adopted in accordance with +the above commission would not sufficiently account for even a far +greater number of prisoners being at the disposal of the King: for he +strictly charged all those lords and sheriffs to whom his commission +was directed "not to quit Wales till Owyn and the pretended Bishop +should be utterly routed, but to attack them with the whole posse of +the realm night and day." No doubt can be entertained that both their +duty and their interest would induce these persons to put the King's +mandate into execution promptly and vigorously; and probably many of +Owyn's partisans fell into the hands of the government in the (p. 241) +course of the present summer and autumn: Owyn himself, also, either +sued for a truce, or acceded to the proposals made to him. The persons +to whom the King delegated the duty of crushing him, either influenced +by a sense of the misery caused far and wide by the depredations and +havoc carried on by the Welsh rebels on every side, or growing tired +of a protracted struggle which brought to them neither glory nor +profit, made a truce with Owyn without any warrant from the King. So +far, however, was he from sanctioning their proceeding that he +annulled the truce altogether, and (November 23rd, 1409,) issued a new +mandate to divers other persons to hasten with all their powers +against the rebels. + +A curious legal document, of a date later by five years than the +circumstance to which it refers, informs us that the King, when +enumerating in his commission to Lord Powis the partisans of Owyn, in +addition to the auxiliaries of Scotland and France, might have +mentioned the malcontents also of England. Owyn's British supporters, +even at so late a period of his rebellion, were not confined to the +Principality, but were found in other parts of the kingdom. In Trinity +Term, 2 Henry V. (1414,) a presentation is found, recording this curious +fact: "John, Lord Talbot,[235] (the Lord Furnivale,) was on his road +towards Caernarvon, there to abide, and resist the malice of (p. 242) +Owyn Glyndowr and other rebels in the parts of Wales. Accompanied by +sixty men-at-arms and seven score archers, he was hastening onward +with all possible speed, in need of victuals, arms, and other necessaries, +intending to pass through Shrewsbury, and there to buy them. On the +Monday before the Nativity of John the Baptist, (17th June,) in the +tenth year of the late King, (1409,) one John Weole, constable of the +town and castle, and Richard Laken of Laken, in the same county, Esquire, +and others, with very many malefactors, of premeditated malice closed +the gates against them, and guarded them, and would not suffer any of +the King's lieges to come out and assist them. By which Lord Furnivale +and his men were much impeded, and many of the King's commands +remained unexecuted."[236] + + [Footnote 235: Some documents by mistake represent + Lord Talbot and the Lord Furnivale as two distinct + individuals.] + + [Footnote 236: MS. Donat. 4599.] + +Of the rebellion in Wales, however, very few circumstances are recorded +after Henry of Monmouth had ceased to resist the rebels in person: the +war gradually dwindled, and sunk at last into insignificance. A few +embers of the conflagration still remained unquenched, and called for +the watchfulness of government; but the flames had been so far +subdued, that all sense of danger to the general peace of the realm +had been removed from the people of England. No precise date can be +assigned to the last show of resistance on the part of Owyn or his +followers. It must have been, at all events, later than our (p. 243) +historians have generally supposed. About Christmas 1411 a free pardon +was granted for all treasons and crimes, with an exception from the +King's grace of Owyn Glyndowr himself, and one Thomas Trumpyngton, who +seems to have made himself very obnoxious to the government. In the +same year payment was made of various sums to defray the expenses of +the late siege of Harlech, the successful issue of which the record +ascribes, to the favour of God. In 1412 the King's licence was given +to John Tiptoft, seneschal, and William Boteler, receiver of Brecknock, +to negociate with Owyn for the ransom of David Gamne, the gallant +Welshman who afterwards fell at the battle of Agincourt. The licence +was granted at the suit of Llewellin ap Howell, David Gamne's father, +and authorised the parties to offer in exchange any Welshmen whom they +could take prisoners. In the same year, about Midsummer, the Pell +Rolls, recording a large sum paid to the Prince for the safeguard of +Wales, at the same time acquaint us with the waning state of the +insurrection; for the money was to enable the Prince to resist the +rebels "now seldom rising in arms."[237] The same expression occurs in +the following December. + + [Footnote 237: "Jam raro insurgentium."] + +Still, though their rising was even then rare, yet as late as February +19, 1414, payment is registered of a sum "to a certain Welshman coming +to London, and continuing there, to give information concerning (p. 244) +the proceedings and designs of Ewain Glendowrdy." + +We gladly bring to a close these references to the last days of the +dying rebellion in Wales, by recording an act of grace on the part of +Henry of Monmouth.[238] It was after he had returned from his victory +at Agincourt, and when, notwithstanding the immense drain of men and +money in his campaign in Normandy, he could doubtless have extirpated +the whole remnant of the rebels, had he delighted in vengeance rather +than in mercy, that he commissioned Sir Gilbert Talbot to "communicate +and treat with Meredith ap Owyn, son of Owyn de Glendowrdy; and as +well the said Owyn, as other our rebels, to admit and receive into +their allegiance, if they seek it." Probably the stubborn heart of +Owyn scorned to sue for pardon, and to share the King's grace. + + [Footnote 238: 24th February 1416.] + + * * * * * + +Of the last years of Owyn Glyndowr history furnishes us with very +scanty information. It is certain that he never fell into the hands of +his enemies: it is probable that, after having been compelled at +length to withdraw from the hopeless struggle in which he had persevered +with indomitable courage, he passed away in concealment his few +remaining years of disappointment and sorrow. Tradition ventures to +hint that friends in Herefordshire threw the shelter of their +hospitality over him in his days of distress and desolation. But (p. 245) +history returns no satisfactory answer to our inquiries whether he was +blessed with the consolations of religion in his calamity; nor whether, +to lighten the dreadful vicissitudes of his eventful life, he was cheered +at the close of his sorrow by any whom he loved. His reverses brought +with them no ordinary degree of suffering. In the very opening of the +rebellion his houses were burnt, and his lands were confiscated. His +brother fell in one of the earliest engagements on the borders. In the +course of the struggle,[239] his wife and his children, sons and +daughters, were carried away captive, and retained as prisoners. His +friends were gone; many had fallen on the field of battle; many had +died under the hand of the executioner; many had provided for their +own safety by deserting him. Every act of grace and pardon, though it +embraced almost all besides, made an exception of his name; till (p. 246) +the above offer of mercy from Henry of Monmouth included Owyn himself. +His sufferings were enough in number and intenseness to satisfy the +vengeance of any one who was not athirst for blood. + + [Footnote 239: This is a fact, as the Author + believes, new in history; which, however, is placed + beyond all doubt by the Issue Rolls of the Pell + Office. 1 Henry V. 27th June, money is paid to John + Weele for the expenses of the wife of Owen + Glendourdi, of the wife of Edmund Mortimer, and of + others, their sons and daughters: "et aliorum + filiorum et filiarum suarum." On the 21st of March, + also 1411, Lord Grey of Codnor is authorised, as we + have already stated, by warrant to deliver Gryffuth + ap Owyn Glyndourdy, (that is, Owyn's son Griffith,) + and Owyn ap Griffith ap Rycard, to the constable of + the Tower, till further orders.--MS. Donat. 4599. + + This son, however, of Owyn had been a prisoner for + a long time before the date of this warrant. Lord + Grey had payment made for the expenses of Griffin, + son of Owyn Glyndowr, as early as June 1, + 1407.--Pell Rolls.] + +In estimating the character of this extraordinary man, we must +remember that almost the whole evidence which we have of him has been +derived through the medium of his enemies; in the next place, we must +not allow circumstances over which he had no control to darken his +fame; nor must our zeal in condemning the rebel, bury in oblivion the +patriot, though mistaken; or the hero, though unsuccessful. + +Especially, then, must it be borne in mind, that not Henry Bolinbroke, +but Richard II. was the sovereign to whom Glyndowr[240] had owed and +had originally sworn allegiance; that he had been especially and +confidentially employed in that unhappy monarch's immediate service; +that he was one of the very few who remained faithful to him, and +accompanied him through perils and trials to the last; and that he +left him only when Richard's misfortunes prohibited his friends from +giving him any longer assistance or comfort. We must remember also, +that, even had his master Richard been deposed or dead, it was not +Henry Bolinbroke, but the Earl of March, whom the laws of the (p. 247) +country had taught him to regard as his liege lord. We cannot, indeed, +in honesty assign to Glyndowr the crown of martyrdom won in his country's +cause; we cannot justly ascribe his career exclusively to pure +patriotism: there is too much of self[241] mingled in his character to +justify us in enrolling him among the devoted friends of freedom, and +the disinterested enemies of tyranny. He was driven into rebellion by +the sense of individual injury and insult rather than of his country's +wrongs; and he too eagerly assumed to himself the honours, authority, +and power, as well as the title of sovereign of his native land. But +he was not one of those heartless ringleaders of confusion,--he was +not one of those desperate rebels with whom the English too harshly +and too rashly have been wont to number him. He possessed many qualities +of the hero, deserving a better cause and a better fate. It is +impossible not to admire his unconquerable courage, his endurance of +hardships, his faculty of making the very best of the means within his +reach, and his unshrinking perseverance as long as there remained to +him one ray of hope or one particle of strength. The guilt of violated +faith, though laid to his charge, has never been established. He has +been, moreover, often accused of cruelty, and of engaging in savage +warfare; but even his enemies and conquerors, by their actions (p. 248) +and by their despatches, prove, that though Owyn slew, and burnt, and +laid waste far and wide, yet in all this he executed only the law of +retaliation, dreadful as that law is both in its principle and in its +consequences. + + [Footnote 240: It does not appear, whether Owyn had + ever sworn allegiance to Henry IV.] + + [Footnote 241: Pennant says he caused himself, in + 1402, to be acknowledged Prince of Wales by his + countrymen, and to be crowned also.] + +Owyn Glyndowr failed, and he was denounced as a rebel and a traitor. +But had the issue of the "sorry fight" of Shrewsbury been otherwise +than it was; had Hotspur so devised, and digested, and matured his +plan of operations, as to have enabled Owyn with his forces to join +heart and hand in that hard-fought field; had Bolinbroke and his son[242] +fallen on that fatal day;--instead of lingering among his native mountains +as a fugitive and a branded felon; bereft of his lands, his friends, +his children and his wife; waiting only for the blow of death to +terminate his earthly sufferings, and, when that blow fell, leaving no +memorial[243] behind him to mark either the time or the place of (p. 249) +his release,--Owyn Glyndowr might have been recognised even by England, +as he actually had been by France, in the character of an independent +sovereign; and his people might have celebrated his name as the +avenger of his country's wrongs, the scourge of her oppressors, and +the restorer of her independence. The anticipations of his own bard, +Gryffydd Llydd, might have been amply realized.[244] + + [Footnote 242: How beautifully does the poet + express this same thought in the words of Harry + Percy's widow: + + "Had my sweet Harry had but half their numbers, + To-day might I, hanging on Hotspur's neck, + Have talked of Monmouth's grave." + Second Part of HENRY IV. act ii. + + This lady, Elizabeth Percy, had probably either + said or done something to excite the suspicion of + the King; for he issued a warrant for her + apprehension on the 8th of October, after the + battle of Shrewsbury.] + + [Footnote 243: The Welsh historians tell of various + traditions relating both to the place and the time + of his death, adding many a romantic tale of his + wanderings among the mountains, and in caves and + dens of the earth. But, unable to trace any grounds + of preference for one tradition above another, the + Author of these Memoirs leaves the question (in + itself of no great importance), without expressing + any opinion beyond what he has offered in the text. + He must, however, add, that the traditions of his + having passed many of his last days at the houses + of Scudamore and Monnington, of his having been + some time concealed in a cavern called to this day + Owyn's Cave, on the coast of Merioneth, and of his + having been buried in Monnington churchyard, are by + no means improbable. The story of his corpse + resting under a stone in the churchyard of Bangor + is evidently a mistake; whilst the legend which + would identify him with John of Kent seems + altogether fabulous.] + + [Footnote 244: The Author takes the translation + from the Appendix to Williams' Monmouthshire.] + + Strike then your harps, ye Cambrian bards! + The song of triumph best rewards + An hero's toils. Let Henry weep + His warriors wrapt in everlasting sleep: + Success and victory are thine, + Owain Glyndurdwy divine! + Dominion, honour, pleasure, praise, + Attend upon thy vigorous days. + And, when thy evening's sun is set, + May grateful Cambria ne'er forget + Thy noon-tide blaze; but on thy tomb + Never-fading laurels bloom. + +By the obliging kindness of Sir Henry Ellis, the Author is enabled (p. 250) +to enrich his work by authentic representations of the Great and Privy +Seals of Owyn Glyndowr as Prince of Wales; he borrows at the same time +the clear and scientific description of them, with which that antiquary +furnished the Archaeologia.[245] The originals are appended to two +instruments preserved in the Hotel Soubise at Paris, both dated in the +year 1404, and believed to relate to the furnishing of the troops +which were then supplied to Owyn by the King of France. + + [Footnote 245: Vol. xxv.] + +"On the obverse of the Great Seal, Owyn is represented with a bifid +beard, very similar to Richard II, seated under a canopy of Gothic +tracery; the half-body of a wolf forming the arms of his chair on each +side; the back-ground is ornamented with a mantle semee of lions, held +up by angels. At his feet are two lions. A sceptre is in his right hand; +but he has no crown. The inscription, OWENUS ... PRINCEPS WALLIAE. On the +reverse Owyn is represented on horseback in armour: in his right hand, +which is extended, he holds a sword; and with his left, his shield +charged with four lions rampant: a drapery, probably a _kerchief de +plesaunce_, or handkerchief won at a tournament, pendent from the right +wrist. Lions rampant also appear upon the mantle of the horse. On his +helmet, as well as on his horse's head, is the Welsh dragon. The area of +the seal is diapered with roses. The inscription on this side (p. 251) +seems to fill the gap upon the obverse, OWENUS DEI GRATIA ... WALLIAE. + +The Privy Seal represents the four lions rampant, towards the spectator's +left, on a shield, surmounted by an open coronet; the dragon of Wales +as a supporter on the dexter side, on the sinister a lion. The +inscription seems to have been SIGILLUM OWENI PRINCIPIS WALLIAE. + +No impression of this seal is probably now to be found either in Wales +or England. Its workmanship shows that Owyn Glyndowr possessed a taste +for art far beyond the types of the seals of his predecessors." + +[Illustration: Seal] + + + + +CHAPTER XII. (p. 252) + +REPUTED DIFFERENCES BETWEEN HENRY AND HIS FATHER EXAMINED. -- HE IS +MADE CAPTAIN OF CALAIS. -- HIS RESIDENCE AT COLDHARBOUR. -- PRESIDES +AT THE COUNCIL-BOARD. -- CORDIALITY STILL VISIBLE BETWEEN HIM AND HIS +FATHER. -- AFFRAY IN EAST-CHEAP. -- NO MENTION OF HENRY'S PRESENCE. -- +PROJECTED MARRIAGE BETWEEN HENRY AND A DAUGHTER OF BURGUNDY. -- CHARGE +AGAINST HENRY FOR ACTING IN OPPOSITION TO HIS FATHER IN THE QUARREL OF +THE DUKES OF BURGUNDY AND ORLEANS UNFOUNDED. + +1409-1412. + + +Henry of Monmouth, whose years, from the earliest opening of youth to +the entrance of manhood, had chiefly been occupied within the precincts +of his own Principality in quelling the spirit of rebellion which had +burst forth there with great fury, and had been protracted with a +vitality almost incredible, is from this date to be viewed and examined +under a totally different combination of circumstances. Early in the +year 1409 he was appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of +Dover for life, with a salary of 300_l._ a year. Thomas Erpyngham, +"the King's beloved and faithful knight," who held those offices (p. 253) +by patent, having resigned them in favour of the King's "very dear +son."[246] He was made on the 18th of March 1410, Captain of Calais, +by writ of privy seal; and he was constituted also President of the +King's Council. + + [Footnote 246: MS. Donat. 4599.] + +The character of Henry having been assailed, not only in times distant +from our own, but by writers also of the present age, on the ground of +his having behaved towards his father with unkindness and cruelty +after the date of his appointment to these offices, it becomes necessary, +in order to ascertain the reality of the charge and its extent, as +well as the time to which his change of behaviour is to be referred, +to trace his footsteps in all his personal transactions with his +father, and in the management of the public affairs of the realm, more +narrowly than it might otherwise have been necessary or interesting +for us to do. Every incidental circumstance which can throw any light +on this uncertain and perplexing page of his history becomes invested +with an interest beyond its own intrinsic importance, just as in a +judicial investigation, where the animus of any party bears upon the +question at issue, the most minute and trifling particular will often +give a clue, whilst broad and striking events may not assist in +relieving the judge from any portion of his doubts. On this principle +the following facts are inserted here. They may perhaps appear too (p. 254) +disjointed for a continuous narrative; and they are cited only as +separate links which might form a chain of evidence all bearing upon +the question as to Henry's position from this time with his father. + +Early in the year 1409, the King, in a letter to the Pope, when speaking +of the Cardinal of Bourdeaux says, "He came into the presence of us +and of our first-born son, the Prince of Wales, and others, our prelates." +At this period we are informed by the dry details of the royal +exchequer, that the King was anxiously bent on the marriage of his +son. To Sir William Bourchier payment is made, (17th May 1409,) on +account of a voyage to Denmark and Norway, to treat with Isabella, +Queen of Denmark, for a marriage between the Lord Henry, Prince of +Wales, and the daughter of Philippa of Denmark; and on the 23rd of the +same month[247] a payment is made to "Hugh Mortimer, Esq., lately +twice sent by the King's command to France, to enter into a contract +of marriage between the Prince and the second daughter of the King's +adversary, the King of France." In the August of 1409 the council +assembled at Westminster, resolved, with regard to Ireland, that, +should it be agreeable to the King and the Lord Thomas, it would be +expedient for Lord John Stanley to be appointed Lieutenant, he paying +a stipulated sum every year to the Lord Thomas. Before the council +broke up, the Prince, who presided, undertook to speak on this (p. 255) +subject, as well to the King his father, as to his brother the Lord +Thomas. At this time it would appear that, so far from any coldness, +and jealousies, and suspicions existing between the Prince and the +members of his family, he was deemed the most fit person to negociate +an affair of much delicacy between the council and his father and his +brother. + + [Footnote 247: The payments prove nothing as to the + dates of the debts incurred.] + +On the 31st of January 1410, the King, in the palace of Lambeth, +"delivered the great seals to Thomas Beaufort, his brother, in the +presence of the Archbishop, Henry of York, and my lord the +Prince."[248] On the 5th of March following, the King's warrant was +signed for the burning of John Badley. The Prince's conduct on that +occasion, which has been strangely misrepresented, but which seems at +all events to testify to the kindness of his disposition, and his +anxiety to save a fellow-creature from suffering, is examined at some +length in another part of this work, where his character is +investigated with reference to the sweeping charge brought against him +of being a religious persecutor. On the 18th of that month, when he +was appointed Captain of Calais, his father at the same time made him +a present for life of his house called Coldharbour. It must be here +observed that the disagreement which evidently arose and (p. 256) +continued for some time between the King and the Commons, though the +Prince was compelled to take a part in it, seems not to have shaken +the King's confidence in him, nor to have alienated his affections +from him at all. On the 23rd of March the Commons require the King to +appoint a council; and on Friday, the 2nd of May following, they ask +the King to inform them of the names of his council: on which occasion +this remarkable circumstance occurred.[249] The King replied that many +had been excused; that the others were the Prince, the Bishops of +Worcester, Durham, and Bath, Lords Arundel, Westmoreland, and Burnell. +The Prince then, in the name of all, prayed to be excused, if there +would not be found money sufficient to defray the necessary charges; +and, should nothing adequate be granted, then that they should at the +end of the parliament be discharged from all expenses incurred by +them. Upon this they resolved that the Prince should not be sworn as a +member of the council, because of the high dignity of his honourable +person. The other members were sworn. It is to this stipulation of the +Prince that the King refers at the close of the parliament in 1411, +when, after the Commons had prayed the King to thank the Prince and +council, he says, "I am persuaded they would have done more had they +had more ample means, as my lord the Prince declared when they were +appointed." + + [Footnote 248: These insulated facts may be thought + to prove little of themselves; but they throw light + (it is presumed) both on Henry of Monmouth's + occupations, through these years of his life, and + especially on the point of any rupture existing + between himself and the King his father.] + + [Footnote 249: Parl. Rolls, 1410.] + +It has often been a subject of wonder what should have brought (p. 257) +the Prince and his brother so often into East-Cheap; and the story of +the Boar's Head in Shakspeare has long associated in our minds Henry +Prince of Wales with a low and vulgar part of London, in which he +could have had no engagement worthy of his station, and to which, +therefore, he must have resorted only for the purposes of riot and +revelry with his unworthy and dissolute companions. History records +nothing of the Prince derogatory to his princely and Christian +character during his residence in Coldharbour; it does indeed charge +two of the King's sons with a riot there, but they are stated by name +to be Thomas and John. Henry's name does not occur at all in connexion +with any disturbance or misdoing. The fact, however, (not generally +known,) of Henry having his own house, the gift of his father, in the +heart of London, near East-Cheap, (the scene indeed of Shakspeare's +poetical romance, but really the frequent place of meeting for the +King's council whilst Henry was their president,) might seem to call +for a few words as to the locality of Coldharbour and its circumstances. +The grant by his father of this mansion, dated Westminster, March +18th, 1410, is couched in these words: "Know ye, that, of our especial +grace, we have granted to our dearest son, Henry Prince of Wales, a +certain hostel or place called Coldharbour, in our city of London, +with its appurtenances, to hold for the term of his life, without (p. 258) +any payment to us for the same."[250] These premises, we learn, came +into Henry IV.'s possession by the right of his wife. Stowe, who +supplies the materials from which we safely make that inference, does +not seem to have been aware that it was ever in the possession of +either that King or his son. He tells us it was bought in the 8th of +Edward III. by John Poultney, who was four times mayor, and who lived +there when it was called Poultney Inn. But, thirteen years afterward +(21 Edward III.), he, by charter, gave and confirmed it to Humfrey de +Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, as "his whole tenement called +Coldharbour, with all the tenements and key adjoining, on the way +called Haywharf Lane (All Saints ad foenum), for a rose at Midsummer, +if demanded. In 1397, John Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, lodged there; +and Richard II, his brother, dined with him. It was then counted a +right fair and stately house."[251] + + [Footnote 250: Rym. Foed. vol. vii.] + + [Footnote 251: Stowe's London, ii. 206.] + +We are led to infer, though the formal grant of this house to Prince +Henry was made only in the March of this year, yet that it had been +his residence for some time previously; for, on the 8th of the +preceding February, we find a council held there, himself present as +its chief. + +It does not appear by any positive statement that the Prince visited +Calais immediately on his appointment to its captaincy, but we (p. 259) +shall probably be safe in concluding that he did so; for, very soon +afterwards, we find letters of protection[252] for one year (from +April 23) given to Thomas Selby, who was to go with the Prince, and +remain with him at Calais. At all events, he was resident in London by +the middle of June, and had apparently engaged most actively in the +affairs of government. On the 16th of that month we find him president +at two sittings of the council on the same day:[253] the first at +Coldharbour, in which it was determined that three parts of the +subsidy granted to the King on wools, hides, &c. should be applied to +the payment of the garrison of Calais and of the marches thereof; the +second, at the Convent of the Preaching Friars, when an ordinance was +made for the payment of the garrison of Berwick and the East March of +Scotland. + + [Footnote 252: Rymer's Foed.] + + [Footnote 253: Acts of Council.] + +The Prince presided at a council, on the 18th of June, in Westminster; +and, on the 19th, in the house of the Bishop of Hereford. To this +council his brother Thomas of Lancaster presented a petition praying +for reformation of certain tallies, by default of which he could not +obtain the money due to him. The preamble, as well as the body of this +petition, proves that at this time the Prince was regarded not merely +as a member of the council, but as its president, to be named and +addressed individually and in contradistinction to the other (p. 260) +members. "The petition of my lord Thomas of Lancaster, made to the +very honourable and puissant lord the Prince, and the other very +honourable and wise lords of the council of our sovereign lord the +King. First, may it please my said lord the Prince, and the other +lords of the council," &c.--That up to this time no jealousy had +arisen in the King's mind in consequence of the growing popularity and +ascendency of his son, is evidenced by the record of the same council. +That document tells us plainly that the King was cordial with him, and +employed him as his confidential representative: it shall speak for +itself. "And then my said lord the Prince reported to the other +members of the council, that he had it in command from his very good +lord and father to ordain, with the advice of the others of the said +council, that the Lord Thomas Beaufort, brother of our said lord the +King and his chancellor of England, should have such gratuity for one +year beyond his fees as to them should seem reasonable. On which, by +our said lord the Prince, and all the others, it was agreed that the +said chancellor should receive for one year, from the day of his +appointment, 800 marks." + +The next council, at which also we find the Prince acting as +president, was held on the 11th of July. Between the dates of these +two last councils, that disturbance in the street took place which the +Chronicle of London refers to merely as "an affray in East-Cheap (p. 261) +between the townsmen and the Princes Thomas and John;" but which Stowe +records with much of detail and minuteness. Many, it is believed, may +be disposed to regard it as the foundation chosen by Shakspeare on +which to build the superstructure of his own fascinating imagination, +and on which other writers more grave, though not more trustworthy as +historians, have rested for conclusive evidence of the wild frolics +and "madcap" adventures of Henry of Monmouth. Stowe's account is this: +"In the year 1410, upon the eve of St. John the Baptist, (i.e. June +23,) the King's sons, Thomas and John, being in East-Cheap at supper, +or rather at breakfast, (for it was after the watch was broken up, +betwixt two and three of the clock after midnight,) a great debate +happened between their men and other of the court, which lasted an +hour, even till the mayor and sheriffs, with other citizens, appeased +the same: for the which afterwards the said mayor, aldermen, and +sheriffs were sent for to answer before the King; his sons and divers +lords being highly moved against the city. At which time, William +Gascoigne, chief justice, required the mayor and aldermen, for the +citizens, to put them in the King's grace.[254] Whereunto they +answered that they had not offended, but according to the law had done +their best in stinting debate and maintaining of the peace: upon +which answer the King remitted all his ire and dismissed them." (p. 262) +It must be observed that not one word is here said of Prince Henry +having anything whatever to do with the affray: whether "other of the +court" meant some of his household, or not, does not appear; neither +are we told that the two brothers had been supping with the Prince. +And yet, unless some facts are alleged by which the mayor and the +chief justice may be connected with him in reference to some broil, we +may well question whether the current stories relating to his +East-Cheap revelries have any other foundation than this. At all +events, the Prince seems to have been most regular during this summer +in his attendance at the council-board. On the 22nd, 29th, 30th of +July, we find him acting as president. The last council was held at +the house of Robert Lovell, Esq. near Old Fish Street in London; at +which 1400_l._ was voted to the Prince for the safeguard of Calais, to +be repaid out of the first receipts from the duties on wools and +skins.[255] + + [Footnote 254: That is, that they should ask the + King's pardon.] + + [Footnote 255: On the 7th of September the King + commissions his very dear son the Prince, or his + lieutenant, to punish the rebels of Wales.] + +On the 18th of November we find a mandate directed to the Prince, as +Warden of the Cinque Ports, to see justice done in a case of piracy; +and on the 29th, the King, being then at Leicester, issues to Henry +the Prince, as Captain of Calais, and to his lieutenant, the same +commission, to grant safe-conducts, as had been given to John (p. 263) +Earl of Somerset, the late captain.[256] + + [Footnote 256: The Earl died on Palm Sunday, 16th + of March 1410; immediately on whose demise the + Prince was appointed captain. Minutes of Council, + 16th June 1410.] + +Where the Prince passed the winter does not seem to be recorded. In +the following spring we find this minute of council. "Be it +remembered, that on Thursday, the 19th of March, in the twelfth year +of our sovereign lord the King, at Lambeth, in presence of our said +lord the King, and his very dear son my lord the Prince, the following +prelates and other lords were assembled."[257] It cannot escape +observation, that, instead of the Prince being mentioned as one of the +council, or as their president, his name is coupled with the King's as +one of the two in whose presence the others were assembled.[258] + + [Footnote 257: There are many curious items of + expenditure in the minutes of this council; one + which few perhaps would have expected: "Item, to + John Rys, for the lions in his custody per annum + 120_l._"] + + [Footnote 258: In a minute of the council, about + April this year, we find an item of expense which + proves that Wales still required the presence of a + considerable force: "Item, to my lord the Prince, + for the wages of three hundred men-at-arms and six + hundred archers who have lived and will live for + the safeguard of the Welsh parts, from the 9th day + of July 1410, to the 7th day of April then next + ensuing, 8000_l._" + + In this month the King implores the Archbishops of + Canterbury and York to pray for him, and to urge + all their clergy to supplicate God's help and + protection of himself, his children, and his realm. + And many prayers, and processions, and masses are + ordered; and all in so urgent a manner as would + lead us to think that there was some especial cause + of anxiety and alarm, or some severe affliction + present or feared.--Rymer. + + On the 18th of August, a warrant is issued for the + liberation of Llewellyn ap David Whyht, and Yon ap + Griffith ap Lli, from the Tower.--MS. Donat. 4599. + + In the parliament, at the close of this year, + grievous complaints are made by the Border counties + against the violence and ravages and extortions of + the Welsh; and an order is sought "to arrest the + cousins of all rebels and evil-doers of the Welsh, + until the malefactors yield themselves up; for by + such kinsmen only are they supported." + + The cruelties of the Welsh are described in very + strong colours by the petitioners; but it is not + evident what was the result of their prayer. The + rebels and robbers, they say, carry the English off + into woods and deserts, and tie them to trees, and + keep them, as in prison, for three or four months, + till they are ransomed at the utmost value of their + goods; and yet these malefactors were pardoned by + the lords of the marches. The petitioners pray for + more summary justice. Rolls of Parl.] + +Early in the autumn of this year a negociation was set on foot (p. 264) +for a marriage between Prince Henry and the daughter of the Duke +of Burgundy. Ambassadors were appointed for carrying on the treaty; +and on September 1st, 1411, instructions were given to the Bishop of +St. David's, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Francis de Court, Hugh Mortimer, +Esq. and John Catryk, Clerk, or any two or more of them, how to +negociate without finally concluding the treaty, and to report to +the King and Prince. + +The instructions may be examined at full length in Sir Harris Nicolas' +"Acts of the Privy Council" by any who may feel an interest in (p. 265) +them independently of Henry of Monmouth's character and proceedings; +to others the first paragraph will sufficiently indicate the tenour of +the whole document. "First, inasmuch as our sovereign lord the King, +by the report of the message of the Duke of Burgundy, understood that +the Duke entertains a great affection and desire to have an alliance +with our said sovereign by means of a marriage to be contracted, God +willing, between our redoubted lord the Prince and the daughter of the +aforesaid Duke, the King wishes that his said ambassadors should first +of all demand of the Duke his daughter, to be given to my lord the +Prince; and that after they have heard what the Duke will offer on +account of the said marriage, whether by grant of lands and +possessions, or of goods and jewels, and according to the greatest +offer which by this negociation might be made by one party or the +other, a report be made of that to our said lord the King and our said +lord the Prince by the ambassadors." The other instructions relate +rather to political stipulations than pecuniary arrangements. These +negociations met with the fate they merited; and all idea of a +marriage between the Prince and the daughter of the Duke of Burgundy +was abandoned. But since Henry's behaviour in the transaction has been +urged as proof of his having then discarded parental authority, and +acted for himself in contravention of his father's wishes, thereby +incurring his royal displeasure, and sowing the seeds of that (p. 266) +state of mutual dissatisfaction, and jealousy, and strife which is +said to have grown up afterwards into a harvest of bitterness, the +subject assumes greater importance to those who are anxiously tracing +Henry's real character; and must be examined and sifted with care, and +patience, and candour. + + * * * * * + +The question involved is this: "In the quarrel between the Dukes of +Burgundy and Orleans, did Prince Henry send the first troops from his +own forces under the command of his own friends to the aid of the Duke +of Burgundy, against the express wishes of his father; or did the +contradictory measures of England in first succouring the Duke of +Burgundy, and then the Duke of Orleans his antagonist, arise from a +change of policy in the King himself and the English government, +without implying undutiful conduct on the part of the Prince, or +dissatisfaction in his father towards him?" The former view has been +recommended for adoption, though it reflects upon the Prince's +character as a son; and it has been thereupon suggested that, "instead +of denying his previous faults, we should recollect his sudden and +earnest reformation, and the new direction of his feelings and +character, as the mode more beneficial to his memory."[259] But in +this work, which professes not to search for exculpation, nor to deal +in eulogy, but to seek the truth, and follow it to whatever +consequences it might lead, we must on no account so hastily (p. 267) +acquiesce in the assumption that Henry of Monmouth was on this +occasion undutifully opposed to his father.[260] However rejoiced we +may be to find in a fellow-Christian the example of a sincere penitent +growing in grace, it cannot be right to multiply or aggravate his +faults for the purpose of making his conversion more striking and +complete. We may firmly hope that, if he had been a disobedient and +unkind son in any one particular, he repented truly of that fault. But +his biographer must sift the evidence adduced in proof of the alleged +delinquency; instead of admitting on insufficient ground an +allegation, in order to assimilate his character to general fame, or +to heighten the dramatic effect of his subsequent course of virtue. + + [Footnote 259: Turner's Hist. Eng.] + + [Footnote 260: The character of the manuscript, on + the authority of which this and another charge + against Henry of Monmouth have been grounded, will + be examined at length, as to its genuineness and + authenticity in the Appendix.] + +In discussing this question it will be necessary to attend with care +to the order and date of each circumstance. By a temporary +forgetfulness of this indispensable part of an historian's duty, the +writers who have adopted the view most adverse to Henry as a son, have +been led to give an incorrect view of the whole transaction, +especially as it affects the character and filial conduct of the +Prince. + +The first application for aid was made to the King by the Duke of +Burgundy, who offered at the same time his daughter in marriage (p. 268) +to the Prince. This was in August 1411; and doubtless, if he found the +King backward or unfavourably inclined, he would naturally apply to +the Prince for his good offices, who was personally most interested in +the result of the negociation; not to induce him to act against his +father, but to prevail upon his father to agree to the proposal. This +course was, we are told, actually pursued, and Prince Henry was +allowed by his father to send some forces immediately to strengthen +the ranks of Burgundy. They joined his army, and remained at Paris +till provisions became so dear that they resolved to procure them from +the enemy, who were stationed at St. Cloud. Here, at the broken +bridge, the two parties engaged; and Burgundy, by the help of the +English auxiliaries, completely routed the Duke of Orleans' forces. +The English subsequently received their pay; and, their services being +no longer required, returned at their leisure by Calais to their own +country. The Duke of Orleans learning that these troops were dismissed +unceremoniously by his antagonist, and conceiving that Henry's +resentment of the indignity might make for him a favourable opening, +despatched ambassadors to England with most magnificent offers; but +this was not till the beginning of the next year after the battle of +St. Cloud, which took place[261] on the 10th November 1411. That the +King himself contemplated the expediency of sending auxiliaries (p. 269) +to the Duke of Burgundy in the beginning of September, is put beyond +doubt by the instructions given to the ambassadors. Even so late as +February 10, 1412, the King issued a commission to Lord Grey, the +Bishop of Durham, and others, not only to treat for the marriage of +the Prince with that Duke's daughter, but to negociate with him also +on mutual alliances and confederacies, and on the course of trade +between England and Flanders; the King having previously, on the 11th +of January, signed letters patent, to remain in force till the Feast +of Pentecost, for the safe conduct and protection of the Duke's +ambassadors with one hundred men. With a view of enabling the reader +more satisfactorily to form his own judgment on the validity of this +charge of unfilial and selfwilled conduct on the part of Henry of +Monmouth, the Author is induced, instead of confining himself to the +general statement of his own views, or of the considerations on which +his conclusion has been built, to cite the evidence separately of +several authors who have recorded the proceedings. He trusts the +importance of the point at issue will be thought to justify the +detail. + + [Footnote 261: Monstrelet says distinctly, that the + Duke of Burgundy left Paris, at midnight, on the + 9th of November.] + +Walsingham, who is in some points very minute when describing these +transactions, so as even to record the very words employed by the King +on the first application of the Duke, does not mention the name of the +Prince of Wales throughout. He represents the King as having (p. 270) +recommended the Duke to try measures of mutual forgiveness and +reconciliation; at all events, to let the fault of encouraging civil +discord be with his adversaries; but withal promising, in case of the +failure of that plan, to send the aid he desired. The same writer +states the mission of the Earl of Arundel, Lord Kyme, Lord Cobham, +(Sir John Oldcastle,) and others, with an army, as the consequence of +this engagement on the part of the King.[262] He then tells us that, +in the next year after these forces had been dismissed by the Duke of +Burgundy, the Duke of Orleans made application to the King. + + [Footnote 262: "Transmissi sunt _ergo_;" without + the slightest intimation of any interference on the + part of the Prince.] + +Elmham, who mentions the successful application of Burgundy to the +Prince, and the consequent mission of an English force, represents the +Prince as having recommended himself more than ever to his royal +father on that occasion.[263] + + [Footnote 263: These chroniclers show clearly the + general opinion in their day to have been that + there was for a time an alienation of affection + between Henry and his father, brought about by + envious calumniators; but that they were soon + cordially reconciled: "Non obstante quorundam + detractatione et accusatione multiplici, ipse, + invidis renitentibus, suae piissimae benignitatis + mediis, &c". Elmham, thus ascribes the cause of the + temporary interruption of cordiality to the malice + of detractors, and its final and lasting + restoration to Henry's filial and affectionate + kindness.] + +Titus Livius, who says that the Duke of Burgundy applied to the +Prince, and that he sent some of his own men to succour him, (p. 271) +distinctly tells us that he did it with the good-will and consent of +his father. He adds, (what could have originated only in an oversight +of dates,) that the Prince was made, in consequence of his conduct on +this occasion, the chief of the council, and was always called the +dear and beloved son of his father. He intimates, (but very +obscurely,) that, by the aspersions of some, his fame sustained for a +short time some blemish in this point.[264] + + [Footnote 264: "Etsi nonnullorum detrectationibus + in hoc _aliquantisper_ fama sua laesa fuerit." Some + writers have built very unadvisedly on this + expression. It is at best obscure, and capable of a + very different interpretation; and, even at the + most, it only implies that the Prince was then the + object of calumny at the hand of some persons who + could not effect any lasting wound on his fame.] + +Polydore Vergil[265] says distinctly that, on the Duke of Burgundy +first opening the negociation, the King, anticipating good to himself +from the quarrels of his neighbours, willingly promised aid, and as +soon as possible sent a strong force to succour him. He then records +the victory gained by Burgundy at the Bridge of St. Cloud, and the +dismissal of his English allies with presents; adding, that King Henry +thought it a weakness in him to send them home prematurely, before he +had finished the struggle. And when the Duke of Orleans, on (p. 272) +hearing of this hasty dismissal, entered upon a counter negociation, +the King willingly listened to his proposals, having felt hurt at the +conduct of the Duke of Burgundy towards those English auxiliaries. + + [Footnote 265: The testimony of these later authors + is only valuable so far as they are believed to + have been faithful in copying the accounts, or + extracting from the statements, of preceding + writings, the works of many of whom have not come + down to our times.] + +The Chronicle of London tells us that, when the King would grant no +men to the Duke of Burgundy, he applied to the Prince, "who sent the +Earl of Arundel and the Lord Cobham, with other lords and gentles, +with a fair retinue and well-arrayed people." + +Whilst we remark that in these several accounts no allusion whatever +is made to any opposition to his father on the part of the Prince, or +any sign of displeasure on the part of the King in this particular +point of his conduct, the simple facts are decidedly against the +supposition of any such unsatisfactory proceeding. In February 1412, +more than three months after the Earl of Arundel's dismissal by the +Duke of Burgundy, the King was still engaged in negociations with that +Duke: nor was it till three months after that,--not till May +18th,--that the final treaty between the King and the Duke of Orleans +was signed.[266] And it is very remarkable that, within two days, the +Prince[267] himself, as well as his three brothers, in the (p. 273) +presence of their father, solemnly undertook to be parties to that +treaty, and to abide faithfully by its provisions. + + [Footnote 266: The King had issued a proclamation + at Canterbury, addressed to all sheriffs, and to + the Captain also of Calais, forbidding his subjects + of any condition or degree whatsoever to interfere + in this foreign quarrel. April 10, 1412.] + + [Footnote 267: Rymer Foed.] + +We are compelled, then, to infer, that there is no evidence whatever +of Prince Henry having acted in this affair in contravention of his +father's will. He very probably used his influence to persuade the +King, and was successful. And as to the application having been made +to him by the Duke of Burgundy, and not to the King, we must bear in +mind that, at this period, it was to him that even his brother Thomas +presented his petition, and not to his father; and that the Pope sent +his commendatory letters to him, and not to the King.[268] + + [Footnote 268: On February 9th, in the third year + of his pontificate (1413), Pope John recommends + John Bremor to the kind offices of the Prince; and, + on the kalends of March (1st of March), the same + pontiff sent Dr. Richard Derham with a message to + him by word of mouth.] + +The French historians, though their attention has naturally been drawn +to the introduction of English auxiliaries into the land of France, +rather than to the authority by which they were commissioned, enable +us to acquiesce with increased satisfaction in the conclusion to which +we have arrived. Whether contemporary or modern,[269] they seem all to +have considered the original mission of Lord Arundel and the troops +under his command as the act of King Henry IV. himself.[270] They +inform us, moreover, that, on the arrival in England of the (p. 274) +subsequent embassy of the Duke of Burgundy, so late as March +1412,[271] his representatives were received with every mark of +respect and cordiality, not only by the Prince, but by the King also, +and his other sons. They lead us also to infer that, when the +confederate French princes made their application for succours "to the +King and his second son,"[272] the Prince withheld his concurrence +from the change of conduct adopted by his father, and endeavoured to +the utmost of his power to prevent the contemplated expedition under +the Duke of Clarence from being carried into effect. A comparison of +these authors with our own undisputed documents supplies a very +intelligible and consistent view of the whole transaction; and so far +from representing Henry of Monmouth as an undutiful son, obstinately +bent on pursuing his own career, reckless of his father's wishes, +bears incidental testimony both to his steadiness of purpose, and to +his unwillingness to act in opposition to his father. In conjunction +with the King he originally espoused the cause of Burgundy, and was +afterwards averse from deserting their ally. He was anxious also to +dissuade his father from adopting that vacillating policy on which he +saw him bent. But within two days after the King had irrevocably taken +his final resolve, and had joined himself to the Duke of Orleans, and +the other confederated princes by a league, offensive and defensive, +against the Duke of Burgundy, instead of persevering in his (p. 275) +opposition to that measure, or defying his father's authority, within +two days he made himself a party to that league, and pledged his faith +to observe it. + + [Footnote 269: M. Petitot.] + + [Footnote 270: Jean Le Fevre, Morice, Lobineau.] + + [Footnote 271: Monstrelet.] + + [Footnote 272: Laboureur.] + +Although Prince Henry seems to have had little to do with these +continental expeditions beyond the first mission of Lord Arundel and +his forces, yet it is impossible not to suspect (as the French at the +time anticipated) that this decided interference, on the part of +England, with the affairs of France, may have been a prelude to the +enterprise of the next reign. Who can say that the battle and victory +at St. Cloud passed away without any influence on the course of events +which made Henry V. heir to the King of France? + +We must not leave the mention of this battle without repeating the +testimony borne by the chroniclers of the day to the courage and +humanity of the English, though we lament, at the same time, the act +of cruelty on the part of the French, with which the character of our +forefathers stands in such strong contrast. When the victory was won, +the Duke of Burgundy, with the usual ferocity of civil warfare, +commanded his officers to put their prisoners to death. The English +generals resisted this sanguinary mandate,[273] declaring they would +die with their captives rather than see them murdered; at the (p. 276) +same time forming their men in battle-array to support, with their +lives, their noble resolution. + + [Footnote 273: Hardyng has thus recorded this + gratifying exhibition of generous feeling and noble + resolve on the part of the English: + + "He commanded then eche capitayn + His prisoners to kill them in certayn. + To which, Gilbert Umfreuile, Erle of Kyme, + Answered for all his fellowes and their men, + They should all die together at a tyme + Ere theyr prisoners so shulde be slayn then; + And, with that, took the field as folk did ken, + With all theyr men and all theyr prysoners, + To die with them, as worship it requires. + He said they were not come thyther as bouchers + To kyll the folke in market or in feire, + Nor them to sell; but, as arms requires, + Them to gouern without any dispeyre." + Hardyng's Chron.] + +It was about the Feast of the Assumption (August 25) that the King +sent his son Thomas Duke of Clarence[274] to aid the Duke of Orleans +against the Duke of Burgundy: "many persons," says Walsingham, +"wondering what could be the sudden change, that in so short a (p. 277) +space of time the English should support two opposite contending +parties." The Duke of Orleans failed to join them in time, and the +English committed many depredations as in an enemy's country. At last, +the two generals meeting, the Duke of Orleans consented to pay a large +sum to the Duke of Clarence on condition that the English should +evacuate the country: and the Earl of Angouleme[275] was given as a +hostage for the due payment of the stipulated sum. The Duke of +Clarence did not return to England till after his father's death. + + [Footnote 274: There is some discrepancy in the + accounts of the time of Clarence's departure. The + Chronicle of London puts it nearly a month earlier + than Walsingham: "And then rode Thomas, the King's + son, Duke of Clarence, and with him the Duke of + York, and Beauford, then Earl of Dorset, towards + [South] Hampton with a great retinue of people; and + on Tuesday rode the Earl's brother of Oxenford, and + on the Wednesday rode the Earl of Oxenford; and + they all lay at Hampton, and abode in the wynde + till on the Thursday, the 1st day of August. The + which Thursday, Friday, and Saturday they passed + out of the haven XIIII ships,--were driven back on + Sunday,--and after landed at St. Fasters, near + Hagges, in Normandy."] + + [Footnote 275: In the "Additional Charters," now in + the British Museum, purchased of the Baron de + Joursanvault, we find letters patent from Charles + VI, reciting that, by his permission, a treaty had + been made with the Duke of Clarence and other + English, who agreed to evacuate the country without + making war; the Duke of Orleans giving to them the + Earl of Angouleme as a hostage, for whose ransom + the Duke was put to vast charges. Letters also are + preserved from the Duke to his chancellor, reciting + that a large sum was to be paid to the English, and + in particular a hundred crowns of gold were to be + paid to John Seurmaistre, chancellor of the Duke of + Clarence, who was going to Rome on the affairs of + the Duke of Clarence. This bears date, Blois, Nov. + 20, 1412. His mission to Rome was, no doubt, to + negociate for the dispensation necessary to enable + the Duke to marry his uncle's widow. In the March + of the next year, the same document acquaints us + with the present of a head-dress from the Duke of + Orleans to that lady, then Duchess of Clarence.] + + + + +CHAPTER XIII. (p. 278) + +UNFOUNDED CHARGE AGAINST HENRY OF PECULATION. -- STILL MORE SERIOUS +ACCUSATION OF A CRUEL ATTEMPT TO DETHRONE HIS DISEASED FATHER. -- THE +QUESTION FULLY EXAMINED. -- PROBABLY A SERIOUS THOUGH TEMPORARY +MISUNDERSTANDING AT THIS TIME BETWEEN THE KING AND HIS SON. -- HENRY'S +CONDUCT FILIAL, OPEN, AND MERCIFUL. -- THE "CHAMBER" OR THE "CROWN +SCENE." -- DEATH OF HENRY THE FOURTH. + +1412-1413. + + +Two other accusations brought against the fair fame of Henry of +Monmouth in reference to his conduct in the very year before his +accession to the throne, must be now carefully weighed. The first, +indeed, is fully refuted by the selfsame page of our records which +contains it: the second, unless some new light could be thrown upon +this dark and mysterious page of his life, can scarcely have failed to +make an unfavourable impression on the minds of every one whose heart +has ever felt the bond of filial duty and affection. + +With regard to the first accusation, we cannot do better than quote +the words of the antiquary who has first brought both the calumnious +charge and its refutation to light. "The general impression (p. 279) +(says that writer) which exists respecting the character of Henry V, +and especially whilst Prince of Wales, is so opposed to the idea that +he could possibly be suspected of a pecuniary fraud, that it excites +surprise that he should have been accused of appropriating to his own +use the money which he had received for the payment of his soldiers. +In the Minutes of the Council, between July and September 1412, the +following entry occurs: 'Because my lord the Prince, Captain of the +town of Calais, is slandered in the said town and elsewhere, that he +should have received many large sums of money for the payment of his +soldiers, and that those sums have not been distributed among them, +the contrary is proved by two rolls of paper being in the council, and +sent by my said lord the Prince; it is ordered that letters be issued +under the privy seal, explanatory of the fact respecting the Prince in +that matter.'" + +Although it may excite our wonder that the character of Henry of +Monmouth should have been assailed for appropriating to other purposes +money received for the payment of his troops, yet such an acquaintance +with the exhausted state of the treasury of England at that day, as +even these pages afford, will diminish the surprise.[276] The +probability is, that, of the "large sums" voted by parliament, (p. 280) +a very small proportion only was immediately forthcoming; and that, as +in Wales, so in Calais, he could with great difficulty gather from +that exhausted source enough from time to time to keep his men +together. Persons not acquainted with this fact, hearing of the large +sums voted, might naturally suspect that there was not altogether fair +and upright dealing. However, the above extract is the only document +known on the subject; and the same sentence which records the +"slander," contains also his acquittal. He had forwarded his debtor +and creditor account in two rolls, and by them it was proved that the +slander was unfounded; and a writ of privy seal declaring his +innocence was immediately issued. The fact is, that, at that very +time, there was due to the Prince for Calais no less a sum than +8689_l._ 12_s._; besides the sum of 1200_l._ due for the wages of +sixty men-at-arms and one hundred and twenty archers, who were still +living at Kymmere and Bala for the safeguard of Wales; whilst the +council at the same time declared, that they knew not how to raise the +money for the wages of the men who were with the Prince. The affairs +of Calais seem to have fallen into some confusion before the Prince +was appointed Captain, as the Minutes of Council speak of the ancient +debts incurred whilst the Earl of Somerset was captain, as well as the +more recent expenses; and record that Robert Thorley, the treasurer, +and Richard Clitherowe, victualler, were charged to come, with (p. 281) +their accounts written out, on the morrow of All Souls next ensuing, +specifying the persons to whom the several sums were paid, and the +dates of payment. The King, also, in a council at Merton, on October +21st, orders certain changes to be made in the mode of collecting the +duties on skins and wools; "to the intent that my lord the Prince, as +Captain of the town of Calais, may the more readily receive payment of +the arrears due to him and his soldiers, living there for the safeguard +of the said town." We have seen that, in Wales, the Prince was driven +by necessity to pawn the few jewels in his possession, in order to pay +the soldiers under him; and, as Captain of Calais, he appears to have +had a great difficulty in obtaining payment of the sums assigned to +him.[277] No one can any longer wonder that the soldiers were not +paid, or that their complaints should offer themselves in the form of +accusation. The Prince stands entirely free from blame, and clear of +all suspicion of misdoing. + + [Footnote 276: The Prince's appointment (when he + took charge of the town) is dated March 18, 1410, + which was the Tuesday before Easter; at which time + there was due a debt, incurred before Henry had + anything whatever to do with Calais, of not less + than 9000_l._--Minutes of Council, 30th July 1410.] + + [Footnote 277: Within a year of the Prince's + accession to the throne, the Pell Rolls, January + 27, 1414, record the payment of 826_l._ 13_s._ + 4_d._ to the Bishop of Winchester, lent to the King + when he was Prince of Wales.] + +Though these causes are of themselves more than enough to account for +the depressed state of Henry of Monmouth's finances; yet there was +another drain, the pecuniary difficulties of his father, which, though +hitherto unnoticed, must not be suppressed in these Memoirs. (p. 282) +It is not necessary more than to refer to the causes of the pecuniary +difficulties of Henry IV; as the public and authentic documents of his +reign suggest a suspicion of want of economy in his more domestic +expenditure, and leave no doubt as to the extent to which he +endeavoured to meet his increasing wants by loans from spiritual and +municipal bodies, as well as from individuals. Among others, his son +Henry's name occurs, not once or twice, but repeatedly. Whilst some +loans, with reference to the then value of money, must be considered +large; others cannot fail to excite surprise from the smallness of +their amount.[278] + + [Footnote 278: Pell Rolls, 9 Hen. IV. 17th July, + &c.] + + * * * * * + +A charge, however, more vitally affecting Henry's character than any +other by which it has ever been assailed, requires now a patient and +thorough investigation. The groundwork, indeed, upon which the +accusation is built, is of great antiquity, though the superstructure +is of very recent date. Were it sufficient for a biographer, who would +deal uprightly, merely to contradict the evidence by demonstrating its +inconsistency with indisputable facts, the business of refutation in +this instance would be brief, as the accusation breaks down in every +particular, from whatever point of view we may examine it. But the +province of these Memoirs must not be so confined. To establish the +truth in these points satisfactorily, as well as to place clearly (p. 283) +before the mind the total inadequacy of the evidence to substantiate +the charge, will require a more full and detailed examination of the +value of the Manuscript on which the charge is made to rest, than +could be conveniently introduced into the body of this narrative. The +whole is therefore reserved for the Appendix; and to a careful, +dispassionate weighing of the arguments there adduced, the reader is +earnestly invited. + +But the Author, as he has above intimated, does not think his duty +would be performed were he merely to prove that the charge against +Henry is altogether untenable upon the evidence adduced; though that +is all which the accusation so unsparingly now in these late years +brought against him requires or deserves. The very allusion to such an +offence as undutiful, unfilial conduct in one whose life is otherwise +an example of obedience, respect, and affection towards his father, +requires the biographer to take up the province of inquisitor, and +ascertain what ground there may be, independently of that inadequate +evidence alleged by others, for believing Henry to have once at least, +and for a time, forgotten the duties of a son; or what proceedings, +not involving his guilt, might have given rise to the unfounded +rumour, and of what satisfactory explanation they may admit. + +The charge is this: That, in the parliament held in November 1411, +Prince Henry desired of his father the resignation of his crown, on +the plea that the malady under which the King was suffering (p. 284) +would not allow him to rule any longer for the honour and welfare of +the kingdom. On the King's firm and peremptory refusal, the Prince, +greatly offended, withdrew from the court, and formed an overwhelming +party of his own among the nobility and gentry of the land, "associating +them to his dominion in homage and pay." Such is the statement made +(not indeed in the form of an accusation, but merely as one of the +occurrences of the year,) in the manuscript above referred to. The +modern comment upon this text would probably never have been made, if +the writer had given more time and patient investigation to the +subject; and now, were such a suppression compatible with the thorough +sifting of Henry's character and conduct, the quotation of it might +well have been spared in these pages. A few words, however, on that +comment, and recently renewed charge, seem indispensable. "The King's +subsequent death (such are the words of the modern historian) +prevented the final explosion of this unfilial conduct, which, as thus +stated, deserves the denomination of an unnatural rebellion; and shows +that the dissolute companion of Falstaff was not the gay and +thoughtless youth which his dramatic representation exhibits to us, +but that, amid his vicious gaieties, he could cherish feelings which +too much resemble the unprincipled ambition of a Catilinarian +temper."[279] + + [Footnote 279: Turner's History.] + +These are hard words; and, if deserved, must condemn Henry of Monmouth. +That they are not deserved; that he was not guilty of this offence (p. 285) +against God and his father; that the page which records it condemns +itself, and is contradictory to our undisputed public records; that +the manuscript which contains the charge carries with it no authority +whatever; and that the inference which has lately been fastened upon +the original report is altogether inconsistent with the acknowledged +facts of the case, are points which the Author believes he has +established beyond further controversy in the Appendix; and to that +dissertation he again with confidence refers the reader. But every +reader whose verdict is worth receiving, will agree that our abhorrence +of a crime should only increase our care and circumspection that no +innocent person stand charged with it. If Henry were guilty, his +character must remain branded with an indelible stain, in the +estimation of every parent and every child, incomparably more +disgraceful than those "vicious gaieties" with which poets and +historiographers have delighted to stamp his memory.--At a time when +disease was paralysing all a father's powers of body and mind, and +hurrying him prematurely to the grave, that a first-born son, instead +of devoting himself, and all his heart, and all his faculties, to his +parent; strengthening his feeble hands, supporting his faltering +steps, guiding his erring counsels, bearing his heavy burden, +protecting him from the machinations of the malicious and designing, +cheering his drooping spirits, making (as far as in him lay) his (p. 286) +last days on earth days of peace, and comfort, and calm preparation +for the change to which he was hastening;--instead of this, that a +son, who had always professed respect and affection for his father, +should thrust the most painful thorn of all into the side of a +sinking, broken down, dying man, is so abhorrent from every feeling, +not only of a truly noble and generous spirit, but of mere ordinary +humanity,--is so utterly "unprincipled," "unfilial," and +"unnatural,"--that though in such a case we might hope, after a life +of sincere Christian penitence, the stain might have been removed from +his conscience; yet, in the estimation of the wise and good, he could +never have obtained the name of "the most excellent and most gracious +flower of Christian chivalry." + +Although for the real merits of the question, as far as relates to the +manuscript, we refer to the argument in the Appendix; and although, if +the foundation of original documents be withdrawn, it matters little +to the investigator of the truth what superstructure modern writers +have hastily run up; yet such a positive assertion as that "the King's +subsequent death prevented the final explosion of this unfilial +conduct and unnatural rebellion" of the Prince, who cherished +"feelings resembling the unprincipled ambition of a Catilinarian +temper," does seem to call for a few words before we proceed with the +narrative. It is difficult to say whether the confused views of the +manuscript, or of its modern commentator, be the greater. The (p. 287) +manuscript, (to mention here only one specimen of its confusion,) +in the very page which contains the accusing passage, represents the +expedition to France in the summer of 1411; the battle of St. Cloud, +which was fought November 10, of the same year; the expedition under +the Duke of Clarence, which was undertaken after Midsummer 1412; and +the return of the Duke and his forces to England, which was not till +the spring of 1413, as having all taken place in the thirteenth year +of Henry IV. And the commentator who tells us that the King's death +prevented the final explosion of Henry's unfilial conduct, by confounding +(as the manuscript had also done) the parliament in November 1411, +with the parliament in February 1413, has entirely overlooked the +facts which give a direct contradiction to his statement. The King's +death did not occur till March 1413, more than a year and a quarter +after the parliament ended in which the Prince is said to have been +guilty of this act. The session of that parliament began on the 3rd of +November, and broke up on the 20th of December; and the King, nearly +half a year after its dissolution, declares his fixed[280] purpose, in +order to avoid the spilling of human blood, to go in his own (p. 288) +person to the Duchy of Guienne, and vindicate his rights with all +possible speed."[281] Surely the web of his father's life left Henry +no lack of time and opportunity for the execution of any measures +which the most reckless ambition could devise, or the most "Catilinarian" +temper sanction. But, leaving this ill-advised statement without +further observation, it remains for us to proceed with our narrative, +entirely free from any apprehensions or misgivings that our researches +and reflections may tend only to elucidate the character of one who, +in the midst of splendid sins, would sacrifice his own father to +unbounded, reckless ambition, and unprincipled self-aggrandizement. + + [Footnote 280: This resolution of the King is + embodied in his letter to the Burgomasters of + Ghent, &c. dated May 16, 1412; in which he tells + them that the Dukes of Berry, Orleans, and Bourbon + had offered to surrender to him such lands of his + as they held in the Duchy of Guienne, and to assist + him in recovering the remainder. He prays the + Burgomasters not to impede him in his designs.] + + [Footnote 281: On the 18th of April 1412, a warrant + was issued to press sailors for the King's intended + voyage.] + + * * * * * + +Henry of Monmouth had now for a long time been virtually in possession +of the royal authority. He was not only President of the Council, but +his name is united with the King's when both are present; and everything +seems to have proceeded smoothly, with the best feelings of mutual +confidence and kindness between himself, his father, and his brothers. +Whether the King's own inclination, uninfluenced by the representations +of his parliament, would have led him to put the reins of government +into his son's hand, or whether he was induced by the complaints (p. 289) +and urgent suggestions of the council (of which many broad and deep +vestiges remain on record) to transfer the executive and legislative +functions of the royal prerogative to a son in whom the people had +entire confidence, may admit of much doubt. Probably both causes, his +own increasing infirmities, and his people's dissatisfaction at the +mismanagement of the court, expressed in no covert language, co-operated +in producing that result. Hardyng (as he first wrote on this subject) +would lead us to adopt the former view: + + "The King fell sick then, each day more and more; + Wherefore the Prince _he_ made (as it was seen) + Chief of Council, to ease him of his sore; + Who to the Duke of Burgoyne sent, I ween;" + +whilst the petitions presented to him, and some subsequent events +which must hereafter be noticed, make us suspect that the behaviour of +the Commons might have hastened his resolution. + +At the close of the year, (from recounting the transactions of which +this serious charge against Henry's character induced us to digress,) +the parliament met in the first week in November. It was to have been +opened on the morrow of All Souls, (November 3, 1411,) but the peers +and commoners were so tardy in their arrival, that the King postponed +his meeting the parliament till the next day. In those times, the +monarch seems to have been in the habit of attending the (p. 290) +parliamentary deliberations, and receiving the petitions, and taking +part generally in the proceedings in person. Through this session +Henry IV. was repeatedly present; and the Prince alone, of all his +sons, appears to have attended also. Towards the close of this +parliament, (the very parliament in which the alleged unfilial conduct +of the Prince is represented to have occurred,) proceedings are +recorded, which, though referred to in the Appendix for the sake of +the argument, seem to require notice here also in the way of +narration. + +"Also, on Monday the last day of November, the said Speaker, in the +name of the Commons, prayed the King to thank my lord the Prince, the +Bishops of Winchester, of Durham, and others, who were assigned by the +King to be of his council in the last parliament, for their great +labour and diligence. For, as it appears to the said Commons, my lord +the Prince, and the other lords, have well and loyally done their duty +according to their promise in that parliament.[282] And upon that, my +lord the Prince, kneeling, with the other lords, declared by the mouth +of my lord the Prince how they had taken pains and diligence and labours, +according to their promise, and the charge given them in parliament, +to their skill and knowledge. This the King remembered well, and (p. 291) +thanked them most graciously. And he said besides, that 'he was well +assured, if they had possessed larger means than they had, in the +manner it had been spoken by the mouth of my lord the Prince at the +time the King charged them to be of his council in the said parliament, +they would have done their duty to effect more good than was done, in +divers parts, for the defence, honour, good, and profit of him and his +kingdom.' And our lord the King also said, that he felt very contented +with their good and loyal diligence, counsel, and duty, for the time +they had been of his council." This took place about a month after the +Parliament had first met, and within less than three weeks of its +termination. On the very last day of this same parliament, "the +Speaker recommending the persons of the Queen, of the Prince, and of +other the King's sons, prayeth the advancement of their estates. For +which the King giveth hearty thanks." The question unavoidably forces +itself upon the mind of every one.--Could such a transaction as that, +by which the fair fame of the Prince is attempted to be destroyed for +ever, have taken place in this parliament? It may be deemed +superfluous to add, that, though the records of this parliament are +very full and minute, not the most distant allusion occurs to any such +conduct of the Prince. + + [Footnote 282: Sir Robert Cotton, in his + Abridgement of the Rolls of Parliament, seems to + think (though without assigning any reason) that + the "thanks were for well employing the treasure + granted in the last parliament."] + +But whilst, as we have seen, there had arisen much discontent (p. 292) +among the people with regard to the royal expenditure and the government +of the King's household, the King in his turn had entertained feelings +of dissatisfaction towards his parliament; in consequence, no doubt, +of the plain and unreserved manner in which they had given utterance +to their sentiments. When two parties are thus on the eve of a rupture, +there never are wanting spirits of a temper (from the mere love of +evil, or in the hope of benefiting themselves,) to foment the rising +discord, and fan the smoking fuel into a flame. Such was the case in +this instance, and such (as we shall soon see) was the case also in a +course of proceedings far more closely united with the immediate +subject of these Memoirs. On the same day, the last of the parliament, +the Lords and Commons, addressing the King by petition, express their +grief at the circulation of a report that he was offended on account +of some matters done in this and the last parliament; and they pray +him "to declare that he considers each and every of those in the +estates of parliament to be loyal and faithful subjects," which +petition the King of his especial grace in full parliament granted. +This submission on the part of the parliament, and its gracious +acceptance by the King, seem to have allayed, at least for a time, all +hostile feeling between them. + +The prayer of the parliament to the King, that he would express his +own and the nation's thanks to the Prince and the other members of his +council, has been thought to imply some suspicion on their part (p. 293) +that the royal favour was withdrawn from the Prince, that the King was +jealous of his influence, and was therefore backward in publicly +acknowledging his obligations to his son. Be this as it may, two +points seem to press themselves on our notice here:--first, that up to +the May of the following year, 1412, no appearance is discoverable of +any coolness or alienation of regard and confidence between the Prince +and the King;--the second point is, that it is scarcely possible to +read the disjointed records of the intervening months between the +spring of that year and the next winter, without a strong suspicion +suggesting itself, that the cordial harmony with which the royal +father and his son had lived was unhappily interrupted for a time, and +that misunderstandings and jealousies had been fostered to separate +them. The subject is one of lively interest, and, though involved in +much mystery, must not be disposed of without investigation; and, +whilst we claim at the hands of others to "set down nought in malice," +we must "nothing extenuate," nor allow any apprehension of +consequences to suppress or soften the very truth. The Author feels +himself bound to state not only the mere details of facts from which +inferences might be drawn, but to offer unreservedly his own opinion, +formed upon a patient research, and an honest weighing of whatever +evidence he may have found. The results of his inquiries, after (p. 294) +looking at the point in all the bearings in which his own reflections +or the suggestions of others have placed it, is this: + +Henry of Monmouth was assigned on the 12th of May 1407, with the +consent of the council, to remain about the person of the King, that +he might devote himself more constantly to the public service; probably +the declining health of the King even then made such a measure +desirable. From the hour when the Prince became president of the +council, his influence through every rank of society naturally grew +very rapidly, and extended to every branch of the executive government. +Petitions were presented to him by name, not only by inferior applicants, +but even by his brothers. Letters of recommendation were addressed to +him by foreigners; and, in more than one instance, his interest was +sought even by the Pope himself. When the King was personally present +in the council, the record states, that the business was conducted "in +the presence of the King, and of his son the Prince." The father +retained the name, the son exercised the powers of sovereign. Such +pre-eminence, as long as human nature remains the same, will give +offence to some, and will engender envyings and jealousies and +oppositions: nor was the Prince suffered long to enjoy his high station +unmolested. Who were the persons more especially engaged in the unkind +office of severing the father from his son, is matter of conjecture; +so is also the immediate cause and occasion of their disunion. One of +the oldest chroniclers[283] would induce us to believe that a (p. 295) +temporary estrangement was effected in consequence of some malicious +detractors having misrepresented the Prince's conduct with reference +to the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans. Some may suspect that the +appointment of his brother Thomas to take the command of the troops in +the expedition to Guienne, when their father's increasing malady +prevented him from putting into execution his design of conducting +that campaign in person, might have given umbrage to the Prince, and +led to an open rupture. And undoubtedly it would have been only +natural, had the Prince felt that, in return for all his labours and +his devoted exertions in the field and at the council-board, the +honourable post of commanding the armament to Guienne should have been +assigned to him as the representative of his diseased parent.[284] +But, perhaps, this was not in his thoughts at all. Certainly no (p. 296) +trace in our histories or public documents is discoverable of any +coolness or distance[285] prevailing afterwards between himself and +his brother Thomas, as though he regarded him as a rival and +supplanter. Hardyng (the two editions of whose poem, brought out at +distant times, and under different auspices, in many cases give a very +different colouring to the same transaction,) represents the time of +the Prince's dismissal from the council, and the temporary quarrel +between him and his father, to have followed soon after the return of +the English soldiers sent to aid the Duke of Burgundy. His second +edition, however, paints in more unfavourable colours the opposition +of the Prince to his father, and sinks that voluntary return to filial +obedience and regard which his first edition had described in +expressions implying praise. In the Lansdowne manuscript, or first +edition, an original marginal note directs the reader to observe "How +the King and the Prince fell at great discord, and soon accorded." + + [Footnote 283: Elmham.] + + [Footnote 284: It may, moreover, be very fairly + conjectured that the presence of the Prince at home + was regarded by the people as far too important at + this time to admit of his leaving the kingdom on + such an expedition. It will be remembered that one + of the first requests made by the parliament on the + accession of his father was, that the Prince's + life, and the welfare of the nation, might not be + hazarded by his departure out of the kingdom; and + subsequently, on his own accession, one of the + first recommendations of his council was that he + would remain in or near London. It is very probable + that a similar wish might have interposed, had he, + and not his brother, been commissioned to conduct + the expedition to Guienne. Calais was so identified + with the kingdom of England that his residence + there is no exception to the rule.] + + [Footnote 285: In the Sloane manuscript, indeed, + we are told that on a pecuniary dispute arising + between Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, and + Thomas Duke of Clarence, with reference to the will + of the late Duke of Exeter, brother of the Bishop, + who was his executor, and whose widow the Duke of + Clarence had married, the Prince took part with the + Bishop, and so the Duke of Clarence failed of + obtaining his full demand.] + + "Then came they home with great thanks and reward, (p. 297) + So, of the Duke of Burgoyne without fail. + Soon after then (befel it afterward) + The Prince was then discharged of counsaile. + His brother Thomas then, for the King's availe, + Was in his stead then set by ordinance, + For which the _Prince_ and _he_ fell at distance. + With whom the King took part, in great sickness, + Again[st] the Prince with all his excellence. + But with a rety of lords and soberness + The Prince came into his magnificence + Obey, and hole with all benevolence + Unto the King, and fully were accord + Of all matters of which they were discord." + +In his later publication, the same writer gives a very different +colouring to the whole proceeding on the part of the Prince; robbing +him of his hearty good-will towards reconciliation, and representing +his return to a right understanding with his father as the result +rather of defeat and compulsion; but this was at a time when the star +of the house of Lancaster had set, and when the house of York was in +the ascendant. + + "The King discharged the Prince from his counsail, + And set my lord Sir Thomas in his stead + Chief of council, for the King's more avail. + For which the Prince, of wrath and wilful head, + Again[st] him made debate and froward head; + With whom the King took part, and held the field + To time the Prince unto the King him yield." + +Either of these representations of Hardyng will fully account for +Shakspeare's + + "Thy place in council thou hast rudely lost, (p. 298) + Which by thy younger brother is supplied:"[286] + +though the poet, by fixing the interview between Henry and his father +before the battle of Shrewsbury, has made the expulsion of the Prince +from the council precede his original admission into it by four years, +and his withdrawal from it by at least eight or nine years. It must +here be remarked, that no historical document records the presence of +Thomas Duke of Clarence as a member of the council-board: though, at +the same time, the records in which we might have expected to find his +presence registered, by observing a similar silence with regard to the +Prince, seem to leave little doubt that Henry had ceased to attend the +board a year before his father's death. Some strong though obscure +passages, moreover, in the Chronicles of the time, would go far to +suggest the probability of a demonstration of his power and (p. 299) +influence through the country having actually taken place on the part +of the Prince. Thus the Chronicle of London records, that "on the last +day of June the Prince came to London with much people and gentles, +and remained in the Bishop of Durham's house till July 11th. And the +King, who was then at St. John's house, removed to the Bishop of +London's palace, and thence to his house at Rotherhithe."[287] But the +Chronicle suggests no reason for these movements and ambiguous +proceedings. Thus, too, on the 23rd of September, the mere fact is +stated that "Prince Henry came to the council with a huge people," +supplying no clue as to the meaning and intention of the concourse. It +cannot, moreover, escape observation, that, though the King held a +council at Rotherhithe on the 8th and on the 10th of July, the Prince +was not present: on the 9th, also, when his brother Thomas was (p. 300) +created Duke of Clarence and Earl of Albemarle, though the Bishop +of Durham, at whose house the Prince was staying, witnessed the +creation, the Prince was not himself one of the witnesses. This +circumstance, indeed may be so interpreted as to remove all idea of +open hostility prevailing at that time between the King and the +Prince. The prelate, it may fairly be supposed, would scarcely have +been a welcome attendant at Rotherhithe, if he were showing all kind +and free hospitality to a rebellious son, who was acting at that very +time in menacing defiance of his father, and evincing by the +demonstration of his numerous and powerful friends the fixed purpose +of avenging himself for whatever insults he might believe himself to +have received from the court party. + + [Footnote 286: A passage which the Author has + lately discovered in the Pell Roll, 18th February + 1412, will not admit of any other interpretation + than that the Prince, at the date of payment, had + ceased to be of the King's especial council. + Members of that board (as appears by various + entries) were paid for their attendance. In the + Easter Roll, for example, of the previous year, + payment on that ground "to the King's brother, the + Bishop of Winchester," is recorded. The payment to + the Prince is thus registered: "To Henry Prince of + Wales 1000 marks,--666_l._ 13_s._ _4d._--ordered by + the King to be paid in consideration of the + labours, costs, and charges sustained by him at the + time when he _was_ of the council of our lord + himself the King,"--"tempore quo fuit de consilio + ipsius Domini Regis."] + + [Footnote 287: Perhaps more importance than the + reality would warrant has been attached to the + circumstance that the King on this occasion went to + Rotherhithe, as though he withdrew from his son for + safety to so unwonted and retired a place. It was + not unusual for Henry IV. to hold his council at + Rotherhithe. A year before this muster of the + Prince's friends, the instructions given to the + Earl of Arundel and others on their embassy to + treat with the Duke of Burgundy for a marriage + between his daughter and the Prince were signed by + the King at Rotherhithe. In these instructions the + Prince is mentioned throughout as though he and his + father were inseparably united in the issue of the + proceeding. "Till the report be made to the King + _and_ his very dear son the Prince." "Our lord the + King is well disposed, _and_ his very dear son my + lord the Prince, to send aid." And Hugh Mortimer, + one of the ambassadors, was chamberlain to the + Prince.] + +Equally in the dark do our records leave us as to the persons who were +the fomentors of this breach between father and son. The oldest +historians intimate that there were mischief-makers, whose malicious +designs were for a time successful. Subsequent events (referred to +hereafter in these volumes) compel us to entertain a strong suspicion +that the Queen (Johanna) was at the head of a party resolved, if +possible, to check the growing and absorbing interest of her +son-in-law in the national council, to diminish his power, and tarnish +his honour.[288] Be this as it may, there are, to be placed in the (p. 301) +opposite scale, facts at which we have already slightly glanced, +seeming to imply that things were going on smoothly between Henry and +his father, even through that brief interval of time about which alone +any doubts can be reasonably entertained. A Minute of the Council, +apparently between the July and September of this year (1412), records +that "it is the King's pleasure for my lord the Prince[289] to have +payment on an assignment for the wages of his men still in his pay in +Wales:" and on the 21st of October, in a council at Merton, "the (p. 302) +King wills that the treasurer of Calais shall not interfere with any +receipt or payments henceforward till otherwise advised; and that the +treasurer of England shall receive all the monies arising from the +third part of the subsidy on wools, to be paid by him from time to +time at his discretion to the treasurer of Calais, with such intent +that my lord the Prince, Captain of the town of Calais, might the more +readily receive payment of what is in arrear to him and his soldiers +living with him, according to the agreement; and also for the increase +of his soldiers by the ordinance of the King beyond the number +comprised in that agreement." + + [Footnote 288: Who were the inferior agents in this + ungracious and mischievous proceeding we have not + discovered. Perhaps, however, the Author would not + be justified in suppressing a suspicion which has + forced itself on his mind, that, among those who + entertained no kind feeling towards the Prince, was + Richard Kyngeston, then late Archdeacon of + Hereford, for a long time employed in the King's + household, and through whose administration the + expenses seem to have swollen very much; to control + which was one of the principal causes for the + appointment of the Prince, the Bishop of + Winchester, and others, to be members of the + especial council of the King. This suspicion was + first suggested by the absence of all allusion to + the Prince in the Archdeacon's letters to the King + from Hereford in the early years of the Welsh + rebellion, though Henry was close at hand; and the + very ambiguous expression, "Trust ye nought to no + lieutenant," when the Prince himself was virtually, + if not already by indenture, Lieutenant of Wales.] + + [Footnote 289: We have already seen that in the + month of May the Prince in his own person (with his + brothers) ratifies the league entered into between + the King and the Dukes of Orleans, Berry, and + Bourbon. Jean le Fevre dates it May 8th, 1412.] + +On the whole of this extraordinary and mysterious passage of Henry of +Monmouth's life, the Author must confess that it will be no surprise +to him to find (with a mass of other matter more voluminous and +important than we may now anticipate) new evidence affecting Henry's +character, probably to his utter exculpation, possibly to his +disadvantage, yet forthcoming from the countless treasures of +unpublished records. Meanwhile, he can now, after a patient +examination of all the books and manuscripts, original documents and +subsequent histories, with which it has been his lot to meet, only +return a verdict upon the evidence before him. And the inferences in +which alone he has been able satisfactorily to acquiesce, are +these:--First, that, after the Prince had for some time been most (p. 303) +active and indefatigable President of the Council; he ceased to +retain that office in consequence of a misunderstanding between +himself and his father, fostered by some persons whose interest or +malicious pleasure instigated them to so unworthy an expedient: +Secondly, that after a demonstration of his strength in the affections +and devotedness of the people, for the purpose (not of acting with +violence or intimidation towards the King,[290] but) of convincing his +enemies that the machinations of jealousy and detraction would (p. 304) +have no power permanently to blast his reputation, and crush his +influence, the alienation was soon happily terminated by the frank and +filial conduct of the Prince, who as anxiously sought a full +reconciliation as his father willingly conceded it: Thirdly, that, +through the last months of his life, the King was free from all +uneasiness and disquietude on that ground; and that the illness which +terminated his earthly career, instead of being aggravated by the +Prince's undutiful demeanour, was lightened by his affectionate +attendance; and the dying monarch was comforted by the tender offices +of his son. + + [Footnote 290: Among the conjectures which may + suggest themselves as to the possible origin of the + manuscripts' charge, that the Prince sought to + obtain from his father a resignation of his crown, + it might not be unreasonably surmised, nor would + the supposition reflect unfavourably at all on + Henry's character, that, finding his father to be + in the hands of unworthy persons, preying upon his + fortune, misdirecting his counsels, rendering the + monarch personally unpopular, and bringing the + monarchy itself into disrepute, (of all which evils + there is strong evidence,) the Prince might have + urged on his father the necessity of again + intrusting the management of the public weal (which + disease had incapacitated him from conducting + himself) to the hands of the same counsellors who + had before served him and the realm to the + acknowledged profit and honour of both. The Prince + might, influenced only by the most honest, and + upright, and affectionate motives, have professed + his willingness to undertake the duties again from + which he had (with his colleagues) been as it + should seem causelessly discharged. And such a + proceeding on his part might easily have been so + misrepresented as to constitute the charge + contained in the manuscript. The representations of + Elmham, to which we have already briefly referred, + and which are confirmed by other early writers, are + so express with reference to these points, that + they seem to require something more than a mere + reference in this place. "When his father was + suffering under the torture of a grievous sickness, + the Prince endeavoured with filial devotedness to + meet his wishes in every possible way; and + notwithstanding the biting detraction and manifold + accusations of some, which (according to the + prevalence of common opinion) made efforts to + diminish the kind feeling of the father towards his + son, the Prince himself, by means of his own most + affectionate kindness, succeeded finally in + securing with his father favour, grace, and + blessing, though those envious persons still + resisted it."--Cum idem pater gravissimis + aegritudinis incommodis torqueretur, eidem juxta + omnem possibilitatem, totis conatibus, filiali + obsequio obedivit, et non obstante quorundam + detractatione mordaci et accusatione multiplici quae + (prout vulgaris opinio cecinit) paterni favoris in + filium moliebantur decrementa, ipse invidis + renitentibus, suae piissimae benignitatis mediis, + apud patrem, favorem, gratiam et benedictionem + finaliter consequi merebatur.] + +On the whole (allowing for inaccuracies as well of addition as of +omission, which, though incapable of any specific correction, must +perhaps exist in so detailed a narrative,) we shall not be far (p. 305) +from the truth if we accept in its general outline the relation of +this event as we find it in Stowe. + +"Henry, the Prince, offended with certain of his father's family, who +were said to sow discord between the father and the son, wrote unto +all the parts of the realm, endeavouring himself to refute all the +practices and imaginations of such detractors and slanderous people; +and, to make the matter more manifest to the world, he came to the +King, his father, about the Feast of Peter and Paul, with such a +number of his friends and wellwishers, as a greater had not been seen +in those days. He was straightway admitted to his father's presence, +of whom this one thing he besought of him, that if such as had accused +him might be convicted of unjust accusation, they might be punished, +not according to their deserts, but yet, after their lies were proved, +they might somewhat taste of that which they had meant, although not +to the uttermost. The which request the King seemed to grant; but he +told him that he must tarry a parliament, that such might be tried and +punished by judgment of their peers."[291] Stowe refers to the work +ascribed to Otterbourne, the sentiments of which he faithfully +represents, and then proceeds with the further narrative. "The King +had entertained suspicions in consequence of the Prince's excesses, +and the great recourse of people unto him, of which his court (p. 306) +was at all times more abundant than his father's, that he would +presume to usurp the crown; so that, in consequence of this suspicious +jealousy, he withdrew in part his affection and singular love from the +Prince.[292] He was accompanied by a large body of lords and +gentlemen; but those he would not suffer to advance beyond the fire in +the hall, in order to remove all suspicion from his father of any +intention to overawe or intimidate him. As soon as the Prince had +declared to his father that his life was not so desirable to him that +he would wish to live one day to his father's displeasure, and that he +coveted not so much his own life as his father's pleasure and welfare, +the King embraced the Prince, and with tears addressed him: 'My right +dear and heartily beloved son, it is of truth that I had you partly +suspect, and, as I now perceive, undeserved on your part. I will have +you no longer in distrust for any reports that shall be made unto me. +And thereof I assure you upon my honour.' Thus, by his great wisdom, +was the wrongful imagination of his father's hate utterly avoided, and +himself restored to the King's former grace and favour." + + [Footnote 291: Stowe's Annals.] + + [Footnote 292: How far we ought to believe the + strange story about the Prince visiting his father + in a mountebank's disguise, and praying the King to + stab him with a dagger which he presented to him, + is very problematical. There is much about it, and + its circumstances, which gives it the air of great + incredibility. Stowe here assumes, without good + ground, that the suspicions of the King were + excited by Henry's excesses.] + +Stowe then reports that after Christmas the King called a (p. 307) +parliament (on the morrow of the Purification, February 3,) to the end +of which he did not survive. During his illness, which became much +worse from about Christmas, he gave most excellent advice to Henry; +the particulars of which, as recorded by Stowe, are probably more the +fruits of the writer's imagination than the faithful transcript of any +recorded sentiments. Still the possibility of their having existed in +documents since lost, may perhaps be deemed a sufficient reason for +assigning to them a place in this work. + +"'My dear and well-beloved son, I beseech thee, and upon my blessing +charge thee, that, like as thou hast said, so thou minister justice +equally, and in no wise suffer them that be oppressed long to call +upon thee for justice; but redress oppressions, and indifferently and +without delay: for no persuasion of flatterers, nor of them that be +partial, or such as have their hands replenished with gifts, defer not +justice till to-morrow if that thou mayest do justice this day, lest +peradventure God do justice on thee in the mean time, and take from +thee thine authority. Remember that the wealth of thy body and thy +soul and of thy realm resteth in the execution of justice: and do not +thy justice so that thou be called a tyrant; but use thyself in the +middle way between justice and mercy in those things that belong to +thee. And between parties do justice truly, to the consolation of thy +poor subjects that suffer injuries, and to the punishment of (p. 308) +them that be extortioners and doers of oppression, that others thereby +may take example; and in thus doing thou shalt obtain the favour of +God, and the love and fear of thy subjects; and therefore also thou +shalt have thy realm more in tranquillity and rest, which shall be +occasion of great prosperity within thy realm, which Englishmen +naturally do desire; for, so long as they have wealth and riches, so +long shalt thou have obeisance; and, when they be poor, then they be +always ready at every motion to make insurrections, and it causeth +them to rebel against their sovereign lord; for the nature of them is +such rather to fear losing of their goods and worldly substance, than +the jeopardy of their lives. And if thou thus keep them in subjection, +mixed with love and fear, thou shalt have the most peaceable and +fertile country, and the most loving, faithful, and manly people of +the world; which shall be cause of no small fear to thine adversaries. +My son, when it shall please God to call me to the way decreed for +every worldly creature, to thee, as my son and heir, I must leave my +crown and my realm; which I advise thee not to take vainly, and as a +man elate in pride, and rejoiced in worldly honour; but think that +thou art more oppressed with charge to purvey for every person within +the realm, than exalted by vain honour of the world. Thou shalt be +exalted unto the crown for the wealth and conservation of the realm, +and not for thy singular commodity and avail. My son, thou (p. 309) +shalt be a minister unto thy realm, to keep it in tranquillity and to +defend it. Like as the heart in the midst of the body is principal and +chief thing, and serveth to covet and desire that thing that is most +necessary to every of thy members; so, my son, thou shalt be amongst +thy people as chief and principal of them, to minister, imagine, and +acquire those things that may be most beneficial unto them. And then +thy people shall be obedient unto thee, to aid and succour thee, and +in all things to accomplish thy commandments, like as thy ministers +labour every one in his office to acquire and get that thing that thy +heart desireth: and as thy heart is of no force, and impotent, without +the aid of thy members, so without thy people thy reign is nothing. My +son, thou shalt fear and dread God above all things; and thou shalt +love, honour, and worship him with all thy heart: thou shalt attribute +and ascribe to him all things wherein thou seest thyself to be well +fortunate, be it victory of thine enemies, love of thy friends, +obedience of thy subjects, strength and activeness of body, honour, +riches, or fruitful generations, or any other thing, whatever it be, +that chanceth to thy pleasure. Thou shalt not imagine that any such +thing should fortune to thee by thine act, nor by thy desert; but thou +shalt think that all cometh only of the goodness of the Lord. Thus +shalt thou with all thine heart praise, honour, and thank God for all +his benefits that he giveth unto thee. And in thyself eschew (p. 310) +all vainglory and elation of heart, following the wholesome counsel of +the Psalmist, which saith, 'Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us! but unto +thy name give the praise!' These, and many other admonitions and +doctrines, this victorious King gave unto this noble Prince his son, +who with effect followed the same after the death of his father, +whereby he obtained grace of our Lord to attain to great victories, +and many glorious and incredible conquests, through the help and +succour of our Lord, whereof he was never destitute." + + * * * * * + +For the exquisitely beautiful picture of Shakspeare, called by some +'The Chamber Scene,' by others 'The Crown Scene,' the materials +probably were gathered from Monstrelet, whose narrative is the only +evidence we now have of the incident. That narrative, indeed, is not +contradicted by any other account; still its authenticity is very +questionable. It is, perhaps, impossible not to entertain a suspicion +that a French writer would, without much enquiry, admit an anecdote by +which Henry IV. is made to disclaim all title to the English throne, +and, by immediate consequence, all title to the English possessions in +the fair realm of France. It is also improbable either that Henry IV. +would have uttered this sentiment in the presence of a witness, or +that his son would have made it known to others. Monstrelet's +anecdote, nevertheless, being the source of so inimitable a (p. 311) +scene as Shakspeare has drawn from it, deserves a place here: "The +King's attendant, not perceiving him to breathe, concluded he was +dead, and covered his face with a cloth. The crown was then upon a +cushion near the bed. The Prince, believing his father to be dead, +took away the crown. Shortly after, the King uttered a groan, and +revived; and, missing his crown, sent for his son, and asked why he +had removed it. The Prince mentioned his supposition that his father +had died. The King gave a deep sigh, and said, 'My fair son, what +right have you to it? you knew I had none.'--'My lord,' replied Henry, +'as you have held it by right of your sword, it is my intent to hold +and defend it the same during my life.' The King answered, 'Well, all +as you see best; I leave all things to God, and pray that he will have +mercy on me.' Shortly after, without uttering another word, he +expired."[293] + + [Footnote 293: Monstrelet, viii.] + +Henry IV. expired on Monday, March 20, 1413; and his remains were +taken to Canterbury, and there interred near the grave of his first +wife. Clement Maidstone[294] testifies to his having heard a man swear +to his father, that he threw the body into the Thames between Barking +and Gravesend; but, on a late investigation, under the superintendence +of members of the cathedral, the body was found still to be in the +coffin, proving the falsehood of this foolish story.[295] (p. 312) +The funeral was celebrated with great solemnity; and Henry V. attended +in person to assist in paying this last homage of respect to the +earthly remains of his sovereign and father. + + [Footnote 294: Anglia Sacra, vol. ii. p. 371.] + + [Footnote 295: Archaeologia.] + + + + +CHAPTER XIV. (p. 313) + +HENRY OF MONMOUTH'S CHARACTER. -- UNFAIRNESS OF MODERN WRITERS. -- +WALSINGHAM EXAMINED. -- TESTIMONY OF HIS FATHER -- OF HOTSPUR -- OF +THE PARLIAMENT -- OF THE ENGLISH AND WELSH COUNTIES -- OF CONTEMPORARY +CHRONICLERS. -- NO ONE SINGLE ACT OF IMMORALITY ALLEGED AGAINST HIM. +-- NO INTIMATION OF HIS EXTRAVAGANCE, OR INJUSTICE, OR RIOT, OR +LICENTIOUSNESS, IN WALES, LONDON, OR CALAIS. -- DIRECT TESTIMONY TO +THE OPPOSITE VIRTUES. -- LYDGATE. -- OCCLEVE. + + +The hour of his father's death having been fixed upon as the date of +Henry's reputed conversion from a career of thoughtless dissipation +and reckless profligacy to a life of religion and virtue, this may +appear to be the most suitable place for a calm review of his previous +character and conduct. + +In the very threshold of our inquiry, perhaps the most remarkable +circumstance to be observed is this, that whilst the charges now so +unsparingly and unfeelingly brought against his character, rest solely +on the vague, general, and indefinite assertions of writers, (many of +whom appear to aim at exalting his repentance into somewhat +approaching a miraculous conversion,) no one single act of +violence,[296] intemperance, injustice, immorality, or even (p. 314) +levity of any kind, religious or moral, is placed upon record. Either +sweeping and railing accusations are alleged, unsubstantiated by proof +or argument; or else his subsequent repentance is cited to bear +testimony to his former misdoings. Thus one writer asserts;[297] "This +monarch, in the former part of his life, was remarkable for +dissipation and extravagance of conduct; in the latter, he became the +slave of the popedom. Voluptuousness, ambition, superstition, each in +their turn had the ascendant in this extraordinary character." Thus +does another sum up the whole question in one short note:[298] "The +assertions of his reformation are so express, that the fact cannot be +justly questioned without doubting all history; and, if there were +reformation, there must have been previous errors."[299] + + [Footnote 296: The story of the Chief Justice, &c. + will be examined separately and at length. The + charge from Calais of peculation (we have already + seen) brought with it its own refutation: whilst + the evidence on which alone the charge against him + of undutiful conduct towards his father rests is + proved to be altogether devoid of credit.] + + [Footnote 297: Milner, Church History, Cent. XV.] + + [Footnote 298: Turner, History of England, book ii. + ch. x.] + + [Footnote 299: Rapin, who follows Hall, and gives + no better authority, tells us that Prince Henry's + court was the receptacle of libertines, debauchees, + buffoons, parasites, and the like. The question + naturally suggests itself, "Ought not such a writer + as Rapin to have sought for some evidence to + support this assertion?" Had he sought diligently, + and reported honestly, such a sentence as this + could never have fallen from his pen. Carte gives a + very different view of Henry of Monmouth's court; + and a view, as many believe, far nearer the truth. + "It was crowded," he says, "by the nobles and great + men of the land, when his father's court was + comparatively deserted."] + +The expressions of Walsingham, (being the same in his History, (p. 315) +and in the work called "Ypodigma Neustriae," or "A Sketch of Normandy," +which he dedicated to Henry V. himself,) are considered by some +persons to have laid an insurmountable barrier in the way of those who +would remove from Henry's "brow," as Prince, "the stain" of "wildness, +riot, and dishonour." And, doubtless, no one who would discharge the +office of an upright judge or an honest witness, would either suppress +or gloss over the passage which is supposed to present these +formidable difficulties, or withdraw from the balance a particle of +the full weight which might appear after examination to belong to that +passage as its own. In our inquiry, however, we must be upon our guard +against the fallacy in which too many writers, when handling this +question, have indulged by arguing in a circle. We must not first say, +Walsingham bears testimony to Henry's early depravity, therefore we +must believe him to have been guilty; and then conclude, because +tradition fixes delinquency on Henry's early days, therefore +Walsingham's passage can admit only of that interpretation which fixes +the guilt upon him. Let Walsingham's text be fairly sifted upon its +own merits; and then, whatever shall appear to have been his (p. 316) +meaning of an adverse nature, let that be added to the evidence +against Henry; and let the whole be put into the scale, and weighed +against whatever may be alleged in refutation of the charges with +which his memory has been assailed. It would be the result then of a +morbid deference to the opinions of others, rather than the judgment +of his own reasoning, were the Author to withhold his persuasion that +more importance has been assigned to Walsingham's words than a full +and unbiassed scrutiny into their real bearing would sanction. To the +judgment of each individually must this branch of evidence, no less +than the entire question of Henry's moral character, be left. A +transcript of Walsingham's words, as they appear in the printed +editions of his History and in the "Ypodigma Neustriae,"[300] will be +found at the foot of the page.[301] The following is probably (p. 317) +as close a rendering of the original, as the strangely metaphorical, +and in some cases the obscure expressions of Walsingham will bear. "On +which day [of Henry's coronation] there was a very severe storm of +snow, all persons marvelling at the roughness of the weather. Some +considered the disturbance of the atmosphere as portending the new +King's destiny to be cold in action, severe in discipline and in the +exercise of the royal functions; others, forming a milder estimate of +the person of the King, interpreted this inclemency of the sky as the +best omen, namely, that the King himself would cause the colds and +snows of vices to fall in his reign, and the mild fruits of (p. 318) +virtues to spring up; so that, with practical truth, it might be said +by his subjects, 'The winter is past, the rain is over and gone.' For +verily, as soon as he was initiated with the chaplet of royalty, he +suddenly was changed into another man, studying rectitude, modesty, +and gravity, [or propriety, moderation, and steadiness,] desiring to +exercise every class of virtue without omitting any; whose manners and +conduct were an example to persons of every condition in life, as well +of the clergy as of the laity." + + [Footnote 300: The Author has searched in vain for + any contemporary manuscript of Walsingham's + "Ypodigma Neustriae." There is a copy in the British + Museum, written up to a certain point on vellum; + the latter part, containing these sentences, is on + paper, and of comparatively a very recent date, + transcribed, as the Author thinks, not from a + previous MS. of the Ypodigma, but from a copy of + the History. His ground for this inference is the + circumstance that the interpolation in the History, + as to Edmund Mortimer's death, which is not found + in the printed editions of the Ypodigma, occurs in + this MS. The MS. on vellum, preserved in the + Heralds' College, is a copy of the History, + transcribed, as the Author conceives, by a very + ignorant copyist. The same interpolation of "Obiit" + occurs here also; and, instead of calling the + person spoken of Edmund Mortimer, it has "Edmundus + mortifer." The Author was very desirous of + comparing the original copy of Walsingham's + Ypodigma, as dedicated to Henry V, with subsequent + transcripts or versions. He entertains a strong + suspicion that the sentences here commented upon + were not in the original; but, in the absence of + the means of ascertaining the matter of fact, he + reasons upon them as though they were actually + submitted to the eye of Henry himself.] + + [Footnote 301: "Quo die fuit tempestas nivis + maxima, cunctis admirantibus de temporis + asperitate; quibusdam novelli Regis fatis + impingentibus aeris turbulentiam, velut ipse + futurus esset in agendis frigidus, in regimine + regnoque severus. Aliis mitius de persona Regis + sapientibus, et hanc aeris intemperiem + interpretantibus omen optimum, quod ipse videlicet + nives et frigora vitiorum faceret in regno cadere, + et serenos virtutum fructus emergere; ut posset + effectualiter a suis dici subditis, 'Jam enim hyems + transiit, imber abiit et recessit.' Qui revera, mox + ut initiatus est regni infulis, repente mutatus est + in virum alterum, honestati, modestiae, ac gravitati + studens, nullum virtutum genus omittens quod non + cuperet exercere. Cujus mores et gestus omni + conditioni, tam religiosorum quam laicorum, in + exempla fuere."] + +Unquestionably, from these expressions an inference may be drawn +fairly, and without harshness or exaggeration, that the "changed man" +had been in times past negligent of some important branches of moral +duty; vehement, hasty, and impetuous in his general proceedings; and +not considering in his pursuits their fitness for his station and +place; in a word, guilty of moral delinquencies immediately opposed to +the virtues enumerated. On the other hand, by specifying those three +moral qualities, (in which this passage is interpreted to imply that +Henry's life had undergone a sudden and total change,--rectitude, +modesty, and steadiness,) Walsingham appears to have selected exactly +those identical points, for Henry's full possession of which the +parliament of England had felicitated his father; and which, either +separately, or in combination with other excellencies, continued to be +ascribed to him at various times, as occasion offered, even to (p. 319) +a period within a few months of his accession to the throne. Never +did a young man receive from his contemporaries more unequivocal +testimony to the practical exercise in his person of propriety, +modesty, and perseverance, than Henry of Monmouth received before he +became King. + +It may be said, and with perfect fairness, that the testimony of +parliament to his virtues so early as the year 1406 leaves a most +important chasm in a young man's life, during which he might have +fallen from his integrity, and have rapidly formed habits of the +opposite vices. But through that period no expressions occur in +history which even by implication involve any degeneracy, any change +from good to bad. On the contrary, to his zeal and steadiness, and +perseverance and integrity, such incidental testimony is borne from +time to time as would of itself leave a very different impression on +the mind from that which Walsingham's words in their usual acceptation +would convey; whilst no allusion whatever is discernible to any habits +or practices contrary to the principles of religious and moral +self-government. Indeed, it has been, not without reason, doubted +whether, in the absence of more positive testimony, such sudden +changes, first from good to bad, and then from bad to good, be not in +themselves improbable. + +On the whole, whilst each must be freely left to pronounce his own +verdict, it is here humbly but sincerely suggested that (p. 320) +Walsingham's words fairly admit of an interpretation more in +accordance with the view of Henry's moral worth generally adopted in +these Memoirs; namely, that his character rose suddenly with the +occasion; that new energies were called into action by his new duties; +that his moral and intellectual powers kept on a level with his +elevation to so high a dignity, and with such an increase of power and +influence; and that he continued to excite the admiration of the world +by improving rapidly in every excellence, as his awful sense of the +momentous responsibility he then for the first time felt imposed upon +him grew in strength and intenseness. He became "another, a new man," +by giving himself up with all his soul to his new duties as sovereign; +and by cultivating with practical devotedness those virtues which +might render him (and which, as Walsingham says, did actually render +him) a bright and shining example to every class of his subjects.[302] + + [Footnote 302: Hardyng uses this expression: + + "A new man made in all good regimence."] + +Undoubtedly most of the subsequent chroniclers not only speak of his +reformation, but broadly state that he had given himself very great +licence in self-gratification, and therefore needed to be reformed. +Before Shakspeare's day, the reports adopted by our historiographers +had fully justified him in his representation of Henry's early +courses; and, since his time, few writers have considered it their +duty to verify the exquisite traits of his pencil, or examine (p. 321) +the evidence on which he rested. + + "His addiction was to courses vain; + His companies unlettered, rude, and shallow; + His hours filled up with riots, banquets, sports; + And never noted in him any study, + Any retirement, any sequestration + From open haunts and popularity." + +Let the investigator who is resolved not to yield an implicit and +blind assent to vague assertion, however positive, and how often +soever repeated, well and truly try for himself the issue by evidence, +and trace Henry from his boyhood; let him search with unsparing +diligence and jealous scrutiny through every authentic document +relating to him; let his steps be followed into the marches, the +towns, the valleys, and the mountains of Wales; let him be watched +narrowly month after month during his residence in London, or wherever +he happened to be staying with the court, or in Calais during his +captaincy there; and not a single hint occurs of any one +irregularity.[303] The research will bring to light no single +expression savouring of impiety, dissoluteness, carelessness, (p. 322) +or even levity. + + [Footnote 303: The Author having heard of a + reported arrest of the Prince at Coventry for a + riot, with his two brothers, in 1412, took great + pains to investigate the authenticity of the + record. It is found in a manuscript of a date not + earlier than James I; whilst the more ancient + writings of the place are entirely silent on the + subject. The best local antiquaries, after having + carefully examined the question, have reported the + whole story to the Author as apocryphal.] + +Testimony, on the other hand, ample and repeated, as we have already +seen in these pages, is borne to his valour, and unremitting exertions +and industry; to his firmness of purpose, his integrity his filial +duty and affection; his high-mindedness (in the best sense of the +word), his generous spirit, his humanity, his habits of mind, so +unsuspecting as to expose him often to the over-reaching designs of +the crafty and the unprincipled, his pious trust in Providence, and +habitual piety and devotion. To these, and other excellences in his +moral compound, his father,[304] and his father's antagonist, (p. 323) +Hotspur, the assembled parliament of England, the common people +of Wales, the gentlemen of distant counties, contemporary chroniclers, +(combined with the public records of the kingdom and the internal +evidence of his own letters,) bear direct and unstinted witness. From +the first despatch of Hotspur to the last vote of thanks in +parliament, there is a chain of testimonies (detailed in their +chronological order in previous chapters of this work) very seldom +equalled in the case of so young a man, and, through so long a period, +perhaps never surpassed. And yet, though he was through the whole of +that time the constant object of observation, and the subject of men's +thoughts and words, no complaint of any neglect of duty arrests our +notice, nor is there even an insinuation thrown out of any excess, +indiscretion, or extravagance whatever. Not a word from the tongue of +friend or foe, of accuser or apologist, would induce us to suspect +that anything wrong was stifled or kept back. There are complaints of +the extravagant expenditure of his father, and recommendations of +retrenchment and economy in the King's household; but never on any +occasion, (even when the Prince is most urgent and importunate for +supplies of money, offering the most favourable and inviting +opportunity for remonstrance or remark), is there the slightest (p. 324) +innuendo either from the King, the Lords of the council, or the +Commons in parliament, that he expended the least sum unnecessarily.[305] +No improper channel of expense, public or private, domestic or +personal, is glanced at; nothing is objected to in his establishment; +no item is recommended to be abolished or curtailed; no change of +conduct is hinted at as desirable. And yet subsequent writers speak +with one accord of his reformation; "and reformation implies previous +errors." After examining whatever documents concerning him the most +diligent research could discover, the Author is compelled to report as +his unbiassed and deliberate judgment, that the character with which +Henry of Monmouth's name has been stamped for profligacy and +dissipation, is founded, not on the evidence of facts, but on the +vagueness of tradition. Still such is the tradition, and it must stand +for its due value. And if we allow tradition to tell us of his faults, +we must in common fairness receive from the same tradition the +fullness of his reformation; if we give credence to one who reports +both his guilt and his penitence, we must record both accounts or +neither. Before, however, we repeat what tradition has delivered (p. 325) +down as to Henry's conduct and behaviour immediately upon his father's +death, it may be well for us to review some of those testimonies to +his character, his principles, and his conduct, which incidentally +(but not on that account less acceptably or less satisfactorily) offer +themselves to our notice, scattered up and down through the pages of +former days. + + [Footnote 304: It is not within the province of + these Memoirs to record the Will of Henry IV, or to + comment upon its provisions. There is, however, one + sentence in it, a reference to which cannot be out + of place here. In the year 1408, 21st January, a + Will, which to the day of his death he never + revoked, contains this sentence written in English: + "And for to execute this testament well and truly, + for the great trust that I have of my son the + Prince, I ordain and make him my executor of my + testament aforesaid, calling to him such as him + thinketh in his discretion that can and will labour + to the soonest speed of my will comprehended in + this my testament. And to fulfil all things + aforesaid truly, I charge my aforesaid son on my + blessing." It may deserve consideration whether + this clause in a father's last Will, never revoked, + be consistent with the idea of his having expelled + the son of whom he thus speaks from his council, + and banished him his presence; and whether it may + not fairly be put in the opposite scale against the + vague and unsubstantial assertions of the Prince's + recklessness, and his father's alienation from him. + It must at the same time be borne in mind that the + Will was made before the time usually selected as + the period of their estrangement. The Will, + nevertheless, was not revoked nor altered in this + particular.] + + [Footnote 305: In a fragment of the records of a + council, 6 May 1421, among other former debts not + provided for, such as "ancient debts for Harfleur + and Calais," occurs one item, "Debts of Henry IV;" + and another, "Debts of the King, whilst he was + Prince." We have seen that he was more than once + compelled to borrow money on his plate and jewels + to pay the King's soldiers.] + + * * * * * + +Were we to draw an inference from the summary way in which many modern +authors have cut short the question with regard to Henry of Monmouth's +character as Prince of Wales, we should conclude that all the evidence +was on one side; that, whilst "it is unfair to distinguished merit to +dwell on the blemishes which it has regretted and reformed," still no +doubt can be entertained of his having, "from a too early initiation +into military life, stooped to practise irregularities between the +ages of sixteen and twenty-five."[306] Whereas the fact is, that no +allusion to such irregularities is made where we might have expected +to find it; and that, independently of those more formal proofs to the +contrary which are embodied in these pages, and to which we have above +briefly referred, contemporary writers and undisputed documents supply +us with materials for judging of his temper of mind and early +habit,--the character, in short, with which those who had the best (p. 326) +opportunities of knowing him, were wont to associate his name. + + [Footnote 306: Turner.] + +All accounts agree in reporting him to have been devotedly fond of +music. As the household expenses of his father informed us, he played +upon the harp before he was ten years old; nor does he seem ever to +have lost the habit of deriving gratification from the same art. It +were easy to represent him prostituting this love of minstrelsy in the +haunts of Eastcheap, and enjoying "through the sweetest morsel of the +night" the songs of impurity in reckless Bacchanalian revels, +self-condemned indeed, and therefore to be judged by others leniently: + + "I feel me much to blame + So idly to profane the precious time:"[307] + +but nevertheless guilty of profaning the sacred art of music in the +midst of worthless companions, and in the very sinks of low and +dissolute profligacy. This it were easy to do, and this has been done. +But history lends no countenance to such representations. The +chroniclers, who refer again and again to his fondness for music, tell +us that it showed itself in him under very different associations. "He +delighted (as Stowe records) in songs, metres, and musical +instruments; insomuch that in his chapel, among his private prayers he +used our Lord's prayer, certain psalms of David, with divers hymns and +canticles, all which _I_ have seen translated into English metre (p. 327) +by John Lydgate, Monk of Bury." In this view we are strongly confirmed +by several items of expense specified in the Pell Rolls, which record +sums paid to organists and singers sent over for the use of Henry's +chapel whilst he was in France; but this, being subsequent to his +supposed conversion, cannot be alleged in evidence on the point at +issue.[308] It only shows that his early acquired love of music never +deserted him. + + [Footnote 307: Second Part of Henry IV, act ii. sc + 4.] + + [Footnote 308: Pell Rolls, 7 Hen. V. 28th + Oct.--Dē. 22nd Nov.] + +In this place, moreover, we cannot refrain from anticipating, what +might perhaps have been reserved with equal propriety to a subsequent +page, that the same dry details of the Pell Rolls[309] enable us to +infer with satisfaction that Henry made his love of minstrelsy +contribute to the gratification of himself and the partner of his joys +and cares, supplying an intimation of domestic habits and conjugal +satisfaction, without which a life passed in the splendour of royalty +must be irksome, and blessed with which the cottage of the poor man +possesses the most enviable treasure. Whether in their home at +Windsor, or during their happy progress through England in the halls +of York and Chester, or in the tented ground on the banks of the Seine +before Melun, our imagination has solid foundation to build (p. 328) +upon when we picture to ourselves Henry and his beloved princess +passing innocently and happily, in minstrelsy and song, some of the +hours spared from the appeals of justice, the exigencies of the state, +or the marshalling of the battle-field. + + [Footnote 309: Pell Rolls, 8 Hen. V. (2nd Oct. + 1420.) For the price of harps for the King and + Queen, 8_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ A subsequent item (Sept. + 4, 1421), records payment of 2_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ for + a harp purchased at his command and sent to him in + France.] + +But that Henry had also imbibed a real love of literature, and valued +it highly, we possess evidence which well deserves attention. He was +so much enamoured of the "Tale of Troy divine," that he directed John +Lydgate, Monk of Bury St. Edmund's, to translate two poems, "The Death +of Hector," and "The Fall of Troy," into English verse, that his own +countrymen might not be behind the rest of Europe in their knowledge +of the works of antiquity. The testimony borne by this author to the +character of Henry for perseverance and stedfastness of purpose; for +sound practical wisdom, and, at the same time, for a ready and ardent +desire of the counsel of the wise; for mercy mingled with high and +princely resolve and love of justice; for all those qualities which +can adorn a Christian prince,--is so full in itself, and so direct, +and (if honest) is so conclusive, that any memoirs of Henry's life and +character would be culpably defective which should exclude it. The +circumstance, also, of that testimony being couched in the vernacular +language of the times, affords another point of interest to the +English antiquary. Sometimes, indeed, we cannot help suspecting that +the poem has undergone some verbal and grammatical alterations in (p. 329) +the course of the four centuries which have elapsed since it was +penned; but that circumstance does not affect its credibility. + +We may be fully aware that the evidence of a poet dedicating a work to +his patron is open to the suspicion of partiality and flattery, and we +may be willing that as much should be deducted on that score from the +weight of the Monk of Bury's testimony as the reader may impartially +pronounce just; still the naked fact remains unimpeached, that the +poet was importuned by Henry, _when Prince_, to translate two works +for the use of his countrymen. Lydgate, it must not be forgotten, +expressly declares that he undertook the work at the "high command of +Henry Prince of Wales," and that he entered upon it in the autumn of +1412; the exact time when some would have us believe that he was in +the mid-career of his profligacy, and at open variance with his +father. However, let Lydgate's testimony be valued at a fair price; no +one has ever impeached his character for honesty, or accused him of +flattery. Still he may be guilty in both respects. And yet, in a work +published at that very time, we can scarcely believe that any one +would have addressed a wild profligate and noted prodigal in such +verses; and it is very questionable whether, had he done so, any one +who delighted in libertinism and boasted of his follies would have +been gratified by the ascription to himself of a character in (p. 330) +all points so directly the reverse. If his patron were an example +of irregularities and licentiousness, it is beyond the reach of +ill-nature and credulity combined to hold it probable that he would +have extolled him for self-restraint, for steady moral and mental +discipline, for manliness at once and virtue, for delighting in +ancient lore, and promoting its free circulation far and wide with the +sole purpose and intent of sowing virtue and discountenancing vice. +Such an effusion would have savoured rather of irony and bitter +sarcasm, than of a desire to write what would be acceptable to the +individual addressed. Lydgate's is the testimony, we confess, of a +poet and a friend, but it is the testimony of a contemporary; of one +who saw Henry in his daily walks, conversed with him often, had a +personal knowledge of his habits and predilections; at all events, he +was one who, by recording the fact that Henry, when Prince, urged him +to translate for his countrymen two poems which he had himself +delighted to read in the original, records at the same time the fact +that Henry was himself a scholar, and the patron of ingenuous +learning. + +The testimony borne to the character of Henry of Monmouth by the poet +Occleve[310] is more indirect than Lydgate's, but not on that (p. 331) +account less valuable or satisfactory. Occleve represents himself +as walking pensive and sad, in sorrow of heart, pressed down by +poverty, when he is met by a poor old man who accosts him with +kindness. The poet then details their conversation. He communicates to +the aged man, whom he calls father, his worldly wants and anxiety; +who, addressing him by the endearing name of son, endeavours to +suggest to him some means of procuring a remedy for his distress. His +advice is, to write a poem or two with great pains, and present them +to the Prince, with the full assurance that he would graciously accept +them, and relieve his wants. They must be written, he says, with +especial care, because of the Prince's great skill and judgment; +whilst of their welcome the Prince's gentle and benign bearing towards +all worthy suitors gives a most certain pledge. If Occleve deserves +our confidence, Henry, in the estimation of his contemporaries, even +whilst he was yet Prince of Wales, had the character of a gentle and +kind-hearted man; one whose "heart was full applied to grant," and not +to send a petitioner empty away. Instead of his revelling amidst loose +companions at the Boar in East-Cheap, his contemporaries thought they +should best meet his humour, if they supplied him with a "tale fresh +and gay,"[311] for his study when he was in his own chamber, and (p. 332) +was still. So far from thinking that an author would suit his taste by +furnishing any of those works which minister what is grateful to a +depraved mind, their admonition was, to write nothing which could sow +the seeds of vice. They deemed him, if any one, able to set the true +value on a literary work; and felt that, if they purposed to present +any production of their own for his perusal and gratification, they +must take especial pains to make it really good. They had formed, +moreover, such an opinion of his high excellence, and his abhorrence +of flattery, that they thought a man had better undertake a pilgrimage +to Jerusalem than be guilty of any indiscretion in this particular. +Let any impartial person meditate on these things; let him (p. 333) +carefully read the extracts from Lydgate and Occleve which will be +found in the Appendix; and remembering on the one hand that they were +poets anxious to obtain the favour of the court, and on the other that +no single act or word of vice, or insolence, or levity, is recorded of +Henry by any one of his contemporaries, let him then, like an honest +days-man, pronounce his verdict. + + [Footnote 310: Thomas Occleve, or Hoccleve, was + Clerk of the Privy Seal to Henry IV; many small + payments to him in that character are recorded in + the Pell Rolls. He was probably born in the year + 1370, and lived to be eighty years of age.] + + [Footnote 311: Henry seems to have supplied himself + with books on various other subjects of interest to + him. He was, we are told, fond of the chase; and we + find payment in the Pell Rolls of 12_l._ 8_s._ to + John Robart for writing twelve books on hunting for + the use of the King (21 Nov. 1421). Payment is also + made for a variety of books to the executors of + Joan de Bohun, late Countess of Hereford, his + grandmother, 24th May, 1420. Two petitions, + presented after his death to the council of his + infant son, contribute also incidentally their + testimony to the same view of his character. The + first prays that the books in the possession of the + late King, which belonged to the Countess of + Westmoreland, "The Chronicle of Jerusalem," and + "The Journey of Godfrey Baylion," might be + restored. The other petition is, that "a large book + containing all the works of St. Gregory the Pope," + left to the Church of Canterbury by Archbishop + Arundell, and lent to Henry V. by Gilbert + Umfraville, one of the executors of the + Archbishop's will, and which was directed in the + last will of the King to be restored, might be + delivered up by the Convent of Shene, where it had + been kept, to the Prior of Canterbury.--Rymer. + Foed. 11 Hen. IV.] + + * * * * * + +The tradition with regard to Henry's conduct immediately upon his +father's dissolution, as we gather it from various writers who lived +near that time, is one as to the full admission of which even an +eulogist of Henry of Monmouth needs not be jealous; much less will the +candid enquirer be apprehensive of its effect upon the character which +he is investigating. The tradition then is, that Prince Henry was +attending the sick-bed of his father, who, rousing from a slumber into +which he had sunk for a while, asked him what the person was doing +whom he observed in the room. "My father," replied Henry, "it is the +priest, who has just now consecrated the body of our Lord; lift up +your heart in all holy devotion to God!" His father then most +affectionately and fervently blessed him, and resigned his soul into +the hands of his Redeemer. No sooner had the King breathed his last, +than Henry, under an awful sense of his own unworthiness, and of the +vanity of all worldly objects of desire, conscious also of the (p. 334) +necessity of an abundant supply of divine grace to fit him for the +discharge of the high duties of the kindly office, to which the voice +of Providence then called him, retired forthwith into an inner +oratory. There, prostrate in body and soul, and humbled to the dust +before the majesty of his Creator, he made a full confession of his +past life. Whether the words put into his mouth were the fruits of his +biographer's imagination, or were committed to writing by Henry +himself, (a supposition thought by some by no means improbable,) they +are the words of a sincere Christian penitent. Henry, as we have +frequently been reminded in these Memoirs, seems to have made much +progress in the knowledge of sacred things, and to have become +familiarly acquainted with the Holy Scriptures; and his confessional +prayer breathes the aspirations of one who had made the divine word +his study. He earnestly implores "his most loving Father to have mercy +upon him, not suffering the miserable creature of his hand to perish, +but making him as one of his hired servants." After he had thus poured +out his soul to God in his secret chamber, he went under cover of the +night to a minister of eminent piety, who lived near at hand at +Westminster. To this servant of Christ he opened all his mind, and +received by his kind and holy offices, the consolations and counsels, +the strengthenings and refreshings, which true religion alone can +give, and which it never withholds from any one, prince or (p. 335) +peasant, who seeks them with sincere purpose of heart, and applies for +them in earnest prayer. + +Between his accession and his coronation, Henry of Monmouth was much +engaged in exercises of devotion; and various acts of self-humiliation +are recorded of him. Even in the midst of the splendid banquet of his +coronation, (as persons, says Elmham, worthy of credit can testify,) +he neither ate nor drank; his whole mind and soul seemed to be +absorbed by the thought of the solemn and deep responsibility under +which he then lay. For three days he never suffered himself to indulge +in repose on any soft couch; but with fasting, watching, and prayer, +fervently and perseveringly implored the heavenly aid of the King of +kings for the good government of his people. Doubtless, some may see +in every penitential prayer an additional proof of his former +licentiousness and dissipation: others, it is presumed, may not so +interpret these scenes. Perhaps candour and experience may combine in +suggesting to many Christians that the self-abasement of Henry should +be interpreted, not as a criterion of his former delinquencies in +comparison with the principles and conduct of others, but as an index +rather of the standard of religious and moral excellence by which he +tried his own life; that the rule with reference to which a practical +knowledge of his own deficiency filled him with so great compunction +and sorrow of heart, was not the tone and fashion of the world, (p. 336) +but the pure and holy law of God; and that, consequently, his degree +of contrition does not imply in him any extraordinary sense of +immorality in his past days, but rather the profound reverence which +he had formed of the divine law, and a consciousness of the lamentable +instances in which he had failed to fulfil it.[312] Be this as it may, +a calm review of all the intimations with regard to his principles, +his conduct, and his feelings, which history and tradition offer, +seems to suggest to our thoughts the expressions of the Psalmist as +words in which Prince Henry might well and sincerely have addressed +the throne of grace. "I have gone astray, like a sheep that is lost. +O! seek thy servant, for I do not forget thy commandments!" + + [Footnote 312: It is quite curious and painful, but + at the same time instructive, to observe how + differently the same acts may be interpreted, + accordingly as they are viewed by persons under the + influence of various prejudices and peculiar + associations. In the case of Henry of Monmouth, the + confession of his own unworthiness is adduced in + evidence only of his former habits of dissoluteness + and dissipation. The same confession in his + contemporary, Lord Cobham, is hailed only as an + indication of the work of grace in his soul.--See + Milner, Cent. XV. ch. i.] + + + + +CHAPTER XV. (p. 337) + +SHAKSPEARE. -- THE AUTHOR'S RELUCTANCE TO TEST THE SCENES OF THE +POET'S DRAMAS BY MATTERS OF FACT. -- NECESSITY OF SO DOING. -- HOTSPUR +IN SHAKSPEARE THE FIRST TO BEAR EVIDENCE TO HENRY'S RECKLESS +PROFLIGACY. -- THE HOTSPUR OF HISTORY THE FIRST WHO TESTIFIES TO HIS +CHARACTER FOR VALOUR, AND MERCY, AND FAITHFULNESS IN HIS DUTIES. -- +ANACHRONISMS OF SHAKSPEARE. -- HOTSPUR'S AGE. -- THE CAPTURE OF +MORTIMER. -- BATTLE OF HOMILDON. -- FIELD OF SHREWSBURY. -- ARCHBISHOP +SCROPE'S DEATH. + + +The Author has already intimated in his Preface the reluctance with +which he undertook to examine the descriptions of the Prince of +dramatic poets with a direct reference to the test of historical +truth; and he cannot enter upon that inquiry in this place without +repeating his regret, nor without alleging some of the reasons which +seem to make the investigation an imperative duty in these Memoirs. + +In our endeavours to ascertain the real character and conduct of Henry +V, it is not enough that we close the volume of Shakspeare's dramas, +determining to allow it no weight in the scale of evidence. If +nothing more be done, Shakspeare's representations will have (p. 338) +weight, despite of our resolution. Were Shakspeare any ordinary +writer, or were the parts of his remains which bear on our subject +few, unimportant, and uninteresting, the biographer, without +endangering the truth, might lay him aside with a passing caution +against admitting for evidence the poet's views of facts and +character. But the large majority of readers in England, who know +anything of those times, have formed their estimate of Henry from the +scenic descriptions of Shakspeare, or from modern historians who have +been indebted for their information to no earlier or more authentic +source than his plays. Even writers of a higher character, and to whom +the English student is much indebted, would tempt us to rest satisfied +with the general inferences to be drawn from the scenes of Shakspeare, +though they willingly allow that much of the detail was the fruit only +of his fertile imagination. A modern author[313] opens his chapter on +the reign of Henry V. with a passage, a counterpart to which we find +expressed, or at least conveyed by implication, in many other writers, +to whose views, however, the searcher after truth and fact cannot +possibly accede. "With the traditionary irregularities of the youth of +Henry V. we are early familiarized by the magical pen of Shakspeare, +never more fascinating than in portraying the associates and frolics +of this illustrious Prince. But the personifications of the poet (p. 339) +must not be expected to be found in the chroniclers who have annalised +this reign."--"The general facts of his irregularities, and their +amendment, have never been forgotten; but no historical Hogarth has +painted the individual adventures of the princely rake." + + [Footnote 313: Mr. Turner.] + +It is not because we would palliate Henry's vices, if such there be on +record, or disguise his follies, or wish his irregularities to be +forgotten in the vivid recollections of his conquests, that we would +try "our immortal bard" by the test of rigid fact. We do so, because +he is the authority on which the estimate of Henry's character, as +generally entertained, is mainly founded. Mr. Southey,[314] indeed, is +speaking only of his own boyhood when he says, "I had learned all I +knew of English history from Shakspeare." But very many pass through +life without laying aside or correcting those impressions which they +caught at the first opening of their minds; and never have any other +knowledge of the times of which his dramas speak, than what they have +learned from his representations. The great Duke of Marlborough is +known to have confessed that all his acquaintance with English history +was derived from Shakspeare: whilst not unfrequently persons of +literary pursuits, who have studied our histories for themselves, are +to the last under the practical influence of their earliest +associations: unknown to their own minds the poet is still their (p. 340) +instructor and guide. And this influence Shakspeare exercises +over the historical literature of his country, though he was born more +than one hundred and sixty years after the historical date of that +scene in which he first speaks of the "royal rake's" strayings and +unthriftiness; and though many new sources, not of vague tradition, +but of original and undoubted record, which were closed to him, have +been opened to students of the present day. It has indeed been alleged +that he might have had means of information no longer available by us; +that manuscripts are forgotten, or lost, which bore testimony to +Henry's career of wantonness. But surely such a suggestion only +renders it still more imperative to examine with strict and exact +scrutiny into the poet's descriptions. If these are at all countenanced +by a coincidence with ascertained historical facts, we must admit them +as evidence, secondary indeed, but still the best within our reach. +But if they prove to be wholly untenable when tested by facts, and +irreconcileable with what history places beyond doubt, we have solid +grounds for rejecting them as legitimate testimonies. We must consider +them either as the fascinating but aery visions of a poet who lived +after the intervention of more than a century and a half, or as +inferences built by him on documents false and misleading. + + [Footnote 314: Preface to his Poetical Works.] + +It may be said that the poet, in his delineation of the manners (p. 341) +of the time, and in his vivid representations of the sallies and +excesses of a prince notorious for his wildness and profligate habits, +must not be shackled by the rigid and cold bands of historical verity, +any more than we would require of him, in his description of a battle, +the accuracy of a general's bulletin. But if a master poet should so +describe the battle as to involve on the part of the commander the +absence of military skill, and of clear conceptions of a soldier's +duty, or ignorance of the enemy's position and strength, and of his +own resources, or a suspicion of faintheartedness and ungallant +bearing, truth would require us to analyse the description, and either +to restore the fair fame of the commander, or to be convinced that he +had justly lost his military character. On this principle we must +refer Shakspeare's representations to a more unbending standard than a +poet's fantasy. + +The first occasion on which reference is found to the habits and +character of Henry, occurs in the tragedy of Richard II, act v. scene +3, in which his father is represented as making inquiries, of "Percy +and other lords," in such terms as these: + + "Can no man tell of my _unthrifty_ son? + 'Tis full THREE MONTHS since I did see him last: + If any plague hang over us, 'tis he. + I would to Heaven, my lords, he might be found! + Inquire at London 'mongst the taverns there, + For there, they say, he daily doth frequent, + With unrestrained loose companions; + Even such, they say, as stand in narrow lanes, (p. 342) + And beat our watch, and rob our passengers; + While he, young, wanton, and effeminate boy, + Takes on the point of honour to support + So dissolute a crew." + +To this inquiry PERCY is made to answer, + + "My lord! some two days since I saw the Prince, + And told him of these triumphs held at Oxford." + _Bolinbroke._--"And what said the gallant?" + _Percy._--"His answer was--he would unto the stews, + And from the common'st creature pluck a glove, + And wear it as a favour; and, with that, + He would unhorse the lustiest challenger." + _Bolinbroke._--"As dissolute as desperate: yet, through both, + I see some sparkles of a better hope, + Which elder days may happily bring forth." + +To understand what degree of reliance should be placed upon this +passage as a channel of biographical information, it is only necessary +to recal to mind two points established beyond doubt from history: +first, that the Prince was then not twelve years and a half old; and +secondly, that the circumstance, previously to which this lamentation +must be fixed, took place NOT THREE MONTHS after the coronation, +subsequently to which the King created this his "unthrifty son," "this +gallant, dissolute as desperate," Prince of Wales.[315] The scene is +placed by Shakspeare at Windsor; and the conversation between (p. 343) +Henry IV. inquiring about his son, and Percy, so unkindly fanning his +suspicions, is ended abruptly by the breathless haste of Lord +Albemarle, who breaks in upon the court to denounce the conspiracy +against the King's life. This could not have been later than January +4, 1400; for on that day the conspirators entered Windsor, after Henry +IV, having been apprised of their plot, had left that place for +London. The coronation was celebrated on the 13th of the preceding +October, and the Prince of Wales was born August 9, 1387. The whole +year before his father's coronation he was in the safe-keeping of +Richard II, through some months of it in Ireland; and, on Richard's +return to England, he was left a prisoner in Trym Castle. How many +days before the coronation he was brought from Ireland to his father, +does not appear; probably messengers were sent for him immediately +after Richard fell into the hands of Henry IV. The certainty is, that +"_full three months_ could not have passed" since they last saw (p. 344) +each other; the strong probability is, that both father and son +had kept the feast of Christmas together at Windsor. That a boy of not +twelve years and a half old, just returned from a year's safe-keeping +in the hand of his father's enemy and whom his father, not three +months before, had created Prince of Wales with all the honours and +expressions of regard ever shown on similar occasions, should have +been the leader and supporter of a dissolute crew of unrestrained +loose companions, the frequenter of those sinks of sin and profligacy +which then disgraced the metropolis (as they do now), is an +improbability so gross, that nothing but the excellence of +Shakspeare's pen could have rendered an exposure of it necessary.[316] + + [Footnote 315: Reference is here made to the + creation of Henry as Prince of Wales, not in + anywise for the purpose of insinuating that he + would not have been raised to that honour by his + father, had he been the "desperate gallant" which + the poet delineates, but solely to show that the + King's lamentation cannot be historically correct. + The poet, having fastened on the general tradition + as to Henry's wildness, gives rein to his fancy, + and would fain carry his readers along with him in + the belief that Henry had absented himself for full + three months from his paternal roof, and revelled + in abandoned profligacy; whilst the facts with + which the poet has connected it, fix the + outbreaking of the Prince to a time when the real + Henry was not twelve years and a half old. + Shakspeare's poetry is not inconsistent with + itself, but it is with historical verity.] + + [Footnote 316: There are, however, other + circumstances deserving our attention, which took + place, some undoubtedly, and others most probably, + within the three months preceding this very time. + In the first place, the Commons, who had at the + coronation sworn the same fealty to the Prince as + to the King, on the 3rd of November petition that + the creation of Henry as Prince of Wales might be + entered on the record of Parliament; and on the + same day they pray the King that the Prince might + not pass forth from this realm, (in consequence of + the movements of the Scots,) "forasmuch as he is of + tender age." In the course of that same month of + November 1399, a negociation was set on foot to + bring about the espousals for a future union of the + Prince with one of the daughters of the King of + France. And about the same time (probably within a + month of the scene of Shakspeare which we are + examining,) the Prince makes a direct appeal to the + council to fulfil the expressed wishes of his royal + father as to his establishment, seeing that he was + destitute of a suitable house and furniture; whilst + not a hint occurs in allusion to any extravagance, + or folly, or precocious dissipation, in any single + document of the time.] + +The second introduction of the same subject occurs in the scene (p. 345) +in the court of London, the very day after the news arrived of +Mortimer being taken by Owyn Glyndowr. + + _Westmoreland._--"But _yesternight_; when all athwart there came + A post from Wales loaden with heavy news; + Whose worst was that the noble Mortimer, + Leading the Herefordshire men to fight + Against the irregular and wild Glyndower, + Was by the rude hands of that Welshman taken." + +The anachronism of Shakspeare, in making the two reports, of +Mortimer's capture and of the battle of Homildon, reach London on the +same day, though there was an interval of more than three months +between them, only tends to show that we must not look to him as a +channel of historical accuracy. How utterly inappropriate is the +desponding lamentation of Henry IV, the bare reference to actual dates +is alone needed to show. + + _Westmoreland._--"Faith! 'tis a conquest for a prince to boast of." + _K. Henry._--"Yea: there thou makest me sad, and makest me sin + In envy that my Lord Northumberland + Should be the father of so blest a son; + Whilst I, by looking on the praise of him, + See riot and dishonour stain the brow + Of my young Harry. O that it could be proved (p. 346) + That some night-tripping fairy had exchanged + In cradle-clothes our children where they lay, + And called mine Percy, his Plantagenet; + Then I would have his Harry, and he mine! + But let him from my thoughts." + +In this glowing page of Shakspeare is preserved one of those +exquisite, fascinating illusions which are scattered up and down +throughout his never-dying remains, and which, arresting us +everywhere, hold the willing imagination spell-bound, till, after +reflection, Truth rises upon the mind, and with one gleam of her soft +but omnipotent light varies the charm, and contrasts the satisfaction +of reality with the pleasures of fiction. The poet's imagery paints to +our mind's eye Harry Hotspur and Harry of Monmouth lying each in his +"cradle-clothes" on some one and the same night, when the powers of +Fairy-land might have exchanged the boys, and called Percy, +Plantagenet. To effect such a change, however, of the first-born sons +of Northumberland and Bolinbroke, an extent of power and skill must +have been in requisition far beyond what their warmest advocates are +wont to assign to those "night-tripping" personages. Hotspur was at +least one-and-twenty years old when Henry of Monmouth "lay in his +cradle-clothes." The pencil also of the painter has lent its aid to +confirm and propagate the same delusion as to the relative ages of +these two warriors. In the representation (for example) of the +Battle-field of Shrewsbury, Hotspur and Henry, the heroes in the (p. 347) +fore-ground, are models of two gallant youths, equal in age, +struggling for the mastery: and in the chamber-scene, whilst Henry is +represented in all the freshness of a beardless youth, his father +shows the worn-out veteran; his brow and cheeks deeply furrowed, his +whole frame borne down towards the grave by length of days as much as +by infirmities, though when he died his age did not exceed his +forty-seventh year. + +The time of Hotspur's birth has generally been considered matter only +for conjecture; but whether we draw our inferences from undisputed +facts, and the clearest deductions of sound argument, or rest only on +the direct evidence now for the first time, it is presumed, brought +forward, we cannot regard Hotspur at the very lowest calculation as a +single year younger than Henry of Monmouth's father, the very +Bolinbroke whom the poet makes to utter such a lamentation and such a +wish. Bolinbroke's birth-day cannot be assigned (as we have seen) to +an earlier date than April 6, 1366; and the Annals of the Peerage[317] +refer Hotspur's birth to May 20, 1364.[318] The Author, however, is +disposed to think that the Annals have antedated his birth by more +than a year at least. In the Scrope and Grosvenor (p. 348) +controversy,[319] the record of which supplied us with the ages of +Glyndowr and his brother, the commissioners examined both Hotspur and +his father. The father, usually called the "aged Earl," gave his +testimony on the 19th November 1386, as "the Earl of Northumberland, +of the age of forty-five years, having borne arms thirty years." +Hotspur, who was examined on the 30th of the preceding October, that +is, in the year before Henry of Monmouth was born, gave his testimony +as "Sir Henry Percy, of the age of twenty years." Hotspur must, +therefore, have been born between the end of October 1365 and the end +of October 1366. And if the annalists are right in fixing upon the day +of the year on which he was born, his birth-day was in the month next +following the birth-day of Bolinbroke. On the most probable +calculation, he might have been five months older than Bolinbroke; he +could not have been seven months younger. It is a curious and +interesting circumstance, that, instead of specifying the number of +years through which he had borne arms, Hotspur referred the +commissioners to the first occasion of his having seen and shared the +real service of battle: "First armed when the castle of (p. 349) +Berwick was taken by the Scots, and when the rescue was made." The +surprise of Berwick by the Scots took place on the Thursday before St. +Andrew's day in the year 1378, (which fell on November 25,) so that +Hotspur passed his noviciate in the field of battle when he was only +just past his twelfth year, and almost nine years before Henry of +Monmouth was born. In 1388, when Henry was only one year old, Hotspur +was taken prisoner by the Scots. His eldest son, whom Henry with so +much generosity restored to his honours and estates, was born February +3, 1393.[320] + + [Footnote 317: See Collins' Peerage by Brydges, + vol. ii. p. 267.] + + [Footnote 318: The same authorities record that he + was knighted at the coronation of Richard II, July + 16, 1377.] + + [Footnote 319: "Le Count de Northumberland del age + de XLV ans; armez de XXX ans." + + "Mons. Henr' de Percy del age de vynt ans, armez + premierement, quant la chastell de Berwick etait + pris par les Escoces, et quant le rescous fuist + fait."] + + [Footnote 320: We cannot read the document on which + these observations are founded without being + reminded at how early an age in those times the + youth of our country were expected to take up arms, + and follow some experienced captain, or even + themselves lead their warriors to the field. When + Hotspur accompanied his father to the rescue of + Berwick, he was only in his thirteenth year; his + father had borne arms from the age of fifteen; and + Henry of Monmouth (accompanied we know by a tutor + or guardian, as probably Hotspur was at Berwick) + was certainly in Wales, "chastising the rebels," + soon after he had completed his thirteenth year. + Another reflection, forced upon the mind by a + familiar acquaintance with the political and the + domestic history of those times, is on the very low + average of human life at that period of the English + monarchy. Few reached what is now called old age; + and persons are spoken of as old, who would now be + scarcely considered to have passed the meridian of + life. It would form a subject of an interesting, + and perhaps a very useful inquiry, were a + philosophical antiquary (who would found his + conclusions on a wide induction of facts, and not + seek for evidence in support of any previously + adopted theory,) to trace the existence, and + operation, and extent of those causes, physical and + moral, which exercise doubtless important + influences over human life, and, under Providence, + contract or lengthen the number of our days here. + Unquestionably, such an investigator would + immediately find many changes adopted in the + present day conducive to longevity, in the + structure of our habitations, the nature of our + clothing, our habits of cleanliness, our food, + comparative moderation in the use of inebriating + liquors, with many other causes of health now + believed to exist among us. To two causes of the + average shortness of life, in operation through + that range of years to which these Memoirs chiefly + refer, the Author's mind has been especially drawn + in the course of his researches: one of a political + character,--in itself far more obvious, and chiefly + affecting men; the other arising from habits of + domestic life with regard to one of our + institutions of all the most universally + comprehensive,--a cause chiefly, but far from + exclusively, affecting the life of females. The + first cause, awful and appalling, is seen in the + precarious tenure of human life, during the + violence of those political struggles which deluged + the whole land with blood. Those families seem to + have been rare exceptions, of which no member + forfeited his life on the scaffold or in the field; + those houses were few which the scourge of civil or + foreign wars passed over without leaving one dead. + The second cause is traced to the very early age at + which marriages were then solemnized. The day of + Nature's trial came before the constitution had + gained strength for the struggle, and an awful + proportion of females was thus prematurely hurried + to the grave; whilst the offspring also shared in + the weakness of the parent. Comparatively a small + minority sunk by gradual and calm decay; in the + case of very few could the comparison of Job's + reprover be applied with truth, "Thou shalt come to + the grave in full age, as a shock of corn cometh in + his season."] + +Though these facts prove that Shakspeare has spread through the (p. 350) +world a most erroneous opinion of the relative ages and circumstances +of Bolinbroke, Hotspur, and Henry of Monmouth,--a circumstance, (p. 351) +indeed, in itself of no great importance,--the question on which we +are engaged will be more immediately and strongly affected if it can +be shown precisely, that at the very time when (according to the +poet's representation) Henry IV. uttered this lamentation, expressive +of deep present sorrow at the reckless misdoings of his son, and of +anticipations of worse, that very son was doing his duty valiantly and +mercifully in Wales. + +On the lowest calculation, a full month before Mortimer's capture, the +young royal warrior had scoured the whole country of Glyndwrdy in +person, and had burnt two of Owyn's mansions; whilst the strong +probability is, that he had headed his troops on that expedition more +than a year before. + +It is very remarkable (though Shakspeare doubtless never became +acquainted with the circumstance) that the identical Percy whom he +makes Henry IV. desire to have been his son, instead of his own Henry, +bears ample testimony, at least a full year previously, to the valour +and kind-heartedness of him on whose brow the poet makes his father +lament "the stain of riot and dishonour." + +Sir Edmund Mortimer was taken by Glyndowr at Melienydd in Radnor, June +12th, 1402; and, as early as the 3rd of May 1401, Percy wrote from +Caernarvon to the council that North Wales was obedient to the law, +except the rebels of Conway and Rees Castles, who were in the +mountains, whom he expresses his expectation that the Prince of (p. 352) +Wales would subdue. "These will be right well chastened," said he, +"if God please, by the force and governance which my lord the Prince +_has_ sent against them, as well of his council as of his retinue." In +the same letter Hotspur informs the King's council that the commons of +the counties of Caernarvon and Merioneth (who had come before him in +the sessions which he was then holding as Chief Justice of North +Wales) had humbly expressed their thanks to the Prince for the great +pains of his kind good-will in endeavouring to obtain their +pardon."[321] Henry Prince of Wales, whom the poet makes his father +thus to disparage at the mere mention of Henry Percy's victory, would +lose nothing in point of prowess, and generosity, and high-minded +bearing, at this very early period of his youth, by a comparison +either with Percy himself, or with any other of his contemporaries, +whose names are recorded in history. + + [Footnote 321: See these facts stated historically + in previous chapters of this volume.] + +The next passage of our historical dramatist which requires to be +examined, occurs in that very affecting interview between Henry and +his father on the news of Percy's rebellion, and the resolution +declared to take the field at Shrewsbury.[322] + + "I know not whether God will have it so, + For some displeasing service I have done, + That, in his secret, doom out of my blood (p. 353) + He breeds revengement and a scourge for me. + But thou dost, in thy passages of life, + Make me believe that thou art only marked + For the hot vengeance and the rod of heaven, + To punish my mistreadings. Tell me else, + Could such inordinate and low desires, + Such barren, base, such lewd, such mean attempts, + Such barren pleasures, rude society,[323] + As thou art matched withal and grafted to, + Accompany the greatness of thy blood, + And hold their level with thy princely heart? + Thy place in council thou hast rudely lost, (p. 354) + Which by thy younger brother is supplied; + And art almost an alien to the hearts + Of all the court, and princes of my blood." + + [Footnote 322: I Hen. IV. act iii. scene 1.] + + [Footnote 323: It is curious to contrast this + description of his habits and pursuits, written by + the Prince of tragedians a century and a half after + Henry's death, with the advice represented to have + been given by an old man to a young aspiring poet + during his very lifetime. The Author is conscious + of the tautology of which he is guilty in again + recommending the reader not to pass over unread the + extracts in the Appendix from Occleve and Lydgate. + + "Write to him a goodly tale or two, + On which he may disport him at night. + His high prudence hath insight very + To judge if it be well made or nay. + Write him nothing that soweneth to vice. + Look if find thou canst any treatise + Grounded on his estate's wholesomeness."--Occleve. + + "Because he hathe joy and great dainty + To _read in books of antiquity_, + To find only _virtue to sow_, + By example of them; and also to eschew + The _cursed vice of sloth and idleness_: + So he enjoyed in _virtuous_ business, + In all that _longeth to manhood_ + He _busyeth_ ever."--Lydgate.] + +The battle of Shrewsbury was fought July 21, 1403. The tragedian +represents Henry the Prince as at this period in the full career of +his unbridled extravagances; his father bewailing his sad degeneracy, +himself pleading nothing in excuse, praying for pardon, and promising +amendment. It must appear passing strange to those who have drawn +their estimate of those years of Prince Henry's youth from Shakspeare, +to find the real truth to be this. Not only was he not then in London +the profligate debauchee, the reckless madcap, the creature of "vassal +fear and base inclination," "the nearest and dearest of his father's +foes;" not only was he acting valiantly in defence of his father's +throne; but that very father's own pen is the instrument to bear chief +testimony to his valour and noble merits at that very hour. It is as +though history were designed on set purpose, and by especial +commission, to counteract the bewitching fictions of the poet. Henry +IV. was on his road to assist Hotspur and the Earl of Northumberland, +in utter ignorance of their rebellion. Arrived at Higham Ferrers, he +wrote to his council, informing them that he had received, as well by +his son Henry's own letters, as by the report of his messengers, most +satisfactory accounts of this very dear and well-beloved son the (p. 355) +Prince, which gave him very great pleasure.[324] He then directs +them to send the Prince 1000_l._ to enable him to keep his forces +together. This letter is dated July 10, 1403, just eleven days before +the battle of Shrewsbury. The King heard of Hotspur's rebellion on his +arrival at Burton on Trent, from which place he dates his +proclamation. Henry of Monmouth was appointed Lieutenant of Wales on +the 4th of March 1403; and he was with his men-at-arms and archers +there, discharging the duties of a faithful son and valiant young +warrior, when Hotspur revolted; and he left his charge in Wales, not +to revel in London, but only to join his own to his father's forces, +and fight for their kingdom on the field of Shrewsbury. + + [Footnote 324: See these facts stated historically + in former pages of this volume.] + +The extraordinary confusion of place and time, pervading the "Second +Part of King Henry IV," is only equalled by the mistaken view which +the writer gives of the character of Henry of Monmouth. News of the +overthrow of Archbishop Scrope is brought to London on the very day on +which Henry IV. sickens and dies; whereas that King was himself in +person in the north, and insisted upon the execution of the +Archbishop, just eight years before. The Archbishop was beheaded on +Whitmonday (June 8) in the year 1405. Henry IV. died March 20, 1413. +And instead of Henry, the Prince, being either at Windsor hunting, or +in London "with Poins and other his continual followers," when (p. 356) +his father was depressed and perplexed by the rebellion in the north, +he was doing his duty well, gallantly, and to the entire satisfaction +of his father. We have a letter, dated Berkhemstead, March 13, 1405, +written by the King to his council, with a copy of his son Henry's +letter announcing the victory over the Welsh rebels at Grosmont in +Monmouthshire, which was won on Wednesday the 11th of that month. The +King writes with great joy and exultation, bidding his council to +convey the glad tidings to the mayor and citizens of London, that +"they (he says) may rejoice with us, and join in praises to our +Creator." + +Thus does history prove that, in every instance of Shakspeare's +fascinating representations of Henry of Monmouth's practices, the poet +was guided by his imagination, which, working only on the vague +tradition of a sudden change for the better in the Prince immediately +on his accession, and magnifying that change into something almost +miraculous, has drawn a picture which can never be seen without being +admired for its life, and boldness, and colouring; but which, as an +historical portrait, is not only unlike the original, but misleading +and unjust in essential points of character. + +It has been said, and perhaps with truth, to what extent soever we may +believe Shakspeare to have made "Europe ring from side to side" with +the vices and follies, the riots and extravagances, of the (p. 357) +young Prince, yet that he had spread his fame and glory far more +widely, and excited an incomparably greater interest in his character, +than history itself, however full, and however true in recording his +merits, could have done. The admirer therefore of the Prince's +character, who reflects on Shakspeare, is held to be ungrateful to +Henry's best benefactor; and, as far as his influence reaches, tends +to check the interest excited for the hero of his choice. But, whilst +he recalls with grateful reminiscence the enjoyment which he has often +drawn himself freely from the same well-head, the Author, in +attempting to distinguish between truth and fiction, would on no +account damp the ardour with which his countrymen will still derive +pleasure from these scenes of "Nature's child;" and he trusts that, +whilst he has supplied solid and substantial ground for Englishmen +still retaining Henry of Monmouth in their affections, among their +favourite princes and kings, his work has no tendency to close against +a single individual those sources of intellectual delight, which will +be open wide to all, whilst literature itself shall have a place on +earth. + + + + +CHAPTER XVI. (p. 358) + +STORY OF PRINCE HENRY AND THE CHIEF JUSTICE. -- FIRST FOUND IN THE +WORK OF SIR THOMAS ELYOT, PUBLISHED NEARLY A CENTURY AND A HALF +SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE SUPPOSED TRANSACTION. -- SIR JOHN HAWKINS HALL -- +HUME. -- NO ALLUSION TO THE CIRCUMSTANCE IN THE EARLY CHRONICLERS. -- +DISPUTE AS TO THE JUDGE. -- VARIOUS CLAIMANTS OF THE DISTINCTION. -- +GASCOYNE -- HANKFORD -- HODY -- MARKHAM. -- SOME INTERESTING +PARTICULARS WITH REGARD TO GASCOYNE, LATELY DISCOVERED AND VERIFIED. +-- IMPROBABILITY OF THE ENTIRE STORY. + + +In a little work, not long since published, intended to interest the +rising generation in the history of their own country, the preface +assigns as the author's reason for not coming down later than the +Revolution of 1689, "that, from that period, history becomes too +distinct and important to be trifled with." The doctrine involved in +the position, which is implied here, _that the previous history of our +country may be trifled with_, is so dangerous to the cause of truth, +that we may well believe the sentiment to have fallen from the pen of +the author unadvisedly. It is, however, unhappily a principle on which +too many, in works of far higher stamp and graver moment, (p. 359) +have justified themselves in substituting their own theories, and +hypotheses, and descriptive scenes, for the unbending strictness of +fact, thus sapping the foundation of all confidence in history. It is +not the poet only, and the fascinating author of historical romances, +who have thus "trifled with history;" our annalists and chroniclers, +our lawyers and moralists, often, no doubt unwittingly, certainly +unscrupulously, have countenanced and aided the same pernicious +practice. It is frequently curious and amusing to trace the various +successive gradations, beginning with surmise, and proceeding through +probability onward to positive assertion, each writer borrowing from +his predecessor; and then in turn, from his own filling-up of the +outline, furnishing somewhat more for another, who supplies at length +the whole historical portrait, complete in all its form and colouring. +Had the author above referred to not taken to himself practically in +the body of his work the indulgence which his latitudinarian principle +recognizes in the preface, he would not have so distorted facts in his +"story of Madcap Harry and the Old Judge," for the purpose of making a +pretty consistent tale,--consistent with itself, but not with the +truth of history,--to amuse children in their earliest days, at the +risk of misleading them, and giving them a wrong bias through their +lives. + +In examining the alleged fact of Henry's violence and insults +exhibited in a court of justice, there is much greater (p. 360) +difficulty than may generally be supposed, in consequence of the +entire silence of all contemporary annalists and chroniclers. Not one +word occurs asserting it; no allusion to the circumstance whatever is +found previously to the reign of Henry VIII, nearly a century and a +half after Henry V.'s accession. Hume[325] asserts it on the authority +of Hall; and Hall has exaggerated the alleged facts most egregiously, +and most unjustifiably. Whether the fact took place, and, if it did, +what were the time, the place, and the circumstances, the reader must +judge for himself. The present treatise professes only to bring +together the evidences on all sides fairly. + + [Footnote 325: Hume is no authority on any disputed + point. An anecdote, of the accuracy of which the + Author has no doubt, throws a strong suspicion on + the work of that writer, and marks it as a history + on which the student can place no dependence. Hume + made application at one of the public offices of + State Records for permission to examine its + treasures. Not only was leave granted, but every + facility was afforded, and the documents bearing + upon the subject immediately in hand were selected + and placed in a room for his exclusive use. He + never came. Shortly after his work appeared: and, + on one of the officers expressing his surprise and + regret that he had not paid his promised visit, + Hume said, "I find it far more easy to consult + printed works, than to spend my time on + manuscripts." No wonder Hume's England is a work of + no authority.] + +It has been already stated that no historian or chronicler, (whose +work is now in existence and known,) for nearly one hundred and fifty +years, has ever alluded to the transaction. The first writer in (p. 361) +whom it is found is Sir Thomas Elliott (or Elyot), who, in a work +called The Governour, dedicated to Henry VIII. about the year 1534, +thus particularizes the occurrence. Elyot gives no reference to his +authority. + +"The most renowned Prince, King Henry V. late King of England, during +the life of his father, was noted to be fierce and of wanton courage. +It happened that one of his servants, whom he well favoured, was, for +felony by him committed, arraigned at the King's Bench. Whereof the +Prince being advertised, and incensed by light persons about him, in +furious rage came hastily to the bar, where his servant stood as a +prisoner, and commanded him to be ungyved and set at liberty: whereat +all men were abashed, reserved [except] the Chief Justice, who humbly +exhorted the Prince to be contented that his servant might be ordered +according to the ancient laws of this realm; or, if he would have him +saved from the rigour of the laws, that he should obtain, if he might, +from the King his father his gracious pardon, whereby no law or +justice should be derogate. With which answer the Prince nothing +appeased, but rather more inflamed, endeavoured himself to take away +his servant. The Judge, considering the perilous example and +inconvenience that might thereby issue, with a valiant spirit and +courage commanded the Prince upon his allegiance to leave the prisoner +and depart his way. With which commandment the Prince being set (p. 362) +all in a fury, all chafed and in a terrible manner came up to the +place of judgment, men thinking that he would have slain the Judge, or +have done to him some damage; but the Judge, sitting still without +moving, declaring the majesty of the King's place of judgment, and +with an assured and bold countenance, had to the Prince these words +following: 'Sir, remember yourself: I keep here the place of the King +your sovereign lord and father, to whom ye owe double obedience; +wherefore eftsoons in his name I charge you desist of your wilfulness +and unlawful enterprise, and from henceforth give good example to +those which hereafter shall be your proper subjects. And now, for your +contempt and disobedience, go you to the prison of the King's Bench, +whereunto I commit you; and remain ye there prisoner until the +pleasure of the King your father be further known.' With which words +being abashed, and also wondering at the marvellous gravity of that +worshipful Justice, the noble Prince laying his weapon apart, doing +reverence, departed; and went to the King's Bench, as he was +commanded. Whereat his servants disdaining, came and showed the King +all the whole affair. Whereat he awhile studying, after as a man all +ravished with gladness, holding his hands and eyes up towards heaven +abraided, saying with a loud voice, 'O merciful God, how much am I +above other men bound to your infinite goodness, specially that (p. 363) +ye have given me a Judge who feareth not to minister justice, and +also a son who can suffer semblably, and obey justice!'" + +Sir John Hawkins,[326] when he cites this passage as evidence of an +ebullition of wanton insolence and unrestrained impetuosity, in +illustration of the character of Henry, to whom he ascribes the +unjustifiable suppression of an act of parliament, lays himself open +to blame in more points than one. In the first place, he ought not, as +regards the suppression of an act of parliament, to have charged upon +Henry, as a self-willed act, what, to say the very least, was equally +the act of the whole Privy Council; and then he ought not to have +endeavoured to brand him with disgrace on the testimony of a witness +who wrote nearly a century and a half after the asserted event. + + [Footnote 326: Pleas of the crown.] + +Hall, who wrote only at the commencement of the reign of Edward VI, +(the first edition of his work having appeared in 1548,) thus states +the charge against Henry: + +"For imprisonment of one[327] of his wanton mates and unthrifty +playfaires, he strake the Chief Justice with his fist on his face; for +which offence he was not only committed to streight prison, but also +of his father put out of the Privy Council and banished the (p. 364) +court, and his brother Thomas Duke of Clarence elected president of +the King's counsail, to his great displeasure and open reproach." + + [Footnote 327: Shakspeare represents Henry as + having given the Chief Justice the blow some time + before the expedition against the Archbishop of + York.--2 Hen. IV. act i.] + +Perhaps it might be argued without unfairness, that the great +variation and discrepancy in the traditions respecting this affair in +the Prince's life would induce us to believe that, at all events, +something of the kind actually took place; that, without some +foundation in real fact, so extraordinary a transaction could never +have been invented; that, whatever difficulty we may find in filling +up the outline, the broad reality of an insolent and violent bearing +shown by the Prince to a Judge on the bench ought to be admitted; and +that any variation as to the person of the Judge, or the court over +which he presided, or the time at which the incident might have taken +place, or the degree of insult and personal violence exhibited, is +unessential, and proves only the inaccuracy in detail of various +accounts, all of which combine, independently of those minute +circumstances, to establish the main point. To this argument it might +also be added, that the very circumstance of an inspection of original +documents presenting names of real living persons, identically the +same with those which Shakspeare has given to the minor heroes of his +drama, (such as Bardolf, Pistol, &c.) intimates a knowledge on his +part of the transactions of those times which entitles him to a higher +degree of credit, as seeming to imply that he might have had (p. 365) +recourse to documents which are now lost: + + "Sir, Here comes the nobleman who committed the + Prince for striking him about BARDOLF." + 2 HEN. IV. act. i. + +On the other side, it might with equal, perhaps with greater fairness +be argued, that this is not one of those cases in which various +independent authorities bear separate testimony to one important fact; +whilst minor discrepancies as to time and place, and persons and +circumstances, tend only to confirm the testimony, placing the +authority above suspicion, and exempting the case from all idea of +conspiring witnesses. Such arguments are then only sound when the +witnesses are contemporary with the fact, or live soon after its +alleged date. But when chroniclers and biographers, who write +immediately of the times and of the life of the person charged, +recording circumstances far less important and characteristic, omit +all mention whatever of an event which must have been notorious to +all,--but of which no trace whatever can be found, nor any allusion +directly or indirectly to it is discovered, for more than a century +and a quarter after the death of the accused,--the investigator +appears to be justified in requiring some auxiliary evidence; at all +events, such discrepancies cease to contribute the alleged aid to the +establishment of the main fact. When, for example, the Chronicle of +London records an affray in East-Cheap between the townsmen and (p. 366) +the Princes,[328] mentioning by name Thomas and John, and registers +the journeys of John of Gaunt, the execution of Rhys Duy, the +Welshman, with unnumbered events, far less important and notorious +than must have been the commitment to prison of the heir-apparent of +the throne, and on that circumstance is altogether silent, not having +the slightest allusion to anything of the kind; and when those +biographers who lived and wrote nearest to the time (such as Elmham, +Livius, Otterbourne, Hardyng, Walsingham, all of whom speak more or +less strongly of his irregularities and youthful vices, and subsequent +reformation,) never allude to any story of the sort, and apparently +had no knowledge even of any tradition respecting it; the charge +either of partiality or incredulity does not seem to lie at the door +of any one who might doubt the reality of the whole. It is not as +though the deed were regarded as having fixed an indelible stain on +the Prince's memory, and therefore his partial biographers would +gladly have buried it in oblivion. Sir Thomas Elyot (and his (p. 367) +seems to have been the general opinion) appears to have considered the +issue of the transaction as far more redounding to the Prince's +honour, than its progress stamped him with disgrace; and he attracts +the reader's especial attention to it by a marginal note: "A good +Judge, a good Prince, a good King." It is curious to observe the +progress of this story. Sir Thomas Elyot, the first in point of time +who states it, makes no mention either "of the blow on the Chief +Justice's face with his fist," or the removal of the Prince from the +council, and the substitution of his brother. Hall, on whom Hume +builds, adds both those facts; and then Hume in his turn proceeds to +affirm that his father, during the _latter years_ of his life, had +excluded him _from all share in public business_. Had Hume examined +the original documents for himself, instead of building only upon +"printed accounts" of later date by more than a century, he could not +have fallen into this error. But a refutation of this mistake, only +incidental to our present question, belonged to another part of this +work, where it may be found in its chronological order. To the +ancillary argument drawn from the names of Henry's supposed reckless +companions in Shakspeare occurring in the records of real history, it +may be answered, that if that fact proved anything, it proves too +much. If, indeed, men of those names were found in Henry's company, as +Prince of Wales, either in London, in Wales, or in Calais, and were +afterwards lost sight of, or seen only in obscurity and (p. 368) +separate from him, that fact might be regarded as confirmatory of the +popular tradition. But the reality is otherwise. The names of Pistol +and Bardolf[329] are found among those who accompanied the King in his +careers of victory in France: and in the very year before Henry's +death (a fact hitherto unnoticed by historians) William Bardolf was +one of the Barons of the Cinque Ports, and Lieutenant of Calais; a +post which he appears to have held for some years with great credit, +and enjoying the royal favour and confidence. William Bardolf had been +employed ten years before by Henry IV, as one of the commissioners +appointed to treat with the Duke of Burgundy.[330] + + [Footnote 328: The Chronicle of London, twice + within a very brief space, records such a + disturbance as the Chief Justice in Shakspeare is + represented to have hastened "to stint;" but in + each case, by adding the names of the King's sons, + rescues Henry from all share in the affray. + + "In this year (the 11th, 1410,) was a fray made in + East-Cheap by the King's sons, Thomas and John, + with the men of the town." + + "This year, (the 12th, 1411,) on St. Peter's even, + (June 28,) was a great debate in Bridge Street, + between the Lord Thomas's men and the men of + London."] + + [Footnote 329: The name of John Fastolfe, Esq. + occurs in the muster rolls of Henry on his first + expedition to France. But it must be remembered + that not Falstaff, but Sir John Oldcastle, was made + the buffoon on the stage at first, and continued so + for many years, till the offence which it gave led + to the substitution of Falstaff. "Stage poets," + says Fuller, "have themselves been very bold with, + and others very merry at, the memory of Sir John + Oldcastle; whom they have fancied a boon companion, + a jovial roister, and yet a coward to boot, + contrary to the credit of all chronicles, owning + him a martial man of merit. The best is, Sir John + Falstaff hath relieved the memory of Sir John + Oldcastle, and of late is substituted buffoon in + his place.--Church History, iv. 38."] + + [Footnote 330: See Pell Rolls (Issue), 8 Henry V, + March 11; 9 Henry V, April 1. See also Acts of + Privy Council, vol. ii. pp. 5, 344, &c.] + +It is a curious fact, that the magnanimous conduct of the Judge, +tending so much to his renown, has induced various families and +biographers to challenge the credit of the affair for their (p. 369) +friends. No less than four claimants require us to examine their +pretensions. Shakspeare and the world at large have consented to give +the honour to Gascoyne; whilst the friends of Markham, Hankford, and +Hody, have each in their turn disputed the palm with him. Of these +four claimants two are reckoned among the "worthies of Devon." With +regard to Sir John Hody, "to whom some of our countrymen (says Mr. +Prince) would ascribe the honour," we need only add the sentence with +which this antiquary sets aside his claim,--"But this cannot be, for +that he was not a judge until thirty years afterwards." + +The claims of Hankford to this distinction rest on the authority of +Risdon, the Devon antiquary, who began his work in 1605, and did not +finish it till 1630. Mr. Prince would add the authority of Baker's +Chronicle; but, were Baker's authority of any value, he does not +mention the name of the Judge; and, by specifying that the transaction +took place at the _King's Bench_ bar, and that the Prince was +committed to the _Fleet_, he shows that no dependence is to be placed +on his authority. If it took place at the King's Bench bar, the King's +Bench prison would have received the royal culprit; and if, as Risdon +says, the Judge's sentence was, "I command you, prisoner, to the +King's Bench," not Hankford, but Gascoyne, was the Judge. Hankford was +not appointed to the King's Bench before March 29th, 1 Henry V, (p. 370) +some days after the supposed culprit had ascended the throne.[331] + + [Footnote 331: There is so much of fable mingled + with the traditionary biography of this "Devonshire + worthy," that most persons probably will dismiss + the claim altogether. He became weary of his life, + and, being determined to rid himself from the + direful apprehensions of dangerous approaching + evils, he adopted this strange mode of suicide: + having given strict orders to his keeper to shoot + any person at night who would not stand when + challenged, he threw himself into the keeper's way, + and was shot dead upon the spot. "This story (says + the author) is authenticated by several writers, + and the constant tradition of the neighbourhood; + and I myself have been shown the rotten stump of an + old oak under which he is said to have fallen." But + as to the cause which drove him to this rash act + the same writers vary, and tradition is strangely + diversified. One author says, that "on the + deposition of Richard II, who had made him a judge, + he was so terrified by the sight of infinite + executions and bloody assassinations, which caused + him continual agonies, that, upon apprehension what + his own fate might be, he fell into that melancholy + which hastened his end." His re-appointment to the + office on September 30, 1401, by Henry IV, would + have relieved him from these apprehensions. Others + say, that, "having committed the Prince to prison + in his younger days, he was afraid that, on the + sceptre of justice falling into his hands, that + royal culprit would take a too severe revenge + thereof; and this filled him with such insuperable + melancholy, that he was driven to the desperate act + of self-murder." But his appointment to succeed + Gascoyne as Chief Justice of the King's Bench, + March 29, 1413, must have conquered that + melancholy; and he discharged that office through + the whole of Henry V.'s reign, and through one year + of Henry VI, after which he died, December 20, + 1422.] + +The claim of Judge Markham, it is presumed, is supported only by the +testimony of an ancient manuscript preserved in his family. He was +Chief Justice of the Common Pleas from 20 Richard II. to 9 (p. 371) +Henry IV.[332] Some colour, however, is given to this claim by the +vague tradition that Prince Henry was committed to the Fleet; to which +prison alone the Judges of the Common Pleas commit their prisoners. +But if he was the Judge who committed the Prince, and if he died in +the 9th of Henry IV,[333] the allegation that the Prince was then +dismissed from the council falls to the ground; for at that time, and +long after, he seems to have been in the very zenith of his power. + + [Footnote 332: In a manuscript, a copy of which was + shown to a gentleman who gave the Author the + information, belonging to the Markhams, an ancient + family of Nottinghamshire, of about the date of + Queen Elizabeth, the honour is claimed for Markham: + and in an old play, which turns the whole into + broad farce, (probably anterior to Shakspeare,) the + Judge is made to commit the Prince to the Fleet.] + + [Footnote 333: Or even if he died, as some say, on + St. Sylvester's Day, (December 30,) 1409.] + +If, then, Prince Henry was ever guilty of the gross insult and +violence in a court of justice, and the firm, intrepid Judge, to +uphold and vindicate the majesty of the law, committed him to prison +for the offence, the probabilities preponderate in favour of Gascoyne +having been the individual. But this supposition also is not free from +difficulties. He was made Chief Justice of the King's Bench[334] 15th +November, 2 Henry IV. (1401.) And of his intrepidity[335] in the +discharge of that office, we have already mentioned an especial (p. 372) +instance at the death of Archbishop Scrope, if what Clemens +Maydestone, a contemporary, says, be true. Henry IV, who had the +person of the Archbishop in his power, called upon Gascoyne, who was +with him, to pass on his prisoner the sentence of death; but, at the +risk of losing the King's favour and his own appointment, he +positively refused, on the ground of its illegality. The Archbishop, +however, was condemned to be beheaded by one Fulthorp, (or, as some +say, Fulford,) afterwards a judge, as we have stated in its place. +Gascoyne was subsequently sent with Lord Ross, by the council, to the +north, as one of those in whom the King was known to have especial +confidence, as soon as the news arrived in London of Lord Bardolf's +hostile movement; and we find him still continued in the office of +Chief Justice, apparently without having incurred the King's +displeasure. + + [Footnote 334: Pat. 2 Henry IV. p. 1. m. 28.] + + [Footnote 335: How far the high esteem in which the + memory of Judge Gascoyne has been held may be owing + to the tradition concerning Henry of Monmouth, we + need not inquire. His name has constantly been held + in great honour. Judge Denison, by his own especial + desire, was buried close to the grave of Gascoyne.] + +No adage is more sound than that which affirms a little learning to be +a dangerous thing. More than fifty years ago, the Gentleman's +Magazine[336] triumphantly maintained, that, at all events, Shakspeare +had deviated from history in bringing Henry V. and Gascoyne (p. 373) +together after the Prince's accession, because Gascoyne died in the +life-time of Henry IV. This view has generally been acquiesced in, and +the powerfully delineated scene of our great dramatist has been +pronounced altogether the groundless fiction of an event which could +not by possibility have transpired. The whole question turns upon the +date of Gascoyne's death. He was buried in Harewood Church in +Yorkshire; and Fuller gives the following as his monumental +inscription: "Gulielmus Gascoyne, Die Dominica, 17ē Dec^ris. 1412, 14 +H. IV."--"William Gascoyne [died] on Sunday, December 17th, 1412, in +the fourteenth year of Henry IV." If this were correct, there would be +an end of the question; but the brass was torn from the tomb during +the civil wars, and the copy cannot be verified. The inscription, +however, as given by Fuller, is at all events self-contradictory. The +17th of December fell on a Saturday, not on a Sunday, in 1412. + + [Footnote 336: The Magazine is followed in its + erroneous views by subsequent writers.] + +The process of the argument, and the accession of new evidence by +which we are now at length enabled to set this point at rest, are very +curious. The Author, indeed, confesses himself to have been one of +those who were induced, by the documents then before them, to believe +that Judge Gascoyne died on Sunday, December 17, 1413, somewhat more +than half a year after Henry V.'s accession; and although the late +discovery of the Judge's last Will proves that the argument (p. 374) +was then sound only so far as it established the fact that he died +after Henry's accession, and was unsound in fixing the period of his +death at so early a period as December 1413; yet the statement of that +argument may perhaps not be altogether uninteresting, whilst it may +suggest a valuable caution as to the jealous vigilance with which +circumstantial evidence should always be sifted before the conclusions +built upon it be admitted. + +It was then a fact upon record, that Chief Justice Gascoyne was +summoned, on the 22nd March 1413, (the very day after Henry's +accession,) to attend the parliament in the May following. When the +parliament met, Gascoyne's name does not appear among those who were +present; whilst Hankford, his successor, is appointed Trier of +Petitions in the room of Gascoyne, and, in the case of a writ of +error, brings up as Chief Justice the record from the King's Bench. +Hankford's appointment as Chief Justice bears date March 29th, 1413; +and he is summoned to attend parliament as Chief Justice in the +December following.[337] In the Pell Rolls a payment is recorded, July +7, 1413, of his half-year's fee to "William Gascoyne, late Chief (p. 375) +Justice of Lord Henry the King's father." The inference from these +facts was undoubtedly conclusive: first, that Gascoyne's death was +erroneously referred to December 1412; secondly, that he was alive and +Chief Justice when Henry V. came to the throne; thirdly, that he +ceased to be Chief Justice within eight days of Henry's accession, +somewhere between March 22, and March 29, 1413. It was merely matter +of conjecture whether he was too ill to discharge the duties of his +station, and resigned; or what other probable cause of his removal +existed. The conversation, at all events, which Shakspeare records, +might _possibly_ have taken place; though it is a fact, scarcely +reconcilable with it, that Henry V. never did renew Gascoyne's +appointment,--a proceeding almost invariably adopted on the demise of +a sovereign by his successor. Henry V. might have offered to commit +into his hand "the unstained sword that he was wont to bear:"--within +eight days after Henry IV. had ceased to breathe, Gascoyne had no +longer in his hand the staff of justice. + + [Footnote 337: Dugdale is unquestionably mistaken, + and the many authors who follow him, in fixing + Hankford's appointment to January 29, 1 Hen. V. + 1414. He refers for his authority to "Patent 1 Hen. + V. m. 33;" but no entry of the kind is found + there.] + +The reason which then induced the persons who argued on these facts to +suppose that Fuller had by mistake adopted the date of the year 1412 +instead of 1413 was this:--It was very improbable that the words "Die +Dominica" should have been introduced by the copyist, if they were not +really on the tomb. Hence it was inferred that he died on a Sunday. +Now December 17th was on a Sunday in the following year, (p. 376) +1413; and, since the date was in Roman letters, it was thought very +probable that the last I had been obliterated in MCCCCXIII. The words, +indeed, "14th Henry IV," were also quoted by Fuller: but it was +unquestionably more credible that those words formed a marginal note +in the reporter's manuscript, and were mere surplusages, than that +they should have been allowed a place in the brass scroll of a +monument. + +Such was the state of our knowledge, and such was the course of our +reasoning as to the time of Gascoyne's decease, till within a very +short period of the publication of this work. A document, however, has +been very lately brought to light on this subject, which supersedes +that statement altogether; setting the whole argument in a new point +of view, and reading a plain lesson on the care and circumspection +with which inferences, however plausible, as to dates and facts, +should be admitted. In the present instance, indeed, the conclusion to +which we had before arrived, on the question of Gascoyne having +survived Henry IV, remains unassailable, or rather, is only still +further removed from the possibility of historical doubt; and the +whole argument on the vast improbability of Prince Henry having ever +offered an insult to the Chief Justice, or of his ever having been +committed to prison for any offence of the kind, remains at least +equally strong as before. Most persons, perhaps, may consider the +degree of improbability to have become still greater. Be this (p. 377) +as it may, the facts now placed beyond further controversy as to +Gascoyne's death are these. In the Registry of the Court of York the +last Will and testament of William Gascoyne has been found recorded. +It bears date on the Friday after St. Lucy's Day in the year 1419; and +it was proved on the 23rd of December following. In the year 1419, St. +Lucy's Day, December 13, was on a Wednesday. The Will was consequently +made on Friday the 15th of December, and was proved on the morrow +week, Saturday, December 23rd. In the Will, the testator declares that +he was weak in body; and the strong probability is that he died on the +following Sunday, December 17, 1419.[338] This would accord precisely +with Fuller's representation of the scroll on the tomb, "on the Lord's +Day, December 17." Whilst the facility of mistaking MCCCCXIX for +MCCCCXII, (being the obliteration only of one cross stroke in the last +letter,) is even more remarkable than that of the error which on the +former supposition was thought probable, from the obliteration of the +last letter I in MCCCCXIII. + + [Footnote 338: It must be regarded as a very + curious coincidence connected with this argument, + that the 17th of December should have fallen on a + Sunday, both in the year MCCCCXIII, and in + MCCCCXIX, but in no other year between 1402 and + 1421.] + + * * * * * + +The Author has had recourse to every means within his reach to assure +himself of the genuineness of this document, and to ascertain (p. 378) +that the testator was the William Gascoyne[339] who was Chief Justice +of the King's Bench. The result is, that not a shadow of any of the +doubts which he once jealously entertained, remains on the subject; +whilst he gratefully remembers the prompt and satisfactory assistance +rendered him by the present Registrar of York. The document must be +admitted without reserve. + + [Footnote 339: The mention in the body of the Will + of the names of his former wife, and of his second + wife then alive, and the record of the Will of that + second wife, who states herself the widow of + William Gascoyne, late Chief Justice, preserved in + the same register, fix the identity of the testator + beyond dispute. The Author was first indebted for a + knowledge of the existence of this document to the + volume called Testamenta Eboracensia, published by + the Surtees Society; though he cannot suppress the + surprise with which he read the comment of the + editors, the chief mistake of which was discovered + in time to be rectified in an "erratum" after the + work had been printed.] + +From these now indisputable facts a thought might perhaps not +unnaturally suggest itself to the mind of any one taking only a +general view of the whole subject, that some countenance is here given +to the prevalent notion that Gascoyne had displeased Henry during the +years of his princedom; but that, instead of holding the worthy and +intrepid Judge in higher honour, (as tradition tells,) and rewarding +him for his noble bearing, on the contrary, the King resented the +insult shown to his person, and dismissed him (contrary to the usual +practice) from his high judicial station. A fact,[340] however, (p. 379) +new (it is presumed) to history, enables or rather compels us to +dismiss such a conjecture from our minds. Whatever was the definite +cause of Gascoyne's withdrawal from the bench as Chief Justice of +England; whether his declining health, or an inclination for +retirement and repose after so long[341] and wearisome a discharge of +his arduous duties, or the competency[342] of his fortune, induced him +to draw back at length from the turmoils of public life, and (p. 380) +pass his last days among his own friends and relatives in the privacy +of a country residence; certainly he carried with him when he left his +court, not the resentment and unkindness, but the most friendly +feelings and respect of his new sovereign. By warrant, November 28, +1414, (that is, in the very year after his retirement,) the King +grants to "our dear and well-beloved William Gascoyne an allowance of +four bucks and does out of the forest of Pontefract for the term of +his life." + + [Footnote 340: For this fact, and many others, as + well as for most valuable suggestions, and + assistance of various kinds, the Author is indebted + to T. Duffus Hardy, Esq. of the Record Office in + the Tower,--a gentleman who, with a mind admirably + stored with antiquarian knowledge, possesses also + the faculty of applying his stores to the best + advantage in the developement of whatever subject + he undertakes, and the principle also of employing + his knowledge and abilities in the cause of truth.] + + [Footnote 341: Gascoyne had been Chief Justice of + the King's Bench more than twelve years,--a portion + of life considerably beyond the average duration of + their office in those high functionaries. Reckoning + either from Hanlow, 1258, in the reign of Henry + III, or from Gascoyne, in 1401, in the reign of + Henry IV, to the present time, the average number + of years through which the Chief Justices of the + King's Bench have retained their seats is below + nine. Through the last century, however, (reckoning + from Lord Hardwick's appointment, in 1733, to Lord + Tenterden's death, in 1832,) the average has risen + to above fourteen years.] + + [Footnote 342: He was in a condition to lend the + King money when the exigencies of the state pressed + him hard. Among other creditors, the Pell Rolls + (14th May 1420) record the repayment of a loan to + the executors of William Gascoyne, which was within + half a year of his death.] + + * * * * * + +The sum of the whole matter as to the historical representations of +Henry's conduct is this: + +Before the year 1534, far more than a century after Henry's death, no +allusion whatever is made to any occurrence of the kind in any work, +printed or manuscript, now extant and known. Sir Thomas Elyot, who +mentions it incidentally as an anecdote, combining the merits "of a +good Judge, a good Prince, and a good King," gives no reference to any +authority whatever. Subsequently it is reported in detail by Hall, but +with much exaggeration on Elyot's narrative. It then not only passed +current in our histories, but served as a topic of grave import in our +Prince of tragedians, and of burlesque in the broad farces of later +and perhaps earlier days than his. The biographers of Henry, though +they detail in all their minute particulars many circumstances of his +youth, far less important either to his character, or as facts of +general and national interest, and who lived, some of them, (p. 381) +almost a century nearer the date of the supposed transaction than +Elyot, are to a man silent on the subject; not one of them betraying +the shadow of suspicion that he was even aware of any rumour or vague +tradition of the kind. Such facts as the committal to prison of the +heir-apparent, especially such an heir-apparent as Henry (it is +presumed), must have been notorious through the metropolis and the +whole land, and must have excited a great and general sensation; and +yet the Chronicles, though they often surprise us by their minute +notice of trifling circumstances, do not contain the slightest +intimation that any such affair as this had ever come to the knowledge +of those who kept them. They are silent, and their silence seems +natural.[343] + + [Footnote 343: By the kind assistance of those to + whom the state of the records of our courts of + justice is most familiar, the Author has been + enabled to assure himself satisfactorily that they + offer nothing which can throw any light whatever on + the question examined in these pages.] + +On the whole, most persons will probably believe that either Gascoyne, +or Hankford, or Hody would upon such evidence, we do not say merely +charge the jury for an acquittal, but would, on perusing the +depositions, have previously recommended the grand inquest to return +"Not a true Bill." Still every reader has the evidence fairly before +him, and must decide for himself! + + * * * * * + +Should any one be disposed to think that questions of this sort (p. 382) +might well be left undecided, and that the settlement of them is +not worth the trouble and research often required for their thorough +investigation, the Author ventures to suspect that, in the generality +of instances, such reflections originate in an inexperience of the +vast practical moment which facts, the most trifling in themselves, +often carry with them in the investigation of the most important +questions. Doubtless, the wise man will exercise his discretion in not +confounding great things with small; but, on the contrary, in stamping +on every thing its own intrinsic and comparative value. Still, in +great things and small, (though each in its own weight and measure,) +the truth is ever dear for its own sake, and should be for its own +sake pursued. And it must never be forgotten, that one truth, in +itself perhaps too minute and insignificant for its worth to be felt +in the calculation, when probabilities are being estimated, may be a +guiding star to other truths of great value, which, without its +leading, might have remained neglected and unknown. In itself, a false +statement, though generally acquiesced in, may be unimportant; in its +consequences, it may be widely and permanently prejudicial to the +cause of truth. If viewed abstractedly, it might appear like a cloud +in the horizon not larger than a man's hand; but that speck may be the +harbinger of wind and tempest. With regard, indeed, to those natural +appearances in the sky, the most experienced observer can do nothing +towards arresting the progress of the threatened storm; his (p. 383) +foresight can only enable him to provide himself a shelter, or hasten +him on his journey, "that the rain stop him not." In the case of +literary, physical, moral, religious, and historical subjects of +inquiry, (or to whatever department of human knowledge our pursuits +may be directed,) by rectifying the minutest error we may check the +propagation of mischief, and preserve the truth (it may be some +momentous practical truth) in its integrity and brightness. + + * * * * * + +Connected with the subject of this and the preceding chapter, problems +of very difficult solution present themselves, a full and +comprehensive elucidation of which would involve questions of deep +moral and metaphysical interest with regard to the structure, the +cultivation and training, the associations and habits of the human +mind. Upon the merits of those problems in their various ramifications +the Author has no intention to venture; and probably few persons would +pronounce unhesitatingly how far on the one hand the facts of past +ages (constituting a valuable deposit of especial trust) should be +kept religiously distinct from works of fiction; or on the other hand +how far the field of history itself is legitimate ground for the +imagination in all its excursive ranges to disport upon freely and +fearlessly: in a word, how far the practice is justifiable and +desirable of bending the realities of historical record to (p. 384) +the service of the fancy, and moulding them into the shape best suited +to the writer's purpose in developing his plot, perfecting his +characters, and exciting a more lively interest in his whole design. +Whatever might be the result of such questions fully enucleated, the +Author, with his present views, cannot suffer himself to doubt that +society is infinitely a gainer in possessing the historical dramas of +Shakspeare, and the historical romances of Walter Scott. Instead of +putting the moral and intellectual advantages, the improvement and the +pleasure with which such extraordinary men have enriched their country +and the world in one scale, and jealously weighing them against the +erroneous associations which their exhibition of past events has a +tendency to impart, a philosophical view of the whole case should seem +to encourage us in the full enjoyment of their exquisite treasures; +suggesting, however, at the same time, the salutary caution that we +should never suffer ourselves to be so influenced by the naturalness +and beauty of their poetical creations, as to forego the beneficial +exercise of ascertaining from the safest guides the real facts and +characters of history. + + + + +APPENDIX, No. I. (p. 385) + +OWYN GLYNDOWR's ABSENCE FROM THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. + + +Had Owyn Glyndowr joined the army of Hotspur before Henry IV. had +compelled that gallant, but rash and headstrong warrior, to engage in +battle, their united forces might have crushed both the King and Henry +of Monmouth under their overwhelming charge, and crowned the Percies +and Owyn himself with victory; but the reader is reminded that the +question for the more satisfactory solution of which an appeal is made +to the following original documents, is simply this: Did Owyn Glyndowr +wilfully absent himself from the fatal battle of Shrewsbury, leaving +Hotspur and his host to encounter that struggle alone, or are we +compelled to account for the absence of the Welsh chieftain on grounds +which imply no compromise of his valour or his good faith? + +The first of the series of documents from which it is presumed that +light is thrown on this subject, is a letter from Richard Kyngeston, +Archdeacon of Hereford, addressed to the King, dated Hereford, Sunday, +July 8, and therefore 1403,--just thirteen days before the battle of +Shrewsbury. It is written in French; but the postscript, added +evidently in vast trepidation, and as if under the sudden fear that he +had not expressed himself strongly enough, is in English. "His +eagerness for the arrival of the King in Wales by forced marches, is +expressed with an earnestness which is almost ridiculous."[344] + + [Footnote 344: See Ellis.] + + "Our most redoubted and sovereign Lord the King, I recommend (p. 386) + myself[345] humbly to your highness.... From day to day letters + are arriving from Wales, by which you may learn that the whole + country is lost unless you go there as quick as possible. + Be pleased to set forth with all your power, and march as well by + night as by day, for the salvation of those parts. It will be a + great disgrace as well as damage to lose in the beginning of your + reign a country which your ancestors gained, and retained so + long; for people speak very unfavourably. I send the copy of a + letter which came from John Scydmore this morning.... Written in + haste, great haste at Hereford, the 8th[346] day of July. + "Your lowly creature, + "RICHARD KYNGESTON, + "Archdeacon of Hereford. + + "And for God's love, my liege Lord, think on yourself and (p. 387) + your estate; or by my troth all is lost else: but, and ye + come yourself, all other will follow after. On Friday last + Carmarthen town was taken and burnt, and the castle yielden by + Rē Wygmor, and the castle Emlyn is yielden; and slain of the + town of Carmarthen more than fifty persons. Written in right + great haste on Sunday, and I cry you mercy, and put me in your + high grace that I write so shortly; for, by my troth that I owe + to you, it is needful." + + [Footnote 345: This ecclesiastic was much in the + royal confidence. By a commission dated June 16, + 1404, he, as Archdeacon of Hereford, is authorized + to receive the subsidy in the counties of Hereford, + Gloucester, and Warwick, and to dispose of it in + the support of men-at-arms and archers to resist + the Welsh.[345-a] And sums, three years afterwards, + were paid to him out of the exchequer for the + maintenance of soldiers _remaining with him_ in the + parts of Wales for the safeguard of the same. He + seems to have been not only the dispenser of the + money, but the captain of the men. The debt, + however, had probably been due from the crown for a + long time. He was for many years Master of the + Wardrobe to Henry IV; and during his time the + expences of the court appear to have become more + extravagant, and to have led to that remonstrance + and interference of the council and parliament, to + which reference has been made in the body of this + work. Pell Rolls, Issue, 5 May 1407.--Do. Michs. + 1409.] + + [Footnote 345-a: MS. Donat. 4597.] + + [Footnote 346: This letter is the more valuable, + because, though the year is not annexed in words, + the information that he wrote it on Sunday, July 8, + fixes the date to 1403: the next year to which this + date would apply being 1408, four years after + Kyngeston had ceased to be Archdeacon of Hereford; + and far too late for any such apprehension of great + mischief from Glyndowr.] + +John Skydmore's letter, dated from the castle of Cerreg Cennen, not +only fixes Owyn Glyndowr at Carmarthen on Thursday, July the 5th; but +acquaints us also with his purpose to proceed thence into +Pembrokeshire, whilst his friends had undertaken to reduce the castles +of Glamorgan. It is addressed to John Fairford, Receiver of Brecknock. + + "Worshipful Sir,--I recommend me to you. And forasmuch as I may + not spare no man from this place away from me to certify neither + the King, nor my lord the Prince, of the mischief of these + countries about, nor no man may pass by no way hence, I pray you + that ye certify them how all Carmarthenshire, Kedwelly, + Carnwalthan, and Yskenen be sworn to Owyn yesterday; and he lay + [to nyzt was] last night in the castle of Drosselan with Rees ap + Griffuth. And there I was, and spake with him upon truce, and + prayed of a safe-conduct under his seal to send home my wife and + her mother, and their [mayne] company. And he would none grant + me. And on this day he is about the town of Carmarthen, and there + thinketh to abide till he may have the town and the castle: and + his purpose is thence into Pembrokeshire; for he [halt (p. 388) + him siker] feels quite sure of all the castles and towns in + Kedwelly, Gowerland, and Glamorgan, for the same countries have + undertaken the sieges of them till they be won. Wherefore write + to Sir Hugh Waterton, and to all that ye suppose will take this + matter to heart, that they excite the King hitherwards in all + haste to avenge him on some of his false traitors, the which he + has overmuch cherished, and rescue the towns and castles in the + countries, for I dread full sore there be too few true men in + them. I can no more as now: but pray God help you and us that + think to be true. Written at the castle of Carreg Kennen, the + fifth day of July. + "Yours, JOHN SKYDMORE."[347] + + [Footnote 347: The custody of Carreg Kennen + (Karekenny) was granted to John Skydmore, 2 May + 1402.] + +Two other letters, which internal evidence compels us to assign to +this year,--the first to the 7th of July (two days only after John +Skydmore's), the second to the 11th of the same month,--carry on +Owyn's proceedings with perfect consistency. They were written by the +Constable of Dynevor Castle, and seem to have been addressed to the +Receiver of Brecknock, and by him to have been forwarded to the King's +council. "The first gives us no exalted notion of the Constable's +courage: 'A siege is ordained for the castle I keep, and that is great +peril for me. Written in haste and in dread.' The second informs us of +the extent of force with which Glyndowr was then moving in his +inroads; when threatening the castle of Dynevor, he mustered 8240 +(eight thousand and twelve score) spears, such as they were."[348] + + [Footnote 348: Ellis.] + +The first letter, written on Saturday, July 7, ("the Fest of St. +Thomas the Martir,") he seems to have posted off immediately on the +news reaching Dynevor that Carmarthen had surrendered to Owyn, (p. 389) +without waiting to ascertain the accuracy of the report; for, in +his second letter, he tells us that they had not yet resolved whether +to burn the town or no. + + "Dear Friend,--I do you to wit that Owyn Glyndowr, Henry Don, + Rees Duy, Rees ap Gv. ap Llewellyn, Rees Gether, have won the + town of Carmarthen, and Wygmer the Constable had yielded the + castle to Carmarthen; and have burnt the town, and slain more + than fifty men: and they be in purpose to Kedwelly, and a siege + is ordained at the castle I keep, and that is great peril for me, + and all that be with me; for they have made a vow that they will + [al gat] at all events have us dead therein. Wherefore I pray you + not to beguile us, but send to us warning shortly whether we may + have any help or no; and, if help is not coming, that we have an + answer, that we may steal away by night to Brecknock, because we + fail victuals and men [and namlich], especially men. Also Jenkyn + ap Ll. hath yielden up the castle of Emlyn with free will; and + also William Gwyn, and many gentles, are in person with Owyn.... + Written at Deynevour, in haste and in dread, in the feast of St. + Thomas the Martyr.[349] + "JENKYN HANARD, + "Constable de Dynevour." + + [Footnote 349: This letter was probably written on + Saturday, July 7, 1403,--that is, on the + Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr.] + +In this letter the Constable says that Owyn's forces were in purpose +to Kedwelly: the second letter refers to Owyn's purpose having been +altered by the formidable approach of the Baron of Carew towards St. +Clare. This was probably on Monday, July 9, the third day after the +surrender of Carmarthen. The Tuesday night he slept at Locharn +(Laugharne). Through the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, the (p. 390) +little garrison of Dynevor were negociating with him; for he was +resolved to win that castle, and to make it his head-quarters. On that +Wednesday, the Constable tells us, that Owyn intended, should he come +to terms with the Baron of Carew, to return to Carmarthen for his +share of the spoil, and to determine on the utter destruction of the +town, or its preservation. By a letter sent from the Mayor and +burgesses of Caerleon to the Mayor and burgesses of Monmouth,--the +propriety of referring which to this very year can scarcely be +questioned,--we are informed that the Baron of Carew was not so easily +tempted from his allegiance as some other "false traitors" in that +district; and that he defeated and put to the sword a division of Owyn +Glyndowr's army on the 12th of July,--the very day probably after the +date of the Constable's last letter. This fact, when admitted, +increases in importance; because it proves that as late, at least, as +July 12th, Owyn Glyndowr, though generally successful in that +campaign, was not without a formidable enemy there; and therefore by +no means at liberty to quit the country at a moment's warning, or to +leave his adherents without the protection of his forces and his own +presence. + + * * * * * + +Copy of the second letter from the Constable of Dynevor: + + "Dear Friend,--I do you to wit that Owyn was in purpose to + Kedwelly, and the Baron of Carew was coming with a great retinue + towards St. Clare, and so Owyn changed his purpose, and rode to + meet the Baron; and that night he lodged at St. Clare, and + destroyed all the country about. And on Tuesday they were at + treaties all day, and that night he lodged him at the town of + Locharn, six miles out of the town of Carmarthen. The intention + is, if the Baron and he accord in treaty, then he turneth again + to Carmarthen for his part of the good, and Rees Duy[350] (p. 391) + his part. And many of the great masters stand yet in the castle + of Carmarthen; for they have not yet made their ordinance + whether the castle and town shall be burnt or no; and therefore, + if there is any help coming, haste them all haste towards us, for + every house is full about us of their poultry, and yet wine and + honey enough in the country, and wheat and beans, and all manner + of victuals. And we of the castle of Dynevor had treaties with + him on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday; and now he will ordain for + us to leave that castle, [for ther a castyth to ben y serkled + thince,] for that was the chief place in old time. And Owyn's + muster on Monday was eight thousand and twelve score spears, such + as they were. Other tidings I not now; but God of Heaven send you + and us from all enemies! Written at Dynevor this Wednesday in + haste." + + [Footnote 350: This partisan of Owyn, who is here + said to have gone to share with him in the spoil of + Carmarthen, partook even in greater bitterness of + his cup of affliction. He was taken prisoner and + beheaded. The Chronicle of London asserts that his + quarters were salted, and sent to different parts + of the kingdom; but this assertion, in an affair of + little importance, shows how small reliance can be + placed on anonymous records. The King, by writ of + privy seal, 29 May 1412, commands Rees Duy's body, + then in the custody of his officers, to be buried + in some consecrated cemetery. It had perhaps been + exposed for some time. MS. Donat. 4599, p. 128.] + +The despatch from the burgesses of Carleon, after stating that seven +hundred men, whom Owyn had sent forwards as pioneers and to search the +ways, were to a man slain by the Lord of Carew's men on the 12th day +of July, records an anecdote so characteristic of Owyn's superstition, +that, whilst examining his conduct, we may scarcely pass it by +unnoticed. He sent after Hopkyn ap Thomas of Gower, inasmuch (p. 392) +as he held him Master of Brut, (_i. e._ skilled in the prophecies of +Merlin,) to learn from him what should befal him, and he told him that +he should be taken within a brief time between Carmarthen and Gower +under a black banner. [The Author finds the next sentence so obscure +that he leaves it to the interpretation of the reader.] "Knowelichyd +that thys blake baner scholde dessese hym, and nozt that he schold be +take undir hym." + +In weighing the evidence brought to light by these original +despatches, it will be necessary to have a few dates immediately +present to our mind. + +We have it under the King's own hand, that, when he was at Higham +Ferrers, he believed himself to be on his road northward to form a +junction with Hotspur and his father Northumberland, and together with +them (of whose allegiance and fidelity he apparently had not hitherto +entertained any suspicion) to make a joint expedition against the +Scots. This letter is dated July 10, 1403. + +Five days only at the furthest intervened between the date of this +letter and the King's proclamation at Burton on Trent (still on his +journey northward) to the sheriffs to raise their counties, and join +him to resist the Percies, whose rebellion had then suddenly been made +known to him. This proclamation is dated July 16, 1403. Four days only +elapsed between the issuing of this proclamation and the death of +Hotspur, with the total discomfiture of his followers in Hateley +Field, where the battle of Shrewsbury was fought on Saturday, 21st of +July, the very week on the Monday of which he had first heard of the +revolt of the Percies. + +If the dates relating to Owyn's proceedings,--some ascertained beyond +further question, and others admitted on the ground of high +probability, approaching certainty, with which the documents above +quoted supply us,--are laid side by side with these indisputable +facts, the inference from the comparison seems unavoidable, that Owyn +was never made acquainted with the expectation on the part (p. 393) +of his allies of so early a struggle with the King's forces in +England; (indeed the conflict evidently was unexpected by Hotspur +himself;) that Owyn was in the most remote corner of South Wales when +the battle was fought; and that probably the sad tidings of Hotspur's +overthrow reached him without his ever having been apprised (at least +in time) that the Percy needed his succour. + + + + +APPENDIX, No. II. (p. 394) + +LYDGATE. + + +Extracts from the Dedication to Henry of Monmouth of his poem, "The +Death of Hector:" + + "For through the world it is known to every one, + And flying Fame reports it far and wide, + That thou, by natural condition, + In things begun wilt constantly abide; + And for the time dost wholly set aside + All rest; and never carest what thou dost spend + Till thou hast brought thy purpose to an end. + And that thou art most circumspect and wise, + And dost effect all things with providence, + As Joshua did by counsel and advice, + Against whose sword there is none can make defence: + And wisdom hast by heavenly influence + With Solomon to judge and to discern + Men's causes, and thy people to govern. + For mercy mixt with thy magnificence, + Doth make thee pity all that are opprest; + And to withstand the force and violence + Of those that right and equity detest. + With David thou to piety art prest; + And like to Julius Caesar valorous, + That in his time was most victorious. + And in thine hand (like worthy Prince) dost hold + Thy sword, to see that of thy subjects none + Against thee should presume with courage bold + And pride of heart to raise rebellion; (p. 395) + And in the other, sceptre to maintain + True justice while among us thou dost reign. + More than good heart none can, whatsoe'er he be, + Present nor give to God nor unto man, + Which for my part I wholly give to thee, + And ever shall as far forth as I can; + Wherewith I will (as I at first began) + Continually, not ceasing night nor day, + With sincere mind for thine estate thus pray. + + "The time when I this work had fully done + By computation just, was in the year + One thousand and four hundred twenty-one + Of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour dear; + And in the eighth year complete of the reign + Of our most noble lord and sovereign + King Henry the Fifth. + + "In honour great, for by his puissant might + He conquered all Normandy again, + And valiantly, for all the power of France; + And won from them his own inheritance, + And forced them his title to renew + To all the realm of France, which doth belong + To him, and to his lawful heirs by true + Descent, (the which they held from him by wrong + And false pretence,) and, to confirm the same, + Hath given him the honour and the name + Of Regent of the land for Charles his life; + And after his decease they have agreed, + Thereby to end all bloody war and strife, + That he, as heir, shall lawfully succeed + Therein, and reign as King of France by right, + As by records, which extant are to light, + It doth appear. + And I will never cease, both night and day, + With all my heart unto the Lord to pray + + "For HIM, by whose commandment I tooke (p. 396) + On me (though far unfit to do the same) + To translate into English verse this booke, + Which Guido wrote in Latin, and doth name + 'The Siege of Troy;' and for HIS sake alone, + I must confess that I the same begun, + When Henry, whom men _Fourth_ by name did call, + My Prince's father, lived, and possest + The crown. And though I be but rustical, + I have therein not spared to do my best + To please my Prince's humour." + +This poem, "The Life and Death of Hector," was published after the +marriage of Henry with Katharine, and before her arrival in England. +Among its closing sentiments are the following, intended probably as +an honest warning to his royal master, that in the midst of life we +are in death, and that the messenger from heaven knocks at the palace +of the conquering monarch with no less suddenness than at the cottage +of his humblest subject. How appropriate was the warning! Henry did +not survive the publication of this poem more than a single year. + + "For by Troy's fall it plainly doth appear + That neither king nor emperor hath here + + "A permanent estate to trust unto. + Therefore to Him that died upon the rood + (And was content and willing so to do, + And for mankind did shed his precious blood,) + Lift up your minds, and pray with humble heart + That He his aid unto you will impart. + For, though you be of extreme force and might, + Without his help it will you nought avail; + And He doth give man victory in fight, + And with a few is able to prevail, + And overcome an army huge and strong: + And by his grace makes kings and princes long + + "To reign here on the earth in happiness; (p. 397) + And tyrants, that to men do offer wrong + And violence, doth suddenly suppress, + Although their power be ne'er so great and strong. + And in his hand his blessings all reserveth + For to reward each one as he deserveth. + + "To whom I pray with humble mind and heart, + And so I hope all you will do no less, + That of his grace He would vouchsafe to impart + And send all joy, welfare, and happiness, + Health, victory, tranquillity, and honour, + Unto the high and mighty conqueror. + + "King Henry the Fifth, that his great name + May here on earth be extolled and magnified + While life doth last; and when he yields the same + Into his hands, he may be glorified + In heaven among the saints and angels bright, + There to serve the God of power and might. + + "At whose request this work I undertook, + As I have said. + God He knows when I this work began, + I did it not for praise of any man, + + "But for to please the humour and the hest + Of my good lord and princely patron, + Who [dis]dained not to me to make request + To write the same, lest that oblivion + By tract of time, and time's swift passing by, + Such valiant act should cause obscured to be; + + "As also 'cause his princely high degree + Provokes him study ancient histories, + Where, as in mirror, he may plainly see + How valiant knights have won the masteries + In battles fierce by prowess and by might, + To run like race, and prove a worthy knight. + + "And as they sought to climb to honour's seat, (p. 398) + So doth my Lord seek therein to excel, + That, as his name, so may his fame be great, + And thereby likewise idleness expel; + For so he doth to virtue bend his mind, + That hard it is his equal now to find. + + "To write his princely virtues, and declare + His valour, high renown, and majesty, + His brave exploits and martial acts, that are + Most rare, and worthy his great dignity, + My barren head cannot devise by wit + To extol his fame by words and phrases fit. + + "This worthy Prince, whom I so much commend, + (Yet not so much as well deserves his fame,) + By royal blood doth lineally descend + From Henry King of England, Fourth by name, + His eldest son, and heir to the crown, + And, by his virtues, Prince of high renown. + + "For by the graft the fruit men easily know, + Encreasing the honour of his pedigree; + His name Lord Henry, as our stories show, + And by his title Prince of Wales is he. + Who with good right, his father being dead, + Shall wear the crown of Britain on his head. + + "This mighty Prince hath made me undertake + To write the siege of Troy, the ancient town, + And of their wars a true discourse to make; + From point to point as Guido set it down, + Who long since wrote the same in Latin verse, + Which in the English now I will rehearse." + +In the poem called the "Siege of Troy," written in different metre, +Lydgate, addressing Henry, "O most worthy Prince! of Knighthood (p. 399) +source and well!" thus proceeds to state the circumstances under which +he wrote his work: + + "God I take highly to witness + That I this work of heartily low humbless + Took upon me of intention, + Devoid of pride and presumption, + For to obey without variance + _My Lord's bidding fully and pleasance_; + Which hath desire, soothly for to sayn, + Of very knighthood to remember again + The wortheness (if I shall not lie) + And the prowess of old chivalry, + Because _he hath joy and great dainty_ + To _read in books of antiquity_ + To _find only virtue_ to sow + By example of them, and also to eschew + The cursed vice of sloth and idleness; + So he enjoyeth in _virtuous_ business, + In all that longeth to manhood, dare I sayn, + He busyeth ever. And thereto is so fain + To haunt his body in plays martial, + Through exercise to exclude sloth at all, + (After the doctrine of Vigetius.) + Thus is he both _manful_ and _virtuous_, + More passingly than I can of him write; + I want cunning his high renown to indite, + So much of manhood men may in him seen. + And for to wit whom I would mean, + The eldest son of the noble King + Henry the Fourth; of knighthood well and spring; + In whom is showed of what stock that he grew, + The root is virtue; + Called Henry eke, the worthy Prince of Wales, + Which me commanded the dreary piteous tale + Of them of Troy in English to translate; + The siege, also, and the destruction, + Like as the Latin maketh mention, + For to complete, and after Guido make, (p. 400) + So I could, and write it for his sake; + Because he would that to high and low + The noble story openly were knowe + In our tongue, about in every age, + And written as well in our language + As in Latin and French it is; + That of the story the truth we not miss, + No more than doth each other nation; + This was the fine of his intention. + The which emprise anon I 'gin shall + In his worship for a memorial. + And of the time to make mention, + When I began on this translation, + It was the year, soothly to sayn, + Fourteen complete of his Father's reign." + +Though this Preface was written when Henry was still Prince of Wales, +the work was not finished till he had ascended the throne; when the +poet sent it into the world with this charge, which he calls +"L'Envoy:" + + "Go forth, my book! veiled with the princely grace + Of him that is extolled for excellence + Throughout the world, but do not show thy face + Without support of his magnificence." + + +TESTIMONY OF OCCLEVE. (p. 401) + +The interesting circumstances under which the poet represents the +following dialogue to have taken place are detailed in the body of the +work.[351] The old man addresses Occleve as his son, and the poet +calls his aged monitor father. + + [Footnote 351: See page 331.] + + _Father._ "My Lord the Prince,--knoweth he thee not? + If that thou stood in his benevolence, + He may be salve unto thine indigence." + + _Son._ "No man better: next his father,--our Lord the Liege + His father,--he is my good gracious Lord." + + _F._ "Well, Son! then will I me oblige, + And God of heaven vouch I to record, + That, if thou wilt be fully of mine accord, + Thou shalt no cause have more thus to muse, + But heaviness void, and it refuse. + Since he thy good Lord is, I am full sure + His grace shall not to thee be denied. + Thou wotst well he _benign_ is and _demure_ + To sue unto: not is his ghost maistried[352] + With danger; but his heart is full applied + To grant, and not the needy to warn his grace. + To him pursue, and thy relief purchase. + What shall I call thee--what is thy name?" + + _S._ "Occlive[353] (Father mine), men callen me." + + _F._ "Occlive? Son!"--_S._ "Yes, Father, the same." + + _F._ "Thou wert acquainted with Chaucer 'pardie?" (p. 402) + + _S._ "God save his soul! best of any wight." + + _F._ "Syn thou mayst not be paid in the Exchequer, + Unto my Lord the Prince make instance + That thy patent unto the Hanaper + May changed be."--_S._ "Father, by your sufferance, + It may not so: because of the ordinance, + Long after this shall no grant chargeable + Over pass. Father mine, this is no fable." + + _F._ "An equal charge, my Son, in sooth + Is no charge, I wot it well indeed. + What! Son mine! Good heart take unto thee. + Men sayen, 'Whoso of every grass hath dread, + Let him beware to walk in any mead.' + Assay! assay! thou simple-hearted ghost; + What grace is shapen thee, thou not wost. + ----Now, syn me thou toldest + My Lord the Prince is good Lord thee to; + No maistery is to thee, if thou woldest + To be relieved, wost thee what to do. + _Write to him a goodly tale or two_, + _On which he may disport him by night_, + And his free grace shall on thee light. + Sharp thy pen, and write on lustily; + Let see, my Son, make it fresh and gay, + Utter thine art if thou canst craftily; + _His high prudence hath insight very_ + _To judge if it be well made or nay._ + Wherefore, Son, it is unto thee need + Unto thy work take thee greater heed. + But of one thing be well ware in all wise, + On flattery that thou thee not found, + For thereof (Son) Solomon the Wise, + As that I have in his Proverbs found, + Saith thus: 'They that in feigned speech abound, + And glossingly unto their friends talk, + Spreaden a net before them, where they walk.' + This false treason common is and rife; + Better were it thou wert at Jerusalem (p. 403) + Now, than thou wert therein defective. + Syn my Lord the Prince is (_God hold his life!_) + To thee good Lord, good servant thou thee quit + To him and true, and it shall thee profit. + Write him _nothing that sowneth to vice_, + Kyth[354] thy love in matter of sadness. + Look if thou find canst any treatise + Grounded on his estate's wholesomeness; + Which thing translate, and unto his highness, + As humbly as thou canst, it thou present. + Do thus, my Son."--_S._ "Father! I assent, + With heart as trembling as the leaf of asp."[355] + + [Footnote 352: The Author has not formed any + satisfactory opinion as to the meaning of the + phrase "his ghost maistried with danger." Perhaps + it implies that the spirit of the Prince was not + under the _control_ of such passions as would + render it a service of _danger_ to prefer a suit to + him.] + + [Footnote 353: In some MSS. it is "Hoccleve."] + + [Footnote 354: "Kyth thy love," means "make thy + love known." Our word "kith," in the proverb "kith + and kin," means persons of our acquaintance.] + + [Footnote 355: Bib. Reg. 17. D. 6. p. 34.] + + + + +END OF VOLUME I. + +LONDON: +PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY, +Dorset Street, Fleet Street. + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1, by J. 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