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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of India and Persia on the
+Poetry of Germany, by Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Influence of India and Persia on the Poetry of Germany
+
+Author: Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2006 [EBook #17928]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INFLUENCE OF INDIA ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stacy Brown, David Starner and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note: There are many diacritical marks in this text,
+in addition to Greek, Persian and Arabic characters. Many common fonts
+should display these more or less correctly, including Times New
+Roman, Arial, and Courier New.
+
+Unusual characters that may not display correctly, depending on your
+font or software, include H̱ (H with a line underneath), ṛ (r with a
+dot underneath), ṇ (n with a dot underneath), ḍ (d with a dot
+underneath), and all of the Persian and Arabic characters.
+
+
+
+
+THE INFLUENCE
+OF
+INDIA AND PERSIA
+ON THE
+POETRY OF GERMANY
+
+BY
+
+ARTHUR F.J. REMY, A.M., Ph.D.
+
+SOMETIME FELLOW IN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+
+Copyright 1901, Columbia University Press,
+New York
+
+Manufactured in the United States of America
+
+
+
+
+TO
+Prof. William H. Carpenter, Ph.D.
+Prof. Calvin Thomas, A.M.
+Prof. A.V. Williams Jackson, L.H.D., Ph.D.
+OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
+IN GRATITUDE
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+The Oriental movement which manifested itself so strikingly in German
+literature during the nineteenth century is familiar to every student of
+that literature. Although the general nature of this movement is pretty
+clearly understood, no systematic investigation of it, so far as I know,
+has ever been undertaken. In the following pages an attempt is made to
+trace the influence which the Indo-Iranian East--the Semitic part is not
+considered--exerted on German poetry. The work does not claim to be
+exhaustive in the sense that it gives a list of all the poets that ever
+came under that influence. Nor does it pretend to be anything like a
+complete catalogue of the sources whence the poets derived their
+material. The performance of such a task would have required far more
+time and space than were at my disposal. A selection was absolutely
+necessary. It is hoped that the material presented in the case of each
+poet is sufficient to give a clear idea of the extent to which he was
+subject to Oriental influence, as well as of the part that he took in
+the movement under discussion.
+
+It is my pleasant duty to acknowledge the obligations under which I am
+to various scholars. In the first place, my sincere thanks are due to
+Professor Jackson, at whose suggestion this investigation was undertaken
+and whose encouragement and advice have never been wanting. I am also
+indebted for helpful suggestions to Professors Carpenter and Thomas of
+the Germanic department, who kindly volunteered to read the
+proof-sheets. Furthermore, I wish to thank Mr. Yohannan for assistance
+rendered in connection with the transliteration of some of the
+lithographic editions of Persian authors. And, finally, I am indebted to
+the kindness of Dr. Gray for the use of several rare volumes which
+otherwise would have been inaccessible to me.
+
+Arthur F.J. Remy.
+
+New York, May 1, 1901.
+
+
+
+
+List of Works most frequently consulted.
+
+
+Bahāristān. The Bahāristān by Jāmī. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society
+for Private Subscribers only. Benares, 1887.
+
+
+Bhartṛhari. Śatakatrayam, 2d ed. Nirṇaya Sāgara Press. Bombay, 1891.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Bodenstedt, Friedr. Martin. Gesammelte Schriften. 12 Bde. Berlin, 1865.
+
+Tausend und ein Tag im Orient in vols. i and ii.
+
+References to Mirza Schaffy songs are based on this edition.
+
+
+Firdausī. See Shāh Nāmah.
+
+
+Goethe's Werke. 36 Bde. Berlin (Hempel), 1879.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn.
+Strassburg, 1896 ----.
+
+
+Gulistān. The Gulistān of Shaiḵẖ Muṣlihu'd dīn Saʻdī of Shīrāz, ed. John
+Platts. 2d ed. London, 1874.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+---- or Rose garden. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society for Private
+Subscribers only. Benares, 1888.
+
+
+H̱āfiḍ. Die Lieder des Hafis. Persisch mit dem Commentare des Sudi hrsg.
+von Herm. Brockhaus. Leipzig, 1863.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Hammer, Jos. von. Geschichte der schönen Redekünşte Persiens, mit einer
+Blüthenlese aus zweyhundert persischen Dichtern. Wien, 1818.
+
+
+Heine. Heinrich Heines sämtliche Werke in 12 Bden. Stuttgart (Cotta),
+s. a.
+
+
+Herder. Sämmtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan. 32 Bde. Berlin, 1877.
+
+
+Hitōpadēśa. The Hitōpades'a of Nārāyana Pandit, ed. Godabole and Parab.
+3d ed. Nirṇ. Sāg. Press. Bombay, 1890.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Jackson, A.V. Williams. Zoroaster, the Prophet of ancient Iran. New
+York, 1899.
+
+
+Mohl. See Shāh Nāmah.
+
+
+Piper, Paul. Höfische Epik. 4 pts. KDNL. iv.
+
+
+---- Spielmannsdichtung. 2 pts. KDNL. ii.
+
+
+Platen. Platens sämtliche Werke. Stuttgart (Cotta), s. a.
+
+References are based on this edition.
+
+
+Rückert. Friedrich Rückert's gesammelte poetische Werke. 12 Bde. Fkft.
+a. M., 1882.
+
+References are based on this edition.
+
+
+Schack, Ad. Friedr. Graf von. Gesammelte Werke. 3 Aufl. 10 Bde.
+Stuttgart, 1897.
+
+
+Shāh Nāmah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vullers
+(et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884.
+
+
+---- Le Livre des Rois par Abou'l Kasim Firdousi, traduit et commenté
+par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878.
+
+
+
+
+Abbreviations.
+
+
+BLVS.                 Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in
+                        Stuttgart. Tübingen.
+
+Böhtl.                Otto Böhtlingk, Indische Sprüche, St.
+                        Petersburg, 1870-1873.  2 Aufl. 3 Bde.
+
+Grdr. iran. Phil.     Grundriss der iranischen Philologie.
+
+Gul.                  Gulistān, ed. Platts.
+
+H̱.                    H̱āfiḍ, ed. Brockhaus.
+
+H.E.                  Höfische Epik, ed. Piper in KDNL.
+
+JAOS.                 Journal American Oriental Society.
+
+KDNL.                 Deutsche National-Litteratur, ed. Jos.
+                        Kürschner.  (Berlin) u. Stuttgart.
+
+K.S.                  Translations of the Gulistān and Bahāristān,
+                        printed for the Kama Shastra Society.
+
+Red.                  Geschichte der schönen Redekünste Persiens.
+
+Sh. N.                Shāh Nāmah.
+
+ZDMG.                 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
+                        Gesellschaft.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+Chapter I.
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+                                                               Page
+Information of Mediæval Europe concerning India and
+Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Mediæval
+German Poetry,                                                    1
+
+
+Chapter II.
+
+FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF
+SIR WILLIAM JONES.
+
+Travels to India and Persia--Olearius and his Work--Progress
+of Persian Studies--Roger--India's Language
+and Literature remain unknown--Oriental
+Influence in German Literature,                                   9
+
+
+Chapter III.
+
+HERDER.
+
+Herder's Interest in the Orient--Fourth Collection of his
+Zerstreute Blätter--His Didactic Tendency and
+Predilection for Saʻdī,                                          16
+
+
+Chapter IV.
+
+GOETHE.
+
+Enthusiasm for Śakuntalā--Der Gott und die Bajadere;
+der Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin
+of the Divan--Oriental Character of the
+Work--Inaugurates the Oriental Movement,                         20
+
+
+Chapter V.
+
+SCHILLER.
+
+Schiller's Interest in Śakuntalā--Turandot,                      28
+
+
+Chapter VI.
+
+THE SCHLEGELS.
+
+Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier--Foundation of
+Sanskrit Study in Germany,                                       30
+
+
+Chapter VII.
+
+PLATEN.
+
+His Oriental Studies--Ghaselen--Their Persian
+Character--Imitation of Persian Form--Translations,              32
+
+
+Chapter VIII.
+
+RÜCKERT.
+
+His Oriental Studies--Introduces the Ghasele--Östliche
+Rosen; Imitations of H̱āfiḍ--Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches--Morgenländische Sagen und
+Geschichten--Brahmanische Erzählungen--Die Weisheit des
+Brahmanen--Other Oriental Poems,                                 38
+
+
+Chapter IX.
+
+HEINE.
+
+Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel--Influence
+of India's Literature on his Poetry--Interest in the
+Persian Poets--Persian Influence on Heine--His
+Attitude toward the Oriental Movement,                           57
+
+
+Chapter X.
+
+BODENSTEDT.
+
+Lieder des Mirza Schaffy--Are Original Poems--Nachlass--Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland--Sakuntala,
+a Narrative Poem,                                                64
+
+
+Chapter XI.
+
+THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.
+
+Some less known Poets who attempted the Oriental
+Manner,                                                          72
+
+
+Chapter XII.
+
+VON SCHACK.
+
+His Fame as Translator of Firdausī--Stimmen vom
+Ganges--Sakuntala, compared with the Original in
+the Mahābhārata--His Oriental Scholarship in his
+Original Poems--Attitude towards Hafizian Singers,               74
+
+
+Chapter XIII.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+Summary of Results Attained--Persian Tendency predominates
+over Indic--Reason for this--Estimate of the Value
+of the Oriental Movement in German Literature.                   79
+
+
+
+
+TRANSCRIPTION.
+
+
+For the transcription of Sanskrit words the system of the _Zeitschrift
+der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_ has been followed; for that
+of Persian words the system of the Grundriss der iranischen Philologie
+has been adopted, with some variations however, e.g. ع is indicated by
+ʻ. To be consistent, such familiar names as Hāfiz and Nizāmī appear as
+H̱āfiḍ and Nidāmī; Omar Khayyām as ʻUmar Xayyām; and the word ghazal,
+the German _Ghasele_, is written _γazal_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+      Information of Mediæval Europe Concerning India and
+      Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Mediæval German
+      Poetry.
+
+
+The knowledge which mediæval Europe had of India and Persia was mostly
+indirect, and, as might be expected, deficient both in correctness and
+extent, resting, as it did, on the statements of classical and patristic
+writers, on hearsay and on oral communication. In the accounts of the
+classic writers, especially in those of Pliny, Strabo, Ptolemy, truth
+and fiction were already strangely blended. Still more was this the case
+with such compilers and encyclopædists as Solinus, Cassiodorus and
+Isidorus of Sevilla, on whom the mediæval scholar depended largely for
+information. All these writers, in so far as they speak of India, deal
+almost entirely with its physical description, its cities and rivers,
+its wealth of precious stones and metals, its spices and silks, and in
+particular its marvels and wonders. Of its religion we hear but little,
+and as to its literature we have only a few vague statements of
+Arrian,[1] Aelian[2] and Dio Chrysostomus.[3] When the last mentioned
+author tells us that the ancient Hindus sang in their own language the
+poems of Homer, it shows that he had no idea of the fact that the great
+Sanskrit epics, to which the passage undoubtedly alludes, were
+independent poems. To him they appeared to be nothing more than versions
+of Homer. Aelian makes a similar statement, but cautiously adds εἴ τι
+χρὴ πιστεύειν τοις ὑπὲρ τούτων ἱστορουσιν. Philostratus represents the
+Hindu sage Iarchas as well acquainted with the Homeric poems, but
+nowhere does his hero Apollonius of Tyana show the slightest knowledge
+of Sanskrit literature.[4]
+
+Nor do the classic authors give us any more information about the
+literature of Persia, though the Iranian religion received some
+attention. Aristotle and Theopompus were more or less familiar with
+Zoroastrian tenets,[5] and allusions to the prophet of ancient Iran are
+not infrequent in classic writers. But their information concerning him
+is very scanty and inaccurate. To them Zoroaster is simply the great
+Magian, more renowned for his magic art than for his religious system.
+Of the national Iranian legends, glimpses of which we catch in the
+Avesta (esp. Yt. 19), and which must have existed long before the
+Sassanian period and the time of Firdausī, the Greek and Roman authors
+have recorded nothing.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But Europe was not limited to the classic and patristic writers for
+information about the Orient. The points of contact between the Eastern
+and Western world were numerous even before the Portuguese showed the
+way to India. Alexandria was the seat of a lively commerce between the
+Roman Empire and India during the first six centuries of the Christian
+era; the Byzantine Empire was always in close relations, hostile or
+friendly, with Persia; the Arabs had settled in Spain, Southern Italy
+and Sicily; and the Mongols ruled for almost two centuries in Russia.
+All these were factors in the transmission of Oriental influence.[6]
+And, as far as Germany is concerned, we must remember that in the tenth
+century, owing to the marriage of the emperor Otto II to the Greek
+princess Theophano, the relations between the German and Byzantine
+Empires were especially close. Furthermore the Hohenstaufen emperor,
+Frederick II, it will be remembered, was a friend and patron of the
+Saracens in Italy and Sicily, who in turn supported him loyally in his
+struggle against the papacy. Above all, the crusades, which brought the
+civilization of the West face to face with that of the East, were a
+powerful factor in bringing Oriental influence into Europe. The effect
+they had on the European mind is shown by the great number of French and
+German poems which lay their scene of action in Eastern lands, or, as
+will be shown presently, introduce persons and things from India and
+Persia.[7]
+
+Of course it is as a rule impossible to tell precisely how and when the
+Oriental influence came into Europe, but that it did come is absolutely
+certain. The transformation of the Buddha-legend into the Christian
+legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, the migration of fables and stories, and
+the introduction of the game of chess furnish the clearest proofs of
+this.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But direct information about the East was also available. A number of
+merchants and missionaries penetrated even as far as China, and have
+left accounts of their travels. Such an account of India and Ceylon was
+given as early as the sixth century by Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes.
+The names of Benjamin of Tudela (about 1160 A.D.) and of Marco Polo
+(1271-1295) are familiar to every student of historical geography. The
+Mongol rulers during the period of their dominion over China were in
+active communication with the popes and allowed Western missionaries
+free access to their realm. A number of these missionaries also came to
+India or Persia, for instance Giovanni de Montecorvino (1289-1293),[8]
+Odorico da Pordenone (1316-1318),[9] Friar Jordanus (1321-1323, and
+1330)[10] and Giovanni de Marignolli (1347).[11] In the fifteenth
+century Henry III of Castile sent Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo as ambassador
+to Timur, and towards the end of that century several Venetian
+Ambassadors, Caterino Zeno (1472), Josaphat Barbaro (1473) and Ambrosio
+Contarini (1473), were at the Persian Court in order to bring about
+united action on the part of Venice and Persia against the Turks.[12]
+These embassies attracted considerable attention in Europe, as is shown
+by numerous pamphlets concerning them, published in several European
+countries.[13] In this same century Nicolo de Conti travelled in India
+and the account of his wanderings has been recorded by Poggio.[14]
+
+As we see, most of these travellers are Italians. We know of but one
+German, before the year 1500, who went further than the Holy Land, and
+that is Johann Schildberger of Munich, whose book of travel was printed
+in 1473. Taken prisoner while fighting in Turkish service against Timur
+at Angora, he remained in the East from 1395 to 1417, and got as far as
+Persia. His description of that country is very meagre; India, as he
+expressly states,[15] he never visited, his statements about that land
+being mostly plagiarized from Mandeville.[16]
+
+These accounts, however, while they give valuable information concerning
+the physical geography, the wealth, size, and wonderful things of the
+countries they describe, have little or nothing to say about the
+languages or literatures. All that Conti for instance has to say on this
+important subject is contained in a single sentence: "Loquendi idiomata
+sunt apud Indos plurima, atque inter se varia."[17]
+
+In these accounts it was not so much truthfulness that appealed to the
+public, as strangeness and fancifulness. Thus Marco Polo's narrative,
+marvelous as it was, never became as popular as the spurious memoirs of
+Mandeville, who in serving up his monstrosities ransacked almost every
+author, classic or mediæval, on whom he could lay his hands.[18] In fact
+a class of books arose which bore the significant name of _Mirabilia
+Mundi_ and purported to treat of the whole world, and especially of
+India. Such are, for instance, _Les Merveilles de l'Inde_ by Jean
+Vauquelin, _Fenix de las maravillas del mondo_ by Raymundus Lullius, and
+similar works by Nicolaus Donis, Arnaldus de Badeto and others.[19] But
+the great store-house of Oriental marvels on which the mediæval poets
+drew for material was the Alexander-romance of pseudo-Callisthenes, of
+which there were a number of Latin versions, the most important being
+the epitome made by Julius Valerius and the _Historia de Preliis_
+written by the archpresbyter Leo in the tenth century. The character of
+the Oriental lore offered in these writings is best shown by a cursory
+examination of the work last mentioned.[20] There we are introduced to a
+bewildering array of _mirabilia_, snakes, hippopotami, scorpions,
+giant-lobsters, forest-men, bats, elephants, bearded women, dog-headed
+people, griffins, white women with long hair and canine teeth,
+fire-spouting birds, trees that grow and vanish in the course of a
+single day, mountains of adamant, and finally sacred sun-trees and
+moon-trees that possess the gift of prophecy. But beyond some vague
+reference to asceticism not a trace of knowledge of Brahmanic life can
+be found. While the Brahman King Didimus is well versed in Roman and
+Greek mythology, he never mentions the name of any of his own gods. Of
+real information concerning India there is almost nothing.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+From what we have seen thus far we shall not expect in mediæval
+literature conscious imitation or reproduction of works from Persian or
+Sanskrit literature. Whatever influence these literatures exerted in
+Europe was indirect. If a subject was transmitted from East to West it
+was as a rule stripped of its Oriental names and characteristics, and
+even its Oriental origin was often forgotten. This is the case with the
+greater part of the fables and stories that can be traced to Eastern
+sources and have found their way into such works as the _Gesta
+Romanorum_, or the writings of Boccaccio, Straparola and Lafontaine.
+Sometimes, however, the history of the origin is still remembered, as
+for instance in the famous _Buch der Beispiele_, where the preface
+begins thus: "Es ist von den alten wysen der geschlächt der welt dis
+buoch des ersten jn yndischer sprauch gedicht und darnach in die
+buochstaben der Persen verwandelt,...."[21]
+
+Poems whose subjects are of Eastern origin are not frequent in the
+German literature of the middle ages. The most striking example of such
+a poem is the "Barlaam und Josaphat" of Rudolph von Ems (about 1225),
+the story of which, as has been conclusively proved, is nothing more or
+less than the legend of Buddha in Christian garb.[22] The well known
+"Herzmaere" of the same author has likewise been shown to be of Indic
+origin.[23] Then there is a poem of the fourteenth or fifteenth century
+on the same subject as Rückert's parable of the man in the well, which
+undoubtedly goes back to Buddhistic sources.[24] Besides these we
+mention "Vrouwenzuht" (also called "von dem Zornbraten") by a poet
+Sībote of the thirteenth century,[25] and Hans von Bühel's "Diocletianus
+Leben" (about 1412), the well known story of the seven wise masters.[26]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The great interest which the East aroused in Europe, especially after
+the period of the first crusades, is shown by the great number of poems
+which have their scene of action in Oriental lands, especially in India
+or Persia, or which introduce persons and things from those countries.
+To indulge this fondness for Oriental scenery poets do not hesitate to
+violate historical truth. Thus Charlemagne and his paladins are sent to
+the Holy Land in the "Pèlerinage de Charlesmagne"[27] and in the poem
+called the "Karl Meinet," a German compilation of various legends about
+the Frankish hero.[28] Purely Germanic legends like those of
+Ortnit-Wolfdietrich and King Rother were orientalized in much the same
+manner.[29] As might be expected, it is in the court-epic and
+minstrel-poetry (_Spielmannsdichtung_) where this Oriental tendency
+manifests itself most markedly. A typical poem of this kind is "Herzog
+Ernst." The hero, a purely German character, is made to go through a
+series of marvelous adventures in the East some of which bear a
+striking resemblance to those of Sindbad.[30] The later strophic version
+(14th century) and the prose-version of the _Volksbuch_ (probably 15th
+century) localize some of these adventures definitely in the _fernen
+India_.[31] Probably under the influence of this story the author of the
+incompleted "Reinfrit von Braunschweig" (about 1300) was induced to send
+his hero into Persia, to meet with somewhat similar experiences.[32]
+Heinrich von Neustadt likewise lays the scene of Apollonius' adventures
+in the golden valley Crysia bordering on India.[33] In the continuation
+of the Parzifal-story entitled "Der Jüngere Titurel," which was written
+by Albrecht von Scharffenberg (about 1280), the Holy Grail is to be
+removed from a sinful world and to be carried to the East to be given to
+Feirefiz, half brother to Parzifal.[34] The meeting of Feirefiz with the
+knights furnishes the poet an opportunity of bringing in a learned
+disquisition on Prester John and his _drī India die wīten_, and finally
+this mythical monarch offers his crown to Parzifal, who henceforth is
+called _Priester Johanni_. In the poem of "Lohengrin", of unknown
+authorship, the knight when about to depart declares he has come from
+India where there is a house fairer than that at Montsalvatsch.[35]
+
+Princes and princesses from India or Persia abound in the poems of the
+court-writers and minstrels. Thus in "Solomon und Morolf" Salme is the
+daughter of the King of _Endian_;[36] in Wolfram's "Willehalm" King
+Alofel of Persia and King Gorhant from the _Ganjes_ figure in the battle
+of Alischanz.[37] In Konrad von Würzburg's "Trojanischer Krieg" the
+kings Panfilias of Persia and Achalmus of India are on the Trojan
+side.[38] In the same poet's "Partenopier" the Sultan of Persia is the
+hero's chief rival.[39] In "Der Jüngere Titurel" Gatschiloe, a princess
+from India, becomes bearer of the Grail; similarly in a poem by Der
+Pleiaere, Flordibel, who comes to the Knights of the Round Table to
+learn courtly manners, reveals herself as a princess from India.[40]
+According to a poem of the fourteenth century the father of St.
+Christopher is king of Arabia and Persia.[41] Even the folk-epic
+"Kudrun" knows of Hilde of India, Hagen's wife.[42]
+
+Again, wonderful things from India are abundant in this class of poetry.
+The magic lance which Wigalois receives, when he is about to do battle
+with a fire-spitting dragon, is from that land.[43] So also is the magic
+ring given to Reinfrit when he sets out on his crusade.[44] Wigamur's
+bride Dulceflur wears woven gold from the castle Gramrimort in
+India,[45] and in the "Nibelungen" Hagen and Dancwart, when going to the
+Isenstein, wear precious stones from that land.[46]
+
+To some poets India and Persia are a sort of Ultima Thule to denote the
+furthest limits of the earth, as for instance, when in the "Rolandslied"
+Ganelun complains that for the ambition of Roland even Persia is not too
+far,[47] or, when in the "Willehalm" King Tybalt, whose daughter has
+been carried off, lets his complaint ring out as far as India.[48]
+
+Examples might be multiplied. But they would all prove the same thing.
+India and Persia were magic names to conjure with; their languages and
+literatures were a book with seven seals to mediæval Europe.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Indica, ch. 10.
+
+[2] Var. Hist. xii. 48.
+
+[3] De Homero, Oratio liii., ed. Dindorf, Lips. 1857, vol. ii. p. 165.
+
+[4] Apollonii Vita, iii. 19 et passim.
+
+[5] See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 8.
+
+[6] See Benfey, Pantschatantra, Vorrede, p. xxiv and note.
+
+[7] See Gaston Paris, La Littérature Française au Moyen Age, Paris,
+1888, p. 49 seq. A striking illustration of oral transmission is the
+origin of the tradition about Prester John, for which see Cathay and the
+Way thither, ed. Henry Yule, Lond. 1866, Hakluyt Soc. No. 36, 37, vol.
+i. p. 174 and n. 1.
+
+[8] Yule, op. cit. vol. i. pp. 165-167 and p. 197 seq.
+
+[9] Ib. pp. 1-161; Latin text in appendix i of vol. ii.
+
+[10] Mirabilia Descripta, ed. Henry Yule, London, 1863. Hakluyt Society,
+No. 31.
+
+[11] Yule, Cathay, vol. ii. pp. 311-381.
+
+[12] For their accounts see the publications of the Hakluyt Society,
+1859 and 1873. Nos. 26 and 49.
+
+[13] See Paul Horn, Gesch. Irans in Islamitischer Zeit, in Grdr. iran.
+Phil. II. p. 578 and note 4; also p. 579. See also Bibl. Asiat. et
+Afric. par H. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1841, under the years 1508, 1512,
+1514, 1515, 1516, 1535, 1543, 1579, 1583, etc.
+
+[14] English tr. in R.H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century, London,
+1857. Hakluyt Society, No. 22.
+
+[15] Hans Schiltbergers Reisebuch ed. Val. Langmantel (BLVS. vol. 172)
+Tübingen, 1885, p. 79: "In der grossen India pin ich nicht gewesen...."
+
+[16] Ibid. p. 164.
+
+[17] Friedr. Kunstmann, Die Kenntnis Indiens im 15^ten Jahrhunderte,
+München, 1863, p. 59; Major, op. cit. p. 31.
+
+[18] See Albert Bovenschen, Quellen für die Reisebeschreibung des Joh.
+v. Mandeville, Berl. 1888.
+
+[19] See Grässe, J.G.Th., Lehrbuch einer allgem. Literärgesch., 9 vols.,
+Dresd. u. Leipz. 1837-59, Vol. II. pt. 2, pp. 783-785.
+
+[20] Latin text publ. by Oswald Zingerle as an appendix to Die Quellen
+zum Alexander des Rudolf v. Ems in Weinhold Germ. Abhandl. Breslau.
+1885, pt. iv.
+
+[21] Das Buch der Beispiele der alten Weisen, ed. Wilh. Ludw. Holland,
+Stuttg. 1860, BLVS. vol. 56.
+
+[22] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 562-632. Joseph Langen, Johannes von Damaskus,
+Gotha, 1879, pp. 239-255, esp. p. 252, n. 1.
+
+[23] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 216-219.
+
+[24] Vetter, Lehrhafte Litteratur des 14. u. 15. Jahrhunderts (KDNL.
+vol. 12), I. pp. 496-499. For a bibliography of this poem see C. Beyer,
+Nachgelassene Ged. Friedr. Rückert's, Wien, 1877, pp. 311-320. For a
+translation of the version in the Mahābhārata see Boxberger, Rückert
+Studien, p. 94 seq. A translation of a Buddhist sutta on the same
+subject is given in Edm. Hardy, Indische Religionsgeschichte, Leipz.
+1898, pp. 72, 73. Cf. also E. Kuhn, in Böhtlingks Festgruss, Stuttg.
+1888, pp. 74, 75.
+
+[25] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 531, 532. See also Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer, i.
+LXXXV and n. 2.
+
+[26] Edited by Keller, Quedl. 1841. See art. by Goedeke in Orient und
+Occident, iii. 2. pp. 385 seq.
+
+[27] See edition by Koschwitz, in Altfranz. Bibl., vol. ii. p. 7 seq.,
+and consult Gaston Paris, La Poésie du Moyen Age, Paris, 1887, p. 119
+seq.
+
+[28] See ed. Adelb. von Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 45), pp. 507
+seq. Cf. also Uhland's König Karls Meerfart.
+
+[29] Jiriczek, Die deutsche Heldensage, Leipz. 1897, pp. 144, 153.
+
+[30] On this see Karl Bartsch, Herzog Ernst, Wien, 1869, Einl. p. cliii.
+
+[31] Bartsch, op. cit. p. 204 seq. and p. 279 seq.
+
+[32] See ed. Bartsch, Tüb. 1871 (BLVS. vol. 108), ll. 16749 seq.
+
+[33] Piper, H.E. iii. p. 389.
+
+[34] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 530 seq.
+
+[35] See ed. by Heinr. Rückert, Quedlinb. u. Leipz. 1858, l. 7141 seq.
+p. 189.
+
+[36] Piper, Spielmannsdichtung, I. p. 215. See also ed. by Hagen u.
+Büsching in Ged. d. Mittel., Berl. 1808, i. l. 6.
+
+[37] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach (KDNL, vol. 5), I. p. 214.
+
+[38] See ed. v. Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 44), ll. 24840, 24939,
+pp. 296, 298.
+
+[39] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 299, 300.
+
+[40] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 325.
+
+[41] Piper, Die geistliche Dichtung des Mittelalters (KDNL. vol. 3), ii.
+pp. 71, 72.
+
+[42] See ed. Bartsch (KDNL. vol. 6), pp. 26, 27.
+
+[43] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 222.
+
+[44] See ed. Bartsch, l. 15067, p. 440.
+
+[45] See ed. by Hagen in Ged. d. Mittel. i. p. 46, l. 4462 seq.
+
+[46] Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Friedr. Zarncke, Leipz. 1894, p. 62, v. 3.
+
+[47] Piper, Spielm., p. 30.
+
+[48] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach, i. p. 208; cf. Dante's Paradiso, cant.
+29, ll. 100-102.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF SIR WILLIAM JONES.
+
+      Travels to India and Persia--Olearius and his Work--Progress
+      of Persian Studies--Roger--India's Language and Literature remain
+      unknown--Oriental Influence in German Literature.
+
+
+Little can be said of Oriental influence on German poetry during the
+next three centuries after the Great Age of Discovery, and in an
+investigation like the one in hand, which confines itself to poetry
+only, this chapter might perhaps be omitted. Nevertheless a brief
+consideration of this influence on German literature in general during
+this period forms an appropriate transition to the time when the
+Oriental movement in Germany really began.
+
+After the Portuguese had sailed around Africa, direct and uninterrupted
+communication with the far East was established. Portuguese, Dutch,
+French and English merchants appeared successively on the scene to get
+their share of the rich India commerce. German merchants also made a
+transitory effort. The firm of the Welsers in Augsburg sent two
+representatives who accompanied the expedition of Francisco d' Almeida
+in 1505 and that of Tristão da Cunha in the following year. But
+conditions were not favorable and the attempt was not renewed.[49]
+
+Travels to India and Persia now multiplied rapidly, and accounts of such
+travels became very common; so common, in fact, that already in the
+sixteenth century collections of them were made, the best known being
+the _Novus Orbis_ of Grynaeus, and the works of Ramusio and Hakluyt.
+Among the more famous travellers of the sixteenth century we may mention
+Barthema, Federici, Barbosa, Fitch and van Linschoten for India, and the
+brothers Shirley for Persia. In the seventeenth century we may cite the
+names of della Valle, Baldaeus, Tavernier, Bernier and the German
+Mandelslo for India, while those of Olearius and Chardin are most famous
+in connection with Persia. And that books of travel were much read in
+Germany is attested by the number of editions and translations which
+appeared there. Thus among the earliest books printed there we have a
+translation of Marco Polo (Nuremberg), 1477,[50] reprinted repeatedly,
+e.g. at Augsburg, 1481, in the _Novus Orbis_, 1534 (Latin version), at
+Basle, 1534 (German translation of the preceding), while Mandeville's
+memoirs were so popular as to become finally a _Volksbuch_.[51]
+
+The account of Olearius is of special interest to us. It gives an
+excellent description of Persia, and above all it gives us valuable
+information on the literature and language. Olearius is struck by the
+similarity of many Persian words to corresponding words in German and
+Latin, and hints at the kinship of these idioms, though, looking only at
+the vocabulary and not at the structure, he supposes Persian to be
+related to Arabic.[52] He tells us of the high esteem in which poetry
+was held by the Persians, and notices that rhyme is an indispensable
+requisite of their poetic art. He also mentions some of their leading
+poets, among them Saʻdī, H̱āfiḍ, Firdausī and Niḍāmī.[53]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But what interests us most is the translation which he made of the
+_Gulistān_, published in 1654, under the title of _Persianischer
+Rosenthal_. True, it was not the first in point of time. As early as
+1634 du Ryer had published at Paris an incomplete French version, and
+shortly afterwards this version was translated into German by Johann
+Friedrich Ochsenbach of Tübingen, but apparently without attracting much
+notice.[54] In 1644, Levin Warner of Leyden had given the Persian text
+and Latin version of a number of Saʻdī's maxims,[55] while Gentius had
+published the whole text with a Latin translation at Amsterdam in 1651.
+But it was the version of Olearius that really introduced the _Gulistān_
+to Europe.
+
+The edition of Olearius, from which we have cited, contains also a
+translation of the _Būstān_, called _Der Persianische Baumgarten_, made,
+however, not directly from the Persian, but from a Dutch version.
+Besides this, the edition contains also the narratives of two other
+travellers, Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, as well as an account
+of Persia by the French missionary Sanson. Iversen, in speaking of the
+Parsi religion, gives an essentially correct account of the Zoroastrian
+hierarchy, of the supreme god and his seven servants, each presiding
+over some special element, evidently an allusion to Ahura Mazda and his
+six Amesha Spentas, with the possible addition of Sraosha.[56] Sanson
+states that the _Gavres_ have kept up the old Persian language and that
+it is entirely different from modern Persian,[57] a distinct recognition
+of the existence of the Avestan language. The eighteenth century saw the
+discovery of the _Avesta_ by Anquetil du Perron, and its close found men
+like Jones, Revizky, de Sacy and Hammer busily engaged in spreading a
+knowledge of Persian literature in Europe.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+India, as far as its literature was concerned, did not fare so well. The
+struggles of European nations for the mastery of that rich empire did
+little towards promoting a knowledge of its religion or its language.
+Nor were the efforts of missionaries very successful. Most of their
+attention was devoted to the Dravidian idioms of Southern India, not to
+Sanskrit. We have the authority of Friedrich Schlegel for the statement
+that before his time there were but two Germans who were known to have
+gained a knowledge of the sacred language, the missionary Heinrich Roth
+and the Jesuit Hanxleben.[58] Even their work was not published and was
+superseded by that of Jones, Colebrooke and others. Most valuable
+information on Hindu religion was given by the Dutch preacher Abraham
+Roger in his well known book _De Open-Deure tot het Verborgen
+Heydendom_, published at Leyden in 1651, two years after the author's
+death. This book also gave to the West the first specimen of Sanskrit
+literature in the shape of a Dutch version of two hundred maxims of
+Bhartṛhari, not a direct translation from the Sanskrit, but based on
+oral communication imparted by a learned Brahman Padmanaba.[59] As a
+rule the rendering is very faithful, sometimes even literal. The maxims
+were translated into German by C. Arnold and were published at Nuremberg
+in 1663.
+
+This, however, ended the progress of Sanskrit literature in Europe for
+the time being. Information came in very slowly. The _Lettres
+Édifiantes_ of the Jesuits, and the accounts of travellers like Sonnerat
+began to shed additional light on the religious customs of India, but
+its sacred language remained a secret. In 1785, Herder wrote that what
+Europe knew of Hindu literature was only late legends, that the Sanskrit
+language as well as the genuine Vēda would probably for a long time
+remain unknown.[60] Sir William Jones, however, had founded the Asiatic
+Society a year before and the first step towards the discovery of
+Sanskrit had really thus been taken.
+
+But let us consider what bearing all this had on German poetry. In this
+field the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were desperately dreary.
+In the former century the leading thinkers of Germany were absorbed in
+theological controversy, while in the next the Thirty Years' War
+completely crushed the spirit of the nation. There is little poetry in
+this period that calls for even passing notice in this investigation.
+Paul Fleming, although he was with Olearius in Persia, has written
+nothing that would interest us here. Andreas Gryphius took the subject
+for his drama "Catharina von Georgien" (1657) from Persian history. It
+is the story of the cruel execution of the Georgian queen by order of
+Shāh ʻAbbās in 1624.[61] Nor is Oriental influence in the eighteenth
+century more noticeable. Occasionally an Oriental touch is brought in.
+Pfeffel makes his "Bramine" read a lesson to bigots; Matthias Claudius
+in his well-known poem makes Herr Urian pay a visit to the Great Mogul;
+Bürger, in his salacious story of the queen of Golkonde, transports the
+lovers to India; Lessing, in "Minna von Barnhelm" (Act i. Sc. 12)
+represents Werner as intending to take service with Prince Heraklius of
+Persia, and he chooses an Oriental setting for his "Nathan der Weise."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the prose writings of this period Oriental influence is much more
+discernible. In the literature dealing with magic Zoroaster always
+played a prominent part. The invention of the Cabala was commonly
+ascribed to him.[62] European writers on the black art, as for instance
+Bodinus, whose _De Magorum Dæmonomania_ was translated by Fischart
+(Strassburg, 1591), repeat about Zoroaster all the fables found in
+classical or patristic writers. So the Iranian sage figures prominently
+also in the Faust-legend. He is the prince of magicians whose book Faust
+studies so diligently that he is called a second Zoroastris.[63] This
+book passes into the hands of Faust's pupil Christoph Wagner, who uses
+it as diligently as his master.[64]
+
+In all this folkbook-literature India is a mere name. Thus in the oldest
+Faust-book of 1587 the sorcerer makes a journey in the air through
+England, Spain, France, Sweden, Poland, Denmark, India, Africa and
+Persia, and finally comes to _Morenland_.[65]
+
+Of all the prose-writings, however, the novel, which began to flourish
+luxuriously in the seventeenth century, showed the most marked tendency
+to make use of Eastern scenery and episodes, and incidentally to exhibit
+the author's erudition on everything Oriental. Thus Grimmelshausen
+transports his hero Simplicissimus into Asia through the device of
+Tartar captivity. Lohenstein, in his ultra-Teutonic romance of Arminius,
+manages to introduce an Armenian princess and a prince from Pontus. The
+latter, as we learn from the autobiography with which he favors us in
+the fifth book, has been in India. He took with him a Brahman sage, who
+burned himself on reaching Greece. Evidently Lohenstein had read
+Arrian's description of the burning of Kalanos (Arrian vii. 2, 3). The
+_Asiatische Banise_ of Heinrich Anselm von Ziegler-Kliphausen, perhaps
+the most popular German novel of the seventeenth century, was based
+directly on the accounts of travellers to Farther India, not on Greek or
+Latin writings.[66] Other authors who indulged their predilection for
+Oriental scenery were Buchholtz in his _Herkules und Valisca_ (1659),
+Happel in _Der Asiatische Onogambo_ (Hamb. 1673), Bohse (Talander) in
+_Die durchlauchtigste Alcestis aus Persien_ (Leipz. 1689) and
+others.[67]
+
+The most striking instance of the Oriental tendency is furnished by
+Grimmelshausen's _Joseph_, first published probably in 1667.[68] Here we
+meet the famous story of Yūsuf and Zalīχā as it is given in the _Qurān_
+or in the poems of Firdausī and Jāmī. The well-known episode of the
+ladies cutting their hands instead of the lemons in consequence of their
+confusion at the sight of Joseph's beauty is here narrated at
+length.[69] In the preface the author states explicitly that he has
+drawn, not only from the Bible, but from Hebrew, Arabic and Persian
+writings as well.[70] That he should have made use of Arabic material is
+credible enough, for Dutch Orientalists like Golius and Erpenius had
+made this accessible.[71] That he had some idea of Persian poetry is
+shown by his allusions to the fondness of Orientals for handsome
+boys.[72] On the other hand, what he says of Zoroaster in the _Musai_
+can all be found in Latin and Greek writers.[73] Here we get the
+biography of Joseph's chief servant in the form of an appendix to the
+novel, and the author displays all the learning which fortunately his
+good taste had excluded from the story itself. Of the Iranian tradition
+concerning Zoroaster's death as given in the Pahlavī writings or the
+_Shāh Nāmah_[74] Grimmelshausen knew absolutely nothing; nor can we find
+the slightest evidence to substantiate his assertion that for the work
+in question he drew from Persian or Arabic sources.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the eighteenth century the Oriental tale was extremely popular in
+France, and thence it spread to other countries. The translation of the
+Thousand and One Nights by Galland (Paris, 1704-1712) and of the Persian
+Tales by Pétis de La Croix called into being a host of similar French
+productions, which in turn found their way into German literature. The
+most fruitful writer in this genre was Simon Gueulette, the author of
+_Soirées Bretonnes_ (1712) and _Mille et un quart d'heures_ (1715). The
+latter contains the story of a prince who is punished for his
+presumption by having two snakes grow from his shoulders. To appease
+them they are fed on fresh human brain.[75] Of course, we recognize at
+once the story of the tyrant Ẕaẖẖāk familiar from Firdausī. The material
+for the _Soirées_ was drawn largely from Armeno's _Peregrinaggio_, which
+purports to be a translation from the Persian, although no original is
+known to scholars.[76] From these _Soirées_ Voltaire took the material
+for his _Zadig_.[77] In most cases, however, all that was Oriental about
+such stories was the name and the costume. So popular was the Oriental
+costume that Montesquieu used it for satirizing the Parisians in his
+_Lettres Persanes_ (1721). Through French influence the Oriental story
+came to Germany, and so we get such works as August Gottlob Meissner's
+tales of _Nushirvan_, _Massoud_, _Giaffar_, _Sadi_ and others,[78] or
+Klinger's _Derwisch_. Wieland used the Eastern costume in his _Schach
+Lolo_ (1778) and in his politico-didactic romance of the wise
+Danischmende. This fondness for an Oriental atmosphere continues even
+into the nineteenth century and may be seen in such works as Tieck's
+_Abdallah_ and Hauff's _Karawane_. But this brings us to the time when
+India and Persia were to give up their secrets, and when the influence
+of their literature begins to be a factor in the literature of Europe.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[49] See Kunstmann, Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem
+portugiesischen Indien in Hist. pol. Blätter f. d. Kath. Deutschl.,
+München, 1861, vol. 48, pp. 277-309.
+
+[50] For title see Panzer, Annalen d. älteren deutsch. Litt., Nürnb.
+1788.
+
+[51] See Grässe, op. cit. ii. 2. pp. 773, 774.
+
+[52] Des Welt-berühmten Adami Olearii colligirte und viel vermehrte
+Reise-Beschreibungen etc., Hamb. 1696, chap. xxv.
+
+[53] Ibid. chap. xxviii. p. 327 seq.
+
+[54] Olearius, op. cit., Preface to the Rosenthal. Full title of
+Ochsenbach's book in Buch der Beispiele, ed. Holland, p. 258, n. 1.
+
+[55] Proverbiorum et Sententiarum Persicarum Centuria, Leyden, 1644. In
+the preface the author says that he undertakes his work, "cum e genuinis
+Persarum scriptis nihil hactenus in Latinam linguam sit translatum."
+
+[56] Iversen in op. cit. chap. xi. p. 157 seq. Cf. Jackson, Die
+iranische Religion in Grdr. iran. Ph. iii. pp. 633, 634, 636.
+
+[57] Sanson in op. cit. pp. 48, 49.
+
+[58] Fr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, Heidelb. 1808, Vorrede, p. xi.
+
+[59] See preface to op. cit.
+
+[60] Ideen zur Phil. d. Gesch. der Menschheit, chap. iv. ed. Suphan,
+vol. 13, p. 415.
+
+[61] The story is given in Chardin's book, though this was not the
+source. See Andreas Gryphius Trauerspiele, ed. Herm. Palm, BLVS. vol.
+162, pp. 138, 139.
+
+[62] See Zoroasters Telescop oder Schlüssel zur grossen divinatorischen
+Kabbala der Magier in Das Kloster ed. J. Scheible, Stuttg. 1846, vol.
+iii. p. 414 seq., esp. p. 439.
+
+[63] Widmann's Faust in Das Kloster, vol. ii. p. 296; Der Christlich
+Meynende, ibid. ii. p. 85.
+
+[64] Christoph. Wagners Leben, ibid. vol. iii. p. 78.
+
+[65] Ibid. ii. p. 1004.
+
+[66] Ed. by Felix Bobertag, KDNL. vol. 37, Einl. p. 8.
+
+[67] On this see Felix Bobertag, Gesch. des Romans und der ihm
+verwandten Dichtungsgattungen in Deutschland, Bresl. 1876, vol. ii. 2.
+pp. 110 seq., 140, 160.
+
+[68] In Der abenteuerliche Simplicissimus ed. Adalb. Keller, Stuttg.
+1862 (BLVS. vol. 66), vol. iv. pp. 707 seq.
+
+[69] Op. cit. pp. 759, 760.
+
+[70] Ibid, p. 710; again p. 841.
+
+[71] The Story of Joseph from the Qurān was published in Arabic with a
+Latin version by Erpenius as early as 1617. See Zenker, Bibl. Orient.,
+Leipz. 1846, vol. i. p. 169, No. 1380.
+
+[72] Keller, op. cit. p. 742.
+
+[73] See Jackson, Zoroaster, Appendix V (by Gray).
+
+[74] See Jackson, Zoroaster, pp. 127-132.
+
+[75] Rud. Fürst, Die Vorläufer der Modernen Novelle im achtzehnten
+Jahrhundert, Halle a. S. 1897. p. 51.
+
+[76] Some of the stories are undoubtedly Oriental in origin. The work
+appeared at Venice, 1557, and was translated into German, in 1583, by
+Johann Wetzel under the title Die Reise der Söhne Giaffers. Ed. by Herm.
+Fischer and Joh. Bolte (BLVS, vol. 208), Tüb. 1895.
+
+[77] Fürst, op. cit. p. 52. The name is derived from the Arabic صد يق
+"speaker of the truth," as pointed out by Hammer in Red. p. 326. See
+essay L'ange et l'hermite by Gaston Paris in La Poésie du Moyen Age,
+Paris, 1887, p. 151.
+
+[78] Fürst, op. cit. p. 154.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+HERDER.
+
+      Herder's Interest in the Orient--Fourth Collection of his
+      Zerstreute Blätter--His Didactic Tendency And Predilection For
+      Saʻdī.
+
+
+The epoch-making work of the English Orientalists, and above all, of the
+illustrious Sir William Jones, at the end of the eighteenth century not
+only laid the foundation of Sanskrit scholarship in Europe, but also
+gave the first direct impulse to the Oriental movement which in the
+first half of the nineteenth century manifests itself so strikingly both
+in English as well as in German literature, especially in the work of
+the poets. In Germany this movement came just at the time when the idea
+of a universal literature had taken hold of the minds of the leading
+literary men, and so it was very natural that the pioneer and prophet of
+this great idea should also be the first to introduce into German poetry
+the new _west-östliche Richtung_.
+
+Herder's theological studies turned his attention to the East at an
+early age. As is well known, he always had a fervid admiration for the
+Hebrew poets, but we have evidence to show, that, even before the year
+1771, when Jones' _Traité sur la poésie orientale_ appeared, he had
+widened the sphere of his Oriental studies and had become interested in
+Saʻdī.[79] Rhymed paraphrases made by him of some stories from the
+_Gulistān_ date from the period 1761-1764,[80] and, as occasional
+references prove, Saʻdī continued to hold his attention until the
+appearance, in 1792, of the fourth Collection of the _Zerstreute
+Blätter_, which contains the bulk of Herder's translation from Persian
+and Sanskrit literature, and which therefore will have to occupy our
+attention.[81]
+
+Of this collection the following are of interest to us: 1°. Four books
+of translations, more or less free, of maxims from the _Gulistān_,
+entitled _Blumen aus morgenländischen Dichtern gesammlet_. 2°.
+Translations from the Sanskrit consisting of maxims from the
+_Hitōpadēśa_ and from Bhartṛhari and passages from the _Bhagavadgītā_
+under the name of _Gedanken einiger Bramanen_. 3°. A number of versions
+from Persian, Sanskrit, Hebrew and Arabic poets given in the Suphan
+edition as _Vermischte Stücke_.
+
+The first three books of the _Blumen_ consist entirely of maxims from
+the _Gulistān_, the versions of Gentius, or sometimes of Olearius, being
+the basis, while the fourth book contains also poems from Rūmī, H̱āfiḍ
+and others (some not Persian), taken mostly from Jones' well known
+_Poeseos_.[82] For the _Gedanken_ our poet made use of Wilkins'
+translation of the _Hitōpadēśa_ (1787) and of the _Bhagavadgītā_ (1785),
+together with the German version of Bhartṛhari by Arnold from Roger's
+Dutch rendering.
+
+As Herder did not know either Sanskrit or Persian, his versions are
+translations of translations, and it is not surprising if the sense of
+the original is sometimes very much altered, especially when we consider
+that the translations on which he depended were not always accurate.[83]
+In most cases, however, the sense is fairly well preserved, sometimes
+even with admirable fidelity, as in "Lob der Gottheit" (_Bl._ i. 1),
+which is a version of passages from the introduction to the _Gulistān_.
+No attention whatever is paid to the form of the originals. For the
+selections from Saʻdī the distich which had been used for the versions
+from the Greek anthology is the favorite form. Rhyme, which in Persian
+poetry is an indispensable requisite, is never employed.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The moralizing tendency which characterizes all of Herder's work, and
+which grew stronger as he advanced in years, rendered him indifferent
+to the purely artistic side of poetry. He makes no effort in his
+versions to bring out what is characteristically Oriental in the
+original; on the contrary, he often destroys it. Thus his "Blume des
+Paradieses" (_Bl._ iv. 7 = H̱. 548) is addressed to a girl instead of a
+boy. The fourth couplet is accordingly altered to suit the sense, while
+the last couplet, which according to the law governing the construction
+of the Persian _γazal_ contained the name of the poet, is omitted. So
+also in "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (_Verm._ 6 = _Gul._ v. 18, ed. Platts, p.
+114) the characteristic Persian phrase
+
+     از دريچهء چشم مجنون بجمال ليلی بايستی مطالعه کردن
+
+     "It is necessary to survey Laīlā's beauty from the window of
+     Majnūn's eye"
+
+appears simply as "O ... sieh mit meinen Augen an."
+
+This exclusive interest in the purely didactic side induced Herder also
+to remove the maxims from the stories which in the _Gulistān_ or
+_Hitōpadēśa_ served as their setting. So they appear simply as general
+sententious literature, whereas in the originals they are as a rule
+introduced solely to illustrate or to emphasize some particular point of
+the story. Then again a story may be considerably shortened, as in "Die
+Lüge" (_Bl._ ii. 28 = _Gul._ i. 1), "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (see above).
+To atone for such abridgment new lines embodying in most cases a general
+moral reflection are frequently added. Thus both the pieces just cited
+have such additions. In "Verschiedener Umgang" (_Ged._ 3 = Bhart.
+_Nītiś._ 67; Böhtl. 6781) the first three lines are evidently
+inspired by the last line of the Sanskrit proverb: _prāyēṇā
+'dhamamadhyamōttamaguṇaḥ saṃsargatō jāyatē_ "in general the lowest, the
+middle and the highest quality arise from association," but they are in
+no sense a translation.
+
+What we have given suffices to characterize Herder as a translator or
+adapter of Oriental poetry. His Eastern studies have scarcely exerted
+any influence on his original poems beyond inspiring some fervid lines
+in praise of India and its dramatic art as exhibited in _Śakuntalā_,[84]
+which had just then (1791) been translated by Forster into German from
+the English version of Sir William Jones. Unlike his illustrious
+contemporary Goethe he received from the East no impulse that stimulated
+him to production. His one-sided preference for the purely didactic
+element rendered him indifferent to the lyric beauty of H̱āfiḍ and
+caused him to proclaim Saʻdī as the model most worthy of imitation.[85]
+Yet it was H̱āfiḍ, the prince of Persian lyric poets, the singer of wine
+and roses, who fired the soul of Germany's greatest poet and inspired
+him to write the _Divan_, and thus H̱āfiḍ became the dominating
+influence and the guiding star of the _west-östliche Richtung_ in German
+poetry.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[79] See the edition by Meyer (KDNL. vol. 74) i. 1. pp. 164, 165.
+
+[80] Given by Redlich in the edition by Suphan, vol. 26, p. 435 seq.
+
+[81] We may state here that the work in question has been thoroughly
+commented on by such scholars as Düntzer and Redlich, and their comments
+may be found in the editions of Suphan and Meyer. The same has been done
+for Goethe's Divan by Düntzer and Loeper. The former's notes are in his
+Goethe-edition in the Kürschner-series, the latter's in the edition of
+Hempel. In this investigation, therefore, the chapters on Herder and
+Goethe are somewhat briefer than they otherwise would be, as further
+details as to sources, etc., are easily accessible in the editions just
+mentioned. In all cases, however, the Sanskrit or Persian originals of
+the passages cited have been examined.
+
+[82] Poeseos Asiaticae commentariorum libri vi, publ. at London, 1774.
+Reprinted by Eichborn at Leipzig, 1777.
+
+[83] Compare, for instance. Hit. couplet 43 = Böhtl. 3121 with the
+rendering of Wilkins in Fables and Proverbs from the Sanskrit, London,
+1888 (Morley's Univ. Lib.), pp. 41, 42. And then compare with Herder's
+Zwecke des Lebens (Ged. 15).
+
+[84] Indien, ed. Suphan, vol. 29, p. 665.
+
+[85] "An Hafyz Gesängen haben wir fast genug; Sadi ist uns lehrreicher
+gewesen." Adrastea vi. ed. Suphan, vol. 24, p. 356.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+GOETHE.
+
+      Enthusiasm for Śakuntalā--Der Gott und die Bajadere; Der
+      Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin of the
+      Divan--Oriental Character of the Work--Inaugurates the Oriental
+      Movement.
+
+
+In _Wahrheit und Dichtung_ (B. xii. vol. xxii. p. 86) Goethe tells us
+that he first became acquainted with Hindu fables through Dapper's book
+of travel,[86] while pursuing his law studies at Wetzlar, in 1771. He
+amused his circle of literary friends by relating stories of Rāma and
+the monkey _Hanneman_ (i.e. Hanuman), who speedily won the favor of the
+audience. The poet himself, however, could not get any lasting pleasure
+from monstrosities; misshapen divinities shocked his aesthetic sense.
+
+The first time that Goethe's attention was turned seriously to Eastern
+literature was in 1791, when, through Herder's efforts, he made the
+acquaintance of Kālidāsa's dramatic masterpiece _Śakuntalā_, which
+inspired the well known epigram "Willst du die Blüte des frühen," etc.,
+an extravagant eulogy rather than an appreciative criticism. That the
+impression was not merely momentary is proved by the fact that five
+years later the poet took the inspiration for his _Faust_ prologue from
+Kālidāsa's work.[87] Otherwise it cannot be said that the then just
+awakening Sanskrit studies exercised any considerable influence on his
+poetic activity. For his two ballads dealing with Indic subjects, "Der
+Gott und die Bajadere" and "Der Paria", the material was taken, not from
+works of Sanskrit literature, but from a book of travel. The former poem
+was completed in 1797, though the idea was taken as early as 1783 from
+a German version of Sonnerat's travels, where the story is related
+according to the account of Abraham Roger[88] in _De Open-Deure_. There
+the account is as follows: "'t Is ghebeurt ... dat Dewendre, onder
+Menschelijcke ghedaente, op eenen tijdt ghekomen is by een sekere Hoere,
+de welcke hy heeft willen beproeven of sy oock ghetrouw was. Hy
+accordeert met haer, ende gaf haer een goet Hoeren loon. Na den loon
+onthaelde sy hem dien nacht heel wel, sonder dat sy haer tot slapen
+begaf. Doch 't soude in dien nacht ghebeurt zijn dat Dewendre sich
+geliet of hy stierf; ende storf soo sy meynde. De Hoere die wilde met
+hem branden, haer Vrienden en konde het haer niet afraden; de welcke
+haer voor-hielden dat het haer Man niet en was. Maer nadien dat sy haer
+niet en liet gheseggen, soo lietse het yver toestellen om daer in te
+springen. Op't uyterste ghekomen zijnde, ontwaeckte Dewendre, ende
+seyde, dat hy hem hadde ghelaten doot te zijn, alleenlijck om te
+ondervinden hare trouwe; ende hy seyde haer toe, tot een loon van hare
+ghetrouwigheyt, dat sy met hem na Dewendrelocon (dat is een der platsen
+der gelucksaligheyt) gaen soude. Ende ghelijck den Bramine seyde, ist
+alsoo gheschiet."[89]
+
+It will be seen that Goethe has changed the story considerably and for
+the better. How infinitely nobler is his idea of uniting the maiden with
+her divine lover on the flaming pyre from which both ascend to heaven!
+It may also be observed that Goethe substitutes Mahādēva, i.e. Śiva, for
+Dewendre[90] and assigns to him an incarnation, though such incarnations
+are known only of Viṣṇu.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The "Paria," a trilogy consisting of "Gebet," "Legende" and "Dank des
+Paria," was begun in 1816, but not finished until December, 1821. Even
+then it was not quite complete. The appearance of Delavigne's _Le Paria_
+and still more of Michael Beer's drama of the same name, spurred Goethe
+to a final effort and the poem was published in October, 1823.
+
+The direct source is the legend which Sonnerat tells of the origin of
+the Paria-goddess Mariatale.[91] Indirectly, however, the sources are
+found in Sanskrit literature. Two parts may be distinguished: The story
+of the temptation and punishment, and the story of the interchange of
+heads.[92] The former story is that of the ascetic Jamadagni and his
+wife Rēṇukā, who was slain by her son Rāma at the command of the ascetic
+himself, in punishment for her yielding to an impure desire on beholding
+the prince Citraratha. Subsequently at the intercession of Rāma she is
+again restored to life through Jamadagni's supernatural power. The story
+is in _Mahābhārata_ iii. c. 116 seq.[93] and also in the _Bhāgavata
+Purāṇa_, Bk. ix. c. 16,[94] though here the harshness of the original
+version is somewhat softened.[95]
+
+The second story is found in the _Vētālapañcaviṃs'ati_, being the sixth
+of the "twenty-five tales of a corpse-demon," which are also found in
+the twelfth book of the _Kathāsaritsāgara_.[96] It relates how
+Madanasundarī, whose husband and brother-in-law had beheaded themselves
+in honor of Durgā, is commanded by the goddess to restore the corpses to
+life by joining to each its own head, and how by mistake she
+interchanges these heads.
+
+The two stories were fused into one and so we get the legend in the form
+in which Sonnerat presents it. Goethe followed this form closely without
+inventing anything. He did, however, put into the poem an ethical
+content and a noble idea. Both the Indic ballads are a fervent plea for
+the innate nobility of humanity.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Here the influence of India on Goethe's work ends. The progress of
+Sanskrit studies could not fail to excite the interest of the poet whose
+boast was his cosmopolitanism,[97] but they did not incite him to
+production. For India's mythology, its religion and its abstrusest of
+philosophies he felt nothing but aversion. Especially hateful to him
+were the mythological monstrosities:
+
+    Und so will ich, ein für allemal,
+    Keine Bestien in dem Göttersaal!
+    Die leidigen Elephantenrüssel,
+    Das umgeschlungene Schlangengenüssel,
+    Tief Urschildkröt' im Weltensumpf,
+    Viel Königsköpf' auf einem Rumpf,
+    Die müssen uns zur Verzweiflung bringen,
+    Wird sie nicht reiner Ost verschlingen.[98]
+
+Goethe classed Indic antiquities with those of Egypt and China, and his
+attitude towards the question of their value is distinctly expressed in
+one of his prose proverbs: "Chinesische, Indische, Aegyptische
+Altertümer sind immer nur Curiositäten: es ist sehr wohl gethan, sich
+und die Welt damit bekannt zu machen; zu sittlicher und aesthetischer
+Bildung aber werden sie uns wenig fruchten."[99]
+
+After all, Goethe's Orient did not extend beyond the Indus. It was
+confined mainly to Persia and Arabia, with an occasional excursion into
+Turkey.
+
+To this Orient he turned at the time of Germany's deepest political
+degradation, when the best part of its soil was overrun by a foreign
+invader, and when the whole nation nerved itself for the life and death
+struggle that was to break its chains. The aged poet shrank from the
+tumult and strife about him and took refuge in the East. The opening
+lines of the first Divan poem express the motive of this poetical
+_Hegire_.
+
+The history of the composition of the _Divan_ is too well known to
+require repetition. It is given with great detail in the editions
+prepared by von Loeper and Düntzer.[100] Suffice it to say that the
+direct impulse to the composition of the work was the appearance, in
+1812, of the first complete version of Persia's greatest lyric poet
+H̱āfiḍ, by the famous Viennese Orientalist von Hammer. The bulk of the
+poems were written between the years 1814 and 1819,[101] although in
+the work as we now have it a number of poems are included which arose
+later than 1819 and were added to the editions of 1827 and 1837.[102]
+
+The idea of dividing the collection into books was suggested by the fact
+that two of H̱āfiḍ's longer poems bear the titles مغنی نامه، ساقی نامه,
+i.e. "book of the cup-bearer" and "book of the minstrel," as well as by
+the seven-fold division which Sir William Jones had made of Oriental
+poetry.[103] For the heroic there was no material, nor were some of the
+other divisions suitable for Goethe's purpose. So only the _Buch der
+Liebe_ and the _Buch des Unmuts_ (to correspond to satire) could be
+formed. Other books were formed in an analogous manner until they were
+twelve in number. The poet originally intended to make them of equal
+length, but this intention he never carried out, and so they are of very
+unequal extent, the longest being that of _Suleika_ (53 poems) and the
+shortest those of Timur and of the Parsi (two poems each).
+
+The great majority of the Divan-poems are not in any sense translations
+or reproductions, but entirely original compositions inspired by the
+poet's Oriental reading and study. The thoroughness and earnestness of
+these studies is attested by the explanatory notes which were added to
+the _Divan_ and were published with it in 1819,[104] and which show
+conclusively, that, although Goethe could not read Persian poetry in the
+original, he nevertheless succeeded admirably in entering into its
+spirit.
+
+We have mentioned Hammer's translation of H̱āfiḍ as the direct impulse
+to the composition of the _Divan_. It was also the principal source from
+which the poet drew his inspiration for the work. A single verse would
+often furnish a theme for a poem. Sometimes this poem would be a
+translation, e.g. "Eine Stelle suchte der Liebe Schmerz," p. 54 (H̱.
+356. 8); but more often it was a very free paraphrase, e.g. the motto
+prefixed to _Buch Hafis_, a variation of the motto to Hammer's version
+(H̱. 222. 9). As an example of how a single verse is developed into an
+original poem we may cite "Über meines Liebchens Äugeln," p. 55, where
+the first stanza is a version of H̱. 221. 1, all the others being free
+invention. Other Persian poets besides H̱āfiḍ also furnished material.
+Thus the opening passage of Saʻdī's _Gulistān_ was used for "Im
+Athemholen," p. 10, where the sense, however, is altered and the line
+"So sonderbar ist das Leben gemischt" is added. A number of poems are
+based on the _Pand Nāmah_ of ʻAṭṭār, e.g. pp. 58, 60,[105] and two are
+taken from Firdausī, namely "Firdusi spricht," p. 75 (Sh. N. i. p. 62,
+couplet 538; Mohl, i. 84; Fundgruben. ii. 64) and "Was machst du an der
+Welt?" p. 96 (Sh. N. i. p. 482, coupl. 788, 789; _Red._ p. 58). But it
+was not only the poetical works of Persia that were laid under
+contribution; sayings, anecdotes, descriptions, remarks of any kind in
+books of travel and the like were utilized as well. Thus Hammer in the
+preface to his version of H̱āfiḍ relates the _fatvā_ or judgment which a
+famous _muftī_ of Constantinople pronounced on the poems of the great
+singer, and this gave Goethe the idea for his "Fetwa," p. 32.[106] In
+the same preface[107] is related the well known reply which H̱āfiḍ is
+reported to have given to Timur, when called to account by the latter
+for the sentiment of the first couplet of the famous eighth ode, and
+this inspired the poem "Hätt' ich irgend wol Bedenken," p. 133.
+Similarly "Vom heutigen Tag," p. 94, is based on the words of an
+inscription over a caravansery at Ispahan found in Chardin's book. The
+story of Bahrāmgūr and Dilārām inventing rhyme[108] gave rise to the
+poem "Behramgur, sagt man," p. 153. And so we might cite poems from
+other sources, _Qurān_, Jones' _Poeseos_, Diez' _Buch des Kabus_, etc.,
+but the examples we have given are sufficient to show how Goethe used
+his material.
+
+Throughout the _Divan_ Persian similes and metaphors are copiously
+employed and help to create a genuine Oriental atmosphere. The adoration
+of the dust on the path of the beloved, p. 23 (cf. H̱. 497. 10); the
+image of the candle that is consumed by the flame as the lover is by
+yearning, p. 54 (cf. H̱. 414. 4); the love of the nightingale for the
+rose, p. 125 (cf. H̱. 318. 1); the lover captive in the maiden's
+tresses, p. 46 (cf. H̱. 338. 1); the arrows of the eye lashes, p. 129
+(cf. H̱. 173. 2); the verses strung together like pearls, p. 193 (cf.
+H̱. 499. 11), are some of the peculiarly Persian metaphors that occur.
+Allusions to the loves of Yūsuf and Zalīχā, of Laīlā and Majnūn and of
+other Oriental couples are repeatedly brought in. Moreover, a whole book
+is devoted to the _sāqī_ so familiar to students of H̱āfiḍ, and Goethe
+does not shrink from alluding to the subject of boy-love, p. 181.
+
+A great many of the poems, however, do not owe their inspiration to the
+Orient, and many are completely unoriental. Such are, for instance,
+those of the _Randsch Namah_, expressing, as they do, Goethe's opinions
+on contemporary literary and aesthetic matters. Again, many are inspired
+by personal experiences, and, as is now well known, the whole _Buch
+Suleika_ owes its origin to the poet's love for Marianne von Willemer;
+some of its finest poems have been proved to have been written by this
+gifted lady. Such poems, written under the impressions of some actual
+occurrence, were sometimes subsequently orientalized. Some striking
+illustrations of this are given by Burdach in the essay which we cited
+before and to which we refer.
+
+As the _Divan_ was an original work, though inspired by Oriental
+sources, Goethe did not feel the necessity of imitating the extremely
+artificial forms of his Oriental models. Besides, he knew of these forms
+only indirectly through the work of Jones. What Hammer's versions could
+teach him on this point was certainly very little. Perhaps he did not
+realize what an essential element form is in Persian poetry, that, in
+fact, it generally predominates over the thought, and this so much that
+the unity of a _γazal_ is entirely dependent on the recurrence of the
+rhyme. Instead of such recurrent rhyme he employs changing rhyme and
+free strophes. Only twice does he attempt anything like an imitation of
+the _γazal_, but in neither case does he satisfy the technical rules of
+this poetic form.[109]
+
+From all this we see that Goethe in the _Divan_ preserves his poetic
+independence. He remains a citizen of the West, though he chooses to
+dwell for a time in the East. As a rule he takes from there only what he
+finds congenial to his own nature. So we can understand his attitude
+towards mysticism. He has no love for it; it was utterly incompatible
+with his own habit of clear thinking. Speaking of Rūmī, the prince of
+mystics, he doubts if this poet could give a clear account of his own
+doctrine;[110] the grades by which, according to S̱ūfī-doctrine, man
+rises to ultimate union with the Godhead he calls follies.[111]
+Therefore to him H̱āfiḍ was the singer of real love, real roses and real
+wine, and this conception of the great lyric poet was also adopted by
+all the later Hafizian singers.[112] Unfortunately it cannot be said
+that it is quite correct. For even if we ignore the mystical
+interpretation which Oriental commentators give to the wine of H̱āfiḍ,
+we cannot possibly ignore the fact that the love of which he sings is
+never the ideal love for woman, but mostly the love for a handsome
+boy.[113]
+
+With the _Divan_ Goethe inaugurated the Oriental movement in German
+poetry, which Rückert, Platen and Bodenstedt carried to its culmination.
+These later Hafizian singers remembered gratefully what they owed the
+sage of Weimar. Rückert pays his tribute to him in the opening poem of
+his _Östliche Rosen_, where he hails him as lord of the East as he has
+been the star of the West.[114] And Platen offers to him reverentially
+his first _Ghaselen_:
+
+    Der Orient sei neu bewegt,
+    Soll nicht nach dir die Welt vernüchtern,
+    Du selbst, du hast's in uns erregt:
+    So nimm hier, was ein Jüngling schüchtern
+    In eines Greisen Hände legt.[115]
+
+The poetic spirit of the Orient had been brought into German literature;
+it was reserved for Rückert and Platen to complete the work by bringing
+over also the poetic forms.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[86] Asia, Oder: Ausführliche Beschreibung, etc. See Benfey, Orient u.
+Occident, i. p. 721, note.
+
+[87] See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz. 1882, p. 68.
+
+[88] This information is given by Düntzer in his Goethe ed. (KDNL. vol.
+82), vol. i. p. 167, note. The French ed. of Sonnerat, Paris, 1783, does
+not contain the story. The German version to which Düntzer refers has
+not been accessible to me.
+
+[89] Roger, De Open-Deure, Leyden, 1651, pp. 166, 167, chap. xi.
+
+[90] It is to be noted that in Sanskrit literature _dēvēndra_ is an
+epithet of Śiva as well as of Indra.
+
+[91] Voyage aux Indes et à la Chine, Paris, 1782, i. 244 seq.
+
+[92] See Benfey, Goethes Gedicht Legende und dessen indisches Vorbild in
+Or. u. Occ. i. 719-732. Benfey erroneously supposes the material of the
+poem to have been derived from Dapper.
+
+[93] Bombay edition; cf. also Engl. trans. of Mahābh. ed. Roy, vol. iii.
+p. 358 seq.
+
+[94] Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed. Bomb. 1898, p. 407 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. in
+Wealth of India ed. Dutt, Calc. 1895, pp. 62, 63.
+
+[95] For other Sanskrit sources see Petersb. Lex. sub voce _rēnukā_.
+
+[96] Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed., Bombay, 1889, p. 481 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr.
+by Tawney, vol. ii. p. 261 seq.
+
+[97] See for instance his discussion of Śakuntalā, Gītagōvinda and
+Mēghadūta in Indische Dichtung, written 1821. Vol. 29, p. 809.
+
+[98] Vol. ii. p. 352.
+
+[99] Sprüche in Prosa, vol. 19, p. 112.
+
+[100] See also Konrad Burdach, Goethe's West-Östlicher Divan, Goethe
+Jahrbuch, vol. xvii. Appendix.
+
+[101] More than 200 poems out of 284 date from the years 1814, 1815
+alone. Loeper in vol. vi. preface, p. xxviii.
+
+[102] Loeper, ibid. p. xv.
+
+[103] Poeseos, The Works of Sir William Jones, ed. Lord Teignmouth,
+London, 1807, vol. vi. chapters 12-18.
+
+[104] Based mainly on information contained in Hammer's Gesch. der
+schönen Redekünste Persiens, Wien, 1818.
+
+[105] Given in Fundgruben des Orients, Wien, 1809, vol. ii. pp. 222,
+495, in the French translation of de Sacy.
+
+[106] Op. cit. p. xxxiv.
+
+[107] Ibid. pp. xvi, xvii.
+
+[108] Red. p. 35; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, Torino, 1894,
+vol. i. p. 7. This story inspired also the scene between Helena and
+Faust. Faust, Act iii. See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz., 1882, ii. p.
+216.
+
+[109] In tausend Formen, p. 169; Sie haben wegen der Trunkenheit, p.
+178.
+
+[110] Noten u. Abhandlungen, p. 260.
+
+[111] Ibid. p. 264.
+
+[112] That Goethe knew of the mystic interpretation to which H̱āfiḍ is
+subjected by Oriental commentators is evident from "Offenbar Geheimnis,"
+p. 38, and from the next poem "Wink," p. 39.
+
+[113] See Paul Horn, Was verdanken wir Persien?, in Nord u. Süd, Sept.
+1900, p. 389.
+
+[114] Rückert's Werke, vol. v. 286.
+
+[115] Platen, Werke, i. p. 255.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+SCHILLER.
+
+      Schiller's Interest in Śakuntalā--Turandot.
+
+
+While the Orient, as we have seen, cast its spell over Germany's
+greatest poet and inspired the lyric genius of his later years for one
+of its most remarkable efforts, it remained practically without any
+influence on his illustrious friend and brother-poet Schiller. If
+Schiller had lived longer, it is not impossible that he too might have
+contributed to the West-Eastern literature. As it is, however, he died
+before the Oriental movement in Germany had really begun. At no time did
+he feel any particular interest in the East. Once, indeed, he mentions
+_Śakuntalā_. Goethe had drawn his attention to a German version of the
+_Gītagōvinda_ and this reminded Schiller of the famous Hindu drama which
+he read with the idea of possibly utilizing it for the theatre.[116]
+This idea he abandons owing to the delicacy of the piece and its lack of
+movement.
+
+An attempt has been made to prove that to Kālidāsa's drama Schiller was
+indebted for the motive of his "Alpenjäger," but it cannot be said to
+have been successful.[117]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Though there was no direct Oriental influence on Schiller's poetry,
+there is one dramatic poem of his which indirectly goes back to a
+Persian source. It is _Turandot_. The direct source for this composition
+was Gozzi's play of the same name in the translation of August Clemens
+Werthes, which Schiller, however, used with such freedom that his own
+play may be regarded as an original production rather than a version.
+The Italian poet based his _fiaba_ on the story of Prince Kalaf in the
+Persian tales of Pétis de La Croix.[118] Now, as has been pointed out
+by scholars,[119] the name of the heroine, who gives the name to the
+play, is genuinely Persian, _Tūrān-duχt_, "the daughter of Tūrān,"[120]
+and although the scene is laid in China, most of the proper names, both
+in Gozzi and Schiller, are not at all Chinese, but Persian or Arabic.
+The oldest known model for the story is the fourth romance of Nidāmī's
+_Haft Paīkar_, the story of Bahrāmgūr and the Russian princess, written
+1197.[121] Whether Schiller was aware of the ultimate origin of the
+legend or not, he certainly made no attempt to give Persian local color
+to his piece, but on the contrary he studiously tried to impart to it a
+Chinese atmosphere.[122] It is interesting nevertheless to notice that
+when _Turandot_ was given at Hamburg (July 9 to Sept. 9, 1802) its real
+provenence was recognized, and, accordingly Turandot was no longer the
+princess of China, but that of Shīrāz, her father being transformed into
+the Shāh of Persia and the doctors of the _dīvān_ into Oriental
+Magi.[123] At Dresden the same thing happened, and here even Tartaglia
+and Brigella, who had been allowed to retain their Italian names in
+Hamburg, were made to assume the Oriental names of Babouk and Osmin. The
+specifically Chinese riddles disappeared, and instead of Tien and Fohi,
+Hormuz was now invoked.[124]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[116] A Letter dated from Weimar, Feb. 20, 1802. Briefwechsel zwischen
+Schiller u. Goethe. Stuttg. (Cotta) s. A., vol. iv. p. 98.
+
+[117] W. Sauer in Korrespondenzblatt f. d. Gelehrten u. Realschulen
+Württembergs, XL. pp. 297-304. Against this view Ernst Müller in
+Zeitschr. für vgl. Litteraturgesch., Neue Folge, viii. pp. 271-278.
+
+[118] Les Mille et Un Jours, tr. Pétis de La Croix, ed.
+Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, Paris, 1843, p. 69 seq.
+
+[119] Hammer, Red. p. 116; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, p. 429.
+
+[120] Cf. name of Mihrāb's wife, Sīnduχt, Sh. N. tr. Mohl i. p. 192 et
+passim; Pūrānduχt, daughter of Xusrau Parvīz, Mīrχvānd tr. Rehatsek,
+vol. i. p. 403.
+
+[121] See Ethé, Gesch. der pers. Litt. in Grdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. p
+242.
+
+[122] See Albert Köster's essay on Turandot in Schiller als Dramaturg,
+Berl. 1891, p. 201.
+
+[123] Köster, op. cit. p. 212.
+
+[124] Ibid. p. 213.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+THE SCHLEGELS.
+
+      Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier--Foundation of
+      Sanskrit Study in Germany.
+
+
+We have now come to the period of the foundation of Sanskrit philology
+in Germany. English statesmanship had completed the material conquest of
+India; German scholarship now began to join in the spiritual conquest of
+that country. With this undertaking the names of Friedrich and August
+Wilhelm Schlegel are prominently identified. The chief work of these
+brothers lies in the field of philosophy, translation and criticism, and
+is therefore beyond the scope of this investigation. Suffice it to say
+that Friedrich's famous little book _Die Weisheit der Indier_, published
+in 1808, besides marking the beginning of Sanskrit studies and
+comparative grammar in Germany,[125] is also of interest to us because
+here for the first time a German version of selections from the
+_Mahābhārata_, _Rāmāyaṇa_ and the _Code of Manu_, as well as a
+description of some of the most common Sanskrit metres is
+presented,[126] and an attempt is even made to reproduce these metres in
+the translation. The work of August Wilhelm Schlegel as critic,
+translator and editor of important works from Sanskrit literature is too
+familiar to need more than mention.[127] It is well known that to his
+lectures Heine owed his fondness for the lotus-flowers and gazelles on
+the banks of the Ganges.
+
+On the poetry of the Schlegels their Oriental studies exercised very
+little influence. Friedrich translated some maxims from the _Hitōpadēśa_
+and from Bhartṛhari;[128] August likewise translated from the same
+works, as well as from the Epics and Purāṇas.[129] There are only two
+original poems of his that have anything to do with India, and both of
+these were written before he had begun the study of Sanskrit. The first
+is "Die Bestattung des Braminen,"[130] a somewhat morbid description of
+the burning of a corpse. It was addressed to his brother Karl August,
+who had joined a Hanoverian regiment in the service of the East India
+Company. The second of these poems is "Neoptolemus an Diokles" (ii. 13),
+written in 1800, and dedicated to the memory of this same brother who
+had died at Madras in 1789.[131] As a matter of fact, there is really
+nothing Oriental in the spirit of the poem.
+
+Aside from translations, the only poems that are connected with
+Schlegel's Sanskrit studies, are the epigrams against his illustrious
+contemporaries, Bopp and Rückert. Those against the former (ii. 234) are
+of no special interest here. With those against Rückert, however, the
+case is different. It is worth while noting that towards the
+distinguished scholar-poet Schlegel assumed a patronizing attitude. To
+Rückert's masterly renderings from Sanskrit literature he referred
+slightingly as "Sanskritpoesiemetriknachahmungen" (ii. 235). But when he
+hailed the younger poet as
+
+    Aller morgenländ'schen Zäune König,
+    Wechselsweise zeisigkranichtönig! (ii. 218),
+
+he came much nearer to the truth than he imagined at the time. For,
+while it will be conceded that Rückert did not always sing with equal
+power, it also is indisputable that he is the leading spirit in the
+movement under investigation. But we shall not anticipate a discussion
+of this poet's work, which is reserved for a succeeding chapter.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[125] See Benfey, Gesch. der Sprachwissenschaft und orient. Philologie
+in Deutschland, München, 1869, pp. 361-369.
+
+[126] The _ślōka_, the _triṣṭubh_ and the _jagati_ metre are described,
+the last two, however, not by name. Nārada's speech, p. 236, is in
+_ślōka_, 16 syllables to the line; the first distich, p. 233, is in
+_triṣṭubh_, 22 syllables to the line. Quantity of course is ignored.
+
+[127] See Benfey, op. cit. pp. 379-405.
+
+[128] Friedr. Schlegel, Sämmtliche Werke, Wien, 1846. vol. ii. p. 82
+seq.
+
+[129] Aug. W. Schlegel, Sämmtliche Werke. Leipz. 1846. vol. iii. p. 7
+seq.
+
+[130] Ibid. i. p. 82.
+
+[131] Friedr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, pref. pp. xii, xiii. See
+also prefatory remarks to the poem in question.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+PLATEN.
+
+      His Oriental Studies--Ghaselen--Their Persian
+      Character--Imitation of Persian Form--Translations.
+
+
+The first to introduce the _γazal_ in its strict form into German
+literature[132] was Rückert, who in 1821 published a version of a number
+of _γazals_ from the _dīvān_ of Rūmī.[133] Chronologically, therefore,
+he ought to have the precedence in this investigation. If we,
+nevertheless, take up Platen first, we do so because the _γazals_ of
+this poet were really the first professedly original poems of this form
+to appear in Germany (Rückert's claiming to be versions only), and also
+because they constitute almost the only portion of his poetic work that
+comes within the sphere of this discussion. Moreover, the remarks which
+we shall make concerning their content, imagery, and poetic structure,
+apply largely to the _γazals_ of Rückert and also to his _Östliche
+Rosen_, if we except the structure of the latter.
+
+Platen became interested in the East through the work of Hammer, and
+still more through the influence of Goethe's _Divan_. He at once set to
+work studying Persian, and his zeal was increased when, on meeting
+Rückert in 1820 at Ebern, and again at Nürnberg, he received
+encouragement and instruction from that scholarly poet. Above all, the
+appearance of the latter's versions from Rūmī gave him a powerful
+stimulus, and in 1821 the first series of his _Ghaselen_ appeared at
+Erlangen. Others followed in rapid succession. The same year a second
+series appeared at Leipzig;[134] a third series, united under the title
+_Spiegel des Hafis_, appeared at Erlangen the next year;[135] and,
+lastly, a series called _Neue Ghaselen_ appeared in the same place in
+1823. A few _γazals_ arose later, some being published as late as 1836
+and 1839.[136]
+
+We shall confine our discussion to those _γazals_ that date from the
+years 1821 and 1822, the last series being Persian in nothing but form.
+
+The _Ghaselen_ are not at all translations. Like the _Divan_-poems they
+are original creations, inspired by the reading of H̱āfiḍ, and, to use
+the poet's own words "dem Hafis nachgefühlt und nachgedichtet."[137]
+They follow as closely as possible the Persian metrical rules, and make
+use throughout of Persian images and metaphors, so much so that we can
+adduce direct parallels from the poems of H̱āfiḍ. Thus in 13[138] we
+read: "Schenke! Tulpen sind wie Kelche Weines," evidently a parallel to
+some such line as H̱. 541. 1:
+
+     ساقی   بيا که شد قدح لاله ‍‍ پر ز می
+
+"_sāqī_, come! for the tulip-like goblet is filled with wine." In 75 the
+words "Weil ihren goldnen Busen doch vor euch verschliesst die Rose" are
+an echo of H̱. 300. 2:
+
+     چوغنچه سرٌ درونش کجا نهان ماند
+
+"like the rose-bud, how can its inward secret remain concealed?" (cf.
+also H̱. 23. 3). And again in 85 "Und nun ... entrinnet dem Herzen das
+Blut leicht, das sonst mir den Odem benahm" is to be compared with H̱.
+11. 9:
+
+     دل دردمند حافظ که زهجرتست پر خون
+
+"the sorrowful heart of H̱āfiḍ, which through separation from thee is
+full of blood." Furthermore in 81 we read:
+
+    Du fingst im lieblichen Trugnetz der Haare die ganze Welt,--
+    Als spiegelhaltende Sklavin gewahre die ganze Welt!
+
+For the first line compare H̱. 102. 1:
+
+     کس  نيست که افتادهً آن زلف دوتا نيست
+
+"there is no one who has not been snared by that doubled tress," and for
+the second line compare H̱. 470. 1:
+
+     ی آفتاب آينه دار جمال تو
+
+"O, thou of whose beauty the sun is the mirror-holder!" In 86 the idea
+of the young men slain like game by the beauty of the beloved is
+evidently inspired by H̱. 358. 6:
+
+     ناوک چشم تو در هر گوشهً
+     همچو من افتاده دارد صد قتيل
+
+"in every nook thine eye has a hundred slain ones fallen like me," and
+the following lines in the same poem 86:
+
+    O welche Pfeile strahlt zu mir dein Antlitz,
+    Und es befreit kein Schild von deiner Schönheit,
+
+remind us of H̱. 561. 7:
+
+     چشم تو خدنگ از سپر جان گذراند
+
+     "thine eye causes the arrow (lit. poplar) to pass through the
+     shield of life."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Again and again we meet with allusions to the famous image of the love
+of the nightingale for the rose (35, 75, etc.) so common in Persian
+poetry, especially in H̱āfiḍ. We cite only 318. 1:
+
+     فکر بلبل همه آنست که گل شد يارش
+     گل در انديشه که چون عشوه کند در کارش
+
+"the whole thought of the nightingale is that the rose may be his
+beloved; the rose has in her thought how she may show grace in her
+actions." In 302. 1 the nightingale is called عروس گل "the rose's
+bride."
+
+Besides this, the poems teem with characteristic Persian metaphors: the
+moth longing for the flame (37, H̱. 187. 7); the tulip-bed glowing like
+fire (67, H̱. 288. 1); the tulip-cheek لاله عذار (whence Moore's _Lalla
+Rookh_), لاله رُخ (70, H̱. 155. 2); the musk-perfumed hair لاله مشکين
+(73, H̱. 33. 4); the garden of the face (73, H̱. 33. 4); the pearl of
+Aden درٌ عدن (77, H̱. 197. 10 and 651); wine as a ruby in a golden cup
+(82, H̱. 204. 8 ايا پر لعل کرده جام زرٌين "O thou, the golden cup is
+made full of ruby"); the eye-brows like the crescent-moon (82, H̱. 470.
+5 ابروی همچون هلال "brow like the new moon"); the dust on his love's
+threshold (83, H̱. 497. 10 خاک در يار); the sky playing ball with the
+moon (14, inspired by some such couplet as H̱. 409. 7); and the verses
+like pearls (43). For this compare H̱. 499. 11:
+
+     چو سلک درٌ خوشاست نظم پاک توحافظ
+
+"like a string of lustrous pearls is thy clear verse, O H̱āfiḍ." We
+might multiply such parallels, but those given bear out our statement in
+regard to the imitation of Persian rhetorical figures on the part of
+Platen.
+
+In the eagerness to be genuinely Persian, the poet was not content,
+however, with imitating only what was striking or beautiful; he
+introduces even some features which, though very prominent in Eastern
+poetry, will never become congenial to the West. Thus the utter
+abjectness of the Oriental lover, who puts his face in the path of his
+beloved and invites her (or him) to scatter dust on his head (H̱. 148.
+3), is presented to us with all possible extravagance in these lines of
+87:
+
+    Sieh mich hier im Staub und setze deine Ferse mir auf's Haupt,
+    Mich, den letzten von den letzten deiner letzten Sklaven, sieh![139]
+
+To the _sāqī_ is assigned a part almost as prominent as that which is
+his in the Persian original. It was the introduction of this repulsive
+trait (e.g. 82) that gave to Heine the opportunity for the savage,
+scathing onslaught on Platen in the well known passage of the
+_Reisebilder_.[140]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Otherwise Platen, like Goethe, ignores the mystic side of H̱āfiḍ, and
+infuses into his _Ghaselen_ a thoroughly bacchanalian spirit, taking
+frequent occasion to declaim against hypocrisy, fanaticism and the
+precepts of the _Qurān_. The _credo_ of these poems is the opening
+_γazal_ in _Spiegel des Hafis_ (64), where the line "Wir schwören ew'gen
+Leichtsinn und ew'ge Trunkenheit" may be taken to reflect the sentiment
+of the revelling Persian poet, who begs the _̱sūfī_ not to forbid wine,
+since from eternity it has been mingled with men's dust (H̱. 61. 4);
+who claims to have been predestined to the tavern (H̱. 20. 4); who asks
+indulgence if he turns aside from the mosque to the wine-house (H̱. 213.
+4); who drinks his wine to the sound of the harp, feeling sure that God
+will forgive him (H̱. 292. 5); who is above the reproach of the boasters
+of austerity (H̱. 106. 3); and who, finally, asks that the cup be placed
+in his coffin so that he may drink from it on the day of resurrection
+(H̱. 308. 8). But when Platen flings away the _Qurān_ he certainly is
+not in accord with his Persian model, for, while H̱āfiḍ takes issue with
+the expounders of the sacred book, he discreetly refrains from assailing
+the book itself.
+
+But perhaps the chief significance of these _Ghaselen_, as well as those
+of Rückert, lies in the fact that they introduced a new poetic form into
+German literature. It is astonishing to see how completely Platen has
+mastered this difficult form. The _radīf_ or refrain, so familiar to
+readers of H̱āfiḍ, he reproduces with complete success, as may be seen,
+for instance, in 8, where the words "du liebst mich nicht" are repeated
+at the end of each couplet, preceded successively by _zerrissen_,
+_wissen_, _beflissen_, _gewissen_, _vermissen_, _Narzissen_, exactly in
+the style of such an ode as H̱. 100. In those odes called _Spiegel des
+Hafis_ the name _Hafis_ is even regularly introduced into the last
+couplet, in accordance with the invariable rule of the Persian _γazal_
+that the author's name must appear in the final couplet.
+
+Besides the _γazal_ Platen has also attempted the _rubāʻī_ or quatrain,
+in which form he wrote twelve poems (_Werke_, ii. pp. 62-64), and the
+_qa̱sīdah_. Of this there is only one specimen, a panegyric (for such in
+most cases is the Persian _qa̱sīdah_) on Napoleon, and, as may therefore
+be imagined, of purely Occidental content.[141]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Of Platen's translations from H̱āfiḍ we need not speak here. But we must
+call attention to the attempt which he made to translate from Niḍāmī's
+_Iskandar Nāmah_ in the original _mutaqārib_-metre. The first eight
+couplets of the invocation are thus rendered, and in spite of the great
+difficulty attending the use of this metre in a European language, the
+rendering must be pronounced fairly successful. It is also faithful, as
+a comparison with the original shows. We cite the first two couplets
+from the Persian:
+
+     خدايا جهان پادشاهی تراست
+     زماخدمت آيدخدايی تراست
+
+     "O God, world-sovereignty is Thine! From us comes service, Godhead
+     is Thine. The Protection of high and low Thou art! Everything is
+     nonexistent; whatever is, Thou art."[142]
+
+Of other Oriental poems, not translations, we notice "Parsenlied,"
+dating from the year 1819, when Goethe's _Divan_ appeared, and it is
+quite possible that the _Parsi Nameh_ of that work suggested to Platen
+the composition of his poem.[143] His best known ballad, "Harmosan,"
+written in 1830, has a Persian warrior for its hero. The source for the
+poem is probably Gibbon's _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (chap.
+li.)[144]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[132] We might say into European literature. The only previous attempts,
+as far as we know, to reproduce this form were made by Jones, who
+translated a ghazal of Jāmī (Works, vol. ii. p. 501) into English, and
+by a certain Tommaso Chabert, who translated several ghazals of Jāmī
+into Italian (Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 16-19).
+
+[133] In Taschenbuch für Damen, which was already published in 1820,
+thus establishing Rückert's priority over Platen. See C. Beyer, Neue
+Mittheilungen über Friedrich Rückert, Leipz. 1873, p. 14; also letter to
+Cotta, ibid. pp. 113, 114.
+
+[134] Published in Lyrische Blätter.
+
+[135] In Vermischte Schriften.
+
+[136] Platens Werke (Cotta), vol. ii. See p. 7, note, where information
+is given as to place and date of these poems.
+
+[137] Dedication of Spiegel des Hafis to Otto von Bülow, vol. i. p. 265.
+
+[138] We cite the Ghaselen by the number in vol. ii. of the edition here
+used.
+
+[139] Goethe protested against this Oriental feature. See Noten u. Abh.
+to his Divan, vol. iv. p. 273 seq.
+
+[140] Heines Sämtliche Werke, ed. Born (Cotta), vol. vi. pp. 130 seq.
+Goethe in his comments on his Saki Nameh (op. cit. p. 307) emphasizes
+the purely pedagogical side of this relation of sāqī and master.
+
+[141] Kasside, dated February 3, 1823, ii. p. 60.
+
+[142] Lith. ed., Shīrāz, A.H. 1312.
+
+[143] The Divan appeared August, 1819. Platen's poem is dated Oct. 28,
+1819.
+
+[144] See Studien zu Platen's Balladen, Herm. Stockhausen, Berl. (1898),
+pp. 50, 51, 53, 54.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+RÜCKERT.
+
+      His Oriental Studies--Introduces the Ghasele--Östliche Rosen;
+      Imitations of H̱āfiḍ--Erbauliches und
+      Beschauliches--Morgenländische Sagen und Geschichten--Brahmanische
+      Erzählungen--Die Weisheit des Brahmanen--Other Oriental
+      Poems.
+
+
+When speaking of the introduction of the _γazal_-form into German
+literature mention was made of the name of the man who is unquestionably
+the central figure in the great Oriental movement which is occupying our
+attention. Combining the genius of the poet with the learning of the
+scholar, Rückert was preeminently fitted to be the literary mediator
+between the East and the West. And his East was not restricted, as
+Goethe's or Platen's, to Arabia and Persia, but included India and even
+China. He is not only a devotee to the mystic poetry of Rūmī and the
+joyous strain of H̱āfiḍ, but he is above all the German Brahman, who by
+masterly translations and imitations made the treasures of Sanskrit
+poetry a part of the literary wealth of his own country. To his
+productivity as poet and translator the long list of his works bears
+conclusive testimony. In this investigation, however, we shall confine
+ourselves to those of his original poems which are Oriental in origin or
+subject-matter. A discussion of the numerous translations cannot be
+undertaken in the limited space at our disposal.
+
+Like Goethe and Platen, Rückert also owed to Hammer the impulse to
+Oriental study. His meeting with the famous Orientalist at Vienna, in
+1818,[145] decided his future career. He at once took up the study of
+Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit, and with such success that in a few years
+he became one of the foremost Orientalists in Europe.
+
+The first fruit of these studies were the _Gaselen_ which appeared in
+the _Taschenbuch für Damen_, 1821, the first poems of this form in
+German literature.[146] They have been generally regarded as
+translations from the _dīvān_ of Rūmī, but this is true of only a
+limited number; and even these were probably not taken directly from the
+Persian, but from the versions given by Hammer in his _Redekünste_.[147]
+As a matter of fact, only twenty-eight--less than one-half of the
+_Gaselen_,--can be identified with originals in Hammer's book, and a
+comparison of these with their models shows with what freedom the latter
+were handled.[148] Furthermore in the opening poem, (a version of _Red._
+p. 187, "So lang die Sonne") the last couplet:
+
+    Dschelaleddin nennt sich das Licht im Ost,
+    Dess Wiederschein euch zeiget mein Gedicht,
+
+is original with Rückert, and clearly shows that he himself did not
+pretend to offer real translations. The majority of poems are simply
+original _γazals_ in Rūmī's manner.
+
+    Dschelaleddin, im Osten warst du der Salbenhändler,
+    Ich habe nun die Bude im Westen aufgeschlagen.[149]
+
+These lines, we believe, define very well the attitude which the poet of
+the West assumed toward his mystic brother in the East.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The series of _Ghaselen_ signed Freimund and dated 1822 (third series in
+our edition) are not characteristically Persian. Hence we proceed at
+once to a consideration of the fourth series (p. 253 seq.), which we
+shall discuss together with the poems collected under the title of
+_Östliche Rosen_ (p. 289 seq.) from which they differ in nothing but the
+form. They were, besides, a part of the _Östliche Rosen_ as published
+originally at Leipzig, 1822.
+
+These poems are free reproductions or variations of Hafizian themes and
+motives. The spirit of revelry and intoxication finds here a much wilder
+and more bacchanalian expression than in the _Divan_ of Goethe or the
+_Ghaselen_ of Platen. _Carpe diem_ is the sum and substance of the
+philosophy of such poems as "Einladung" (p. 287) and "Lebensgnüge" (p.
+293); their note is in thorough accord with H̱āfiḍ, when he exclaims
+(H̱. 525. 7):
+
+     سخن غير مگو با من معشوقه پرست
+     کز وی و جام ميم نيست بکس پروايی
+
+"to me, who worship the beloved, do not mention anything else; for
+except for her and my cup of wine, I care for none." We are admonished
+to leave alone idle talk on how and why ("Im Frühlingsthau," p. 261),
+for as H̱āfiḍ says (H̱. 487. 11): "Our existence is an enigma, whereof
+the investigation is fraud and fable." The tavern is celebrated with as
+much enthusiasm (e.g. "Das Weinhaus," p. 290) as the خرابات to which
+H̱āfiḍ was destined by God (H̱. 492. 1). Monks and preachers are scored
+mercilessly (e.g. "Der Bussprediger," p. 255; "Dem Prediger," p. 295) as
+in H̱. 430. 7:
+
+     ناصح بطنزگفت حرامست می مخور
+     گفتم بچشم گوش بهر خر نمی کنم
+
+     "The admonisher spoke tauntingly: Wine is forbidden, do not drink!
+     I said: On my eye (be it); I do not lend my ear to every ass."
+
+The characteristic Persian images and rhetorical figures, familiar to us
+from Platen, are also found here in still greater variety and number.
+Thus to mention some new ones, the soul is likened to a bird (p. 270,
+No. 29, cf. H̱. 427. 5: مرغ روحم); the cypress is invoked to come to the
+brook (p. 336, cf. H̱. 108. 3: که سرو سهی را مقام بر لب جوست "the place
+of the straight cypress is on the bank of the brook"); the rose-bush
+glows with the fire of Moses ("Gnosis," p. 350, cf. H̱. 517. 2: آتش موسی
+نمود گل "the rose displays the fire of Mūsā"); _Hafis_ is an
+idol-worshipper (p. 305, "Liebesandacht," cf. H̱. 439. 6, where بت شيرين
+حرکات "the idol of sweet motions" is addressed). We meet also the
+striking Oriental conception of the dust of the dead being converted
+into cups and pitchers. In "Von irdischer Herrlichkeit" (p. 257) the
+character "der alte Wirth" is the _pīr_ of H̱. 4. 10 et passim, and
+when speaking of the fate of Jamšīd, Sulaīmān and Kāʻus Kaī, he says:
+
+    Von des Glückrads höchstem Gipfel warf der Tod in Staub sie,
+    Und ein Töpfer nahm den Staub in Dienst des Töpferrades.
+    Diesen Becher formt' er draus, und glüht' ihn aus im Feuer.
+    Nimm! aus edlen Schädeln trink und deiner Lust nicht schad' es!
+
+This very striking thought, as is well known, is extremely common in
+Persian poetry. To cite from H̱āfiḍ (H̱. 459. 4):
+
+     روزی که چرخ از گل ما گوزها کند
+     زنهار کاسهً سر ما پر شراب کن
+
+     "The day when the wheel (of fate) from our dust will make jugs,
+     take care! make our skull (lit. the cup of the head) full of
+     wine."[150]
+
+Some of the poems are versions, more or less free, of H̱āfiḍ--passages,
+e.g. "Die verloren gegangene Schöne" (p. 290, H̱. 268), "An die Schöne"
+(p. 308, H̱. 160, couplets 2 and 5 being omitted), "Beschwichtigter
+Zweifel" (p. 310, H̱. 430. 6), "Das harte Wort" (p. 350, H̱. 77. 1 and
+2). Sometimes a theme is taken from H̱āfiḍ and then expanded, as in "Die
+Busse" (p. 346), where the first verse is a version of H̱. 384. 1, the
+rest being original.
+
+Of course, reminiscences of H̱āfiḍ are bound to be frequent. We shall
+point out only a few instances. "Nicht solltest du so, O Rose, versäumen
+die Nachtigall" ("Stimme der Sehnsucht," p. 256) is inspired by a verse
+like H̱. 292. 2:
+
+     ای گل بشکر آن که تويی پادشاه حسن
+     با بلبلان عاشق شيدا مکن غرور
+
+     "O rose, in thanks for that thou art the queen of beauty, display
+     no arrogance towards nightingales madly in love."
+
+In "Zum neuen Jahr" (p. 260) the last lines:
+
+    Trag der Schönheit Koran im offenen Angesicht,
+    Und ihm diene das Lied Hafises zum Kommentar
+
+are a parallel to H̱. 10. 6:
+
+     روی خوبت آيتی از لطف بر ما کشف کرد
+     زان سبب جز لطف و خوبی نيست در تفسير ما
+
+     "Thy beautiful face by its grace explained to us a verse of the
+     _Qurān_; for that reason there is nothing in our commentary but
+     grace and beauty."
+
+The opening lines of "Schmuck der Welt" (p. 260):
+
+    Nicht bedarf der Schmink' ein schönes Angesicht.
+    So bedarf die Liebste meiner Liebe nicht
+
+are distinctly reminiscent of H̱. 8. 4:
+
+     زعشق ناتمام ما جمال يار مستغنيست
+     بآب و رنگ وخال وخط چه حاجت روی زيبا را
+
+     "Of our imperfect love the beauty of the beloved is independent.
+     What need has a lovely face of lustre and dye and mole and line?"
+
+Like H̱āfiḍ (H̱. 358. 11; 518. 7 et passim) Rückert also boasts of his
+supremacy as a singer of love and wine ("Vom Lichte des Weines," p.
+273). Finally in "Frag und Antwort" (p. 258) he employs the form of the
+dialogue, the lines beginning alternately _Ich sprach_, _Sie sprach_,
+just as H̱āfiḍ does in Ode 136 or 194. The "Vierzeilen" (p. 361), while
+they have the _rubāʻī_-rhyme, are not versions. Only a few of them have
+an Oriental character. Completely unoriental are the "Briefe des
+Brahmanen" (p. 359), dealing with literary matters of contemporary
+interest.[151]
+
+The Oriental studies which Rückert continued to pursue with unabated
+ardor were to him a fruitful source of poetic inspiration. They
+furnished the material for the great mass of narrative, descriptive and
+didactic poems which were collected under the titles _Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches aus dem Morgenlande_, and again _Morgenländische Sagen und
+Geschichten_, furthermore _Brahmanische Erzählungen_, and lastly
+_Weisheit des Brahmanen_. We shall discuss these collections in the
+order here given.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The first collection _Erbauliches und Beschauliches_ (vol. vi.) consists
+of poems which were published between the years 1822 and 1837 in
+different periodicals. They appeared in collected form as a separate
+work in 1837.[152] The material is drawn from Arabic and Persian
+sources, only one poem, "Die Schlange im Korbe," p. 80, being from the
+Sanskrit of Bhartṛhari (_Nītiś_. 85).[153]
+
+With the Arabic sources, the _Qurān_, the chrestomathies of de Sacy and
+Kosegarten, and others, we are not here concerned. Among the Persian
+sources the one most frequently used is the _Gulistān_, from which are
+taken, to give but a few instances, "Sadi an den Fürstendiener," p. 57
+(_Gul._ i. distich 3), "Mitgefühl," p. 52 (_Gul._ i. 10, _Maθnavī_),
+"Kein Mensch zu Haus," p. 52 (_Gul._ vii. 19, dist. 6, Platts, p. 139),
+"Gewahrter Anstand," p. 55 (_Gul._ iv. _Maθ_. 5, Platts, p. 96), as well
+as many of the proverbs and maxims, pp. 102-108. The poem "Die Kerze und
+die Flasche," p. 82, is a result of the poet's studies in connection
+with his translation of the _Haft Qulzum_, a fragment of Amīr Šāhī[154]
+being combined with a passage cited from Asadī.[155] "Eine Kriegsregel
+aus Mirchond," p. 73, is a paraphrase of a _maθnavī_ from Mīrχvānd's
+_Raūḍat-us̱s̱afā_.[156] In "Gottesdienst," p. 52, the first two lines
+are from Amīr Xusrau (_Red._ p. 229); the remaining lines were added by
+Rückert. The fables given on pp. 87-96 as from Jāmī are taken from the
+eighth chapter or "garden" of that poet's _Bahāristān_; they keep rather
+closely to the originals, only in "Die Rettung des Fuchses" the
+excessive naturalism of the Persian is toned down.[157] One of these
+fables, however, "Falke und Nachtigall," p. 89, is not from Jāmī, but
+from the _Maχsan-ul-asrār_ of Niḍāmī (بلبل با باز حکايت ed. Nathan.
+Bland, London, 1844, p. 114; translated by Hammer in _Red._ p. 107).
+
+Some of the poems in this collection are actual translations from
+Persian literature. Thus "Ein Spruch des Hafis," p. 59, is a fine
+rendering of _qiṭʻah_ 583 in the form of the original.[158] Then a part
+of the introduction to Niḍāmī's _Iskandar Nāmah_ is given on p. 65. The
+translation begins at the fortieth couplet:[159]
+
+     کرا زهرهً آنکه از بيم تو
+
+     "Who has such boldness that from fear of Thee he open his mouth
+     save in submission to Thee?"
+
+This is well rendered:
+
+    Wer hat die Kraft, in deiner Furcht Erbebung,
+    Vor dir zu denken andres als Ergebung?
+
+As will be noticed, Rückert here has not attempted to reproduce the
+_mutaqārib_, as Platen has done in his version of the first eight
+couplets (see p. 36).
+
+Some of the translations in this collection were not made directly from
+the Persian, but from the versions of Hammer. Thus "Naturbetrachtung
+eines persischen Dichters," p. 62, is a free rendering of Hammer's
+version of the invocation prefixed to Aṭṭār's _Mantiq-uṭ ṭair_ (_Red._
+p. 141 seq.) and Rückert breaks off at the same point as Hammer.[160] So
+also the extract from the _Iyār-i-Dāniṣ̌_ of Abū'l Faḍl (p. 68) is a
+paraphrase of the version in _Red._ p. 397.
+
+A number of poems deal with legends concerning Rūmī, or with sayings
+attributed to him. Thus the legend which tells how the poet, when a boy,
+was transported to heaven in a vision, as told by Aflākī in the
+_Manāqibu'l ʻĀrifīn_,[161] forms the subject of a poem, p. 37. A saying
+of Rūmī concerning music prompted the composition of the poem, p. 54 (on
+which see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 241), and on p. 62 the great mystic is
+made to give a short statement of his peculiar S̱ūfistic doctrine of
+metempsychosis.[162] In "Alexanders Vermächtnis," p. 61, we have the
+well-known legend of how the dying hero gives orders to leave one of his
+hands hanging out of the coffin to show the world that of all his
+possessions nothing accompanies him to the grave. In Niḍāmī's version,
+however, the hand is not left empty, but is filled with earth.[163]
+
+Finally there are a few poems dealing with Oriental history, of which we
+may mention "Hormusan," p. 25, the subject being the same as in Platen's
+more famous ballad. It may be that both poets drew from the same source
+(see p. 37).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the same year (1837) as the _Erbauliches und Beschauliches_ there
+appeared the _Morgenländische Sagen und Geschichten_ (vol. iv.) in seven
+books or divisions. In general, the contents of these divisions may be
+described as versified extracts from Oriental history of prevailingly
+legendary or anecdotal character. Their arrangement is mainly
+chronological. Only the fourth, fifth and seventh books call for
+discussion as having Persian material. The most important source is the
+great historical work _Rauḍat u̱s-̱safā_ of Mīrχvānd, portions of which
+had been edited and translated before 1837 by scholars like de
+Sacy,[164] Wilken,[165] Vullers[166] and others.[167]
+
+Other sources to be mentioned are d'Herbelot's _Bibliothèque
+Orientale_,[168] de Sacy's version of the _Tārīχ-i-Yamīnī_[169] and
+Hammer's _Geschichte der schönen Redekünste Persiens_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The first poem of the fourth book goes back to the legendary period of
+Iran. Its hero is Guštāsp, the patron and protector of Zoroaster.
+Rückert calls him Kischtasp. He does not give the story directly
+according to Firdausī (tr. Mohl, iv. 224, 278-281) but makes his hero go
+to Tūrān, whence he returns at the head of a hostile army. At the
+boundary he is met, not by his brother Zarīr, but simply by messengers
+who offer him Iran's crown. This he accepts and thus becomes king and
+protector of the realm he was about to assail.[170]
+
+Most of the other poems in this book deal with legends of the Sassanian
+dynasty. Thus "Schapurs Ball," p. 114 (_Mém._ pp. 282-285); "Die Wölfe
+und Schakale Nuschirwans," p. 115 (_Mém._ p. 381); "Die abgestellte
+Hungersnoth," p. 116 (_Mém._ pp. 345, 346); "Die Heerschau," p. 117
+(_Mém._ p. 373). The two stories about Bahrām Čubīn, pp. 119-122, are
+also in _Mém._ p. 395 and pp. 396, 397 respectively.[171] "Der Mann mit
+einem Arme," p. 124, is in _Mém._ pp. 348, 349. In the last poem
+"Yesdegerd," p. 126, Rückert gives the story of the sad end of the last
+Sassanian apparently according to different accounts, and not simply
+according to Firdausī or Mīrχvānd.
+
+The sixth book opens with the story of Munta̱sir, p. 198, (from d'Herb.
+vol. iii. pp. 694, 695) and then we enter the period of the S̱affārid
+dynasty. Its founder Yaʻqūb is the subject of a poem, p. 207 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459). "Zu streng und zu milde" and "Schutz und Undank," both p. 210,
+tell of the fortunes of Prince Qābūs (Wilken, _Sam._ p. 181 and pp.
+79-81, 91, 198-200, n. 47). "Die aufgehobene Belagerung," p. 211, brings
+us to the Būyids (d'Herb. ii. pp. 639, 640). The story of Saidah and
+Mahmūd, p. 212, is from Wilken's _Buj._ c. xii. pp. 87-90, but the order
+of the events is changed. Then we come to the history of the Ghaznavid
+dynasty, in connection with which the story of Alp Tagīn is told in
+"Lokman's Wort," p. 214, according to the account of H̱aidar in Wilk.
+Gasnevid. p. 139, n. 1, preceded by an anecdote told of Luqmān (d'Herb.
+ii. 488). "Die Schafschur," p. 215, gives a saying of Sabuktagīn from
+the _Tārīχ-i-Yamīnī_ (on the authority of ʻUtbī, de Sacy, _Notices et
+Extr._ iv. 365). In the story of Mahmūd's famous expedition to
+Sōmanatha, p. 215, Rückert has combined the meagre account of Mīrχvānd
+with that of Firišta for the story of the Brahman's offer and with that
+of H̱aidar for the sultan's reply (Wilk. _Gasnevid._ pp. 216, 217, n.
+109). "Mahmud's Winterfeldzug," p. 216, is also from Wilken's book (pp.
+166-168, n. 38); in fact Dilχak's reply is a rhymed translation of the
+passage in the note referred to. From the same source came also the poem
+on the two Dabšalīms, p. 219 (Wilken, _Gasnevid._ pp. 220-225). The
+familiar anecdote of the vizier interpreting to Mahmūd the conversation
+of the two owls is told in Niḍāmī's _Maχsan-ul-asrār_ (ed. Bland, pp.
+48-50), where, however, Anūširvān is the sultan. The title reads: داستان
+انوشروان عدل با وزير وجغد.[172] "Abu Rihan" (i.e. Albīrūnī) is taken
+from d'Herb. I. 45 and iv. 697.
+
+Then follow stories from the period of the Saljūks: "Des Sultan's
+Schlaf," p. 224 (Vullers, _Gesch. der Seldsch._ pp. 43, 44); "Nitham
+Elmulks Ehre," p. 228 (ibid. pp. 228-230); "Nitham Elmulks Fall," p. 229
+(ib. pp. 123-125 and pp. 128-132); "Die unglückliche Stunde," p. 232
+(ibid. pp. 153, 154). "Die unterthänigen Würfel," p. 227, is from the
+_Haft Qulzum_ (_Gram. u. Poet. der Perser_, pp. 366, 367). The stories
+of Alp Arslan and Romanus, p. 225, and of Malakšāh's prayer, p. 228, are
+not given by Mīrχvānd, but occur in the works of Deguignes, Gibbon,
+Malcolm and d'Herbelot.[173] The story of the death of Sultan Muhammad
+(in 1159 A.D.), p. 232, is in Deguignes, ii. 260, 261.
+
+Then we get stories from the period of the Mongol invasion. "Die
+prophezeite Weltzerstörung," p. 237, the legend of Jingis Chān's birth,
+is in the _Tārīχ-i-Yamīnī_ (_Notices et Extr._ iv. pp. 408, 409). The
+material for the poems concerning Muẖammad Xvārazm Šāh, p. 237, and his
+brave son Jalāl ud-dīn, pp. 240, 241, is found in the work of Deguignes
+(op. cit. ii. p. 274 and pp. 280-283). Finally we are carried even to
+India and listen to the story of the unhappy queen Raziyah, p. 255, who
+was murdered at Delhi by her own generals in 1239 A.D.[174]
+
+A few anecdotes about Persian poets are also given. Thus
+"Dichterkampf," p 233, gives the amusing story of the literary contest
+between Anvarī and Rašīd, surnamed Vaṭvaṭ "the swallow" (Hammer, _Red._
+p. 121; David Price, _Chronological Retrospect_, London, 1821, ii. 391,
+392), and on p. 243 we are told how Kamāl ud-dīn curses his native city
+Ispahān and how the curse was fulfilled. (Hammer, _Red._ p. 159.)
+
+The seventh book contains two of Rückert's best known parables, the
+famous "Es ging ein Mann im Syrerland," p. 303,[175] and "Der Sultan
+lässt den Mewlana rufen," p. 305 (_Red._ p. 338).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+It will be noticed that the Oriental poems which we have thus far
+discussed were mainly derived from Arabic and Persian sources. We may
+now turn our attention to a collection in which Rückert's studies on
+matters connected with India are also represented.
+
+This collection _Brahmanische Erzählungen_, published in the year 1839
+(vol. iii.), does not, however, as its title might lead us to suppose,
+consist exclusively of Indic material. Some of the poems are not even
+Oriental; "Annikas Freier," p. 217, for example, is from the Finnic. Of
+others, again, the subject-matter, whether originally Oriental or not,
+has long ago become the common property of the world's fable-literature,
+as, for instance, "Weisheit aus Vogelmund," p. 239, the story of which
+may be found in the _Gesta Romanorum_, and in French, English and
+German, as well as in Persian, fable-books.[176] Some are from Arabic
+sources, as from the Thousand and One Nights, e.g. "Der schwanke
+Ankergrund," p. 357,[177] "Elephant, Nashorn und Greif," p. 367,[178]
+"Die Kokosnüsse," p. 359.[179] The poem "Rechtsanschauung in Afrika," p.
+221, is a Hebrew parable from the Talmud and had been already used by
+Herder.[180]
+
+A considerable number of the poems contain nothing but Persian material.
+Thus "Wettkampf," p. 197, is from the _Gulistān_ (i. 28; K.S. tr. p.
+27); and from the same source we have "Rache für den Steinwurf," p. 219
+(_Gul._ i. 22; K.S. 21), "Fluch und Segen," p. 234 (_Gul._ i. 1), and
+"Busurgimihr," p. 225 (_Gul._ i. 32; K.S. 31). "Die Bibliothek des
+Königs," p. 405, is from the _Bahāristān_ (K.S., p. 31; _Red._ p. 338).
+Three episodes from the _Iskandar Nāmah_ are narrated on pp. 214-217:
+the story of the invention of the mirror (_Isk._ tr. Clark, xxiii. p.
+247), the battle between the two cocks (ibid., xxii. p. 234 seq.), and
+the message of Dara to Alexander with the latter's reply (ibid. xxiv. p.
+263).[181]
+
+On p. 329 Rückert offers a free, but faithful, even if abridged version
+of selected passages from the introductory chapters of Niḍāmī's work
+(_Isk._ tr. Clarke, canto ii, p. 18 seq. and canto vii, p. 53 seq.). In
+"Kiess der Reue," p. 421, he paraphrases the episode of Alexander's
+search for the fountain of life from the _Shāh Nāmah_ (tr. Mohl, v. pp.
+177, 178). The story of Bahrāmgūr in the same work (tr. Mohl, v, pp.
+488-492) appears in "Allwo nicht Zugethan," p. 397. It is not taken from
+Firdausī, for it relates the story somewhat differently, and introduces
+a love-episode of which the epic knows nothing.[182] Again, "Der in die
+Stadt verschlagene Kurde," p. 229, is an anecdote which Rückert had
+already translated in the _Haft Qulzum_ (see his _Poet. u. Rhet. der
+Perser_, pp. 72-74), while "Glücksgüter," p. 233, may have been
+suggested by a story of Aṭṭār which he published afterwards (1860, ZDMG.
+vol. 14, p. 286). Some anecdotes of Persian princes or poets are also
+utilized, e.g. "Das Küchenfeldgeräthe des Fürsten Amer," p. 226 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459; Malcolm i. p. 155), "Der Spiegel des Königs," p. 223
+(Deguignes, ii. 171), and the story of Jāmī and the mullā, p. 224 (M.
+Kuka, _The Wit and Humour of the Persians_, Bombay, 1894, pp. 165, 166).
+In one poem, "Ormuzd und Ahriman," p. 344, an Avestan subject is
+treated, the later Parsi doctrine of _zrvan akarana_.[183]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The great majority of the poems in this collection are concerned with
+India, its literature, mythology, religious customs, geography and
+history, and it will be convenient for our purpose to discuss them under
+these heads.
+
+In the first group, that which takes its material from Sanskrit
+literature, we meet with the story of the flood, p. 298, from the
+_Mahābhārata_ (Vana Parva, 187) and the story of Rāma's exploits and
+Sītā's love, p. 268, from the _Rāmāyaṇa_. Also a number of fables from
+the _Hitōpadēśa_ or _Pañcatantra_ occur, e.g. that of the greedy jackal,
+p. 249, familiar from Lafontaine (_Hit._ i. 6; _Pañc._ ii. 3), and that
+of the lion, the mouse and the cat, p. 250 (_Hit._ ii. 3). The story of
+the ungrateful man and the grateful animals, p. 252, is found in the
+_Kathāsaritsāgara_ (tr. Tawney, ii. pp. 103-108; cf. Pālī version in
+_Rasavāhinī_, Wollheim, _Die National-Lit. sämtlicher Völker des
+Orients_, Berl. 1873, vol. i. p. 370). "Katerstolz und Fuchses Rath," p.
+243, has for its prototype the fable of the mouse changed into a girl in
+_Pañcatantra_ (iv. 9; cf. the story of the ambitious Caṇḍāla maid in
+_Kathās._ tr. Tawney, ii. p. 56). King Raghu's generosity to Varatantu's
+pupil Kāutsa, as narrated in the _Raghuvaṃśa_ (ch. v.), is the subject
+of a poem on p. 402. Two famous pieces from the _Upaniṣad_-literature
+are also offered: the story of how Jājñavalkya overcame nine contestants
+in debate at King Janaka's court and won the prize consisting of one
+thousand cows with gold-tipped horns, p. 247, from the _Bṛhadāraṇyaka
+Up._ iii. (see Deussen, _Sechzig Upan. übers._ Leipz. 1897, p. 428
+seq.), and the story of Nacikētas' choice, p. 403, from the _Kāṭhaka
+Upaniṣad_. To this group belong also versions of Bhartṛhari, p. 337
+(_Nītiś._ 15) and p. 338 (_Nītiś._ 67).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the mythological group we have two poems telling of the history of
+Kṛśṇa, as given in the great _Bhāgavata Purāṇa_. The first one, "Die
+Weltliebessonne im Palast des Gottes Krischna," p. 246, gives the legend
+of the god's interview with the Sage Nārada (_Bhāgav._ Nirṇaya Sāg.
+Press, Bombay 1898, Lib. x. c. 69; tr. Dutt, Calcutta, 1895, pp.
+298-302) with a close somewhat different from that of the Sanskrit
+original. The second one narrates the romance of the poor Brahman
+Sudāman, who pays a visit to the god and is enriched by the latter's
+generosity (_Bhāgav._ x. c. 80, 81; tr. Dutt, pp. 346-355. For the
+Hindostanee version in the _Premsāgar_, see Wollheim, op. cit. i. p.
+421). In the Sanskrit the story is not so ideal as in Rückert's poem.
+The poor Brahman is urged on to the visit, not by affection for the
+playmate of his youth, but rather by the prosaic appeals of his wife;
+yet, though the motive be different, the result is the same. Besides
+these, we find the legend of Kāma, the Hindu Cupid, burned to ashes by
+Śiva's third eye for attempting to interrupt the god's penance, p. 266
+(_Rāmāy._ i. c. 23, _Kumāras._ iii. v. 70 seq.), and Rückert manages to
+introduce and to explain all the epithets, _Kāmadēva_, _kandarpa_,
+_smara_, _manmatha_, _hṛcchaya_, _ananga_, which Sanskrit authors bestow
+upon their Cupid. We also have legends of the cause of the eclipses of
+sun and moon, p. 365, of the origin of caste, p. 347 (_Manu_ i. 87), of
+the fabulous mountain Mēru in Jambudvīpa, p. 285, of the quarrelsome
+mountains Innekonda and Bugglekonda, p. 321 (Ritter _Erdkunde_, iv. 2,
+pp. 472, 473). The winding course of the Indus is explained by a typical
+Hindu saint-story, p. 335, similar to that told of the Yamunā and Rāma
+in the _Viṣṇu Purāṇa_ (tr. Wilson, ed. Dutt, Calc. 1894, p. 386).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Many of the poems describe religious customs practised in India. Of such
+customs the practice of asceticism in its different forms is one of the
+most striking and could not fail to engage the poet's attention. Thus
+the peculiar fast known as _Cāndrāyaṇa_, "moon-penance," is the subject
+of a poem, p. 278; so also "Titanische Bussandacht," p. 283, has for its
+theme the belief of the Hindus in the supernatural power conferred by
+excessive penance, as exemplified by the legend of Śakuntalā's birth.
+The practice of _pañcatapas_, "the five fires" (_Manu_, vi. 23. See
+Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, Lond. 1876, p. 105) is the subject of
+the poem "Des Büssers Läuterungswahn," p. 285. The selfish greed of the
+Brahmans (cf. _Manu_, vii. 133, 144; xi. 40) is referred to in two poems
+on p. 287. The supposed powers of _cintāmani_, the Hindu wishing-stone,
+suggested the poem on p. 275 (cf. Bhartṛhari, _Vāir._ 33). Of other
+poems of this sort we may mention "Die Gottverehrung des Stammes
+Karian," p. 322 (Ritter, _Erdk._ iv. 1. p. 187), "Vom Genuss der Früchte
+nach Dschainas Lehre," p. 307 (ibid. iv. p. 749), and "Die Schuhe im
+Tempel Madhuras," p. 301 (ibid. iv. 2. p. 4).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Again, many poems belong to the realm of physical and descriptive
+geography. Their source, in most cases, was undoubtedly the great
+geographical work of Ritter. To it may be referred the majority of the
+purely descriptive poems, e.g., "Das ewige Frühlingsland der Tudas," p.
+301 (op. cit. iv. 1. 951), "Das Frühlingsland Kaschmir," p. 315 (ibid.
+ii. 1142 and 630), "Die Kokospalme," p. 304 (ibid. iv. 1. 834 seq., 838,
+851, 852). The sun and moon lotuses, so famous through Heine's beautiful
+songs (see p. 58), are described on p. 343. Animal-life also comes in
+for its share, e.g. the ichneumon in "Instinctive Heilkunde der Tiere,"
+p. 336.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Lastly, we come to the historical group, poems relating to the history
+of India. The poem on the burning of Keteus' wife, p. 382, is evidently
+inspired by the reading of Diodorus Siculus (xix. 33). On page 311 we
+have a poem celebrating the valor of the Rāja Pratap Singh, who held out
+so bravely against Akbar in the mountain fastnesses of Citor, 1567.[184]
+The heroic queen-regent of Ahmadnagar, Chānd Bībī, and the romantic
+story of her struggle against Akbar, in 1596, is the subject of the poem
+on p. 353. Only the bright side is, however, presented; the tragic fate
+which overtook the unfortunate princess three years later is not
+referred to.[185] The famous battle of Samūgarh, 1658, by which
+Aurangzīb gained the Mogul Empire, is narrated on p. 310, according to
+the account of Bernier.[186] In this connection we may also mention "Das
+Mikroskop," p. 370, the familiar anecdote of the Brahman who refused to
+drink water, after the microscope had revealed to him the existence
+therein of countless animalcules (Ritter, _Erdk._ iv. 1. p. 749).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Besides the poems falling under the groups discussed above there are
+many of purely didactic or moralizing tendency, embodying general
+reflections. It would take us too far, were we to attempt to discuss
+them, even if their interest were sufficiently great to repay the
+trouble. We must, however, point out that even the Sanskrit vocabulary
+is impressed into service to furnish material for such poems. Thus the
+fact that the word _pāda_ may mean either "foot," "step," or "ray of
+the moon or sun," is utilized for the last lines of "Vom Monde," p. 368.
+The meaning of the term _bakravratin_, "acting like a crane," applied to
+a hypocrite, is used for a poem on p. 363. Similarly the threefold
+signification of _dvipa_ as "brahman," "bird," and "tooth" suggests
+"Zweigeboren," p. 423, and more instances might be adduced. It is not to
+be wondered at that such poetizing should often degenerate into the most
+inane trifling, so that we get such rhyming efforts as that on p. 326
+with its pun on the similarity of _hima_ "winter" with _hēma_ "gold,"
+_Himālaya_ and _himavat_ with _Himmel_ and _Heimat_, or that on p. 385
+with its childish juxtaposition of the Vedantic term _māyā_, the Greek
+name Μαια, and the German word _Magie_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+If the poems discussed in the preceding pages were found to be largely
+didactic and gnomic in character, the great collection called _Die
+Weisheit des Brahmanen_ is entirely so. The poems composing this bulky
+work appeared in installments during the period 1836-1839, and, while
+many of them, as will be shown below, are the outcome of Rückert's
+Oriental studies, the majority simply embody general reflections on
+anything and everything that happened to engage the poet's attention.
+"Es muss alles hinein, was ich eben lese: vor acht Wochen Spinoza, vor
+vierzehn Tagen Astronomie, jetzt Grimms überschwenglich gehaltreiche
+Deutsche Mythologie, alles unter der nachlässig vorgehaltenen
+Brahmanenmaske...."[187] These are the author's own words and render
+further detailed characterization of the work superfluous. It is well
+known that the sources for the great didactic collection, even for that
+part of it which is not composed of reflections on matters of
+contemporary history, politics and literature, or relating to questions
+of family and friendship, are more Occidental than Oriental.[188] In
+fact, the Brahmanic character of the wisdom here expounded consists
+mainly in the contemplative spirit of reposeful didacticism which
+pervades the entire collection. Nor is there anything Oriental about
+the form of the poems,--the rhymed Alexandrine reigning supreme with
+wearisome monotony.
+
+A detailed discussion of the _Weisheit_, therefore, even if it were
+possible within the limits of this dissertation, will not be attempted;
+the less so, as such a discussion, so far as the Oriental side, at
+least, is concerned, would be very much of the same nature as that given
+of the _Brahmanische Erzählungen_. A general Oriental influence,
+especially of the _Bhagavadgītā_-philosophy or of Rūmī's pantheism, is
+noticeable enough in many places,[189] but particular instances of such
+influence are not hard to find. We shall adduce only a few, taken from
+the fifth division or _Stufe_, called _Leben_. Of these there are taken
+from the _Hitōpadēśa_ Nos. 25 (_Hit._ i. couplet 179; tr. Hertel, 141),
+26 (ib. i. 178; tr. Hertel, 140), 111 (ib. i. couplet 80; Wilkins' tr.
+p. 56). From the _Gulistān_ are taken Nos. 290 (_Gul._ i. 13; K.S. dist.
+p. 42), 326 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S. dist. p. 230), 366 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S.
+p. 232). No. 60 was probably suggested by the fable of the ass and the
+camel in Jāmī's _Bahāristān_ (tr. K.S. p. 179). No. 476 draws a moral
+from the fact that the Persian title _mīrzā_ means either "scribe" or
+"prince," according to its position before or behind the person's name.
+In No. 201 we recognize a Persian proverb: بزک ممير که بهار میآيد يونجه
+ميخوری "little goat, do not die; spring is coming, you will eat clover."
+No. 364:
+
+    "Herr Strauss, wenn ein Kameel du bist, so trage mir!"
+    Ich bin ein Vogel. "Flieg!" Ich bin ein Trampeltier
+
+is also a Persian proverb and is absolutely unintelligible, unless one
+happens to know that the Persian word for "ostrich" is شترمرغ, literally
+"camel-bird."
+
+Again, to cite from other _Stufen_, Firdausī's lines, already used by
+Goethe in his _Divan_ (see p. 25 above), furnish the text for a moral
+poem, p. 487 (18). The Persian notion of the peacock being ashamed of
+his ugly feet (cf. _Gul._ ii. 8, _qiṭʻah_) is put to a similar use on p.
+463 (162). Some poems are moralizingly descriptive of Indic customs,
+e.g., p. 157 (11), where reverence for the _guru_ or "teacher" is
+inculcated (cf. _Manu_ ii, 71, 228) and pp. 10, 11 (18, 19), where the
+conditions are set forth under which the Vēdas may be read (cf. _Manu_
+iv. 101-126, or _Yājñ._ i. 142-151). A comparison is instituted between
+the famous court of Vikramāditya and his seven gems, of which Kālidāsa
+was one, and that of Karl August of Weimar and his poetic circle, p. 148
+(39).
+
+Trivial and empty rhyming is of course abundant in such an uncritical
+mass of verse, and we also meet with insipid puns, like that on the
+Arabic word _dīn_, "religion," and the German word _dienen_, p. 498
+(48).
+
+These examples, we believe, will suffice for our purpose. With the
+philosophical part of the _Weisheit_ we are not here concerned.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+A great many Oriental poems are scattered throughout the collection
+which bears the title of _Pantheon_ (vol. vii.). We may mention "Die
+gefallenen Engel," p. 286, the legend of Hārūt and Mārūt, "Wischnu auf
+der Schlange," p. 286, "Die nackten Weisen," p. 287, and others. Some
+poems in this collection are in spirit akin to the _Östliche Rosen_,
+e.g. "Becher und Wein," p. 291, "Der Traum," p. 283, and the
+"Vierzeilen," pp. 481, 482. Besides this, the _γazal_-form occurs
+repeatedly, e.g. "Frühlingshymne," p. 273. So fond does Rückert seem to
+have been of this form, that he employs it even for a poem on such an
+unoriental subject as Easter, p. 189 (2).
+
+This collection is furthermore of interest from the biographical side,
+as often giving us Rückert's opinions. Thus we find evidence that he was
+by no means onesidedly prejudiced in favor of things Oriental. Referring
+to the myth of fifty-three million Apsarases having sprung from the
+sea,[190] he states (p. 24), that if he were to be the judge, these
+fifty-three million nymphs bedecked with jewels would have to bow before
+the one Aphrodite in her naked glory. And again in "Rückkehr," p. 51,
+the poet confesses that having wandered to the East to forget his misery
+and finding thorns in the rose-gardens of Persia, and demons, misshapen
+gods and monkeys acting the parts of heroes in India, he is glad to
+return to the Iliad and Odyssey (cf. also "Zu den östlichen Rosen," p.
+153).
+
+Rückert was evidently aware of his tendency to overproduction. He offers
+an explanation in "Spruchartiges," p. 157:
+
+    Mir ist Verse zu machen und künstliche Vers' ein Bedürfnis,
+    Fehlt mir ein eigenes Lied, so übersetz' ich mir eins.
+
+And again to his own question, Musst du denn immer dichten?, p. 159, he
+answers:
+
+    Ich denke nie ohne zu dichten,
+    Und dichte nie ohne zu denken.
+
+Graf von Schack has aptly applied to Rückert's poems the famous sentence
+which a Spaniard pronounced about Lope de Vega, that no poet wrote so
+many good plays, but none also so many poor ones.[191]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Whatever defects it may have, Rückert's Oriental work is nevertheless
+indisputably of the greatest importance to German literature. More than
+any one else he brought over into it a new spirit and new forms; and it
+is due primarily to his unsurpassed technical skill that the German
+language is to-day the best medium for an acquaintance, not only with
+the literature of the West, but also with that of the East.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[145] See Beyer, Friedrich Rückert, Fkft. a. M. 1868, pp. 101, 102.
+
+[146] Vol. v. pp. 200-237.
+
+[147] So Hammer himself thought at the time. See Rob. Boxberger,
+Rückert-Studien, Gotha, 1878, p. 224. Such also was the opinion of the
+scholarly von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878, Nachwort,
+p. 117, note. A copy of the original _dīvān_ of Rūmī has not been
+accessible to me.
+
+[148] Cf. for instance No. 8, in ii. with Red. p. 175, and No. 24 in ii.
+p. 235, with Red. p. 188.
+
+[149] Vol. v. ii. 25, p. 236.
+
+[150] Cf. H̱āfiḍ, Sāqī Nāmah, couplets 77, 78 for the three names
+mentioned above. The figure is most familiar to the English reader from
+Fitzgerald's version, Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam. Boston, 1899, p. 211,
+xxxvii. See also ʻUmar Xayyām ed. Whinfield, London, 1883, No. 466.
+
+[151] They were published in Deutscher Musenalmanach, 1838, and do not
+belong properly to the collection here discussed.
+
+[152] See essay on this by Robert Boxberger in Rückert-Studien, pp.
+210-278. Also Beyer, Neue Mittheil. vol. i. p. 213; vol. ii. pp. 201-204
+for the date of many of these poems.
+
+[153] Also a few of the Vierzeilen-Sprüche, pp. 102-108, e.g. No.
+30=Nītiś. 31.
+
+[154] Friedr. Rückert, Grammatik, Poetik u. Rhetorik der Perser, ed. W.
+Pertsch, Gotha, 1874, p. 187.
+
+[155] Ibid. p. 360.
+
+[156] Fr. Wilken, Hist. Gasnevid. Berol. 1832, p. 13, Latin p. 148.
+
+[157] Cf. transl. of Bahāristān for Kama Shastra Society, Benares, 1887,
+p. 180. The Persian text of these fables appeared in 1805 in the
+chrestomathy appended to Fr. Wilken's Institutiones ad Fundamenta
+Linguae Persicae, Lipsiae, 1805, pp. 172-181.
+
+[158] This poem was mistranslated by Hammer in his Divan des Hafis, Tüb.
+1812, vol. ii. p. 553. Bodenstedt has given a version in rhymed
+couplets: Der Sänger von Schiras, Berl. 1877, p. 129.
+
+[159] For Niḍāmī I have used a lithographed edition published at Shīrāz,
+A.H. 1312. In Wilberforce Clarke's transl. of the Iskandar Nāmah,
+London, 1881, the couplet in question is the forty-third.
+
+[160] Cf. for Persian text Garcin de Tassy, Mantic Uttaīr, Paris, 1863.
+Also French transl. p. 1 seq.
+
+[161] See Jas. W. Redhouse, The Mesnevi of Mevlānā (our Lord)
+Jelālu-d-dīn, Muhammed, er-Rūmī, Lond. 1881, B. i. p. 19. For Rückert's
+source see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 224.
+
+[162] See H. Ethé, Neupers. Litt. in Grdr. iran. Phil. vol. ii. p. 289.
+
+[163] Wilh. Bacher, Nizāmis Leben u. Werke, Leipz. 1871, p. 119 and n.
+4.
+
+[164] Mémoires sur divers Antiquités de la Perse, et sur les Médailles
+des Rois de la dynastie des Sassanides, suivis de l'Histoire de cette
+Dynastie traduite du Persan de Mirkhond par A.I. Silv. de Sacy, Paris,
+1793.
+
+[165] Mohammedi Filii Chavendschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Samanidarum
+Pers. ed. Frid. Wilken, Goettingae, 1808.
+
+Mohammedi Filii Chondschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Gasnevidarum
+Persice ed. Frid. Wilken, Berol. 1832.
+
+Geschichte der Sultane aus dem Geschlechte Bujeh nach Mirchond, Wilken
+in Hist. philos. Abh. der kgl. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, Berl.
+1837. (This work from 1835.)
+
+[166] Mirchonds Geschichte der Seldschuken, aus d. Pers. zum ersten Mal
+übers. etc., Joh. Aug. Vullers, Giessen, 1837.
+
+[167] A complete list of the portions of Mīrχvānd's work edited and
+published by European scholars before 1837 may be found in Zenker's
+Bibl. Orient., Nos. 871-881. Nos 874, 875 and 879 have not been
+accessible to me.
+
+[168] A letter given by Boxberger in op. cit. p. 74 shows that Rückert
+asked for the loan of this book.
+
+[169] Histoire de Yemineddoula Mahmoud, tr. par A.I. Silv. de Sacy in
+Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibl. Nat., tom. iv.
+
+[170] For a similar form of the story see Gobineau, Histoire des Perses,
+Paris, 1869, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10, where the story is given on the
+authority of a Parsi work, the "Tjéhar-e-Tjemen" (i.e. Cahār-i-Caman,
+"the four lawns").
+
+[171] For the romance about this man see Th. Nöldeke, Ṭabari, pp.
+474-478.
+
+[172] Lithogr. ed., p. 23. See also Malcolm, op. cit. i. 196; Red. p.
+107.
+
+[173] Deguignes, Hist. Gén. des Huns, des Turcs, des Mogols, et des
+autres Tartares occidentaux, etc. Paris, 1756-1758, vol. ii. pp. 209,
+223; Malcolm, op. cit. i. pp. 211, 218.
+
+[174] See Elphinstone's Hist. of India, Lond., 1841, vol. ii. pp. 10-12;
+also Elliot, The History of India as told by its own historians, Lond.
+1867-1877, vol. ii. pp. 332-335, 337, where the story is not so romantic
+as in Rückert's poem.
+
+[175] Taken from Red. p. 183, where it is given as from Rūmī. See above,
+p. 6.
+
+[176] Gesta Roman. ed. Herm. Oesterly. Berl. 1872, c. 167. For
+bibliography of this fable see W.A. Clouston, A Group of Eastern
+Romances, 1889, pp. 563-566, pp. 448-452.
+
+[177] Book of the Thousand and One Nights, by John Payne, Lond. 1894,
+vol. v. p. 153.
+
+[178] Ibid. p. 168.
+
+[179] Ibid. p. 199.
+
+[180] In Jüdische Parabeln, vol. 26, p. 359; see also Bacher, Nizāmis
+Leben u. Werke, p. 117, n. 4.
+
+[181] These episodes are outlined in Hammer, Red. p. 118; see Malcolm,
+op. cit. i. 55, 56.
+
+[182] We call attention to the fact that the fourth division of this
+collection (pp. 392-439 in our edition) is made up of poems which really
+belong to the Weisheit des Brahmanen.
+
+[183] Jackson, Die iran. Religion in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. pp. 629, 630.
+
+[184] Elliot, Hist. of India, vol. v. pp. 160-175; 324-328.
+
+[185] Elphinstone, Hist. of India, vol. ii. pp. 229-301 and note, where
+the legend of the queen firing silver balls is given on the authority of
+Xāfī Xān. Elliot, op. cit. vi. 99-101.
+
+[186] The History of the Late Revolution of the Empire of the Great
+Mogul, Lond. 1671, pp. 106-131. See also Elliot, op. cit. vol. vii. pp.
+220-224, and Elphinstone, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 425 seq., where a
+slightly different account of the battle is given.
+
+[187] Letter to Melchior Meyr, Dec. 25, 1836, cited by C. Beyer in
+Nachgelassene Ged. Fr. Rückerts. Wien, 1877, pp. 210, 211.
+
+[188] Koch, Der Deutsche Brahmane, Breslau (Deutsche Bücherei, Serie iv.
+Heft 23), p. 22.
+
+[189] Ibid. pp. 18-22. For Rūmī's influence see esp. in vol. viii. of
+the edition cited, pp. 544. 7, 566. 74 et al.
+
+[190] In Rāmāy. i. 45, where the story of their origin is briefly given,
+we read that sixty _kōtis_, i.e. 600,000,000 (a _kōti_ being
+10,000,000), came forth from the sea, not reckoning their numberless
+female attendants.
+
+[191] Schack, Ein halbes Jahrhundert, Stuttg. Berl. Wien, 1894, vol. ii.
+p. 41. See also Koch, op. cit. pp. 11-13; Rud. Gottschall, Fried.
+Rückert in Portraits u. Studien, Leipz. 1870, vol. i. pp. 163-166; Rich.
+Meyer, Gesch. der Litt. des 19 Jahrh. Berl. 1890, p. 56.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+HEINE.
+
+      Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel--Influence of
+      India's Literature on his Poetry--Interest in the Persian
+      Poets--Persian Influence on Heine--His Attitude toward the
+      Oriental Movement.
+
+
+"Was das Sanskrit-Studium selbst betrifft, so wird über den Nutzen
+desselben die Zeit entscheiden. Portugiesen, Holländer und Engländer
+haben lange Zeit jahraus, jahrein auf ihren grossen Schiffen die Schätze
+Indiens nach Hause geschleppt; wir Deutsche hatten immer das Zusehen.
+Aber die geistigen Schätze Indiens sollen uns nicht entgehen. Schlegel,
+Bopp, Humboldt, Frank u. s. w. sind unsere jetzigen Ostindienfahrer;
+Bonn und München werden gute Faktoreien sein."
+
+With these words Heine sent forth his "Sonettenkranz" to A.W. von
+Schlegel in 1821.[192] These sonnets show what a deep impression the
+personality and lectures of the famous romanticist made on him while he
+was a student at Bonn, in 1819 and 1820. Schlegel had just then been
+appointed to the professorship of Literature at the newly created
+university, and to his lectures Heine owed the interest for India which
+manifests itself in many of his poems, and which continued even in later
+years when his relations to his former teacher had undergone a complete
+change.
+
+He never undertook the study of Sanskrit. His interest in India was
+purely poetic. "Aber ich stamme aus Hindostan, und daher fühle ich mich
+so wohl in den breiten Sangeswäldern Valmikis, die Heldenlieder des
+göttlichen Ramo bewegen mein Herz wie ein bekanntes Weh, aus den
+Blumenliedern Kalidasas blühen mir hervor die süssesten Erinnerungen"
+(_Ideen_, vol. v. p. 115)--these words, with some allowance perhaps for
+the manner of the satirist, may well be taken to characterize the
+poet's attitude towards India. Instinctively he appropriated to himself
+the most beautiful characteristics of Sanskrit poetry, its tender love
+for the objects of nature, for flowers and animals and the similes and
+metaphors inspired thereby, and he invests them with all the grace and
+charm peculiar to his muse. Some of his finest verses owe their
+inspiration to the lotus; and in that famous poem "Die Lotosblume
+ängstigt,"--so beautifully set to music by Schumann--the favorite flower
+of India's poets may be said to have found its aesthetic apotheosis. As
+is well known, there are two kinds of lotuses, the one opening its
+leaves to the sun (Skt. _padma_, _paṅkaja_), the other to the moon (Skt.
+_kumuda_, _kāirava_). Both kinds are mentioned in _Śakuntalā_ (Act. V.
+Sc. 4, ed. Kale, Bombay, 1898, p. 141): _kumudānyēva śaśāṅkaḥ savitā
+bhōdhayati paṅkajānyēva_ "the moon wakes only the night lotuses, the sun
+only the day lotuses."[193] It is the former kind, the nymphaea
+esculenta, of which Heine sings, and his conception of the moon as its
+lover is distinctively Indic and constantly recurring in Sanskrit
+literature. Thus at the beginning of the first book of the _Hitōpadēśa_
+the moon is called the lordly bridegroom of the lotuses.[194]
+
+The splendor of an Indic landscape haunts the imagination of the poet.
+On the wings of song he will carry his love to the banks of the Ganges
+(vol. i. p. 98), to that moonlit garden where the lotus-flowers await
+their sister, where the violets peep at the stars, the roses whisper
+their perfumed tales into each other's ears and the gazelles listen,
+while the waves of the sacred river make sweet music. And again in a
+series of sonnets addressed to Friederike (_Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 65)
+he invites her to come with him to India, to its palm-trees, its
+ambra-blossoms and lotus-flowers, to see the gazelles leaping on the
+banks of the Ganges, and the peacocks displaying their gaudy plumage, to
+hear Kōkila singing his impassioned lay. He sees Kāma in the features of
+his beloved, and Vāsanta hovering on her lips; her smile moves the
+Gandharvas in their golden, sunny halls to song.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Allusions to episodes from Sanskrit literature are not infrequent in
+Heine's writings. The famous struggle between King Viśvāmitra with the
+sage Vasiṣṭha for example is mockingly referred to in two stanzas (vol.
+i. p. 146).[195] His own efforts to win the favor of a certain Emma
+(_Neue Ged._ ii. 54) the poet likens to the great act of penance by
+which King Bhagīratha brought down the Ganges from heaven.[196]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Heine's prose-writings also furnish abundant proofs of his interest in
+and acquaintance with Sanskrit literature. In the opening chapters of
+the _Buch Le Grand_ (c. 4, vol. v. p. 114) he brings before us another
+vision of tropical Indic splendor. In his sketches from Italy (_Reiseb._
+ii. vol. vi. p. 137) he draws a parallel between the priesthood of Italy
+and that of India, which is anything but flattering to either. It is
+also not correct; he notices, to be sure, that in the Sanskrit drama (of
+which he knows only _Śakuntalā_ and _Mṛcchakaṭikā_) the rôle of buffoon
+is assigned invariably to a Brahman, but he is ignorant of the origin of
+this singular custom.[197] In his essay on the Romantic School, when
+speaking of Goethe's godlike repose, he introduces by way of
+illustration the well-known episode from the Nala-story where Damayantī
+distinguishes her lover from the gods who had assumed his form by the
+blinking of his eyes (vol. ix. p. 52). In the same essay (ibid. pp. 49,
+50), he bestows enthusiastic praise on Goethe's _Divan_, and this brings
+us to the question of Persian influence upon Heine.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Starting as he did on his literary career at the time when Goethe's
+_Divan_ and Rückert's _Östliche Rosen_ had inaugurated the Hafizian
+movement in German literature, it would have been strange if he had
+remained entirely outside of the sphere of its influence. As a matter of
+fact, he took some interest in Persian poetry almost from the outset of
+his poetical activity, as his letters clearly show. As early as 1821, he
+mentions Saʻdī with the epithet _herrlich_, calls him the Persian Goethe
+and cites one of his couplets (_Gul._ ii. 48, _qiṭʻah_; K.S. p. 122) in
+the version of Herder.[198] In April, 1823, he writes from Berlin that
+during the preceding winter he has studied the non-Semitic part of
+Asia,[199] and the following year in a letter to Moser[200] he speaks of
+Persian as "die süsse, rosige, leuchtende Bulbulsprache," and goes on to
+imagine himself a Persian poet in exile among Germans. "O Firdusi! O
+Ischami! (sic for Jāmī) O Saadi! Wie elend ist euer Bruder! Ach wie
+sehne ich mich nach den Rosen von Schiras." Such a rose he calls in one
+of his _Nordsee_-poems "die Hafisbesungene Nachtigallbraut" ("Im Hafen,"
+vol. i. p. 218).
+
+Yet, judging from the familiar epigrams of Immermann, which Heine cites
+at the end of _Norderney_ (_Reiseb._ i. vol. v. p. 101) as expressive of
+his own sentiments, he seems to have held but a poor opinion of the
+West-Eastern poetry that followed in the wake of Goethe's _Divan_. He
+certainly never attempted anything like an imitation of this poetry, and
+Oriental form appealed to him even less. In the famous, or rather
+infamous, passage of the _Reisebilder_ (vol. vi. pp. 125-149), where he
+makes his savage attack on Platen, he ridicules that poet's _Ghaselen_
+and speaks derisively of their formal technique as "schaukelnde
+Balancierkünste" (ibid. p. 136). It is probable, however, that he judged
+the _γazal_ form not so much on its own merits as on the demerits of his
+adversary. It is certain at any rate that he has nowhere made use of
+this form of versification.
+
+Persian influence is not noticeable in his earlier poems;[201] his _Buch
+der Lieder_ shows no distinctive traces of it. His later poems, _Neue
+Gedichte_ (1844) and _Romanzero_ (1851), on the other hand, show it
+unmistakably. The Persian image of the rose and the nightingale is of
+frequent occurrence. In a poem on Spring (_Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 26) we
+read:
+
+    Und mir selbst ist dann, als würd' ich
+    Eine Nachtigall und sänge
+    Diesen Rosen meine Liebe,
+    Träumend sing' ich Wunderklänge--.
+
+The image recurs repeatedly in the _Neue Gedichte_, e.g. _Neuer
+Frühling_, Nos. 7, 9, 11, 20, 26; _Verschiedene_, No. 7, and in
+_Romanzero_ (vol. iii.), pp. 42, 178, 253. Even in the prose-writings it
+is found, e.g. _Florentinische Nächte_ (vol. iii. p. 43), _Gedanken und
+Einfälle_ (vol. xii. 309).
+
+Again, when Heine speaks of pearls that are pierced and strung on a
+silken thread ("Kluge Sterne," _Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 106), he is
+intensely Persian; still more so when he calls Jehuda ben Halevy's
+verses (_Romanz._ vol. iii. p. 136):
+
+    Perlenthränen, die, verbunden
+    Durch des Reimes goldnen Faden,
+    Aus der Dichtkunst güldnen Schmiede
+    Als ein Lied hervorgegangen.
+
+The Persian fancy of the moth and candle-flame seems to have been in his
+mind when he wrote ("Die Libelle," vol. ii. p. 288):
+
+    Knisternd verzehren die Flammen der Kerzen
+    Die Käfer und ihre liebenden Herzen....
+
+Still another Persian idea, familiar to us from a preceding chapter, is
+the peacock ashamed of his ugly feet ("Unvolkommenheit," _Romanz._ vol.
+iii. p. 103).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The Persian manner is even employed, and very cleverly, for humorous
+effect, for instance, in the poem "Jehuda ben Halevy," cited before. In
+this Heine asks Hitzig for the etymology of the name Schlemihl, but
+meets with nothing but evasive replies until:
+
+    Endlich alle Knöpfe rissen
+    An der Hose der Geduld,
+
+and the poet begins to swear so profanely that the pious Hitzig
+surrenders unconditionally and hastens to supply the desired
+information. This image of the "trousers of patience" reminds us
+strikingly of such Persian phrases as جيب مراقبه "the cowl of
+meditation" (_Gul._ ed. Platts, p. 4), فرش هوس "the carpet of desire"
+(ib. p. 113), etc., which are a particular ornament of the highly
+artificial rhymed prose, employed in works like the _Gulistān_ and
+_Bahāristān_. In the latter, for instance, we read of a youth whose
+mental equilibrium had been impaired by the charms of a handsome girl:
+لباس دانايی بيفکند و پلاس رسوايی پوشيد "he tore the garment of prudence
+and put on the rags of disgrace."[202]
+
+The description of a countess in words like those which Heine puts into
+the mouth of a Berlin chamber-musician: "Cypressenwuchs,
+Hyacinthenlocken, der Mund ist Ros' und Nachtigall zu gleicher Zeit," ...
+(_Briefe aus Berlin_. No. 3, vol. v. p. 205) furnishes another instance
+in point.
+
+And lastly, we must mention one of the best known of Heine's poems, the
+trilogy "Der Dichter Firdusi," the subject of which is the famous legend
+of Mahmūd's ingratitude to Persia's greatest singer and his tardy
+repentance. We may add that scholars are not inclined to accept this
+legend as historical in all its parts; certainly not in its artistic and
+effective ending. This, of course, has nothing to do with the literary
+merit of the poem, which is deservedly ranked as one of Heine's happiest
+efforts.[203]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+After all, however, it is clear that Heine is in no sense an
+orientalizing poet or a follower of the Hafizian tendency which became
+the vogue under the influence of Goethe, Rückert and Platen. With him
+the Oriental element never was more than an incidental feature, strictly
+subordinated to his own poetic individuality, and never dominating or
+effacing it, as is the case with most of the professedly "Persian"
+singers,--those "Perser von dem Main, der Elbe, von der Isar, von der
+Pleisse"--who thought, as has justly been remarked, that they had
+penetrated into the Persian spirit by merely mentioning _guls_ and
+_bulbuls_. Heine had no use for such trivial superficiality. The singer
+of the "Loreley" sang as he felt, and in spite of so many apparently
+un-German sentiments in his writings he had a right to say (_Die
+Heimkehr_, vol. i. p. 131):
+
+    Ich bin ein deutscher Dichter,
+    Bekannt im deutschen Land;
+    Nennt man die besten Namen,
+    So wird auch der meine genannt.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[192] Printed as Nachwort in the Bemerker, No. 10, Suppl. to
+Gesellschafter, No. 77. See also H. Heines Leben u. Werke, Ad.
+Strodtmann, Hamb. 1883, vol. i. p. 78.
+
+[193] Similarly Bhartṛhari, Nītiś. 74.
+
+[194] _Atha kadācid avasannāyām rātrāv astācalacūdāvalambini bhagavati
+kumudinīnāyakē candramasi_.... (ed. Bomb. 1891, p. 7). "Once upon a time
+when the night was spent and the moon, the lordly lover of the lotuses,
+was reclining on the crest of the western mountain...." Of other
+allusions to this lotus we may cite Vikramōrvaṡī, Act 3. ed. Parab and
+Telang, Bomb. 1888, p. 79; Śak. Act iii. ed. Kale, p. 81, and Act iv.
+ib. p. 96.
+
+[195] The episode occurs in Rāmāy. i. 51-56. It had been translated as
+early as 1816 by Bopp in his Conjugationssystem der Sanskritsprache.
+
+[196] Mahābh. iii. 108, 109; Rāmāy. i. 42, 43; Mārkaṇḍēya Pur. and other
+works. Heine's acquaintance was due undoubtedly to Schlegel's
+translation in Indische Bibliothek, 1820. (Aug. Schlegel, Werke, iii.
+20-44.)
+
+[197] See article on this subject by M. Schuyler, Jr., in JAOS. vol. xx.
+2. p. 338 seq.
+
+[198] Letter to Friedr. Steinmann, Sämmtl. Werke, Hamb. 1876, vol. xix.
+No. 7, p. 43.
+
+[199] Ibid. No. 15, p. 80.
+
+[200] Ibid. No. 38, pp. 200, 201.
+
+[201] One poem of his earliest period, Die Lehre (vol. iii. p. 276),
+published in Hamburgs Wächter, 1817 (Strodtmann, op. cit. i. 54), does
+seem to show it. In this the young bee, heedless of motherly advice,
+does not beware of the candle-flame and so "Flamme gab Flammentod." We
+at once recognize a familiar Persian thought, and are reminded of
+Goethe's fine line, "Das Lebend'ge will ich preisen das nach Flammentod
+sich sehnet." (Selige Sehnsucht, ed. Loeper, iv. 26.)
+
+[202] O.M. v. Schlechta-Wssehrd, Der Frühlingsgarten von Mewlana
+Abdurrahman Dschami, Wien, 1846. Persian text, p. 38.
+
+[203] For a discussion of the legend see Nöldeke in Grdr. iran. Phil.
+vol. ii. pp. 154, 155, 158.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+BODENSTEDT.
+
+      Lieder des Mirza Schaffy--Are Original Poems--Nachlass--Aus
+      Morgenland und Abendland--Sakuntala, a Narrative Poem.
+
+
+The H̱āfiḍ tendency was carried to the height of popularity by Friedrich
+Martin Bodenstedt, whose _Lieder des Mirza Schaffy_ met with a
+phenomenal success, running through one hundred and forty editions in
+Germany alone during the lifetime of the author, besides being
+translated into many foreign languages.[204] These songs have had a
+remarkable career, which the author himself relates in an essay appended
+to the _Nachlass_.[205]
+
+According to the prevailing opinion, Mirza Schaffy was a great Persian
+poet, a rival of Saʻdī and H̱āfiḍ, and Bodenstedt was the translator of
+his songs. Great, therefore, was the astonishment of the European, and
+particularly the German public, when it was discovered that the name of
+this famous poet was utterly unknown in the East, even in his own native
+land. As early as 1860, Professor Brugsch, when in Tiflis, had searched
+for the singer's grave, but in vain; nobody could tell him where a
+certain Mirza Schaffy lay buried. At last, in 1870, the Russian
+counsellor Adolph Bergé gave an authentic account of the real man and
+his literary activity.[206] Two things were clearly established: first,
+that such a person as Mīrzā Šafīʻ had really existed; second, that this
+person was no poet. On this second point the few scraps of verse which
+Bergé had been able to collect, and which he submitted in the essay
+cited above, leave absolutely no doubt. So, in 1874, when Bodenstedt
+published another poetic collection of Mirza Schaffy, he appended an
+essay wherein he explained clearly the origin and the nature of the
+original collection bearing that name.
+
+According to his own statements, these poems are not translations. They
+are entirely his own,[207] and were originally not an independent
+collection, but part of the biographical romance _Tausend und ein Tag im
+Orient_.[208] This should be kept in mind if we wish to estimate them at
+their true value.
+
+Nevertheless the poems are genuinely Oriental and owe their existence to
+the author's stay in the East, particularly in Tiflis, during the winter
+1843-44. But for this residence in the Orient, so Bodenstedt tells
+us,[209] a large part of them would never have seen the light.
+
+In form, however, they are Occidental--the _γazal_ being used only a few
+times (e.g. ii. 135, or in the translations from H̱āfiḍ in chap. 21: ii.
+70=H̱. 8; ii. 72=H̱. 155, etc.) In spirit they are like H̱āfiḍ. "Mein
+Lehrer ist Hafis, mein Bethaus ist die Schenke," so Mirza Schaffy
+himself proclaims (i. p. 96), and images and ideas from H̱āfiḍ, familiar
+to us from preceding chapters, meet us everywhere. The stature like a
+cypress, the nightingale and the rose, the verses like pearls on a
+string, and others could be cited as instances. Other authors are also
+laid under contribution; thus the comparison of Mirza Schaffy to a bee
+seems to have been suggested by a maxim of Saʻdī (_Gul._ viii. No. 77,
+ed. Platts; K.S. p. 268), where a wise man without practice is called a
+bee without honey, and the thought in the last verse of "Die Rose auch"
+(vol. ii. p. 85), that the rose cannot do without dirt and the
+nightingale feeds on worms, is a reminiscence of a story of Niḍāmī which
+we had occasion to cite in the chapter on Rückert (see p. 43). In one
+case a poem contains a Persian proverb. Mirza Schaffy criticises the
+opinions of the Shāh's viziers in the words: "Ich höre das Geklapper
+einer Mühle, doch sehe ich kein Mehl" (i, 85), a literal rendering of
+
+     آواز آسيا می شنوم وآرد نمی بينم
+
+Of course the _mullās_ and hypocrites in general are roundly scored,
+especially in chapter 27, where the sage, angered by the reproaches
+which the _mustahīd_ has made to him for his bad conduct and irreligious
+poetry, gives vent to his sentiments of disgust in a number of poems
+(vol. ii. p. 137 seq.). Bodenstedt undoubtedly had in mind the
+persecutions to which H̱āfiḍ was subject, culminating in the refusal of
+the priests to give him regular burial and giving rise to the famous
+story of the _fatvā_.
+
+The tavern and the praise of wine are, of course, bound to be prominent
+features. In the same _credo_ where Mirza Schaffy proclaims H̱āfiḍ as
+his teacher he also proclaims the tavern as his house of prayer (i. p.
+96), and so he celebrates the day when he quit the mosque for the
+wine-house (i. p. 98; cf. H̱. 213. 4). The well known poem "Aus dem
+Feuerquell des Weines" (i. p. 106) is in sentiment exactly like a
+quatrain of ʻUmar Xayyām (Bodl. ed. Heron-Allen, Boston, 1898, No. 78;
+Whinfield, 195); the last verse is based on a couplet of Saʻdī (_Gul._
+i. 4, last _qiṭʻah_, Platts, p. 18) which is cited immediately after the
+poem itself (i. p. 107).
+
+A collection of Hafizian songs would scarcely be complete without a song
+in praise of Shīrāz. This we get in vol. ii. p. 48, where Shīrāz is
+compared to Tiflis; and just as the former was made famous through
+H̱āfiḍ, so the latter will become famous through Mirza Schaffy. Little
+did the worthy sage of Ganja dream that this would come literally true.
+Yet it did. The closing lines of the poem--
+
+    Berühmt ist Tiflis durch dein Lied
+    Vom Kyros bis zum Rhein geworden--
+
+are no empty boast; they simply express a fact.
+
+None of Bodenstedt's later poetic publications ever attained the success
+of the Mirza Schaffy songs, and, it may be added, none of them equalled
+those songs in merit. In 1874 the author resolved once more to try the
+magic of that name and so he launched forth a collection called _Aus dem
+Nachlasse Mirza Schaffy's_, and to emphasize the Persian character of
+these poems the Persian translation of the title, از اشرار بازماندهً
+ميرزا شفيع, appeared on the title-page. In spite of all this, however,
+the Orientalism in these poems is more artificial than natural; it is
+not felt as something essential without which the poems could not exist.
+The praise of wine, which is the main theme of the second book,--for the
+collection is divided into seven books,--is certainly not
+characteristically Persian; European, and especially German poets have
+also been very liberal and very proficient in bibulous verse. The maxims
+that make up the third and a portion of the fourth book are for the most
+part either plainly unoriental, or else so perfectly general, and, we
+may add, so hopelessly commonplace, as to fit in anywhere. Some,
+however, are drawn from Persian sources. Thus from the _Gulistān_ we
+have in the third book, Nos. 8 (_Gul._ Pref. p. 7, last _qiṭʻah_), 9
+(ibid. p. 6, first three couplets), 12 (ibid. iii. 27, _maθ_. p. 89) and
+36 (saying of the king in _Gul._ i. 1, p. 13). No. 31 is from the
+introduction to the _Hitōpadēśa_ (third couplet).[210] "Die Cypresse,"
+p. 103, is suggested by _Gul._ viii. 111 (K.S. 81).
+
+The Oriental stories which form the contents of the fifth book are of
+small literary value. Some of them read like versified lessons in
+Eastern religion, as, for instance, "Der Sufi," p. 111, which is a
+rhymed exposition of a S̱ūfistic principle,[211] and "Der
+Wüstenheilige," which enunciates through the lips of Zoroaster himself
+his doctrine that good actions are worth more than ascetic
+practices.[212] On p. 121 Ibn Yamīn is credited with the story of the
+poet and the glow-worm, which is found in Saʻdī's _Būstān_ (ed. Platts
+and Rogers, Lond. 1891, p. 127; tr. Barbier de Meynard, Paris, 1880, p.
+163). The famous story of Yūsuf and Zalīχā, as related by Jāmī and
+Firdausī, is the subject of the longest poem in the book and is told in
+a somewhat flippant manner, p. 135 seq. The stories told of Saʻdī's
+reception at court and his subsequent banishment through the calumny of
+the courtiers, pp. 123-128, seem to be pure invention; at least there is
+nothing, as far as we know, in the life or writings of the Persian poet
+that could have furnished the material for these poems.[213]
+
+In 1882, still another collection of Bodenstedt's poems, entitled _Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland_, made its appearance. Like the _Nachlass_ it
+also has seven divisions, of which only the second, fourth and sixth are
+of interest for us as containing Oriental material.[214]
+
+One poem, however, in the first book, "An eine Kerze," p. 5, should be
+mentioned as of genuinely Persian character. The candle as symbolical of
+the patient, self-sacrificing lover is a familiar feature of Persian
+belles-lettres (cf. H̱. 299. 4; 301. 5; or Rückert's "Die Kerze und die
+Flasche," see above, p. 43). The last line reminds us of a verse of
+Jurjānī, cited by Jāmī in the _Bahāristān_ (ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p.
+111), exhorting the ruler to be like a flame, always pointing upwards.
+
+The second book brings another contribution of sententious wisdom, most
+of which is neither new nor Oriental. Of Oriental sources the _Gulistān_
+is best represented. From it are taken Nos. 8 (_Gul._ ii. 4, last
+couplet), 9 (ibid. i. 1), 41 (ibid. i. 21, prose-passage before the
+_maθ_. p. 33; K.S. p. 55), 43 (ibid. i. 17, coupl. 4, p. 29; K.S. p.
+49), 52 (ibid. i. 29, coupl. 2; K.S. p. 66). No. 47, which is credited
+to Ibn Yamīn, is from the _Bahāristān_ (tr. K.S. p. 46; _Red._ p. 338).
+No. 49 is a very free rendering of a quatrain of ʻUmar Xayyām (Whinf.
+347; _Red._ p. 81).[215]
+
+The fourth book offers stories, all of which, except the first two, are
+from Persian sources. Thus from the _Gulistān_ are "Die Berichtigung"
+(_Gul._ i. 31; K.S., p. 67) and "Der Königsring" (_Gul._ iii. 27, last
+part, p. 92; K.S. p. 157). "Nachtigall und Falk" is from Niḍāmī, as was
+pointed out before (see above, p. 43). "Das Paradies der Gläubigen" is
+from Jāmī (_Red._ p. 324; given there as from the _Subẖat ul-abrār_) and
+"Ein Bild der Welt" is from Ibn Yamīn (_Red._ p. 236).[216] The longest
+story of the book is "Dara und Sara," which gives the legend of the
+discovery of wine by King Jamšīd, told by Mīrχvānd in his _Rauḍat
+u̱s-̱safā_.[217] Besides changing the name of the king to Dara, in
+order to make the poem more romantic, we find that Bodenstedt has made
+some decided alterations and has considerably amplified the legend. Thus
+in his version the motive of the lady's attempt at suicide is despised
+love, while in the original it is only a prosaic nervous headache. In
+both cases, however, the sequel is the same.
+
+Finally, the sixth book offers very free paraphrases of poems by Rūmī,
+Saʻdī, Amīr Muʻizzī and Anvarī, who, oddly enough, are termed "Vorläufer
+des Mirza Schaffy." The source for most of these poems was evidently
+Hammer's _Geschichte der schönen Redekünste Persiens_. To realize with
+what freedom Bodenstedt has treated his models, it is only necessary to
+compare some of the poems from Rūmī with Hammer's versions, e.g. "Glaube
+und Unglaube" (_Red._ p. 175), "Der Mensch und die Welt" (ibid. p. 180),
+"Des Lebens Kreislauf" (ibid. p. 178), "Wach' auf" (ibid. p. 181). "Die
+Pilger," p. 188, attributed to Jāmī, is likewise from Rūmī (_Red._ p.
+181; cf. Rückert, _Werke_, vol. v. p. 220). The poems from Saʻdī can
+mostly be traced to the _Gulistān_; they are so freely rendered that
+they have little in common with the originals except the thought. No. 1
+is _Gul._ ii. 18, _qiṭʻah_ 1, to which the words of Luqmān are added;
+no. 2 is from _Gul._ iii. 10, couplet (p. 76; K.S. p. 129); no. 3 is
+_Gul._ iii. 27, _maθ_. (p. 89; K.S., p. 151); no. 4 is _Gul._ iii. 27,
+_qiṭʻah_ (p. 91; K.S., p. 154) and no. 5 is _Gul._ i. 39, _maθ_. The
+poem "Heimat und Fremde" is taken from Amīr Muʻizzī,[218] the court-poet
+of Malak Shāh, who in turn took it from Anvarī. It is cited in the _Haft
+Qulzum_ to illustrate a kind of poetic theft.[219] "Unterschied" is from
+Jāmī (_Red._ p. 315, given as from _Subẖat ul-abrār_), "Warum" from Ibn
+Yamīn (_Red._ p. 235); "Die Sterne" and "Die Zeit" are both from Anvarī
+(_Red._ pp. 98, 99).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+So far, Bodenstedt had taken the material for his Oriental poems from
+Persia, but now he turned to India and in 1887 appeared _Sakuntala_, a
+romantic epic in five cantos. In the main it follows the story of
+Kālidāsa's famous drama, but the version in the _Mahābharāta_ is also
+used, and a considerable number of episodes are invented. Even where the
+account of the drama is followed, changes of a more or less sweeping
+nature are frequent. We cannot say that they strike us as so many
+improvements on Kālidāsa; they certainly often destroy or obliterate
+characteristic Indic features. Thus in the drama the failure of the king
+to recognize Śakuntalā is the result of a curse pronounced against the
+girl by the irascible saint Durvāsas, whom she has inadvertently failed
+to treat with due respect, and the ring is merely a means of breaking
+the spell. All this is highly characteristic of Hindu thought. In
+Bodenstedt's poem, however, remembering and forgetting are dependent on
+a magic quality inherent in the ring itself,--a trait that is at home in
+almost any literature.[220]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+There are, besides, many minor changes. The _vidūṣaka_, or fun-making
+attendant of the king, is left out, and so the warriors express the
+sentiments that he utters at the beginning of Act 2. Duṣyanta does not
+bid farewell to his beloved in person, but leaves a letter. Again, after
+he has failed to recognize her, she returns to the hermitage of Kanva,
+whereas in the drama she is transported to that of Kaśyapa on the
+Hēmakūṭa mountain. So, of course, the aerial ride of the king in Indra's
+wagon is also done away with.
+
+In many places, on the other hand, the poem follows the drama very
+closely. For instance, the passage in the first canto describing the mad
+elephant (pp. 14, 15)[221] is a paraphrase of the warning uttered by one
+of the holy men in Act 1. Sc. 4 (ed. Kale, p. 40). The discourse of
+Śakuntalā with her friends (pp. 37, 38), the incident of the bee and
+Priyamvadā's playful remark (pp. 38-40) are closely modelled after the
+fourth scene of Act 1. Many passages of the poem are in fact nothing but
+translations. Thus the words which the king on leaving, writes to
+Śakuntalā (p. 78):
+
+    Doch mein Herz wird stets zurückbewegt,
+    Wie die wehende Fahne an der Stange,
+    Die man vollem Wind entgegenträgt--
+
+are a pretty close rendering of the final words of the king's soliloquy
+at the end of Act 1:
+
+      _gacchati puraḥ śarīraṃ dhāvati paścād asaṃstutaṃ cētaḥ cīnāṃśukam
+      iva kētōḥ prativātam nīyamānasya_
+
+     "my body goes forward; the mind not agreeing with it flies backward
+     like the silken streamer of a banner borne against the wind."
+
+A large part of the whole poem is pure invention, designed to make the
+story more exciting by means of a greater variety of incident. Such
+invented episodes, for instance, are the gory battle-scenes that take up
+the first part of the fourth canto, the omen of the fishes in the fifth,
+and the episodes in which Bharata plays the chief rôle in that canto.
+Some of the things told of this boy, how he knocks down the gate-keeper
+who refuses to admit his mother, how he strikes the queen Vasumatī who
+had insulted her, and how he slays the assassin whom this jealous queen
+had sent against him, are truly remarkable in view of the fact that the
+hero of all these exploits cannot be more than six years of age (see pp.
+112, 113). The account in the _Mahābhārata_, to be sure, tells of
+equally fabulous exploits performed by the youth, but there we move in
+an atmosphere of the marvelous. In Bodenstedt's poem, however, the
+supernatural has been almost completely banished, and we cannot help
+noticing the improbability of these deeds.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[204] Hebrew by Jos. Choczner, Breslau, 1868; Dutch by van Krieken,
+Amst. 1875; English by E. d'Esterre, Hamb. 1880; Italian by Giuseppe
+Rossi, 1884; Polish by Dzialoszye, Warsaw, 1888. See list in G. Schenk,
+Friedr. Bodenstedt, Ein Dichterleben in seinen Briefen, Berl. 1893, pp.
+246-248.
+
+[205] Aus dem Nachlasse Mirza Schaffys, Berl. 1874, pp. 191-223.
+
+[206] In ZDMG. vol. xxiv. pp. 425-432.
+
+[207] With few exceptions, pointed out by Bodenstedt himself, e.g.
+"Mullah rein ist der Wein" is from the Tartaric. Nachlass, p. 208.
+
+[208] Friedr. Bodenstedts Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1865, 12 vols.
+Vols. i and ii. All references to the Lieder des M.S. are to this
+edition.
+
+[209] Nachlass, p. 193.
+
+[210] Or else a saying of Muhammad exactly like it, cited by Prof.
+Brugsch in Aus dem Morgenlande, Lpz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. 3151-2, p. 57.
+
+[211] Cf. Bodenstedt's remarks on S̱ūfism in Nachtrag, p. 198 seq.
+
+[212] See my article on Religion of Ancient Persia in Progress, vol.
+iii. No. 5, p. 290.
+
+[213] A complete history of Saʻdī's life, drawn from his own writings as
+well as other sources, is given by W. Bacher, Saʻdī's Aphorismen und
+Sinngedichte, Strassb. 1879. On the relation of the poet to the rulers
+of his time, see esp. p. xxxv seq.
+
+[214] We cite from the third edition, 1887.
+
+[215] Translated more closely by Bodenstedt in Die Lieder und Sprüche
+des Omar Chajjâm, Breslau, 1881, p. 29.
+
+[216] Schlechta-Wssehrd, Ibn Jemins Bruchstücke. Wien, 1852, pp. 138,
+139.
+
+[217] Tr. David Shea, Hist. of the Early Kings of Persia, Lond. 1832,
+pp. 102-104; Malcolm. i. p. 10, note b.
+
+[218] Ethé in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. p. 260; Pizzi, Storia, vol. i. pp.
+88, 215.
+
+[219] Rückert, Gram. Poet. u. Rhet. der Perser, p. 363.
+
+[220] Cf. the story of Charlemagne and the magic stone given to him by a
+grateful serpent. Grimm, Deutsche Sagen, 1. 130.
+
+[221] We cite from an edition publ. at Leipzig, no date.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.
+
+      SOME LESS KNOWN POETS WHO ATTEMPTED THE ORIENTAL MANNER.
+
+
+To enumerate the names of all the German poets who affected the Oriental
+manner would be to give a list of the illustrious obscure. Most of them
+have only served to furnish another illustration of Horace's famous
+_mediocribus esse poetis_. A bare mention of such names as Löschke,
+Levitschnigg, Wihl, Stieglitz and von Hermannsthal will suffice.[222]
+The last mentioned poet gives a striking illustration of the inanity of
+most of this kind of work. He uses the _γazal_ form for stories about
+such persons as the Gracchi and Blücher,[223] and, what is still more
+curious, for tirades against the Oriental tendency.[224] A poet of
+different calibre is Daumer, whose _Hafis_ (Hamb. 1846) for a long time
+was regarded as a translation, whereas the poems of the collection are
+in reality original productions in H̱āfiḍ's manner, just like Rückert's
+_Östliche Rosen_.[225] Their sensuous, passionate eroticism, however, is
+not a genuine H̱āfiḍ quality, as we before have seen. The same criticism
+applies even much more forcibly to Schefer's _Hafis in Hellas_ (Hamburg,
+1853).[226] Special mention is due to the gifted, but unfortunate,
+Heinrich Leuthold, whose _Ghaselen_ deserve to be placed by the side of
+Platen's. Like Platen and Rückert, he too proclaims himself a reveller:
+
+    Zur Gottheit ward die Schönheit mir
+    Und mein Gebet wird zum Ghasel.--
+
+But these _Ghaselen_ do not attempt to be so intensely Persian as to
+reproduce the objectionable features of Persian poetry. Thus Leuthold
+sings:
+
+    Vor allem ein Lebehoch dem Hafis, dem Patriarchen der Zunft!--
+    D'rum bringe die liebliche Schenkin das Gold gefüllter Becher
+            hinein![227]
+
+Evidently the poet sees no necessity for retaining the _sāqī_, but makes
+the poem more acceptable to Western taste by substituting a "Schenkin"
+for Platen's "Schenke."
+
+The Oriental story was cultivated by J.F. Castelli. Many of the subjects
+of his _Orientalische Granaten_ (Dresden, 1852) had already been used by
+Rückert. Another Oriental storyteller in verse is Ludwig Bowitsch, whose
+_Sindibad_ (Leipzig, 1860) contains mostly Arabic material. Friedrich
+von Sallet has written a poem on _Zerduscht_[228] which gives the
+Iranian legend of the attempt made by the sorcerers to burn the newborn
+child.[229] It would, however, lead us too far were we to mention single
+poems on Oriental subjects or of Oriental tendency.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Head and shoulders above all these less known poets towers the figure of
+Count von Schack, who, like Rückert, combined the poetic gift with the
+learning of the scholar, and who thus stands out a worthy successor of
+the German Brahman as a representative of the idea of the
+_Weltlitteratur_. A discussion of his work is a fitting close for this
+investigation.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[222] On these see Paul Horn, Was verdanken Wir Persien, in Nord u. Süd,
+Heft 282, p. 386 seq.
+
+[223] Ghaselen, Leipz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. No. 371, pp. 96, 99.
+
+[224] Ibid. pp. 49-54. An einen Freund.
+
+[225] See von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, p. 117.
+
+[226] Horn in article cited, p. 389; Emil Brenning, Leopold Schefer,
+Bremen, 1884, p. 135.
+
+[227] Gedichte, Frauenfeld, 1879, p. 144 (xvi).
+
+[228] Gesammelte Gedichte, Leipz. Reclam. Nos. 551-3, p. 128.
+
+[229] See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 29.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+VON SCHACK.
+
+      His Fame as Translator of Firdausī--Stimmen vom
+      Ganges--Sakuntala compared with the Original in the
+      Mahābhārata--His Oriental Scholarship in his Original
+      Poems--Attitude towards Hafizian Singers.
+
+
+As an Orientalist, von Schack's scholarship is amply attested by his
+numerous and excellent translations from Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit.
+His _Heldensagen des Firdusi_, as is well known, has become a standard
+work of German literature. In fact, we may say that his reputation rests
+more upon his translations than upon his poems.
+
+Though we have consistently refrained from discussing translations, it
+is felt that the _Stimmen vom Ganges_, which is a collection of Indic
+legends from various sources, especially from the _Purāṇas_, cannot be
+left entirely out of consideration.[230] In many respects these poems
+have the charm of original work. The models moreover are used with great
+freedom. To cite von Schack's own words: "Für eigentliche Übertragungen
+können diese Dichtungen in der Gestalt, wie sie hier vorliegen, nicht
+gelten, da bei der Bearbeitung bald grössere bald geringere Freiheit
+gewaltet hat, auch manches Störende und Weitschweifige ausgeschieden
+wurde; doch hielt ich es für unstatthaft, am Wesentlichen des Stoffes
+und der Motive Änderungen vorzunehmen. In Gedanken und Ausdruck haben,
+wenn nicht der jedesmal vorliegende Text, so doch stets Indische Werke
+zu Vorbildern gedient."[231]
+
+A brief comparison of any one of these poems with the Sanskrit original
+will show the correctness of this statement. Let us take, as an
+illustration, the second, which gives the famous legend of Śakuntalā
+from the _Mahābhārata_ (i. 69-74; Bombay ed. i. 92-100).
+
+Schack leaves out unnecessary details and wearisome repetitions. Thus
+the elaborate account of the Brahmans whom the king sees on entering the
+hermitage of Kanva and their different occupations (_Mbh_. 70, 37-47) is
+condensed into fourteen lines, p. 36. Again, in the original, when
+Śakuntalā tells the story of her birth, the speech by which Indra urges
+Mēnakā to undertake the temptation of Viśvāmitra is given at some length
+(_Mbh_. 71, 20-26); so also the reply of the timid nymph (ibid. 71,
+27-42); the story of the temptation itself is narrated with realistic
+detail in true Hindu fashion (ibid. 72, 1-9). All this takes up
+thirty-three _ślōkas_. Schack devotes to it barely five lines, p. 38;
+the speeches of Indra and Mēnakā he omits altogether. Again, when the
+king proposes to the fair maid, he enters into a learned disquisition on
+the eight kinds of marriage, explaining which ones are proper for each
+caste, which ones are never proper, and so forth; finally he proposes
+the Gandharva form (_Mbh_. 73, 6-14). It is needless to say that in
+Schack's poem the king's proposal is much less didactic and much more
+direct, pp. 40, 41.
+
+On the other hand, to see how closely the poet sometimes follows his
+model we need but compare all that follows the words "Kaum war er
+gegangen," p. 42, to "Dem sind nimmerdar die Götter gnädig," p. 47, with
+the Sanskrit original (_Mbh_. 73, 24-74, 33).
+
+Minor changes in phrases or words, advisable on aesthetic grounds, are
+of course frequent. Similes, for instance, appealing too exclusively to
+Hindu taste, were made more general. Thus in Śakuntalā's reply to the
+king, p. 51, the faults of others are likened in size to sand grains,
+and those of himself to glebes. In Sanskrit, however, the comparison is
+to mustard-grains and bilva-fruits respectively. A few lines further on
+the maid declares:
+
+              "So überragt mein Stamm denn
+    Weit den deinen, wisse das, Duschmanta!"
+
+which passage in the original reads: _āvayōr antaraṃ paśya mēru
+sarśapōr iva_, "behold! the difference between us is like that between
+a mustard-seed and Mount Mēru." In the same speech of Śakuntalā the
+Sanskrit introduces a striking simile which Schack omits as too
+specifically Indic:
+
+    _mūrkhō hi jalpatāṃ puṃsāṃ śrutvā vācaḥ śubhāśubhāḥ
+    aśubhaṃ vākyam ādattē purīṣam iva sūkaraḥ
+    prājñas tu jalpatāṃ puṃsāṃ śrutvā vācaḥ śubhāśubhāḥ
+    guṇavad vākyam ādattē haṃsaḥ kṣīram ivāṃbhasaḥ_
+                                      (_Mbh_. 74. 90, 91.)
+
+     "The fool having heard men's speeches containing good and evil
+     chooses the evil just as a hog dirt; but the wise man having heard
+     men's speeches containing good and evil chooses the worthy, just
+     as a swan (separates) milk from water."[232]
+
+We believe that these illustrations will suffice to give an idea of the
+relation which Schack's poems bear to the originals.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+His fondness for things Oriental finds also frequent expression in his
+own poems. In _Nächte des Orients_ (vol. i. p. 7 seq.),[233] like Goethe
+before him, he undertakes a poetic Hegira to the East:
+
+    Entfliehen lasst mich, fliehn aus den Gewirren
+    Des Occidents zum heitern Morgenland!
+
+So he visits the native towns of Firdausī and H̱āfiḍ and pays his
+respect to their memory, and then penetrates also into India, where he
+hears from the lips of a Buddhist monk an exposition of Nirvāṇa
+philosophy, which, however, is unacceptable to him (p. 111). The
+Oriental scenes that are brought before our mind, both in this poem as
+well as in "Memnon" (vol. vii. p. 5 seq.), are of course portrayed with
+poetic feeling as well as scholarly accuracy. The _ẖājī_ who owns the
+wonderful elixir,--which, by the way, is said to come from India (p.
+33),--and who interprets each vision that the poet lives through from
+the standpoint of the pessimistic sceptic, shows the influence of ʻUmar
+Xayyām. In fact he indulges sometimes in unmistakable reminiscences of
+the quatrains of the famous astronomer-poet, as when he says:
+
+    Wie Schattenbilder, die an der Laterne,
+    Wenn sie der Gaukler schiebt, vorübergleiten,
+    So zieht die blöde, willenlose Herde,
+    Die Menschheit mein' ich, über diese Erde. (p. 55.)
+
+This is very much the same thought as in the following quatrain of ʻUmar
+(Whinf. 310; Bodl. 108):
+
+     اين چرخ فلک که ما درو حيرانيم
+     فانوس خيال ازو مثالی دانيم
+     خورشيد چراغ دان و عالم فانوس
+     ما چون صوريم کاندر و گردانيم
+
+which stands first in Schack's own translation of the Persian poet and
+is thus rendered:
+
+    Für eine magische Laterne ist diese ganze Welt zu halten,
+      In welcher wir voll Schwindel leben;
+    Die Sonne hängt darin als Lampe; die Bilder aber und Gestalten
+      Sind wir, die d'ran vorüberschweben.[234]
+
+In his _Weihgesänge_ (vol. ii. p. 149) Schack sends a greeting to the
+Orient; in another one of these songs he sings the praises of India
+(ibid. p. 232), and in still another he apostrophizes Zoroaster (ibid.
+p. 133). A division of this volume (ii.) bears the title _Lotosblätter_.
+The sight of the scholar's chamber with its Sanskrit manuscripts makes
+him dream of India's gorgeous scenery and inspires a poem "Das indische
+Gemach" (vol. x. p. 26).
+
+Oriental stories and legends are also offered, though not frequently.
+"Mahmud der Gasnevide" (vol. i. p. 299) relates the story of the great
+sultan's stern justice.[235] "Anahid" (vol. vii. p. 209) gives the
+famous legend of the angels Hārūt and Mārūt, who were punished for their
+temptation of the beautiful Zuhra, the Arabic Venus.[236] Schack has
+substituted the old Persian name of Anāhita (mod. Pers. _nāhīd_) for
+the Arabic name, and has otherwise also altered the legend considerably.
+
+Schack never attempted to write original poems in Oriental form. The
+Hafizian movement did not excite his enthusiasm, and for the trifling of
+the average Hafizian singer he had no use whatever. In a poem by which
+he conveys his thanks to the sultan for a distinction which the latter
+had conferred on him he says:
+
+    Wär ich, so wie Firdusi, paradiesisch,
+    Ich bohrte dir die Perlen der Kaside
+    Und schlänge dir das Halsband der Ghasele;
+    Allein wir Deutschen singen kaum hafisisch,
+    Und wenn wir orientalisch sind im Liede,
+    Durchtraben wir die Wüsten als Kamele. (Vol. x. p. 106.)
+
+Even for Bodenstedt's Mirza Schaffy songs he has no great admiration:
+
+              Gar viel bedeutet's nicht, mich dünkt!
+    Dem nur, was Rückert längst schon besser machte
+    Und Platen, bist du keuchend nachgehinkt. (Vol. x. p. 47.)
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[230] Stimmen vom Ganges. Eine Sammlung Indischer Sagen, 2 Auflage,
+Stuttgart, 1877. The first edition appeared in 1857. There the eleventh
+story was Yadu's Meerfahrt (from Harivaṃśa). In the second edition this
+was omitted and an imitation of the Nalōdaya substituted as an appendix.
+The sources for each poem are given by the author himself in Nachwort,
+p. 215, note.
+
+[231] Op. cit. p. 216.
+
+[232] See Lanman, The Milk-drinking Haṅsas of Sanskrit Poetry, JAOS.
+vol. 19. 2, pp. 151-158. Goose would be a better translation of the word
+_haṃsa_ than swan.
+
+[233] We cite from the edition mentioned on p. vii.
+
+[234] Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878. The translation itself
+dates from an earlier period than the year of publication. The author,
+speaking of the delay in bringing it before the public, states that
+Horace's nonumque prematur in annum could be applied in threefold
+measure to this work (p. 118). Hence the translation was made about
+1850, or a little later.
+
+[235] Herder, Briefe zur Beförderung der Humanität, x, ed. Suphan, vol.
+18, p. 259; Deguignes, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 172; Francis Gladwin, The
+Persian Moonshee, Calcutta, 1801, Pers. and Engl. pt. ii. p. 3.
+
+[236] See Hammer, Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 7, 8.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+
+Now that we have come to the end of our investigation, it may be well to
+survey briefly the whole field and to summarize the results we have
+reached.
+
+We have seen that to mediæval Europe India and Persia were lands of
+magic and enchantment; their languages and literatures were utterly
+unknown. Whatever influence these literatures exerted on that of Europe
+was indirect and not recognized. Nor did the Portuguese discoveries
+effect an immediate change. It was only by slow degrees that the West
+obtained any knowledge of Eastern thought. The _Gulistān_ and _Būstān_
+of Saʻdī, some maxims of Bhartṛhari and a few scattered fragments were
+all that was known in Europe of Indic or Persian literature before the
+end of the eighteenth century.
+
+Then the epoch-making discoveries of Sir William Jones aroused the
+attention of the Western world and laid the foundations of a new
+science. New ideas of world-wide significance presented themselves to
+the European mind. Nowhere were these ideas welcomed with more
+enthusiasm than in Germany, the home of philological scholarship. Herder
+pointed the way, and by means of translations and imitations tried to
+introduce the treasures of Oriental thought into German literature. That
+he did not meet with unqualified success was due, as we have seen, to
+his one-sided didactic tendency. To him, however, belongs the credit of
+the first impulse. Then Friedrich Schlegel founded the study of Sanskrit
+in Germany, while at the same time Hammer was busily at work spreading a
+knowledge of the Persian poets in Europe. The effect of the latter's
+work was instantaneous, for, as has been pointed out, it was his
+translation of H̱āfiḍ that inspired the composition of Goethe's _Divan_
+and thus started the Oriental movement in Germany.
+
+We have examined the share which Rückert, Platen, Bodenstedt and Schack
+had in this movement and have touched briefly on the work of some of the
+minor lights. It will be noticed that the Persian tendency found a far
+greater number of followers than the Indic. And this is but natural. It
+was far more easy to sing of wine, woman and roses in the manner of
+H̱āfiḍ, such as most of these poets conceived this manner to be, than to
+assimilate and reproduce the philosophic and often involved poetry of
+India. Add to this the charming form and the rich rhyme of Persian
+poetry and we can readily understand why it won favor. But we can also
+understand readily enough why most of the so-called Hafizian singing is
+of very inferior quality. Those men who did the most serious work for
+the West-Eastern movement in Germany, men like Rückert and Schack, were
+not one-sided in their studies. It was their earnest intention to offer
+to their countrymen what was best in the literatures of both India and
+Persia, and that they have carried out this intention nobly no one who
+has followed this investigation will be disposed to deny.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+It only remains to say a few words on the question of the value of this
+Oriental movement to German literature. We are not inclined to put too
+high an estimate on the poetry that arose under its influence. In fact,
+we do not think that it has produced what may be called really great
+poetry. It is significant that the fame of most of the poets considered
+in this investigation does not rest on that part of their work which was
+inspired by Oriental influence. We cannot possibly agree with the view
+that would place Goethe's _Divan_ side by side with the master's best
+productions. We do not believe that he ever would have become famous
+through that. Platen's _Ghaselen_ have neither the merit nor the
+reputation of his sonnets or his ballads. Even among the _Ghaselen_ and
+_Östliche Rosen_ of Rückert, the finest poems, such as "Sei mir
+gegrüsst" and "Du bist die Ruh," both immortalized by the genius of
+Schubert, are precisely those that are least Oriental, and we think it
+is safe to say that the _Liebesfrühling_ exceeds in fame any one of
+Rückert's Oriental collections, including the _Weisheit des Brahmanen_.
+The exception to the rule is Bodenstedt. His reputation rests almost
+solely on the Mirza Schaffy songs; but it will scarcely be pretended
+that this is great poetry.
+
+From what has been said it may be inferred that the chief value of the
+Oriental movement does not consist in its original contributions to
+German literature, but rather in the reproductions and translations it
+inspired. For it was through these that the treasures of Eastern thought
+were made the literary heritage, not of Germany alone, but of Europe. As
+far as the literature of Germany itself is concerned, this movement was
+of the greatest significance, in that it introduced the Oriental element
+and thereby helped powerfully to impart to German letters the spirit of
+cosmopolitanism for which men like Herder and Goethe had so earnestly
+striven. The great writers of ancient Greece and Rome had long since
+been familiar to the German people; Shakespere, Dante and Calderon had
+likewise won a place by the side of the German classics through the
+masterly work of the Romanticists; and now the spirit and form of a new
+literature--light from the East--was brought in by the movement which
+has been the subject of this investigation and assumed its place as a
+recognized element in the literature of Germany. The fond dream of a
+_Weltlitteratur_ thus became a reality, and the German language became
+the medium of acquaintance with all that is best in the literature of
+the world. The Oriental movement is the clearest proof of that spirit of
+universality, which is at once the noblest trait and the proudest boast
+of German genius.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes
+
+There are many spelling and capitalization inconsistencies in the
+original of this text. These have been retained in this version, except
+those noted below.
+
+  Page vi: Changed Behāristān to Bahāristān.
+  Page 2: Added marker for Footnote 2.
+  Page 6: Changed fourteeth to fourteenth.
+  Page 7: Changed "ferren India" to "fernen India."
+  Page 44: Changed "Iskandarnāmah" to "Iskandar Nāmah" in Footnote 159.
+  Page 52: Changed "Pratap Sinh" to "Pratap Singh."
+  Changed "d' herb" to "d'herb" where it occurs.
+  Normalized spelling for "H̱āfiḍ" throughout the text.
+
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of India and Persia on the
+Poetry of Germany, by Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Influence of India and Persia on the Poetry of Germany
+
+Author: Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2006 [EBook #17928]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INFLUENCE OF INDIA ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stacy Brown, David Starner and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note: There are many diacritical marks in this text,
+in addition to Greek, Persian and Arabic characters. Many common fonts
+should display these more or less correctly, including Times New
+Roman, Arial, and Courier New.
+
+Unusual characters that may not display correctly, depending on your
+font or software, include H (H with a line underneath), r (r with a
+dot underneath), n (n with a dot underneath), d (d with a dot
+underneath), and all of the Persian and Arabic characters.
+
+In this ISO-8859-1 version, the Greek and Arabic scripts have
+been either transliterated or elided, with a note like [Arabic].
+Please see the UTF-8 version of the file to view these.
+
+
+
+THE INFLUENCE
+OF
+INDIA AND PERSIA
+ON THE
+POETRY OF GERMANY
+
+BY
+
+ARTHUR F.J. REMY, A.M., Ph.D.
+
+SOMETIME FELLOW IN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+
+Copyright 1901, Columbia University Press,
+New York
+
+Manufactured in the United States of America
+
+
+
+
+TO
+Prof. William H. Carpenter, Ph.D.
+Prof. Calvin Thomas, A.M.
+Prof. A.V. Williams Jackson, L.H.D., Ph.D.
+OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
+IN GRATITUDE
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+The Oriental movement which manifested itself so strikingly in German
+literature during the nineteenth century is familiar to every student of
+that literature. Although the general nature of this movement is pretty
+clearly understood, no systematic investigation of it, so far as I know,
+has ever been undertaken. In the following pages an attempt is made to
+trace the influence which the Indo-Iranian East--the Semitic part is not
+considered--exerted on German poetry. The work does not claim to be
+exhaustive in the sense that it gives a list of all the poets that ever
+came under that influence. Nor does it pretend to be anything like a
+complete catalogue of the sources whence the poets derived their
+material. The performance of such a task would have required far more
+time and space than were at my disposal. A selection was absolutely
+necessary. It is hoped that the material presented in the case of each
+poet is sufficient to give a clear idea of the extent to which he was
+subject to Oriental influence, as well as of the part that he took in
+the movement under discussion.
+
+It is my pleasant duty to acknowledge the obligations under which I am
+to various scholars. In the first place, my sincere thanks are due to
+Professor Jackson, at whose suggestion this investigation was undertaken
+and whose encouragement and advice have never been wanting. I am also
+indebted for helpful suggestions to Professors Carpenter and Thomas of
+the Germanic department, who kindly volunteered to read the
+proof-sheets. Furthermore, I wish to thank Mr. Yohannan for assistance
+rendered in connection with the transliteration of some of the
+lithographic editions of Persian authors. And, finally, I am indebted to
+the kindness of Dr. Gray for the use of several rare volumes which
+otherwise would have been inaccessible to me.
+
+Arthur F.J. Remy.
+
+New York, May 1, 1901.
+
+
+
+
+List of Works most frequently consulted.
+
+
+Baharistan. The Baharistan by Jami. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society
+for Private Subscribers only. Benares, 1887.
+
+
+Bhartrhari. Satakatrayam, 2d ed. Nirnaya Sagara Press. Bombay, 1891.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Bodenstedt, Friedr. Martin. Gesammelte Schriften. 12 Bde. Berlin, 1865.
+
+Tausend und ein Tag im Orient in vols. i and ii.
+
+References to Mirza Schaffy songs are based on this edition.
+
+
+Firdausi. See Shah Namah.
+
+
+Goethe's Werke. 36 Bde. Berlin (Hempel), 1879.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn.
+Strassburg, 1896 ----.
+
+
+Gulistan. The Gulistan of Shaikh Muslihu'd din Sa'di of Shiraz, ed. John
+Platts. 2d ed. London, 1874.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+---- or Rose garden. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society for Private
+Subscribers only. Benares, 1888.
+
+
+Hafid. Die Lieder des Hafis. Persisch mit dem Commentare des Sudi hrsg.
+von Herm. Brockhaus. Leipzig, 1863.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Hammer, Jos. von. Geschichte der sch�nen Redek�nste Persiens, mit einer
+Bl�thenlese aus zweyhundert persischen Dichtern. Wien, 1818.
+
+
+Heine. Heinrich Heines s�mtliche Werke in 12 Bden. Stuttgart (Cotta),
+s. a.
+
+
+Herder. S�mmtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan. 32 Bde. Berlin, 1877.
+
+
+Hitopadesa. The Hitopades'a of Narayana Pandit, ed. Godabole and Parab.
+3d ed. Nirn. Sag. Press. Bombay, 1890.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Jackson, A.V. Williams. Zoroaster, the Prophet of ancient Iran. New
+York, 1899.
+
+
+Mohl. See Shah Namah.
+
+
+Piper, Paul. H�fische Epik. 4 pts. KDNL. iv.
+
+
+---- Spielmannsdichtung. 2 pts. KDNL. ii.
+
+
+Platen. Platens s�mtliche Werke. Stuttgart (Cotta), s. a.
+
+References are based on this edition.
+
+
+R�ckert. Friedrich R�ckert's gesammelte poetische Werke. 12 Bde. Fkft.
+a. M., 1882.
+
+References are based on this edition.
+
+
+Schack, Ad. Friedr. Graf von. Gesammelte Werke. 3 Aufl. 10 Bde.
+Stuttgart, 1897.
+
+
+Shah Namah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vullers
+(et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884.
+
+
+---- Le Livre des Rois par Abou'l Kasim Firdousi, traduit et comment�
+par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878.
+
+
+
+
+Abbreviations.
+
+
+BLVS.                 Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in
+                        Stuttgart. T�bingen.
+
+B�htl.                Otto B�htlingk, Indische Spr�che, St.
+                        Petersburg, 1870-1873.  2 Aufl. 3 Bde.
+
+Grdr. iran. Phil.     Grundriss der iranischen Philologie.
+
+Gul.                  Gulistan, ed. Platts.
+
+H.                    Hafid, ed. Brockhaus.
+
+H.E.                  H�fische Epik, ed. Piper in KDNL.
+
+JAOS.                 Journal American Oriental Society.
+
+KDNL.                 Deutsche National-Litteratur, ed. Jos.
+                        K�rschner.  (Berlin) u. Stuttgart.
+
+K.S.                  Translations of the Gulistan and Baharistan,
+                        printed for the Kama Shastra Society.
+
+Red.                  Geschichte der sch�nen Redek�nste Persiens.
+
+Sh. N.                Shah Namah.
+
+ZDMG.                 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl�ndischen
+                        Gesellschaft.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+Chapter I.
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+                                                               Page
+Information of Medi�val Europe concerning India and
+Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Medi�val
+German Poetry,                                                    1
+
+
+Chapter II.
+
+FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF
+SIR WILLIAM JONES.
+
+Travels to India and Persia--Olearius and his Work--Progress
+of Persian Studies--Roger--India's Language
+and Literature remain unknown--Oriental
+Influence in German Literature,                                   9
+
+
+Chapter III.
+
+HERDER.
+
+Herder's Interest in the Orient--Fourth Collection of his
+Zerstreute Bl�tter--His Didactic Tendency and
+Predilection for Sa'di,                                          16
+
+
+Chapter IV.
+
+GOETHE.
+
+Enthusiasm for Sakuntala--Der Gott und die Bajadere;
+der Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin
+of the Divan--Oriental Character of the
+Work--Inaugurates the Oriental Movement,                         20
+
+
+Chapter V.
+
+SCHILLER.
+
+Schiller's Interest in Sakuntala--Turandot,                      28
+
+
+Chapter VI.
+
+THE SCHLEGELS.
+
+Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier--Foundation of
+Sanskrit Study in Germany,                                       30
+
+
+Chapter VII.
+
+PLATEN.
+
+His Oriental Studies--Ghaselen--Their Persian
+Character--Imitation of Persian Form--Translations,              32
+
+
+Chapter VIII.
+
+R�CKERT.
+
+His Oriental Studies--Introduces the Ghasele--�stliche
+Rosen; Imitations of Hafid--Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches--Morgenl�ndische Sagen und
+Geschichten--Brahmanische Erz�hlungen--Die Weisheit des
+Brahmanen--Other Oriental Poems,                                 38
+
+
+Chapter IX.
+
+HEINE.
+
+Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel--Influence
+of India's Literature on his Poetry--Interest in the
+Persian Poets--Persian Influence on Heine--His
+Attitude toward the Oriental Movement,                           57
+
+
+Chapter X.
+
+BODENSTEDT.
+
+Lieder des Mirza Schaffy--Are Original Poems--Nachlass--Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland--Sakuntala,
+a Narrative Poem,                                                64
+
+
+Chapter XI.
+
+THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.
+
+Some less known Poets who attempted the Oriental
+Manner,                                                          72
+
+
+Chapter XII.
+
+VON SCHACK.
+
+His Fame as Translator of Firdausi--Stimmen vom
+Ganges--Sakuntala, compared with the Original in
+the Mahabharata--His Oriental Scholarship in his
+Original Poems--Attitude towards Hafizian Singers,               74
+
+
+Chapter XIII.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+Summary of Results Attained--Persian Tendency predominates
+over Indic--Reason for this--Estimate of the Value
+of the Oriental Movement in German Literature.                   79
+
+
+
+
+TRANSCRIPTION.
+
+
+For the transcription of Sanskrit words the system of the _Zeitschrift
+der Deutschen Morgenl�ndischen Gesellschaft_ has been followed; for that
+of Persian words the system of the Grundriss der iranischen Philologie
+has been adopted, with some variations however, e.g. [Arabic] is indicated by
+'. To be consistent, such familiar names as Hafiz and Nizami appear as
+Hafid and Nidami; Omar Khayyam as 'Umar Xayyam; and the word ghazal,
+the German _Ghasele_, is written _gazal_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+      Information of Medi�val Europe Concerning India and
+      Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Medi�val German
+      Poetry.
+
+
+The knowledge which medi�val Europe had of India and Persia was mostly
+indirect, and, as might be expected, deficient both in correctness and
+extent, resting, as it did, on the statements of classical and patristic
+writers, on hearsay and on oral communication. In the accounts of the
+classic writers, especially in those of Pliny, Strabo, Ptolemy, truth
+and fiction were already strangely blended. Still more was this the case
+with such compilers and encyclop�dists as Solinus, Cassiodorus and
+Isidorus of Sevilla, on whom the medi�val scholar depended largely for
+information. All these writers, in so far as they speak of India, deal
+almost entirely with its physical description, its cities and rivers,
+its wealth of precious stones and metals, its spices and silks, and in
+particular its marvels and wonders. Of its religion we hear but little,
+and as to its literature we have only a few vague statements of
+Arrian,[1] Aelian[2] and Dio Chrysostomus.[3] When the last mentioned
+author tells us that the ancient Hindus sang in their own language the
+poems of Homer, it shows that he had no idea of the fact that the great
+Sanskrit epics, to which the passage undoubtedly alludes, were
+independent poems. To him they appeared to be nothing more than versions
+of Homer. Aelian makes a similar statement, but cautiously adds [Greek].
+Philostratus represents the Hindu sage Iarchas as well acquainted with
+the Homeric poems, but nowhere does his hero Apollonius of Tyana show the
+slightest knowledge of Sanskrit literature.[4]
+
+Nor do the classic authors give us any more information about the
+literature of Persia, though the Iranian religion received some
+attention. Aristotle and Theopompus were more or less familiar with
+Zoroastrian tenets,[5] and allusions to the prophet of ancient Iran are
+not infrequent in classic writers. But their information concerning him
+is very scanty and inaccurate. To them Zoroaster is simply the great
+Magian, more renowned for his magic art than for his religious system.
+Of the national Iranian legends, glimpses of which we catch in the
+Avesta (esp. Yt. 19), and which must have existed long before the
+Sassanian period and the time of Firdausi, the Greek and Roman authors
+have recorded nothing.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But Europe was not limited to the classic and patristic writers for
+information about the Orient. The points of contact between the Eastern
+and Western world were numerous even before the Portuguese showed the
+way to India. Alexandria was the seat of a lively commerce between the
+Roman Empire and India during the first six centuries of the Christian
+era; the Byzantine Empire was always in close relations, hostile or
+friendly, with Persia; the Arabs had settled in Spain, Southern Italy
+and Sicily; and the Mongols ruled for almost two centuries in Russia.
+All these were factors in the transmission of Oriental influence.[6]
+And, as far as Germany is concerned, we must remember that in the tenth
+century, owing to the marriage of the emperor Otto II to the Greek
+princess Theophano, the relations between the German and Byzantine
+Empires were especially close. Furthermore the Hohenstaufen emperor,
+Frederick II, it will be remembered, was a friend and patron of the
+Saracens in Italy and Sicily, who in turn supported him loyally in his
+struggle against the papacy. Above all, the crusades, which brought the
+civilization of the West face to face with that of the East, were a
+powerful factor in bringing Oriental influence into Europe. The effect
+they had on the European mind is shown by the great number of French and
+German poems which lay their scene of action in Eastern lands, or, as
+will be shown presently, introduce persons and things from India and
+Persia.[7]
+
+Of course it is as a rule impossible to tell precisely how and when the
+Oriental influence came into Europe, but that it did come is absolutely
+certain. The transformation of the Buddha-legend into the Christian
+legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, the migration of fables and stories, and
+the introduction of the game of chess furnish the clearest proofs of
+this.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But direct information about the East was also available. A number of
+merchants and missionaries penetrated even as far as China, and have
+left accounts of their travels. Such an account of India and Ceylon was
+given as early as the sixth century by Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes.
+The names of Benjamin of Tudela (about 1160 A.D.) and of Marco Polo
+(1271-1295) are familiar to every student of historical geography. The
+Mongol rulers during the period of their dominion over China were in
+active communication with the popes and allowed Western missionaries
+free access to their realm. A number of these missionaries also came to
+India or Persia, for instance Giovanni de Montecorvino (1289-1293),[8]
+Odorico da Pordenone (1316-1318),[9] Friar Jordanus (1321-1323, and
+1330)[10] and Giovanni de Marignolli (1347).[11] In the fifteenth
+century Henry III of Castile sent Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo as ambassador
+to Timur, and towards the end of that century several Venetian
+Ambassadors, Caterino Zeno (1472), Josaphat Barbaro (1473) and Ambrosio
+Contarini (1473), were at the Persian Court in order to bring about
+united action on the part of Venice and Persia against the Turks.[12]
+These embassies attracted considerable attention in Europe, as is shown
+by numerous pamphlets concerning them, published in several European
+countries.[13] In this same century Nicolo de Conti travelled in India
+and the account of his wanderings has been recorded by Poggio.[14]
+
+As we see, most of these travellers are Italians. We know of but one
+German, before the year 1500, who went further than the Holy Land, and
+that is Johann Schildberger of Munich, whose book of travel was printed
+in 1473. Taken prisoner while fighting in Turkish service against Timur
+at Angora, he remained in the East from 1395 to 1417, and got as far as
+Persia. His description of that country is very meagre; India, as he
+expressly states,[15] he never visited, his statements about that land
+being mostly plagiarized from Mandeville.[16]
+
+These accounts, however, while they give valuable information concerning
+the physical geography, the wealth, size, and wonderful things of the
+countries they describe, have little or nothing to say about the
+languages or literatures. All that Conti for instance has to say on this
+important subject is contained in a single sentence: "Loquendi idiomata
+sunt apud Indos plurima, atque inter se varia."[17]
+
+In these accounts it was not so much truthfulness that appealed to the
+public, as strangeness and fancifulness. Thus Marco Polo's narrative,
+marvelous as it was, never became as popular as the spurious memoirs of
+Mandeville, who in serving up his monstrosities ransacked almost every
+author, classic or medi�val, on whom he could lay his hands.[18] In fact
+a class of books arose which bore the significant name of _Mirabilia
+Mundi_ and purported to treat of the whole world, and especially of
+India. Such are, for instance, _Les Merveilles de l'Inde_ by Jean
+Vauquelin, _Fenix de las maravillas del mondo_ by Raymundus Lullius, and
+similar works by Nicolaus Donis, Arnaldus de Badeto and others.[19] But
+the great store-house of Oriental marvels on which the medi�val poets
+drew for material was the Alexander-romance of pseudo-Callisthenes, of
+which there were a number of Latin versions, the most important being
+the epitome made by Julius Valerius and the _Historia de Preliis_
+written by the archpresbyter Leo in the tenth century. The character of
+the Oriental lore offered in these writings is best shown by a cursory
+examination of the work last mentioned.[20] There we are introduced to a
+bewildering array of _mirabilia_, snakes, hippopotami, scorpions,
+giant-lobsters, forest-men, bats, elephants, bearded women, dog-headed
+people, griffins, white women with long hair and canine teeth,
+fire-spouting birds, trees that grow and vanish in the course of a
+single day, mountains of adamant, and finally sacred sun-trees and
+moon-trees that possess the gift of prophecy. But beyond some vague
+reference to asceticism not a trace of knowledge of Brahmanic life can
+be found. While the Brahman King Didimus is well versed in Roman and
+Greek mythology, he never mentions the name of any of his own gods. Of
+real information concerning India there is almost nothing.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+From what we have seen thus far we shall not expect in medi�val
+literature conscious imitation or reproduction of works from Persian or
+Sanskrit literature. Whatever influence these literatures exerted in
+Europe was indirect. If a subject was transmitted from East to West it
+was as a rule stripped of its Oriental names and characteristics, and
+even its Oriental origin was often forgotten. This is the case with the
+greater part of the fables and stories that can be traced to Eastern
+sources and have found their way into such works as the _Gesta
+Romanorum_, or the writings of Boccaccio, Straparola and Lafontaine.
+Sometimes, however, the history of the origin is still remembered, as
+for instance in the famous _Buch der Beispiele_, where the preface
+begins thus: "Es ist von den alten wysen der geschl�cht der welt dis
+buoch des ersten jn yndischer sprauch gedicht und darnach in die
+buochstaben der Persen verwandelt,...."[21]
+
+Poems whose subjects are of Eastern origin are not frequent in the
+German literature of the middle ages. The most striking example of such
+a poem is the "Barlaam und Josaphat" of Rudolph von Ems (about 1225),
+the story of which, as has been conclusively proved, is nothing more or
+less than the legend of Buddha in Christian garb.[22] The well known
+"Herzmaere" of the same author has likewise been shown to be of Indic
+origin.[23] Then there is a poem of the fourteenth or fifteenth century
+on the same subject as R�ckert's parable of the man in the well, which
+undoubtedly goes back to Buddhistic sources.[24] Besides these we
+mention "Vrouwenzuht" (also called "von dem Zornbraten") by a poet
+Sibote of the thirteenth century,[25] and Hans von B�hel's "Diocletianus
+Leben" (about 1412), the well known story of the seven wise masters.[26]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The great interest which the East aroused in Europe, especially after
+the period of the first crusades, is shown by the great number of poems
+which have their scene of action in Oriental lands, especially in India
+or Persia, or which introduce persons and things from those countries.
+To indulge this fondness for Oriental scenery poets do not hesitate to
+violate historical truth. Thus Charlemagne and his paladins are sent to
+the Holy Land in the "P�lerinage de Charlesmagne"[27] and in the poem
+called the "Karl Meinet," a German compilation of various legends about
+the Frankish hero.[28] Purely Germanic legends like those of
+Ortnit-Wolfdietrich and King Rother were orientalized in much the same
+manner.[29] As might be expected, it is in the court-epic and
+minstrel-poetry (_Spielmannsdichtung_) where this Oriental tendency
+manifests itself most markedly. A typical poem of this kind is "Herzog
+Ernst." The hero, a purely German character, is made to go through a
+series of marvelous adventures in the East some of which bear a
+striking resemblance to those of Sindbad.[30] The later strophic version
+(14th century) and the prose-version of the _Volksbuch_ (probably 15th
+century) localize some of these adventures definitely in the _fernen
+India_.[31] Probably under the influence of this story the author of the
+incompleted "Reinfrit von Braunschweig" (about 1300) was induced to send
+his hero into Persia, to meet with somewhat similar experiences.[32]
+Heinrich von Neustadt likewise lays the scene of Apollonius' adventures
+in the golden valley Crysia bordering on India.[33] In the continuation
+of the Parzifal-story entitled "Der J�ngere Titurel," which was written
+by Albrecht von Scharffenberg (about 1280), the Holy Grail is to be
+removed from a sinful world and to be carried to the East to be given to
+Feirefiz, half brother to Parzifal.[34] The meeting of Feirefiz with the
+knights furnishes the poet an opportunity of bringing in a learned
+disquisition on Prester John and his _dri India die witen_, and finally
+this mythical monarch offers his crown to Parzifal, who henceforth is
+called _Priester Johanni_. In the poem of "Lohengrin", of unknown
+authorship, the knight when about to depart declares he has come from
+India where there is a house fairer than that at Montsalvatsch.[35]
+
+Princes and princesses from India or Persia abound in the poems of the
+court-writers and minstrels. Thus in "Solomon und Morolf" Salme is the
+daughter of the King of _Endian_;[36] in Wolfram's "Willehalm" King
+Alofel of Persia and King Gorhant from the _Ganjes_ figure in the battle
+of Alischanz.[37] In Konrad von W�rzburg's "Trojanischer Krieg" the
+kings Panfilias of Persia and Achalmus of India are on the Trojan
+side.[38] In the same poet's "Partenopier" the Sultan of Persia is the
+hero's chief rival.[39] In "Der J�ngere Titurel" Gatschiloe, a princess
+from India, becomes bearer of the Grail; similarly in a poem by Der
+Pleiaere, Flordibel, who comes to the Knights of the Round Table to
+learn courtly manners, reveals herself as a princess from India.[40]
+According to a poem of the fourteenth century the father of St.
+Christopher is king of Arabia and Persia.[41] Even the folk-epic
+"Kudrun" knows of Hilde of India, Hagen's wife.[42]
+
+Again, wonderful things from India are abundant in this class of poetry.
+The magic lance which Wigalois receives, when he is about to do battle
+with a fire-spitting dragon, is from that land.[43] So also is the magic
+ring given to Reinfrit when he sets out on his crusade.[44] Wigamur's
+bride Dulceflur wears woven gold from the castle Gramrimort in
+India,[45] and in the "Nibelungen" Hagen and Dancwart, when going to the
+Isenstein, wear precious stones from that land.[46]
+
+To some poets India and Persia are a sort of Ultima Thule to denote the
+furthest limits of the earth, as for instance, when in the "Rolandslied"
+Ganelun complains that for the ambition of Roland even Persia is not too
+far,[47] or, when in the "Willehalm" King Tybalt, whose daughter has
+been carried off, lets his complaint ring out as far as India.[48]
+
+Examples might be multiplied. But they would all prove the same thing.
+India and Persia were magic names to conjure with; their languages and
+literatures were a book with seven seals to medi�val Europe.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Indica, ch. 10.
+
+[2] Var. Hist. xii. 48.
+
+[3] De Homero, Oratio liii., ed. Dindorf, Lips. 1857, vol. ii. p. 165.
+
+[4] Apollonii Vita, iii. 19 et passim.
+
+[5] See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 8.
+
+[6] See Benfey, Pantschatantra, Vorrede, p. xxiv and note.
+
+[7] See Gaston Paris, La Litt�rature Fran�aise au Moyen Age, Paris,
+1888, p. 49 seq. A striking illustration of oral transmission is the
+origin of the tradition about Prester John, for which see Cathay and the
+Way thither, ed. Henry Yule, Lond. 1866, Hakluyt Soc. No. 36, 37, vol.
+i. p. 174 and n. 1.
+
+[8] Yule, op. cit. vol. i. pp. 165-167 and p. 197 seq.
+
+[9] Ib. pp. 1-161; Latin text in appendix i of vol. ii.
+
+[10] Mirabilia Descripta, ed. Henry Yule, London, 1863. Hakluyt Society,
+No. 31.
+
+[11] Yule, Cathay, vol. ii. pp. 311-381.
+
+[12] For their accounts see the publications of the Hakluyt Society,
+1859 and 1873. Nos. 26 and 49.
+
+[13] See Paul Horn, Gesch. Irans in Islamitischer Zeit, in Grdr. iran.
+Phil. II. p. 578 and note 4; also p. 579. See also Bibl. Asiat. et
+Afric. par H. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1841, under the years 1508, 1512,
+1514, 1515, 1516, 1535, 1543, 1579, 1583, etc.
+
+[14] English tr. in R.H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century, London,
+1857. Hakluyt Society, No. 22.
+
+[15] Hans Schiltbergers Reisebuch ed. Val. Langmantel (BLVS. vol. 172)
+T�bingen, 1885, p. 79: "In der grossen India pin ich nicht gewesen...."
+
+[16] Ibid. p. 164.
+
+[17] Friedr. Kunstmann, Die Kenntnis Indiens im 15^ten Jahrhunderte,
+M�nchen, 1863, p. 59; Major, op. cit. p. 31.
+
+[18] See Albert Bovenschen, Quellen f�r die Reisebeschreibung des Joh.
+v. Mandeville, Berl. 1888.
+
+[19] See Gr�sse, J.G.Th., Lehrbuch einer allgem. Liter�rgesch., 9 vols.,
+Dresd. u. Leipz. 1837-59, Vol. II. pt. 2, pp. 783-785.
+
+[20] Latin text publ. by Oswald Zingerle as an appendix to Die Quellen
+zum Alexander des Rudolf v. Ems in Weinhold Germ. Abhandl. Breslau.
+1885, pt. iv.
+
+[21] Das Buch der Beispiele der alten Weisen, ed. Wilh. Ludw. Holland,
+Stuttg. 1860, BLVS. vol. 56.
+
+[22] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 562-632. Joseph Langen, Johannes von Damaskus,
+Gotha, 1879, pp. 239-255, esp. p. 252, n. 1.
+
+[23] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 216-219.
+
+[24] Vetter, Lehrhafte Litteratur des 14. u. 15. Jahrhunderts (KDNL.
+vol. 12), I. pp. 496-499. For a bibliography of this poem see C. Beyer,
+Nachgelassene Ged. Friedr. R�ckert's, Wien, 1877, pp. 311-320. For a
+translation of the version in the Mahabharata see Boxberger, R�ckert
+Studien, p. 94 seq. A translation of a Buddhist sutta on the same
+subject is given in Edm. Hardy, Indische Religionsgeschichte, Leipz.
+1898, pp. 72, 73. Cf. also E. Kuhn, in B�htlingks Festgruss, Stuttg.
+1888, pp. 74, 75.
+
+[25] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 531, 532. See also Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer, i.
+LXXXV and n. 2.
+
+[26] Edited by Keller, Quedl. 1841. See art. by Goedeke in Orient und
+Occident, iii. 2. pp. 385 seq.
+
+[27] See edition by Koschwitz, in Altfranz. Bibl., vol. ii. p. 7 seq.,
+and consult Gaston Paris, La Po�sie du Moyen Age, Paris, 1887, p. 119
+seq.
+
+[28] See ed. Adelb. von Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 45), pp. 507
+seq. Cf. also Uhland's K�nig Karls Meerfart.
+
+[29] Jiriczek, Die deutsche Heldensage, Leipz. 1897, pp. 144, 153.
+
+[30] On this see Karl Bartsch, Herzog Ernst, Wien, 1869, Einl. p. cliii.
+
+[31] Bartsch, op. cit. p. 204 seq. and p. 279 seq.
+
+[32] See ed. Bartsch, T�b. 1871 (BLVS. vol. 108), ll. 16749 seq.
+
+[33] Piper, H.E. iii. p. 389.
+
+[34] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 530 seq.
+
+[35] See ed. by Heinr. R�ckert, Quedlinb. u. Leipz. 1858, l. 7141 seq.
+p. 189.
+
+[36] Piper, Spielmannsdichtung, I. p. 215. See also ed. by Hagen u.
+B�sching in Ged. d. Mittel., Berl. 1808, i. l. 6.
+
+[37] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach (KDNL, vol. 5), I. p. 214.
+
+[38] See ed. v. Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 44), ll. 24840, 24939,
+pp. 296, 298.
+
+[39] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 299, 300.
+
+[40] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 325.
+
+[41] Piper, Die geistliche Dichtung des Mittelalters (KDNL. vol. 3), ii.
+pp. 71, 72.
+
+[42] See ed. Bartsch (KDNL. vol. 6), pp. 26, 27.
+
+[43] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 222.
+
+[44] See ed. Bartsch, l. 15067, p. 440.
+
+[45] See ed. by Hagen in Ged. d. Mittel. i. p. 46, l. 4462 seq.
+
+[46] Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Friedr. Zarncke, Leipz. 1894, p. 62, v. 3.
+
+[47] Piper, Spielm., p. 30.
+
+[48] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach, i. p. 208; cf. Dante's Paradiso, cant.
+29, ll. 100-102.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF SIR WILLIAM JONES.
+
+      Travels to India and Persia--Olearius and his Work--Progress
+      of Persian Studies--Roger--India's Language and Literature remain
+      unknown--Oriental Influence in German Literature.
+
+
+Little can be said of Oriental influence on German poetry during the
+next three centuries after the Great Age of Discovery, and in an
+investigation like the one in hand, which confines itself to poetry
+only, this chapter might perhaps be omitted. Nevertheless a brief
+consideration of this influence on German literature in general during
+this period forms an appropriate transition to the time when the
+Oriental movement in Germany really began.
+
+After the Portuguese had sailed around Africa, direct and uninterrupted
+communication with the far East was established. Portuguese, Dutch,
+French and English merchants appeared successively on the scene to get
+their share of the rich India commerce. German merchants also made a
+transitory effort. The firm of the Welsers in Augsburg sent two
+representatives who accompanied the expedition of Francisco d' Almeida
+in 1505 and that of Trist�o da Cunha in the following year. But
+conditions were not favorable and the attempt was not renewed.[49]
+
+Travels to India and Persia now multiplied rapidly, and accounts of such
+travels became very common; so common, in fact, that already in the
+sixteenth century collections of them were made, the best known being
+the _Novus Orbis_ of Grynaeus, and the works of Ramusio and Hakluyt.
+Among the more famous travellers of the sixteenth century we may mention
+Barthema, Federici, Barbosa, Fitch and van Linschoten for India, and the
+brothers Shirley for Persia. In the seventeenth century we may cite the
+names of della Valle, Baldaeus, Tavernier, Bernier and the German
+Mandelslo for India, while those of Olearius and Chardin are most famous
+in connection with Persia. And that books of travel were much read in
+Germany is attested by the number of editions and translations which
+appeared there. Thus among the earliest books printed there we have a
+translation of Marco Polo (Nuremberg), 1477,[50] reprinted repeatedly,
+e.g. at Augsburg, 1481, in the _Novus Orbis_, 1534 (Latin version), at
+Basle, 1534 (German translation of the preceding), while Mandeville's
+memoirs were so popular as to become finally a _Volksbuch_.[51]
+
+The account of Olearius is of special interest to us. It gives an
+excellent description of Persia, and above all it gives us valuable
+information on the literature and language. Olearius is struck by the
+similarity of many Persian words to corresponding words in German and
+Latin, and hints at the kinship of these idioms, though, looking only at
+the vocabulary and not at the structure, he supposes Persian to be
+related to Arabic.[52] He tells us of the high esteem in which poetry
+was held by the Persians, and notices that rhyme is an indispensable
+requisite of their poetic art. He also mentions some of their leading
+poets, among them Sa'di, Hafid, Firdausi and Nidami.[53]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But what interests us most is the translation which he made of the
+_Gulistan_, published in 1654, under the title of _Persianischer
+Rosenthal_. True, it was not the first in point of time. As early as
+1634 du Ryer had published at Paris an incomplete French version, and
+shortly afterwards this version was translated into German by Johann
+Friedrich Ochsenbach of T�bingen, but apparently without attracting much
+notice.[54] In 1644, Levin Warner of Leyden had given the Persian text
+and Latin version of a number of Sa'di's maxims,[55] while Gentius had
+published the whole text with a Latin translation at Amsterdam in 1651.
+But it was the version of Olearius that really introduced the _Gulistan_
+to Europe.
+
+The edition of Olearius, from which we have cited, contains also a
+translation of the _Bustan_, called _Der Persianische Baumgarten_, made,
+however, not directly from the Persian, but from a Dutch version.
+Besides this, the edition contains also the narratives of two other
+travellers, J�rgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, as well as an account
+of Persia by the French missionary Sanson. Iversen, in speaking of the
+Parsi religion, gives an essentially correct account of the Zoroastrian
+hierarchy, of the supreme god and his seven servants, each presiding
+over some special element, evidently an allusion to Ahura Mazda and his
+six Amesha Spentas, with the possible addition of Sraosha.[56] Sanson
+states that the _Gavres_ have kept up the old Persian language and that
+it is entirely different from modern Persian,[57] a distinct recognition
+of the existence of the Avestan language. The eighteenth century saw the
+discovery of the _Avesta_ by Anquetil du Perron, and its close found men
+like Jones, Revizky, de Sacy and Hammer busily engaged in spreading a
+knowledge of Persian literature in Europe.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+India, as far as its literature was concerned, did not fare so well. The
+struggles of European nations for the mastery of that rich empire did
+little towards promoting a knowledge of its religion or its language.
+Nor were the efforts of missionaries very successful. Most of their
+attention was devoted to the Dravidian idioms of Southern India, not to
+Sanskrit. We have the authority of Friedrich Schlegel for the statement
+that before his time there were but two Germans who were known to have
+gained a knowledge of the sacred language, the missionary Heinrich Roth
+and the Jesuit Hanxleben.[58] Even their work was not published and was
+superseded by that of Jones, Colebrooke and others. Most valuable
+information on Hindu religion was given by the Dutch preacher Abraham
+Roger in his well known book _De Open-Deure tot het Verborgen
+Heydendom_, published at Leyden in 1651, two years after the author's
+death. This book also gave to the West the first specimen of Sanskrit
+literature in the shape of a Dutch version of two hundred maxims of
+Bhartrhari, not a direct translation from the Sanskrit, but based on
+oral communication imparted by a learned Brahman Padmanaba.[59] As a
+rule the rendering is very faithful, sometimes even literal. The maxims
+were translated into German by C. Arnold and were published at Nuremberg
+in 1663.
+
+This, however, ended the progress of Sanskrit literature in Europe for
+the time being. Information came in very slowly. The _Lettres
+�difiantes_ of the Jesuits, and the accounts of travellers like Sonnerat
+began to shed additional light on the religious customs of India, but
+its sacred language remained a secret. In 1785, Herder wrote that what
+Europe knew of Hindu literature was only late legends, that the Sanskrit
+language as well as the genuine Veda would probably for a long time
+remain unknown.[60] Sir William Jones, however, had founded the Asiatic
+Society a year before and the first step towards the discovery of
+Sanskrit had really thus been taken.
+
+But let us consider what bearing all this had on German poetry. In this
+field the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were desperately dreary.
+In the former century the leading thinkers of Germany were absorbed in
+theological controversy, while in the next the Thirty Years' War
+completely crushed the spirit of the nation. There is little poetry in
+this period that calls for even passing notice in this investigation.
+Paul Fleming, although he was with Olearius in Persia, has written
+nothing that would interest us here. Andreas Gryphius took the subject
+for his drama "Catharina von Georgien" (1657) from Persian history. It
+is the story of the cruel execution of the Georgian queen by order of
+Shah 'Abbas in 1624.[61] Nor is Oriental influence in the eighteenth
+century more noticeable. Occasionally an Oriental touch is brought in.
+Pfeffel makes his "Bramine" read a lesson to bigots; Matthias Claudius
+in his well-known poem makes Herr Urian pay a visit to the Great Mogul;
+B�rger, in his salacious story of the queen of Golkonde, transports the
+lovers to India; Lessing, in "Minna von Barnhelm" (Act i. Sc. 12)
+represents Werner as intending to take service with Prince Heraklius of
+Persia, and he chooses an Oriental setting for his "Nathan der Weise."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the prose writings of this period Oriental influence is much more
+discernible. In the literature dealing with magic Zoroaster always
+played a prominent part. The invention of the Cabala was commonly
+ascribed to him.[62] European writers on the black art, as for instance
+Bodinus, whose _De Magorum D�monomania_ was translated by Fischart
+(Strassburg, 1591), repeat about Zoroaster all the fables found in
+classical or patristic writers. So the Iranian sage figures prominently
+also in the Faust-legend. He is the prince of magicians whose book Faust
+studies so diligently that he is called a second Zoroastris.[63] This
+book passes into the hands of Faust's pupil Christoph Wagner, who uses
+it as diligently as his master.[64]
+
+In all this folkbook-literature India is a mere name. Thus in the oldest
+Faust-book of 1587 the sorcerer makes a journey in the air through
+England, Spain, France, Sweden, Poland, Denmark, India, Africa and
+Persia, and finally comes to _Morenland_.[65]
+
+Of all the prose-writings, however, the novel, which began to flourish
+luxuriously in the seventeenth century, showed the most marked tendency
+to make use of Eastern scenery and episodes, and incidentally to exhibit
+the author's erudition on everything Oriental. Thus Grimmelshausen
+transports his hero Simplicissimus into Asia through the device of
+Tartar captivity. Lohenstein, in his ultra-Teutonic romance of Arminius,
+manages to introduce an Armenian princess and a prince from Pontus. The
+latter, as we learn from the autobiography with which he favors us in
+the fifth book, has been in India. He took with him a Brahman sage, who
+burned himself on reaching Greece. Evidently Lohenstein had read
+Arrian's description of the burning of Kalanos (Arrian vii. 2, 3). The
+_Asiatische Banise_ of Heinrich Anselm von Ziegler-Kliphausen, perhaps
+the most popular German novel of the seventeenth century, was based
+directly on the accounts of travellers to Farther India, not on Greek or
+Latin writings.[66] Other authors who indulged their predilection for
+Oriental scenery were Buchholtz in his _Herkules und Valisca_ (1659),
+Happel in _Der Asiatische Onogambo_ (Hamb. 1673), Bohse (Talander) in
+_Die durchlauchtigste Alcestis aus Persien_ (Leipz. 1689) and
+others.[67]
+
+The most striking instance of the Oriental tendency is furnished by
+Grimmelshausen's _Joseph_, first published probably in 1667.[68] Here we
+meet the famous story of Yusuf and Zalicha as it is given in the _Quran_
+or in the poems of Firdausi and Jami. The well-known episode of the
+ladies cutting their hands instead of the lemons in consequence of their
+confusion at the sight of Joseph's beauty is here narrated at
+length.[69] In the preface the author states explicitly that he has
+drawn, not only from the Bible, but from Hebrew, Arabic and Persian
+writings as well.[70] That he should have made use of Arabic material is
+credible enough, for Dutch Orientalists like Golius and Erpenius had
+made this accessible.[71] That he had some idea of Persian poetry is
+shown by his allusions to the fondness of Orientals for handsome
+boys.[72] On the other hand, what he says of Zoroaster in the _Musai_
+can all be found in Latin and Greek writers.[73] Here we get the
+biography of Joseph's chief servant in the form of an appendix to the
+novel, and the author displays all the learning which fortunately his
+good taste had excluded from the story itself. Of the Iranian tradition
+concerning Zoroaster's death as given in the Pahlavi writings or the
+_Shah Namah_[74] Grimmelshausen knew absolutely nothing; nor can we find
+the slightest evidence to substantiate his assertion that for the work
+in question he drew from Persian or Arabic sources.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the eighteenth century the Oriental tale was extremely popular in
+France, and thence it spread to other countries. The translation of the
+Thousand and One Nights by Galland (Paris, 1704-1712) and of the Persian
+Tales by P�tis de La Croix called into being a host of similar French
+productions, which in turn found their way into German literature. The
+most fruitful writer in this genre was Simon Gueulette, the author of
+_Soir�es Bretonnes_ (1712) and _Mille et un quart d'heures_ (1715). The
+latter contains the story of a prince who is punished for his
+presumption by having two snakes grow from his shoulders. To appease
+them they are fed on fresh human brain.[75] Of course, we recognize at
+once the story of the tyrant Zahhak familiar from Firdausi. The material
+for the _Soir�es_ was drawn largely from Armeno's _Peregrinaggio_, which
+purports to be a translation from the Persian, although no original is
+known to scholars.[76] From these _Soir�es_ Voltaire took the material
+for his _Zadig_.[77] In most cases, however, all that was Oriental about
+such stories was the name and the costume. So popular was the Oriental
+costume that Montesquieu used it for satirizing the Parisians in his
+_Lettres Persanes_ (1721). Through French influence the Oriental story
+came to Germany, and so we get such works as August Gottlob Meissner's
+tales of _Nushirvan_, _Massoud_, _Giaffar_, _Sadi_ and others,[78] or
+Klinger's _Derwisch_. Wieland used the Eastern costume in his _Schach
+Lolo_ (1778) and in his politico-didactic romance of the wise
+Danischmende. This fondness for an Oriental atmosphere continues even
+into the nineteenth century and may be seen in such works as Tieck's
+_Abdallah_ and Hauff's _Karawane_. But this brings us to the time when
+India and Persia were to give up their secrets, and when the influence
+of their literature begins to be a factor in the literature of Europe.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[49] See Kunstmann, Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem
+portugiesischen Indien in Hist. pol. Bl�tter f. d. Kath. Deutschl.,
+M�nchen, 1861, vol. 48, pp. 277-309.
+
+[50] For title see Panzer, Annalen d. �lteren deutsch. Litt., N�rnb.
+1788.
+
+[51] See Gr�sse, op. cit. ii. 2. pp. 773, 774.
+
+[52] Des Welt-ber�hmten Adami Olearii colligirte und viel vermehrte
+Reise-Beschreibungen etc., Hamb. 1696, chap. xxv.
+
+[53] Ibid. chap. xxviii. p. 327 seq.
+
+[54] Olearius, op. cit., Preface to the Rosenthal. Full title of
+Ochsenbach's book in Buch der Beispiele, ed. Holland, p. 258, n. 1.
+
+[55] Proverbiorum et Sententiarum Persicarum Centuria, Leyden, 1644. In
+the preface the author says that he undertakes his work, "cum e genuinis
+Persarum scriptis nihil hactenus in Latinam linguam sit translatum."
+
+[56] Iversen in op. cit. chap. xi. p. 157 seq. Cf. Jackson, Die
+iranische Religion in Grdr. iran. Ph. iii. pp. 633, 634, 636.
+
+[57] Sanson in op. cit. pp. 48, 49.
+
+[58] Fr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, Heidelb. 1808, Vorrede, p. xi.
+
+[59] See preface to op. cit.
+
+[60] Ideen zur Phil. d. Gesch. der Menschheit, chap. iv. ed. Suphan,
+vol. 13, p. 415.
+
+[61] The story is given in Chardin's book, though this was not the
+source. See Andreas Gryphius Trauerspiele, ed. Herm. Palm, BLVS. vol.
+162, pp. 138, 139.
+
+[62] See Zoroasters Telescop oder Schl�ssel zur grossen divinatorischen
+Kabbala der Magier in Das Kloster ed. J. Scheible, Stuttg. 1846, vol.
+iii. p. 414 seq., esp. p. 439.
+
+[63] Widmann's Faust in Das Kloster, vol. ii. p. 296; Der Christlich
+Meynende, ibid. ii. p. 85.
+
+[64] Christoph. Wagners Leben, ibid. vol. iii. p. 78.
+
+[65] Ibid. ii. p. 1004.
+
+[66] Ed. by Felix Bobertag, KDNL. vol. 37, Einl. p. 8.
+
+[67] On this see Felix Bobertag, Gesch. des Romans und der ihm
+verwandten Dichtungsgattungen in Deutschland, Bresl. 1876, vol. ii. 2.
+pp. 110 seq., 140, 160.
+
+[68] In Der abenteuerliche Simplicissimus ed. Adalb. Keller, Stuttg.
+1862 (BLVS. vol. 66), vol. iv. pp. 707 seq.
+
+[69] Op. cit. pp. 759, 760.
+
+[70] Ibid, p. 710; again p. 841.
+
+[71] The Story of Joseph from the Quran was published in Arabic with a
+Latin version by Erpenius as early as 1617. See Zenker, Bibl. Orient.,
+Leipz. 1846, vol. i. p. 169, No. 1380.
+
+[72] Keller, op. cit. p. 742.
+
+[73] See Jackson, Zoroaster, Appendix V (by Gray).
+
+[74] See Jackson, Zoroaster, pp. 127-132.
+
+[75] Rud. F�rst, Die Vorl�ufer der Modernen Novelle im achtzehnten
+Jahrhundert, Halle a. S. 1897. p. 51.
+
+[76] Some of the stories are undoubtedly Oriental in origin. The work
+appeared at Venice, 1557, and was translated into German, in 1583, by
+Johann Wetzel under the title Die Reise der S�hne Giaffers. Ed. by Herm.
+Fischer and Joh. Bolte (BLVS, vol. 208), T�b. 1895.
+
+[77] F�rst, op. cit. p. 52. The name is derived from the Arabic [Arabic]
+"speaker of the truth," as pointed out by Hammer in Red. p. 326. See
+essay L'ange et l'hermite by Gaston Paris in La Po�sie du Moyen Age,
+Paris, 1887, p. 151.
+
+[78] F�rst, op. cit. p. 154.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+HERDER.
+
+      Herder's Interest in the Orient--Fourth Collection of his
+      Zerstreute Bl�tter--His Didactic Tendency And Predilection For
+      Sa'di.
+
+
+The epoch-making work of the English Orientalists, and above all, of the
+illustrious Sir William Jones, at the end of the eighteenth century not
+only laid the foundation of Sanskrit scholarship in Europe, but also
+gave the first direct impulse to the Oriental movement which in the
+first half of the nineteenth century manifests itself so strikingly both
+in English as well as in German literature, especially in the work of
+the poets. In Germany this movement came just at the time when the idea
+of a universal literature had taken hold of the minds of the leading
+literary men, and so it was very natural that the pioneer and prophet of
+this great idea should also be the first to introduce into German poetry
+the new _west-�stliche Richtung_.
+
+Herder's theological studies turned his attention to the East at an
+early age. As is well known, he always had a fervid admiration for the
+Hebrew poets, but we have evidence to show, that, even before the year
+1771, when Jones' _Trait� sur la po�sie orientale_ appeared, he had
+widened the sphere of his Oriental studies and had become interested in
+Sa'di.[79] Rhymed paraphrases made by him of some stories from the
+_Gulistan_ date from the period 1761-1764,[80] and, as occasional
+references prove, Sa'di continued to hold his attention until the
+appearance, in 1792, of the fourth Collection of the _Zerstreute
+Bl�tter_, which contains the bulk of Herder's translation from Persian
+and Sanskrit literature, and which therefore will have to occupy our
+attention.[81]
+
+Of this collection the following are of interest to us: 1�. Four books
+of translations, more or less free, of maxims from the _Gulistan_,
+entitled _Blumen aus morgenl�ndischen Dichtern gesammlet_. 2�.
+Translations from the Sanskrit consisting of maxims from the
+_Hitopadesa_ and from Bhartrhari and passages from the _Bhagavadgita_
+under the name of _Gedanken einiger Bramanen_. 3�. A number of versions
+from Persian, Sanskrit, Hebrew and Arabic poets given in the Suphan
+edition as _Vermischte St�cke_.
+
+The first three books of the _Blumen_ consist entirely of maxims from
+the _Gulistan_, the versions of Gentius, or sometimes of Olearius, being
+the basis, while the fourth book contains also poems from Rumi, Hafid
+and others (some not Persian), taken mostly from Jones' well known
+_Poeseos_.[82] For the _Gedanken_ our poet made use of Wilkins'
+translation of the _Hitopadesa_ (1787) and of the _Bhagavadgita_ (1785),
+together with the German version of Bhartrhari by Arnold from Roger's
+Dutch rendering.
+
+As Herder did not know either Sanskrit or Persian, his versions are
+translations of translations, and it is not surprising if the sense of
+the original is sometimes very much altered, especially when we consider
+that the translations on which he depended were not always accurate.[83]
+In most cases, however, the sense is fairly well preserved, sometimes
+even with admirable fidelity, as in "Lob der Gottheit" (_Bl._ i. 1),
+which is a version of passages from the introduction to the _Gulistan_.
+No attention whatever is paid to the form of the originals. For the
+selections from Sa'di the distich which had been used for the versions
+from the Greek anthology is the favorite form. Rhyme, which in Persian
+poetry is an indispensable requisite, is never employed.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The moralizing tendency which characterizes all of Herder's work, and
+which grew stronger as he advanced in years, rendered him indifferent
+to the purely artistic side of poetry. He makes no effort in his
+versions to bring out what is characteristically Oriental in the
+original; on the contrary, he often destroys it. Thus his "Blume des
+Paradieses" (_Bl._ iv. 7 = H. 548) is addressed to a girl instead of a
+boy. The fourth couplet is accordingly altered to suit the sense, while
+the last couplet, which according to the law governing the construction
+of the Persian _gazal_ contained the name of the poet, is omitted. So
+also in "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (_Verm._ 6 = _Gul._ v. 18, ed. Platts, p.
+114) the characteristic Persian phrase
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "It is necessary to survey Laila's beauty from the window of
+     Majnun's eye"
+
+appears simply as "O ... sieh mit meinen Augen an."
+
+This exclusive interest in the purely didactic side induced Herder also
+to remove the maxims from the stories which in the _Gulistan_ or
+_Hitopadesa_ served as their setting. So they appear simply as general
+sententious literature, whereas in the originals they are as a rule
+introduced solely to illustrate or to emphasize some particular point of
+the story. Then again a story may be considerably shortened, as in "Die
+L�ge" (_Bl._ ii. 28 = _Gul._ i. 1), "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (see above).
+To atone for such abridgment new lines embodying in most cases a general
+moral reflection are frequently added. Thus both the pieces just cited
+have such additions. In "Verschiedener Umgang" (_Ged._ 3 = Bhart.
+_Nitis._ 67; B�htl. 6781) the first three lines are evidently
+inspired by the last line of the Sanskrit proverb: _prayena
+'dhamamadhyamottamagunah samsargato jayate_ "in general the lowest, the
+middle and the highest quality arise from association," but they are in
+no sense a translation.
+
+What we have given suffices to characterize Herder as a translator or
+adapter of Oriental poetry. His Eastern studies have scarcely exerted
+any influence on his original poems beyond inspiring some fervid lines
+in praise of India and its dramatic art as exhibited in _Sakuntala_,[84]
+which had just then (1791) been translated by Forster into German from
+the English version of Sir William Jones. Unlike his illustrious
+contemporary Goethe he received from the East no impulse that stimulated
+him to production. His one-sided preference for the purely didactic
+element rendered him indifferent to the lyric beauty of Hafid and
+caused him to proclaim Sa'di as the model most worthy of imitation.[85]
+Yet it was Hafid, the prince of Persian lyric poets, the singer of wine
+and roses, who fired the soul of Germany's greatest poet and inspired
+him to write the _Divan_, and thus Hafid became the dominating
+influence and the guiding star of the _west-�stliche Richtung_ in German
+poetry.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[79] See the edition by Meyer (KDNL. vol. 74) i. 1. pp. 164, 165.
+
+[80] Given by Redlich in the edition by Suphan, vol. 26, p. 435 seq.
+
+[81] We may state here that the work in question has been thoroughly
+commented on by such scholars as D�ntzer and Redlich, and their comments
+may be found in the editions of Suphan and Meyer. The same has been done
+for Goethe's Divan by D�ntzer and Loeper. The former's notes are in his
+Goethe-edition in the K�rschner-series, the latter's in the edition of
+Hempel. In this investigation, therefore, the chapters on Herder and
+Goethe are somewhat briefer than they otherwise would be, as further
+details as to sources, etc., are easily accessible in the editions just
+mentioned. In all cases, however, the Sanskrit or Persian originals of
+the passages cited have been examined.
+
+[82] Poeseos Asiaticae commentariorum libri vi, publ. at London, 1774.
+Reprinted by Eichborn at Leipzig, 1777.
+
+[83] Compare, for instance. Hit. couplet 43 = B�htl. 3121 with the
+rendering of Wilkins in Fables and Proverbs from the Sanskrit, London,
+1888 (Morley's Univ. Lib.), pp. 41, 42. And then compare with Herder's
+Zwecke des Lebens (Ged. 15).
+
+[84] Indien, ed. Suphan, vol. 29, p. 665.
+
+[85] "An Hafyz Ges�ngen haben wir fast genug; Sadi ist uns lehrreicher
+gewesen." Adrastea vi. ed. Suphan, vol. 24, p. 356.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+GOETHE.
+
+      Enthusiasm for Sakuntala--Der Gott und die Bajadere; Der
+      Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin of the
+      Divan--Oriental Character of the Work--Inaugurates the Oriental
+      Movement.
+
+
+In _Wahrheit und Dichtung_ (B. xii. vol. xxii. p. 86) Goethe tells us
+that he first became acquainted with Hindu fables through Dapper's book
+of travel,[86] while pursuing his law studies at Wetzlar, in 1771. He
+amused his circle of literary friends by relating stories of Rama and
+the monkey _Hanneman_ (i.e. Hanuman), who speedily won the favor of the
+audience. The poet himself, however, could not get any lasting pleasure
+from monstrosities; misshapen divinities shocked his aesthetic sense.
+
+The first time that Goethe's attention was turned seriously to Eastern
+literature was in 1791, when, through Herder's efforts, he made the
+acquaintance of Kalidasa's dramatic masterpiece _Sakuntala_, which
+inspired the well known epigram "Willst du die Bl�te des fr�hen," etc.,
+an extravagant eulogy rather than an appreciative criticism. That the
+impression was not merely momentary is proved by the fact that five
+years later the poet took the inspiration for his _Faust_ prologue from
+Kalidasa's work.[87] Otherwise it cannot be said that the then just
+awakening Sanskrit studies exercised any considerable influence on his
+poetic activity. For his two ballads dealing with Indic subjects, "Der
+Gott und die Bajadere" and "Der Paria", the material was taken, not from
+works of Sanskrit literature, but from a book of travel. The former poem
+was completed in 1797, though the idea was taken as early as 1783 from
+a German version of Sonnerat's travels, where the story is related
+according to the account of Abraham Roger[88] in _De Open-Deure_. There
+the account is as follows: "'t Is ghebeurt ... dat Dewendre, onder
+Menschelijcke ghedaente, op eenen tijdt ghekomen is by een sekere Hoere,
+de welcke hy heeft willen beproeven of sy oock ghetrouw was. Hy
+accordeert met haer, ende gaf haer een goet Hoeren loon. Na den loon
+onthaelde sy hem dien nacht heel wel, sonder dat sy haer tot slapen
+begaf. Doch 't soude in dien nacht ghebeurt zijn dat Dewendre sich
+geliet of hy stierf; ende storf soo sy meynde. De Hoere die wilde met
+hem branden, haer Vrienden en konde het haer niet afraden; de welcke
+haer voor-hielden dat het haer Man niet en was. Maer nadien dat sy haer
+niet en liet gheseggen, soo lietse het yver toestellen om daer in te
+springen. Op't uyterste ghekomen zijnde, ontwaeckte Dewendre, ende
+seyde, dat hy hem hadde ghelaten doot te zijn, alleenlijck om te
+ondervinden hare trouwe; ende hy seyde haer toe, tot een loon van hare
+ghetrouwigheyt, dat sy met hem na Dewendrelocon (dat is een der platsen
+der gelucksaligheyt) gaen soude. Ende ghelijck den Bramine seyde, ist
+alsoo gheschiet."[89]
+
+It will be seen that Goethe has changed the story considerably and for
+the better. How infinitely nobler is his idea of uniting the maiden with
+her divine lover on the flaming pyre from which both ascend to heaven!
+It may also be observed that Goethe substitutes Mahadeva, i.e. Siva, for
+Dewendre[90] and assigns to him an incarnation, though such incarnations
+are known only of Visnu.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The "Paria," a trilogy consisting of "Gebet," "Legende" and "Dank des
+Paria," was begun in 1816, but not finished until December, 1821. Even
+then it was not quite complete. The appearance of Delavigne's _Le Paria_
+and still more of Michael Beer's drama of the same name, spurred Goethe
+to a final effort and the poem was published in October, 1823.
+
+The direct source is the legend which Sonnerat tells of the origin of
+the Paria-goddess Mariatale.[91] Indirectly, however, the sources are
+found in Sanskrit literature. Two parts may be distinguished: The story
+of the temptation and punishment, and the story of the interchange of
+heads.[92] The former story is that of the ascetic Jamadagni and his
+wife Renuka, who was slain by her son Rama at the command of the ascetic
+himself, in punishment for her yielding to an impure desire on beholding
+the prince Citraratha. Subsequently at the intercession of Rama she is
+again restored to life through Jamadagni's supernatural power. The story
+is in _Mahabharata_ iii. c. 116 seq.[93] and also in the _Bhagavata
+Purana_, Bk. ix. c. 16,[94] though here the harshness of the original
+version is somewhat softened.[95]
+
+The second story is found in the _Vetalapa�cavims'ati_, being the sixth
+of the "twenty-five tales of a corpse-demon," which are also found in
+the twelfth book of the _Kathasaritsagara_.[96] It relates how
+Madanasundari, whose husband and brother-in-law had beheaded themselves
+in honor of Durga, is commanded by the goddess to restore the corpses to
+life by joining to each its own head, and how by mistake she
+interchanges these heads.
+
+The two stories were fused into one and so we get the legend in the form
+in which Sonnerat presents it. Goethe followed this form closely without
+inventing anything. He did, however, put into the poem an ethical
+content and a noble idea. Both the Indic ballads are a fervent plea for
+the innate nobility of humanity.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Here the influence of India on Goethe's work ends. The progress of
+Sanskrit studies could not fail to excite the interest of the poet whose
+boast was his cosmopolitanism,[97] but they did not incite him to
+production. For India's mythology, its religion and its abstrusest of
+philosophies he felt nothing but aversion. Especially hateful to him
+were the mythological monstrosities:
+
+    Und so will ich, ein f�r allemal,
+    Keine Bestien in dem G�ttersaal!
+    Die leidigen Elephantenr�ssel,
+    Das umgeschlungene Schlangengen�ssel,
+    Tief Urschildkr�t' im Weltensumpf,
+    Viel K�nigsk�pf' auf einem Rumpf,
+    Die m�ssen uns zur Verzweiflung bringen,
+    Wird sie nicht reiner Ost verschlingen.[98]
+
+Goethe classed Indic antiquities with those of Egypt and China, and his
+attitude towards the question of their value is distinctly expressed in
+one of his prose proverbs: "Chinesische, Indische, Aegyptische
+Altert�mer sind immer nur Curiosit�ten: es ist sehr wohl gethan, sich
+und die Welt damit bekannt zu machen; zu sittlicher und aesthetischer
+Bildung aber werden sie uns wenig fruchten."[99]
+
+After all, Goethe's Orient did not extend beyond the Indus. It was
+confined mainly to Persia and Arabia, with an occasional excursion into
+Turkey.
+
+To this Orient he turned at the time of Germany's deepest political
+degradation, when the best part of its soil was overrun by a foreign
+invader, and when the whole nation nerved itself for the life and death
+struggle that was to break its chains. The aged poet shrank from the
+tumult and strife about him and took refuge in the East. The opening
+lines of the first Divan poem express the motive of this poetical
+_Hegire_.
+
+The history of the composition of the _Divan_ is too well known to
+require repetition. It is given with great detail in the editions
+prepared by von Loeper and D�ntzer.[100] Suffice it to say that the
+direct impulse to the composition of the work was the appearance, in
+1812, of the first complete version of Persia's greatest lyric poet
+Hafid, by the famous Viennese Orientalist von Hammer. The bulk of the
+poems were written between the years 1814 and 1819,[101] although in
+the work as we now have it a number of poems are included which arose
+later than 1819 and were added to the editions of 1827 and 1837.[102]
+
+The idea of dividing the collection into books was suggested by the fact
+that two of Hafid's longer poems bear the titles [Arabic]
+i.e. "book of the cup-bearer" and "book of the minstrel," as well as by
+the seven-fold division which Sir William Jones had made of Oriental
+poetry.[103] For the heroic there was no material, nor were some of the
+other divisions suitable for Goethe's purpose. So only the _Buch der
+Liebe_ and the _Buch des Unmuts_ (to correspond to satire) could be
+formed. Other books were formed in an analogous manner until they were
+twelve in number. The poet originally intended to make them of equal
+length, but this intention he never carried out, and so they are of very
+unequal extent, the longest being that of _Suleika_ (53 poems) and the
+shortest those of Timur and of the Parsi (two poems each).
+
+The great majority of the Divan-poems are not in any sense translations
+or reproductions, but entirely original compositions inspired by the
+poet's Oriental reading and study. The thoroughness and earnestness of
+these studies is attested by the explanatory notes which were added to
+the _Divan_ and were published with it in 1819,[104] and which show
+conclusively, that, although Goethe could not read Persian poetry in the
+original, he nevertheless succeeded admirably in entering into its
+spirit.
+
+We have mentioned Hammer's translation of Hafid as the direct impulse
+to the composition of the _Divan_. It was also the principal source from
+which the poet drew his inspiration for the work. A single verse would
+often furnish a theme for a poem. Sometimes this poem would be a
+translation, e.g. "Eine Stelle suchte der Liebe Schmerz," p. 54 (H.
+356. 8); but more often it was a very free paraphrase, e.g. the motto
+prefixed to _Buch Hafis_, a variation of the motto to Hammer's version
+(H. 222. 9). As an example of how a single verse is developed into an
+original poem we may cite "�ber meines Liebchens �ugeln," p. 55, where
+the first stanza is a version of H. 221. 1, all the others being free
+invention. Other Persian poets besides Hafid also furnished material.
+Thus the opening passage of Sa'di's _Gulistan_ was used for "Im
+Athemholen," p. 10, where the sense, however, is altered and the line
+"So sonderbar ist das Leben gemischt" is added. A number of poems are
+based on the _Pand Namah_ of 'Attar, e.g. pp. 58, 60,[105] and two are
+taken from Firdausi, namely "Firdusi spricht," p. 75 (Sh. N. i. p. 62,
+couplet 538; Mohl, i. 84; Fundgruben. ii. 64) and "Was machst du an der
+Welt?" p. 96 (Sh. N. i. p. 482, coupl. 788, 789; _Red._ p. 58). But it
+was not only the poetical works of Persia that were laid under
+contribution; sayings, anecdotes, descriptions, remarks of any kind in
+books of travel and the like were utilized as well. Thus Hammer in the
+preface to his version of Hafid relates the _fatva_ or judgment which a
+famous _mufti_ of Constantinople pronounced on the poems of the great
+singer, and this gave Goethe the idea for his "Fetwa," p. 32.[106] In
+the same preface[107] is related the well known reply which Hafid is
+reported to have given to Timur, when called to account by the latter
+for the sentiment of the first couplet of the famous eighth ode, and
+this inspired the poem "H�tt' ich irgend wol Bedenken," p. 133.
+Similarly "Vom heutigen Tag," p. 94, is based on the words of an
+inscription over a caravansery at Ispahan found in Chardin's book. The
+story of Bahramgur and Dilaram inventing rhyme[108] gave rise to the
+poem "Behramgur, sagt man," p. 153. And so we might cite poems from
+other sources, _Quran_, Jones' _Poeseos_, Diez' _Buch des Kabus_, etc.,
+but the examples we have given are sufficient to show how Goethe used
+his material.
+
+Throughout the _Divan_ Persian similes and metaphors are copiously
+employed and help to create a genuine Oriental atmosphere. The adoration
+of the dust on the path of the beloved, p. 23 (cf. H. 497. 10); the
+image of the candle that is consumed by the flame as the lover is by
+yearning, p. 54 (cf. H. 414. 4); the love of the nightingale for the
+rose, p. 125 (cf. H. 318. 1); the lover captive in the maiden's
+tresses, p. 46 (cf. H. 338. 1); the arrows of the eye lashes, p. 129
+(cf. H. 173. 2); the verses strung together like pearls, p. 193 (cf.
+H. 499. 11), are some of the peculiarly Persian metaphors that occur.
+Allusions to the loves of Yusuf and Zalicha, of Laila and Majnun and of
+other Oriental couples are repeatedly brought in. Moreover, a whole book
+is devoted to the _saqi_ so familiar to students of Hafid, and Goethe
+does not shrink from alluding to the subject of boy-love, p. 181.
+
+A great many of the poems, however, do not owe their inspiration to the
+Orient, and many are completely unoriental. Such are, for instance,
+those of the _Randsch Namah_, expressing, as they do, Goethe's opinions
+on contemporary literary and aesthetic matters. Again, many are inspired
+by personal experiences, and, as is now well known, the whole _Buch
+Suleika_ owes its origin to the poet's love for Marianne von Willemer;
+some of its finest poems have been proved to have been written by this
+gifted lady. Such poems, written under the impressions of some actual
+occurrence, were sometimes subsequently orientalized. Some striking
+illustrations of this are given by Burdach in the essay which we cited
+before and to which we refer.
+
+As the _Divan_ was an original work, though inspired by Oriental
+sources, Goethe did not feel the necessity of imitating the extremely
+artificial forms of his Oriental models. Besides, he knew of these forms
+only indirectly through the work of Jones. What Hammer's versions could
+teach him on this point was certainly very little. Perhaps he did not
+realize what an essential element form is in Persian poetry, that, in
+fact, it generally predominates over the thought, and this so much that
+the unity of a _gazal_ is entirely dependent on the recurrence of the
+rhyme. Instead of such recurrent rhyme he employs changing rhyme and
+free strophes. Only twice does he attempt anything like an imitation of
+the _gazal_, but in neither case does he satisfy the technical rules of
+this poetic form.[109]
+
+From all this we see that Goethe in the _Divan_ preserves his poetic
+independence. He remains a citizen of the West, though he chooses to
+dwell for a time in the East. As a rule he takes from there only what he
+finds congenial to his own nature. So we can understand his attitude
+towards mysticism. He has no love for it; it was utterly incompatible
+with his own habit of clear thinking. Speaking of Rumi, the prince of
+mystics, he doubts if this poet could give a clear account of his own
+doctrine;[110] the grades by which, according to Sufi-doctrine, man
+rises to ultimate union with the Godhead he calls follies.[111]
+Therefore to him Hafid was the singer of real love, real roses and real
+wine, and this conception of the great lyric poet was also adopted by
+all the later Hafizian singers.[112] Unfortunately it cannot be said
+that it is quite correct. For even if we ignore the mystical
+interpretation which Oriental commentators give to the wine of Hafid,
+we cannot possibly ignore the fact that the love of which he sings is
+never the ideal love for woman, but mostly the love for a handsome
+boy.[113]
+
+With the _Divan_ Goethe inaugurated the Oriental movement in German
+poetry, which R�ckert, Platen and Bodenstedt carried to its culmination.
+These later Hafizian singers remembered gratefully what they owed the
+sage of Weimar. R�ckert pays his tribute to him in the opening poem of
+his _�stliche Rosen_, where he hails him as lord of the East as he has
+been the star of the West.[114] And Platen offers to him reverentially
+his first _Ghaselen_:
+
+    Der Orient sei neu bewegt,
+    Soll nicht nach dir die Welt vern�chtern,
+    Du selbst, du hast's in uns erregt:
+    So nimm hier, was ein J�ngling sch�chtern
+    In eines Greisen H�nde legt.[115]
+
+The poetic spirit of the Orient had been brought into German literature;
+it was reserved for R�ckert and Platen to complete the work by bringing
+over also the poetic forms.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[86] Asia, Oder: Ausf�hrliche Beschreibung, etc. See Benfey, Orient u.
+Occident, i. p. 721, note.
+
+[87] See D�ntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz. 1882, p. 68.
+
+[88] This information is given by D�ntzer in his Goethe ed. (KDNL. vol.
+82), vol. i. p. 167, note. The French ed. of Sonnerat, Paris, 1783, does
+not contain the story. The German version to which D�ntzer refers has
+not been accessible to me.
+
+[89] Roger, De Open-Deure, Leyden, 1651, pp. 166, 167, chap. xi.
+
+[90] It is to be noted that in Sanskrit literature _devendra_ is an
+epithet of Siva as well as of Indra.
+
+[91] Voyage aux Indes et � la Chine, Paris, 1782, i. 244 seq.
+
+[92] See Benfey, Goethes Gedicht Legende und dessen indisches Vorbild in
+Or. u. Occ. i. 719-732. Benfey erroneously supposes the material of the
+poem to have been derived from Dapper.
+
+[93] Bombay edition; cf. also Engl. trans. of Mahabh. ed. Roy, vol. iii.
+p. 358 seq.
+
+[94] Nirn. Sag. Press ed. Bomb. 1898, p. 407 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. in
+Wealth of India ed. Dutt, Calc. 1895, pp. 62, 63.
+
+[95] For other Sanskrit sources see Petersb. Lex. sub voce _renuka_.
+
+[96] Nirn. Sag. Press ed., Bombay, 1889, p. 481 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr.
+by Tawney, vol. ii. p. 261 seq.
+
+[97] See for instance his discussion of Sakuntala, Gitagovinda and
+Meghaduta in Indische Dichtung, written 1821. Vol. 29, p. 809.
+
+[98] Vol. ii. p. 352.
+
+[99] Spr�che in Prosa, vol. 19, p. 112.
+
+[100] See also Konrad Burdach, Goethe's West-�stlicher Divan, Goethe
+Jahrbuch, vol. xvii. Appendix.
+
+[101] More than 200 poems out of 284 date from the years 1814, 1815
+alone. Loeper in vol. vi. preface, p. xxviii.
+
+[102] Loeper, ibid. p. xv.
+
+[103] Poeseos, The Works of Sir William Jones, ed. Lord Teignmouth,
+London, 1807, vol. vi. chapters 12-18.
+
+[104] Based mainly on information contained in Hammer's Gesch. der
+sch�nen Redek�nste Persiens, Wien, 1818.
+
+[105] Given in Fundgruben des Orients, Wien, 1809, vol. ii. pp. 222,
+495, in the French translation of de Sacy.
+
+[106] Op. cit. p. xxxiv.
+
+[107] Ibid. pp. xvi, xvii.
+
+[108] Red. p. 35; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, Torino, 1894,
+vol. i. p. 7. This story inspired also the scene between Helena and
+Faust. Faust, Act iii. See D�ntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz., 1882, ii. p.
+216.
+
+[109] In tausend Formen, p. 169; Sie haben wegen der Trunkenheit, p.
+178.
+
+[110] Noten u. Abhandlungen, p. 260.
+
+[111] Ibid. p. 264.
+
+[112] That Goethe knew of the mystic interpretation to which Hafid is
+subjected by Oriental commentators is evident from "Offenbar Geheimnis,"
+p. 38, and from the next poem "Wink," p. 39.
+
+[113] See Paul Horn, Was verdanken wir Persien?, in Nord u. S�d, Sept.
+1900, p. 389.
+
+[114] R�ckert's Werke, vol. v. 286.
+
+[115] Platen, Werke, i. p. 255.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+SCHILLER.
+
+      Schiller's Interest in Sakuntala--Turandot.
+
+
+While the Orient, as we have seen, cast its spell over Germany's
+greatest poet and inspired the lyric genius of his later years for one
+of its most remarkable efforts, it remained practically without any
+influence on his illustrious friend and brother-poet Schiller. If
+Schiller had lived longer, it is not impossible that he too might have
+contributed to the West-Eastern literature. As it is, however, he died
+before the Oriental movement in Germany had really begun. At no time did
+he feel any particular interest in the East. Once, indeed, he mentions
+_Sakuntala_. Goethe had drawn his attention to a German version of the
+_Gitagovinda_ and this reminded Schiller of the famous Hindu drama which
+he read with the idea of possibly utilizing it for the theatre.[116]
+This idea he abandons owing to the delicacy of the piece and its lack of
+movement.
+
+An attempt has been made to prove that to Kalidasa's drama Schiller was
+indebted for the motive of his "Alpenj�ger," but it cannot be said to
+have been successful.[117]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Though there was no direct Oriental influence on Schiller's poetry,
+there is one dramatic poem of his which indirectly goes back to a
+Persian source. It is _Turandot_. The direct source for this composition
+was Gozzi's play of the same name in the translation of August Clemens
+Werthes, which Schiller, however, used with such freedom that his own
+play may be regarded as an original production rather than a version.
+The Italian poet based his _fiaba_ on the story of Prince Kalaf in the
+Persian tales of P�tis de La Croix.[118] Now, as has been pointed out
+by scholars,[119] the name of the heroine, who gives the name to the
+play, is genuinely Persian, _Turan-ducht_, "the daughter of Turan,"[120]
+and although the scene is laid in China, most of the proper names, both
+in Gozzi and Schiller, are not at all Chinese, but Persian or Arabic.
+The oldest known model for the story is the fourth romance of Nidami's
+_Haft Paikar_, the story of Bahramgur and the Russian princess, written
+1197.[121] Whether Schiller was aware of the ultimate origin of the
+legend or not, he certainly made no attempt to give Persian local color
+to his piece, but on the contrary he studiously tried to impart to it a
+Chinese atmosphere.[122] It is interesting nevertheless to notice that
+when _Turandot_ was given at Hamburg (July 9 to Sept. 9, 1802) its real
+provenence was recognized, and, accordingly Turandot was no longer the
+princess of China, but that of Shiraz, her father being transformed into
+the Shah of Persia and the doctors of the _divan_ into Oriental
+Magi.[123] At Dresden the same thing happened, and here even Tartaglia
+and Brigella, who had been allowed to retain their Italian names in
+Hamburg, were made to assume the Oriental names of Babouk and Osmin. The
+specifically Chinese riddles disappeared, and instead of Tien and Fohi,
+Hormuz was now invoked.[124]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[116] A Letter dated from Weimar, Feb. 20, 1802. Briefwechsel zwischen
+Schiller u. Goethe. Stuttg. (Cotta) s. A., vol. iv. p. 98.
+
+[117] W. Sauer in Korrespondenzblatt f. d. Gelehrten u. Realschulen
+W�rttembergs, XL. pp. 297-304. Against this view Ernst M�ller in
+Zeitschr. f�r vgl. Litteraturgesch., Neue Folge, viii. pp. 271-278.
+
+[118] Les Mille et Un Jours, tr. P�tis de La Croix, ed.
+Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, Paris, 1843, p. 69 seq.
+
+[119] Hammer, Red. p. 116; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, p. 429.
+
+[120] Cf. name of Mihrab's wife, Sinducht, Sh. N. tr. Mohl i. p. 192 et
+passim; Puranducht, daughter of Xusrau Parviz, Mirchvand tr. Rehatsek,
+vol. i. p. 403.
+
+[121] See Eth�, Gesch. der pers. Litt. in Grdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. p
+242.
+
+[122] See Albert K�ster's essay on Turandot in Schiller als Dramaturg,
+Berl. 1891, p. 201.
+
+[123] K�ster, op. cit. p. 212.
+
+[124] Ibid. p. 213.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+THE SCHLEGELS.
+
+      Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier--Foundation of
+      Sanskrit Study in Germany.
+
+
+We have now come to the period of the foundation of Sanskrit philology
+in Germany. English statesmanship had completed the material conquest of
+India; German scholarship now began to join in the spiritual conquest of
+that country. With this undertaking the names of Friedrich and August
+Wilhelm Schlegel are prominently identified. The chief work of these
+brothers lies in the field of philosophy, translation and criticism, and
+is therefore beyond the scope of this investigation. Suffice it to say
+that Friedrich's famous little book _Die Weisheit der Indier_, published
+in 1808, besides marking the beginning of Sanskrit studies and
+comparative grammar in Germany,[125] is also of interest to us because
+here for the first time a German version of selections from the
+_Mahabharata_, _Ramayana_ and the _Code of Manu_, as well as a
+description of some of the most common Sanskrit metres is
+presented,[126] and an attempt is even made to reproduce these metres in
+the translation. The work of August Wilhelm Schlegel as critic,
+translator and editor of important works from Sanskrit literature is too
+familiar to need more than mention.[127] It is well known that to his
+lectures Heine owed his fondness for the lotus-flowers and gazelles on
+the banks of the Ganges.
+
+On the poetry of the Schlegels their Oriental studies exercised very
+little influence. Friedrich translated some maxims from the _Hitopadesa_
+and from Bhartrhari;[128] August likewise translated from the same
+works, as well as from the Epics and Puranas.[129] There are only two
+original poems of his that have anything to do with India, and both of
+these were written before he had begun the study of Sanskrit. The first
+is "Die Bestattung des Braminen,"[130] a somewhat morbid description of
+the burning of a corpse. It was addressed to his brother Karl August,
+who had joined a Hanoverian regiment in the service of the East India
+Company. The second of these poems is "Neoptolemus an Diokles" (ii. 13),
+written in 1800, and dedicated to the memory of this same brother who
+had died at Madras in 1789.[131] As a matter of fact, there is really
+nothing Oriental in the spirit of the poem.
+
+Aside from translations, the only poems that are connected with
+Schlegel's Sanskrit studies, are the epigrams against his illustrious
+contemporaries, Bopp and R�ckert. Those against the former (ii. 234) are
+of no special interest here. With those against R�ckert, however, the
+case is different. It is worth while noting that towards the
+distinguished scholar-poet Schlegel assumed a patronizing attitude. To
+R�ckert's masterly renderings from Sanskrit literature he referred
+slightingly as "Sanskritpoesiemetriknachahmungen" (ii. 235). But when he
+hailed the younger poet as
+
+    Aller morgenl�nd'schen Z�une K�nig,
+    Wechselsweise zeisigkranicht�nig! (ii. 218),
+
+he came much nearer to the truth than he imagined at the time. For,
+while it will be conceded that R�ckert did not always sing with equal
+power, it also is indisputable that he is the leading spirit in the
+movement under investigation. But we shall not anticipate a discussion
+of this poet's work, which is reserved for a succeeding chapter.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[125] See Benfey, Gesch. der Sprachwissenschaft und orient. Philologie
+in Deutschland, M�nchen, 1869, pp. 361-369.
+
+[126] The _sloka_, the _tristubh_ and the _jagati_ metre are described,
+the last two, however, not by name. Narada's speech, p. 236, is in
+_sloka_, 16 syllables to the line; the first distich, p. 233, is in
+_tristubh_, 22 syllables to the line. Quantity of course is ignored.
+
+[127] See Benfey, op. cit. pp. 379-405.
+
+[128] Friedr. Schlegel, S�mmtliche Werke, Wien, 1846. vol. ii. p. 82
+seq.
+
+[129] Aug. W. Schlegel, S�mmtliche Werke. Leipz. 1846. vol. iii. p. 7
+seq.
+
+[130] Ibid. i. p. 82.
+
+[131] Friedr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, pref. pp. xii, xiii. See
+also prefatory remarks to the poem in question.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+PLATEN.
+
+      His Oriental Studies--Ghaselen--Their Persian
+      Character--Imitation of Persian Form--Translations.
+
+
+The first to introduce the _gazal_ in its strict form into German
+literature[132] was R�ckert, who in 1821 published a version of a number
+of _gazals_ from the _divan_ of Rumi.[133] Chronologically, therefore,
+he ought to have the precedence in this investigation. If we,
+nevertheless, take up Platen first, we do so because the _gazals_ of
+this poet were really the first professedly original poems of this form
+to appear in Germany (R�ckert's claiming to be versions only), and also
+because they constitute almost the only portion of his poetic work that
+comes within the sphere of this discussion. Moreover, the remarks which
+we shall make concerning their content, imagery, and poetic structure,
+apply largely to the _gazals_ of R�ckert and also to his _�stliche
+Rosen_, if we except the structure of the latter.
+
+Platen became interested in the East through the work of Hammer, and
+still more through the influence of Goethe's _Divan_. He at once set to
+work studying Persian, and his zeal was increased when, on meeting
+R�ckert in 1820 at Ebern, and again at N�rnberg, he received
+encouragement and instruction from that scholarly poet. Above all, the
+appearance of the latter's versions from Rumi gave him a powerful
+stimulus, and in 1821 the first series of his _Ghaselen_ appeared at
+Erlangen. Others followed in rapid succession. The same year a second
+series appeared at Leipzig;[134] a third series, united under the title
+_Spiegel des Hafis_, appeared at Erlangen the next year;[135] and,
+lastly, a series called _Neue Ghaselen_ appeared in the same place in
+1823. A few _gazals_ arose later, some being published as late as 1836
+and 1839.[136]
+
+We shall confine our discussion to those _gazals_ that date from the
+years 1821 and 1822, the last series being Persian in nothing but form.
+
+The _Ghaselen_ are not at all translations. Like the _Divan_-poems they
+are original creations, inspired by the reading of Hafid, and, to use
+the poet's own words "dem Hafis nachgef�hlt und nachgedichtet."[137]
+They follow as closely as possible the Persian metrical rules, and make
+use throughout of Persian images and metaphors, so much so that we can
+adduce direct parallels from the poems of Hafid. Thus in 13[138] we
+read: "Schenke! Tulpen sind wie Kelche Weines," evidently a parallel to
+some such line as H. 541. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"_saqi_, come! for the tulip-like goblet is filled with wine." In 75 the
+words "Weil ihren goldnen Busen doch vor euch verschliesst die Rose" are
+an echo of H. 300. 2:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"like the rose-bud, how can its inward secret remain concealed?" (cf.
+also H. 23. 3). And again in 85 "Und nun ... entrinnet dem Herzen das
+Blut leicht, das sonst mir den Odem benahm" is to be compared with H.
+11. 9:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"the sorrowful heart of Hafid, which through separation from thee is
+full of blood." Furthermore in 81 we read:
+
+    Du fingst im lieblichen Trugnetz der Haare die ganze Welt,--
+    Als spiegelhaltende Sklavin gewahre die ganze Welt!
+
+For the first line compare H. 102. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"there is no one who has not been snared by that doubled tress," and for
+the second line compare H. 470. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"O, thou of whose beauty the sun is the mirror-holder!" In 86 the idea
+of the young men slain like game by the beauty of the beloved is
+evidently inspired by H. 358. 6:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+"in every nook thine eye has a hundred slain ones fallen like me," and
+the following lines in the same poem 86:
+
+    O welche Pfeile strahlt zu mir dein Antlitz,
+    Und es befreit kein Schild von deiner Sch�nheit,
+
+remind us of H. 561. 7:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "thine eye causes the arrow (lit. poplar) to pass through the
+     shield of life."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Again and again we meet with allusions to the famous image of the love
+of the nightingale for the rose (35, 75, etc.) so common in Persian
+poetry, especially in Hafid. We cite only 318. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"the whole thought of the nightingale is that the rose may be his
+beloved; the rose has in her thought how she may show grace in her
+actions." In 302. 1 the nightingale is called [Arabic] "the rose's
+bride."
+
+Besides this, the poems teem with characteristic Persian metaphors: the
+moth longing for the flame (37, H. 187. 7); the tulip-bed glowing like
+fire (67, H. 288. 1); the tulip-cheek [Arabic] (whence Moore's _Lalla
+Rookh_), | (70, H. 155. 2); the musk-perfumed hair |
+(73, H. 33. 4); the garden of the face (73, H. 33. 4); the pearl of
+Aden | (77, H. 197. 10 and 651); wine as a ruby in a golden cup
+(82, H. 204. 8 | "O thou, the golden cup is
+made full of ruby"); the eye-brows like the crescent-moon (82, H. 470.
+5 | "brow like the new moon"); the dust on his love's
+threshold (83, H. 497. 10 |); the sky playing ball with the
+moon (14, inspired by some such couplet as H. 409. 7); and the verses
+like pearls (43). For this compare H. 499. 11:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"like a string of lustrous pearls is thy clear verse, O Hafid." We
+might multiply such parallels, but those given bear out our statement in
+regard to the imitation of Persian rhetorical figures on the part of
+Platen.
+
+In the eagerness to be genuinely Persian, the poet was not content,
+however, with imitating only what was striking or beautiful; he
+introduces even some features which, though very prominent in Eastern
+poetry, will never become congenial to the West. Thus the utter
+abjectness of the Oriental lover, who puts his face in the path of his
+beloved and invites her (or him) to scatter dust on his head (H. 148.
+3), is presented to us with all possible extravagance in these lines of
+87:
+
+    Sieh mich hier im Staub und setze deine Ferse mir auf's Haupt,
+    Mich, den letzten von den letzten deiner letzten Sklaven, sieh![139]
+
+To the _saqi_ is assigned a part almost as prominent as that which is
+his in the Persian original. It was the introduction of this repulsive
+trait (e.g. 82) that gave to Heine the opportunity for the savage,
+scathing onslaught on Platen in the well known passage of the
+_Reisebilder_.[140]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Otherwise Platen, like Goethe, ignores the mystic side of Hafid, and
+infuses into his _Ghaselen_ a thoroughly bacchanalian spirit, taking
+frequent occasion to declaim against hypocrisy, fanaticism and the
+precepts of the _Quran_. The _credo_ of these poems is the opening
+_gazal_ in _Spiegel des Hafis_ (64), where the line "Wir schw�ren ew'gen
+Leichtsinn und ew'ge Trunkenheit" may be taken to reflect the sentiment
+of the revelling Persian poet, who begs the _sufi_ not to forbid wine,
+since from eternity it has been mingled with men's dust (H. 61. 4);
+who claims to have been predestined to the tavern (H. 20. 4); who asks
+indulgence if he turns aside from the mosque to the wine-house (H. 213.
+4); who drinks his wine to the sound of the harp, feeling sure that God
+will forgive him (H. 292. 5); who is above the reproach of the boasters
+of austerity (H. 106. 3); and who, finally, asks that the cup be placed
+in his coffin so that he may drink from it on the day of resurrection
+(H. 308. 8). But when Platen flings away the _Quran_ he certainly is
+not in accord with his Persian model, for, while Hafid takes issue with
+the expounders of the sacred book, he discreetly refrains from assailing
+the book itself.
+
+But perhaps the chief significance of these _Ghaselen_, as well as those
+of R�ckert, lies in the fact that they introduced a new poetic form into
+German literature. It is astonishing to see how completely Platen has
+mastered this difficult form. The _radif_ or refrain, so familiar to
+readers of Hafid, he reproduces with complete success, as may be seen,
+for instance, in 8, where the words "du liebst mich nicht" are repeated
+at the end of each couplet, preceded successively by _zerrissen_,
+_wissen_, _beflissen_, _gewissen_, _vermissen_, _Narzissen_, exactly in
+the style of such an ode as H. 100. In those odes called _Spiegel des
+Hafis_ the name _Hafis_ is even regularly introduced into the last
+couplet, in accordance with the invariable rule of the Persian _gazal_
+that the author's name must appear in the final couplet.
+
+Besides the _gazal_ Platen has also attempted the _ruba'i_ or quatrain,
+in which form he wrote twelve poems (_Werke_, ii. pp. 62-64), and the
+_qasidah_. Of this there is only one specimen, a panegyric (for such in
+most cases is the Persian _qasidah_) on Napoleon, and, as may therefore
+be imagined, of purely Occidental content.[141]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Of Platen's translations from Hafid we need not speak here. But we must
+call attention to the attempt which he made to translate from Nidami's
+_Iskandar Namah_ in the original _mutaqarib_-metre. The first eight
+couplets of the invocation are thus rendered, and in spite of the great
+difficulty attending the use of this metre in a European language, the
+rendering must be pronounced fairly successful. It is also faithful, as
+a comparison with the original shows. We cite the first two couplets
+from the Persian:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "O God, world-sovereignty is Thine! From us comes service, Godhead
+     is Thine. The Protection of high and low Thou art! Everything is
+     nonexistent; whatever is, Thou art."[142]
+
+Of other Oriental poems, not translations, we notice "Parsenlied,"
+dating from the year 1819, when Goethe's _Divan_ appeared, and it is
+quite possible that the _Parsi Nameh_ of that work suggested to Platen
+the composition of his poem.[143] His best known ballad, "Harmosan,"
+written in 1830, has a Persian warrior for its hero. The source for the
+poem is probably Gibbon's _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (chap.
+li.)[144]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[132] We might say into European literature. The only previous attempts,
+as far as we know, to reproduce this form were made by Jones, who
+translated a ghazal of Jami (Works, vol. ii. p. 501) into English, and
+by a certain Tommaso Chabert, who translated several ghazals of Jami
+into Italian (Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 16-19).
+
+[133] In Taschenbuch f�r Damen, which was already published in 1820,
+thus establishing R�ckert's priority over Platen. See C. Beyer, Neue
+Mittheilungen �ber Friedrich R�ckert, Leipz. 1873, p. 14; also letter to
+Cotta, ibid. pp. 113, 114.
+
+[134] Published in Lyrische Bl�tter.
+
+[135] In Vermischte Schriften.
+
+[136] Platens Werke (Cotta), vol. ii. See p. 7, note, where information
+is given as to place and date of these poems.
+
+[137] Dedication of Spiegel des Hafis to Otto von B�low, vol. i. p. 265.
+
+[138] We cite the Ghaselen by the number in vol. ii. of the edition here
+used.
+
+[139] Goethe protested against this Oriental feature. See Noten u. Abh.
+to his Divan, vol. iv. p. 273 seq.
+
+[140] Heines S�mtliche Werke, ed. Born (Cotta), vol. vi. pp. 130 seq.
+Goethe in his comments on his Saki Nameh (op. cit. p. 307) emphasizes
+the purely pedagogical side of this relation of saqi and master.
+
+[141] Kasside, dated February 3, 1823, ii. p. 60.
+
+[142] Lith. ed., Shiraz, A.H. 1312.
+
+[143] The Divan appeared August, 1819. Platen's poem is dated Oct. 28,
+1819.
+
+[144] See Studien zu Platen's Balladen, Herm. Stockhausen, Berl. (1898),
+pp. 50, 51, 53, 54.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+R�CKERT.
+
+      His Oriental Studies--Introduces the Ghasele--�stliche Rosen;
+      Imitations of Hafid--Erbauliches und
+      Beschauliches--Morgenl�ndische Sagen und Geschichten--Brahmanische
+      Erz�hlungen--Die Weisheit des Brahmanen--Other Oriental
+      Poems.
+
+
+When speaking of the introduction of the _gazal_-form into German
+literature mention was made of the name of the man who is unquestionably
+the central figure in the great Oriental movement which is occupying our
+attention. Combining the genius of the poet with the learning of the
+scholar, R�ckert was preeminently fitted to be the literary mediator
+between the East and the West. And his East was not restricted, as
+Goethe's or Platen's, to Arabia and Persia, but included India and even
+China. He is not only a devotee to the mystic poetry of Rumi and the
+joyous strain of Hafid, but he is above all the German Brahman, who by
+masterly translations and imitations made the treasures of Sanskrit
+poetry a part of the literary wealth of his own country. To his
+productivity as poet and translator the long list of his works bears
+conclusive testimony. In this investigation, however, we shall confine
+ourselves to those of his original poems which are Oriental in origin or
+subject-matter. A discussion of the numerous translations cannot be
+undertaken in the limited space at our disposal.
+
+Like Goethe and Platen, R�ckert also owed to Hammer the impulse to
+Oriental study. His meeting with the famous Orientalist at Vienna, in
+1818,[145] decided his future career. He at once took up the study of
+Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit, and with such success that in a few years
+he became one of the foremost Orientalists in Europe.
+
+The first fruit of these studies were the _Gaselen_ which appeared in
+the _Taschenbuch f�r Damen_, 1821, the first poems of this form in
+German literature.[146] They have been generally regarded as
+translations from the _divan_ of Rumi, but this is true of only a
+limited number; and even these were probably not taken directly from the
+Persian, but from the versions given by Hammer in his _Redek�nste_.[147]
+As a matter of fact, only twenty-eight--less than one-half of the
+_Gaselen_,--can be identified with originals in Hammer's book, and a
+comparison of these with their models shows with what freedom the latter
+were handled.[148] Furthermore in the opening poem, (a version of _Red._
+p. 187, "So lang die Sonne") the last couplet:
+
+    Dschelaleddin nennt sich das Licht im Ost,
+    Dess Wiederschein euch zeiget mein Gedicht,
+
+is original with R�ckert, and clearly shows that he himself did not
+pretend to offer real translations. The majority of poems are simply
+original _gazals_ in Rumi's manner.
+
+    Dschelaleddin, im Osten warst du der Salbenh�ndler,
+    Ich habe nun die Bude im Westen aufgeschlagen.[149]
+
+These lines, we believe, define very well the attitude which the poet of
+the West assumed toward his mystic brother in the East.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The series of _Ghaselen_ signed Freimund and dated 1822 (third series in
+our edition) are not characteristically Persian. Hence we proceed at
+once to a consideration of the fourth series (p. 253 seq.), which we
+shall discuss together with the poems collected under the title of
+_�stliche Rosen_ (p. 289 seq.) from which they differ in nothing but the
+form. They were, besides, a part of the _�stliche Rosen_ as published
+originally at Leipzig, 1822.
+
+These poems are free reproductions or variations of Hafizian themes and
+motives. The spirit of revelry and intoxication finds here a much wilder
+and more bacchanalian expression than in the _Divan_ of Goethe or the
+_Ghaselen_ of Platen. _Carpe diem_ is the sum and substance of the
+philosophy of such poems as "Einladung" (p. 287) and "Lebensgn�ge" (p.
+293); their note is in thorough accord with Hafid, when he exclaims
+(H. 525. 7):
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+"to me, who worship the beloved, do not mention anything else; for
+except for her and my cup of wine, I care for none." We are admonished
+to leave alone idle talk on how and why ("Im Fr�hlingsthau," p. 261),
+for as Hafid says (H. 487. 11): "Our existence is an enigma, whereof
+the investigation is fraud and fable." The tavern is celebrated with as
+much enthusiasm (e.g. "Das Weinhaus," p. 290) as the [Arabic] to which
+Hafid was destined by God (H. 492. 1). Monks and preachers are scored
+mercilessly (e.g. "Der Bussprediger," p. 255; "Dem Prediger," p. 295) as
+in H. 430. 7:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "The admonisher spoke tauntingly: Wine is forbidden, do not drink!
+     I said: On my eye (be it); I do not lend my ear to every ass."
+
+The characteristic Persian images and rhetorical figures, familiar to us
+from Platen, are also found here in still greater variety and number.
+Thus to mention some new ones, the soul is likened to a bird (p. 270,
+No. 29, cf. H. 427. 5: [Arabic]); the cypress is invoked to come to the
+brook (p. 336, cf. H. 108. 3: [Arabic] "the place
+of the straight cypress is on the bank of the brook"); the rose-bush
+glows with the fire of Moses ("Gnosis," p. 350, cf. H. 517. 2: [Arabic]
+[Arabic] "the rose displays the fire of Musa"); _Hafis_ is an
+idol-worshipper (p. 305, "Liebesandacht," cf. H. 439. 6, where
+[Arabic] "the idol of sweet motions" is addressed). We meet also the
+striking Oriental conception of the dust of the dead being converted
+into cups and pitchers. In "Von irdischer Herrlichkeit" (p. 257) the
+character "der alte Wirth" is the _pir_ of H. 4. 10 et passim, and
+when speaking of the fate of Jamsid, Sulaiman and Ka'us Kai, he says:
+
+    Von des Gl�ckrads h�chstem Gipfel warf der Tod in Staub sie,
+    Und ein T�pfer nahm den Staub in Dienst des T�pferrades.
+    Diesen Becher formt' er draus, und gl�ht' ihn aus im Feuer.
+    Nimm! aus edlen Sch�deln trink und deiner Lust nicht schad' es!
+
+This very striking thought, as is well known, is extremely common in
+Persian poetry. To cite from Hafid (H. 459. 4):
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "The day when the wheel (of fate) from our dust will make jugs,
+     take care! make our skull (lit. the cup of the head) full of
+     wine."[150]
+
+Some of the poems are versions, more or less free, of Hafid--passages,
+e.g. "Die verloren gegangene Sch�ne" (p. 290, H. 268), "An die Sch�ne"
+(p. 308, H. 160, couplets 2 and 5 being omitted), "Beschwichtigter
+Zweifel" (p. 310, H. 430. 6), "Das harte Wort" (p. 350, H. 77. 1 and
+2). Sometimes a theme is taken from Hafid and then expanded, as in "Die
+Busse" (p. 346), where the first verse is a version of H. 384. 1, the
+rest being original.
+
+Of course, reminiscences of Hafid are bound to be frequent. We shall
+point out only a few instances. "Nicht solltest du so, O Rose, vers�umen
+die Nachtigall" ("Stimme der Sehnsucht," p. 256) is inspired by a verse
+like H. 292. 2:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "O rose, in thanks for that thou art the queen of beauty, display
+     no arrogance towards nightingales madly in love."
+
+In "Zum neuen Jahr" (p. 260) the last lines:
+
+    Trag der Sch�nheit Koran im offenen Angesicht,
+    Und ihm diene das Lied Hafises zum Kommentar
+
+are a parallel to H. 10. 6:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "Thy beautiful face by its grace explained to us a verse of the
+     _Quran_; for that reason there is nothing in our commentary but
+     grace and beauty."
+
+The opening lines of "Schmuck der Welt" (p. 260):
+
+    Nicht bedarf der Schmink' ein sch�nes Angesicht.
+    So bedarf die Liebste meiner Liebe nicht
+
+are distinctly reminiscent of H. 8. 4:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "Of our imperfect love the beauty of the beloved is independent.
+     What need has a lovely face of lustre and dye and mole and line?"
+
+Like Hafid (H. 358. 11; 518. 7 et passim) R�ckert also boasts of his
+supremacy as a singer of love and wine ("Vom Lichte des Weines," p.
+273). Finally in "Frag und Antwort" (p. 258) he employs the form of the
+dialogue, the lines beginning alternately _Ich sprach_, _Sie sprach_,
+just as Hafid does in Ode 136 or 194. The "Vierzeilen" (p. 361), while
+they have the _ruba'i_-rhyme, are not versions. Only a few of them have
+an Oriental character. Completely unoriental are the "Briefe des
+Brahmanen" (p. 359), dealing with literary matters of contemporary
+interest.[151]
+
+The Oriental studies which R�ckert continued to pursue with unabated
+ardor were to him a fruitful source of poetic inspiration. They
+furnished the material for the great mass of narrative, descriptive and
+didactic poems which were collected under the titles _Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches aus dem Morgenlande_, and again _Morgenl�ndische Sagen und
+Geschichten_, furthermore _Brahmanische Erz�hlungen_, and lastly
+_Weisheit des Brahmanen_. We shall discuss these collections in the
+order here given.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The first collection _Erbauliches und Beschauliches_ (vol. vi.) consists
+of poems which were published between the years 1822 and 1837 in
+different periodicals. They appeared in collected form as a separate
+work in 1837.[152] The material is drawn from Arabic and Persian
+sources, only one poem, "Die Schlange im Korbe," p. 80, being from the
+Sanskrit of Bhartrhari (_Nitis_. 85).[153]
+
+With the Arabic sources, the _Quran_, the chrestomathies of de Sacy and
+Kosegarten, and others, we are not here concerned. Among the Persian
+sources the one most frequently used is the _Gulistan_, from which are
+taken, to give but a few instances, "Sadi an den F�rstendiener," p. 57
+(_Gul._ i. distich 3), "Mitgef�hl," p. 52 (_Gul._ i. 10, _Mathnavi_),
+"Kein Mensch zu Haus," p. 52 (_Gul._ vii. 19, dist. 6, Platts, p. 139),
+"Gewahrter Anstand," p. 55 (_Gul._ iv. _Math_. 5, Platts, p. 96), as well
+as many of the proverbs and maxims, pp. 102-108. The poem "Die Kerze und
+die Flasche," p. 82, is a result of the poet's studies in connection
+with his translation of the _Haft Qulzum_, a fragment of Amir Sahi[154]
+being combined with a passage cited from Asadi.[155] "Eine Kriegsregel
+aus Mirchond," p. 73, is a paraphrase of a _mathnavi_ from Mirchvand's
+_Raudat-ussafa_.[156] In "Gottesdienst," p. 52, the first two lines
+are from Amir Xusrau (_Red._ p. 229); the remaining lines were added by
+R�ckert. The fables given on pp. 87-96 as from Jami are taken from the
+eighth chapter or "garden" of that poet's _Baharistan_; they keep rather
+closely to the originals, only in "Die Rettung des Fuchses" the
+excessive naturalism of the Persian is toned down.[157] One of these
+fables, however, "Falke und Nachtigall," p. 89, is not from Jami, but
+from the _Machsan-ul-asrar_ of Nidami ([Arabic] ed. Nathan.
+Bland, London, 1844, p. 114; translated by Hammer in _Red._ p. 107).
+
+Some of the poems in this collection are actual translations from
+Persian literature. Thus "Ein Spruch des Hafis," p. 59, is a fine
+rendering of _qit'ah_ 583 in the form of the original.[158] Then a part
+of the introduction to Nidami's _Iskandar Namah_ is given on p. 65. The
+translation begins at the fortieth couplet:[159]
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "Who has such boldness that from fear of Thee he open his mouth
+     save in submission to Thee?"
+
+This is well rendered:
+
+    Wer hat die Kraft, in deiner Furcht Erbebung,
+    Vor dir zu denken andres als Ergebung?
+
+As will be noticed, R�ckert here has not attempted to reproduce the
+_mutaqarib_, as Platen has done in his version of the first eight
+couplets (see p. 36).
+
+Some of the translations in this collection were not made directly from
+the Persian, but from the versions of Hammer. Thus "Naturbetrachtung
+eines persischen Dichters," p. 62, is a free rendering of Hammer's
+version of the invocation prefixed to Attar's _Mantiq-ut tair_ (_Red._
+p. 141 seq.) and R�ckert breaks off at the same point as Hammer.[160] So
+also the extract from the _Iyar-i-Danis_ of Abu'l Fadl (p. 68) is a
+paraphrase of the version in _Red._ p. 397.
+
+A number of poems deal with legends concerning Rumi, or with sayings
+attributed to him. Thus the legend which tells how the poet, when a boy,
+was transported to heaven in a vision, as told by Aflaki in the
+_Manaqibu'l 'Arifin_,[161] forms the subject of a poem, p. 37. A saying
+of Rumi concerning music prompted the composition of the poem, p. 54 (on
+which see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 241), and on p. 62 the great mystic is
+made to give a short statement of his peculiar Sufistic doctrine of
+metempsychosis.[162] In "Alexanders Verm�chtnis," p. 61, we have the
+well-known legend of how the dying hero gives orders to leave one of his
+hands hanging out of the coffin to show the world that of all his
+possessions nothing accompanies him to the grave. In Nidami's version,
+however, the hand is not left empty, but is filled with earth.[163]
+
+Finally there are a few poems dealing with Oriental history, of which we
+may mention "Hormusan," p. 25, the subject being the same as in Platen's
+more famous ballad. It may be that both poets drew from the same source
+(see p. 37).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the same year (1837) as the _Erbauliches und Beschauliches_ there
+appeared the _Morgenl�ndische Sagen und Geschichten_ (vol. iv.) in seven
+books or divisions. In general, the contents of these divisions may be
+described as versified extracts from Oriental history of prevailingly
+legendary or anecdotal character. Their arrangement is mainly
+chronological. Only the fourth, fifth and seventh books call for
+discussion as having Persian material. The most important source is the
+great historical work _Raudat us-safa_ of Mirch, portions of which
+had been edited and translated before 1837 by scholars like de
+Sacy,[164] Wilken,[165] Vullers[166] and others.[167]
+
+Other sources to be mentioned are d'Herbelot's _Biblioth�que
+Orientale_,[168] de Sacy's version of the _Tarich-i-Yamini_[169] and
+Hammer's _Geschichte der sch�nen Redek�nste Persiens_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The first poem of the fourth book goes back to the legendary period of
+Iran. Its hero is Gustasp, the patron and protector of Zoroaster.
+R�ckert calls him Kischtasp. He does not give the story directly
+according to Firdausi (tr. Mohl, iv. 224, 278-281) but makes his hero go
+to Turan, whence he returns at the head of a hostile army. At the
+boundary he is met, not by his brother Zarir, but simply by messengers
+who offer him Iran's crown. This he accepts and thus becomes king and
+protector of the realm he was about to assail.[170]
+
+Most of the other poems in this book deal with legends of the Sassanian
+dynasty. Thus "Schapurs Ball," p. 114 (_M�m._ pp. 282-285); "Die W�lfe
+und Schakale Nuschirwans," p. 115 (_M�m._ p. 381); "Die abgestellte
+Hungersnoth," p. 116 (_M�m._ pp. 345, 346); "Die Heerschau," p. 117
+(_M�m._ p. 373). The two stories about Bahram Cubin, pp. 119-122, are
+also in _M�m._ p. 395 and pp. 396, 397 respectively.[171] "Der Mann mit
+einem Arme," p. 124, is in _M�m._ pp. 348, 349. In the last poem
+"Yesdegerd," p. 126, R�ckert gives the story of the sad end of the last
+Sassanian apparently according to different accounts, and not simply
+according to Firdausi or Mirchvand.
+
+The sixth book opens with the story of Muntasir, p. 198, (from d'Herb.
+vol. iii. pp. 694, 695) and then we enter the period of the Saffarid
+dynasty. Its founder Ya'qub is the subject of a poem, p. 207 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459). "Zu streng und zu milde" and "Schutz und Undank," both p. 210,
+tell of the fortunes of Prince Qabus (Wilken, _Sam._ p. 181 and pp.
+79-81, 91, 198-200, n. 47). "Die aufgehobene Belagerung," p. 211, brings
+us to the Buyids (d'Herb. ii. pp. 639, 640). The story of Saidah and
+Mahmud, p. 212, is from Wilken's _Buj._ c. xii. pp. 87-90, but the order
+of the events is changed. Then we come to the history of the Ghaznavid
+dynasty, in connection with which the story of Alp Tagin is told in
+"Lokman's Wort," p. 214, according to the account of Haidar in Wilk.
+Gasnevid. p. 139, n. 1, preceded by an anecdote told of Luqman (d'Herb.
+ii. 488). "Die Schafschur," p. 215, gives a saying of Sabuktagin from
+the _Tarich-i-Yamini_ (on the authority of 'Utbi, de Sacy, _Notices et
+Extr._ iv. 365). In the story of Mahmud's famous expedition to
+Somanatha, p. 215, R�ckert has combined the meagre account of Mirchvand
+with that of Firista for the story of the Brahman's offer and with that
+of Haidar for the sultan's reply (Wilk. _Gasnevid._ pp. 216, 217, n.
+109). "Mahmud's Winterfeldzug," p. 216, is also from Wilken's book (pp.
+166-168, n. 38); in fact Dilchak's reply is a rhymed translation of the
+passage in the note referred to. From the same source came also the poem
+on the two Dabsalims, p. 219 (Wilken, _Gasnevid._ pp. 220-225). The
+familiar anecdote of the vizier interpreting to Mahmud the conversation
+of the two owls is told in Nidami's _Machsan-ul-asrar_ (ed. Bland, pp.
+48-50), where, however, Anusirvan is the sultan. The title reads:
+[Arabic].[172] "Abu Rihan" (i.e. Albiruni) is taken from d'Herb. I. 45 and iv. 697.
+
+Then follow stories from the period of the Saljuks: "Des Sultan's
+Schlaf," p. 224 (Vullers, _Gesch. der Seldsch._ pp. 43, 44); "Nitham
+Elmulks Ehre," p. 228 (ibid. pp. 228-230); "Nitham Elmulks Fall," p. 229
+(ib. pp. 123-125 and pp. 128-132); "Die ungl�ckliche Stunde," p. 232
+(ibid. pp. 153, 154). "Die unterth�nigen W�rfel," p. 227, is from the
+_Haft Qulzum_ (_Gram. u. Poet. der Perser_, pp. 366, 367). The stories
+of Alp Arslan and Romanus, p. 225, and of Malaksah's prayer, p. 228, are
+not given by Mirchvand, but occur in the works of Deguignes, Gibbon,
+Malcolm and d'Herbelot.[173] The story of the death of Sultan Muhammad
+(in 1159 A.D.), p. 232, is in Deguignes, ii. 260, 261.
+
+Then we get stories from the period of the Mongol invasion. "Die
+prophezeite Weltzerst�rung," p. 237, the legend of Jingis Chan's birth,
+is in the _Tarich-i-Yamini_ (_Notices et Extr._ iv. pp. 408, 409). The
+material for the poems concerning Muhammad Xvarazm Sah, p. 237, and his
+brave son Jalal ud-din, pp. 240, 241, is found in the work of Deguignes
+(op. cit. ii. p. 274 and pp. 280-283). Finally we are carried even to
+India and listen to the story of the unhappy queen Raziyah, p. 255, who
+was murdered at Delhi by her own generals in 1239 A.D.[174]
+
+A few anecdotes about Persian poets are also given. Thus
+"Dichterkampf," p 233, gives the amusing story of the literary contest
+between Anvari and Rasid, surnamed Vatvat "the swallow" (Hammer, _Red._
+p. 121; David Price, _Chronological Retrospect_, London, 1821, ii. 391,
+392), and on p. 243 we are told how Kamal ud-din curses his native city
+Ispahan and how the curse was fulfilled. (Hammer, _Red._ p. 159.)
+
+The seventh book contains two of R�ckert's best known parables, the
+famous "Es ging ein Mann im Syrerland," p. 303,[175] and "Der Sultan
+l�sst den Mewlana rufen," p. 305 (_Red._ p. 338).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+It will be noticed that the Oriental poems which we have thus far
+discussed were mainly derived from Arabic and Persian sources. We may
+now turn our attention to a collection in which R�ckert's studies on
+matters connected with India are also represented.
+
+This collection _Brahmanische Erz�hlungen_, published in the year 1839
+(vol. iii.), does not, however, as its title might lead us to suppose,
+consist exclusively of Indic material. Some of the poems are not even
+Oriental; "Annikas Freier," p. 217, for example, is from the Finnic. Of
+others, again, the subject-matter, whether originally Oriental or not,
+has long ago become the common property of the world's fable-literature,
+as, for instance, "Weisheit aus Vogelmund," p. 239, the story of which
+may be found in the _Gesta Romanorum_, and in French, English and
+German, as well as in Persian, fable-books.[176] Some are from Arabic
+sources, as from the Thousand and One Nights, e.g. "Der schwanke
+Ankergrund," p. 357,[177] "Elephant, Nashorn und Greif," p. 367,[178]
+"Die Kokosn�sse," p. 359.[179] The poem "Rechtsanschauung in Afrika," p.
+221, is a Hebrew parable from the Talmud and had been already used by
+Herder.[180]
+
+A considerable number of the poems contain nothing but Persian material.
+Thus "Wettkampf," p. 197, is from the _Gulistan_ (i. 28; K.S. tr. p.
+27); and from the same source we have "Rache f�r den Steinwurf," p. 219
+(_Gul._ i. 22; K.S. 21), "Fluch und Segen," p. 234 (_Gul._ i. 1), and
+"Busurgimihr," p. 225 (_Gul._ i. 32; K.S. 31). "Die Bibliothek des
+K�nigs," p. 405, is from the _Baharistan_ (K.S., p. 31; _Red._ p. 338).
+Three episodes from the _Iskandar Namah_ are narrated on pp. 214-217:
+the story of the invention of the mirror (_Isk._ tr. Clark, xxiii. p.
+247), the battle between the two cocks (ibid., xxii. p. 234 seq.), and
+the message of Dara to Alexander with the latter's reply (ibid. xxiv. p.
+263).[181]
+
+On p. 329 R�ckert offers a free, but faithful, even if abridged version
+of selected passages from the introductory chapters of Nidami's work
+(_Isk._ tr. Clarke, canto ii, p. 18 seq. and canto vii, p. 53 seq.). In
+"Kiess der Reue," p. 421, he paraphrases the episode of Alexander's
+search for the fountain of life from the _Shah Namah_ (tr. Mohl, v. pp.
+177, 178). The story of Bahramgur in the same work (tr. Mohl, v, pp.
+488-492) appears in "Allwo nicht Zugethan," p. 397. It is not taken from
+Firdausi, for it relates the story somewhat differently, and introduces
+a love-episode of which the epic knows nothing.[182] Again, "Der in die
+Stadt verschlagene Kurde," p. 229, is an anecdote which R�ckert had
+already translated in the _Haft Qulzum_ (see his _Poet. u. Rhet. der
+Perser_, pp. 72-74), while "Gl�cksg�ter," p. 233, may have been
+suggested by a story of Attar which he published afterwards (1860, ZDMG.
+vol. 14, p. 286). Some anecdotes of Persian princes or poets are also
+utilized, e.g. "Das K�chenfeldger�the des F�rsten Amer," p. 226 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459; Malcolm i. p. 155), "Der Spiegel des K�nigs," p. 223
+(Deguignes, ii. 171), and the story of Jami and the mulla, p. 224 (M.
+Kuka, _The Wit and Humour of the Persians_, Bombay, 1894, pp. 165, 166).
+In one poem, "Ormuzd und Ahriman," p. 344, an Avestan subject is
+treated, the later Parsi doctrine of _zrvan akarana_.[183]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The great majority of the poems in this collection are concerned with
+India, its literature, mythology, religious customs, geography and
+history, and it will be convenient for our purpose to discuss them under
+these heads.
+
+In the first group, that which takes its material from Sanskrit
+literature, we meet with the story of the flood, p. 298, from the
+_Mahabharata_ (Vana Parva, 187) and the story of Rama's exploits and
+Sita's love, p. 268, from the _Ramayana_. Also a number of fables from
+the _Hitopadesa_ or _Pa�catantra_ occur, e.g. that of the greedy jackal,
+p. 249, familiar from Lafontaine (_Hit._ i. 6; _Pa�c._ ii. 3), and that
+of the lion, the mouse and the cat, p. 250 (_Hit._ ii. 3). The story of
+the ungrateful man and the grateful animals, p. 252, is found in the
+_Kathasaritsagara_ (tr. Tawney, ii. pp. 103-108; cf. Pali version in
+_Rasavahini_, Wollheim, _Die National-Lit. s�mtlicher V�lker des
+Orients_, Berl. 1873, vol. i. p. 370). "Katerstolz und Fuchses Rath," p.
+243, has for its prototype the fable of the mouse changed into a girl in
+_Pa�catantra_ (iv. 9; cf. the story of the ambitious Candala maid in
+_Kathas._ tr. Tawney, ii. p. 56). King Raghu's generosity to Varatantu's
+pupil Kautsa, as narrated in the _Raghuvamsa_ (ch. v.), is the subject
+of a poem on p. 402. Two famous pieces from the _Upanisad_-literature
+are also offered: the story of how Jaj�avalkya overcame nine contestants
+in debate at King Janaka's court and won the prize consisting of one
+thousand cows with gold-tipped horns, p. 247, from the _Brhadaranyaka
+Up._ iii. (see Deussen, _Sechzig Upan. �bers._ Leipz. 1897, p. 428
+seq.), and the story of Naciketas' choice, p. 403, from the _Kathaka
+Upanisad_. To this group belong also versions of Bhartrhari, p. 337
+(_Nitis._ 15) and p. 338 (_Nitis._ 67).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the mythological group we have two poems telling of the history of
+Krsna, as given in the great _Bhagavata Purana_. The first one, "Die
+Weltliebessonne im Palast des Gottes Krischna," p. 246, gives the legend
+of the god's interview with the Sage Narada (_Bhagav._ Nirnaya Sag.
+Press, Bombay 1898, Lib. x. c. 69; tr. Dutt, Calcutta, 1895, pp.
+298-302) with a close somewhat different from that of the Sanskrit
+original. The second one narrates the romance of the poor Brahman
+Sudaman, who pays a visit to the god and is enriched by the latter's
+generosity (_Bhagav._ x. c. 80, 81; tr. Dutt, pp. 346-355. For the
+Hindostanee version in the _Premsagar_, see Wollheim, op. cit. i. p.
+421). In the Sanskrit the story is not so ideal as in R�ckert's poem.
+The poor Brahman is urged on to the visit, not by affection for the
+playmate of his youth, but rather by the prosaic appeals of his wife;
+yet, though the motive be different, the result is the same. Besides
+these, we find the legend of Kama, the Hindu Cupid, burned to ashes by
+Siva's third eye for attempting to interrupt the god's penance, p. 266
+(_Ramay._ i. c. 23, _Kumaras._ iii. v. 70 seq.), and R�ckert manages to
+introduce and to explain all the epithets, _Kamadeva_, _kandarpa_,
+_smara_, _manmatha_, _hrcchaya_, _ananga_, which Sanskrit authors bestow
+upon their Cupid. We also have legends of the cause of the eclipses of
+sun and moon, p. 365, of the origin of caste, p. 347 (_Manu_ i. 87), of
+the fabulous mountain Meru in Jambudvipa, p. 285, of the quarrelsome
+mountains Innekonda and Bugglekonda, p. 321 (Ritter _Erdkunde_, iv. 2,
+pp. 472, 473). The winding course of the Indus is explained by a typical
+Hindu saint-story, p. 335, similar to that told of the Yamuna and Rama
+in the _Visnu Purana_ (tr. Wilson, ed. Dutt, Calc. 1894, p. 386).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Many of the poems describe religious customs practised in India. Of such
+customs the practice of asceticism in its different forms is one of the
+most striking and could not fail to engage the poet's attention. Thus
+the peculiar fast known as _Candrayana_, "moon-penance," is the subject
+of a poem, p. 278; so also "Titanische Bussandacht," p. 283, has for its
+theme the belief of the Hindus in the supernatural power conferred by
+excessive penance, as exemplified by the legend of Sakuntala's birth.
+The practice of _pa�catapas_, "the five fires" (_Manu_, vi. 23. See
+Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, Lond. 1876, p. 105) is the subject of
+the poem "Des B�ssers L�uterungswahn," p. 285. The selfish greed of the
+Brahmans (cf. _Manu_, vii. 133, 144; xi. 40) is referred to in two poems
+on p. 287. The supposed powers of _cintamani_, the Hindu wishing-stone,
+suggested the poem on p. 275 (cf. Bhartrhari, _Vair._ 33). Of other
+poems of this sort we may mention "Die Gottverehrung des Stammes
+Karian," p. 322 (Ritter, _Erdk._ iv. 1. p. 187), "Vom Genuss der Fr�chte
+nach Dschainas Lehre," p. 307 (ibid. iv. p. 749), and "Die Schuhe im
+Tempel Madhuras," p. 301 (ibid. iv. 2. p. 4).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Again, many poems belong to the realm of physical and descriptive
+geography. Their source, in most cases, was undoubtedly the great
+geographical work of Ritter. To it may be referred the majority of the
+purely descriptive poems, e.g., "Das ewige Fr�hlingsland der Tudas," p.
+301 (op. cit. iv. 1. 951), "Das Fr�hlingsland Kaschmir," p. 315 (ibid.
+ii. 1142 and 630), "Die Kokospalme," p. 304 (ibid. iv. 1. 834 seq., 838,
+851, 852). The sun and moon lotuses, so famous through Heine's beautiful
+songs (see p. 58), are described on p. 343. Animal-life also comes in
+for its share, e.g. the ichneumon in "Instinctive Heilkunde der Tiere,"
+p. 336.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Lastly, we come to the historical group, poems relating to the history
+of India. The poem on the burning of Keteus' wife, p. 382, is evidently
+inspired by the reading of Diodorus Siculus (xix. 33). On page 311 we
+have a poem celebrating the valor of the Raja Pratap Singh, who held out
+so bravely against Akbar in the mountain fastnesses of Citor, 1567.[184]
+The heroic queen-regent of Ahmadnagar, Chand Bibi, and the romantic
+story of her struggle against Akbar, in 1596, is the subject of the poem
+on p. 353. Only the bright side is, however, presented; the tragic fate
+which overtook the unfortunate princess three years later is not
+referred to.[185] The famous battle of Samugarh, 1658, by which
+Aurangzib gained the Mogul Empire, is narrated on p. 310, according to
+the account of Bernier.[186] In this connection we may also mention "Das
+Mikroskop," p. 370, the familiar anecdote of the Brahman who refused to
+drink water, after the microscope had revealed to him the existence
+therein of countless animalcules (Ritter, _Erdk._ iv. 1. p. 749).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Besides the poems falling under the groups discussed above there are
+many of purely didactic or moralizing tendency, embodying general
+reflections. It would take us too far, were we to attempt to discuss
+them, even if their interest were sufficiently great to repay the
+trouble. We must, however, point out that even the Sanskrit vocabulary
+is impressed into service to furnish material for such poems. Thus the
+fact that the word _pada_ may mean either "foot," "step," or "ray of
+the moon or sun," is utilized for the last lines of "Vom Monde," p. 368.
+The meaning of the term _bakravratin_, "acting like a crane," applied to
+a hypocrite, is used for a poem on p. 363. Similarly the threefold
+signification of _dvipa_ as "brahman," "bird," and "tooth" suggests
+"Zweigeboren," p. 423, and more instances might be adduced. It is not to
+be wondered at that such poetizing should often degenerate into the most
+inane trifling, so that we get such rhyming efforts as that on p. 326
+with its pun on the similarity of _hima_ "winter" with _hema_ "gold,"
+_Himalaya_ and _himavat_ with _Himmel_ and _Heimat_, or that on p. 385
+with its childish juxtaposition of the Vedantic term _maya_, the Greek
+name _Maia_, and the German word _Magie_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+If the poems discussed in the preceding pages were found to be largely
+didactic and gnomic in character, the great collection called _Die
+Weisheit des Brahmanen_ is entirely so. The poems composing this bulky
+work appeared in installments during the period 1836-1839, and, while
+many of them, as will be shown below, are the outcome of R�ckert's
+Oriental studies, the majority simply embody general reflections on
+anything and everything that happened to engage the poet's attention.
+"Es muss alles hinein, was ich eben lese: vor acht Wochen Spinoza, vor
+vierzehn Tagen Astronomie, jetzt Grimms �berschwenglich gehaltreiche
+Deutsche Mythologie, alles unter der nachl�ssig vorgehaltenen
+Brahmanenmaske...."[187] These are the author's own words and render
+further detailed characterization of the work superfluous. It is well
+known that the sources for the great didactic collection, even for that
+part of it which is not composed of reflections on matters of
+contemporary history, politics and literature, or relating to questions
+of family and friendship, are more Occidental than Oriental.[188] In
+fact, the Brahmanic character of the wisdom here expounded consists
+mainly in the contemplative spirit of reposeful didacticism which
+pervades the entire collection. Nor is there anything Oriental about
+the form of the poems,--the rhymed Alexandrine reigning supreme with
+wearisome monotony.
+
+A detailed discussion of the _Weisheit_, therefore, even if it were
+possible within the limits of this dissertation, will not be attempted;
+the less so, as such a discussion, so far as the Oriental side, at
+least, is concerned, would be very much of the same nature as that given
+of the _Brahmanische Erz�hlungen_. A general Oriental influence,
+especially of the _Bhagavadgita_-philosophy or of Rumi's pantheism, is
+noticeable enough in many places,[189] but particular instances of such
+influence are not hard to find. We shall adduce only a few, taken from
+the fifth division or _Stufe_, called _Leben_. Of these there are taken
+from the _Hitopadesa_ Nos. 25 (_Hit._ i. couplet 179; tr. Hertel, 141),
+26 (ib. i. 178; tr. Hertel, 140), 111 (ib. i. couplet 80; Wilkins' tr.
+p. 56). From the _Gulistan_ are taken Nos. 290 (_Gul._ i. 13; K.S. dist.
+p. 42), 326 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S. dist. p. 230), 366 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S.
+p. 232). No. 60 was probably suggested by the fable of the ass and the
+camel in Jami's _Baharistan_ (tr. K.S. p. 179). No. 476 draws a moral
+from the fact that the Persian title _mirza_ means either "scribe" or
+"prince," according to its position before or behind the person's name.
+In No. 201 we recognize a Persian proverb: [Arabic] "little goat, do not
+die; spring is coming, you will eat clover." No. 364:
+
+    "Herr Strauss, wenn ein Kameel du bist, so trage mir!"
+    Ich bin ein Vogel. "Flieg!" Ich bin ein Trampeltier
+
+is also a Persian proverb and is absolutely unintelligible, unless one
+happens to know that the Persian word for "ostrich" is [Arabic], literally
+"camel-bird."
+
+Again, to cite from other _Stufen_, Firdausi's lines, already used by
+Goethe in his _Divan_ (see p. 25 above), furnish the text for a moral
+poem, p. 487 (18). The Persian notion of the peacock being ashamed of
+his ugly feet (cf. _Gul._ ii. 8, _qit'ah_) is put to a similar use on p.
+463 (162). Some poems are moralizingly descriptive of Indic customs,
+e.g., p. 157 (11), where reverence for the _guru_ or "teacher" is
+inculcated (cf. _Manu_ ii, 71, 228) and pp. 10, 11 (18, 19), where the
+conditions are set forth under which the Vedas may be read (cf. _Manu_
+iv. 101-126, or _Yaj�._ i. 142-151). A comparison is instituted between
+the famous court of Vikramaditya and his seven gems, of which Kalidasa
+was one, and that of Karl August of Weimar and his poetic circle, p. 148
+(39).
+
+Trivial and empty rhyming is of course abundant in such an uncritical
+mass of verse, and we also meet with insipid puns, like that on the
+Arabic word _din_, "religion," and the German word _dienen_, p. 498
+(48).
+
+These examples, we believe, will suffice for our purpose. With the
+philosophical part of the _Weisheit_ we are not here concerned.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+A great many Oriental poems are scattered throughout the collection
+which bears the title of _Pantheon_ (vol. vii.). We may mention "Die
+gefallenen Engel," p. 286, the legend of Harut and Marut, "Wischnu auf
+der Schlange," p. 286, "Die nackten Weisen," p. 287, and others. Some
+poems in this collection are in spirit akin to the _�stliche Rosen_,
+e.g. "Becher und Wein," p. 291, "Der Traum," p. 283, and the
+"Vierzeilen," pp. 481, 482. Besides this, the _gazal_-form occurs
+repeatedly, e.g. "Fr�hlingshymne," p. 273. So fond does R�ckert seem to
+have been of this form, that he employs it even for a poem on such an
+unoriental subject as Easter, p. 189 (2).
+
+This collection is furthermore of interest from the biographical side,
+as often giving us R�ckert's opinions. Thus we find evidence that he was
+by no means onesidedly prejudiced in favor of things Oriental. Referring
+to the myth of fifty-three million Apsarases having sprung from the
+sea,[190] he states (p. 24), that if he were to be the judge, these
+fifty-three million nymphs bedecked with jewels would have to bow before
+the one Aphrodite in her naked glory. And again in "R�ckkehr," p. 51,
+the poet confesses that having wandered to the East to forget his misery
+and finding thorns in the rose-gardens of Persia, and demons, misshapen
+gods and monkeys acting the parts of heroes in India, he is glad to
+return to the Iliad and Odyssey (cf. also "Zu den �stlichen Rosen," p.
+153).
+
+R�ckert was evidently aware of his tendency to overproduction. He offers
+an explanation in "Spruchartiges," p. 157:
+
+    Mir ist Verse zu machen und k�nstliche Vers' ein Bed�rfnis,
+    Fehlt mir ein eigenes Lied, so �bersetz' ich mir eins.
+
+And again to his own question, Musst du denn immer dichten?, p. 159, he
+answers:
+
+    Ich denke nie ohne zu dichten,
+    Und dichte nie ohne zu denken.
+
+Graf von Schack has aptly applied to R�ckert's poems the famous sentence
+which a Spaniard pronounced about Lope de Vega, that no poet wrote so
+many good plays, but none also so many poor ones.[191]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Whatever defects it may have, R�ckert's Oriental work is nevertheless
+indisputably of the greatest importance to German literature. More than
+any one else he brought over into it a new spirit and new forms; and it
+is due primarily to his unsurpassed technical skill that the German
+language is to-day the best medium for an acquaintance, not only with
+the literature of the West, but also with that of the East.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[145] See Beyer, Friedrich R�ckert, Fkft. a. M. 1868, pp. 101, 102.
+
+[146] Vol. v. pp. 200-237.
+
+[147] So Hammer himself thought at the time. See Rob. Boxberger,
+R�ckert-Studien, Gotha, 1878, p. 224. Such also was the opinion of the
+scholarly von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878, Nachwort,
+p. 117, note. A copy of the original _divan_ of Rumi has not been
+accessible to me.
+
+[148] Cf. for instance No. 8, in ii. with Red. p. 175, and No. 24 in ii.
+p. 235, with Red. p. 188.
+
+[149] Vol. v. ii. 25, p. 236.
+
+[150] Cf. Hafid, Saqi Namah, couplets 77, 78 for the three names
+mentioned above. The figure is most familiar to the English reader from
+Fitzgerald's version, Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam. Boston, 1899, p. 211,
+xxxvii. See also 'Umar Xayyam ed. Whinfield, London, 1883, No. 466.
+
+[151] They were published in Deutscher Musenalmanach, 1838, and do not
+belong properly to the collection here discussed.
+
+[152] See essay on this by Robert Boxberger in R�ckert-Studien, pp.
+210-278. Also Beyer, Neue Mittheil. vol. i. p. 213; vol. ii. pp. 201-204
+for the date of many of these poems.
+
+[153] Also a few of the Vierzeilen-Spr�che, pp. 102-108, e.g. No.
+30=Nitis. 31.
+
+[154] Friedr. R�ckert, Grammatik, Poetik u. Rhetorik der Perser, ed. W.
+Pertsch, Gotha, 1874, p. 187.
+
+[155] Ibid. p. 360.
+
+[156] Fr. Wilken, Hist. Gasnevid. Berol. 1832, p. 13, Latin p. 148.
+
+[157] Cf. transl. of Baharistan for Kama Shastra Society, Benares, 1887,
+p. 180. The Persian text of these fables appeared in 1805 in the
+chrestomathy appended to Fr. Wilken's Institutiones ad Fundamenta
+Linguae Persicae, Lipsiae, 1805, pp. 172-181.
+
+[158] This poem was mistranslated by Hammer in his Divan des Hafis, T�b.
+1812, vol. ii. p. 553. Bodenstedt has given a version in rhymed
+couplets: Der S�nger von Schiras, Berl. 1877, p. 129.
+
+[159] For Nidami I have used a lithographed edition published at Shiraz,
+A.H. 1312. In Wilberforce Clarke's transl. of the Iskandar Namah,
+London, 1881, the couplet in question is the forty-third.
+
+[160] Cf. for Persian text Garcin de Tassy, Mantic Uttair, Paris, 1863.
+Also French transl. p. 1 seq.
+
+[161] See Jas. W. Redhouse, The Mesnevi of Mevlana (our Lord)
+Jelalu-d-din, Muhammed, er-Rumi, Lond. 1881, B. i. p. 19. For R�ckert's
+source see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 224.
+
+[162] See H. Eth�, Neupers. Litt. in Grdr. iran. Phil. vol. ii. p. 289.
+
+[163] Wilh. Bacher, Nizamis Leben u. Werke, Leipz. 1871, p. 119 and n.
+4.
+
+[164] M�moires sur divers Antiquit�s de la Perse, et sur les M�dailles
+des Rois de la dynastie des Sassanides, suivis de l'Histoire de cette
+Dynastie traduite du Persan de Mirkhond par A.I. Silv. de Sacy, Paris,
+1793.
+
+[165] Mohammedi Filii Chavendschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Samanidarum
+Pers. ed. Frid. Wilken, Goettingae, 1808.
+
+Mohammedi Filii Chondschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Gasnevidarum
+Persice ed. Frid. Wilken, Berol. 1832.
+
+Geschichte der Sultane aus dem Geschlechte Bujeh nach Mirchond, Wilken
+in Hist. philos. Abh. der kgl. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, Berl.
+1837. (This work from 1835.)
+
+[166] Mirchonds Geschichte der Seldschuken, aus d. Pers. zum ersten Mal
+�bers. etc., Joh. Aug. Vullers, Giessen, 1837.
+
+[167] A complete list of the portions of Mirchvand's work edited and
+published by European scholars before 1837 may be found in Zenker's
+Bibl. Orient., Nos. 871-881. Nos 874, 875 and 879 have not been
+accessible to me.
+
+[168] A letter given by Boxberger in op. cit. p. 74 shows that R�ckert
+asked for the loan of this book.
+
+[169] Histoire de Yemineddoula Mahmoud, tr. par A.I. Silv. de Sacy in
+Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibl. Nat., tom. iv.
+
+[170] For a similar form of the story see Gobineau, Histoire des Perses,
+Paris, 1869, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10, where the story is given on the
+authority of a Parsi work, the "Tj�har-e-Tjemen" (i.e. Cahar-i-Caman,
+"the four lawns").
+
+[171] For the romance about this man see Th. N�ldeke, Tabari, pp.
+474-478.
+
+[172] Lithogr. ed., p. 23. See also Malcolm, op. cit. i. 196; Red. p.
+107.
+
+[173] Deguignes, Hist. G�n. des Huns, des Turcs, des Mogols, et des
+autres Tartares occidentaux, etc. Paris, 1756-1758, vol. ii. pp. 209,
+223; Malcolm, op. cit. i. pp. 211, 218.
+
+[174] See Elphinstone's Hist. of India, Lond., 1841, vol. ii. pp. 10-12;
+also Elliot, The History of India as told by its own historians, Lond.
+1867-1877, vol. ii. pp. 332-335, 337, where the story is not so romantic
+as in R�ckert's poem.
+
+[175] Taken from Red. p. 183, where it is given as from Rumi. See above,
+p. 6.
+
+[176] Gesta Roman. ed. Herm. Oesterly. Berl. 1872, c. 167. For
+bibliography of this fable see W.A. Clouston, A Group of Eastern
+Romances, 1889, pp. 563-566, pp. 448-452.
+
+[177] Book of the Thousand and One Nights, by John Payne, Lond. 1894,
+vol. v. p. 153.
+
+[178] Ibid. p. 168.
+
+[179] Ibid. p. 199.
+
+[180] In J�dische Parabeln, vol. 26, p. 359; see also Bacher, Nizamis
+Leben u. Werke, p. 117, n. 4.
+
+[181] These episodes are outlined in Hammer, Red. p. 118; see Malcolm,
+op. cit. i. 55, 56.
+
+[182] We call attention to the fact that the fourth division of this
+collection (pp. 392-439 in our edition) is made up of poems which really
+belong to the Weisheit des Brahmanen.
+
+[183] Jackson, Die iran. Religion in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. pp. 629, 630.
+
+[184] Elliot, Hist. of India, vol. v. pp. 160-175; 324-328.
+
+[185] Elphinstone, Hist. of India, vol. ii. pp. 229-301 and note, where
+the legend of the queen firing silver balls is given on the authority of
+Xafi Xan. Elliot, op. cit. vi. 99-101.
+
+[186] The History of the Late Revolution of the Empire of the Great
+Mogul, Lond. 1671, pp. 106-131. See also Elliot, op. cit. vol. vii. pp.
+220-224, and Elphinstone, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 425 seq., where a
+slightly different account of the battle is given.
+
+[187] Letter to Melchior Meyr, Dec. 25, 1836, cited by C. Beyer in
+Nachgelassene Ged. Fr. R�ckerts. Wien, 1877, pp. 210, 211.
+
+[188] Koch, Der Deutsche Brahmane, Breslau (Deutsche B�cherei, Serie iv.
+Heft 23), p. 22.
+
+[189] Ibid. pp. 18-22. For Rumi's influence see esp. in vol. viii. of
+the edition cited, pp. 544. 7, 566. 74 et al.
+
+[190] In Ramay. i. 45, where the story of their origin is briefly given,
+we read that sixty _kotis_, i.e. 600,000,000 (a _koti_ being
+10,000,000), came forth from the sea, not reckoning their numberless
+female attendants.
+
+[191] Schack, Ein halbes Jahrhundert, Stuttg. Berl. Wien, 1894, vol. ii.
+p. 41. See also Koch, op. cit. pp. 11-13; Rud. Gottschall, Fried.
+R�ckert in Portraits u. Studien, Leipz. 1870, vol. i. pp. 163-166; Rich.
+Meyer, Gesch. der Litt. des 19 Jahrh. Berl. 1890, p. 56.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+HEINE.
+
+      Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel--Influence of
+      India's Literature on his Poetry--Interest in the Persian
+      Poets--Persian Influence on Heine--His Attitude toward the
+      Oriental Movement.
+
+
+"Was das Sanskrit-Studium selbst betrifft, so wird �ber den Nutzen
+desselben die Zeit entscheiden. Portugiesen, Holl�nder und Engl�nder
+haben lange Zeit jahraus, jahrein auf ihren grossen Schiffen die Sch�tze
+Indiens nach Hause geschleppt; wir Deutsche hatten immer das Zusehen.
+Aber die geistigen Sch�tze Indiens sollen uns nicht entgehen. Schlegel,
+Bopp, Humboldt, Frank u. s. w. sind unsere jetzigen Ostindienfahrer;
+Bonn und M�nchen werden gute Faktoreien sein."
+
+With these words Heine sent forth his "Sonettenkranz" to A.W. von
+Schlegel in 1821.[192] These sonnets show what a deep impression the
+personality and lectures of the famous romanticist made on him while he
+was a student at Bonn, in 1819 and 1820. Schlegel had just then been
+appointed to the professorship of Literature at the newly created
+university, and to his lectures Heine owed the interest for India which
+manifests itself in many of his poems, and which continued even in later
+years when his relations to his former teacher had undergone a complete
+change.
+
+He never undertook the study of Sanskrit. His interest in India was
+purely poetic. "Aber ich stamme aus Hindostan, und daher f�hle ich mich
+so wohl in den breiten Sangesw�ldern Valmikis, die Heldenlieder des
+g�ttlichen Ramo bewegen mein Herz wie ein bekanntes Weh, aus den
+Blumenliedern Kalidasas bl�hen mir hervor die s�ssesten Erinnerungen"
+(_Ideen_, vol. v. p. 115)--these words, with some allowance perhaps for
+the manner of the satirist, may well be taken to characterize the
+poet's attitude towards India. Instinctively he appropriated to himself
+the most beautiful characteristics of Sanskrit poetry, its tender love
+for the objects of nature, for flowers and animals and the similes and
+metaphors inspired thereby, and he invests them with all the grace and
+charm peculiar to his muse. Some of his finest verses owe their
+inspiration to the lotus; and in that famous poem "Die Lotosblume
+�ngstigt,"--so beautifully set to music by Schumann--the favorite flower
+of India's poets may be said to have found its aesthetic apotheosis. As
+is well known, there are two kinds of lotuses, the one opening its
+leaves to the sun (Skt. _padma_, _pankaja_), the other to the moon (Skt.
+_kumuda_, _kairava_). Both kinds are mentioned in _Sakuntala_ (Act. V.
+Sc. 4, ed. Kale, Bombay, 1898, p. 141): _kumudanyeva sasankah savita
+bhodhayati pankajanyeva_ "the moon wakes only the night lotuses, the sun
+only the day lotuses."[193] It is the former kind, the nymphaea
+esculenta, of which Heine sings, and his conception of the moon as its
+lover is distinctively Indic and constantly recurring in Sanskrit
+literature. Thus at the beginning of the first book of the _Hitopadesa_
+the moon is called the lordly bridegroom of the lotuses.[194]
+
+The splendor of an Indic landscape haunts the imagination of the poet.
+On the wings of song he will carry his love to the banks of the Ganges
+(vol. i. p. 98), to that moonlit garden where the lotus-flowers await
+their sister, where the violets peep at the stars, the roses whisper
+their perfumed tales into each other's ears and the gazelles listen,
+while the waves of the sacred river make sweet music. And again in a
+series of sonnets addressed to Friederike (_Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 65)
+he invites her to come with him to India, to its palm-trees, its
+ambra-blossoms and lotus-flowers, to see the gazelles leaping on the
+banks of the Ganges, and the peacocks displaying their gaudy plumage, to
+hear Kokila singing his impassioned lay. He sees Kama in the features of
+his beloved, and Vasanta hovering on her lips; her smile moves the
+Gandharvas in their golden, sunny halls to song.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Allusions to episodes from Sanskrit literature are not infrequent in
+Heine's writings. The famous struggle between King Visvamitra with the
+sage Vasistha for example is mockingly referred to in two stanzas (vol.
+i. p. 146).[195] His own efforts to win the favor of a certain Emma
+(_Neue Ged._ ii. 54) the poet likens to the great act of penance by
+which King Bhagiratha brought down the Ganges from heaven.[196]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Heine's prose-writings also furnish abundant proofs of his interest in
+and acquaintance with Sanskrit literature. In the opening chapters of
+the _Buch Le Grand_ (c. 4, vol. v. p. 114) he brings before us another
+vision of tropical Indic splendor. In his sketches from Italy (_Reiseb._
+ii. vol. vi. p. 137) he draws a parallel between the priesthood of Italy
+and that of India, which is anything but flattering to either. It is
+also not correct; he notices, to be sure, that in the Sanskrit drama (of
+which he knows only _Sakuntala_ and _Mrcchakatika_) the r�le of buffoon
+is assigned invariably to a Brahman, but he is ignorant of the origin of
+this singular custom.[197] In his essay on the Romantic School, when
+speaking of Goethe's godlike repose, he introduces by way of
+illustration the well-known episode from the Nala-story where Damayanti
+distinguishes her lover from the gods who had assumed his form by the
+blinking of his eyes (vol. ix. p. 52). In the same essay (ibid. pp. 49,
+50), he bestows enthusiastic praise on Goethe's _Divan_, and this brings
+us to the question of Persian influence upon Heine.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Starting as he did on his literary career at the time when Goethe's
+_Divan_ and R�ckert's _�stliche Rosen_ had inaugurated the Hafizian
+movement in German literature, it would have been strange if he had
+remained entirely outside of the sphere of its influence. As a matter of
+fact, he took some interest in Persian poetry almost from the outset of
+his poetical activity, as his letters clearly show. As early as 1821, he
+mentions Sa'di with the epithet _herrlich_, calls him the Persian Goethe
+and cites one of his couplets (_Gul._ ii. 48, _qit'ah_; K.S. p. 122) in
+the version of Herder.[198] In April, 1823, he writes from Berlin that
+during the preceding winter he has studied the non-Semitic part of
+Asia,[199] and the following year in a letter to Moser[200] he speaks of
+Persian as "die s�sse, rosige, leuchtende Bulbulsprache," and goes on to
+imagine himself a Persian poet in exile among Germans. "O Firdusi! O
+Ischami! (sic for Jami) O Saadi! Wie elend ist euer Bruder! Ach wie
+sehne ich mich nach den Rosen von Schiras." Such a rose he calls in one
+of his _Nordsee_-poems "die Hafisbesungene Nachtigallbraut" ("Im Hafen,"
+vol. i. p. 218).
+
+Yet, judging from the familiar epigrams of Immermann, which Heine cites
+at the end of _Norderney_ (_Reiseb._ i. vol. v. p. 101) as expressive of
+his own sentiments, he seems to have held but a poor opinion of the
+West-Eastern poetry that followed in the wake of Goethe's _Divan_. He
+certainly never attempted anything like an imitation of this poetry, and
+Oriental form appealed to him even less. In the famous, or rather
+infamous, passage of the _Reisebilder_ (vol. vi. pp. 125-149), where he
+makes his savage attack on Platen, he ridicules that poet's _Ghaselen_
+and speaks derisively of their formal technique as "schaukelnde
+Balancierk�nste" (ibid. p. 136). It is probable, however, that he judged
+the _gazal_ form not so much on its own merits as on the demerits of his
+adversary. It is certain at any rate that he has nowhere made use of
+this form of versification.
+
+Persian influence is not noticeable in his earlier poems;[201] his _Buch
+der Lieder_ shows no distinctive traces of it. His later poems, _Neue
+Gedichte_ (1844) and _Romanzero_ (1851), on the other hand, show it
+unmistakably. The Persian image of the rose and the nightingale is of
+frequent occurrence. In a poem on Spring (_Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 26) we
+read:
+
+    Und mir selbst ist dann, als w�rd' ich
+    Eine Nachtigall und s�nge
+    Diesen Rosen meine Liebe,
+    Tr�umend sing' ich Wunderkl�nge--.
+
+The image recurs repeatedly in the _Neue Gedichte_, e.g. _Neuer
+Fr�hling_, Nos. 7, 9, 11, 20, 26; _Verschiedene_, No. 7, and in
+_Romanzero_ (vol. iii.), pp. 42, 178, 253. Even in the prose-writings it
+is found, e.g. _Florentinische N�chte_ (vol. iii. p. 43), _Gedanken und
+Einf�lle_ (vol. xii. 309).
+
+Again, when Heine speaks of pearls that are pierced and strung on a
+silken thread ("Kluge Sterne," _Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 106), he is
+intensely Persian; still more so when he calls Jehuda ben Halevy's
+verses (_Romanz._ vol. iii. p. 136):
+
+    Perlenthr�nen, die, verbunden
+    Durch des Reimes goldnen Faden,
+    Aus der Dichtkunst g�ldnen Schmiede
+    Als ein Lied hervorgegangen.
+
+The Persian fancy of the moth and candle-flame seems to have been in his
+mind when he wrote ("Die Libelle," vol. ii. p. 288):
+
+    Knisternd verzehren die Flammen der Kerzen
+    Die K�fer und ihre liebenden Herzen....
+
+Still another Persian idea, familiar to us from a preceding chapter, is
+the peacock ashamed of his ugly feet ("Unvolkommenheit," _Romanz._ vol.
+iii. p. 103).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The Persian manner is even employed, and very cleverly, for humorous
+effect, for instance, in the poem "Jehuda ben Halevy," cited before. In
+this Heine asks Hitzig for the etymology of the name Schlemihl, but
+meets with nothing but evasive replies until:
+
+    Endlich alle Kn�pfe rissen
+    An der Hose der Geduld,
+
+and the poet begins to swear so profanely that the pious Hitzig
+surrenders unconditionally and hastens to supply the desired
+information. This image of the "trousers of patience" reminds us
+strikingly of such Persian phrases as [Arabic] "the cowl of
+meditation" (_Gul._ ed. Platts, p. 4), [Arabic] "the carpet of desire"
+(ib. p. 113), etc., which are a particular ornament of the highly
+artificial rhymed prose, employed in works like the _Gulistan_ and
+_Baharistan_. In the latter, for instance, we read of a youth whose
+mental equilibrium had been impaired by the charms of a handsome girl:
+[Arabic] "he tore the garment of prudence and put on the rags of
+disgrace."[202]
+
+The description of a countess in words like those which Heine puts into
+the mouth of a Berlin chamber-musician: "Cypressenwuchs,
+Hyacinthenlocken, der Mund ist Ros' und Nachtigall zu gleicher Zeit," ...
+(_Briefe aus Berlin_. No. 3, vol. v. p. 205) furnishes another instance
+in point.
+
+And lastly, we must mention one of the best known of Heine's poems, the
+trilogy "Der Dichter Firdusi," the subject of which is the famous legend
+of Mahmud's ingratitude to Persia's greatest singer and his tardy
+repentance. We may add that scholars are not inclined to accept this
+legend as historical in all its parts; certainly not in its artistic and
+effective ending. This, of course, has nothing to do with the literary
+merit of the poem, which is deservedly ranked as one of Heine's happiest
+efforts.[203]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+After all, however, it is clear that Heine is in no sense an
+orientalizing poet or a follower of the Hafizian tendency which became
+the vogue under the influence of Goethe, R�ckert and Platen. With him
+the Oriental element never was more than an incidental feature, strictly
+subordinated to his own poetic individuality, and never dominating or
+effacing it, as is the case with most of the professedly "Persian"
+singers,--those "Perser von dem Main, der Elbe, von der Isar, von der
+Pleisse"--who thought, as has justly been remarked, that they had
+penetrated into the Persian spirit by merely mentioning _guls_ and
+_bulbuls_. Heine had no use for such trivial superficiality. The singer
+of the "Loreley" sang as he felt, and in spite of so many apparently
+un-German sentiments in his writings he had a right to say (_Die
+Heimkehr_, vol. i. p. 131):
+
+    Ich bin ein deutscher Dichter,
+    Bekannt im deutschen Land;
+    Nennt man die besten Namen,
+    So wird auch der meine genannt.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[192] Printed as Nachwort in the Bemerker, No. 10, Suppl. to
+Gesellschafter, No. 77. See also H. Heines Leben u. Werke, Ad.
+Strodtmann, Hamb. 1883, vol. i. p. 78.
+
+[193] Similarly Bhartrhari, Nitis. 74.
+
+[194] _Atha kadacid avasannayam ratrav astacalacudavalambini bhagavati
+kumudininayake candramasi_.... (ed. Bomb. 1891, p. 7). "Once upon a time
+when the night was spent and the moon, the lordly lover of the lotuses,
+was reclining on the crest of the western mountain...." Of other
+allusions to this lotus we may cite Vikramorvasi, Act 3. ed. Parab and
+Telang, Bomb. 1888, p. 79; Sak. Act iii. ed. Kale, p. 81, and Act iv.
+ib. p. 96.
+
+[195] The episode occurs in Ramay. i. 51-56. It had been translated as
+early as 1816 by Bopp in his Conjugationssystem der Sanskritsprache.
+
+[196] Mahabh. iii. 108, 109; Ramay. i. 42, 43; Markandeya Pur. and other
+works. Heine's acquaintance was due undoubtedly to Schlegel's
+translation in Indische Bibliothek, 1820. (Aug. Schlegel, Werke, iii.
+20-44.)
+
+[197] See article on this subject by M. Schuyler, Jr., in JAOS. vol. xx.
+2. p. 338 seq.
+
+[198] Letter to Friedr. Steinmann, S�mmtl. Werke, Hamb. 1876, vol. xix.
+No. 7, p. 43.
+
+[199] Ibid. No. 15, p. 80.
+
+[200] Ibid. No. 38, pp. 200, 201.
+
+[201] One poem of his earliest period, Die Lehre (vol. iii. p. 276),
+published in Hamburgs W�chter, 1817 (Strodtmann, op. cit. i. 54), does
+seem to show it. In this the young bee, heedless of motherly advice,
+does not beware of the candle-flame and so "Flamme gab Flammentod." We
+at once recognize a familiar Persian thought, and are reminded of
+Goethe's fine line, "Das Lebend'ge will ich preisen das nach Flammentod
+sich sehnet." (Selige Sehnsucht, ed. Loeper, iv. 26.)
+
+[202] O.M. v. Schlechta-Wssehrd, Der Fr�hlingsgarten von Mewlana
+Abdurrahman Dschami, Wien, 1846. Persian text, p. 38.
+
+[203] For a discussion of the legend see N�ldeke in Grdr. iran. Phil.
+vol. ii. pp. 154, 155, 158.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+BODENSTEDT.
+
+      Lieder des Mirza Schaffy--Are Original Poems--Nachlass--Aus
+      Morgenland und Abendland--Sakuntala, a Narrative Poem.
+
+
+The Hafid tendency was carried to the height of popularity by Friedrich
+Martin Bodenstedt, whose _Lieder des Mirza Schaffy_ met with a
+phenomenal success, running through one hundred and forty editions in
+Germany alone during the lifetime of the author, besides being
+translated into many foreign languages.[204] These songs have had a
+remarkable career, which the author himself relates in an essay appended
+to the _Nachlass_.[205]
+
+According to the prevailing opinion, Mirza Schaffy was a great Persian
+poet, a rival of Sa'di and Hafid, and Bodenstedt was the translator of
+his songs. Great, therefore, was the astonishment of the European, and
+particularly the German public, when it was discovered that the name of
+this famous poet was utterly unknown in the East, even in his own native
+land. As early as 1860, Professor Brugsch, when in Tiflis, had searched
+for the singer's grave, but in vain; nobody could tell him where a
+certain Mirza Schaffy lay buried. At last, in 1870, the Russian
+counsellor Adolph Berg� gave an authentic account of the real man and
+his literary activity.[206] Two things were clearly established: first,
+that such a person as Mirza Safi' had really existed; second, that this
+person was no poet. On this second point the few scraps of verse which
+Berg� had been able to collect, and which he submitted in the essay
+cited above, leave absolutely no doubt. So, in 1874, when Bodenstedt
+published another poetic collection of Mirza Schaffy, he appended an
+essay wherein he explained clearly the origin and the nature of the
+original collection bearing that name.
+
+According to his own statements, these poems are not translations. They
+are entirely his own,[207] and were originally not an independent
+collection, but part of the biographical romance _Tausend und ein Tag im
+Orient_.[208] This should be kept in mind if we wish to estimate them at
+their true value.
+
+Nevertheless the poems are genuinely Oriental and owe their existence to
+the author's stay in the East, particularly in Tiflis, during the winter
+1843-44. But for this residence in the Orient, so Bodenstedt tells
+us,[209] a large part of them would never have seen the light.
+
+In form, however, they are Occidental--the _gazal_ being used only a few
+times (e.g. ii. 135, or in the translations from Hafid in chap. 21: ii.
+70=H. 8; ii. 72=H. 155, etc.) In spirit they are like Hafid. "Mein
+Lehrer ist Hafis, mein Bethaus ist die Schenke," so Mirza Schaffy
+himself proclaims (i. p. 96), and images and ideas from Hafid, familiar
+to us from preceding chapters, meet us everywhere. The stature like a
+cypress, the nightingale and the rose, the verses like pearls on a
+string, and others could be cited as instances. Other authors are also
+laid under contribution; thus the comparison of Mirza Schaffy to a bee
+seems to have been suggested by a maxim of Sa'di (_Gul._ viii. No. 77,
+ed. Platts; K.S. p. 268), where a wise man without practice is called a
+bee without honey, and the thought in the last verse of "Die Rose auch"
+(vol. ii. p. 85), that the rose cannot do without dirt and the
+nightingale feeds on worms, is a reminiscence of a story of Nidami which
+we had occasion to cite in the chapter on R�ckert (see p. 43). In one
+case a poem contains a Persian proverb. Mirza Schaffy criticises the
+opinions of the Shah's viziers in the words: "Ich h�re das Geklapper
+einer M�hle, doch sehe ich kein Mehl" (i, 85), a literal rendering of
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+Of course the _mullas_ and hypocrites in general are roundly scored,
+especially in chapter 27, where the sage, angered by the reproaches
+which the _mustahid_ has made to him for his bad conduct and irreligious
+poetry, gives vent to his sentiments of disgust in a number of poems
+(vol. ii. p. 137 seq.). Bodenstedt undoubtedly had in mind the
+persecutions to which Hafid was subject, culminating in the refusal of
+the priests to give him regular burial and giving rise to the famous
+story of the _fatva_.
+
+The tavern and the praise of wine are, of course, bound to be prominent
+features. In the same _credo_ where Mirza Schaffy proclaims Hafid as
+his teacher he also proclaims the tavern as his house of prayer (i. p.
+96), and so he celebrates the day when he quit the mosque for the
+wine-house (i. p. 98; cf. H. 213. 4). The well known poem "Aus dem
+Feuerquell des Weines" (i. p. 106) is in sentiment exactly like a
+quatrain of 'Umar Xayyam (Bodl. ed. Heron-Allen, Boston, 1898, No. 78;
+Whinfield, 195); the last verse is based on a couplet of Sa'di (_Gul._
+i. 4, last _qit'ah_, Platts, p. 18) which is cited immediately after the
+poem itself (i. p. 107).
+
+A collection of Hafizian songs would scarcely be complete without a song
+in praise of Shiraz. This we get in vol. ii. p. 48, where Shiraz is
+compared to Tiflis; and just as the former was made famous through
+Hafid, so the latter will become famous through Mirza Schaffy. Little
+did the worthy sage of Ganja dream that this would come literally true.
+Yet it did. The closing lines of the poem--
+
+    Ber�hmt ist Tiflis durch dein Lied
+    Vom Kyros bis zum Rhein geworden--
+
+are no empty boast; they simply express a fact.
+
+None of Bodenstedt's later poetic publications ever attained the success
+of the Mirza Schaffy songs, and, it may be added, none of them equalled
+those songs in merit. In 1874 the author resolved once more to try the
+magic of that name and so he launched forth a collection called _Aus dem
+Nachlasse Mirza Schaffy's_, and to emphasize the Persian character of
+these poems the Persian translation of the title, [Arabic], appeared
+on the title-page. In spite of all this, however, the Orientalism in
+these poems is more artificial than natural; it is not felt as something
+essential without which the poems could not exist. The praise of wine,
+which is the main theme of the second book,--for the collection
+is divided into seven books,--is certainly not characteristically
+Persian; European, and especially German poets have also been very
+liberal and very proficient in bibulous verse. The maxims that make
+up the third and a portion of the fourth book are for the most
+part either plainly unoriental, or else so perfectly general, and, we
+may add, so hopelessly commonplace, as to fit in anywhere. Some,
+however, are drawn from Persian sources. Thus from the _Gulistan_ we
+have in the third book, Nos. 8 (_Gul._ Pref. p. 7, last _qit'ah_), 9
+(ibid. p. 6, first three couplets), 12 (ibid. iii. 27, _math_. p. 89) and
+36 (saying of the king in _Gul._ i. 1, p. 13). No. 31 is from the
+introduction to the _Hitopadesa_ (third couplet).[210] "Die Cypresse,"
+p. 103, is suggested by _Gul._ viii. 111 (K.S. 81).
+
+The Oriental stories which form the contents of the fifth book are of
+small literary value. Some of them read like versified lessons in
+Eastern religion, as, for instance, "Der Sufi," p. 111, which is a
+rhymed exposition of a Sufistic principle,[211] and "Der
+W�stenheilige," which enunciates through the lips of Zoroaster himself
+his doctrine that good actions are worth more than ascetic
+practices.[212] On p. 121 Ibn Yamin is credited with the story of the
+poet and the glow-worm, which is found in Sa'di's _Bustan_ (ed. Platts
+and Rogers, Lond. 1891, p. 127; tr. Barbier de Meynard, Paris, 1880, p.
+163). The famous story of Yusuf and Zalicha, as related by Jami and
+Firdausi, is the subject of the longest poem in the book and is told in
+a somewhat flippant manner, p. 135 seq. The stories told of Sa'di's
+reception at court and his subsequent banishment through the calumny of
+the courtiers, pp. 123-128, seem to be pure invention; at least there is
+nothing, as far as we know, in the life or writings of the Persian poet
+that could have furnished the material for these poems.[213]
+
+In 1882, still another collection of Bodenstedt's poems, entitled _Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland_, made its appearance. Like the _Nachlass_ it
+also has seven divisions, of which only the second, fourth and sixth are
+of interest for us as containing Oriental material.[214]
+
+One poem, however, in the first book, "An eine Kerze," p. 5, should be
+mentioned as of genuinely Persian character. The candle as symbolical of
+the patient, self-sacrificing lover is a familiar feature of Persian
+belles-lettres (cf. H. 299. 4; 301. 5; or R�ckert's "Die Kerze und die
+Flasche," see above, p. 43). The last line reminds us of a verse of
+Jurjani, cited by Jami in the _Baharistan_ (ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p.
+111), exhorting the ruler to be like a flame, always pointing upwards.
+
+The second book brings another contribution of sententious wisdom, most
+of which is neither new nor Oriental. Of Oriental sources the _Gulistan_
+is best represented. From it are taken Nos. 8 (_Gul._ ii. 4, last
+couplet), 9 (ibid. i. 1), 41 (ibid. i. 21, prose-passage before the
+_math_. p. 33; K.S. p. 55), 43 (ibid. i. 17, coupl. 4, p. 29; K.S. p.
+49), 52 (ibid. i. 29, coupl. 2; K.S. p. 66). No. 47, which is credited
+to Ibn Yamin, is from the _Baharistan_ (tr. K.S. p. 46; _Red._ p. 338).
+No. 49 is a very free rendering of a quatrain of 'Umar Xayyam (Whinf.
+347; _Red._ p. 81).[215]
+
+The fourth book offers stories, all of which, except the first two, are
+from Persian sources. Thus from the _Gulistan_ are "Die Berichtigung"
+(_Gul._ i. 31; K.S., p. 67) and "Der K�nigsring" (_Gul._ iii. 27, last
+part, p. 92; K.S. p. 157). "Nachtigall und Falk" is from Nidami, as was
+pointed out before (see above, p. 43). "Das Paradies der Gl�ubigen" is
+from Jami (_Red._ p. 324; given there as from the _Subhat ul-abrar_) and
+"Ein Bild der Welt" is from Ibn Yamin (_Red._ p. 236).[216] The longest
+story of the book is "Dara und Sara," which gives the legend of the
+discovery of wine by King Jamsid, told by Mirchvand in his _Raudat
+us-safa_.[217] Besides changing the name of the king to Dara, in
+order to make the poem more romantic, we find that Bodenstedt has made
+some decided alterations and has considerably amplified the legend. Thus
+in his version the motive of the lady's attempt at suicide is despised
+love, while in the original it is only a prosaic nervous headache. In
+both cases, however, the sequel is the same.
+
+Finally, the sixth book offers very free paraphrases of poems by Rumi,
+Sa'di, Amir Mu'izzi and Anvari, who, oddly enough, are termed "Vorl�ufer
+des Mirza Schaffy." The source for most of these poems was evidently
+Hammer's _Geschichte der sch�nen Redek�nste Persiens_. To realize with
+what freedom Bodenstedt has treated his models, it is only necessary to
+compare some of the poems from Rumi with Hammer's versions, e.g. "Glaube
+und Unglaube" (_Red._ p. 175), "Der Mensch und die Welt" (ibid. p. 180),
+"Des Lebens Kreislauf" (ibid. p. 178), "Wach' auf" (ibid. p. 181). "Die
+Pilger," p. 188, attributed to Jami, is likewise from Rumi (_Red._ p.
+181; cf. R�ckert, _Werke_, vol. v. p. 220). The poems from Sa'di can
+mostly be traced to the _Gulistan_; they are so freely rendered that
+they have little in common with the originals except the thought. No. 1
+is _Gul._ ii. 18, _qit'ah_ 1, to which the words of Luqman are added;
+no. 2 is from _Gul._ iii. 10, couplet (p. 76; K.S. p. 129); no. 3 is
+_Gul._ iii. 27, _math_. (p. 89; K.S., p. 151); no. 4 is _Gul._ iii. 27,
+_qit'ah_ (p. 91; K.S., p. 154) and no. 5 is _Gul._ i. 39, _math_. The
+poem "Heimat und Fremde" is taken from Amir Mu'izzi,[218] the court-poet
+of Malak Shah, who in turn took it from Anvari. It is cited in the _Haft
+Qulzum_ to illustrate a kind of poetic theft.[219] "Unterschied" is from
+Jami (_Red._ p. 315, given as from _Subhat ul-abrar_), "Warum" from Ibn
+Yamin (_Red._ p. 235); "Die Sterne" and "Die Zeit" are both from Anvari
+(_Red._ pp. 98, 99).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+So far, Bodenstedt had taken the material for his Oriental poems from
+Persia, but now he turned to India and in 1887 appeared _Sakuntala_, a
+romantic epic in five cantos. In the main it follows the story of
+Kalidasa's famous drama, but the version in the _Mahabharata_ is also
+used, and a considerable number of episodes are invented. Even where the
+account of the drama is followed, changes of a more or less sweeping
+nature are frequent. We cannot say that they strike us as so many
+improvements on Kalidasa; they certainly often destroy or obliterate
+characteristic Indic features. Thus in the drama the failure of the king
+to recognize Sakuntala is the result of a curse pronounced against the
+girl by the irascible saint Durvasas, whom she has inadvertently failed
+to treat with due respect, and the ring is merely a means of breaking
+the spell. All this is highly characteristic of Hindu thought. In
+Bodenstedt's poem, however, remembering and forgetting are dependent on
+a magic quality inherent in the ring itself,--a trait that is at home in
+almost any literature.[220]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+There are, besides, many minor changes. The _vidusaka_, or fun-making
+attendant of the king, is left out, and so the warriors express the
+sentiments that he utters at the beginning of Act 2. Dusyanta does not
+bid farewell to his beloved in person, but leaves a letter. Again, after
+he has failed to recognize her, she returns to the hermitage of Kanva,
+whereas in the drama she is transported to that of Kasyapa on the
+Hemakuta mountain. So, of course, the aerial ride of the king in Indra's
+wagon is also done away with.
+
+In many places, on the other hand, the poem follows the drama very
+closely. For instance, the passage in the first canto describing the mad
+elephant (pp. 14, 15)[221] is a paraphrase of the warning uttered by one
+of the holy men in Act 1. Sc. 4 (ed. Kale, p. 40). The discourse of
+Sakuntala with her friends (pp. 37, 38), the incident of the bee and
+Priyamvada's playful remark (pp. 38-40) are closely modelled after the
+fourth scene of Act 1. Many passages of the poem are in fact nothing but
+translations. Thus the words which the king on leaving, writes to
+Sakuntala (p. 78):
+
+    Doch mein Herz wird stets zur�ckbewegt,
+    Wie die wehende Fahne an der Stange,
+    Die man vollem Wind entgegentr�gt--
+
+are a pretty close rendering of the final words of the king's soliloquy
+at the end of Act 1:
+
+      _gacchati purah sariram dhavati pascad asamstutam cetah cinamsukam
+      iva ketoh prativatam niyamanasya_
+
+     "my body goes forward; the mind not agreeing with it flies backward
+     like the silken streamer of a banner borne against the wind."
+
+A large part of the whole poem is pure invention, designed to make the
+story more exciting by means of a greater variety of incident. Such
+invented episodes, for instance, are the gory battle-scenes that take up
+the first part of the fourth canto, the omen of the fishes in the fifth,
+and the episodes in which Bharata plays the chief r�le in that canto.
+Some of the things told of this boy, how he knocks down the gate-keeper
+who refuses to admit his mother, how he strikes the queen Vasumati who
+had insulted her, and how he slays the assassin whom this jealous queen
+had sent against him, are truly remarkable in view of the fact that the
+hero of all these exploits cannot be more than six years of age (see pp.
+112, 113). The account in the _Mahabharata_, to be sure, tells of
+equally fabulous exploits performed by the youth, but there we move in
+an atmosphere of the marvelous. In Bodenstedt's poem, however, the
+supernatural has been almost completely banished, and we cannot help
+noticing the improbability of these deeds.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[204] Hebrew by Jos. Choczner, Breslau, 1868; Dutch by van Krieken,
+Amst. 1875; English by E. d'Esterre, Hamb. 1880; Italian by Giuseppe
+Rossi, 1884; Polish by Dzialoszye, Warsaw, 1888. See list in G. Schenk,
+Friedr. Bodenstedt, Ein Dichterleben in seinen Briefen, Berl. 1893, pp.
+246-248.
+
+[205] Aus dem Nachlasse Mirza Schaffys, Berl. 1874, pp. 191-223.
+
+[206] In ZDMG. vol. xxiv. pp. 425-432.
+
+[207] With few exceptions, pointed out by Bodenstedt himself, e.g.
+"Mullah rein ist der Wein" is from the Tartaric. Nachlass, p. 208.
+
+[208] Friedr. Bodenstedts Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1865, 12 vols.
+Vols. i and ii. All references to the Lieder des M.S. are to this
+edition.
+
+[209] Nachlass, p. 193.
+
+[210] Or else a saying of Muhammad exactly like it, cited by Prof.
+Brugsch in Aus dem Morgenlande, Lpz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. 3151-2, p. 57.
+
+[211] Cf. Bodenstedt's remarks on Sufism in Nachtrag, p. 198 seq.
+
+[212] See my article on Religion of Ancient Persia in Progress, vol.
+iii. No. 5, p. 290.
+
+[213] A complete history of Sa'di's life, drawn from his own writings as
+well as other sources, is given by W. Bacher, Sa'di's Aphorismen und
+Sinngedichte, Strassb. 1879. On the relation of the poet to the rulers
+of his time, see esp. p. xxxv seq.
+
+[214] We cite from the third edition, 1887.
+
+[215] Translated more closely by Bodenstedt in Die Lieder und Spr�che
+des Omar Chajj�m, Breslau, 1881, p. 29.
+
+[216] Schlechta-Wssehrd, Ibn Jemins Bruchst�cke. Wien, 1852, pp. 138,
+139.
+
+[217] Tr. David Shea, Hist. of the Early Kings of Persia, Lond. 1832,
+pp. 102-104; Malcolm. i. p. 10, note b.
+
+[218] Eth� in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. p. 260; Pizzi, Storia, vol. i. pp.
+88, 215.
+
+[219] R�ckert, Gram. Poet. u. Rhet. der Perser, p. 363.
+
+[220] Cf. the story of Charlemagne and the magic stone given to him by a
+grateful serpent. Grimm, Deutsche Sagen, 1. 130.
+
+[221] We cite from an edition publ. at Leipzig, no date.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.
+
+      SOME LESS KNOWN POETS WHO ATTEMPTED THE ORIENTAL MANNER.
+
+
+To enumerate the names of all the German poets who affected the Oriental
+manner would be to give a list of the illustrious obscure. Most of them
+have only served to furnish another illustration of Horace's famous
+_mediocribus esse poetis_. A bare mention of such names as L�schke,
+Levitschnigg, Wihl, Stieglitz and von Hermannsthal will suffice.[222]
+The last mentioned poet gives a striking illustration of the inanity of
+most of this kind of work. He uses the _gazal_ form for stories about
+such persons as the Gracchi and Bl�cher,[223] and, what is still more
+curious, for tirades against the Oriental tendency.[224] A poet of
+different calibre is Daumer, whose _Hafis_ (Hamb. 1846) for a long time
+was regarded as a translation, whereas the poems of the collection are
+in reality original productions in Hafid's manner, just like R�ckert's
+_�stliche Rosen_.[225] Their sensuous, passionate eroticism, however, is
+not a genuine Hafid quality, as we before have seen. The same criticism
+applies even much more forcibly to Schefer's _Hafis in Hellas_ (Hamburg,
+1853).[226] Special mention is due to the gifted, but unfortunate,
+Heinrich Leuthold, whose _Ghaselen_ deserve to be placed by the side of
+Platen's. Like Platen and R�ckert, he too proclaims himself a reveller:
+
+    Zur Gottheit ward die Sch�nheit mir
+    Und mein Gebet wird zum Ghasel.--
+
+But these _Ghaselen_ do not attempt to be so intensely Persian as to
+reproduce the objectionable features of Persian poetry. Thus Leuthold
+sings:
+
+    Vor allem ein Lebehoch dem Hafis, dem Patriarchen der Zunft!--
+    D'rum bringe die liebliche Schenkin das Gold gef�llter Becher
+            hinein![227]
+
+Evidently the poet sees no necessity for retaining the _saqi_, but makes
+the poem more acceptable to Western taste by substituting a "Schenkin"
+for Platen's "Schenke."
+
+The Oriental story was cultivated by J.F. Castelli. Many of the subjects
+of his _Orientalische Granaten_ (Dresden, 1852) had already been used by
+R�ckert. Another Oriental storyteller in verse is Ludwig Bowitsch, whose
+_Sindibad_ (Leipzig, 1860) contains mostly Arabic material. Friedrich
+von Sallet has written a poem on _Zerduscht_[228] which gives the
+Iranian legend of the attempt made by the sorcerers to burn the newborn
+child.[229] It would, however, lead us too far were we to mention single
+poems on Oriental subjects or of Oriental tendency.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Head and shoulders above all these less known poets towers the figure of
+Count von Schack, who, like R�ckert, combined the poetic gift with the
+learning of the scholar, and who thus stands out a worthy successor of
+the German Brahman as a representative of the idea of the
+_Weltlitteratur_. A discussion of his work is a fitting close for this
+investigation.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[222] On these see Paul Horn, Was verdanken Wir Persien, in Nord u. S�d,
+Heft 282, p. 386 seq.
+
+[223] Ghaselen, Leipz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. No. 371, pp. 96, 99.
+
+[224] Ibid. pp. 49-54. An einen Freund.
+
+[225] See von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, p. 117.
+
+[226] Horn in article cited, p. 389; Emil Brenning, Leopold Schefer,
+Bremen, 1884, p. 135.
+
+[227] Gedichte, Frauenfeld, 1879, p. 144 (xvi).
+
+[228] Gesammelte Gedichte, Leipz. Reclam. Nos. 551-3, p. 128.
+
+[229] See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 29.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+VON SCHACK.
+
+      His Fame as Translator of Firdausi--Stimmen vom
+      Ganges--Sakuntala compared with the Original in the
+      Mahabharata--His Oriental Scholarship in his Original
+      Poems--Attitude towards Hafizian Singers.
+
+
+As an Orientalist, von Schack's scholarship is amply attested by his
+numerous and excellent translations from Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit.
+His _Heldensagen des Firdusi_, as is well known, has become a standard
+work of German literature. In fact, we may say that his reputation rests
+more upon his translations than upon his poems.
+
+Though we have consistently refrained from discussing translations, it
+is felt that the _Stimmen vom Ganges_, which is a collection of Indic
+legends from various sources, especially from the _Puranas_, cannot be
+left entirely out of consideration.[230] In many respects these poems
+have the charm of original work. The models moreover are used with great
+freedom. To cite von Schack's own words: "F�r eigentliche �bertragungen
+k�nnen diese Dichtungen in der Gestalt, wie sie hier vorliegen, nicht
+gelten, da bei der Bearbeitung bald gr�ssere bald geringere Freiheit
+gewaltet hat, auch manches St�rende und Weitschweifige ausgeschieden
+wurde; doch hielt ich es f�r unstatthaft, am Wesentlichen des Stoffes
+und der Motive �nderungen vorzunehmen. In Gedanken und Ausdruck haben,
+wenn nicht der jedesmal vorliegende Text, so doch stets Indische Werke
+zu Vorbildern gedient."[231]
+
+A brief comparison of any one of these poems with the Sanskrit original
+will show the correctness of this statement. Let us take, as an
+illustration, the second, which gives the famous legend of Sakuntala
+from the _Mahabharata_ (i. 69-74; Bombay ed. i. 92-100).
+
+Schack leaves out unnecessary details and wearisome repetitions. Thus
+the elaborate account of the Brahmans whom the king sees on entering the
+hermitage of Kanva and their different occupations (_Mbh_. 70, 37-47) is
+condensed into fourteen lines, p. 36. Again, in the original, when
+Sakuntala tells the story of her birth, the speech by which Indra urges
+Menaka to undertake the temptation of Visvamitra is given at some length
+(_Mbh_. 71, 20-26); so also the reply of the timid nymph (ibid. 71,
+27-42); the story of the temptation itself is narrated with realistic
+detail in true Hindu fashion (ibid. 72, 1-9). All this takes up
+thirty-three _slokas_. Schack devotes to it barely five lines, p. 38;
+the speeches of Indra and Menaka he omits altogether. Again, when the
+king proposes to the fair maid, he enters into a learned disquisition on
+the eight kinds of marriage, explaining which ones are proper for each
+caste, which ones are never proper, and so forth; finally he proposes
+the Gandharva form (_Mbh_. 73, 6-14). It is needless to say that in
+Schack's poem the king's proposal is much less didactic and much more
+direct, pp. 40, 41.
+
+On the other hand, to see how closely the poet sometimes follows his
+model we need but compare all that follows the words "Kaum war er
+gegangen," p. 42, to "Dem sind nimmerdar die G�tter gn�dig," p. 47, with
+the Sanskrit original (_Mbh_. 73, 24-74, 33).
+
+Minor changes in phrases or words, advisable on aesthetic grounds, are
+of course frequent. Similes, for instance, appealing too exclusively to
+Hindu taste, were made more general. Thus in Sakuntala's reply to the
+king, p. 51, the faults of others are likened in size to sand grains,
+and those of himself to glebes. In Sanskrit, however, the comparison is
+to mustard-grains and bilva-fruits respectively. A few lines further on
+the maid declares:
+
+              "So �berragt mein Stamm denn
+    Weit den deinen, wisse das, Duschmanta!"
+
+which passage in the original reads: _avayor antaram pasya meru
+sarsapor iva_, "behold! the difference between us is like that between
+a mustard-seed and Mount Meru." In the same speech of Sakuntala the
+Sanskrit introduces a striking simile which Schack omits as too
+specifically Indic:
+
+    _murkho hi jalpatam pumsam srutva vacah subhasubhah
+    asubham vakyam adatte purisam iva sukarah
+    praj�as tu jalpatam pumsam srutva vacah subhasubhah
+    gunavad vakyam adatte hamsah ksiram ivambhasah_
+                                      (_Mbh_. 74. 90, 91.)
+
+     "The fool having heard men's speeches containing good and evil
+     chooses the evil just as a hog dirt; but the wise man having heard
+     men's speeches containing good and evil chooses the worthy, just
+     as a swan (separates) milk from water."[232]
+
+We believe that these illustrations will suffice to give an idea of the
+relation which Schack's poems bear to the originals.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+His fondness for things Oriental finds also frequent expression in his
+own poems. In _N�chte des Orients_ (vol. i. p. 7 seq.),[233] like Goethe
+before him, he undertakes a poetic Hegira to the East:
+
+    Entfliehen lasst mich, fliehn aus den Gewirren
+    Des Occidents zum heitern Morgenland!
+
+So he visits the native towns of Firdausi and Hafid and pays his
+respect to their memory, and then penetrates also into India, where he
+hears from the lips of a Buddhist monk an exposition of Nirvana
+philosophy, which, however, is unacceptable to him (p. 111). The
+Oriental scenes that are brought before our mind, both in this poem as
+well as in "Memnon" (vol. vii. p. 5 seq.), are of course portrayed with
+poetic feeling as well as scholarly accuracy. The _haji_ who owns the
+wonderful elixir,--which, by the way, is said to come from India (p.
+33),--and who interprets each vision that the poet lives through from
+the standpoint of the pessimistic sceptic, shows the influence of 'Umar
+Xayyam. In fact he indulges sometimes in unmistakable reminiscences of
+the quatrains of the famous astronomer-poet, as when he says:
+
+    Wie Schattenbilder, die an der Laterne,
+    Wenn sie der Gaukler schiebt, vor�bergleiten,
+    So zieht die bl�de, willenlose Herde,
+    Die Menschheit mein' ich, �ber diese Erde. (p. 55.)
+
+This is very much the same thought as in the following quatrain of 'Umar
+(Whinf. 310; Bodl. 108):
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+which stands first in Schack's own translation of the Persian poet and
+is thus rendered:
+
+    F�r eine magische Laterne ist diese ganze Welt zu halten,
+      In welcher wir voll Schwindel leben;
+    Die Sonne h�ngt darin als Lampe; die Bilder aber und Gestalten
+      Sind wir, die d'ran vor�berschweben.[234]
+
+In his _Weihges�nge_ (vol. ii. p. 149) Schack sends a greeting to the
+Orient; in another one of these songs he sings the praises of India
+(ibid. p. 232), and in still another he apostrophizes Zoroaster (ibid.
+p. 133). A division of this volume (ii.) bears the title _Lotosbl�tter_.
+The sight of the scholar's chamber with its Sanskrit manuscripts makes
+him dream of India's gorgeous scenery and inspires a poem "Das indische
+Gemach" (vol. x. p. 26).
+
+Oriental stories and legends are also offered, though not frequently.
+"Mahmud der Gasnevide" (vol. i. p. 299) relates the story of the great
+sultan's stern justice.[235] "Anahid" (vol. vii. p. 209) gives the
+famous legend of the angels Harut and Marut, who were punished for their
+temptation of the beautiful Zuhra, the Arabic Venus.[236] Schack has
+substituted the old Persian name of Anahita (mod. Pers. _nahid_) for
+the Arabic name, and has otherwise also altered the legend considerably.
+
+Schack never attempted to write original poems in Oriental form. The
+Hafizian movement did not excite his enthusiasm, and for the trifling of
+the average Hafizian singer he had no use whatever. In a poem by which
+he conveys his thanks to the sultan for a distinction which the latter
+had conferred on him he says:
+
+    W�r ich, so wie Firdusi, paradiesisch,
+    Ich bohrte dir die Perlen der Kaside
+    Und schl�nge dir das Halsband der Ghasele;
+    Allein wir Deutschen singen kaum hafisisch,
+    Und wenn wir orientalisch sind im Liede,
+    Durchtraben wir die W�sten als Kamele. (Vol. x. p. 106.)
+
+Even for Bodenstedt's Mirza Schaffy songs he has no great admiration:
+
+              Gar viel bedeutet's nicht, mich d�nkt!
+    Dem nur, was R�ckert l�ngst schon besser machte
+    Und Platen, bist du keuchend nachgehinkt. (Vol. x. p. 47.)
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[230] Stimmen vom Ganges. Eine Sammlung Indischer Sagen, 2 Auflage,
+Stuttgart, 1877. The first edition appeared in 1857. There the eleventh
+story was Yadu's Meerfahrt (from Harivamsa). In the second edition this
+was omitted and an imitation of the Nalodaya substituted as an appendix.
+The sources for each poem are given by the author himself in Nachwort,
+p. 215, note.
+
+[231] Op. cit. p. 216.
+
+[232] See Lanman, The Milk-drinking Hansas of Sanskrit Poetry, JAOS.
+vol. 19. 2, pp. 151-158. Goose would be a better translation of the word
+_hamsa_ than swan.
+
+[233] We cite from the edition mentioned on p. vii.
+
+[234] Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878. The translation itself
+dates from an earlier period than the year of publication. The author,
+speaking of the delay in bringing it before the public, states that
+Horace's nonumque prematur in annum could be applied in threefold
+measure to this work (p. 118). Hence the translation was made about
+1850, or a little later.
+
+[235] Herder, Briefe zur Bef�rderung der Humanit�t, x, ed. Suphan, vol.
+18, p. 259; Deguignes, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 172; Francis Gladwin, The
+Persian Moonshee, Calcutta, 1801, Pers. and Engl. pt. ii. p. 3.
+
+[236] See Hammer, Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 7, 8.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+
+Now that we have come to the end of our investigation, it may be well to
+survey briefly the whole field and to summarize the results we have
+reached.
+
+We have seen that to medi�val Europe India and Persia were lands of
+magic and enchantment; their languages and literatures were utterly
+unknown. Whatever influence these literatures exerted on that of Europe
+was indirect and not recognized. Nor did the Portuguese discoveries
+effect an immediate change. It was only by slow degrees that the West
+obtained any knowledge of Eastern thought. The _Gulistan_ and _Bustan_
+of Sa'di, some maxims of Bhartrhari and a few scattered fragments were
+all that was known in Europe of Indic or Persian literature before the
+end of the eighteenth century.
+
+Then the epoch-making discoveries of Sir William Jones aroused the
+attention of the Western world and laid the foundations of a new
+science. New ideas of world-wide significance presented themselves to
+the European mind. Nowhere were these ideas welcomed with more
+enthusiasm than in Germany, the home of philological scholarship. Herder
+pointed the way, and by means of translations and imitations tried to
+introduce the treasures of Oriental thought into German literature. That
+he did not meet with unqualified success was due, as we have seen, to
+his one-sided didactic tendency. To him, however, belongs the credit of
+the first impulse. Then Friedrich Schlegel founded the study of Sanskrit
+in Germany, while at the same time Hammer was busily at work spreading a
+knowledge of the Persian poets in Europe. The effect of the latter's
+work was instantaneous, for, as has been pointed out, it was his
+translation of Hafid that inspired the composition of Goethe's _Divan_
+and thus started the Oriental movement in Germany.
+
+We have examined the share which R�ckert, Platen, Bodenstedt and Schack
+had in this movement and have touched briefly on the work of some of the
+minor lights. It will be noticed that the Persian tendency found a far
+greater number of followers than the Indic. And this is but natural. It
+was far more easy to sing of wine, woman and roses in the manner of
+Hafid, such as most of these poets conceived this manner to be, than to
+assimilate and reproduce the philosophic and often involved poetry of
+India. Add to this the charming form and the rich rhyme of Persian
+poetry and we can readily understand why it won favor. But we can also
+understand readily enough why most of the so-called Hafizian singing is
+of very inferior quality. Those men who did the most serious work for
+the West-Eastern movement in Germany, men like R�ckert and Schack, were
+not one-sided in their studies. It was their earnest intention to offer
+to their countrymen what was best in the literatures of both India and
+Persia, and that they have carried out this intention nobly no one who
+has followed this investigation will be disposed to deny.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+It only remains to say a few words on the question of the value of this
+Oriental movement to German literature. We are not inclined to put too
+high an estimate on the poetry that arose under its influence. In fact,
+we do not think that it has produced what may be called really great
+poetry. It is significant that the fame of most of the poets considered
+in this investigation does not rest on that part of their work which was
+inspired by Oriental influence. We cannot possibly agree with the view
+that would place Goethe's _Divan_ side by side with the master's best
+productions. We do not believe that he ever would have become famous
+through that. Platen's _Ghaselen_ have neither the merit nor the
+reputation of his sonnets or his ballads. Even among the _Ghaselen_ and
+_�stliche Rosen_ of R�ckert, the finest poems, such as "Sei mir
+gegr�sst" and "Du bist die Ruh," both immortalized by the genius of
+Schubert, are precisely those that are least Oriental, and we think it
+is safe to say that the _Liebesfr�hling_ exceeds in fame any one of
+R�ckert's Oriental collections, including the _Weisheit des Brahmanen_.
+The exception to the rule is Bodenstedt. His reputation rests almost
+solely on the Mirza Schaffy songs; but it will scarcely be pretended
+that this is great poetry.
+
+From what has been said it may be inferred that the chief value of the
+Oriental movement does not consist in its original contributions to
+German literature, but rather in the reproductions and translations it
+inspired. For it was through these that the treasures of Eastern thought
+were made the literary heritage, not of Germany alone, but of Europe. As
+far as the literature of Germany itself is concerned, this movement was
+of the greatest significance, in that it introduced the Oriental element
+and thereby helped powerfully to impart to German letters the spirit of
+cosmopolitanism for which men like Herder and Goethe had so earnestly
+striven. The great writers of ancient Greece and Rome had long since
+been familiar to the German people; Shakespere, Dante and Calderon had
+likewise won a place by the side of the German classics through the
+masterly work of the Romanticists; and now the spirit and form of a new
+literature--light from the East--was brought in by the movement which
+has been the subject of this investigation and assumed its place as a
+recognized element in the literature of Germany. The fond dream of a
+_Weltlitteratur_ thus became a reality, and the German language became
+the medium of acquaintance with all that is best in the literature of
+the world. The Oriental movement is the clearest proof of that spirit of
+universality, which is at once the noblest trait and the proudest boast
+of German genius.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes
+
+There are many spelling and capitalization inconsistencies in the
+original of this text. These have been retained in this version, except
+those noted below.
+
+  Page vi: Changed Beharistan to Baharistan.
+  Page 2: Added marker for Footnote 2.
+  Page 6: Changed fourteeth to fourteenth.
+  Page 7: Changed "ferren India" to "fernen India."
+  Page 44: Changed "Iskandarnamah" to "Iskandar Namah" in Footnote 159.
+  Page 52: Changed "Pratap Sinh" to "Pratap Singh."
+  Changed "d' herb" to "d'herb" where it occurs.
+  Normalized spelling for "Hafid" throughout the text.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of India and Persia on
+the Poetry of Germany, by Arthur F. J. Remy
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+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Influence of India and Persia on the Poetry of Germany, by Arthur F.J. Remy, A.M., Ph.D.
+    </title>
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of India and Persia on the
+Poetry of Germany, by Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Influence of India and Persia on the Poetry of Germany
+
+Author: Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2006 [EBook #17928]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
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+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INFLUENCE OF INDIA ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stacy Brown, David Starner and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
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+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div class="blockquot" style="border: 1px solid black;">
+<p style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;">
+<b>Transcriber's Note</b>: There are many diacritical marks in this text, in addition to Greek, Persian, and Arabic
+characters. Many common fonts should display these more or less correctly, including Times New Roman, Arial, and Courier New.
+Firefox seems to display them better than Internet Explorer.</p>
+<p style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;">
+Unusual characters that may not display correctly, depending on your
+font or software, include &#7771; (r with a
+dot underneath), &#7751; (n with a dot underneath), &#7693; (d with a dot
+underneath), and all of the Persian and Arabic characters.  I have cheated somewhat and changed H&#817; (H with a line
+underneath) into <span class="u">H</span>, S&#817; into <span class="u">S</span>, s&#817; into <span class="u">s</span>,
+u&#817; into <span class="u">u</span>, where the new case uses HTML underlining. The UTF-8 version of this ebook has the
+diacritical marks if you need them for more serious purposes.
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<h1 style="margin-top: 2em;">
+THE INFLUENCE<br />
+OF<br />
+INDIA AND PERSIA<br />
+ON THE<br />
+POETRY OF GERMANY
+</h1>
+
+<h4 style="margin-top: 2em;">BY</h4>
+
+<h2 style="margin-top: 2em;">ARTHUR F.J. REMY, A.M., Ph.D.</h2>
+
+<h4>SOMETIME FELLOW IN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY</h4>
+
+
+<p class="center" style="font-weight: bold; margin-top: 2em;">Copyright 1901, Columbia University Press,<br />
+New York</p>
+
+<p class="center" style="font-weight: bold; margin-top: 2em;">Manufactured in the United States of America</p>
+
+
+<p class="center" style="font-weight: bold; margin-top: 3em;">
+<span class="smaller">TO</span><br />
+Prof. William H. Carpenter, Ph.D.<br />
+Prof. Calvin Thomas, A.M.<br />
+Prof. A.V. Williams Jackson, L.H.D., Ph.D.<br />
+<span class="smaller">OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK</span><br />
+<span class="smaller">IN GRATITUDE</span></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE.</h2>
+
+
+<p>The Oriental movement which manifested itself so strikingly in German
+literature during the nineteenth century is familiar to every student of
+that literature. Although the general nature of this movement is pretty
+clearly understood, no systematic investigation of it, so far as I know,
+has ever been undertaken. In the following pages an attempt is made to
+trace the influence which the Indo-Iranian East&mdash;the Semitic part is not
+considered&mdash;exerted on German poetry. The work does not claim to be
+exhaustive in the sense that it gives a list of all the poets that ever
+came under that influence. Nor does it pretend to be anything like a
+complete catalogue of the sources whence the poets derived their
+material. The performance of such a task would have required far more
+time and space than were at my disposal. A selection was absolutely
+necessary. It is hoped that the material presented in the case of each
+poet is sufficient to give a clear idea of the extent to which he was
+subject to Oriental influence, as well as of the part that he took in
+the movement under discussion.</p>
+
+<p>It is my pleasant duty to acknowledge the obligations under which I am
+to various scholars. In the first place, my sincere thanks are due to
+Professor Jackson, at whose suggestion this investigation was undertaken
+and whose encouragement and advice have never been wanting. I am also
+indebted for helpful suggestions to Professors Carpenter and Thomas of
+the Germanic department, who kindly volunteered to read the
+proof-sheets. Furthermore, I wish to thank Mr. Yohannan for assistance
+rendered in connection with the transliteration of some of the
+lithographic editions of Persian authors. And, finally, I am indebted to
+the kindness of Dr. Gray for the use of several rare volumes which
+otherwise would have been inaccessible to me.</p>
+
+<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Arthur F.J. Remy.</span></p>
+
+<p>New York, May 1, 1901.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><span class="smcap">List of Works most frequently consulted.</span></h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>Bah&#257;rist&#257;n. The Bah&#257;rist&#257;n by J&#257;m&#299;. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society
+for Private Subscribers only. Benares, 1887.</p>
+
+
+<p>Bhart&#7771;hari. &#346;atakatrayam, 2d ed. Nir&#7751;aya S&#257;gara Press. Bombay, 1891.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Quotations are from this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>Bodenstedt, Friedr. Martin. Gesammelte Schriften. 12 Bde. Berlin, 1865.<br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Tausend und ein Tag im Orient in vols. i and ii.</span><br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">References to Mirza Schaffy songs are based on this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>Firdaus&#299;. See Sh&#257;h N&#257;mah.</p>
+
+
+<p>Goethe's Werke. 36 Bde. Berlin (Hempel), 1879.<br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Quotations are from this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn.
+Strassburg, 1896 &mdash;&mdash;.</p>
+
+
+<p>Gulist&#257;n. The Gulist&#257;n of Shai&#7733;&#7830; Mu&#7779;lihu'd d&#299;n Sa&#699;d&#299; of Sh&#299;r&#257;z, ed. John
+Platts. 2d ed. London, 1874.<br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Quotations are from this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>&mdash;&mdash; or Rose garden. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society for Private
+Subscribers only. Benares, 1888.</p>
+
+
+<p><span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;. Die Lieder des Hafis. Persisch mit dem Commentare des Sudi hrsg.
+von Herm. Brockhaus. Leipzig, 1863.<br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Quotations are from this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>Hammer, Jos. von. Geschichte der sch&ouml;nen Redek&uuml;n&#351;te Persiens, mit einer
+Bl&uuml;thenlese aus zweyhundert persischen Dichtern. Wien, 1818.</p>
+
+
+<p>Heine. Heinrich Heines s&auml;mtliche Werke in 12 Bden. Stuttgart (Cotta),
+s. a.</p>
+
+
+<p>Herder. S&auml;mmtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan. 32 Bde. Berlin, 1877.</p>
+
+
+<p>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a. The Hit&#333;pades'a of N&#257;r&#257;yana Pandit, ed. Godabole and Parab.
+3d ed. Nir&#7751;. S&#257;g. Press. Bombay, 1890.<br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">Quotations are from this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>Jackson, A.V. Williams. Zoroaster, the Prophet of ancient Iran. New
+York, 1899.</p>
+
+
+<p>Mohl. See Sh&#257;h N&#257;mah.</p>
+
+
+<p>Piper, Paul. H&ouml;fische Epik. 4 pts. KDNL. iv.</p>
+
+
+<p>&mdash;&mdash; Spielmannsdichtung. 2 pts. KDNL. ii.</p>
+
+
+<p>Platen. Platens s&auml;mtliche Werke. Stuttgart (Cotta), s. a.<br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">References are based on this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>R&uuml;ckert. Friedrich R&uuml;ckert's gesammelte poetische Werke. 12 Bde. Fkft.
+a. M., 1882.<br />
+
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">References are based on this edition.</span></p>
+
+
+<p>Schack, Ad. Friedr. Graf von. Gesammelte Werke. 3 Aufl. 10 Bde.
+Stuttgart, 1897.</p>
+
+
+<p>Sh&#257;h N&#257;mah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vullers
+(et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884.</p>
+
+
+<p>&mdash;&mdash; Le Livre des Rois par Abou'l Kasim Firdousi, traduit et comment&eacute;
+par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><span class="smcap">Abbreviations.</span></h2>
+
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td align='left'>BLVS.</td><td align='left'>Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart. T&uuml;bingen.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>B&ouml;htl.</td><td align='left'>Otto B&ouml;htlingk, Indische Spr&uuml;che, St. Petersburg, 1870-1873. 2 Aufl. 3 Bde.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Grdr. iran. Phil.</td><td align='left'>Grundriss der iranischen Philologie.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Gul.</td><td align='left'>Gulist&#257;n, ed. Platts.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'><span class="u">H</span>.</td><td align='left'><span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, ed. Brockhaus.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>H.E.</td><td align='left'>H&ouml;fische Epik, ed. Piper in KDNL.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>JAOS.</td><td align='left'>Journal American Oriental Society.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>KDNL.</td><td align='left'>Deutsche National-Litteratur, ed. Jos. K&uuml;rschner. (Berlin) u. Stuttgart.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>K.S.</td><td align='left'>Translations of the Gulist&#257;n and Bah&#257;rist&#257;n, printed for the Kama Shastra Society.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Red.</td><td align='left'>Geschichte der sch&ouml;nen Redek&uuml;nste Persiens.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Sh. N.</td><td align='left'>Sh&#257;h N&#257;mah.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>ZDMG.</td><td align='left'>Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl&auml;ndischen Gesellschaft.</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS.</h2>
+
+<table style="width: 60%;" cellpadding="2" summary="contents"><tbody>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center"><span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">Chapter I.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">INTRODUCTION.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Information of Medi&aelig;val Europe concerning India and
+Persia&mdash;Travellers&mdash;India and Persia in Medi&aelig;val
+German Poetry,</td>                                                    <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">Chapter II.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF
+SIR WILLIAM JONES.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Travels to India and Persia&mdash;Olearius and his Work&mdash;Progress
+of Persian Studies&mdash;Roger&mdash;India's Language
+and Literature remain unknown&mdash;Oriental
+Influence in German Literature,</td>                                 <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">Chapter III.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+HERDER.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Herder's Interest in the Orient&mdash;Fourth Collection of his
+Zerstreute Bl&auml;tter&mdash;His Didactic Tendency and
+Predilection for Sa&#699;d&#299;,</td>                                        <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">Chapter IV.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+GOETHE.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Enthusiasm for &#346;akuntal&#257;&mdash;Der Gott und die Bajadere;
+der Paria&mdash;Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology&mdash;Origin
+of the Divan&mdash;Oriental Character of the
+Work&mdash;Inaugurates the Oriental Movement,</td>                       <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">Chapter V.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+SCHILLER.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Schiller's Interest in &#346;akuntal&#257;&mdash;Turandot,</td>                    <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td>
+
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">Chapter VI.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+THE SCHLEGELS.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier&mdash;Foundation of
+Sanskrit Study in Germany,</td>                                     <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">Chapter VII.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+PLATEN.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">His Oriental Studies&mdash;Ghaselen&mdash;Their Persian
+Character&mdash;Imitation of Persian Form&mdash;Translations,</td>            <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">Chapter VIII.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+R&Uuml;CKERT.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">His Oriental Studies&mdash;Introduces the Ghasele&mdash;&Ouml;stliche
+Rosen; Imitations of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;&mdash;Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches&mdash;Morgenl&auml;ndische Sagen und
+Geschichten&mdash;Brahmanische Erz&auml;hlungen&mdash;Die Weisheit des
+Brahmanen&mdash;Other Oriental Poems,</td>                               <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">Chapter IX.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+HEINE.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel&mdash;Influence
+of India's Literature on his Poetry&mdash;Interest in the
+Persian Poets&mdash;Persian Influence on Heine&mdash;His
+Attitude toward the Oriental Movement,</td>                         <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">Chapter X.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+BODENSTEDT.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Lieder des Mirza Schaffy&mdash;Are Original Poems&mdash;Nachlass&mdash;Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland&mdash;Sakuntala,
+a Narrative Poem,</td>                                              <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">Chapter XI.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Some less known Poets who attempted the Oriental
+Manner, </td>                                                       <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td>
+
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">Chapter XII.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+VON SCHACK.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">His Fame as Translator of Firdaus&#299;&mdash;Stimmen vom
+Ganges&mdash;Sakuntala, compared with the Original in
+the Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata&mdash;His Oriental Scholarship in his
+Original Poems&mdash;Attitude towards Hafizian Singers,</td>             <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_74">74</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center">
+<span class="smcap"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">Chapter XIII.</a></span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td colspan="2" class="center smaller">
+CONCLUSION.</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="tl">Summary of Results Attained&mdash;Persian Tendency predominates
+over Indic&mdash;Reason for this&mdash;Estimate of the Value
+of the Oriental Movement in German Literature.</td>                 <td class="tr"><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td>
+
+</tr>
+</tbody></table>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><span class="smcap">Transcription.</span></h2>
+
+<div class="blockquot">
+<p>For the transcription of Sanskrit words the system of the <i>Zeitschrift
+der Deutschen Morgenl&auml;ndischen Gesellschaft</i> has been followed; for that
+of Persian words the system of the Grundriss der iranischen Philologie
+has been adopted, with some variations however, e.g. &#1593; is indicated by
+&#699;. To be consistent, such familiar names as H&#257;fiz and Niz&#257;m&#299; appear as
+<span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; and Nid&#257;m&#299;; Omar Khayy&#257;m as &#699;Umar Xayy&#257;m; and the word ghazal,
+the German <i>Ghasele</i>, is written <i>&#947;azal</i>.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2>
+
+<h3>INTRODUCTION.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Information of Medi&aelig;val Europe Concerning India and
+Persia&mdash;Travellers&mdash;India and Persia in Medi&aelig;val German
+Poetry.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>The knowledge which medi&aelig;val Europe had of India and Persia was mostly
+indirect, and, as might be expected, deficient both in correctness and
+extent, resting, as it did, on the statements of classical and patristic
+writers, on hearsay and on oral communication. In the accounts of the
+classic writers, especially in those of Pliny, Strabo, Ptolemy, truth
+and fiction were already strangely blended. Still more was this the case
+with such compilers and encyclop&aelig;dists as Solinus, Cassiodorus and
+Isidorus of Sevilla, on whom the medi&aelig;val scholar depended largely for
+information. All these writers, in so far as they speak of India, deal
+almost entirely with its physical description, its cities and rivers,
+its wealth of precious stones and metals, its spices and silks, and in
+particular its marvels and wonders. Of its religion we hear but little,
+and as to its literature we have only a few vague statements of
+Arrian,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_1" id="fnanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1">1</a></span> Aelian<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_2" id="fnanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2">2</a></span> and Dio Chrysostomus.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_3" id="fnanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3">3</a></span> When the last mentioned
+author tells us that the ancient Hindus sang in their own language the
+poems of Homer, it shows that he had no idea of the fact that the great
+Sanskrit epics, to which the passage undoubtedly alludes, were
+independent poems. To him they appeared to be nothing more than versions
+of Homer. Aelian makes a similar statement, but cautiously adds &#949;&#7988; &#964;&#953;
+&#967;&#961;&#8052; &#960;&#953;&#963;&#964;&#949;&#973;&#949;&#953;&#957; &#964;&#959;&#953;&#962; &#8017;&#960;&#8050;&#961; &#964;&#959;&#973;&#964;&#969;&#957; &#7985;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#961;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953;&#957;. Philostratus represents the
+Hindu sage Iarchas as well acquainted with the Homeric poems, but
+nowhere does his hero Apollonius of Tyana show the slightest knowledge
+of Sanskrit literature.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_4" id="fnanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4">4</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Nor do the classic authors give us any more information about the
+literature of Persia, though the Iranian religion <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>received some
+attention. Aristotle and Theopompus were more or less familiar with
+Zoroastrian tenets,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_5" id="fnanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5">5</a></span> and allusions to the prophet of ancient Iran are
+not infrequent in classic writers. But their information concerning him
+is very scanty and inaccurate. To them Zoroaster is simply the great
+Magian, more renowned for his magic art than for his religious system.
+Of the national Iranian legends, glimpses of which we catch in the
+Avesta (esp. Yt. 19), and which must have existed long before the
+Sassanian period and the time of Firdaus&#299;, the Greek and Roman authors
+have recorded nothing.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>But Europe was not limited to the classic and patristic writers for
+information about the Orient. The points of contact between the Eastern
+and Western world were numerous even before the Portuguese showed the
+way to India. Alexandria was the seat of a lively commerce between the
+Roman Empire and India during the first six centuries of the Christian
+era; the Byzantine Empire was always in close relations, hostile or
+friendly, with Persia; the Arabs had settled in Spain, Southern Italy
+and Sicily; and the Mongols ruled for almost two centuries in Russia.
+All these were factors in the transmission of Oriental influence.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_6" id="fnanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6">6</a></span>
+And, as far as Germany is concerned, we must remember that in the tenth
+century, owing to the marriage of the emperor Otto II to the Greek
+princess Theophano, the relations between the German and Byzantine
+Empires were especially close. Furthermore the Hohenstaufen emperor,
+Frederick II, it will be remembered, was a friend and patron of the
+Saracens in Italy and Sicily, who in turn supported him loyally in his
+struggle against the papacy. Above all, the crusades, which brought the
+civilization of the West face to face with that of the East, were a
+powerful factor in bringing Oriental influence into Europe. The effect
+they had on the European mind is shown by the great number of French and
+German poems which lay their scene of action in Eastern lands, or, as
+will be shown presently, introduce persons and things from India and
+Persia.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_7" id="fnanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7">7</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>Of course it is as a rule impossible to tell precisely how and when the
+Oriental influence came into Europe, but that it did come is absolutely
+certain. The transformation of the Buddha-legend into the Christian
+legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, the migration of fables and stories, and
+the introduction of the game of chess furnish the clearest proofs of
+this.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>But direct information about the East was also available. A number of
+merchants and missionaries penetrated even as far as China, and have
+left accounts of their travels. Such an account of India and Ceylon was
+given as early as the sixth century by Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes.
+The names of Benjamin of Tudela (about 1160 A.D.) and of Marco Polo
+(1271-1295) are familiar to every student of historical geography. The
+Mongol rulers during the period of their dominion over China were in
+active communication with the popes and allowed Western missionaries
+free access to their realm. A number of these missionaries also came to
+India or Persia, for instance Giovanni de Montecorvino (1289-1293),<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_8" id="fnanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8">8</a></span>
+Odorico da Pordenone (1316-1318),<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_9" id="fnanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9">9</a></span> Friar Jordanus (1321-1323, and
+1330)<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_10" id="fnanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10">10</a></span> and Giovanni de Marignolli (1347).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_11" id="fnanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11">11</a></span> In the fifteenth
+century Henry III of Castile sent Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo as ambassador
+to Timur, and towards the end of that century several Venetian
+Ambassadors, Caterino Zeno (1472), Josaphat Barbaro (1473) and Ambrosio
+Contarini (1473), were at the Persian Court in order to bring about
+united action on the part of Venice and Persia against the Turks.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_12" id="fnanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12">12</a></span>
+These embassies attracted considerable attention in Europe, as is shown
+by numerous pamphlets concerning them, published in several European
+countries.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_13" id="fnanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13">13</a></span> In this same century Nicolo de Conti travelled in India
+and the account of his wanderings has been recorded by Poggio.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_14" id="fnanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14">14</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>As we see, most of these travellers are Italians. We know of but one
+German, before the year 1500, who went further than the Holy Land, and
+that is Johann Schildberger of Munich, whose book of travel was printed
+in 1473. Taken prisoner while fighting in Turkish service against Timur
+at Angora, he remained in the East from 1395 to 1417, and got as far as
+Persia. His description of that country is very meagre; India, as he
+expressly states,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_15" id="fnanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15">15</a></span> he never visited, his statements about that land
+being mostly plagiarized from Mandeville.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_16" id="fnanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16">16</a></span></p>
+
+<p>These accounts, however, while they give valuable information concerning
+the physical geography, the wealth, size, and wonderful things of the
+countries they describe, have little or nothing to say about the
+languages or literatures. All that Conti for instance has to say on this
+important subject is contained in a single sentence: "Loquendi idiomata
+sunt apud Indos plurima, atque inter se varia."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_17" id="fnanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17">17</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In these accounts it was not so much truthfulness that appealed to the
+public, as strangeness and fancifulness. Thus Marco Polo's narrative,
+marvelous as it was, never became as popular as the spurious memoirs of
+Mandeville, who in serving up his monstrosities ransacked almost every
+author, classic or medi&aelig;val, on whom he could lay his hands.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_18" id="fnanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18">18</a></span> In fact
+a class of books arose which bore the significant name of <i>Mirabilia
+Mundi</i> and purported to treat of the whole world, and especially of
+India. Such are, for instance, <i>Les Merveilles de l'Inde</i> by Jean
+Vauquelin, <i>Fenix de las maravillas del mondo</i> by Raymundus Lullius, and
+similar works by Nicolaus Donis, Arnaldus de Badeto and others.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_19" id="fnanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19">19</a></span> But
+the great store-house of Oriental marvels on which the medi&aelig;val poets
+drew for material was the Alexander-romance of pseudo-Callisthenes, of
+which there were a number of Latin versions, the most important being
+the epitome made by Julius Valerius and the <i>Historia de Preliis</i>
+written by the archpresbyter Leo in the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>tenth century. The character of
+the Oriental lore offered in these writings is best shown by a cursory
+examination of the work last mentioned.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_20" id="fnanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20">20</a></span> There we are introduced to a
+bewildering array of <i>mirabilia</i>, snakes, hippopotami, scorpions,
+giant-lobsters, forest-men, bats, elephants, bearded women, dog-headed
+people, griffins, white women with long hair and canine teeth,
+fire-spouting birds, trees that grow and vanish in the course of a
+single day, mountains of adamant, and finally sacred sun-trees and
+moon-trees that possess the gift of prophecy. But beyond some vague
+reference to asceticism not a trace of knowledge of Brahmanic life can
+be found. While the Brahman King Didimus is well versed in Roman and
+Greek mythology, he never mentions the name of any of his own gods. Of
+real information concerning India there is almost nothing.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>From what we have seen thus far we shall not expect in medi&aelig;val
+literature conscious imitation or reproduction of works from Persian or
+Sanskrit literature. Whatever influence these literatures exerted in
+Europe was indirect. If a subject was transmitted from East to West it
+was as a rule stripped of its Oriental names and characteristics, and
+even its Oriental origin was often forgotten. This is the case with the
+greater part of the fables and stories that can be traced to Eastern
+sources and have found their way into such works as the <i>Gesta
+Romanorum</i>, or the writings of Boccaccio, Straparola and Lafontaine.
+Sometimes, however, the history of the origin is still remembered, as
+for instance in the famous <i>Buch der Beispiele</i>, where the preface
+begins thus: "Es ist von den alten wysen der geschl&auml;cht der welt dis
+buoch des ersten jn yndischer sprauch gedicht und darnach in die
+buochstaben der Persen verwandelt,...."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_21" id="fnanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21">21</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Poems whose subjects are of Eastern origin are not frequent in the
+German literature of the middle ages. The most striking example of such
+a poem is the "Barlaam und Josaphat" of Rudolph von Ems (about 1225),
+the story of which, as has been conclusively proved, is nothing more or
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>less than the legend of Buddha in Christian garb.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_22" id="fnanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22">22</a></span> The well known
+"Herzmaere" of the same author has likewise been shown to be of Indic
+origin.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_23" id="fnanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23">23</a></span> Then there is a poem of the fourteenth or fifteenth century
+on the same subject as R&uuml;ckert's parable of the man in the well, which
+undoubtedly goes back to Buddhistic sources.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_24" id="fnanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24">24</a></span> Besides these we
+mention "Vrouwenzuht" (also called "von dem Zornbraten") by a poet
+S&#299;bote of the thirteenth century,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_25" id="fnanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25">25</a></span> and Hans von B&uuml;hel's "Diocletianus
+Leben" (about 1412), the well known story of the seven wise masters.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_26" id="fnanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26">26</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The great interest which the East aroused in Europe, especially after
+the period of the first crusades, is shown by the great number of poems
+which have their scene of action in Oriental lands, especially in India
+or Persia, or which introduce persons and things from those countries.
+To indulge this fondness for Oriental scenery poets do not hesitate to
+violate historical truth. Thus Charlemagne and his paladins are sent to
+the Holy Land in the "P&egrave;lerinage de Charlesmagne"<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_27" id="fnanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27">27</a></span> and in the poem
+called the "Karl Meinet," a German compilation of various legends about
+the Frankish hero.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_28" id="fnanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28">28</a></span> Purely Germanic legends like those of
+Ortnit-Wolfdietrich and King Rother were orientalized in much the same
+manner.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_29" id="fnanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29">29</a></span> As might be expected, it is in the court-epic and
+minstrel-poetry (<i>Spielmannsdichtung</i>) where this Oriental tendency
+manifests itself most markedly. A typical poem of this kind is "Herzog
+Ernst." The hero, a purely German character, is made to go through a
+series of marvelous adventures in the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>East some of which bear a
+striking resemblance to those of Sindbad.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_30" id="fnanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30">30</a></span> The later strophic version
+(14th century) and the prose-version of the <i>Volksbuch</i> (probably 15th
+century) localize some of these adventures definitely in the <i>fernen
+India</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_31" id="fnanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31">31</a></span> Probably under the influence of this story the author of the
+incompleted "Reinfrit von Braunschweig" (about 1300) was induced to send
+his hero into Persia, to meet with somewhat similar experiences.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_32" id="fnanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32">32</a></span>
+Heinrich von Neustadt likewise lays the scene of Apollonius' adventures
+in the golden valley Crysia bordering on India.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_33" id="fnanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33">33</a></span> In the continuation
+of the Parzifal-story entitled "Der J&uuml;ngere Titurel," which was written
+by Albrecht von Scharffenberg (about 1280), the Holy Grail is to be
+removed from a sinful world and to be carried to the East to be given to
+Feirefiz, half brother to Parzifal.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_34" id="fnanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34">34</a></span> The meeting of Feirefiz with the
+knights furnishes the poet an opportunity of bringing in a learned
+disquisition on Prester John and his <i>dr&#299; India die w&#299;ten</i>, and finally
+this mythical monarch offers his crown to Parzifal, who henceforth is
+called <i>Priester Johanni</i>. In the poem of "Lohengrin", of unknown
+authorship, the knight when about to depart declares he has come from
+India where there is a house fairer than that at Montsalvatsch.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_35" id="fnanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35">35</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Princes and princesses from India or Persia abound in the poems of the
+court-writers and minstrels. Thus in "Solomon und Morolf" Salme is the
+daughter of the King of <i>Endian</i>;<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_36" id="fnanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36">36</a></span> in Wolfram's "Willehalm" King
+Alofel of Persia and King Gorhant from the <i>Ganjes</i> figure in the battle
+of Alischanz.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_37" id="fnanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37">37</a></span> In Konrad von W&uuml;rzburg's "Trojanischer Krieg" the
+kings Panfilias of Persia and Achalmus of India are on the Trojan
+side.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_38" id="fnanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38">38</a></span> In the same poet's "Partenopier" the Sultan of Persia is the
+hero's chief rival.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_39" id="fnanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39">39</a></span> In "Der J&uuml;ngere Titurel" Gatschiloe, a princess
+from India, becomes bearer of the Grail; similarly in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>a poem by Der
+Pleiaere, Flordibel, who comes to the Knights of the Round Table to
+learn courtly manners, reveals herself as a princess from India.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_40" id="fnanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40">40</a></span>
+According to a poem of the fourteenth century the father of St.
+Christopher is king of Arabia and Persia.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_41" id="fnanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41">41</a></span> Even the folk-epic
+"Kudrun" knows of Hilde of India, Hagen's wife.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_42" id="fnanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42">42</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Again, wonderful things from India are abundant in this class of poetry.
+The magic lance which Wigalois receives, when he is about to do battle
+with a fire-spitting dragon, is from that land.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_43" id="fnanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43">43</a></span> So also is the magic
+ring given to Reinfrit when he sets out on his crusade.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_44" id="fnanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44">44</a></span> Wigamur's
+bride Dulceflur wears woven gold from the castle Gramrimort in
+India,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_45" id="fnanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45">45</a></span> and in the "Nibelungen" Hagen and Dancwart, when going to the
+Isenstein, wear precious stones from that land.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_46" id="fnanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46">46</a></span></p>
+
+<p>To some poets India and Persia are a sort of Ultima Thule to denote the
+furthest limits of the earth, as for instance, when in the "Rolandslied"
+Ganelun complains that for the ambition of Roland even Persia is not too
+far,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_47" id="fnanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47">47</a></span> or, when in the "Willehalm" King Tybalt, whose daughter has
+been carried off, lets his complaint ring out as far as India.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_48" id="fnanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48">48</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Examples might be multiplied. But they would all prove the same thing.
+India and Persia were magic names to conjure with; their languages and
+literatures were a book with seven seals to medi&aelig;val Europe.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1" href="#fnanchor_1">1</a></span> Indica, ch. 10.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2" href="#fnanchor_2">2</a></span> Var. Hist. xii. 48.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3" href="#fnanchor_3">3</a></span> De Homero, Oratio liii., ed. Dindorf, Lips. 1857, vol. ii. p. 165.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4" href="#fnanchor_4">4</a></span> Apollonii Vita, iii. 19 et passim.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5" href="#fnanchor_5">5</a></span> See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 8.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6" href="#fnanchor_6">6</a></span> See Benfey, Pantschatantra, Vorrede, p. xxiv and note.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7" href="#fnanchor_7">7</a></span> See Gaston Paris, La Litt&eacute;rature Fran&ccedil;aise au Moyen Age, Paris,
+1888, p. 49 seq. A striking illustration of oral transmission is the
+origin of the tradition about Prester John, for which see Cathay and the
+Way thither, ed. Henry Yule, Lond. 1866, Hakluyt Soc. No. 36, 37, vol.
+i. p. 174 and n. 1.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8" href="#fnanchor_8">8</a></span> Yule, op. cit. vol. i. pp. 165-167 and p. 197 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9" href="#fnanchor_9">9</a></span> Ib. pp. 1-161; Latin text in appendix i of vol. ii.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10" href="#fnanchor_10">10</a></span> Mirabilia Descripta, ed. Henry Yule, London, 1863. Hakluyt Society,
+No. 31.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11" href="#fnanchor_11">11</a></span> Yule, Cathay, vol. ii. pp. 311-381.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12" href="#fnanchor_12">12</a></span> For their accounts see the publications of the Hakluyt Society,
+1859 and 1873. Nos. 26 and 49.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13" href="#fnanchor_13">13</a></span> See Paul Horn, Gesch. Irans in Islamitischer Zeit, in Grdr. iran.
+Phil. II. p. 578 and note 4; also p. 579. See also Bibl. Asiat. et
+Afric. par H. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1841, under the years 1508, 1512,
+1514, 1515, 1516, 1535, 1543, 1579, 1583, etc.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14" href="#fnanchor_14">14</a></span> English tr. in R.H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century, London,
+1857. Hakluyt Society, No. 22.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15" href="#fnanchor_15">15</a></span> Hans Schiltbergers Reisebuch ed. Val. Langmantel (BLVS. vol. 172)
+T&uuml;bingen, 1885, p. 79: "In der grossen India pin ich nicht gewesen...."</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16" href="#fnanchor_16">16</a></span> Ibid. p. 164.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17" href="#fnanchor_17">17</a></span> Friedr. Kunstmann, Die Kenntnis Indiens im 15<sup>ten</sup> Jahrhunderte,
+M&uuml;nchen, 1863, p. 59; Major, op. cit. p. 31.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18" href="#fnanchor_18">18</a></span> See Albert Bovenschen, Quellen f&uuml;r die Reisebeschreibung des Joh.
+v. Mandeville, Berl. 1888.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19" href="#fnanchor_19">19</a></span> See Gr&auml;sse, J.G.Th., Lehrbuch einer allgem. Liter&auml;rgesch., 9 vols.,
+Dresd. u. Leipz. 1837-59, Vol. II. pt. 2, pp. 783-785.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20" href="#fnanchor_20">20</a></span> Latin text publ. by Oswald Zingerle as an appendix to Die Quellen
+zum Alexander des Rudolf v. Ems in Weinhold Germ. Abhandl. Breslau.
+1885, pt. iv.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21" href="#fnanchor_21">21</a></span> Das Buch der Beispiele der alten Weisen, ed. Wilh. Ludw. Holland,
+Stuttg. 1860, BLVS. vol. 56.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22" href="#fnanchor_22">22</a></span> Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 562-632. Joseph Langen, Johannes von Damaskus,
+Gotha, 1879, pp. 239-255, esp. p. 252, n. 1.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23" href="#fnanchor_23">23</a></span> Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 216-219.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24" href="#fnanchor_24">24</a></span> Vetter, Lehrhafte Litteratur des 14. u. 15. Jahrhunderts (KDNL.
+vol. 12), I. pp. 496-499. For a bibliography of this poem see C. Beyer,
+Nachgelassene Ged. Friedr. R&uuml;ckert's, Wien, 1877, pp. 311-320. For a
+translation of the version in the Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata see Boxberger, R&uuml;ckert
+Studien, p. 94 seq. A translation of a Buddhist sutta on the same
+subject is given in Edm. Hardy, Indische Religionsgeschichte, Leipz.
+1898, pp. 72, 73. Cf. also E. Kuhn, in B&ouml;htlingks Festgruss, Stuttg.
+1888, pp. 74, 75.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25" href="#fnanchor_25">25</a></span> Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 531, 532. See also Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer, i.
+LXXXV and n. 2.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26" href="#fnanchor_26">26</a></span> Edited by Keller, Quedl. 1841. See art. by Goedeke in Orient und
+Occident, iii. 2. pp. 385 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27" href="#fnanchor_27">27</a></span> See edition by Koschwitz, in Altfranz. Bibl., vol. ii. p. 7 seq.,
+and consult Gaston Paris, La Po&eacute;sie du Moyen Age, Paris, 1887, p. 119
+seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28" href="#fnanchor_28">28</a></span> See ed. Adelb. von Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 45), pp. 507
+seq. Cf. also Uhland's K&ouml;nig Karls Meerfart.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29" href="#fnanchor_29">29</a></span> Jiriczek, Die deutsche Heldensage, Leipz. 1897, pp. 144, 153.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30" href="#fnanchor_30">30</a></span> On this see Karl Bartsch, Herzog Ernst, Wien, 1869, Einl. p. cliii.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31" href="#fnanchor_31">31</a></span> Bartsch, op. cit. p. 204 seq. and p. 279 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32" href="#fnanchor_32">32</a></span> See ed. Bartsch, T&uuml;b. 1871 (BLVS. vol. 108), ll. 16749 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33" href="#fnanchor_33">33</a></span> Piper, H.E. iii. p. 389.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34" href="#fnanchor_34">34</a></span> Piper, H.E. ii. p. 530 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35" href="#fnanchor_35">35</a></span> See ed. by Heinr. R&uuml;ckert, Quedlinb. u. Leipz. 1858, l. 7141 seq.
+p. 189.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36" href="#fnanchor_36">36</a></span> Piper, Spielmannsdichtung, I. p. 215. See also ed. by Hagen u.
+B&uuml;sching in Ged. d. Mittel., Berl. 1808, i. l. 6.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37" href="#fnanchor_37">37</a></span> Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach (KDNL, vol. 5), I. p. 214.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38" href="#fnanchor_38">38</a></span> See ed. v. Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 44), ll. 24840, 24939,
+pp. 296, 298.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39" href="#fnanchor_39">39</a></span> Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 299, 300.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40" href="#fnanchor_40">40</a></span> Piper, H.E. ii. p. 325.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41" href="#fnanchor_41">41</a></span> Piper, Die geistliche Dichtung des Mittelalters (KDNL. vol. 3), ii.
+pp. 71, 72.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42" href="#fnanchor_42">42</a></span> See ed. Bartsch (KDNL. vol. 6), pp. 26, 27.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43" href="#fnanchor_43">43</a></span> Piper, H.E. ii. p. 222.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44" href="#fnanchor_44">44</a></span> See ed. Bartsch, l. 15067, p. 440.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45" href="#fnanchor_45">45</a></span> See ed. by Hagen in Ged. d. Mittel. i. p. 46, l. 4462 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46" href="#fnanchor_46">46</a></span> Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Friedr. Zarncke, Leipz. 1894, p. 62, v. 3.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47" href="#fnanchor_47">47</a></span> Piper, Spielm., p. 30.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48" href="#fnanchor_48">48</a></span> Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach, i. p. 208; cf. Dante's Paradiso, cant.
+29, ll. 100-102.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2>
+
+<h3>FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF SIR WILLIAM JONES.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Travels to India and Persia&mdash;Olearius and his Work&mdash;Progress
+of Persian Studies&mdash;Roger&mdash;India's Language and Literature remain
+unknown&mdash;Oriental Influence in German Literature.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>Little can be said of Oriental influence on German poetry during the
+next three centuries after the Great Age of Discovery, and in an
+investigation like the one in hand, which confines itself to poetry
+only, this chapter might perhaps be omitted. Nevertheless a brief
+consideration of this influence on German literature in general during
+this period forms an appropriate transition to the time when the
+Oriental movement in Germany really began.</p>
+
+<p>After the Portuguese had sailed around Africa, direct and uninterrupted
+communication with the far East was established. Portuguese, Dutch,
+French and English merchants appeared successively on the scene to get
+their share of the rich India commerce. German merchants also made a
+transitory effort. The firm of the Welsers in Augsburg sent two
+representatives who accompanied the expedition of Francisco d' Almeida
+in 1505 and that of Trist&atilde;o da Cunha in the following year. But
+conditions were not favorable and the attempt was not renewed.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_49" id="fnanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49">49</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Travels to India and Persia now multiplied rapidly, and accounts of such
+travels became very common; so common, in fact, that already in the
+sixteenth century collections of them were made, the best known being
+the <i>Novus Orbis</i> of Grynaeus, and the works of Ramusio and Hakluyt.
+Among the more famous travellers of the sixteenth century we may mention
+Barthema, Federici, Barbosa, Fitch and van Linschoten for India, and the
+brothers Shirley for Persia. In the seventeenth <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>century we may cite the
+names of della Valle, Baldaeus, Tavernier, Bernier and the German
+Mandelslo for India, while those of Olearius and Chardin are most famous
+in connection with Persia. And that books of travel were much read in
+Germany is attested by the number of editions and translations which
+appeared there. Thus among the earliest books printed there we have a
+translation of Marco Polo (Nuremberg), 1477,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_50" id="fnanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50">50</a></span> reprinted repeatedly,
+e.g. at Augsburg, 1481, in the <i>Novus Orbis</i>, 1534 (Latin version), at
+Basle, 1534 (German translation of the preceding), while Mandeville's
+memoirs were so popular as to become finally a <i>Volksbuch</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_51" id="fnanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51">51</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The account of Olearius is of special interest to us. It gives an
+excellent description of Persia, and above all it gives us valuable
+information on the literature and language. Olearius is struck by the
+similarity of many Persian words to corresponding words in German and
+Latin, and hints at the kinship of these idioms, though, looking only at
+the vocabulary and not at the structure, he supposes Persian to be
+related to Arabic.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_52" id="fnanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52">52</a></span> He tells us of the high esteem in which poetry
+was held by the Persians, and notices that rhyme is an indispensable
+requisite of their poetic art. He also mentions some of their leading
+poets, among them Sa&#699;d&#299;, <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, Firdaus&#299; and Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299;.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_53" id="fnanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53">53</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>But what interests us most is the translation which he made of the
+<i>Gulist&#257;n</i>, published in 1654, under the title of <i>Persianischer
+Rosenthal</i>. True, it was not the first in point of time. As early as
+1634 du Ryer had published at Paris an incomplete French version, and
+shortly afterwards this version was translated into German by Johann
+Friedrich Ochsenbach of T&uuml;bingen, but apparently without attracting much
+notice.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_54" id="fnanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54">54</a></span> In 1644, Levin Warner of Leyden had given the Persian text
+and Latin version of a number of Sa&#699;d&#299;'s maxims,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_55" id="fnanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55">55</a></span> while Gentius had
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>published the whole text with a Latin translation at Amsterdam in 1651.
+But it was the version of Olearius that really introduced the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i>
+to Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The edition of Olearius, from which we have cited, contains also a
+translation of the <i>B&#363;st&#257;n</i>, called <i>Der Persianische Baumgarten</i>, made,
+however, not directly from the Persian, but from a Dutch version.
+Besides this, the edition contains also the narratives of two other
+travellers, J&uuml;rgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, as well as an account
+of Persia by the French missionary Sanson. Iversen, in speaking of the
+Parsi religion, gives an essentially correct account of the Zoroastrian
+hierarchy, of the supreme god and his seven servants, each presiding
+over some special element, evidently an allusion to Ahura Mazda and his
+six Amesha Spentas, with the possible addition of Sraosha.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_56" id="fnanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56">56</a></span> Sanson
+states that the <i>Gavres</i> have kept up the old Persian language and that
+it is entirely different from modern Persian,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_57" id="fnanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57">57</a></span> a distinct recognition
+of the existence of the Avestan language. The eighteenth century saw the
+discovery of the <i>Avesta</i> by Anquetil du Perron, and its close found men
+like Jones, Revizky, de Sacy and Hammer busily engaged in spreading a
+knowledge of Persian literature in Europe.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>India, as far as its literature was concerned, did not fare so well. The
+struggles of European nations for the mastery of that rich empire did
+little towards promoting a knowledge of its religion or its language.
+Nor were the efforts of missionaries very successful. Most of their
+attention was devoted to the Dravidian idioms of Southern India, not to
+Sanskrit. We have the authority of Friedrich Schlegel for the statement
+that before his time there were but two Germans who were known to have
+gained a knowledge of the sacred language, the missionary Heinrich Roth
+and the Jesuit Hanxleben.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_58" id="fnanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58">58</a></span> Even their work was not published and was
+superseded by that of Jones, Colebrooke and others. Most valuable
+information on Hindu religion was given by the Dutch preacher Abraham
+Roger in his well known book <i>De Open-Deure tot het Verborgen
+Heydendom</i>, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>published at Leyden in 1651, two years after the author's
+death. This book also gave to the West the first specimen of Sanskrit
+literature in the shape of a Dutch version of two hundred maxims of
+Bhart&#7771;hari, not a direct translation from the Sanskrit, but based on
+oral communication imparted by a learned Brahman Padmanaba.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_59" id="fnanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59">59</a></span> As a
+rule the rendering is very faithful, sometimes even literal. The maxims
+were translated into German by C. Arnold and were published at Nuremberg
+in 1663.</p>
+
+<p>This, however, ended the progress of Sanskrit literature in Europe for
+the time being. Information came in very slowly. The <i>Lettres
+&Eacute;difiantes</i> of the Jesuits, and the accounts of travellers like Sonnerat
+began to shed additional light on the religious customs of India, but
+its sacred language remained a secret. In 1785, Herder wrote that what
+Europe knew of Hindu literature was only late legends, that the Sanskrit
+language as well as the genuine V&#275;da would probably for a long time
+remain unknown.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_60" id="fnanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60">60</a></span> Sir William Jones, however, had founded the Asiatic
+Society a year before and the first step towards the discovery of
+Sanskrit had really thus been taken.</p>
+
+<p>But let us consider what bearing all this had on German poetry. In this
+field the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were desperately dreary.
+In the former century the leading thinkers of Germany were absorbed in
+theological controversy, while in the next the Thirty Years' War
+completely crushed the spirit of the nation. There is little poetry in
+this period that calls for even passing notice in this investigation.
+Paul Fleming, although he was with Olearius in Persia, has written
+nothing that would interest us here. Andreas Gryphius took the subject
+for his drama "Catharina von Georgien" (1657) from Persian history. It
+is the story of the cruel execution of the Georgian queen by order of
+Sh&#257;h &#699;Abb&#257;s in 1624.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_61" id="fnanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61">61</a></span> Nor is Oriental influence in the eighteenth
+century more noticeable. Occasionally an Oriental touch is brought in.
+Pfeffel makes his "Bramine" read a lesson to bigots; Matthias Claudius
+in his well-known poem makes Herr Urian pay a visit to the Great Mogul;
+B&uuml;rger, in his salacious story <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>of the queen of Golkonde, transports the
+lovers to India; Lessing, in "Minna von Barnhelm" (Act i. Sc. 12)
+represents Werner as intending to take service with Prince Heraklius of
+Persia, and he chooses an Oriental setting for his "Nathan der Weise."</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>In the prose writings of this period Oriental influence is much more
+discernible. In the literature dealing with magic Zoroaster always
+played a prominent part. The invention of the Cabala was commonly
+ascribed to him.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_62" id="fnanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62">62</a></span> European writers on the black art, as for instance
+Bodinus, whose <i>De Magorum D&aelig;monomania</i> was translated by Fischart
+(Strassburg, 1591), repeat about Zoroaster all the fables found in
+classical or patristic writers. So the Iranian sage figures prominently
+also in the Faust-legend. He is the prince of magicians whose book Faust
+studies so diligently that he is called a second Zoroastris.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_63" id="fnanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63">63</a></span> This
+book passes into the hands of Faust's pupil Christoph Wagner, who uses
+it as diligently as his master.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_64" id="fnanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64">64</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In all this folkbook-literature India is a mere name. Thus in the oldest
+Faust-book of 1587 the sorcerer makes a journey in the air through
+England, Spain, France, Sweden, Poland, Denmark, India, Africa and
+Persia, and finally comes to <i>Morenland</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_65" id="fnanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65">65</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Of all the prose-writings, however, the novel, which began to flourish
+luxuriously in the seventeenth century, showed the most marked tendency
+to make use of Eastern scenery and episodes, and incidentally to exhibit
+the author's erudition on everything Oriental. Thus Grimmelshausen
+transports his hero Simplicissimus into Asia through the device of
+Tartar captivity. Lohenstein, in his ultra-Teutonic romance of Arminius,
+manages to introduce an Armenian princess and a prince from Pontus. The
+latter, as we learn from the autobiography with which he favors us in
+the fifth book, has been in India. He took with him a Brahman sage, who
+burned himself on reaching Greece. Evidently <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>Lohenstein had read
+Arrian's description of the burning of Kalanos (Arrian vii. 2, 3). The
+<i>Asiatische Banise</i> of Heinrich Anselm von Ziegler-Kliphausen, perhaps
+the most popular German novel of the seventeenth century, was based
+directly on the accounts of travellers to Farther India, not on Greek or
+Latin writings.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_66" id="fnanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66">66</a></span> Other authors who indulged their predilection for
+Oriental scenery were Buchholtz in his <i>Herkules und Valisca</i> (1659),
+Happel in <i>Der Asiatische Onogambo</i> (Hamb. 1673), Bohse (Talander) in
+<i>Die durchlauchtigste Alcestis aus Persien</i> (Leipz. 1689) and
+others.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_67" id="fnanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67">67</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The most striking instance of the Oriental tendency is furnished by
+Grimmelshausen's <i>Joseph</i>, first published probably in 1667.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_68" id="fnanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68">68</a></span> Here we
+meet the famous story of Y&#363;suf and Zal&#299;&#967;&#257; as it is given in the <i>Qur&#257;n</i>
+or in the poems of Firdaus&#299; and J&#257;m&#299;. The well-known episode of the
+ladies cutting their hands instead of the lemons in consequence of their
+confusion at the sight of Joseph's beauty is here narrated at
+length.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_69" id="fnanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69">69</a></span> In the preface the author states explicitly that he has
+drawn, not only from the Bible, but from Hebrew, Arabic and Persian
+writings as well.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_70" id="fnanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70">70</a></span> That he should have made use of Arabic material is
+credible enough, for Dutch Orientalists like Golius and Erpenius had
+made this accessible.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_71" id="fnanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71">71</a></span> That he had some idea of Persian poetry is
+shown by his allusions to the fondness of Orientals for handsome
+boys.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_72" id="fnanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72">72</a></span> On the other hand, what he says of Zoroaster in the <i>Musai</i>
+can all be found in Latin and Greek writers.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_73" id="fnanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73">73</a></span> Here we get the
+biography of Joseph's chief servant in the form of an appendix to the
+novel, and the author displays all the learning which fortunately his
+good taste had excluded from the story itself. Of the Iranian tradition
+concerning Zoroaster's death as given in the Pahlav&#299; writings or the
+<i>Sh&#257;h N&#257;mah</i><span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_74" id="fnanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74">74</a></span> Grimmelshausen knew absolutely nothing; nor can we find
+the slightest evidence to substantiate his assertion <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>that for the work
+in question he drew from Persian or Arabic sources.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>In the eighteenth century the Oriental tale was extremely popular in
+France, and thence it spread to other countries. The translation of the
+Thousand and One Nights by Galland (Paris, 1704-1712) and of the Persian
+Tales by P&eacute;tis de La Croix called into being a host of similar French
+productions, which in turn found their way into German literature. The
+most fruitful writer in this genre was Simon Gueulette, the author of
+<i>Soir&eacute;es Bretonnes</i> (1712) and <i>Mille et un quart d'heures</i> (1715). The
+latter contains the story of a prince who is punished for his
+presumption by having two snakes grow from his shoulders. To appease
+them they are fed on fresh human brain.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_75" id="fnanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75">75</a></span> Of course, we recognize at
+once the story of the tyrant &#7828;a&#7830;&#7830;&#257;k familiar from Firdaus&#299;. The material
+for the <i>Soir&eacute;es</i> was drawn largely from Armeno's <i>Peregrinaggio</i>, which
+purports to be a translation from the Persian, although no original is
+known to scholars.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_76" id="fnanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76">76</a></span> From these <i>Soir&eacute;es</i> Voltaire took the material
+for his <i>Zadig</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_77" id="fnanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77">77</a></span> In most cases, however, all that was Oriental about
+such stories was the name and the costume. So popular was the Oriental
+costume that Montesquieu used it for satirizing the Parisians in his
+<i>Lettres Persanes</i> (1721). Through French influence the Oriental story
+came to Germany, and so we get such works as August Gottlob Meissner's
+tales of <i>Nushirvan</i>, <i>Massoud</i>, <i>Giaffar</i>, <i>Sadi</i> and others,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_78" id="fnanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78">78</a></span> or
+Klinger's <i>Derwisch</i>. Wieland used the Eastern costume in his <i>Schach
+Lolo</i> (1778) and in his politico-didactic romance of the wise
+Danischmende. This fondness for an Oriental atmosphere continues even
+into the nineteenth century and may be seen in such works as Tieck's
+<i>Abdallah</i> and Hauff's <i>Karawane</i>. But this brings us to the time when
+India and Persia were to give up their secrets, and when the influence
+of their literature begins to be a factor in the literature of Europe.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49" href="#fnanchor_49">49</a></span> See Kunstmann, Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem
+portugiesischen Indien in Hist. pol. Bl&auml;tter f. d. Kath. Deutschl.,
+M&uuml;nchen, 1861, vol. 48, pp. 277-309.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50" href="#fnanchor_50">50</a></span> For title see Panzer, Annalen d. &auml;lteren deutsch. Litt., N&uuml;rnb.
+1788.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51" href="#fnanchor_51">51</a></span> See Gr&auml;sse, op. cit. ii. 2. pp. 773, 774.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52" href="#fnanchor_52">52</a></span> Des Welt-ber&uuml;hmten Adami Olearii colligirte und viel vermehrte
+Reise-Beschreibungen etc., Hamb. 1696, chap. xxv.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53" href="#fnanchor_53">53</a></span> Ibid. chap. xxviii. p. 327 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54" href="#fnanchor_54">54</a></span> Olearius, op. cit., Preface to the Rosenthal. Full title of
+Ochsenbach's book in Buch der Beispiele, ed. Holland, p. 258, n. 1.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55" href="#fnanchor_55">55</a></span> Proverbiorum et Sententiarum Persicarum Centuria, Leyden, 1644. In
+the preface the author says that he undertakes his work, "cum e genuinis
+Persarum scriptis nihil hactenus in Latinam linguam sit translatum."</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56" href="#fnanchor_56">56</a></span> Iversen in op. cit. chap. xi. p. 157 seq. Cf. Jackson, Die
+iranische Religion in Grdr. iran. Ph. iii. pp. 633, 634, 636.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57" href="#fnanchor_57">57</a></span> Sanson in op. cit. pp. 48, 49.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58" href="#fnanchor_58">58</a></span> Fr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, Heidelb. 1808, Vorrede, p. xi.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59" href="#fnanchor_59">59</a></span> See preface to op. cit.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60" href="#fnanchor_60">60</a></span> Ideen zur Phil. d. Gesch. der Menschheit, chap. iv. ed. Suphan,
+vol. 13, p. 415.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61" href="#fnanchor_61">61</a></span> The story is given in Chardin's book, though this was not the
+source. See Andreas Gryphius Trauerspiele, ed. Herm. Palm, BLVS. vol.
+162, pp. 138, 139.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62" href="#fnanchor_62">62</a></span> See Zoroasters Telescop oder Schl&uuml;ssel zur grossen divinatorischen
+Kabbala der Magier in Das Kloster ed. J. Scheible, Stuttg. 1846, vol.
+iii. p. 414 seq., esp. p. 439.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63" href="#fnanchor_63">63</a></span> Widmann's Faust in Das Kloster, vol. ii. p. 296; Der Christlich
+Meynende, ibid. ii. p. 85.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64" href="#fnanchor_64">64</a></span> Christoph. Wagners Leben, ibid. vol. iii. p. 78.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65" href="#fnanchor_65">65</a></span> Ibid. ii. p. 1004.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66" href="#fnanchor_66">66</a></span> Ed. by Felix Bobertag, KDNL. vol. 37, Einl. p. 8.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67" href="#fnanchor_67">67</a></span> On this see Felix Bobertag, Gesch. des Romans und der ihm
+verwandten Dichtungsgattungen in Deutschland, Bresl. 1876, vol. ii. 2.
+pp. 110 seq., 140, 160.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68" href="#fnanchor_68">68</a></span> In Der abenteuerliche Simplicissimus ed. Adalb. Keller, Stuttg.
+1862 (BLVS. vol. 66), vol. iv. pp. 707 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69" href="#fnanchor_69">69</a></span> Op. cit. pp. 759, 760.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70" href="#fnanchor_70">70</a></span> Ibid, p. 710; again p. 841.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71" href="#fnanchor_71">71</a></span> The Story of Joseph from the Qur&#257;n was published in Arabic with a
+Latin version by Erpenius as early as 1617. See Zenker, Bibl. Orient.,
+Leipz. 1846, vol. i. p. 169, No. 1380.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72" href="#fnanchor_72">72</a></span> Keller, op. cit. p. 742.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73" href="#fnanchor_73">73</a></span> See Jackson, Zoroaster, Appendix V (by Gray).</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74" href="#fnanchor_74">74</a></span> See Jackson, Zoroaster, pp. 127-132.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75" href="#fnanchor_75">75</a></span> Rud. F&uuml;rst, Die Vorl&auml;ufer der Modernen Novelle im achtzehnten
+Jahrhundert, Halle a. S. 1897. p. 51.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76" href="#fnanchor_76">76</a></span> Some of the stories are undoubtedly Oriental in origin. The work
+appeared at Venice, 1557, and was translated into German, in 1583, by
+Johann Wetzel under the title Die Reise der S&ouml;hne Giaffers. Ed. by Herm.
+Fischer and Joh. Bolte (BLVS, vol. 208), T&uuml;b. 1895.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77" href="#fnanchor_77">77</a></span> F&uuml;rst, op. cit. p. 52. The name is derived from the
+Arabic &#1589;&#1583; &#1610;&#1602; "speaker of the truth," as pointed out by Hammer in Red. p. 326.
+See essay L'ange et l'hermite by Gaston Paris in La Po&eacute;sie du Moyen Age,
+Paris, 1887, p. 151.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78" href="#fnanchor_78">78</a></span> F&uuml;rst, op. cit. p. 154.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2>
+
+<h3>HERDER.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Herder's Interest in the Orient&mdash;Fourth Collection of his
+Zerstreute Bl&auml;tter&mdash;His Didactic Tendency And Predilection For
+Sa&#699;d&#299;.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>The epoch-making work of the English Orientalists, and above all, of the
+illustrious Sir William Jones, at the end of the eighteenth century not
+only laid the foundation of Sanskrit scholarship in Europe, but also
+gave the first direct impulse to the Oriental movement which in the
+first half of the nineteenth century manifests itself so strikingly both
+in English as well as in German literature, especially in the work of
+the poets. In Germany this movement came just at the time when the idea
+of a universal literature had taken hold of the minds of the leading
+literary men, and so it was very natural that the pioneer and prophet of
+this great idea should also be the first to introduce into German poetry
+the new <i>west-&ouml;stliche Richtung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Herder's theological studies turned his attention to the East at an
+early age. As is well known, he always had a fervid admiration for the
+Hebrew poets, but we have evidence to show, that, even before the year
+1771, when Jones' <i>Trait&eacute; sur la po&eacute;sie orientale</i> appeared, he had
+widened the sphere of his Oriental studies and had become interested in
+Sa&#699;d&#299;.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_79" id="fnanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79">79</a></span> Rhymed paraphrases made by him of some stories from the
+<i>Gulist&#257;n</i> date from the period 1761-1764,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_80" id="fnanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80">80</a></span> and, as occasional
+references prove, Sa&#699;d&#299; continued to hold his attention until the
+appearance, in 1792, of the fourth Collection of the <i>Zerstreute
+Bl&auml;tter</i>, which contains the bulk of Herder's translation from Persian
+and Sanskrit literature, and which therefore will have to occupy our
+attention.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_81" id="fnanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81">81</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>Of this collection the following are of interest to us: 1&deg;. Four books
+of translations, more or less free, of maxims from the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i>,
+entitled <i>Blumen aus morgenl&auml;ndischen Dichtern gesammlet</i>. 2&deg;.
+Translations from the Sanskrit consisting of maxims from the
+<i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i> and from Bhart&#7771;hari and passages from the <i>Bhagavadg&#299;t&#257;</i>
+under the name of <i>Gedanken einiger Bramanen</i>. 3&deg;. A number of versions
+from Persian, Sanskrit, Hebrew and Arabic poets given in the Suphan
+edition as <i>Vermischte St&uuml;cke</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The first three books of the <i>Blumen</i> consist entirely of maxims from
+the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i>, the versions of Gentius, or sometimes of Olearius, being
+the basis, while the fourth book contains also poems from R&#363;m&#299;, <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;
+and others (some not Persian), taken mostly from Jones' well known
+<i>Poeseos</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_82" id="fnanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82">82</a></span> For the <i>Gedanken</i> our poet made use of Wilkins'
+translation of the <i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i> (1787) and of the <i>Bhagavadg&#299;t&#257;</i> (1785),
+together with the German version of Bhart&#7771;hari by Arnold from Roger's
+Dutch rendering.</p>
+
+<p>As Herder did not know either Sanskrit or Persian, his versions are
+translations of translations, and it is not surprising if the sense of
+the original is sometimes very much altered, especially when we consider
+that the translations on which he depended were not always accurate.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_83" id="fnanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83">83</a></span>
+In most cases, however, the sense is fairly well preserved, sometimes
+even with admirable fidelity, as in "Lob der Gottheit" (<i>Bl.</i> i. 1),
+which is a version of passages from the introduction to the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i>.
+No attention whatever is paid to the form of the originals. For the
+selections from Sa&#699;d&#299; the distich which had been used for the versions
+from the Greek anthology is the favorite form. Rhyme, which in Persian
+poetry is an indispensable requisite, is never employed.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The moralizing tendency which characterizes all of Herder's work, and
+which grew stronger as he advanced in years, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>rendered him indifferent
+to the purely artistic side of poetry. He makes no effort in his
+versions to bring out what is characteristically Oriental in the
+original; on the contrary, he often destroys it. Thus his "Blume des
+Paradieses" (<i>Bl.</i> iv. 7 = <span class="u">H</span>. 548) is addressed to a girl instead of a
+boy. The fourth couplet is accordingly altered to suit the sense, while
+the last couplet, which according to the law governing the construction
+of the Persian <i>&#947;azal</i> contained the name of the poet, is omitted. So
+also in "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (<i>Verm.</i> 6 = <i>Gul.</i> v. 18, ed. Platts, p.
+114) the characteristic Persian phrase</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1575;&#1586; &#1583;&#1585;&#1610;&#1670;&#1607;&#1569; &#1670;&#1588;&#1605; &#1605;&#1580;&#1606;&#1608;&#1606; &#1576;&#1580;&#1605;&#1575;&#1604; &#1604;&#1610;&#1604;&#1740; &#1576;&#1575;&#1610;&#1587;&#1578;&#1740; &#1605;&#1591;&#1575;&#1604;&#1593;&#1607; &#1705;&#1585;&#1583;&#1606;</p>
+
+<p>"It is necessary to survey La&#299;l&#257;'s beauty from the window of Majn&#363;n's
+eye"</p></div>
+
+<p>appears simply as "O ... sieh mit meinen Augen an."</p>
+
+<p>This exclusive interest in the purely didactic side induced Herder also
+to remove the maxims from the stories which in the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> or
+<i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i> served as their setting. So they appear simply as general
+sententious literature, whereas in the originals they are as a rule
+introduced solely to illustrate or to emphasize some particular point of
+the story. Then again a story may be considerably shortened, as in "Die
+L&uuml;ge" (<i>Bl.</i> ii. 28 = <i>Gul.</i> i. 1), "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (see above).
+To atone for such abridgment new lines embodying in most cases a general
+moral reflection are frequently added. Thus both the pieces just cited
+have such additions. In "Verschiedener Umgang" (<i>Ged.</i> 3 = Bhart.
+<i>N&#299;ti&#347;.</i> 67; B&ouml;htl. 6781) the first three lines are evidently
+inspired by the last line of the Sanskrit proverb: <i>pr&#257;y&#275;&#7751;&#257;
+'dhamamadhyam&#333;ttamagu&#7751;a&#7717; sa&#7747;sargat&#333; j&#257;yat&#275;</i> "in general the lowest, the
+middle and the highest quality arise from association," but they are in
+no sense a translation.</p>
+
+<p>What we have given suffices to characterize Herder as a translator or
+adapter of Oriental poetry. His Eastern studies have scarcely exerted
+any influence on his original poems beyond inspiring some fervid lines
+in praise of India and its dramatic art as exhibited in <i>&#346;akuntal&#257;</i>,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_84" id="fnanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84">84</a></span>
+which had just then <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>(1791) been translated by Forster into German from
+the English version of Sir William Jones. Unlike his illustrious
+contemporary Goethe he received from the East no impulse that stimulated
+him to production. His one-sided preference for the purely didactic
+element rendered him indifferent to the lyric beauty of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; and
+caused him to proclaim Sa&#699;d&#299; as the model most worthy of imitation.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_85" id="fnanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85">85</a></span>
+Yet it was <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, the prince of Persian lyric poets, the singer of wine
+and roses, who fired the soul of Germany's greatest poet and inspired
+him to write the <i>Divan</i>, and thus <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; became the dominating
+influence and the guiding star of the <i>west-&ouml;stliche Richtung</i> in German
+poetry.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79" href="#fnanchor_79">79</a></span> See the edition by Meyer (KDNL. vol. 74) i. 1. pp. 164, 165.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80" href="#fnanchor_80">80</a></span> Given by Redlich in the edition by Suphan, vol. 26, p. 435 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81" href="#fnanchor_81">81</a></span> We may state here that the work in question has been thoroughly
+commented on by such scholars as D&uuml;ntzer and Redlich, and their comments
+may be found in the editions of Suphan and Meyer. The same has been done
+for Goethe's Divan by D&uuml;ntzer and Loeper. The former's notes are in his
+Goethe-edition in the K&uuml;rschner-series, the latter's in the edition of
+Hempel. In this investigation, therefore, the chapters on Herder and
+Goethe are somewhat briefer than they otherwise would be, as further
+details as to sources, etc., are easily accessible in the editions just
+mentioned. In all cases, however, the Sanskrit or Persian originals of
+the passages cited have been examined.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82" href="#fnanchor_82">82</a></span> Poeseos Asiaticae commentariorum libri vi, publ. at London, 1774.
+Reprinted by Eichborn at Leipzig, 1777.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83" href="#fnanchor_83">83</a></span> Compare, for instance. Hit. couplet 43 = B&ouml;htl. 3121 with the
+rendering of Wilkins in Fables and Proverbs from the Sanskrit, London,
+1888 (Morley's Univ. Lib.), pp. 41, 42. And then compare with Herder's
+Zwecke des Lebens (Ged. 15).</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84" href="#fnanchor_84">84</a></span> Indien, ed. Suphan, vol. 29, p. 665.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85" href="#fnanchor_85">85</a></span> "An Hafyz Ges&auml;ngen haben wir fast genug; Sadi ist uns lehrreicher
+gewesen." Adrastea vi. ed. Suphan, vol. 24, p. 356.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2>
+
+<h3>GOETHE.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Enthusiasm for &#346;akuntal&#257;&mdash;Der Gott und die Bajadere; Der
+Paria&mdash;Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology&mdash;Origin of the
+Divan&mdash;Oriental Character of the Work&mdash;Inaugurates the Oriental
+Movement.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>In <i>Wahrheit und Dichtung</i> (B. xii. vol. xxii. p. 86) Goethe tells us
+that he first became acquainted with Hindu fables through Dapper's book
+of travel,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_86" id="fnanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86">86</a></span> while pursuing his law studies at Wetzlar, in 1771. He
+amused his circle of literary friends by relating stories of R&#257;ma and
+the monkey <i>Hanneman</i> (i.e. Hanuman), who speedily won the favor of the
+audience. The poet himself, however, could not get any lasting pleasure
+from monstrosities; misshapen divinities shocked his aesthetic sense.</p>
+
+<p>The first time that Goethe's attention was turned seriously to Eastern
+literature was in 1791, when, through Herder's efforts, he made the
+acquaintance of K&#257;lid&#257;sa's dramatic masterpiece <i>&#346;akuntal&#257;</i>, which
+inspired the well known epigram "Willst du die Bl&uuml;te des fr&uuml;hen," etc.,
+an extravagant eulogy rather than an appreciative criticism. That the
+impression was not merely momentary is proved by the fact that five
+years later the poet took the inspiration for his <i>Faust</i> prologue from
+K&#257;lid&#257;sa's work.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_87" id="fnanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87">87</a></span> Otherwise it cannot be said that the then just
+awakening Sanskrit studies exercised any considerable influence on his
+poetic activity. For his two ballads dealing with Indic subjects, "Der
+Gott und die Bajadere" and "Der Paria", the material was taken, not from
+works of Sanskrit literature, but from a book of travel. The former poem
+was completed in 1797, though the idea was taken as early as <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>1783 from
+a German version of Sonnerat's travels, where the story is related
+according to the account of Abraham Roger<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_88" id="fnanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88">88</a></span> in <i>De Open-Deure</i>. There
+the account is as follows: "'t Is ghebeurt ... dat Dewendre, onder
+Menschelijcke ghedaente, op eenen tijdt ghekomen is by een sekere Hoere,
+de welcke hy heeft willen beproeven of sy oock ghetrouw was. Hy
+accordeert met haer, ende gaf haer een goet Hoeren loon. Na den loon
+onthaelde sy hem dien nacht heel wel, sonder dat sy haer tot slapen
+begaf. Doch 't soude in dien nacht ghebeurt zijn dat Dewendre sich
+geliet of hy stierf; ende storf soo sy meynde. De Hoere die wilde met
+hem branden, haer Vrienden en konde het haer niet afraden; de welcke
+haer voor-hielden dat het haer Man niet en was. Maer nadien dat sy haer
+niet en liet gheseggen, soo lietse het yver toestellen om daer in te
+springen. Op't uyterste ghekomen zijnde, ontwaeckte Dewendre, ende
+seyde, dat hy hem hadde ghelaten doot te zijn, alleenlijck om te
+ondervinden hare trouwe; ende hy seyde haer toe, tot een loon van hare
+ghetrouwigheyt, dat sy met hem na Dewendrelocon (dat is een der platsen
+der gelucksaligheyt) gaen soude. Ende ghelijck den Bramine seyde, ist
+alsoo gheschiet."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_89" id="fnanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89">89</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that Goethe has changed the story considerably and for
+the better. How infinitely nobler is his idea of uniting the maiden with
+her divine lover on the flaming pyre from which both ascend to heaven!
+It may also be observed that Goethe substitutes Mah&#257;d&#275;va, i.e. &#346;iva, for
+Dewendre<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_90" id="fnanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90">90</a></span> and assigns to him an incarnation, though such incarnations
+are known only of Vi&#7779;&#7751;u.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The "Paria," a trilogy consisting of "Gebet," "Legende" and "Dank des
+Paria," was begun in 1816, but not finished until December, 1821. Even
+then it was not quite complete. The appearance of Delavigne's <i>Le Paria</i>
+and still more of Michael Beer's drama of the same name, spurred Goethe
+to a final effort and the poem was published in October, 1823.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>The direct source is the legend which Sonnerat tells of the origin of
+the Paria-goddess Mariatale.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_91" id="fnanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91">91</a></span> Indirectly, however, the sources are
+found in Sanskrit literature. Two parts may be distinguished: The story
+of the temptation and punishment, and the story of the interchange of
+heads.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_92" id="fnanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92">92</a></span> The former story is that of the ascetic Jamadagni and his
+wife R&#275;&#7751;uk&#257;, who was slain by her son R&#257;ma at the command of the ascetic
+himself, in punishment for her yielding to an impure desire on beholding
+the prince Citraratha. Subsequently at the intercession of R&#257;ma she is
+again restored to life through Jamadagni's supernatural power. The story
+is in <i>Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata</i> iii. c. 116 seq.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_93" id="fnanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93">93</a></span> and also in the <i>Bh&#257;gavata
+Pur&#257;&#7751;a</i>, Bk. ix. c. 16,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_94" id="fnanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94">94</a></span> though here the harshness of the original
+version is somewhat softened.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_95" id="fnanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95">95</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The second story is found in the <i>V&#275;t&#257;lapa&ntilde;cavi&#7747;s'ati</i>, being the sixth
+of the "twenty-five tales of a corpse-demon," which are also found in
+the twelfth book of the <i>Kath&#257;sarits&#257;gara</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_96" id="fnanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96">96</a></span> It relates how
+Madanasundar&#299;, whose husband and brother-in-law had beheaded themselves
+in honor of Durg&#257;, is commanded by the goddess to restore the corpses to
+life by joining to each its own head, and how by mistake she
+interchanges these heads.</p>
+
+<p>The two stories were fused into one and so we get the legend in the form
+in which Sonnerat presents it. Goethe followed this form closely without
+inventing anything. He did, however, put into the poem an ethical
+content and a noble idea. Both the Indic ballads are a fervent plea for
+the innate nobility of humanity.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Here the influence of India on Goethe's work ends. The progress of
+Sanskrit studies could not fail to excite the interest of the poet whose
+boast was his cosmopolitanism,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_97" id="fnanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97">97</a></span> but <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>they did not incite him to
+production. For India's mythology, its religion and its abstrusest of
+philosophies he felt nothing but aversion. Especially hateful to him
+were the mythological monstrosities:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Und so will ich, ein f&uuml;r allemal,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Keine Bestien in dem G&ouml;ttersaal!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Die leidigen Elephantenr&uuml;ssel,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Das umgeschlungene Schlangengen&uuml;ssel,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Tief Urschildkr&ouml;t' im Weltensumpf,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Viel K&ouml;nigsk&ouml;pf' auf einem Rumpf,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Die m&uuml;ssen uns zur Verzweiflung bringen,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Wird sie nicht reiner Ost verschlingen.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_98" id="fnanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98">98</a></span><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Goethe classed Indic antiquities with those of Egypt and China, and his
+attitude towards the question of their value is distinctly expressed in
+one of his prose proverbs: "Chinesische, Indische, Aegyptische
+Altert&uuml;mer sind immer nur Curiosit&auml;ten: es ist sehr wohl gethan, sich
+und die Welt damit bekannt zu machen; zu sittlicher und aesthetischer
+Bildung aber werden sie uns wenig fruchten."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_99" id="fnanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99">99</a></span></p>
+
+<p>After all, Goethe's Orient did not extend beyond the Indus. It was
+confined mainly to Persia and Arabia, with an occasional excursion into
+Turkey.</p>
+
+<p>To this Orient he turned at the time of Germany's deepest political
+degradation, when the best part of its soil was overrun by a foreign
+invader, and when the whole nation nerved itself for the life and death
+struggle that was to break its chains. The aged poet shrank from the
+tumult and strife about him and took refuge in the East. The opening
+lines of the first Divan poem express the motive of this poetical
+<i>Hegire</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The history of the composition of the <i>Divan</i> is too well known to
+require repetition. It is given with great detail in the editions
+prepared by von Loeper and D&uuml;ntzer.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_100" id="fnanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100">100</a></span> Suffice it to say that the
+direct impulse to the composition of the work was the appearance, in
+1812, of the first complete version of Persia's greatest lyric poet
+<span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, by the famous Viennese Orientalist von Hammer. The bulk of the
+poems were written <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>between the years 1814 and 1819,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_101" id="fnanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101">101</a></span> although in
+the work as we now have it a number of poems are included which arose
+later than 1819 and were added to the editions of 1827 and 1837.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_102" id="fnanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102">102</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The idea of dividing the collection into books was suggested by the fact
+that two of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;'s longer poems bear the titles &#1605;&#1594;&#1606;&#1740; &#1606;&#1575;&#1605;&#1607;&#1548; &#1587;&#1575;&#1602;&#1740; &#1606;&#1575;&#1605;&#1607;,
+i.e. "book of the cup-bearer" and "book of the minstrel," as well as by
+the seven-fold division which Sir William Jones had made of Oriental
+poetry.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_103" id="fnanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103">103</a></span> For the heroic there was no material, nor were some of the
+other divisions suitable for Goethe's purpose. So only the <i>Buch der
+Liebe</i> and the <i>Buch des Unmuts</i> (to correspond to satire) could be
+formed. Other books were formed in an analogous manner until they were
+twelve in number. The poet originally intended to make them of equal
+length, but this intention he never carried out, and so they are of very
+unequal extent, the longest being that of <i>Suleika</i> (53 poems) and the
+shortest those of Timur and of the Parsi (two poems each).</p>
+
+<p>The great majority of the Divan-poems are not in any sense translations
+or reproductions, but entirely original compositions inspired by the
+poet's Oriental reading and study. The thoroughness and earnestness of
+these studies is attested by the explanatory notes which were added to
+the <i>Divan</i> and were published with it in 1819,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_104" id="fnanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104">104</a></span> and which show
+conclusively, that, although Goethe could not read Persian poetry in the
+original, he nevertheless succeeded admirably in entering into its
+spirit.</p>
+
+<p>We have mentioned Hammer's translation of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; as the direct impulse
+to the composition of the <i>Divan</i>. It was also the principal source from
+which the poet drew his inspiration for the work. A single verse would
+often furnish a theme for a poem. Sometimes this poem would be a
+translation, e.g. "Eine Stelle suchte der Liebe Schmerz," p. 54 (<span class="u">H</span>.
+356. 8); but more often it was a very free paraphrase, e.g. the motto
+prefixed to <i>Buch Hafis</i>, a variation of the motto to Hammer's <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>version
+(<span class="u">H</span>. 222. 9). As an example of how a single verse is developed into an
+original poem we may cite "&Uuml;ber meines Liebchens &Auml;ugeln," p. 55, where
+the first stanza is a version of <span class="u">H</span>. 221. 1, all the others being free
+invention. Other Persian poets besides <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; also furnished material.
+Thus the opening passage of Sa&#699;d&#299;'s <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> was used for "Im
+Athemholen," p. 10, where the sense, however, is altered and the line
+"So sonderbar ist das Leben gemischt" is added. A number of poems are
+based on the <i>Pand N&#257;mah</i> of &#699;A&#7789;&#7789;&#257;r, e.g. pp. 58, 60,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_105" id="fnanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105">105</a></span> and two are
+taken from Firdaus&#299;, namely "Firdusi spricht," p. 75 (Sh. N. i. p. 62,
+couplet 538; Mohl, i. 84; Fundgruben. ii. 64) and "Was machst du an der
+Welt?" p. 96 (Sh. N. i. p. 482, coupl. 788, 789; <i>Red.</i> p. 58). But it
+was not only the poetical works of Persia that were laid under
+contribution; sayings, anecdotes, descriptions, remarks of any kind in
+books of travel and the like were utilized as well. Thus Hammer in the
+preface to his version of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; relates the <i>fatv&#257;</i> or judgment which a
+famous <i>muft&#299;</i> of Constantinople pronounced on the poems of the great
+singer, and this gave Goethe the idea for his "Fetwa," p. 32.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_106" id="fnanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106">106</a></span> In
+the same preface<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_107" id="fnanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107">107</a></span> is related the well known reply which <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; is
+reported to have given to Timur, when called to account by the latter
+for the sentiment of the first couplet of the famous eighth ode, and
+this inspired the poem "H&auml;tt' ich irgend wol Bedenken," p. 133.
+Similarly "Vom heutigen Tag," p. 94, is based on the words of an
+inscription over a caravansery at Ispahan found in Chardin's book. The
+story of Bahr&#257;mg&#363;r and Dil&#257;r&#257;m inventing rhyme<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_108" id="fnanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108">108</a></span> gave rise to the
+poem "Behramgur, sagt man," p. 153. And so we might cite poems from
+other sources, <i>Qur&#257;n</i>, Jones' <i>Poeseos</i>, Diez' <i>Buch des Kabus</i>, etc.,
+but the examples we have given are sufficient to show how Goethe used
+his material.</p>
+
+<p>Throughout the <i>Divan</i> Persian similes and metaphors are copiously
+employed and help to create a genuine Oriental atmosphere. The adoration
+of the dust on the path of the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>beloved, p. 23 (cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 497. 10); the
+image of the candle that is consumed by the flame as the lover is by
+yearning, p. 54 (cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 414. 4); the love of the nightingale for the
+rose, p. 125 (cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 318. 1); the lover captive in the maiden's
+tresses, p. 46 (cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 338. 1); the arrows of the eye lashes, p. 129
+(cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 173. 2); the verses strung together like pearls, p. 193 (cf.
+<span class="u">H</span>. 499. 11), are some of the peculiarly Persian metaphors that occur.
+Allusions to the loves of Y&#363;suf and Zal&#299;&#967;&#257;, of La&#299;l&#257; and Majn&#363;n and of
+other Oriental couples are repeatedly brought in. Moreover, a whole book
+is devoted to the <i>s&#257;q&#299;</i> so familiar to students of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, and Goethe
+does not shrink from alluding to the subject of boy-love, p. 181.</p>
+
+<p>A great many of the poems, however, do not owe their inspiration to the
+Orient, and many are completely unoriental. Such are, for instance,
+those of the <i>Randsch Namah</i>, expressing, as they do, Goethe's opinions
+on contemporary literary and aesthetic matters. Again, many are inspired
+by personal experiences, and, as is now well known, the whole <i>Buch
+Suleika</i> owes its origin to the poet's love for Marianne von Willemer;
+some of its finest poems have been proved to have been written by this
+gifted lady. Such poems, written under the impressions of some actual
+occurrence, were sometimes subsequently orientalized. Some striking
+illustrations of this are given by Burdach in the essay which we cited
+before and to which we refer.</p>
+
+<p>As the <i>Divan</i> was an original work, though inspired by Oriental
+sources, Goethe did not feel the necessity of imitating the extremely
+artificial forms of his Oriental models. Besides, he knew of these forms
+only indirectly through the work of Jones. What Hammer's versions could
+teach him on this point was certainly very little. Perhaps he did not
+realize what an essential element form is in Persian poetry, that, in
+fact, it generally predominates over the thought, and this so much that
+the unity of a <i>&#947;azal</i> is entirely dependent on the recurrence of the
+rhyme. Instead of such recurrent rhyme he employs changing rhyme and
+free strophes. Only twice does he attempt anything like an imitation of
+the <i>&#947;azal</i>, but in neither case does he satisfy the technical rules of
+this poetic form.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_109" id="fnanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109">109</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>From all this we see that Goethe in the <i>Divan</i> preserves his poetic
+independence. He remains a citizen of the West, though he chooses to
+dwell for a time in the East. As a rule he takes from there only what he
+finds congenial to his own nature. So we can understand his attitude
+towards mysticism. He has no love for it; it was utterly incompatible
+with his own habit of clear thinking. Speaking of R&#363;m&#299;, the prince of
+mystics, he doubts if this poet could give a clear account of his own
+doctrine;<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_110" id="fnanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110">110</a></span> the grades by which, according to <span class="u">S</span>&#363;f&#299;-doctrine, man
+rises to ultimate union with the Godhead he calls follies.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_111" id="fnanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111">111</a></span>
+Therefore to him <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; was the singer of real love, real roses and real
+wine, and this conception of the great lyric poet was also adopted by
+all the later Hafizian singers.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_112" id="fnanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112">112</a></span> Unfortunately it cannot be said
+that it is quite correct. For even if we ignore the mystical
+interpretation which Oriental commentators give to the wine of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;,
+we cannot possibly ignore the fact that the love of which he sings is
+never the ideal love for woman, but mostly the love for a handsome
+boy.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_113" id="fnanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113">113</a></span></p>
+
+<p>With the <i>Divan</i> Goethe inaugurated the Oriental movement in German
+poetry, which R&uuml;ckert, Platen and Bodenstedt carried to its culmination.
+These later Hafizian singers remembered gratefully what they owed the
+sage of Weimar. R&uuml;ckert pays his tribute to him in the opening poem of
+his <i>&Ouml;stliche Rosen</i>, where he hails him as lord of the East as he has
+been the star of the West.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_114" id="fnanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114">114</a></span> And Platen offers to him reverentially
+his first <i>Ghaselen</i>:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Der Orient sei neu bewegt,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Soll nicht nach dir die Welt vern&uuml;chtern,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Du selbst, du hast's in uns erregt:<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">So nimm hier, was ein J&uuml;ngling sch&uuml;chtern<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">In eines Greisen H&auml;nde legt.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_115" id="fnanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115">115</a></span><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The poetic spirit of the Orient had been brought into German literature;
+it was reserved for R&uuml;ckert and Platen to complete the work by bringing
+over also the poetic forms.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86" href="#fnanchor_86">86</a></span> Asia, Oder: Ausf&uuml;hrliche Beschreibung, etc. See Benfey, Orient u.
+Occident, i. p. 721, note.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87" href="#fnanchor_87">87</a></span> See D&uuml;ntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz. 1882, p. 68.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88" href="#fnanchor_88">88</a></span> This information is given by D&uuml;ntzer in his Goethe ed. (KDNL. vol.
+82), vol. i. p. 167, note. The French ed. of Sonnerat, Paris, 1783, does
+not contain the story. The German version to which D&uuml;ntzer refers has
+not been accessible to me.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89" href="#fnanchor_89">89</a></span> Roger, De Open-Deure, Leyden, 1651, pp. 166, 167, chap. xi.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90" href="#fnanchor_90">90</a></span> It is to be noted that in Sanskrit literature <i>d&#275;v&#275;ndra</i> is an
+epithet of &#346;iva as well as of Indra.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91" href="#fnanchor_91">91</a></span> Voyage aux Indes et &agrave; la Chine, Paris, 1782, i. 244 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92" href="#fnanchor_92">92</a></span> See Benfey, Goethes Gedicht Legende und dessen indisches Vorbild in
+Or. u. Occ. i. 719-732. Benfey erroneously supposes the material of the
+poem to have been derived from Dapper.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93" href="#fnanchor_93">93</a></span> Bombay edition; cf. also Engl. trans. of Mah&#257;bh. ed. Roy, vol. iii.
+p. 358 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94" href="#fnanchor_94">94</a></span> Nir&#7751;. S&#257;g. Press ed. Bomb. 1898, p. 407 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. in
+Wealth of India ed. Dutt, Calc. 1895, pp. 62, 63.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95" href="#fnanchor_95">95</a></span> For other Sanskrit sources see Petersb. Lex. sub voce <i>r&#275;nuk&#257;</i>.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96" href="#fnanchor_96">96</a></span> Nir&#7751;. S&#257;g. Press ed., Bombay, 1889, p. 481 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr.
+by Tawney, vol. ii. p. 261 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97" href="#fnanchor_97">97</a></span> See for instance his discussion of &#346;akuntal&#257;, G&#299;tag&#333;vinda and
+M&#275;ghad&#363;ta in Indische Dichtung, written 1821. Vol. 29, p. 809.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98" href="#fnanchor_98">98</a></span> Vol. ii. p. 352.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99" href="#fnanchor_99">99</a></span> Spr&uuml;che in Prosa, vol. 19, p. 112.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100" href="#fnanchor_100">100</a></span> See also Konrad Burdach, Goethe's West-&Ouml;stlicher Divan, Goethe
+Jahrbuch, vol. xvii. Appendix.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101" href="#fnanchor_101">101</a></span> More than 200 poems out of 284 date from the years 1814, 1815
+alone. Loeper in vol. vi. preface, p. xxviii.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102" href="#fnanchor_102">102</a></span> Loeper, ibid. p. xv.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103" href="#fnanchor_103">103</a></span> Poeseos, The Works of Sir William Jones, ed. Lord Teignmouth,
+London, 1807, vol. vi. chapters 12-18.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104" href="#fnanchor_104">104</a></span> Based mainly on information contained in Hammer's Gesch. der
+sch&ouml;nen Redek&uuml;nste Persiens, Wien, 1818.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105" href="#fnanchor_105">105</a></span> Given in Fundgruben des Orients, Wien, 1809, vol. ii. pp. 222,
+495, in the French translation of de Sacy.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106" href="#fnanchor_106">106</a></span> Op. cit. p. xxxiv.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107" href="#fnanchor_107">107</a></span> Ibid. pp. xvi, xvii.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108" href="#fnanchor_108">108</a></span> Red. p. 35; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, Torino, 1894,
+vol. i. p. 7. This story inspired also the scene between Helena and
+Faust. Faust, Act iii. See D&uuml;ntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz., 1882, ii. p.
+216.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109" href="#fnanchor_109">109</a></span> In tausend Formen, p. 169; Sie haben wegen der Trunkenheit, p.
+178.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110" href="#fnanchor_110">110</a></span> Noten u. Abhandlungen, p. 260.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111" href="#fnanchor_111">111</a></span> Ibid. p. 264.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112" href="#fnanchor_112">112</a></span> That Goethe knew of the mystic interpretation to which <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; is
+subjected by Oriental commentators is evident from "Offenbar Geheimnis,"
+p. 38, and from the next poem "Wink," p. 39.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113" href="#fnanchor_113">113</a></span> See Paul Horn, Was verdanken wir Persien?, in Nord u. S&uuml;d, Sept.
+1900, p. 389.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114" href="#fnanchor_114">114</a></span> R&uuml;ckert's Werke, vol. v. 286.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115" href="#fnanchor_115">115</a></span> Platen, Werke, i. p. 255.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2>
+
+<h3>SCHILLER.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Schiller's Interest in &#346;akuntal&#257;&mdash;Turandot.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>While the Orient, as we have seen, cast its spell over Germany's
+greatest poet and inspired the lyric genius of his later years for one
+of its most remarkable efforts, it remained practically without any
+influence on his illustrious friend and brother-poet Schiller. If
+Schiller had lived longer, it is not impossible that he too might have
+contributed to the West-Eastern literature. As it is, however, he died
+before the Oriental movement in Germany had really begun. At no time did
+he feel any particular interest in the East. Once, indeed, he mentions
+<i>&#346;akuntal&#257;</i>. Goethe had drawn his attention to a German version of the
+<i>G&#299;tag&#333;vinda</i> and this reminded Schiller of the famous Hindu drama which
+he read with the idea of possibly utilizing it for the theatre.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_116" id="fnanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116">116</a></span>
+This idea he abandons owing to the delicacy of the piece and its lack of
+movement.</p>
+
+<p>An attempt has been made to prove that to K&#257;lid&#257;sa's drama Schiller was
+indebted for the motive of his "Alpenj&auml;ger," but it cannot be said to
+have been successful.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_117" id="fnanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117">117</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Though there was no direct Oriental influence on Schiller's poetry,
+there is one dramatic poem of his which indirectly goes back to a
+Persian source. It is <i>Turandot</i>. The direct source for this composition
+was Gozzi's play of the same name in the translation of August Clemens
+Werthes, which Schiller, however, used with such freedom that his own
+play may be regarded as an original production rather than a version.
+The Italian poet based his <i>fiaba</i> on the story of Prince Kalaf in the
+Persian tales of P&eacute;tis de La Croix.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_118" id="fnanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118">118</a></span> Now, as has <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>been pointed out
+by scholars,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_119" id="fnanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119">119</a></span> the name of the heroine, who gives the name to the
+play, is genuinely Persian, <i>T&#363;r&#257;n-du&#967;t</i>, "the daughter of T&#363;r&#257;n,"<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_120" id="fnanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120">120</a></span>
+and although the scene is laid in China, most of the proper names, both
+in Gozzi and Schiller, are not at all Chinese, but Persian or Arabic.
+The oldest known model for the story is the fourth romance of Nid&#257;m&#299;'s
+<i>Haft Pa&#299;kar</i>, the story of Bahr&#257;mg&#363;r and the Russian princess, written
+1197.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_121" id="fnanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121">121</a></span> Whether Schiller was aware of the ultimate origin of the
+legend or not, he certainly made no attempt to give Persian local color
+to his piece, but on the contrary he studiously tried to impart to it a
+Chinese atmosphere.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_122" id="fnanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122">122</a></span> It is interesting nevertheless to notice that
+when <i>Turandot</i> was given at Hamburg (July 9 to Sept. 9, 1802) its real
+provenence was recognized, and, accordingly Turandot was no longer the
+princess of China, but that of Sh&#299;r&#257;z, her father being transformed into
+the Sh&#257;h of Persia and the doctors of the <i>d&#299;v&#257;n</i> into Oriental
+Magi.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_123" id="fnanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123">123</a></span> At Dresden the same thing happened, and here even Tartaglia
+and Brigella, who had been allowed to retain their Italian names in
+Hamburg, were made to assume the Oriental names of Babouk and Osmin. The
+specifically Chinese riddles disappeared, and instead of Tien and Fohi,
+Hormuz was now invoked.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_124" id="fnanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124">124</a></span></p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116" href="#fnanchor_116">116</a></span> A Letter dated from Weimar, Feb. 20, 1802. Briefwechsel zwischen
+Schiller u. Goethe. Stuttg. (Cotta) s. A., vol. iv. p. 98.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117" href="#fnanchor_117">117</a></span> W. Sauer in Korrespondenzblatt f. d. Gelehrten u. Realschulen
+W&uuml;rttembergs, XL. pp. 297-304. Against this view Ernst M&uuml;ller in
+Zeitschr. f&uuml;r vgl. Litteraturgesch., Neue Folge, viii. pp. 271-278.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118" href="#fnanchor_118">118</a></span> Les Mille et Un Jours, tr. P&eacute;tis de La Croix, ed.
+Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, Paris, 1843, p. 69 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119" href="#fnanchor_119">119</a></span> Hammer, Red. p. 116; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, p. 429.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120" href="#fnanchor_120">120</a></span> Cf. name of Mihr&#257;b's wife, S&#299;ndu&#967;t, Sh. N. tr. Mohl i. p. 192 et
+passim; P&#363;r&#257;ndu&#967;t, daughter of Xusrau Parv&#299;z, M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd tr. Rehatsek,
+vol. i. p. 403.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121" href="#fnanchor_121">121</a></span> See Eth&eacute;, Gesch. der pers. Litt. in Grdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. p
+242.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122" href="#fnanchor_122">122</a></span> See Albert K&ouml;ster's essay on Turandot in Schiller als Dramaturg,
+Berl. 1891, p. 201.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123" href="#fnanchor_123">123</a></span> K&ouml;ster, op. cit. p. 212.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124" href="#fnanchor_124">124</a></span> Ibid. p. 213.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2>
+
+<h3>THE SCHLEGELS.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier&mdash;Foundation of
+Sanskrit Study in Germany.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>We have now come to the period of the foundation of Sanskrit philology
+in Germany. English statesmanship had completed the material conquest of
+India; German scholarship now began to join in the spiritual conquest of
+that country. With this undertaking the names of Friedrich and August
+Wilhelm Schlegel are prominently identified. The chief work of these
+brothers lies in the field of philosophy, translation and criticism, and
+is therefore beyond the scope of this investigation. Suffice it to say
+that Friedrich's famous little book <i>Die Weisheit der Indier</i>, published
+in 1808, besides marking the beginning of Sanskrit studies and
+comparative grammar in Germany,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_125" id="fnanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125">125</a></span> is also of interest to us because
+here for the first time a German version of selections from the
+<i>Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata</i>, <i>R&#257;m&#257;ya&#7751;a</i> and the <i>Code of Manu</i>, as well as a
+description of some of the most common Sanskrit metres is
+presented,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_126" id="fnanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126">126</a></span> and an attempt is even made to reproduce these metres in
+the translation. The work of August Wilhelm Schlegel as critic,
+translator and editor of important works from Sanskrit literature is too
+familiar to need more than mention.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_127" id="fnanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127">127</a></span> It is well known that to his
+lectures Heine owed his fondness for the lotus-flowers and gazelles on
+the banks of the Ganges.</p>
+
+<p>On the poetry of the Schlegels their Oriental studies exercised very
+little influence. Friedrich translated some maxims from the <i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i>
+and from Bhart&#7771;hari;<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_128" id="fnanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128">128</a></span> August likewise translated from the same
+works, as well as from the Epics <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>and Pur&#257;&#7751;as.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_129" id="fnanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129">129</a></span> There are only two
+original poems of his that have anything to do with India, and both of
+these were written before he had begun the study of Sanskrit. The first
+is "Die Bestattung des Braminen,"<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_130" id="fnanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130">130</a></span> a somewhat morbid description of
+the burning of a corpse. It was addressed to his brother Karl August,
+who had joined a Hanoverian regiment in the service of the East India
+Company. The second of these poems is "Neoptolemus an Diokles" (ii. 13),
+written in 1800, and dedicated to the memory of this same brother who
+had died at Madras in 1789.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_131" id="fnanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131">131</a></span> As a matter of fact, there is really
+nothing Oriental in the spirit of the poem.</p>
+
+<p>Aside from translations, the only poems that are connected with
+Schlegel's Sanskrit studies, are the epigrams against his illustrious
+contemporaries, Bopp and R&uuml;ckert. Those against the former (ii. 234) are
+of no special interest here. With those against R&uuml;ckert, however, the
+case is different. It is worth while noting that towards the
+distinguished scholar-poet Schlegel assumed a patronizing attitude. To
+R&uuml;ckert's masterly renderings from Sanskrit literature he referred
+slightingly as "Sanskritpoesiemetriknachahmungen" (ii. 235). But when he
+hailed the younger poet as</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Aller morgenl&auml;nd'schen Z&auml;une K&ouml;nig,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Wechselsweise zeisigkranicht&ouml;nig! (ii. 218),<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>he came much nearer to the truth than he imagined at the time. For,
+while it will be conceded that R&uuml;ckert did not always sing with equal
+power, it also is indisputable that he is the leading spirit in the
+movement under investigation. But we shall not anticipate a discussion
+of this poet's work, which is reserved for a succeeding chapter.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125" href="#fnanchor_125">125</a></span> See Benfey, Gesch. der Sprachwissenschaft und orient. Philologie
+in Deutschland, M&uuml;nchen, 1869, pp. 361-369.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126" href="#fnanchor_126">126</a></span> The <i>&#347;l&#333;ka</i>, the <i>tri&#7779;&#7789;ubh</i> and the <i>jagati</i> metre are described,
+the last two, however, not by name. N&#257;rada's speech, p. 236, is in
+<i>&#347;l&#333;ka</i>, 16 syllables to the line; the first distich, p. 233, is in
+<i>tri&#7779;&#7789;ubh</i>, 22 syllables to the line. Quantity of course is ignored.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127" href="#fnanchor_127">127</a></span> See Benfey, op. cit. pp. 379-405.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128" href="#fnanchor_128">128</a></span> Friedr. Schlegel, S&auml;mmtliche Werke, Wien, 1846. vol. ii. p. 82
+seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129" href="#fnanchor_129">129</a></span> Aug. W. Schlegel, S&auml;mmtliche Werke. Leipz. 1846. vol. iii. p. 7
+seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130" href="#fnanchor_130">130</a></span> Ibid. i. p. 82.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131" href="#fnanchor_131">131</a></span> Friedr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, pref. pp. xii, xiii. See
+also prefatory remarks to the poem in question.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.</h2>
+
+<h3>PLATEN.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">His Oriental Studies&mdash;Ghaselen&mdash;Their Persian
+Character&mdash;Imitation of Persian Form&mdash;Translations.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>The first to introduce the <i>&#947;azal</i> in its strict form into German
+literature<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_132" id="fnanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132">132</a></span> was R&uuml;ckert, who in 1821 published a version of a number
+of <i>&#947;azals</i> from the <i>d&#299;v&#257;n</i> of R&#363;m&#299;.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_133" id="fnanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133">133</a></span> Chronologically, therefore,
+he ought to have the precedence in this investigation. If we,
+nevertheless, take up Platen first, we do so because the <i>&#947;azals</i> of
+this poet were really the first professedly original poems of this form
+to appear in Germany (R&uuml;ckert's claiming to be versions only), and also
+because they constitute almost the only portion of his poetic work that
+comes within the sphere of this discussion. Moreover, the remarks which
+we shall make concerning their content, imagery, and poetic structure,
+apply largely to the <i>&#947;azals</i> of R&uuml;ckert and also to his <i>&Ouml;stliche
+Rosen</i>, if we except the structure of the latter.</p>
+
+<p>Platen became interested in the East through the work of Hammer, and
+still more through the influence of Goethe's <i>Divan</i>. He at once set to
+work studying Persian, and his zeal was increased when, on meeting
+R&uuml;ckert in 1820 at Ebern, and again at N&uuml;rnberg, he received
+encouragement and instruction from that scholarly poet. Above all, the
+appearance of the latter's versions from R&#363;m&#299; gave him a powerful
+stimulus, and in 1821 the first series of his <i>Ghaselen</i> appeared at
+Erlangen. Others followed in rapid succession. The same year a second
+series appeared at Leipzig;<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_134" id="fnanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134">134</a></span> a third series, united under the title
+<i>Spiegel des Hafis</i>, appeared at Erlangen the next year;<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_135" id="fnanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135">135</a></span> and,
+lastly, a series called <i>Neue Ghaselen</i> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>appeared in the same place in
+1823. A few <i>&#947;azals</i> arose later, some being published as late as 1836
+and 1839.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_136" id="fnanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136">136</a></span></p>
+
+<p>We shall confine our discussion to those <i>&#947;azals</i> that date from the
+years 1821 and 1822, the last series being Persian in nothing but form.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Ghaselen</i> are not at all translations. Like the <i>Divan</i>-poems they
+are original creations, inspired by the reading of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, and, to use
+the poet's own words "dem Hafis nachgef&uuml;hlt und nachgedichtet."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_137" id="fnanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137">137</a></span>
+They follow as closely as possible the Persian metrical rules, and make
+use throughout of Persian images and metaphors, so much so that we can
+adduce direct parallels from the poems of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;. Thus in 13<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_138" id="fnanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138">138</a></span> we
+read: "Schenke! Tulpen sind wie Kelche Weines," evidently a parallel to
+some such line as <span class="u">H</span>. 541. 1:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1587;&#1575;&#1602;&#1740; &#1576;&#1610;&#1575; &#1705;&#1607; &#1588;&#1583; &#1602;&#1583;&#1581; &#1604;&#1575;&#1604;&#1607; &#8205;&#8205; &#1662;&#1585; &#1586; &#1605;&#1740;</p></div>
+
+<p>"<i>s&#257;q&#299;</i>, come! for the tulip-like goblet is filled with wine." In 75 the
+words "Weil ihren goldnen Busen doch vor euch verschliesst die Rose" are
+an echo of <span class="u">H</span>. 300. 2:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1670;&#1608;&#1594;&#1606;&#1670;&#1607; &#1587;&#1585;&#1612; &#1583;&#1585;&#1608;&#1606;&#1588; &#1705;&#1580;&#1575; &#1606;&#1607;&#1575;&#1606; &#1605;&#1575;&#1606;&#1583;</p></div>
+
+<p>"like the rose-bud, how can its inward secret remain concealed?" (cf.
+also <span class="u">H</span>. 23. 3). And again in 85 "Und nun ... entrinnet dem Herzen das
+Blut leicht, das sonst mir den Odem benahm" is to be compared with <span class="u">H</span>.
+11. 9:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1583;&#1604; &#1583;&#1585;&#1583;&#1605;&#1606;&#1583; &#1581;&#1575;&#1601;&#1592; &#1705;&#1607; &#1586;&#1607;&#1580;&#1585;&#1578;&#1587;&#1578; &#1662;&#1585; &#1582;&#1608;&#1606;</p></div>
+
+<p>"the sorrowful heart of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, which through separation from thee is
+full of blood." Furthermore in 81 we read:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Du fingst im lieblichen Trugnetz der Haare die ganze Welt,&mdash;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Als spiegelhaltende Sklavin gewahre die ganze Welt!<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>For the first line compare <span class="u">H</span>. 102. 1:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1705;&#1587;  &#1606;&#1610;&#1587;&#1578; &#1705;&#1607; &#1575;&#1601;&#1578;&#1575;&#1583;&#1607;&#1611; &#1570;&#1606; &#1586;&#1604;&#1601; &#1583;&#1608;&#1578;&#1575; &#1606;&#1610;&#1587;&#1578;</p></div>
+
+<p>"there is no one who has not been snared by that doubled tress," and for
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
+the second line compare <span class="u">H</span>. 470. 1:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1740; &#1570;&#1601;&#1578;&#1575;&#1576; &#1570;&#1610;&#1606;&#1607; &#1583;&#1575;&#1585; &#1580;&#1605;&#1575;&#1604; &#1578;&#1608;</p></div>
+
+<p>"O, thou of whose beauty the sun is the mirror-holder!" In 86 the idea
+of the young men slain like game by the beauty of the beloved is
+evidently inspired by <span class="u">H</span>. 358. 6:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1606;&#1575;&#1608;&#1705; &#1670;&#1588;&#1605; &#1578;&#1608; &#1583;&#1585; &#1607;&#1585; &#1711;&#1608;&#1588;&#1607;&#1611;<br />
+&#1607;&#1605;&#1670;&#1608; &#1605;&#1606; &#1575;&#1601;&#1578;&#1575;&#1583;&#1607; &#1583;&#1575;&#1585;&#1583; &#1589;&#1583; &#1602;&#1578;&#1610;&#1604;</p></div>
+
+<p>"in every nook thine eye has a hundred slain ones fallen like me," and
+the following lines in the same poem 86:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">O welche Pfeile strahlt zu mir dein Antlitz,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und es befreit kein Schild von deiner Sch&ouml;nheit,<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>remind us of <span class="u">H</span>. 561. 7:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1670;&#1588;&#1605; &#1578;&#1608; &#1582;&#1583;&#1606;&#1711; &#1575;&#1586; &#1587;&#1662;&#1585; &#1580;&#1575;&#1606; &#1711;&#1584;&#1585;&#1575;&#1606;&#1583;</p>
+
+<p>"thine eye causes the arrow (lit. poplar) to pass through the shield of
+life."</p></div>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Again and again we meet with allusions to the famous image of the love
+of the nightingale for the rose (35, 75, etc.) so common in Persian
+poetry, especially in <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;. We cite only 318. 1:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1601;&#1705;&#1585; &#1576;&#1604;&#1576;&#1604; &#1607;&#1605;&#1607; &#1570;&#1606;&#1587;&#1578; &#1705;&#1607; &#1711;&#1604; &#1588;&#1583; &#1610;&#1575;&#1585;&#1588;
+&#1711;&#1604; &#1583;&#1585; &#1575;&#1606;&#1583;&#1610;&#1588;&#1607; &#1705;&#1607; &#1670;&#1608;&#1606; &#1593;&#1588;&#1608;&#1607; &#1705;&#1606;&#1583; &#1583;&#1585; &#1705;&#1575;&#1585;&#1588;</p></div>
+
+<p>"the whole thought of the nightingale is that the rose may be his
+beloved; the rose has in her thought how she may show grace in her
+actions." In 302. 1 the nightingale is called &#1593;&#1585;&#1608;&#1587; &#1711;&#1604; "the rose's
+bride."</p>
+
+<p>Besides this, the poems teem with characteristic Persian metaphors: the
+moth longing for the flame (37, <span class="u">H</span>. 187. 7); the tulip-bed glowing like
+fire (67, <span class="u">H</span>. 288. 1); the tulip-cheek &#1604;&#1575;&#1604;&#1607; &#1593;&#1584;&#1575;&#1585; (whence Moore's <i>Lalla
+Rookh</i>), &#1604;&#1575;&#1604;&#1607; &#1585;&#1615;&#1582; (70, <span class="u">H</span>. 155. 2); the musk-perfumed hair &#1604;&#1575;&#1604;&#1607; &#1605;&#1588;&#1705;&#1610;&#1606;
+(73, <span class="u">H</span>. 33. 4); the garden of the face (73, <span class="u">H</span>. 33. 4); the pearl of
+Aden &#1583;&#1585;&#1612; &#1593;&#1583;&#1606; (77, <span class="u">H</span>. 197. 10 and 651); wine as a ruby in a golden cup
+(82, <span class="u">H</span>. 204. 8 &#1575;&#1610;&#1575; &#1662;&#1585; &#1604;&#1593;&#1604; &#1705;&#1585;&#1583;&#1607; &#1580;&#1575;&#1605; &#1586;&#1585;&#1612;&#1610;&#1606; "O thou, the golden cup is
+made full of ruby"); the eye-brows <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>like the crescent-moon (82, <span class="u">H</span>. 470.
+5 &#1575;&#1576;&#1585;&#1608;&#1740; &#1607;&#1605;&#1670;&#1608;&#1606; &#1607;&#1604;&#1575;&#1604; "brow like the new moon"); the dust on his love's
+threshold (83, <span class="u">H</span>. 497. 10 &#1582;&#1575;&#1705; &#1583;&#1585; &#1610;&#1575;&#1585;); the sky playing ball with the
+moon (14, inspired by some such couplet as <span class="u">H</span>. 409. 7); and the verses
+like pearls (43). For this compare <span class="u">H</span>. 499. 11:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1670;&#1608; &#1587;&#1604;&#1705; &#1583;&#1585;&#1612; &#1582;&#1608;&#1588;&#1575;&#1587;&#1578; &#1606;&#1592;&#1605; &#1662;&#1575;&#1705; &#1578;&#1608;&#1581;&#1575;&#1601;&#1592;</p></div>
+
+<p>"like a string of lustrous pearls is thy clear verse, O <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;." We
+might multiply such parallels, but those given bear out our statement in
+regard to the imitation of Persian rhetorical figures on the part of
+Platen.</p>
+
+<p>In the eagerness to be genuinely Persian, the poet was not content,
+however, with imitating only what was striking or beautiful; he
+introduces even some features which, though very prominent in Eastern
+poetry, will never become congenial to the West. Thus the utter
+abjectness of the Oriental lover, who puts his face in the path of his
+beloved and invites her (or him) to scatter dust on his head (<span class="u">H</span>. 148.
+3), is presented to us with all possible extravagance in these lines of
+87:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Sieh mich hier im Staub und setze deine Ferse mir auf's Haupt,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Mich, den letzten von den letzten deiner letzten Sklaven, sieh!<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_139" id="fnanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139">139</a></span><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>To the <i>s&#257;q&#299;</i> is assigned a part almost as prominent as that which is
+his in the Persian original. It was the introduction of this repulsive
+trait (e.g. 82) that gave to Heine the opportunity for the savage,
+scathing onslaught on Platen in the well known passage of the
+<i>Reisebilder</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_140" id="fnanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140">140</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Otherwise Platen, like Goethe, ignores the mystic side of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, and
+infuses into his <i>Ghaselen</i> a thoroughly bacchanalian spirit, taking
+frequent occasion to declaim against hypocrisy, fanaticism and the
+precepts of the <i>Qur&#257;n</i>. The <i>credo</i> of these poems is the opening
+<i>&#947;azal</i> in <i>Spiegel des Hafis</i> (64), where the line "Wir schw&ouml;ren ew'gen
+Leichtsinn und ew'ge Trunkenheit" may be taken to reflect the sentiment
+of the revelling Persian poet, who begs the <i><span class="u">s</span>&#363;f&#299;</i> not to forbid wine,
+since from <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>eternity it has been mingled with men's dust (<span class="u">H</span>. 61. 4);
+who claims to have been predestined to the tavern (<span class="u">H</span>. 20. 4); who asks
+indulgence if he turns aside from the mosque to the wine-house (<span class="u">H</span>. 213.
+4); who drinks his wine to the sound of the harp, feeling sure that God
+will forgive him (<span class="u">H</span>. 292. 5); who is above the reproach of the boasters
+of austerity (<span class="u">H</span>. 106. 3); and who, finally, asks that the cup be placed
+in his coffin so that he may drink from it on the day of resurrection
+(<span class="u">H</span>. 308. 8). But when Platen flings away the <i>Qur&#257;n</i> he certainly is
+not in accord with his Persian model, for, while <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; takes issue with
+the expounders of the sacred book, he discreetly refrains from assailing
+the book itself.</p>
+
+<p>But perhaps the chief significance of these <i>Ghaselen</i>, as well as those
+of R&uuml;ckert, lies in the fact that they introduced a new poetic form into
+German literature. It is astonishing to see how completely Platen has
+mastered this difficult form. The <i>rad&#299;f</i> or refrain, so familiar to
+readers of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, he reproduces with complete success, as may be seen,
+for instance, in 8, where the words "du liebst mich nicht" are repeated
+at the end of each couplet, preceded successively by <i>zerrissen</i>,
+<i>wissen</i>, <i>beflissen</i>, <i>gewissen</i>, <i>vermissen</i>, <i>Narzissen</i>, exactly in
+the style of such an ode as <span class="u">H</span>. 100. In those odes called <i>Spiegel des
+Hafis</i> the name <i>Hafis</i> is even regularly introduced into the last
+couplet, in accordance with the invariable rule of the Persian <i>&#947;azal</i>
+that the author's name must appear in the final couplet.</p>
+
+<p>Besides the <i>&#947;azal</i> Platen has also attempted the <i>rub&#257;&#699;&#299;</i> or quatrain,
+in which form he wrote twelve poems (<i>Werke</i>, ii. pp. 62-64), and the
+<i>qa<span class="u">s</span>&#299;dah</i>. Of this there is only one specimen, a panegyric (for such in
+most cases is the Persian <i>qa<span class="u">s</span>&#299;dah</i>) on Napoleon, and, as may therefore
+be imagined, of purely Occidental content.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_141" id="fnanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141">141</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Of Platen's translations from <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; we need not speak here. But we must
+call attention to the attempt which he made to translate from Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299;'s
+<i>Iskandar N&#257;mah</i> in the original <i>mutaq&#257;rib</i>-metre. The first eight
+couplets of the invocation are thus rendered, and in spite of the great
+difficulty attending the use of this metre in a European language, the
+rendering must be pronounced fairly successful. It is also faithful, as
+a comparison with the original shows. We cite the first two couplets
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
+from the Persian:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1582;&#1583;&#1575;&#1610;&#1575; &#1580;&#1607;&#1575;&#1606; &#1662;&#1575;&#1583;&#1588;&#1575;&#1607;&#1740; &#1578;&#1585;&#1575;&#1587;&#1578;<br />
+&#1586;&#1605;&#1575;&#1582;&#1583;&#1605;&#1578; &#1570;&#1610;&#1583;&#1582;&#1583;&#1575;&#1610;&#1740; &#1578;&#1585;&#1575;&#1587;&#1578;</p>
+
+<p>"O God, world-sovereignty is Thine! From us comes service, Godhead
+is Thine. The Protection of high and low Thou art! Everything is
+nonexistent; whatever is, Thou art."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_142" id="fnanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142">142</a></span></p></div>
+
+<p>Of other Oriental poems, not translations, we notice "Parsenlied,"
+dating from the year 1819, when Goethe's <i>Divan</i> appeared, and it is
+quite possible that the <i>Parsi Nameh</i> of that work suggested to Platen
+the composition of his poem.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_143" id="fnanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143">143</a></span> His best known ballad, "Harmosan,"
+written in 1830, has a Persian warrior for its hero. The source for the
+poem is probably Gibbon's <i>Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire</i> (chap.
+li.)<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_144" id="fnanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144">144</a></span></p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132" href="#fnanchor_132">132</a></span> We might say into European literature. The only previous attempts,
+as far as we know, to reproduce this form were made by Jones, who
+translated a ghazal of J&#257;m&#299; (Works, vol. ii. p. 501) into English, and
+by a certain Tommaso Chabert, who translated several ghazals of J&#257;m&#299;
+into Italian (Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 16-19).</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133" href="#fnanchor_133">133</a></span> In Taschenbuch f&uuml;r Damen, which was already published in 1820,
+thus establishing R&uuml;ckert's priority over Platen. See C. Beyer, Neue
+Mittheilungen &uuml;ber Friedrich R&uuml;ckert, Leipz. 1873, p. 14; also letter to
+Cotta, ibid. pp. 113, 114.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134" href="#fnanchor_134">134</a></span> Published in Lyrische Bl&auml;tter.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135" href="#fnanchor_135">135</a></span> In Vermischte Schriften.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136" href="#fnanchor_136">136</a></span> Platens Werke (Cotta), vol. ii. See p. 7, note, where information
+is given as to place and date of these poems.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137" href="#fnanchor_137">137</a></span> Dedication of Spiegel des Hafis to Otto von B&uuml;low, vol. i. p. 265.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138" href="#fnanchor_138">138</a></span> We cite the Ghaselen by the number in vol. ii. of the edition here
+used.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139" href="#fnanchor_139">139</a></span> Goethe protested against this Oriental feature. See Noten u. Abh.
+to his Divan, vol. iv. p. 273 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140" href="#fnanchor_140">140</a></span> Heines S&auml;mtliche Werke, ed. Born (Cotta), vol. vi. pp. 130 seq.
+Goethe in his comments on his Saki Nameh (op. cit. p. 307) emphasizes
+the purely pedagogical side of this relation of s&#257;q&#299; and master.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141" href="#fnanchor_141">141</a></span> Kasside, dated February 3, 1823, ii. p. 60.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142" href="#fnanchor_142">142</a></span> Lith. ed., Sh&#299;r&#257;z, A.H. 1312.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143" href="#fnanchor_143">143</a></span> The Divan appeared August, 1819. Platen's poem is dated Oct. 28,
+1819.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144" href="#fnanchor_144">144</a></span> See Studien zu Platen's Balladen, Herm. Stockhausen, Berl. (1898),
+pp. 50, 51, 53, 54.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.</h2>
+
+<h3>R&Uuml;CKERT.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">His Oriental Studies&mdash;Introduces the Ghasele&mdash;&Ouml;stliche Rosen;
+Imitations of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;&mdash;Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches&mdash;Morgenl&auml;ndische Sagen und Geschichten&mdash;Brahmanische
+Erz&auml;hlungen&mdash;Die Weisheit des Brahmanen&mdash;Other Oriental
+Poems.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>When speaking of the introduction of the <i>&#947;azal</i>-form into German
+literature mention was made of the name of the man who is unquestionably
+the central figure in the great Oriental movement which is occupying our
+attention. Combining the genius of the poet with the learning of the
+scholar, R&uuml;ckert was preeminently fitted to be the literary mediator
+between the East and the West. And his East was not restricted, as
+Goethe's or Platen's, to Arabia and Persia, but included India and even
+China. He is not only a devotee to the mystic poetry of R&#363;m&#299; and the
+joyous strain of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, but he is above all the German Brahman, who by
+masterly translations and imitations made the treasures of Sanskrit
+poetry a part of the literary wealth of his own country. To his
+productivity as poet and translator the long list of his works bears
+conclusive testimony. In this investigation, however, we shall confine
+ourselves to those of his original poems which are Oriental in origin or
+subject-matter. A discussion of the numerous translations cannot be
+undertaken in the limited space at our disposal.</p>
+
+<p>Like Goethe and Platen, R&uuml;ckert also owed to Hammer the impulse to
+Oriental study. His meeting with the famous Orientalist at Vienna, in
+1818,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_145" id="fnanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145">145</a></span> decided his future career. He at once took up the study of
+Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit, and with such success that in a few years
+he became one of the foremost Orientalists in Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The first fruit of these studies were the <i>Gaselen</i> which appeared in
+the <i>Taschenbuch f&uuml;r Damen</i>, 1821, the first poems <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>of this form in
+German literature.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_146" id="fnanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146">146</a></span> They have been generally regarded as
+translations from the <i>d&#299;v&#257;n</i> of R&#363;m&#299;, but this is true of only a
+limited number; and even these were probably not taken directly from the
+Persian, but from the versions given by Hammer in his <i>Redek&uuml;nste</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_147" id="fnanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147">147</a></span>
+As a matter of fact, only twenty-eight&mdash;less than one-half of the
+<i>Gaselen</i>,&mdash;can be identified with originals in Hammer's book, and a
+comparison of these with their models shows with what freedom the latter
+were handled.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_148" id="fnanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148">148</a></span> Furthermore in the opening poem, (a version of <i>Red.</i>
+p. 187, "So lang die Sonne") the last couplet:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Dschelaleddin nennt sich das Licht im Ost,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dess Wiederschein euch zeiget mein Gedicht,<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>is original with R&uuml;ckert, and clearly shows that he himself did not
+pretend to offer real translations. The majority of poems are simply
+original <i>&#947;azals</i> in R&#363;m&#299;'s manner.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Dschelaleddin, im Osten warst du der Salbenh&auml;ndler,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Ich habe nun die Bude im Westen aufgeschlagen.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_149" id="fnanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149">149</a></span><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>These lines, we believe, define very well the attitude which the poet of
+the West assumed toward his mystic brother in the East.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The series of <i>Ghaselen</i> signed Freimund and dated 1822 (third series in
+our edition) are not characteristically Persian. Hence we proceed at
+once to a consideration of the fourth series (p. 253 seq.), which we
+shall discuss together with the poems collected under the title of
+<i>&Ouml;stliche Rosen</i> (p. 289 seq.) from which they differ in nothing but the
+form. They were, besides, a part of the <i>&Ouml;stliche Rosen</i> as published
+originally at Leipzig, 1822.</p>
+
+<p>These poems are free reproductions or variations of Hafizian themes and
+motives. The spirit of revelry and intoxication finds here a much wilder
+and more bacchanalian expression than in the <i>Divan</i> of Goethe or the
+<i>Ghaselen</i> of Platen. <i>Carpe diem</i> is the sum and substance of the
+philosophy of such poems <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>as "Einladung" (p. 287) and "Lebensgn&uuml;ge" (p.
+293); their note is in thorough accord with <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, when he exclaims
+(<span class="u">H</span>. 525. 7):</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1587;&#1582;&#1606; &#1594;&#1610;&#1585; &#1605;&#1711;&#1608; &#1576;&#1575; &#1605;&#1606; &#1605;&#1593;&#1588;&#1608;&#1602;&#1607; &#1662;&#1585;&#1587;&#1578;<br />
+&#1705;&#1586; &#1608;&#1740; &#1608; &#1580;&#1575;&#1605; &#1605;&#1610;&#1605; &#1606;&#1610;&#1587;&#1578; &#1576;&#1705;&#1587; &#1662;&#1585;&#1608;&#1575;&#1610;&#1740;</p></div>
+
+<p>"to me, who worship the beloved, do not mention anything else; for
+except for her and my cup of wine, I care for none." We are admonished
+to leave alone idle talk on how and why ("Im Fr&uuml;hlingsthau," p. 261),
+for as <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; says (<span class="u">H</span>. 487. 11): "Our existence is an enigma, whereof
+the investigation is fraud and fable." The tavern is celebrated with as
+much enthusiasm (e.g. "Das Weinhaus," p. 290) as the &#1582;&#1585;&#1575;&#1576;&#1575;&#1578; to which
+<span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; was destined by God (<span class="u">H</span>. 492. 1). Monks and preachers are scored
+mercilessly (e.g. "Der Bussprediger," p. 255; "Dem Prediger," p. 295) as
+in <span class="u">H</span>. 430. 7:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1606;&#1575;&#1589;&#1581; &#1576;&#1591;&#1606;&#1586;&#1711;&#1601;&#1578; &#1581;&#1585;&#1575;&#1605;&#1587;&#1578; &#1605;&#1740; &#1605;&#1582;&#1608;&#1585;<br />
+&#1711;&#1601;&#1578;&#1605; &#1576;&#1670;&#1588;&#1605; &#1711;&#1608;&#1588; &#1576;&#1607;&#1585; &#1582;&#1585; &#1606;&#1605;&#1740; &#1705;&#1606;&#1605;</p>
+
+<p>"The admonisher spoke tauntingly: Wine is forbidden, do not drink!
+I said: On my eye (be it); I do not lend my ear to every ass."</p></div>
+
+<p>The characteristic Persian images and rhetorical figures, familiar to us
+from Platen, are also found here in still greater variety and number.
+Thus to mention some new ones, the soul is likened to a bird (p. 270,
+No. 29, cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 427. 5: &#1605;&#1585;&#1594; &#1585;&#1608;&#1581;&#1605;); the cypress is invoked to come to the
+brook (p. 336, cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 108. 3: &#1705;&#1607; &#1587;&#1585;&#1608; &#1587;&#1607;&#1740; &#1585;&#1575; &#1605;&#1602;&#1575;&#1605; &#1576;&#1585; &#1604;&#1576; &#1580;&#1608;&#1587;&#1578; "the place
+of the straight cypress is on the bank of the brook"); the rose-bush
+glows with the fire of Moses ("Gnosis," p. 350, cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 517. 2: &#1570;&#1578;&#1588; &#1605;&#1608;&#1587;&#1740;
+&#1606;&#1605;&#1608;&#1583; &#1711;&#1604; "the rose displays the fire of M&#363;s&#257;"); <i>Hafis</i> is an
+idol-worshipper (p. 305, "Liebesandacht," cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 439. 6, where &#1576;&#1578; &#1588;&#1610;&#1585;&#1610;&#1606;
+&#1581;&#1585;&#1705;&#1575;&#1578; "the idol of sweet motions" is addressed). We meet also the
+striking Oriental conception of the dust of the dead being converted
+into cups and pitchers. In "Von irdischer Herrlichkeit" (p. 257) the
+character "der alte Wirth" is the <i>p&#299;r</i> of <span class="u">H</span>. 4. 10 <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>et passim, and
+when speaking of the fate of Jam&#353;&#299;d, Sula&#299;m&#257;n and K&#257;&#699;us Ka&#299;, he says:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Von des Gl&uuml;ckrads h&ouml;chstem Gipfel warf der Tod in Staub sie,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und ein T&ouml;pfer nahm den Staub in Dienst des T&ouml;pferrades.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Diesen Becher formt' er draus, und gl&uuml;ht' ihn aus im Feuer.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nimm! aus edlen Sch&auml;deln trink und deiner Lust nicht schad' es!<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>This very striking thought, as is well known, is extremely common in
+Persian poetry. To cite from <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; (<span class="u">H</span>. 459. 4):</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1585;&#1608;&#1586;&#1740; &#1705;&#1607; &#1670;&#1585;&#1582; &#1575;&#1586; &#1711;&#1604; &#1605;&#1575; &#1711;&#1608;&#1586;&#1607;&#1575; &#1705;&#1606;&#1583;<br />
+&#1586;&#1606;&#1607;&#1575;&#1585; &#1705;&#1575;&#1587;&#1607;&#1611; &#1587;&#1585; &#1605;&#1575; &#1662;&#1585; &#1588;&#1585;&#1575;&#1576; &#1705;&#1606;</p>
+
+<p>"The day when the wheel (of fate) from our dust will make jugs,
+take care! make our skull (lit. the cup of the head) full of
+wine."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_150" id="fnanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150">150</a></span></p></div>
+
+<p>Some of the poems are versions, more or less free, of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;&mdash;passages,
+e.g. "Die verloren gegangene Sch&ouml;ne" (p. 290, <span class="u">H</span>. 268), "An die Sch&ouml;ne"
+(p. 308, <span class="u">H</span>. 160, couplets 2 and 5 being omitted), "Beschwichtigter
+Zweifel" (p. 310, <span class="u">H</span>. 430. 6), "Das harte Wort" (p. 350, <span class="u">H</span>. 77. 1 and
+2). Sometimes a theme is taken from <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; and then expanded, as in "Die
+Busse" (p. 346), where the first verse is a version of <span class="u">H</span>. 384. 1, the
+rest being original.</p>
+
+<p>Of course, reminiscences of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; are bound to be frequent. We shall
+point out only a few instances. "Nicht solltest du so, O Rose, vers&auml;umen
+die Nachtigall" ("Stimme der Sehnsucht," p. 256) is inspired by a verse
+like <span class="u">H</span>. 292. 2:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1575;&#1740; &#1711;&#1604; &#1576;&#1588;&#1705;&#1585; &#1570;&#1606; &#1705;&#1607; &#1578;&#1608;&#1610;&#1740; &#1662;&#1575;&#1583;&#1588;&#1575;&#1607; &#1581;&#1587;&#1606;<br />
+&#1576;&#1575; &#1576;&#1604;&#1576;&#1604;&#1575;&#1606; &#1593;&#1575;&#1588;&#1602; &#1588;&#1610;&#1583;&#1575; &#1605;&#1705;&#1606; &#1594;&#1585;&#1608;&#1585;</p>
+
+<p>"O rose, in thanks for that thou art the queen of beauty, display
+no arrogance towards nightingales madly in love."</p></div>
+
+<p>In "Zum neuen Jahr" (p. 260) the last lines:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Trag der Sch&ouml;nheit Koran im offenen Angesicht,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und ihm diene das Lied Hafises zum Kommentar<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
+are a parallel to <span class="u">H</span>. 10. 6:</p>
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1585;&#1608;&#1740; &#1582;&#1608;&#1576;&#1578; &#1570;&#1610;&#1578;&#1740; &#1575;&#1586; &#1604;&#1591;&#1601; &#1576;&#1585; &#1605;&#1575; &#1705;&#1588;&#1601; &#1705;&#1585;&#1583;<br />
+&#1586;&#1575;&#1606; &#1587;&#1576;&#1576; &#1580;&#1586; &#1604;&#1591;&#1601; &#1608; &#1582;&#1608;&#1576;&#1740; &#1606;&#1610;&#1587;&#1578; &#1583;&#1585; &#1578;&#1601;&#1587;&#1610;&#1585; &#1605;&#1575;</p>
+
+<p>"Thy beautiful face by its grace explained to us a verse of the
+<i>Qur&#257;n</i>; for that reason there is nothing in our commentary but
+grace and beauty."</p></div>
+
+<p>The opening lines of "Schmuck der Welt" (p. 260):</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Nicht bedarf der Schmink' ein sch&ouml;nes Angesicht.<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">So bedarf die Liebste meiner Liebe nicht<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>are distinctly reminiscent of <span class="u">H</span>. 8. 4:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1586;&#1593;&#1588;&#1602; &#1606;&#1575;&#1578;&#1605;&#1575;&#1605; &#1605;&#1575; &#1580;&#1605;&#1575;&#1604; &#1610;&#1575;&#1585; &#1605;&#1587;&#1578;&#1594;&#1606;&#1610;&#1587;&#1578;<br />
+&#1576;&#1570;&#1576; &#1608; &#1585;&#1606;&#1711; &#1608;&#1582;&#1575;&#1604; &#1608;&#1582;&#1591; &#1670;&#1607; &#1581;&#1575;&#1580;&#1578; &#1585;&#1608;&#1740; &#1586;&#1610;&#1576;&#1575; &#1585;&#1575;</p>
+
+<p>"Of our imperfect love the beauty of the beloved is independent.
+What need has a lovely face of lustre and dye and mole and line?"</p></div>
+
+<p>Like <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; (<span class="u">H</span>. 358. 11; 518. 7 et passim) R&uuml;ckert also boasts of his
+supremacy as a singer of love and wine ("Vom Lichte des Weines," p.
+273). Finally in "Frag und Antwort" (p. 258) he employs the form of the
+dialogue, the lines beginning alternately <i>Ich sprach</i>, <i>Sie sprach</i>,
+just as <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; does in Ode 136 or 194. The "Vierzeilen" (p. 361), while
+they have the <i>rub&#257;&#699;&#299;</i>-rhyme, are not versions. Only a few of them have
+an Oriental character. Completely unoriental are the "Briefe des
+Brahmanen" (p. 359), dealing with literary matters of contemporary
+interest.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_151" id="fnanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151">151</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Oriental studies which R&uuml;ckert continued to pursue with unabated
+ardor were to him a fruitful source of poetic inspiration. They
+furnished the material for the great mass of narrative, descriptive and
+didactic poems which were collected under the titles <i>Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches aus dem Morgenlande</i>, and again <i>Morgenl&auml;ndische Sagen und
+Geschichten</i>, furthermore <i>Brahmanische Erz&auml;hlungen</i>, and lastly
+<i>Weisheit des Brahmanen</i>. We shall discuss these collections in the
+order here given.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The first collection <i>Erbauliches und Beschauliches</i> (vol. vi.) consists
+of poems which were published between the years <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>1822 and 1837 in
+different periodicals. They appeared in collected form as a separate
+work in 1837.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_152" id="fnanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152">152</a></span> The material is drawn from Arabic and Persian
+sources, only one poem, "Die Schlange im Korbe," p. 80, being from the
+Sanskrit of Bhart&#7771;hari (<i>N&#299;ti&#347;</i>. 85).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_153" id="fnanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153">153</a></span></p>
+
+<p>With the Arabic sources, the <i>Qur&#257;n</i>, the chrestomathies of de Sacy and
+Kosegarten, and others, we are not here concerned. Among the Persian
+sources the one most frequently used is the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i>, from which are
+taken, to give but a few instances, "Sadi an den F&uuml;rstendiener," p. 57
+(<i>Gul.</i> i. distich 3), "Mitgef&uuml;hl," p. 52 (<i>Gul.</i> i. 10, <i>Ma&#952;nav&#299;</i>),
+"Kein Mensch zu Haus," p. 52 (<i>Gul.</i> vii. 19, dist. 6, Platts, p. 139),
+"Gewahrter Anstand," p. 55 (<i>Gul.</i> iv. <i>Ma&#952;</i>. 5, Platts, p. 96), as well
+as many of the proverbs and maxims, pp. 102-108. The poem "Die Kerze und
+die Flasche," p. 82, is a result of the poet's studies in connection
+with his translation of the <i>Haft Qulzum</i>, a fragment of Am&#299;r &#352;&#257;h&#299;<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_154" id="fnanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154">154</a></span>
+being combined with a passage cited from Asad&#299;.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_155" id="fnanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155">155</a></span> "Eine Kriegsregel
+aus Mirchond," p. 73, is a paraphrase of a <i>ma&#952;nav&#299;</i> from M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd's
+<i>Ra&#363;&#7693;at-u<span class="u">ss</span>af&#257;</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_156" id="fnanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156">156</a></span> In "Gottesdienst," p. 52, the first two lines
+are from Am&#299;r Xusrau (<i>Red.</i> p. 229); the remaining lines were added by
+R&uuml;ckert. The fables given on pp. 87-96 as from J&#257;m&#299; are taken from the
+eighth chapter or "garden" of that poet's <i>Bah&#257;rist&#257;n</i>; they keep rather
+closely to the originals, only in "Die Rettung des Fuchses" the
+excessive naturalism of the Persian is toned down.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_157" id="fnanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157">157</a></span> One of these
+fables, however, "Falke und Nachtigall," p. 89, is not from J&#257;m&#299;, but
+from the <i>Ma&#967;san-ul-asr&#257;r</i> of Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299; (&#1576;&#1604;&#1576;&#1604; &#1576;&#1575; &#1576;&#1575;&#1586; &#1581;&#1705;&#1575;&#1610;&#1578; ed. Nathan.
+Bland, London, 1844, p. 114; translated by Hammer in <i>Red.</i> p. 107).</p>
+
+<p>Some of the poems in this collection are actual translations from
+Persian literature. Thus "Ein Spruch des Hafis," p. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>59, is a fine
+rendering of <i>qi&#7789;&#699;ah</i> 583 in the form of the original.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_158" id="fnanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158">158</a></span> Then a part
+of the introduction to Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299;'s <i>Iskandar N&#257;mah</i> is given on p. 65. The
+translation begins at the fortieth couplet:<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_159" id="fnanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159">159</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1705;&#1585;&#1575; &#1586;&#1607;&#1585;&#1607;&#1611; &#1570;&#1606;&#1705;&#1607; &#1575;&#1586; &#1576;&#1610;&#1605; &#1578;&#1608;</p>
+
+<p>"Who has such boldness that from fear of Thee he open his mouth
+save in submission to Thee?"</p></div>
+
+<p>This is well rendered:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Wer hat die Kraft, in deiner Furcht Erbebung,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Vor dir zu denken andres als Ergebung?<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>As will be noticed, R&uuml;ckert here has not attempted to reproduce the
+<i>mutaq&#257;rib</i>, as Platen has done in his version of the first eight
+couplets (see p. 36).</p>
+
+<p>Some of the translations in this collection were not made directly from
+the Persian, but from the versions of Hammer. Thus "Naturbetrachtung
+eines persischen Dichters," p. 62, is a free rendering of Hammer's
+version of the invocation prefixed to A&#7789;&#7789;&#257;r's <i>Mantiq-u&#7789; &#7789;air</i> (<i>Red.</i>
+p. 141 seq.) and R&uuml;ckert breaks off at the same point as Hammer.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_160" id="fnanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160">160</a></span> So
+also the extract from the <i>Iy&#257;r-i-D&#257;ni&#353;&#803;</i> of Ab&#363;'l Fa&#7693;l (p. 68) is a
+paraphrase of the version in <i>Red.</i> p. 397.</p>
+
+<p>A number of poems deal with legends concerning R&#363;m&#299;, or with sayings
+attributed to him. Thus the legend which tells how the poet, when a boy,
+was transported to heaven in a vision, as told by Afl&#257;k&#299; in the
+<i>Man&#257;qibu'l &#699;&#256;rif&#299;n</i>,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_161" id="fnanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161">161</a></span> forms the subject of a poem, p. 37. A saying
+of R&#363;m&#299; concerning music prompted the composition of the poem, p. 54 (on
+which see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 241), and on p. 62 the great mystic is
+made to give a short statement of his peculiar <span class="u">S</span>&#363;fistic doctrine of
+metempsychosis.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_162" id="fnanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162">162</a></span> In "Alexanders Verm&auml;chtnis," <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>p. 61, we have the
+well-known legend of how the dying hero gives orders to leave one of his
+hands hanging out of the coffin to show the world that of all his
+possessions nothing accompanies him to the grave. In Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299;'s version,
+however, the hand is not left empty, but is filled with earth.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_163" id="fnanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163">163</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Finally there are a few poems dealing with Oriental history, of which we
+may mention "Hormusan," p. 25, the subject being the same as in Platen's
+more famous ballad. It may be that both poets drew from the same source
+(see p. 37).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>In the same year (1837) as the <i>Erbauliches und Beschauliches</i> there
+appeared the <i>Morgenl&auml;ndische Sagen und Geschichten</i> (vol. iv.) in seven
+books or divisions. In general, the contents of these divisions may be
+described as versified extracts from Oriental history of prevailingly
+legendary or anecdotal character. Their arrangement is mainly
+chronological. Only the fourth, fifth and seventh books call for
+discussion as having Persian material. The most important source is the
+great historical work <i>Rau&#7693;at u<span class="u">s</span>-<span class="u">s</span>af&#257;</i> of M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd, portions of which
+had been edited and translated before 1837 by scholars like de
+Sacy,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_164" id="fnanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164">164</a></span> Wilken,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_165" id="fnanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165">165</a></span> Vullers<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_166" id="fnanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166">166</a></span> and others.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_167" id="fnanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167">167</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Other sources to be mentioned are d'Herbelot's <i>Biblioth&egrave;que
+Orientale</i>,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_168" id="fnanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168">168</a></span> de Sacy's version of the <i>T&#257;r&#299;&#967;-i-Yam&#299;n&#299;</i><span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_169" id="fnanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169">169</a></span> and
+Hammer's <i>Geschichte der sch&ouml;nen Redek&uuml;nste Persiens</i>.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The first poem of the fourth book goes back to the legendary period of
+Iran. Its hero is Gu&#353;t&#257;sp, the patron and protector <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>of Zoroaster.
+R&uuml;ckert calls him Kischtasp. He does not give the story directly
+according to Firdaus&#299; (tr. Mohl, iv. 224, 278-281) but makes his hero go
+to T&#363;r&#257;n, whence he returns at the head of a hostile army. At the
+boundary he is met, not by his brother Zar&#299;r, but simply by messengers
+who offer him Iran's crown. This he accepts and thus becomes king and
+protector of the realm he was about to assail.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_170" id="fnanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170">170</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Most of the other poems in this book deal with legends of the Sassanian
+dynasty. Thus "Schapurs Ball," p. 114 (<i>M&eacute;m.</i> pp. 282-285); "Die W&ouml;lfe
+und Schakale Nuschirwans," p. 115 (<i>M&eacute;m.</i> p. 381); "Die abgestellte
+Hungersnoth," p. 116 (<i>M&eacute;m.</i> pp. 345, 346); "Die Heerschau," p. 117
+(<i>M&eacute;m.</i> p. 373). The two stories about Bahr&#257;m &#268;ub&#299;n, pp. 119-122, are
+also in <i>M&eacute;m.</i> p. 395 and pp. 396, 397 respectively.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_171" id="fnanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171">171</a></span> "Der Mann mit
+einem Arme," p. 124, is in <i>M&eacute;m.</i> pp. 348, 349. In the last poem
+"Yesdegerd," p. 126, R&uuml;ckert gives the story of the sad end of the last
+Sassanian apparently according to different accounts, and not simply
+according to Firdaus&#299; or M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd.</p>
+
+<p>The sixth book opens with the story of Munta<span class="u">s</span>ir, p. 198, (from d'Herb.
+vol. iii. pp. 694, 695) and then we enter the period of the <span class="u">S</span>aff&#257;rid
+dynasty. Its founder Ya&#699;q&#363;b is the subject of a poem, p. 207 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459). "Zu streng und zu milde" and "Schutz und Undank," both p. 210,
+tell of the fortunes of Prince Q&#257;b&#363;s (Wilken, <i>Sam.</i> p. 181 and pp.
+79-81, 91, 198-200, n. 47). "Die aufgehobene Belagerung," p. 211, brings
+us to the B&#363;yids (d'Herb. ii. pp. 639, 640). The story of Saidah and
+Mahm&#363;d, p. 212, is from Wilken's <i>Buj.</i> c. xii. pp. 87-90, but the order
+of the events is changed. Then we come to the history of the Ghaznavid
+dynasty, in connection with which the story of Alp Tag&#299;n is told in
+"Lokman's Wort," p. 214, according to the account of <span class="u">H</span>aidar in Wilk.
+Gasnevid. p. 139, n. 1, preceded by an anecdote told of Luqm&#257;n (d'Herb.
+ii. 488). "Die Schafschur," p. 215, gives a saying of Sabuktag&#299;n from
+the <i>T&#257;r&#299;&#967;-i-Yam&#299;n&#299;</i> (on the authority of &#699;Utb&#299;, de Sacy, <i>Notices et
+Extr.</i> iv. 365). In the story of Mahm&#363;d's famous expedition to
+S&#333;manatha, p. 215, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>R&uuml;ckert has combined the meagre account of M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd
+with that of Firi&#353;ta for the story of the Brahman's offer and with that
+of <span class="u">H</span>aidar for the sultan's reply (Wilk. <i>Gasnevid.</i> pp. 216, 217, n.
+109). "Mahmud's Winterfeldzug," p. 216, is also from Wilken's book (pp.
+166-168, n. 38); in fact Dil&#967;ak's reply is a rhymed translation of the
+passage in the note referred to. From the same source came also the poem
+on the two Dab&#353;al&#299;ms, p. 219 (Wilken, <i>Gasnevid.</i> pp. 220-225). The
+familiar anecdote of the vizier interpreting to Mahm&#363;d the conversation
+of the two owls is told in Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299;'s <i>Ma&#967;san-ul-asr&#257;r</i> (ed. Bland, pp.
+48-50), where, however, An&#363;&#353;irv&#257;n is the sultan. The title reads: &#1583;&#1575;&#1587;&#1578;&#1575;&#1606;
+&#1575;&#1606;&#1608;&#1588;&#1585;&#1608;&#1575;&#1606; &#1593;&#1583;&#1604; &#1576;&#1575; &#1608;&#1586;&#1610;&#1585; &#1608;&#1580;&#1594;&#1583;.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_172" id="fnanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172">172</a></span> "Abu Rihan" (i.e. Alb&#299;r&#363;n&#299;) is taken
+from d'Herb. I. 45 and iv. 697.</p>
+
+<p>Then follow stories from the period of the Salj&#363;ks: "Des Sultan's
+Schlaf," p. 224 (Vullers, <i>Gesch. der Seldsch.</i> pp. 43, 44); "Nitham
+Elmulks Ehre," p. 228 (ibid. pp. 228-230); "Nitham Elmulks Fall," p. 229
+(ib. pp. 123-125 and pp. 128-132); "Die ungl&uuml;ckliche Stunde," p. 232
+(ibid. pp. 153, 154). "Die unterth&auml;nigen W&uuml;rfel," p. 227, is from the
+<i>Haft Qulzum</i> (<i>Gram. u. Poet. der Perser</i>, pp. 366, 367). The stories
+of Alp Arslan and Romanus, p. 225, and of Malak&#353;&#257;h's prayer, p. 228, are
+not given by M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd, but occur in the works of Deguignes, Gibbon,
+Malcolm and d'Herbelot.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_173" id="fnanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173">173</a></span> The story of the death of Sultan Muhammad
+(in 1159 A.D.), p. 232, is in Deguignes, ii. 260, 261.</p>
+
+<p>Then we get stories from the period of the Mongol invasion. "Die
+prophezeite Weltzerst&ouml;rung," p. 237, the legend of Jingis Ch&#257;n's birth,
+is in the <i>T&#257;r&#299;&#967;-i-Yam&#299;n&#299;</i> (<i>Notices et Extr.</i> iv. pp. 408, 409). The
+material for the poems concerning Mu&#7830;ammad Xv&#257;razm &#352;&#257;h, p. 237, and his
+brave son Jal&#257;l ud-d&#299;n, pp. 240, 241, is found in the work of Deguignes
+(op. cit. ii. p. 274 and pp. 280-283). Finally we are carried even to
+India and listen to the story of the unhappy queen Raziyah, p. 255, who
+was murdered at Delhi by her own generals in 1239 A.D.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_174" id="fnanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174">174</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>A few anecdotes about Persian poets are also given. Thus
+"Dichterkampf," p 233, gives the amusing story of the literary contest
+between Anvar&#299; and Ra&#353;&#299;d, surnamed Va&#7789;va&#7789; "the swallow" (Hammer, <i>Red.</i>
+p. 121; David Price, <i>Chronological Retrospect</i>, London, 1821, ii. 391,
+392), and on p. 243 we are told how Kam&#257;l ud-d&#299;n curses his native city
+Ispah&#257;n and how the curse was fulfilled. (Hammer, <i>Red.</i> p. 159.)</p>
+
+<p>The seventh book contains two of R&uuml;ckert's best known parables, the
+famous "Es ging ein Mann im Syrerland," p. 303,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_175" id="fnanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175">175</a></span> and "Der Sultan
+l&auml;sst den Mewlana rufen," p. 305 (<i>Red.</i> p. 338).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>It will be noticed that the Oriental poems which we have thus far
+discussed were mainly derived from Arabic and Persian sources. We may
+now turn our attention to a collection in which R&uuml;ckert's studies on
+matters connected with India are also represented.</p>
+
+<p>This collection <i>Brahmanische Erz&auml;hlungen</i>, published in the year 1839
+(vol. iii.), does not, however, as its title might lead us to suppose,
+consist exclusively of Indic material. Some of the poems are not even
+Oriental; "Annikas Freier," p. 217, for example, is from the Finnic. Of
+others, again, the subject-matter, whether originally Oriental or not,
+has long ago become the common property of the world's fable-literature,
+as, for instance, "Weisheit aus Vogelmund," p. 239, the story of which
+may be found in the <i>Gesta Romanorum</i>, and in French, English and
+German, as well as in Persian, fable-books.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_176" id="fnanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176">176</a></span> Some are from Arabic
+sources, as from the Thousand and One Nights, e.g. "Der schwanke
+Ankergrund," p. 357,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_177" id="fnanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177">177</a></span> "Elephant, Nashorn und Greif," p. 367,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_178" id="fnanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178">178</a></span>
+"Die Kokosn&uuml;sse," p. 359.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_179" id="fnanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179">179</a></span> The poem "Rechtsanschauung in Afrika," p.
+221, is a Hebrew parable from the Talmud and had been already used by
+Herder.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_180" id="fnanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180">180</a></span></p>
+
+<p>A considerable number of the poems contain nothing but Persian material.
+Thus "Wettkampf," p. 197, is from the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> (i. 28; K.S. tr. p.
+27); and from the same source we <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>have "Rache f&uuml;r den Steinwurf," p. 219
+(<i>Gul.</i> i. 22; K.S. 21), "Fluch und Segen," p. 234 (<i>Gul.</i> i. 1), and
+"Busurgimihr," p. 225 (<i>Gul.</i> i. 32; K.S. 31). "Die Bibliothek des
+K&ouml;nigs," p. 405, is from the <i>Bah&#257;rist&#257;n</i> (K.S., p. 31; <i>Red.</i> p. 338).
+Three episodes from the <i>Iskandar N&#257;mah</i> are narrated on pp. 214-217:
+the story of the invention of the mirror (<i>Isk.</i> tr. Clark, xxiii. p.
+247), the battle between the two cocks (ibid., xxii. p. 234 seq.), and
+the message of Dara to Alexander with the latter's reply (ibid. xxiv. p.
+263).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_181" id="fnanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181">181</a></span></p>
+
+<p>On p. 329 R&uuml;ckert offers a free, but faithful, even if abridged version
+of selected passages from the introductory chapters of Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299;'s work
+(<i>Isk.</i> tr. Clarke, canto ii, p. 18 seq. and canto vii, p. 53 seq.). In
+"Kiess der Reue," p. 421, he paraphrases the episode of Alexander's
+search for the fountain of life from the <i>Sh&#257;h N&#257;mah</i> (tr. Mohl, v. pp.
+177, 178). The story of Bahr&#257;mg&#363;r in the same work (tr. Mohl, v, pp.
+488-492) appears in "Allwo nicht Zugethan," p. 397. It is not taken from
+Firdaus&#299;, for it relates the story somewhat differently, and introduces
+a love-episode of which the epic knows nothing.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_182" id="fnanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182">182</a></span> Again, "Der in die
+Stadt verschlagene Kurde," p. 229, is an anecdote which R&uuml;ckert had
+already translated in the <i>Haft Qulzum</i> (see his <i>Poet. u. Rhet. der
+Perser</i>, pp. 72-74), while "Gl&uuml;cksg&uuml;ter," p. 233, may have been
+suggested by a story of A&#7789;&#7789;&#257;r which he published afterwards (1860, ZDMG.
+vol. 14, p. 286). Some anecdotes of Persian princes or poets are also
+utilized, e.g. "Das K&uuml;chenfeldger&auml;the des F&uuml;rsten Amer," p. 226 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459; Malcolm i. p. 155), "Der Spiegel des K&ouml;nigs," p. 223
+(Deguignes, ii. 171), and the story of J&#257;m&#299; and the mull&#257;, p. 224 (M.
+Kuka, <i>The Wit and Humour of the Persians</i>, Bombay, 1894, pp. 165, 166).
+In one poem, "Ormuzd und Ahriman," p. 344, an Avestan subject is
+treated, the later Parsi doctrine of <i>zrvan akarana</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_183" id="fnanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183">183</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The great majority of the poems in this collection are concerned with
+India, its literature, mythology, religious customs, geography and
+history, and it will be convenient for our purpose to discuss them under
+these heads.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>In the first group, that which takes its material from Sanskrit
+literature, we meet with the story of the flood, p. 298, from the
+<i>Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata</i> (Vana Parva, 187) and the story of R&#257;ma's exploits and
+S&#299;t&#257;'s love, p. 268, from the <i>R&#257;m&#257;ya&#7751;a</i>. Also a number of fables from
+the <i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i> or <i>Pa&ntilde;catantra</i> occur, e.g. that of the greedy jackal,
+p. 249, familiar from Lafontaine (<i>Hit.</i> i. 6; <i>Pa&ntilde;c.</i> ii. 3), and that
+of the lion, the mouse and the cat, p. 250 (<i>Hit.</i> ii. 3). The story of
+the ungrateful man and the grateful animals, p. 252, is found in the
+<i>Kath&#257;sarits&#257;gara</i> (tr. Tawney, ii. pp. 103-108; cf. P&#257;l&#299; version in
+<i>Rasav&#257;hin&#299;</i>, Wollheim, <i>Die National-Lit. s&auml;mtlicher V&ouml;lker des
+Orients</i>, Berl. 1873, vol. i. p. 370). "Katerstolz und Fuchses Rath," p.
+243, has for its prototype the fable of the mouse changed into a girl in
+<i>Pa&ntilde;catantra</i> (iv. 9; cf. the story of the ambitious Ca&#7751;&#7693;&#257;la maid in
+<i>Kath&#257;s.</i> tr. Tawney, ii. p. 56). King Raghu's generosity to Varatantu's
+pupil K&#257;utsa, as narrated in the <i>Raghuva&#7747;&#347;a</i> (ch. v.), is the subject
+of a poem on p. 402. Two famous pieces from the <i>Upani&#7779;ad</i>-literature
+are also offered: the story of how J&#257;j&ntilde;avalkya overcame nine contestants
+in debate at King Janaka's court and won the prize consisting of one
+thousand cows with gold-tipped horns, p. 247, from the <i>B&#7771;had&#257;ra&#7751;yaka
+Up.</i> iii. (see Deussen, <i>Sechzig Upan. &uuml;bers.</i> Leipz. 1897, p. 428
+seq.), and the story of Nacik&#275;tas' choice, p. 403, from the <i>K&#257;&#7789;haka
+Upani&#7779;ad</i>. To this group belong also versions of Bhart&#7771;hari, p. 337
+(<i>N&#299;ti&#347;.</i> 15) and p. 338 (<i>N&#299;ti&#347;.</i> 67).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>In the mythological group we have two poems telling of the history of
+K&#7771;&#347;&#7751;a, as given in the great <i>Bh&#257;gavata Pur&#257;&#7751;a</i>. The first one, "Die
+Weltliebessonne im Palast des Gottes Krischna," p. 246, gives the legend
+of the god's interview with the Sage N&#257;rada (<i>Bh&#257;gav.</i> Nir&#7751;aya S&#257;g.
+Press, Bombay 1898, Lib. x. c. 69; tr. Dutt, Calcutta, 1895, pp.
+298-302) with a close somewhat different from that of the Sanskrit
+original. The second one narrates the romance of the poor Brahman
+Sud&#257;man, who pays a visit to the god and is enriched by the latter's
+generosity (<i>Bh&#257;gav.</i> x. c. 80, 81; tr. Dutt, pp. 346-355. For the
+Hindostanee version in the <i>Prems&#257;gar</i>, see Wollheim, op. cit. i. p.
+421). In the Sanskrit the story is not so ideal as in R&uuml;ckert's poem.
+The poor Brahman is urged <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>on to the visit, not by affection for the
+playmate of his youth, but rather by the prosaic appeals of his wife;
+yet, though the motive be different, the result is the same. Besides
+these, we find the legend of K&#257;ma, the Hindu Cupid, burned to ashes by
+&#346;iva's third eye for attempting to interrupt the god's penance, p. 266
+(<i>R&#257;m&#257;y.</i> i. c. 23, <i>Kum&#257;ras.</i> iii. v. 70 seq.), and R&uuml;ckert manages to
+introduce and to explain all the epithets, <i>K&#257;mad&#275;va</i>, <i>kandarpa</i>,
+<i>smara</i>, <i>manmatha</i>, <i>h&#7771;cchaya</i>, <i>ananga</i>, which Sanskrit authors bestow
+upon their Cupid. We also have legends of the cause of the eclipses of
+sun and moon, p. 365, of the origin of caste, p. 347 (<i>Manu</i> i. 87), of
+the fabulous mountain M&#275;ru in Jambudv&#299;pa, p. 285, of the quarrelsome
+mountains Innekonda and Bugglekonda, p. 321 (Ritter <i>Erdkunde</i>, iv. 2,
+pp. 472, 473). The winding course of the Indus is explained by a typical
+Hindu saint-story, p. 335, similar to that told of the Yamun&#257; and R&#257;ma
+in the <i>Vi&#7779;&#7751;u Pur&#257;&#7751;a</i> (tr. Wilson, ed. Dutt, Calc. 1894, p. 386).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Many of the poems describe religious customs practised in India. Of such
+customs the practice of asceticism in its different forms is one of the
+most striking and could not fail to engage the poet's attention. Thus
+the peculiar fast known as <i>C&#257;ndr&#257;ya&#7751;a</i>, "moon-penance," is the subject
+of a poem, p. 278; so also "Titanische Bussandacht," p. 283, has for its
+theme the belief of the Hindus in the supernatural power conferred by
+excessive penance, as exemplified by the legend of &#346;akuntal&#257;'s birth.
+The practice of <i>pa&ntilde;catapas</i>, "the five fires" (<i>Manu</i>, vi. 23. See
+Monier Williams, <i>Indian Wisdom</i>, Lond. 1876, p. 105) is the subject of
+the poem "Des B&uuml;ssers L&auml;uterungswahn," p. 285. The selfish greed of the
+Brahmans (cf. <i>Manu</i>, vii. 133, 144; xi. 40) is referred to in two poems
+on p. 287. The supposed powers of <i>cint&#257;mani</i>, the Hindu wishing-stone,
+suggested the poem on p. 275 (cf. Bhart&#7771;hari, <i>V&#257;ir.</i> 33). Of other
+poems of this sort we may mention "Die Gottverehrung des Stammes
+Karian," p. 322 (Ritter, <i>Erdk.</i> iv. 1. p. 187), "Vom Genuss der Fr&uuml;chte
+nach Dschainas Lehre," p. 307 (ibid. iv. p. 749), and "Die Schuhe im
+Tempel Madhuras," p. 301 (ibid. iv. 2. p. 4).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Again, many poems belong to the realm of physical and descriptive
+geography. Their source, in most cases, was <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>undoubtedly the great
+geographical work of Ritter. To it may be referred the majority of the
+purely descriptive poems, e.g., "Das ewige Fr&uuml;hlingsland der Tudas," p.
+301 (op. cit. iv. 1. 951), "Das Fr&uuml;hlingsland Kaschmir," p. 315 (ibid.
+ii. 1142 and 630), "Die Kokospalme," p. 304 (ibid. iv. 1. 834 seq., 838,
+851, 852). The sun and moon lotuses, so famous through Heine's beautiful
+songs (see p. 58), are described on p. 343. Animal-life also comes in
+for its share, e.g. the ichneumon in "Instinctive Heilkunde der Tiere,"
+p. 336.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Lastly, we come to the historical group, poems relating to the history
+of India. The poem on the burning of Keteus' wife, p. 382, is evidently
+inspired by the reading of Diodorus Siculus (xix. 33). On page 311 we
+have a poem celebrating the valor of the R&#257;ja Pratap Singh, who held out
+so bravely against Akbar in the mountain fastnesses of Citor, 1567.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_184" id="fnanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184">184</a></span>
+The heroic queen-regent of Ahmadnagar, Ch&#257;nd B&#299;b&#299;, and the romantic
+story of her struggle against Akbar, in 1596, is the subject of the poem
+on p. 353. Only the bright side is, however, presented; the tragic fate
+which overtook the unfortunate princess three years later is not
+referred to.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_185" id="fnanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185">185</a></span> The famous battle of Sam&#363;garh, 1658, by which
+Aurangz&#299;b gained the Mogul Empire, is narrated on p. 310, according to
+the account of Bernier.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_186" id="fnanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186">186</a></span> In this connection we may also mention "Das
+Mikroskop," p. 370, the familiar anecdote of the Brahman who refused to
+drink water, after the microscope had revealed to him the existence
+therein of countless animalcules (Ritter, <i>Erdk.</i> iv. 1. p. 749).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Besides the poems falling under the groups discussed above there are
+many of purely didactic or moralizing tendency, embodying general
+reflections. It would take us too far, were we to attempt to discuss
+them, even if their interest were sufficiently great to repay the
+trouble. We must, however, point out that even the Sanskrit vocabulary
+is impressed into service to furnish material for such poems. Thus the
+fact <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>that the word <i>p&#257;da</i> may mean either "foot," "step," or "ray of
+the moon or sun," is utilized for the last lines of "Vom Monde," p. 368.
+The meaning of the term <i>bakravratin</i>, "acting like a crane," applied to
+a hypocrite, is used for a poem on p. 363. Similarly the threefold
+signification of <i>dvipa</i> as "brahman," "bird," and "tooth" suggests
+"Zweigeboren," p. 423, and more instances might be adduced. It is not to
+be wondered at that such poetizing should often degenerate into the most
+inane trifling, so that we get such rhyming efforts as that on p. 326
+with its pun on the similarity of <i>hima</i> "winter" with <i>h&#275;ma</i> "gold,"
+<i>Him&#257;laya</i> and <i>himavat</i> with <i>Himmel</i> and <i>Heimat</i>, or that on p. 385
+with its childish juxtaposition of the Vedantic term <i>m&#257;y&#257;</i>, the Greek
+name &#924;&#945;&#953;&#945;, and the German word <i>Magie</i>.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>If the poems discussed in the preceding pages were found to be largely
+didactic and gnomic in character, the great collection called <i>Die
+Weisheit des Brahmanen</i> is entirely so. The poems composing this bulky
+work appeared in installments during the period 1836-1839, and, while
+many of them, as will be shown below, are the outcome of R&uuml;ckert's
+Oriental studies, the majority simply embody general reflections on
+anything and everything that happened to engage the poet's attention.
+"Es muss alles hinein, was ich eben lese: vor acht Wochen Spinoza, vor
+vierzehn Tagen Astronomie, jetzt Grimms &uuml;berschwenglich gehaltreiche
+Deutsche Mythologie, alles unter der nachl&auml;ssig vorgehaltenen
+Brahmanenmaske...."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_187" id="fnanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187">187</a></span> These are the author's own words and render
+further detailed characterization of the work superfluous. It is well
+known that the sources for the great didactic collection, even for that
+part of it which is not composed of reflections on matters of
+contemporary history, politics and literature, or relating to questions
+of family and friendship, are more Occidental than Oriental.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_188" id="fnanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188">188</a></span> In
+fact, the Brahmanic character of the wisdom here expounded consists
+mainly in the contemplative spirit of reposeful didacticism which
+pervades the entire collection. Nor is there anything Oriental <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>about
+the form of the poems,&mdash;the rhymed Alexandrine reigning supreme with
+wearisome monotony.</p>
+
+<p>A detailed discussion of the <i>Weisheit</i>, therefore, even if it were
+possible within the limits of this dissertation, will not be attempted;
+the less so, as such a discussion, so far as the Oriental side, at
+least, is concerned, would be very much of the same nature as that given
+of the <i>Brahmanische Erz&auml;hlungen</i>. A general Oriental influence,
+especially of the <i>Bhagavadg&#299;t&#257;</i>-philosophy or of R&#363;m&#299;'s pantheism, is
+noticeable enough in many places,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_189" id="fnanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189">189</a></span> but particular instances of such
+influence are not hard to find. We shall adduce only a few, taken from
+the fifth division or <i>Stufe</i>, called <i>Leben</i>. Of these there are taken
+from the <i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i> Nos. 25 (<i>Hit.</i> i. couplet 179; tr. Hertel, 141),
+26 (ib. i. 178; tr. Hertel, 140), 111 (ib. i. couplet 80; Wilkins' tr.
+p. 56). From the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> are taken Nos. 290 (<i>Gul.</i> i. 13; K.S. dist.
+p. 42), 326 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S. dist. p. 230), 366 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S.
+p. 232). No. 60 was probably suggested by the fable of the ass and the
+camel in J&#257;m&#299;'s <i>Bah&#257;rist&#257;n</i> (tr. K.S. p. 179). No. 476 draws a moral
+from the fact that the Persian title <i>m&#299;rz&#257;</i> means either "scribe" or
+"prince," according to its position before or behind the person's name.
+In No. 201 we recognize a Persian proverb: &#1576;&#1586;&#1705; &#1605;&#1605;&#1610;&#1585; &#1705;&#1607; &#1576;&#1607;&#1575;&#1585; &#1605;&#1740;&#1570;&#1610;&#1583; &#1610;&#1608;&#1606;&#1580;&#1607;
+&#1605;&#1610;&#1582;&#1608;&#1585;&#1740; "little goat, do not die; spring is coming, you will eat clover."
+No. 364:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Herr Strauss, wenn ein Kameel du bist, so trage mir!"<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Ich bin ein Vogel. "Flieg!" Ich bin ein Trampeltier<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>is also a Persian proverb and is absolutely unintelligible, unless one
+happens to know that the Persian word for "ostrich" is &#1588;&#1578;&#1585;&#1605;&#1585;&#1594;, literally
+"camel-bird."</p>
+
+<p>Again, to cite from other <i>Stufen</i>, Firdaus&#299;'s lines, already used by
+Goethe in his <i>Divan</i> (see p. 25 above), furnish the text for a moral
+poem, p. 487 (18). The Persian notion of the peacock being ashamed of
+his ugly feet (cf. <i>Gul.</i> ii. 8, <i>qi&#7789;&#699;ah</i>) is put to a similar use on p.
+463 (162). Some poems are moralizingly descriptive of Indic customs,
+e.g., p. 157 (11), where reverence for the <i>guru</i> or "teacher" is
+inculcated (cf. <i>Manu</i> <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>ii, 71, 228) and pp. 10, 11 (18, 19), where the
+conditions are set forth under which the V&#275;das may be read (cf. <i>Manu</i>
+iv. 101-126, or <i>Y&#257;j&ntilde;.</i> i. 142-151). A comparison is instituted between
+the famous court of Vikram&#257;ditya and his seven gems, of which K&#257;lid&#257;sa
+was one, and that of Karl August of Weimar and his poetic circle, p. 148
+(39).</p>
+
+<p>Trivial and empty rhyming is of course abundant in such an uncritical
+mass of verse, and we also meet with insipid puns, like that on the
+Arabic word <i>d&#299;n</i>, "religion," and the German word <i>dienen</i>, p. 498
+(48).</p>
+
+<p>These examples, we believe, will suffice for our purpose. With the
+philosophical part of the <i>Weisheit</i> we are not here concerned.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>A great many Oriental poems are scattered throughout the collection
+which bears the title of <i>Pantheon</i> (vol. vii.). We may mention "Die
+gefallenen Engel," p. 286, the legend of H&#257;r&#363;t and M&#257;r&#363;t, "Wischnu auf
+der Schlange," p. 286, "Die nackten Weisen," p. 287, and others. Some
+poems in this collection are in spirit akin to the <i>&Ouml;stliche Rosen</i>,
+e.g. "Becher und Wein," p. 291, "Der Traum," p. 283, and the
+"Vierzeilen," pp. 481, 482. Besides this, the <i>&#947;azal</i>-form occurs
+repeatedly, e.g. "Fr&uuml;hlingshymne," p. 273. So fond does R&uuml;ckert seem to
+have been of this form, that he employs it even for a poem on such an
+unoriental subject as Easter, p. 189 (2).</p>
+
+<p>This collection is furthermore of interest from the biographical side,
+as often giving us R&uuml;ckert's opinions. Thus we find evidence that he was
+by no means onesidedly prejudiced in favor of things Oriental. Referring
+to the myth of fifty-three million Apsarases having sprung from the
+sea,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_190" id="fnanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190">190</a></span> he states (p. 24), that if he were to be the judge, these
+fifty-three million nymphs bedecked with jewels would have to bow before
+the one Aphrodite in her naked glory. And again in "R&uuml;ckkehr," p. 51,
+the poet confesses that having wandered to the East to forget his misery
+and finding thorns in the rose-gardens of Persia, and demons, misshapen
+gods and monkeys acting the parts of heroes in India, he is glad to
+return to the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>Iliad and Odyssey (cf. also "Zu den &ouml;stlichen Rosen," p.
+153).</p>
+
+<p>R&uuml;ckert was evidently aware of his tendency to overproduction. He offers
+an explanation in "Spruchartiges," p. 157:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Mir ist Verse zu machen und k&uuml;nstliche Vers' ein Bed&uuml;rfnis,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Fehlt mir ein eigenes Lied, so &uuml;bersetz' ich mir eins.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>And again to his own question, Musst du denn immer dichten?, p. 159, he
+answers:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Ich denke nie ohne zu dichten,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und dichte nie ohne zu denken.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Graf von Schack has aptly applied to R&uuml;ckert's poems the famous sentence
+which a Spaniard pronounced about Lope de Vega, that no poet wrote so
+many good plays, but none also so many poor ones.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_191" id="fnanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191">191</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Whatever defects it may have, R&uuml;ckert's Oriental work is nevertheless
+indisputably of the greatest importance to German literature. More than
+any one else he brought over into it a new spirit and new forms; and it
+is due primarily to his unsurpassed technical skill that the German
+language is to-day the best medium for an acquaintance, not only with
+the literature of the West, but also with that of the East.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145" href="#fnanchor_145">145</a></span> See Beyer, Friedrich R&uuml;ckert, Fkft. a. M. 1868, pp. 101, 102.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146" href="#fnanchor_146">146</a></span> Vol. v. pp. 200-237.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147" href="#fnanchor_147">147</a></span> So Hammer himself thought at the time. See Rob. Boxberger,
+R&uuml;ckert-Studien, Gotha, 1878, p. 224. Such also was the opinion of the
+scholarly von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878, Nachwort,
+p. 117, note. A copy of the original <i>d&#299;v&#257;n</i> of R&#363;m&#299; has not been
+accessible to me.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148" href="#fnanchor_148">148</a></span> Cf. for instance No. 8, in ii. with Red. p. 175, and No. 24 in ii.
+p. 235, with Red. p. 188.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149" href="#fnanchor_149">149</a></span> Vol. v. ii. 25, p. 236.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150" href="#fnanchor_150">150</a></span> Cf. <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, S&#257;q&#299; N&#257;mah, couplets 77, 78 for the three names
+mentioned above. The figure is most familiar to the English reader from
+Fitzgerald's version, Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam. Boston, 1899, p. 211,
+xxxvii. See also &#699;Umar Xayy&#257;m ed. Whinfield, London, 1883, No. 466.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151" href="#fnanchor_151">151</a></span> They were published in Deutscher Musenalmanach, 1838, and do not
+belong properly to the collection here discussed.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152" href="#fnanchor_152">152</a></span> See essay on this by Robert Boxberger in R&uuml;ckert-Studien, pp.
+210-278. Also Beyer, Neue Mittheil. vol. i. p. 213; vol. ii. pp. 201-204
+for the date of many of these poems.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153" href="#fnanchor_153">153</a></span> Also a few of the Vierzeilen-Spr&uuml;che, pp. 102-108, e.g. No.
+30=N&#299;ti&#347;. 31.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154" href="#fnanchor_154">154</a></span> Friedr. R&uuml;ckert, Grammatik, Poetik u. Rhetorik der Perser, ed. W.
+Pertsch, Gotha, 1874, p. 187.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155" href="#fnanchor_155">155</a></span> Ibid. p. 360.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156" href="#fnanchor_156">156</a></span> Fr. Wilken, Hist. Gasnevid. Berol. 1832, p. 13, Latin p. 148.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157" href="#fnanchor_157">157</a></span> Cf. transl. of Bah&#257;rist&#257;n for Kama Shastra Society, Benares, 1887,
+p. 180. The Persian text of these fables appeared in 1805 in the
+chrestomathy appended to Fr. Wilken's Institutiones ad Fundamenta
+Linguae Persicae, Lipsiae, 1805, pp. 172-181.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158" href="#fnanchor_158">158</a></span> This poem was mistranslated by Hammer in his Divan des Hafis, T&uuml;b.
+1812, vol. ii. p. 553. Bodenstedt has given a version in rhymed
+couplets: Der S&auml;nger von Schiras, Berl. 1877, p. 129.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159" href="#fnanchor_159">159</a></span> For Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299; I have used a lithographed edition published at Sh&#299;r&#257;z,
+A.H. 1312. In Wilberforce Clarke's transl. of the Iskandar N&#257;mah,
+London, 1881, the couplet in question is the forty-third.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160" href="#fnanchor_160">160</a></span> Cf. for Persian text Garcin de Tassy, Mantic Utta&#299;r, Paris, 1863.
+Also French transl. p. 1 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161" href="#fnanchor_161">161</a></span> See Jas. W. Redhouse, The Mesnevi of Mevl&#257;n&#257; (our Lord)
+Jel&#257;lu-d-d&#299;n, Muhammed, er-R&#363;m&#299;, Lond. 1881, B. i. p. 19. For R&uuml;ckert's
+source see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 224.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162" href="#fnanchor_162">162</a></span> See H. Eth&eacute;, Neupers. Litt. in Grdr. iran. Phil. vol. ii. p. 289.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163" href="#fnanchor_163">163</a></span> Wilh. Bacher, Niz&#257;mis Leben u. Werke, Leipz. 1871, p. 119 and n.
+4.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164" href="#fnanchor_164">164</a></span> M&eacute;moires sur divers Antiquit&eacute;s de la Perse, et sur les M&eacute;dailles
+des Rois de la dynastie des Sassanides, suivis de l'Histoire de cette
+Dynastie traduite du Persan de Mirkhond par A.I. Silv. de Sacy, Paris,
+1793.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165" href="#fnanchor_165">165</a></span> Mohammedi Filii Chavendschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Samanidarum
+Pers. ed. Frid. Wilken, Goettingae, 1808.</p>
+
+<p>Mohammedi Filii Chondschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Gasnevidarum
+Persice ed. Frid. Wilken, Berol. 1832.</p>
+
+<p>Geschichte der Sultane aus dem Geschlechte Bujeh nach Mirchond, Wilken
+in Hist. philos. Abh. der kgl. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, Berl.
+1837. (This work from 1835.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166" href="#fnanchor_166">166</a></span> Mirchonds Geschichte der Seldschuken, aus d. Pers. zum ersten Mal
+&uuml;bers. etc., Joh. Aug. Vullers, Giessen, 1837.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167" href="#fnanchor_167">167</a></span> A complete list of the portions of M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd's work edited and
+published by European scholars before 1837 may be found in Zenker's
+Bibl. Orient., Nos. 871-881. Nos 874, 875 and 879 have not been
+accessible to me.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168" href="#fnanchor_168">168</a></span> A letter given by Boxberger in op. cit. p. 74 shows that R&uuml;ckert
+asked for the loan of this book.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169" href="#fnanchor_169">169</a></span> Histoire de Yemineddoula Mahmoud, tr. par A.I. Silv. de Sacy in
+Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibl. Nat., tom. iv.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170" href="#fnanchor_170">170</a></span> For a similar form of the story see Gobineau, Histoire des Perses,
+Paris, 1869, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10, where the story is given on the
+authority of a Parsi work, the "Tj&eacute;har-e-Tjemen" (i.e. Cah&#257;r-i-Caman,
+"the four lawns").</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171" href="#fnanchor_171">171</a></span> For the romance about this man see Th. N&ouml;ldeke, &#7788;abari, pp.
+474-478.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172" href="#fnanchor_172">172</a></span> Lithogr. ed., p. 23. See also Malcolm, op. cit. i. 196; Red. p.
+107.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173" href="#fnanchor_173">173</a></span> Deguignes, Hist. G&eacute;n. des Huns, des Turcs, des Mogols, et des
+autres Tartares occidentaux, etc. Paris, 1756-1758, vol. ii. pp. 209,
+223; Malcolm, op. cit. i. pp. 211, 218.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174" href="#fnanchor_174">174</a></span> See Elphinstone's Hist. of India, Lond., 1841, vol. ii. pp. 10-12;
+also Elliot, The History of India as told by its own historians, Lond.
+1867-1877, vol. ii. pp. 332-335, 337, where the story is not so romantic
+as in R&uuml;ckert's poem.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175" href="#fnanchor_175">175</a></span> Taken from Red. p. 183, where it is given as from R&#363;m&#299;. See above,
+p. 6.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176" href="#fnanchor_176">176</a></span> Gesta Roman. ed. Herm. Oesterly. Berl. 1872, c. 167. For
+bibliography of this fable see W.A. Clouston, A Group of Eastern
+Romances, 1889, pp. 563-566, pp. 448-452.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177" href="#fnanchor_177">177</a></span> Book of the Thousand and One Nights, by John Payne, Lond. 1894,
+vol. v. p. 153.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178" href="#fnanchor_178">178</a></span> Ibid. p. 168.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179" href="#fnanchor_179">179</a></span> Ibid. p. 199.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180" href="#fnanchor_180">180</a></span> In J&uuml;dische Parabeln, vol. 26, p. 359; see also Bacher, Niz&#257;mis
+Leben u. Werke, p. 117, n. 4.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181" href="#fnanchor_181">181</a></span> These episodes are outlined in Hammer, Red. p. 118; see Malcolm,
+op. cit. i. 55, 56.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182" href="#fnanchor_182">182</a></span> We call attention to the fact that the fourth division of this
+collection (pp. 392-439 in our edition) is made up of poems which really
+belong to the Weisheit des Brahmanen.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183" href="#fnanchor_183">183</a></span> Jackson, Die iran. Religion in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. pp. 629, 630.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184" href="#fnanchor_184">184</a></span> Elliot, Hist. of India, vol. v. pp. 160-175; 324-328.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185" href="#fnanchor_185">185</a></span> Elphinstone, Hist. of India, vol. ii. pp. 229-301 and note, where
+the legend of the queen firing silver balls is given on the authority of
+X&#257;f&#299; X&#257;n. Elliot, op. cit. vi. 99-101.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186" href="#fnanchor_186">186</a></span> The History of the Late Revolution of the Empire of the Great
+Mogul, Lond. 1671, pp. 106-131. See also Elliot, op. cit. vol. vii. pp.
+220-224, and Elphinstone, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 425 seq., where a
+slightly different account of the battle is given.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187" href="#fnanchor_187">187</a></span> Letter to Melchior Meyr, Dec. 25, 1836, cited by C. Beyer in
+Nachgelassene Ged. Fr. R&uuml;ckerts. Wien, 1877, pp. 210, 211.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188" href="#fnanchor_188">188</a></span> Koch, Der Deutsche Brahmane, Breslau (Deutsche B&uuml;cherei, Serie iv.
+Heft 23), p. 22.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189" href="#fnanchor_189">189</a></span> Ibid. pp. 18-22. For R&#363;m&#299;'s influence see esp. in vol. viii. of
+the edition cited, pp. 544. 7, 566. 74 et al.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190" href="#fnanchor_190">190</a></span> In R&#257;m&#257;y. i. 45, where the story of their origin is briefly given,
+we read that sixty <i>k&#333;tis</i>, i.e. 600,000,000 (a <i>k&#333;ti</i> being
+10,000,000), came forth from the sea, not reckoning their numberless
+female attendants.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191" href="#fnanchor_191">191</a></span> Schack, Ein halbes Jahrhundert, Stuttg. Berl. Wien, 1894, vol. ii.
+p. 41. See also Koch, op. cit. pp. 11-13; Rud. Gottschall, Fried.
+R&uuml;ckert in Portraits u. Studien, Leipz. 1870, vol. i. pp. 163-166; Rich.
+Meyer, Gesch. der Litt. des 19 Jahrh. Berl. 1890, p. 56.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX.</h2>
+
+<h3>HEINE.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel&mdash;Influence of
+India's Literature on his Poetry&mdash;Interest in the Persian
+Poets&mdash;Persian Influence on Heine&mdash;His Attitude toward the
+Oriental Movement.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>"Was das Sanskrit-Studium selbst betrifft, so wird &uuml;ber den Nutzen
+desselben die Zeit entscheiden. Portugiesen, Holl&auml;nder und Engl&auml;nder
+haben lange Zeit jahraus, jahrein auf ihren grossen Schiffen die Sch&auml;tze
+Indiens nach Hause geschleppt; wir Deutsche hatten immer das Zusehen.
+Aber die geistigen Sch&auml;tze Indiens sollen uns nicht entgehen. Schlegel,
+Bopp, Humboldt, Frank u. s. w. sind unsere jetzigen Ostindienfahrer;
+Bonn und M&uuml;nchen werden gute Faktoreien sein."</p>
+
+<p>With these words Heine sent forth his "Sonettenkranz" to A.W. von
+Schlegel in 1821.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_192" id="fnanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192">192</a></span> These sonnets show what a deep impression the
+personality and lectures of the famous romanticist made on him while he
+was a student at Bonn, in 1819 and 1820. Schlegel had just then been
+appointed to the professorship of Literature at the newly created
+university, and to his lectures Heine owed the interest for India which
+manifests itself in many of his poems, and which continued even in later
+years when his relations to his former teacher had undergone a complete
+change.</p>
+
+<p>He never undertook the study of Sanskrit. His interest in India was
+purely poetic. "Aber ich stamme aus Hindostan, und daher f&uuml;hle ich mich
+so wohl in den breiten Sangesw&auml;ldern Valmikis, die Heldenlieder des
+g&ouml;ttlichen Ramo bewegen mein Herz wie ein bekanntes Weh, aus den
+Blumenliedern Kalidasas bl&uuml;hen mir hervor die s&uuml;ssesten Erinnerungen"
+(<i>Ideen</i>, vol. v. p. 115)&mdash;these words, with some allowance perhaps for
+the manner of the satirist, may well be taken to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>characterize the
+poet's attitude towards India. Instinctively he appropriated to himself
+the most beautiful characteristics of Sanskrit poetry, its tender love
+for the objects of nature, for flowers and animals and the similes and
+metaphors inspired thereby, and he invests them with all the grace and
+charm peculiar to his muse. Some of his finest verses owe their
+inspiration to the lotus; and in that famous poem "Die Lotosblume
+&auml;ngstigt,"&mdash;so beautifully set to music by Schumann&mdash;the favorite flower
+of India's poets may be said to have found its aesthetic apotheosis. As
+is well known, there are two kinds of lotuses, the one opening its
+leaves to the sun (Skt. <i>padma</i>, <i>pa&#7749;kaja</i>), the other to the moon (Skt.
+<i>kumuda</i>, <i>k&#257;irava</i>). Both kinds are mentioned in <i>&#346;akuntal&#257;</i> (Act. V.
+Sc. 4, ed. Kale, Bombay, 1898, p. 141): <i>kumud&#257;ny&#275;va &#347;a&#347;&#257;&#7749;ka&#7717; savit&#257;
+bh&#333;dhayati pa&#7749;kaj&#257;ny&#275;va</i> "the moon wakes only the night lotuses, the sun
+only the day lotuses."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_193" id="fnanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193">193</a></span> It is the former kind, the nymphaea
+esculenta, of which Heine sings, and his conception of the moon as its
+lover is distinctively Indic and constantly recurring in Sanskrit
+literature. Thus at the beginning of the first book of the <i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i>
+the moon is called the lordly bridegroom of the lotuses.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_194" id="fnanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194">194</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The splendor of an Indic landscape haunts the imagination of the poet.
+On the wings of song he will carry his love to the banks of the Ganges
+(vol. i. p. 98), to that moonlit garden where the lotus-flowers await
+their sister, where the violets peep at the stars, the roses whisper
+their perfumed tales into each other's ears and the gazelles listen,
+while the waves of the sacred river make sweet music. And again in a
+series of sonnets addressed to Friederike (<i>Neue Ged.</i> vol. ii. p. 65)
+he invites her to come with him to India, to its palm-trees, its
+ambra-blossoms and lotus-flowers, to see the gazelles leaping on the
+banks of the Ganges, and the peacocks displaying their gaudy plumage, to
+hear K&#333;kila singing his impassioned lay. He sees K&#257;ma in the features of
+his beloved, and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>V&#257;santa hovering on her lips; her smile moves the
+Gandharvas in their golden, sunny halls to song.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Allusions to episodes from Sanskrit literature are not infrequent in
+Heine's writings. The famous struggle between King Vi&#347;v&#257;mitra with the
+sage Vasi&#7779;&#7789;ha for example is mockingly referred to in two stanzas (vol.
+i. p. 146).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_195" id="fnanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195">195</a></span> His own efforts to win the favor of a certain Emma
+(<i>Neue Ged.</i> ii. 54) the poet likens to the great act of penance by
+which King Bhag&#299;ratha brought down the Ganges from heaven.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_196" id="fnanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196">196</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Heine's prose-writings also furnish abundant proofs of his interest in
+and acquaintance with Sanskrit literature. In the opening chapters of
+the <i>Buch Le Grand</i> (c. 4, vol. v. p. 114) he brings before us another
+vision of tropical Indic splendor. In his sketches from Italy (<i>Reiseb.</i>
+ii. vol. vi. p. 137) he draws a parallel between the priesthood of Italy
+and that of India, which is anything but flattering to either. It is
+also not correct; he notices, to be sure, that in the Sanskrit drama (of
+which he knows only <i>&#346;akuntal&#257;</i> and <i>M&#7771;cchaka&#7789;ik&#257;</i>) the r&ocirc;le of buffoon
+is assigned invariably to a Brahman, but he is ignorant of the origin of
+this singular custom.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_197" id="fnanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197">197</a></span> In his essay on the Romantic School, when
+speaking of Goethe's godlike repose, he introduces by way of
+illustration the well-known episode from the Nala-story where Damayant&#299;
+distinguishes her lover from the gods who had assumed his form by the
+blinking of his eyes (vol. ix. p. 52). In the same essay (ibid. pp. 49,
+50), he bestows enthusiastic praise on Goethe's <i>Divan</i>, and this brings
+us to the question of Persian influence upon Heine.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Starting as he did on his literary career at the time when Goethe's
+<i>Divan</i> and R&uuml;ckert's <i>&Ouml;stliche Rosen</i> had inaugurated the Hafizian
+movement in German literature, it would have been strange if he had
+remained entirely outside of the sphere of its influence. As a matter of
+fact, he took some interest in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>Persian poetry almost from the outset of
+his poetical activity, as his letters clearly show. As early as 1821, he
+mentions Sa&#699;d&#299; with the epithet <i>herrlich</i>, calls him the Persian Goethe
+and cites one of his couplets (<i>Gul.</i> ii. 48, <i>qi&#7789;&#699;ah</i>; K.S. p. 122) in
+the version of Herder.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_198" id="fnanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198">198</a></span> In April, 1823, he writes from Berlin that
+during the preceding winter he has studied the non-Semitic part of
+Asia,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_199" id="fnanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199">199</a></span> and the following year in a letter to Moser<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_200" id="fnanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200">200</a></span> he speaks of
+Persian as "die s&uuml;sse, rosige, leuchtende Bulbulsprache," and goes on to
+imagine himself a Persian poet in exile among Germans. "O Firdusi! O
+Ischami! (sic for J&#257;m&#299;) O Saadi! Wie elend ist euer Bruder! Ach wie
+sehne ich mich nach den Rosen von Schiras." Such a rose he calls in one
+of his <i>Nordsee</i>-poems "die Hafisbesungene Nachtigallbraut" ("Im Hafen,"
+vol. i. p. 218).</p>
+
+<p>Yet, judging from the familiar epigrams of Immermann, which Heine cites
+at the end of <i>Norderney</i> (<i>Reiseb.</i> i. vol. v. p. 101) as expressive of
+his own sentiments, he seems to have held but a poor opinion of the
+West-Eastern poetry that followed in the wake of Goethe's <i>Divan</i>. He
+certainly never attempted anything like an imitation of this poetry, and
+Oriental form appealed to him even less. In the famous, or rather
+infamous, passage of the <i>Reisebilder</i> (vol. vi. pp. 125-149), where he
+makes his savage attack on Platen, he ridicules that poet's <i>Ghaselen</i>
+and speaks derisively of their formal technique as "schaukelnde
+Balancierk&uuml;nste" (ibid. p. 136). It is probable, however, that he judged
+the <i>&#947;azal</i> form not so much on its own merits as on the demerits of his
+adversary. It is certain at any rate that he has nowhere made use of
+this form of versification.</p>
+
+<p>Persian influence is not noticeable in his earlier poems;<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_201" id="fnanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201">201</a></span> his <i>Buch
+der Lieder</i> shows no distinctive traces of it. His later poems, <i>Neue
+Gedichte</i> (1844) and <i>Romanzero</i> (1851), on the other hand, show it
+unmistakably. The Persian image of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>the rose and the nightingale is of
+frequent occurrence. In a poem on Spring (<i>Neue Ged.</i> vol. ii. p. 26) we
+read:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Und mir selbst ist dann, als w&uuml;rd' ich<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Eine Nachtigall und s&auml;nge<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Diesen Rosen meine Liebe,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Tr&auml;umend sing' ich Wunderkl&auml;nge&mdash;.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The image recurs repeatedly in the <i>Neue Gedichte</i>, e.g. <i>Neuer
+Fr&uuml;hling</i>, Nos. 7, 9, 11, 20, 26; <i>Verschiedene</i>, No. 7, and in
+<i>Romanzero</i> (vol. iii.), pp. 42, 178, 253. Even in the prose-writings it
+is found, e.g. <i>Florentinische N&auml;chte</i> (vol. iii. p. 43), <i>Gedanken und
+Einf&auml;lle</i> (vol. xii. 309).</p>
+
+<p>Again, when Heine speaks of pearls that are pierced and strung on a
+silken thread ("Kluge Sterne," <i>Neue Ged.</i> vol. ii. p. 106), he is
+intensely Persian; still more so when he calls Jehuda ben Halevy's
+verses (<i>Romanz.</i> vol. iii. p. 136):</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Perlenthr&auml;nen, die, verbunden<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Durch des Reimes goldnen Faden,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Aus der Dichtkunst g&uuml;ldnen Schmiede<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Als ein Lied hervorgegangen.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>The Persian fancy of the moth and candle-flame seems to have been in his
+mind when he wrote ("Die Libelle," vol. ii. p. 288):</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Knisternd verzehren die Flammen der Kerzen<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Die K&auml;fer und ihre liebenden Herzen....<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Still another Persian idea, familiar to us from a preceding chapter, is
+the peacock ashamed of his ugly feet ("Unvolkommenheit," <i>Romanz.</i> vol.
+iii. p. 103).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>The Persian manner is even employed, and very cleverly, for humorous
+effect, for instance, in the poem "Jehuda ben Halevy," cited before. In
+this Heine asks Hitzig for the etymology of the name Schlemihl, but
+meets with nothing but evasive replies until:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Endlich alle Kn&ouml;pfe rissen<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">An der Hose der Geduld,<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>and the poet begins to swear so profanely that the pious Hitzig
+surrenders unconditionally and hastens to supply the desired
+information. This image of the "trousers of pa<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>tience" reminds us
+strikingly of such Persian phrases as &#1580;&#1610;&#1576; &#1605;&#1585;&#1575;&#1602;&#1576;&#1607; "the cowl of
+meditation" (<i>Gul.</i> ed. Platts, p. 4), &#1601;&#1585;&#1588; &#1607;&#1608;&#1587; "the carpet of desire"
+(ib. p. 113), etc., which are a particular ornament of the highly
+artificial rhymed prose, employed in works like the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> and
+<i>Bah&#257;rist&#257;n</i>. In the latter, for instance, we read of a youth whose
+mental equilibrium had been impaired by the charms of a handsome girl:
+&#1604;&#1576;&#1575;&#1587; &#1583;&#1575;&#1606;&#1575;&#1610;&#1740; &#1576;&#1610;&#1601;&#1705;&#1606;&#1583; &#1608; &#1662;&#1604;&#1575;&#1587; &#1585;&#1587;&#1608;&#1575;&#1610;&#1740; &#1662;&#1608;&#1588;&#1610;&#1583; "he tore the garment of prudence
+and put on the rags of disgrace."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_202" id="fnanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202">202</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The description of a countess in words like those which Heine puts into
+the mouth of a Berlin chamber-musician: "Cypressenwuchs,
+Hyacinthenlocken, der Mund ist Ros' und Nachtigall zu gleicher Zeit," ...
+(<i>Briefe aus Berlin</i>. No. 3, vol. v. p. 205) furnishes another instance
+in point.</p>
+
+<p>And lastly, we must mention one of the best known of Heine's poems, the
+trilogy "Der Dichter Firdusi," the subject of which is the famous legend
+of Mahm&#363;d's ingratitude to Persia's greatest singer and his tardy
+repentance. We may add that scholars are not inclined to accept this
+legend as historical in all its parts; certainly not in its artistic and
+effective ending. This, of course, has nothing to do with the literary
+merit of the poem, which is deservedly ranked as one of Heine's happiest
+efforts.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_203" id="fnanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203">203</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>After all, however, it is clear that Heine is in no sense an
+orientalizing poet or a follower of the Hafizian tendency which became
+the vogue under the influence of Goethe, R&uuml;ckert and Platen. With him
+the Oriental element never was more than an incidental feature, strictly
+subordinated to his own poetic individuality, and never dominating or
+effacing it, as is the case with most of the professedly "Persian"
+singers,&mdash;those "Perser von dem Main, der Elbe, von der Isar, von der
+Pleisse"&mdash;who thought, as has justly been remarked, that they had
+penetrated into the Persian spirit by merely mentioning <i>guls</i> and
+<i>bulbuls</i>. Heine had no use for such trivial superficiality. The singer
+of the "Loreley" sang as he felt, and in spite of so many apparently
+un-German sentiments <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>in his writings he had a right to say (<i>Die
+Heimkehr</i>, vol. i. p. 131):</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Ich bin ein deutscher Dichter,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Bekannt im deutschen Land;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Nennt man die besten Namen,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">So wird auch der meine genannt.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192" href="#fnanchor_192">192</a></span> Printed as Nachwort in the Bemerker, No. 10, Suppl. to
+Gesellschafter, No. 77. See also H. Heines Leben u. Werke, Ad.
+Strodtmann, Hamb. 1883, vol. i. p. 78.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193" href="#fnanchor_193">193</a></span> Similarly Bhart&#7771;hari, N&#299;ti&#347;. 74.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194" href="#fnanchor_194">194</a></span> <i>Atha kad&#257;cid avasann&#257;y&#257;m r&#257;tr&#257;v ast&#257;calac&#363;d&#257;valambini bhagavati
+kumudin&#299;n&#257;yak&#275; candramasi</i>.... (ed. Bomb. 1891, p. 7). "Once upon a time
+when the night was spent and the moon, the lordly lover of the lotuses,
+was reclining on the crest of the western mountain...." Of other
+allusions to this lotus we may cite Vikram&#333;rva&#7777;&#299;, Act 3. ed. Parab and
+Telang, Bomb. 1888, p. 79; &#346;ak. Act iii. ed. Kale, p. 81, and Act iv.
+ib. p. 96.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195" href="#fnanchor_195">195</a></span> The episode occurs in R&#257;m&#257;y. i. 51-56. It had been translated as
+early as 1816 by Bopp in his Conjugationssystem der Sanskritsprache.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196" href="#fnanchor_196">196</a></span> Mah&#257;bh. iii. 108, 109; R&#257;m&#257;y. i. 42, 43; M&#257;rka&#7751;&#7693;&#275;ya Pur. and other
+works. Heine's acquaintance was due undoubtedly to Schlegel's
+translation in Indische Bibliothek, 1820. (Aug. Schlegel, Werke, iii.
+20-44.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197" href="#fnanchor_197">197</a></span> See article on this subject by M. Schuyler, Jr., in JAOS. vol. xx.
+2. p. 338 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198" href="#fnanchor_198">198</a></span> Letter to Friedr. Steinmann, S&auml;mmtl. Werke, Hamb. 1876, vol. xix.
+No. 7, p. 43.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199" href="#fnanchor_199">199</a></span> Ibid. No. 15, p. 80.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200" href="#fnanchor_200">200</a></span> Ibid. No. 38, pp. 200, 201.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201" href="#fnanchor_201">201</a></span> One poem of his earliest period, Die Lehre (vol. iii. p. 276),
+published in Hamburgs W&auml;chter, 1817 (Strodtmann, op. cit. i. 54), does
+seem to show it. In this the young bee, heedless of motherly advice,
+does not beware of the candle-flame and so "Flamme gab Flammentod." We
+at once recognize a familiar Persian thought, and are reminded of
+Goethe's fine line, "Das Lebend'ge will ich preisen das nach Flammentod
+sich sehnet." (Selige Sehnsucht, ed. Loeper, iv. 26.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202" href="#fnanchor_202">202</a></span> O.M. v. Schlechta-Wssehrd, Der Fr&uuml;hlingsgarten von Mewlana
+Abdurrahman Dschami, Wien, 1846. Persian text, p. 38.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203" href="#fnanchor_203">203</a></span> For a discussion of the legend see N&ouml;ldeke in Grdr. iran. Phil.
+vol. ii. pp. 154, 155, 158.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X.</h2>
+
+<h3>BODENSTEDT.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Lieder des Mirza Schaffy&mdash;Are Original Poems&mdash;Nachlass&mdash;Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland&mdash;Sakuntala, a Narrative Poem.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>The <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; tendency was carried to the height of popularity by Friedrich
+Martin Bodenstedt, whose <i>Lieder des Mirza Schaffy</i> met with a
+phenomenal success, running through one hundred and forty editions in
+Germany alone during the lifetime of the author, besides being
+translated into many foreign languages.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_204" id="fnanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204">204</a></span> These songs have had a
+remarkable career, which the author himself relates in an essay appended
+to the <i>Nachlass</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_205" id="fnanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205">205</a></span></p>
+
+<p>According to the prevailing opinion, Mirza Schaffy was a great Persian
+poet, a rival of Sa&#699;d&#299; and <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, and Bodenstedt was the translator of
+his songs. Great, therefore, was the astonishment of the European, and
+particularly the German public, when it was discovered that the name of
+this famous poet was utterly unknown in the East, even in his own native
+land. As early as 1860, Professor Brugsch, when in Tiflis, had searched
+for the singer's grave, but in vain; nobody could tell him where a
+certain Mirza Schaffy lay buried. At last, in 1870, the Russian
+counsellor Adolph Berg&eacute; gave an authentic account of the real man and
+his literary activity.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_206" id="fnanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206">206</a></span> Two things were clearly established: first,
+that such a person as M&#299;rz&#257; &#352;af&#299;&#699; had really existed; second, that this
+person was no poet. On this second point the few scraps of verse which
+Berg&eacute; had been able to collect, and which he submitted in the essay
+cited above, leave absolutely no doubt. So, in 1874, when Bodenstedt
+published another poetic collection of Mirza Schaffy, he <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>appended an
+essay wherein he explained clearly the origin and the nature of the
+original collection bearing that name.</p>
+
+<p>According to his own statements, these poems are not translations. They
+are entirely his own,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_207" id="fnanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207">207</a></span> and were originally not an independent
+collection, but part of the biographical romance <i>Tausend und ein Tag im
+Orient</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_208" id="fnanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208">208</a></span> This should be kept in mind if we wish to estimate them at
+their true value.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless the poems are genuinely Oriental and owe their existence to
+the author's stay in the East, particularly in Tiflis, during the winter
+1843-44. But for this residence in the Orient, so Bodenstedt tells
+us,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_209" id="fnanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209">209</a></span> a large part of them would never have seen the light.</p>
+
+<p>In form, however, they are Occidental&mdash;the <i>&#947;azal</i> being used only a few
+times (e.g. ii. 135, or in the translations from <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; in chap. 21: ii.
+70=<span class="u">H</span>. 8; ii. 72=<span class="u">H</span>. 155, etc.) In spirit they are like <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;. "Mein
+Lehrer ist Hafis, mein Bethaus ist die Schenke," so Mirza Schaffy
+himself proclaims (i. p. 96), and images and ideas from <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, familiar
+to us from preceding chapters, meet us everywhere. The stature like a
+cypress, the nightingale and the rose, the verses like pearls on a
+string, and others could be cited as instances. Other authors are also
+laid under contribution; thus the comparison of Mirza Schaffy to a bee
+seems to have been suggested by a maxim of Sa&#699;d&#299; (<i>Gul.</i> viii. No. 77,
+ed. Platts; K.S. p. 268), where a wise man without practice is called a
+bee without honey, and the thought in the last verse of "Die Rose auch"
+(vol. ii. p. 85), that the rose cannot do without dirt and the
+nightingale feeds on worms, is a reminiscence of a story of Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299; which
+we had occasion to cite in the chapter on R&uuml;ckert (see p. 43). In one
+case a poem contains a Persian proverb. Mirza Schaffy criticises the
+opinions of the Sh&#257;h's viziers in the words: "Ich h&ouml;re das Geklapper
+einer M&uuml;hle, doch sehe ich kein Mehl" (i, 85), a literal rendering of</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1570;&#1608;&#1575;&#1586; &#1570;&#1587;&#1610;&#1575; &#1605;&#1740; &#1588;&#1606;&#1608;&#1605; &#1608;&#1570;&#1585;&#1583; &#1606;&#1605;&#1740; &#1576;&#1610;&#1606;&#1605;</p></div>
+
+<p>Of course the <i>mull&#257;s</i> and hypocrites in general are roundly <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>scored,
+especially in chapter 27, where the sage, angered by the reproaches
+which the <i>mustah&#299;d</i> has made to him for his bad conduct and irreligious
+poetry, gives vent to his sentiments of disgust in a number of poems
+(vol. ii. p. 137 seq.). Bodenstedt undoubtedly had in mind the
+persecutions to which <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; was subject, culminating in the refusal of
+the priests to give him regular burial and giving rise to the famous
+story of the <i>fatv&#257;</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The tavern and the praise of wine are, of course, bound to be prominent
+features. In the same <i>credo</i> where Mirza Schaffy proclaims <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; as
+his teacher he also proclaims the tavern as his house of prayer (i. p.
+96), and so he celebrates the day when he quit the mosque for the
+wine-house (i. p. 98; cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 213. 4). The well known poem "Aus dem
+Feuerquell des Weines" (i. p. 106) is in sentiment exactly like a
+quatrain of &#699;Umar Xayy&#257;m (Bodl. ed. Heron-Allen, Boston, 1898, No. 78;
+Whinfield, 195); the last verse is based on a couplet of Sa&#699;d&#299; (<i>Gul.</i>
+i. 4, last <i>qi&#7789;&#699;ah</i>, Platts, p. 18) which is cited immediately after the
+poem itself (i. p. 107).</p>
+
+<p>A collection of Hafizian songs would scarcely be complete without a song
+in praise of Sh&#299;r&#257;z. This we get in vol. ii. p. 48, where Sh&#299;r&#257;z is
+compared to Tiflis; and just as the former was made famous through
+<span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, so the latter will become famous through Mirza Schaffy. Little
+did the worthy sage of Ganja dream that this would come literally true.
+Yet it did. The closing lines of the poem&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Ber&uuml;hmt ist Tiflis durch dein Lied<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Vom Kyros bis zum Rhein geworden&mdash;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>are no empty boast; they simply express a fact.</p>
+
+<p>None of Bodenstedt's later poetic publications ever attained the success
+of the Mirza Schaffy songs, and, it may be added, none of them equalled
+those songs in merit. In 1874 the author resolved once more to try the
+magic of that name and so he launched forth a collection called <i>Aus dem
+Nachlasse Mirza Schaffy's</i>, and to emphasize the Persian character of
+these poems the Persian translation of the title, &#1575;&#1586; &#1575;&#1588;&#1585;&#1575;&#1585; &#1576;&#1575;&#1586;&#1605;&#1575;&#1606;&#1583;&#1607;&#1611;
+&#1605;&#1610;&#1585;&#1586;&#1575; &#1588;&#1601;&#1610;&#1593;, appeared on the title-page. In spite of all this, however,
+the Orientalism in these poems is more artificial <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>than natural; it is
+not felt as something essential without which the poems could not exist.
+The praise of wine, which is the main theme of the second book,&mdash;for the
+collection is divided into seven books,&mdash;is certainly not
+characteristically Persian; European, and especially German poets have
+also been very liberal and very proficient in bibulous verse. The maxims
+that make up the third and a portion of the fourth book are for the most
+part either plainly unoriental, or else so perfectly general, and, we
+may add, so hopelessly commonplace, as to fit in anywhere. Some,
+however, are drawn from Persian sources. Thus from the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> we
+have in the third book, Nos. 8 (<i>Gul.</i> Pref. p. 7, last <i>qi&#7789;&#699;ah</i>), 9
+(ibid. p. 6, first three couplets), 12 (ibid. iii. 27, <i>ma&#952;</i>. p. 89) and
+36 (saying of the king in <i>Gul.</i> i. 1, p. 13). No. 31 is from the
+introduction to the <i>Hit&#333;pad&#275;&#347;a</i> (third couplet).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_210" id="fnanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210">210</a></span> "Die Cypresse,"
+p. 103, is suggested by <i>Gul.</i> viii. 111 (K.S. 81).</p>
+
+<p>The Oriental stories which form the contents of the fifth book are of
+small literary value. Some of them read like versified lessons in
+Eastern religion, as, for instance, "Der Sufi," p. 111, which is a
+rhymed exposition of a <span class="u">S</span>&#363;fistic principle,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_211" id="fnanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211">211</a></span> and "Der
+W&uuml;stenheilige," which enunciates through the lips of Zoroaster himself
+his doctrine that good actions are worth more than ascetic
+practices.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_212" id="fnanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212">212</a></span> On p. 121 Ibn Yam&#299;n is credited with the story of the
+poet and the glow-worm, which is found in Sa&#699;d&#299;'s <i>B&#363;st&#257;n</i> (ed. Platts
+and Rogers, Lond. 1891, p. 127; tr. Barbier de Meynard, Paris, 1880, p.
+163). The famous story of Y&#363;suf and Zal&#299;&#967;&#257;, as related by J&#257;m&#299; and
+Firdaus&#299;, is the subject of the longest poem in the book and is told in
+a somewhat flippant manner, p. 135 seq. The stories told of Sa&#699;d&#299;'s
+reception at court and his subsequent banishment through the calumny of
+the courtiers, pp. 123-128, seem to be pure invention; at least there is
+nothing, as far as we know, in the life or writings of the Persian poet
+that could have furnished the material for these poems.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_213" id="fnanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213">213</a></span></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>In 1882, still another collection of Bodenstedt's poems, entitled <i>Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland</i>, made its appearance. Like the <i>Nachlass</i> it
+also has seven divisions, of which only the second, fourth and sixth are
+of interest for us as containing Oriental material.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_214" id="fnanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214">214</a></span></p>
+
+<p>One poem, however, in the first book, "An eine Kerze," p. 5, should be
+mentioned as of genuinely Persian character. The candle as symbolical of
+the patient, self-sacrificing lover is a familiar feature of Persian
+belles-lettres (cf. <span class="u">H</span>. 299. 4; 301. 5; or R&uuml;ckert's "Die Kerze und die
+Flasche," see above, p. 43). The last line reminds us of a verse of
+Jurj&#257;n&#299;, cited by J&#257;m&#299; in the <i>Bah&#257;rist&#257;n</i> (ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p.
+111), exhorting the ruler to be like a flame, always pointing upwards.</p>
+
+<p>The second book brings another contribution of sententious wisdom, most
+of which is neither new nor Oriental. Of Oriental sources the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i>
+is best represented. From it are taken Nos. 8 (<i>Gul.</i> ii. 4, last
+couplet), 9 (ibid. i. 1), 41 (ibid. i. 21, prose-passage before the
+<i>ma&#952;</i>. p. 33; K.S. p. 55), 43 (ibid. i. 17, coupl. 4, p. 29; K.S. p.
+49), 52 (ibid. i. 29, coupl. 2; K.S. p. 66). No. 47, which is credited
+to Ibn Yam&#299;n, is from the <i>Bah&#257;rist&#257;n</i> (tr. K.S. p. 46; <i>Red.</i> p. 338).
+No. 49 is a very free rendering of a quatrain of &#699;Umar Xayy&#257;m (Whinf.
+347; <i>Red.</i> p. 81).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_215" id="fnanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215">215</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The fourth book offers stories, all of which, except the first two, are
+from Persian sources. Thus from the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> are "Die Berichtigung"
+(<i>Gul.</i> i. 31; K.S., p. 67) and "Der K&ouml;nigsring" (<i>Gul.</i> iii. 27, last
+part, p. 92; K.S. p. 157). "Nachtigall und Falk" is from Ni&#7693;&#257;m&#299;, as was
+pointed out before (see above, p. 43). "Das Paradies der Gl&auml;ubigen" is
+from J&#257;m&#299; (<i>Red.</i> p. 324; given there as from the <i>Sub&#7830;at ul-abr&#257;r</i>) and
+"Ein Bild der Welt" is from Ibn Yam&#299;n (<i>Red.</i> p. 236).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_216" id="fnanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216">216</a></span> The longest
+story of the book is "Dara und Sara," which gives the legend of the
+discovery of wine by King Jam&#353;&#299;d, told by M&#299;r&#967;v&#257;nd in his <i>Rau&#7693;at
+u<span class="u">s</span>-<span class="u">s</span>af&#257;</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_217" id="fnanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217">217</a></span> Besides <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>changing the name of the king to Dara, in
+order to make the poem more romantic, we find that Bodenstedt has made
+some decided alterations and has considerably amplified the legend. Thus
+in his version the motive of the lady's attempt at suicide is despised
+love, while in the original it is only a prosaic nervous headache. In
+both cases, however, the sequel is the same.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, the sixth book offers very free paraphrases of poems by R&#363;m&#299;,
+Sa&#699;d&#299;, Am&#299;r Mu&#699;izz&#299; and Anvar&#299;, who, oddly enough, are termed "Vorl&auml;ufer
+des Mirza Schaffy." The source for most of these poems was evidently
+Hammer's <i>Geschichte der sch&ouml;nen Redek&uuml;nste Persiens</i>. To realize with
+what freedom Bodenstedt has treated his models, it is only necessary to
+compare some of the poems from R&#363;m&#299; with Hammer's versions, e.g. "Glaube
+und Unglaube" (<i>Red.</i> p. 175), "Der Mensch und die Welt" (ibid. p. 180),
+"Des Lebens Kreislauf" (ibid. p. 178), "Wach' auf" (ibid. p. 181). "Die
+Pilger," p. 188, attributed to J&#257;m&#299;, is likewise from R&#363;m&#299; (<i>Red.</i> p.
+181; cf. R&uuml;ckert, <i>Werke</i>, vol. v. p. 220). The poems from Sa&#699;d&#299; can
+mostly be traced to the <i>Gulist&#257;n</i>; they are so freely rendered that
+they have little in common with the originals except the thought. No. 1
+is <i>Gul.</i> ii. 18, <i>qi&#7789;&#699;ah</i> 1, to which the words of Luqm&#257;n are added;
+no. 2 is from <i>Gul.</i> iii. 10, couplet (p. 76; K.S. p. 129); no. 3 is
+<i>Gul.</i> iii. 27, <i>ma&#952;</i>. (p. 89; K.S., p. 151); no. 4 is <i>Gul.</i> iii. 27,
+<i>qi&#7789;&#699;ah</i> (p. 91; K.S., p. 154) and no. 5 is <i>Gul.</i> i. 39, <i>ma&#952;</i>. The
+poem "Heimat und Fremde" is taken from Am&#299;r Mu&#699;izz&#299;,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_218" id="fnanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218">218</a></span> the court-poet
+of Malak Sh&#257;h, who in turn took it from Anvar&#299;. It is cited in the <i>Haft
+Qulzum</i> to illustrate a kind of poetic theft.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_219" id="fnanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219">219</a></span> "Unterschied" is from
+J&#257;m&#299; (<i>Red.</i> p. 315, given as from <i>Sub&#7830;at ul-abr&#257;r</i>), "Warum" from Ibn
+Yam&#299;n (<i>Red.</i> p. 235); "Die Sterne" and "Die Zeit" are both from Anvar&#299;
+(<i>Red.</i> pp. 98, 99).</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>So far, Bodenstedt had taken the material for his Oriental poems from
+Persia, but now he turned to India and in 1887 appeared <i>Sakuntala</i>, a
+romantic epic in five cantos. In the main it follows the story of
+K&#257;lid&#257;sa's famous drama, but the version <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>in the <i>Mah&#257;bhar&#257;ta</i> is also
+used, and a considerable number of episodes are invented. Even where the
+account of the drama is followed, changes of a more or less sweeping
+nature are frequent. We cannot say that they strike us as so many
+improvements on K&#257;lid&#257;sa; they certainly often destroy or obliterate
+characteristic Indic features. Thus in the drama the failure of the king
+to recognize &#346;akuntal&#257; is the result of a curse pronounced against the
+girl by the irascible saint Durv&#257;sas, whom she has inadvertently failed
+to treat with due respect, and the ring is merely a means of breaking
+the spell. All this is highly characteristic of Hindu thought. In
+Bodenstedt's poem, however, remembering and forgetting are dependent on
+a magic quality inherent in the ring itself,&mdash;a trait that is at home in
+almost any literature.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_220" id="fnanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220">220</a></span></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>There are, besides, many minor changes. The <i>vid&#363;&#7779;aka</i>, or fun-making
+attendant of the king, is left out, and so the warriors express the
+sentiments that he utters at the beginning of Act 2. Du&#7779;yanta does not
+bid farewell to his beloved in person, but leaves a letter. Again, after
+he has failed to recognize her, she returns to the hermitage of Kanva,
+whereas in the drama she is transported to that of Ka&#347;yapa on the
+H&#275;mak&#363;&#7789;a mountain. So, of course, the aerial ride of the king in Indra's
+wagon is also done away with.</p>
+
+<p>In many places, on the other hand, the poem follows the drama very
+closely. For instance, the passage in the first canto describing the mad
+elephant (pp. 14, 15)<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_221" id="fnanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221">221</a></span> is a paraphrase of the warning uttered by one
+of the holy men in Act 1. Sc. 4 (ed. Kale, p. 40). The discourse of
+&#346;akuntal&#257; with her friends (pp. 37, 38), the incident of the bee and
+Priyamvad&#257;'s playful remark (pp. 38-40) are closely modelled after the
+fourth scene of Act 1. Many passages of the poem are in fact nothing but
+translations. Thus the words which the king on leaving, writes to
+&#346;akuntal&#257; (p. 78):</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Doch mein Herz wird stets zur&uuml;ckbewegt,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Wie die wehende Fahne an der Stange,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Die man vollem Wind entgegentr&auml;gt&mdash;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>are a pretty close rendering of the final words of the king's soliloquy
+at the end of Act 1:</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p><i>gacchati pura&#7717; &#347;ar&#299;ra&#7747; dh&#257;vati pa&#347;c&#257;d asa&#7747;stuta&#7747; c&#275;ta&#7717; c&#299;n&#257;&#7747;&#347;ukam<br />
+iva k&#275;t&#333;&#7717; prativ&#257;tam n&#299;yam&#257;nasya</i></p>
+
+<p>"my body goes forward; the mind not agreeing with it flies backward like
+the silken streamer of a banner borne against the wind."</p></div>
+
+<p>A large part of the whole poem is pure invention, designed to make the
+story more exciting by means of a greater variety of incident. Such
+invented episodes, for instance, are the gory battle-scenes that take up
+the first part of the fourth canto, the omen of the fishes in the fifth,
+and the episodes in which Bharata plays the chief r&ocirc;le in that canto.
+Some of the things told of this boy, how he knocks down the gate-keeper
+who refuses to admit his mother, how he strikes the queen Vasumat&#299; who
+had insulted her, and how he slays the assassin whom this jealous queen
+had sent against him, are truly remarkable in view of the fact that the
+hero of all these exploits cannot be more than six years of age (see pp.
+112, 113). The account in the <i>Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata</i>, to be sure, tells of
+equally fabulous exploits performed by the youth, but there we move in
+an atmosphere of the marvelous. In Bodenstedt's poem, however, the
+supernatural has been almost completely banished, and we cannot help
+noticing the improbability of these deeds.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204" href="#fnanchor_204">204</a></span> Hebrew by Jos. Choczner, Breslau, 1868; Dutch by van Krieken,
+Amst. 1875; English by E. d'Esterre, Hamb. 1880; Italian by Giuseppe
+Rossi, 1884; Polish by Dzialoszye, Warsaw, 1888. See list in G. Schenk,
+Friedr. Bodenstedt, Ein Dichterleben in seinen Briefen, Berl. 1893, pp.
+246-248.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205" href="#fnanchor_205">205</a></span> Aus dem Nachlasse Mirza Schaffys, Berl. 1874, pp. 191-223.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206" href="#fnanchor_206">206</a></span> In ZDMG. vol. xxiv. pp. 425-432.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207" href="#fnanchor_207">207</a></span> With few exceptions, pointed out by Bodenstedt himself, e.g.
+"Mullah rein ist der Wein" is from the Tartaric. Nachlass, p. 208.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208" href="#fnanchor_208">208</a></span> Friedr. Bodenstedts Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1865, 12 vols.
+Vols. i and ii. All references to the Lieder des M.S. are to this
+edition.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209" href="#fnanchor_209">209</a></span> Nachlass, p. 193.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210" href="#fnanchor_210">210</a></span> Or else a saying of Muhammad exactly like it, cited by Prof.
+Brugsch in Aus dem Morgenlande, Lpz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. 3151-2, p. 57.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211" href="#fnanchor_211">211</a></span> Cf. Bodenstedt's remarks on <span class="u">S</span>&#363;fism in Nachtrag, p. 198 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212" href="#fnanchor_212">212</a></span> See my article on Religion of Ancient Persia in Progress, vol.
+iii. No. 5, p. 290.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213" href="#fnanchor_213">213</a></span> A complete history of Sa&#699;d&#299;'s life, drawn from his own writings as
+well as other sources, is given by W. Bacher, Sa&#699;d&#299;'s Aphorismen und
+Sinngedichte, Strassb. 1879. On the relation of the poet to the rulers
+of his time, see esp. p. xxxv seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214" href="#fnanchor_214">214</a></span> We cite from the third edition, 1887.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215" href="#fnanchor_215">215</a></span> Translated more closely by Bodenstedt in Die Lieder und Spr&uuml;che
+des Omar Chajj&acirc;m, Breslau, 1881, p. 29.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216" href="#fnanchor_216">216</a></span> Schlechta-Wssehrd, Ibn Jemins Bruchst&uuml;cke. Wien, 1852, pp. 138,
+139.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217" href="#fnanchor_217">217</a></span> Tr. David Shea, Hist. of the Early Kings of Persia, Lond. 1832,
+pp. 102-104; Malcolm. i. p. 10, note b.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218" href="#fnanchor_218">218</a></span> Eth&eacute; in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. p. 260; Pizzi, Storia, vol. i. pp.
+88, 215.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219" href="#fnanchor_219">219</a></span> R&uuml;ckert, Gram. Poet. u. Rhet. der Perser, p. 363.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220" href="#fnanchor_220">220</a></span> Cf. the story of Charlemagne and the magic stone given to him by a
+grateful serpent. Grimm, Deutsche Sagen, 1. 130.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221" href="#fnanchor_221">221</a></span> We cite from an edition publ. at Leipzig, no date.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI.</h2>
+
+<h3>THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Some Less Known Poets Who Attempted The Oriental Manner.</span></p></div>
+
+<p>To enumerate the names of all the German poets who affected the Oriental
+manner would be to give a list of the illustrious obscure. Most of them
+have only served to furnish another illustration of Horace's famous
+<i>mediocribus esse poetis</i>. A bare mention of such names as L&ouml;schke,
+Levitschnigg, Wihl, Stieglitz and von Hermannsthal will suffice.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_222" id="fnanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222">222</a></span>
+The last mentioned poet gives a striking illustration of the inanity of
+most of this kind of work. He uses the <i>&#947;azal</i> form for stories about
+such persons as the Gracchi and Bl&uuml;cher,<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_223" id="fnanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223">223</a></span> and, what is still more
+curious, for tirades against the Oriental tendency.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_224" id="fnanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224">224</a></span> A poet of
+different calibre is Daumer, whose <i>Hafis</i> (Hamb. 1846) for a long time
+was regarded as a translation, whereas the poems of the collection are
+in reality original productions in <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;'s manner, just like R&uuml;ckert's
+<i>&Ouml;stliche Rosen</i>.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_225" id="fnanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225">225</a></span> Their sensuous, passionate eroticism, however, is
+not a genuine <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; quality, as we before have seen. The same criticism
+applies even much more forcibly to Schefer's <i>Hafis in Hellas</i> (Hamburg,
+1853).<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_226" id="fnanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226">226</a></span> Special mention is due to the gifted, but unfortunate,
+Heinrich Leuthold, whose <i>Ghaselen</i> deserve to be placed by the side of
+Platen's. Like Platen and R&uuml;ckert, he too proclaims himself a reveller:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Zur Gottheit ward die Sch&ouml;nheit mir<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und mein Gebet wird zum Ghasel.&mdash;<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>But these <i>Ghaselen</i> do not attempt to be so intensely Persian as to
+reproduce the objectionable features of Persian poetry. Thus Leuthold
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>sings:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Vor allem ein Lebehoch dem Hafis, dem Patriarchen der Zunft!&mdash;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">D'rum bringe die liebliche Schenkin das Gold gef&uuml;llter Becher hinein!<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_227" id="fnanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227">227</a></span><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Evidently the poet sees no necessity for retaining the <i>s&#257;q&#299;</i>, but makes
+the poem more acceptable to Western taste by substituting a "Schenkin"
+for Platen's "Schenke."</p>
+
+<p>The Oriental story was cultivated by J.F. Castelli. Many of the subjects
+of his <i>Orientalische Granaten</i> (Dresden, 1852) had already been used by
+R&uuml;ckert. Another Oriental storyteller in verse is Ludwig Bowitsch, whose
+<i>Sindibad</i> (Leipzig, 1860) contains mostly Arabic material. Friedrich
+von Sallet has written a poem on <i>Zerduscht</i><span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_228" id="fnanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228">228</a></span> which gives the
+Iranian legend of the attempt made by the sorcerers to burn the newborn
+child.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_229" id="fnanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229">229</a></span> It would, however, lead us too far were we to mention single
+poems on Oriental subjects or of Oriental tendency.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>Head and shoulders above all these less known poets towers the figure of
+Count von Schack, who, like R&uuml;ckert, combined the poetic gift with the
+learning of the scholar, and who thus stands out a worthy successor of
+the German Brahman as a representative of the idea of the
+<i>Weltlitteratur</i>. A discussion of his work is a fitting close for this
+investigation.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222" href="#fnanchor_222">222</a></span> On these see Paul Horn, Was verdanken Wir Persien, in Nord u. S&uuml;d,
+Heft 282, p. 386 seq.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223" href="#fnanchor_223">223</a></span> Ghaselen, Leipz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. No. 371, pp. 96, 99.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224" href="#fnanchor_224">224</a></span> Ibid. pp. 49-54. An einen Freund.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225" href="#fnanchor_225">225</a></span> See von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, p. 117.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226" href="#fnanchor_226">226</a></span> Horn in article cited, p. 389; Emil Brenning, Leopold Schefer,
+Bremen, 1884, p. 135.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227" href="#fnanchor_227">227</a></span> Gedichte, Frauenfeld, 1879, p. 144 (xvi).</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228" href="#fnanchor_228">228</a></span> Gesammelte Gedichte, Leipz. Reclam. Nos. 551-3, p. 128.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229" href="#fnanchor_229">229</a></span> See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 29.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII.</h2>
+
+<h3>VON SCHACK.</h3>
+
+<div class="chap"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">His Fame as Translator of Firdaus&#299;&mdash;Stimmen vom
+Ganges&mdash;Sakuntala compared with the Original in the
+Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata&mdash;His Oriental Scholarship in his Original
+Poems&mdash;Attitude towards Hafizian Singers.</span></p></div>
+
+
+<p>As an Orientalist, von Schack's scholarship is amply attested by his
+numerous and excellent translations from Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit.
+His <i>Heldensagen des Firdusi</i>, as is well known, has become a standard
+work of German literature. In fact, we may say that his reputation rests
+more upon his translations than upon his poems.</p>
+
+<p>Though we have consistently refrained from discussing translations, it
+is felt that the <i>Stimmen vom Ganges</i>, which is a collection of Indic
+legends from various sources, especially from the <i>Pur&#257;&#7751;as</i>, cannot be
+left entirely out of consideration.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_230" id="fnanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230">230</a></span> In many respects these poems
+have the charm of original work. The models moreover are used with great
+freedom. To cite von Schack's own words: "F&uuml;r eigentliche &Uuml;bertragungen
+k&ouml;nnen diese Dichtungen in der Gestalt, wie sie hier vorliegen, nicht
+gelten, da bei der Bearbeitung bald gr&ouml;ssere bald geringere Freiheit
+gewaltet hat, auch manches St&ouml;rende und Weitschweifige ausgeschieden
+wurde; doch hielt ich es f&uuml;r unstatthaft, am Wesentlichen des Stoffes
+und der Motive &Auml;nderungen vorzunehmen. In Gedanken und Ausdruck haben,
+wenn nicht der jedesmal vorliegende Text, so doch stets Indische Werke
+zu Vorbildern gedient."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_231" id="fnanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231">231</a></span></p>
+
+<p>A brief comparison of any one of these poems with the Sanskrit original
+will show the correctness of this statement. <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>Let us take, as an
+illustration, the second, which gives the famous legend of &#346;akuntal&#257;
+from the <i>Mah&#257;bh&#257;rata</i> (i. 69-74; Bombay ed. i. 92-100).</p>
+
+<p>Schack leaves out unnecessary details and wearisome repetitions. Thus
+the elaborate account of the Brahmans whom the king sees on entering the
+hermitage of Kanva and their different occupations (<i>Mbh</i>. 70, 37-47) is
+condensed into fourteen lines, p. 36. Again, in the original, when
+&#346;akuntal&#257; tells the story of her birth, the speech by which Indra urges
+M&#275;nak&#257; to undertake the temptation of Vi&#347;v&#257;mitra is given at some length
+(<i>Mbh</i>. 71, 20-26); so also the reply of the timid nymph (ibid. 71,
+27-42); the story of the temptation itself is narrated with realistic
+detail in true Hindu fashion (ibid. 72, 1-9). All this takes up
+thirty-three <i>&#347;l&#333;kas</i>. Schack devotes to it barely five lines, p. 38;
+the speeches of Indra and M&#275;nak&#257; he omits altogether. Again, when the
+king proposes to the fair maid, he enters into a learned disquisition on
+the eight kinds of marriage, explaining which ones are proper for each
+caste, which ones are never proper, and so forth; finally he proposes
+the Gandharva form (<i>Mbh</i>. 73, 6-14). It is needless to say that in
+Schack's poem the king's proposal is much less didactic and much more
+direct, pp. 40, 41.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, to see how closely the poet sometimes follows his
+model we need but compare all that follows the words "Kaum war er
+gegangen," p. 42, to "Dem sind nimmerdar die G&ouml;tter gn&auml;dig," p. 47, with
+the Sanskrit original (<i>Mbh</i>. 73, 24-74, 33).</p>
+
+<p>Minor changes in phrases or words, advisable on aesthetic grounds, are
+of course frequent. Similes, for instance, appealing too exclusively to
+Hindu taste, were made more general. Thus in &#346;akuntal&#257;'s reply to the
+king, p. 51, the faults of others are likened in size to sand grains,
+and those of himself to glebes. In Sanskrit, however, the comparison is
+to mustard-grains and bilva-fruits respectively. A few lines further on
+the maid declares:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i4">"So &uuml;berragt mein Stamm denn<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Weit den deinen, wisse das, Duschmanta!"<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>which passage in the original reads: <i>&#257;vay&#333;r antara&#7747; pa&#347;ya m&#275;ru
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>sar&#347;ap&#333;r iva</i>, "behold! the difference between us is like that between
+a mustard-seed and Mount M&#275;ru." In the same speech of &#346;akuntal&#257; the
+Sanskrit introduces a striking simile which Schack omits as too
+specifically Indic:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0"><i>m&#363;rkh&#333; hi jalpat&#257;&#7747; pu&#7747;s&#257;&#7747; &#347;rutv&#257; v&#257;ca&#7717; &#347;ubh&#257;&#347;ubh&#257;&#7717;</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i0"><i>a&#347;ubha&#7747; v&#257;kyam &#257;datt&#275; pur&#299;&#7779;am iva s&#363;kara&#7717;</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i0"><i>pr&#257;j&ntilde;as tu jalpat&#257;&#7747; pu&#7747;s&#257;&#7747; &#347;rutv&#257; v&#257;ca&#7717; &#347;ubh&#257;&#347;ubh&#257;&#7717;</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i0"><i>gu&#7751;avad v&#257;kyam &#257;datt&#275; ha&#7747;sa&#7717; k&#7779;&#299;ram iv&#257;&#7747;bhasa&#7717;</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i14">(<i>Mbh.</i> 74. 90, 91.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>"The fool having heard men's speeches containing good and evil
+chooses the evil just as a hog dirt; but the wise man having heard
+men's speeches containing good and evil chooses the worthy, just
+as a swan (separates) milk from water."<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_232" id="fnanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232">232</a></span></p></div>
+
+<p>We believe that these illustrations will suffice to give an idea of the
+relation which Schack's poems bear to the originals.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>His fondness for things Oriental finds also frequent expression in his
+own poems. In <i>N&auml;chte des Orients</i> (vol. i. p. 7 seq.),<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_233" id="fnanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233">233</a></span> like Goethe
+before him, he undertakes a poetic Hegira to the East:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Entfliehen lasst mich, fliehn aus den Gewirren<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Des Occidents zum heitern Morgenland!<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>So he visits the native towns of Firdaus&#299; and <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; and pays his
+respect to their memory, and then penetrates also into India, where he
+hears from the lips of a Buddhist monk an exposition of Nirv&#257;&#7751;a
+philosophy, which, however, is unacceptable to him (p. 111). The
+Oriental scenes that are brought before our mind, both in this poem as
+well as in "Memnon" (vol. vii. p. 5 seq.), are of course portrayed with
+poetic feeling as well as scholarly accuracy. The <i>&#7830;&#257;j&#299;</i> who owns the
+wonderful elixir,&mdash;which, by the way, is said to come from India (p.
+33),&mdash;and who interprets each vision that the poet lives through from
+the standpoint of the pessimistic sceptic, shows the influence of &#699;Umar
+Xayy&#257;m. In fact he indulges sometimes in unmistakable reminiscences of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>the quatrains of the famous astronomer-poet, as when he says:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Wie Schattenbilder, die an der Laterne,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Wenn sie der Gaukler schiebt, vor&uuml;bergleiten,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">So zieht die bl&ouml;de, willenlose Herde,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Die Menschheit mein' ich, &uuml;ber diese Erde. (p. 55.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>This is very much the same thought as in the following quatrain of &#699;Umar
+(Whinf. 310; Bodl. 108):</p>
+
+<div class="blockquot"><p>&#1575;&#1610;&#1606; &#1670;&#1585;&#1582; &#1601;&#1604;&#1705; &#1705;&#1607; &#1605;&#1575; &#1583;&#1585;&#1608; &#1581;&#1610;&#1585;&#1575;&#1606;&#1610;&#1605;<br />
+&#1601;&#1575;&#1606;&#1608;&#1587; &#1582;&#1610;&#1575;&#1604; &#1575;&#1586;&#1608; &#1605;&#1579;&#1575;&#1604;&#1740; &#1583;&#1575;&#1606;&#1610;&#1605;<br />
+&#1582;&#1608;&#1585;&#1588;&#1610;&#1583; &#1670;&#1585;&#1575;&#1594; &#1583;&#1575;&#1606; &#1608; &#1593;&#1575;&#1604;&#1605; &#1601;&#1575;&#1606;&#1608;&#1587;<br />
+&#1605;&#1575; &#1670;&#1608;&#1606; &#1589;&#1608;&#1585;&#1610;&#1605; &#1705;&#1575;&#1606;&#1583;&#1585; &#1608; &#1711;&#1585;&#1583;&#1575;&#1606;&#1610;&#1605;</p></div>
+
+<p>which stands first in Schack's own translation of the Persian poet and
+is thus rendered:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">F&uuml;r eine magische Laterne ist diese ganze Welt zu halten,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">In welcher wir voll Schwindel leben;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Die Sonne h&auml;ngt darin als Lampe; die Bilder aber und Gestalten<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Sind wir, die d'ran vor&uuml;berschweben.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_234" id="fnanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234">234</a></span><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>In his <i>Weihges&auml;nge</i> (vol. ii. p. 149) Schack sends a greeting to the
+Orient; in another one of these songs he sings the praises of India
+(ibid. p. 232), and in still another he apostrophizes Zoroaster (ibid.
+p. 133). A division of this volume (ii.) bears the title <i>Lotosbl&auml;tter</i>.
+The sight of the scholar's chamber with its Sanskrit manuscripts makes
+him dream of India's gorgeous scenery and inspires a poem "Das indische
+Gemach" (vol. x. p. 26).</p>
+
+<p>Oriental stories and legends are also offered, though not frequently.
+"Mahmud der Gasnevide" (vol. i. p. 299) relates the story of the great
+sultan's stern justice.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_235" id="fnanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235">235</a></span> "Anahid" (vol. vii. p. 209) gives the
+famous legend of the angels H&#257;r&#363;t and M&#257;r&#363;t, who were punished for their
+temptation of the beautiful Zuhra, the Arabic Venus.<span class="fnanchor"><a name="fnanchor_236" id="fnanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236">236</a></span> Schack has
+substituted the old <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>Persian name of An&#257;hita (mod. Pers. <i>n&#257;h&#299;d</i>) for
+the Arabic name, and has otherwise also altered the legend considerably.</p>
+
+<p>Schack never attempted to write original poems in Oriental form. The
+Hafizian movement did not excite his enthusiasm, and for the trifling of
+the average Hafizian singer he had no use whatever. In a poem by which
+he conveys his thanks to the sultan for a distinction which the latter
+had conferred on him he says:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">W&auml;r ich, so wie Firdusi, paradiesisch,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Ich bohrte dir die Perlen der Kaside<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und schl&auml;nge dir das Halsband der Ghasele;<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Allein wir Deutschen singen kaum hafisisch,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und wenn wir orientalisch sind im Liede,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Durchtraben wir die W&uuml;sten als Kamele. (Vol. x. p. 106.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Even for Bodenstedt's Mirza Schaffy songs he has no great admiration:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i10">Gar viel bedeutet's nicht, mich d&uuml;nkt!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Dem nur, was R&uuml;ckert l&auml;ngst schon besser machte<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Und Platen, bist du keuchend nachgehinkt. (Vol. x. p. 47.)<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230" href="#fnanchor_230">230</a></span> Stimmen vom Ganges. Eine Sammlung Indischer Sagen, 2 Auflage,
+Stuttgart, 1877. The first edition appeared in 1857. There the eleventh
+story was Yadu's Meerfahrt (from Hariva&#7747;&#347;a). In the second edition this
+was omitted and an imitation of the Nal&#333;daya substituted as an appendix.
+The sources for each poem are given by the author himself in Nachwort,
+p. 215, note.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231" href="#fnanchor_231">231</a></span> Op. cit. p. 216.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232" href="#fnanchor_232">232</a></span> See Lanman, The Milk-drinking Ha&#7749;sas of Sanskrit Poetry, JAOS.
+vol. 19. 2, pp. 151-158. Goose would be a better translation of the word
+<i>ha&#7747;sa</i> than swan.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233" href="#fnanchor_233">233</a></span> We cite from the edition mentioned on p. vii.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234" href="#fnanchor_234">234</a></span> Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878. The translation itself
+dates from an earlier period than the year of publication. The author,
+speaking of the delay in bringing it before the public, states that
+Horace's nonumque prematur in annum could be applied in threefold
+measure to this work (p. 118). Hence the translation was made about
+1850, or a little later.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235" href="#fnanchor_235">235</a></span> Herder, Briefe zur Bef&ouml;rderung der Humanit&auml;t, x, ed. Suphan, vol.
+18, p. 259; Deguignes, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 172; Francis Gladwin, The
+Persian Moonshee, Calcutta, 1801, Pers. and Engl. pt. ii. p. 3.</p>
+
+<p><span class="label"><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236" href="#fnanchor_236">236</a></span> See Hammer, Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 7, 8.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII.</h2>
+
+<h3>CONCLUSION.</h3>
+
+
+<p>Now that we have come to the end of our investigation, it may be well to
+survey briefly the whole field and to summarize the results we have
+reached.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that to medi&aelig;val Europe India and Persia were lands of
+magic and enchantment; their languages and literatures were utterly
+unknown. Whatever influence these literatures exerted on that of Europe
+was indirect and not recognized. Nor did the Portuguese discoveries
+effect an immediate change. It was only by slow degrees that the West
+obtained any knowledge of Eastern thought. The <i>Gulist&#257;n</i> and <i>B&#363;st&#257;n</i>
+of Sa&#699;d&#299;, some maxims of Bhart&#7771;hari and a few scattered fragments were
+all that was known in Europe of Indic or Persian literature before the
+end of the eighteenth century.</p>
+
+<p>Then the epoch-making discoveries of Sir William Jones aroused the
+attention of the Western world and laid the foundations of a new
+science. New ideas of world-wide significance presented themselves to
+the European mind. Nowhere were these ideas welcomed with more
+enthusiasm than in Germany, the home of philological scholarship. Herder
+pointed the way, and by means of translations and imitations tried to
+introduce the treasures of Oriental thought into German literature. That
+he did not meet with unqualified success was due, as we have seen, to
+his one-sided didactic tendency. To him, however, belongs the credit of
+the first impulse. Then Friedrich Schlegel founded the study of Sanskrit
+in Germany, while at the same time Hammer was busily at work spreading a
+knowledge of the Persian poets in Europe. The effect of the latter's
+work was instantaneous, for, as has been pointed out, it was his
+translation of <span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693; that inspired the composition of Goethe's <i>Divan</i>
+and thus started the Oriental movement in Germany.</p>
+
+<p>We have examined the share which R&uuml;ckert, Platen,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span> Bodenstedt and Schack
+had in this movement and have touched briefly on the work of some of the
+minor lights. It will be noticed that the Persian tendency found a far
+greater number of followers than the Indic. And this is but natural. It
+was far more easy to sing of wine, woman and roses in the manner of
+<span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;, such as most of these poets conceived this manner to be, than to
+assimilate and reproduce the philosophic and often involved poetry of
+India. Add to this the charming form and the rich rhyme of Persian
+poetry and we can readily understand why it won favor. But we can also
+understand readily enough why most of the so-called Hafizian singing is
+of very inferior quality. Those men who did the most serious work for
+the West-Eastern movement in Germany, men like R&uuml;ckert and Schack, were
+not one-sided in their studies. It was their earnest intention to offer
+to their countrymen what was best in the literatures of both India and
+Persia, and that they have carried out this intention nobly no one who
+has followed this investigation will be disposed to deny.</p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+<p>It only remains to say a few words on the question of the value of this
+Oriental movement to German literature. We are not inclined to put too
+high an estimate on the poetry that arose under its influence. In fact,
+we do not think that it has produced what may be called really great
+poetry. It is significant that the fame of most of the poets considered
+in this investigation does not rest on that part of their work which was
+inspired by Oriental influence. We cannot possibly agree with the view
+that would place Goethe's <i>Divan</i> side by side with the master's best
+productions. We do not believe that he ever would have become famous
+through that. Platen's <i>Ghaselen</i> have neither the merit nor the
+reputation of his sonnets or his ballads. Even among the <i>Ghaselen</i> and
+<i>&Ouml;stliche Rosen</i> of R&uuml;ckert, the finest poems, such as "Sei mir
+gegr&uuml;sst" and "Du bist die Ruh," both immortalized by the genius of
+Schubert, are precisely those that are least Oriental, and we think it
+is safe to say that the <i>Liebesfr&uuml;hling</i> exceeds in fame any one of
+R&uuml;ckert's Oriental collections, including the <i>Weisheit des Brahmanen</i>.
+The exception to the rule is Bodenstedt. His reputation rests almost
+solely on the Mirza Schaffy songs; but it will scarcely be pretended
+that this is great poetry.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>From what has been said it may be inferred that the chief value of the
+Oriental movement does not consist in its original contributions to
+German literature, but rather in the reproductions and translations it
+inspired. For it was through these that the treasures of Eastern thought
+were made the literary heritage, not of Germany alone, but of Europe. As
+far as the literature of Germany itself is concerned, this movement was
+of the greatest significance, in that it introduced the Oriental element
+and thereby helped powerfully to impart to German letters the spirit of
+cosmopolitanism for which men like Herder and Goethe had so earnestly
+striven. The great writers of ancient Greece and Rome had long since
+been familiar to the German people; Shakespere, Dante and Calderon had
+likewise won a place by the side of the German classics through the
+masterly work of the Romanticists; and now the spirit and form of a new
+literature&mdash;light from the East&mdash;was brought in by the movement which
+has been the subject of this investigation and assumed its place as a
+recognized element in the literature of Germany. The fond dream of a
+<i>Weltlitteratur</i> thus became a reality, and the German language became
+the medium of acquaintance with all that is best in the literature of
+the world. The Oriental movement is the clearest proof of that spirit of
+universality, which is at once the noblest trait and the proudest boast
+of German genius.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<div class="blockquot" style="font-size: 80%;">
+<h3 style="text-align: left;">Transcriber's Notes</h3>
+
+<p>There are many spelling and capitalization inconsistencies in the original of this text.
+These have been retained in this version, except those noted below.</p>
+
+<p>Page vi: Changed Beh&#257;rist&#257;n to Bah&#257;rist&#257;n.</p>
+<p><a href="#Page_2">Page 2</a>: Added marker for Footnote 2 at the end of the second paragraph.</p>
+<p><a href="#Page_6">Page 6</a>: Changed fourteeth to fourteenth.</p>
+<p><a href="#Page_7">Page 7</a>: Changed "ferren India" to "fernen India."</p>
+<p><a href="#Page_44">Page 44</a>: Changed "Iskandarn&#257;mah" to "Iskandar N&#257;mah" in Footnote 159.</p>
+<p><a href="#Page_52">Page 52</a>: Changed "Pratap Sinh" to "Pratap Singh."</p>
+<p>Changed "d' herb" to "d'herb" where it occurs.</p>
+<p>Normalized spelling for "<span class="u">H</span>&#257;fi&#7693;" throughout the text.</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;">
+<img src="images/illo.png" width="150" height="105" alt="" title="" />
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of India and Persia on
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of India and Persia on the
+Poetry of Germany, by Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Influence of India and Persia on the Poetry of Germany
+
+Author: Arthur F. J. Remy
+
+Release Date: March 5, 2006 [EBook #17928]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE INFLUENCE OF INDIA ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stacy Brown, David Starner and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Note: There are many diacritical marks in this text,
+in addition to Greek, Persian and Arabic characters. Many common fonts
+should display these more or less correctly, including Times New
+Roman, Arial, and Courier New.
+
+Unusual characters that may not display correctly, depending on your
+font or software, include H (H with a line underneath), r (r with a
+dot underneath), n (n with a dot underneath), d (d with a dot
+underneath), and all of the Persian and Arabic characters.
+
+In this ASCII version, accents are omitted, and the Greek and Arabic
+scripts have been either transliterated or elided, with a note like
+[Arabic]. Please see the UTF-8 version of the file to view these.
+
+
+
+THE INFLUENCE
+OF
+INDIA AND PERSIA
+ON THE
+POETRY OF GERMANY
+
+BY
+
+ARTHUR F.J. REMY, A.M., Ph.D.
+
+SOMETIME FELLOW IN COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
+
+
+
+
+Copyright 1901, Columbia University Press,
+New York
+
+Manufactured in the United States of America
+
+
+
+
+TO
+Prof. William H. Carpenter, Ph.D.
+Prof. Calvin Thomas, A.M.
+Prof. A.V. Williams Jackson, L.H.D., Ph.D.
+OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
+IN GRATITUDE
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+The Oriental movement which manifested itself so strikingly in German
+literature during the nineteenth century is familiar to every student of
+that literature. Although the general nature of this movement is pretty
+clearly understood, no systematic investigation of it, so far as I know,
+has ever been undertaken. In the following pages an attempt is made to
+trace the influence which the Indo-Iranian East--the Semitic part is not
+considered--exerted on German poetry. The work does not claim to be
+exhaustive in the sense that it gives a list of all the poets that ever
+came under that influence. Nor does it pretend to be anything like a
+complete catalogue of the sources whence the poets derived their
+material. The performance of such a task would have required far more
+time and space than were at my disposal. A selection was absolutely
+necessary. It is hoped that the material presented in the case of each
+poet is sufficient to give a clear idea of the extent to which he was
+subject to Oriental influence, as well as of the part that he took in
+the movement under discussion.
+
+It is my pleasant duty to acknowledge the obligations under which I am
+to various scholars. In the first place, my sincere thanks are due to
+Professor Jackson, at whose suggestion this investigation was undertaken
+and whose encouragement and advice have never been wanting. I am also
+indebted for helpful suggestions to Professors Carpenter and Thomas of
+the Germanic department, who kindly volunteered to read the
+proof-sheets. Furthermore, I wish to thank Mr. Yohannan for assistance
+rendered in connection with the transliteration of some of the
+lithographic editions of Persian authors. And, finally, I am indebted to
+the kindness of Dr. Gray for the use of several rare volumes which
+otherwise would have been inaccessible to me.
+
+Arthur F.J. Remy.
+
+New York, May 1, 1901.
+
+
+
+
+List of Works most frequently consulted.
+
+
+Baharistan. The Baharistan by Jami. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society
+for Private Subscribers only. Benares, 1887.
+
+
+Bhartrhari. Satakatrayam, 2d ed. Nirnaya Sagara Press. Bombay, 1891.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Bodenstedt, Friedr. Martin. Gesammelte Schriften. 12 Bde. Berlin, 1865.
+
+Tausend und ein Tag im Orient in vols. i and ii.
+
+References to Mirza Schaffy songs are based on this edition.
+
+
+Firdausi. See Shah Namah.
+
+
+Goethe's Werke. 36 Bde. Berlin (Hempel), 1879.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn.
+Strassburg, 1896 ----.
+
+
+Gulistan. The Gulistan of Shaikh Muslihu'd din Sa'di of Shiraz, ed. John
+Platts. 2d ed. London, 1874.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+---- or Rose garden. Printed by the Kama Shastra Society for Private
+Subscribers only. Benares, 1888.
+
+
+Hafid. Die Lieder des Hafis. Persisch mit dem Commentare des Sudi hrsg.
+von Herm. Brockhaus. Leipzig, 1863.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Hammer, Jos. von. Geschichte der schoenen Redekuenste Persiens, mit einer
+Bluethenlese aus zweyhundert persischen Dichtern. Wien, 1818.
+
+
+Heine. Heinrich Heines saemtliche Werke in 12 Bden. Stuttgart (Cotta),
+s. a.
+
+
+Herder. Saemmtliche Werke, ed. Bernhard Suphan. 32 Bde. Berlin, 1877.
+
+
+Hitopadesa. The Hitopades'a of Narayana Pandit, ed. Godabole and Parab.
+3d ed. Nirn. Sag. Press. Bombay, 1890.
+
+Quotations are from this edition.
+
+
+Jackson, A.V. Williams. Zoroaster, the Prophet of ancient Iran. New
+York, 1899.
+
+
+Mohl. See Shah Namah.
+
+
+Piper, Paul. Hoefische Epik. 4 pts. KDNL. iv.
+
+
+---- Spielmannsdichtung. 2 pts. KDNL. ii.
+
+
+Platen. Platens saemtliche Werke. Stuttgart (Cotta), s. a.
+
+References are based on this edition.
+
+
+Rueckert. Friedrich Rueckert's gesammelte poetische Werke. 12 Bde. Fkft.
+a. M., 1882.
+
+References are based on this edition.
+
+
+Schack, Ad. Friedr. Graf von. Gesammelte Werke. 3 Aufl. 10 Bde.
+Stuttgart, 1897.
+
+
+Shah Namah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vullers
+(et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884.
+
+
+---- Le Livre des Rois par Abou'l Kasim Firdousi, traduit et commente
+par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878.
+
+
+
+
+Abbreviations.
+
+
+BLVS.                 Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in
+                        Stuttgart. Tuebingen.
+
+Boehtl.                Otto Boehtlingk, Indische Sprueche, St.
+                        Petersburg, 1870-1873.  2 Aufl. 3 Bde.
+
+Grdr. iran. Phil.     Grundriss der iranischen Philologie.
+
+Gul.                  Gulistan, ed. Platts.
+
+H.                    Hafid, ed. Brockhaus.
+
+H.E.                  Hoefische Epik, ed. Piper in KDNL.
+
+JAOS.                 Journal American Oriental Society.
+
+KDNL.                 Deutsche National-Litteratur, ed. Jos.
+                        Kuerschner.  (Berlin) u. Stuttgart.
+
+K.S.                  Translations of the Gulistan and Baharistan,
+                        printed for the Kama Shastra Society.
+
+Red.                  Geschichte der schoenen Redekuenste Persiens.
+
+Sh. N.                Shah Namah.
+
+ZDMG.                 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlaendischen
+                        Gesellschaft.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+Chapter I.
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+                                                               Page
+Information of Mediaeval Europe concerning India and
+Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Mediaeval
+German Poetry,                                                    1
+
+
+Chapter II.
+
+FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF
+SIR WILLIAM JONES.
+
+Travels to India and Persia--Olearius and his Work--Progress
+of Persian Studies--Roger--India's Language
+and Literature remain unknown--Oriental
+Influence in German Literature,                                   9
+
+
+Chapter III.
+
+HERDER.
+
+Herder's Interest in the Orient--Fourth Collection of his
+Zerstreute Blaetter--His Didactic Tendency and
+Predilection for Sa'di,                                          16
+
+
+Chapter IV.
+
+GOETHE.
+
+Enthusiasm for Sakuntala--Der Gott und die Bajadere;
+der Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin
+of the Divan--Oriental Character of the
+Work--Inaugurates the Oriental Movement,                         20
+
+
+Chapter V.
+
+SCHILLER.
+
+Schiller's Interest in Sakuntala--Turandot,                      28
+
+
+Chapter VI.
+
+THE SCHLEGELS.
+
+Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier--Foundation of
+Sanskrit Study in Germany,                                       30
+
+
+Chapter VII.
+
+PLATEN.
+
+His Oriental Studies--Ghaselen--Their Persian
+Character--Imitation of Persian Form--Translations,              32
+
+
+Chapter VIII.
+
+RUeCKERT.
+
+His Oriental Studies--Introduces the Ghasele--Oestliche
+Rosen; Imitations of Hafid--Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches--Morgenlaendische Sagen und
+Geschichten--Brahmanische Erzaehlungen--Die Weisheit des
+Brahmanen--Other Oriental Poems,                                 38
+
+
+Chapter IX.
+
+HEINE.
+
+Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel--Influence
+of India's Literature on his Poetry--Interest in the
+Persian Poets--Persian Influence on Heine--His
+Attitude toward the Oriental Movement,                           57
+
+
+Chapter X.
+
+BODENSTEDT.
+
+Lieder des Mirza Schaffy--Are Original Poems--Nachlass--Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland--Sakuntala,
+a Narrative Poem,                                                64
+
+
+Chapter XI.
+
+THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.
+
+Some less known Poets who attempted the Oriental
+Manner,                                                          72
+
+
+Chapter XII.
+
+VON SCHACK.
+
+His Fame as Translator of Firdausi--Stimmen vom
+Ganges--Sakuntala, compared with the Original in
+the Mahabharata--His Oriental Scholarship in his
+Original Poems--Attitude towards Hafizian Singers,               74
+
+
+Chapter XIII.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+Summary of Results Attained--Persian Tendency predominates
+over Indic--Reason for this--Estimate of the Value
+of the Oriental Movement in German Literature.                   79
+
+
+
+
+TRANSCRIPTION.
+
+
+For the transcription of Sanskrit words the system of the _Zeitschrift
+der Deutschen Morgenlaendischen Gesellschaft_ has been followed; for that
+of Persian words the system of the Grundriss der iranischen Philologie
+has been adopted, with some variations however, e.g. [Arabic] is indicated by
+'. To be consistent, such familiar names as Hafiz and Nizami appear as
+Hafid and Nidami; Omar Khayyam as 'Umar Xayyam; and the word ghazal,
+the German _Ghasele_, is written _gazal_.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+      Information of Mediaeval Europe Concerning India and
+      Persia--Travellers--India and Persia in Mediaeval German
+      Poetry.
+
+
+The knowledge which mediaeval Europe had of India and Persia was mostly
+indirect, and, as might be expected, deficient both in correctness and
+extent, resting, as it did, on the statements of classical and patristic
+writers, on hearsay and on oral communication. In the accounts of the
+classic writers, especially in those of Pliny, Strabo, Ptolemy, truth
+and fiction were already strangely blended. Still more was this the case
+with such compilers and encyclopaedists as Solinus, Cassiodorus and
+Isidorus of Sevilla, on whom the mediaeval scholar depended largely for
+information. All these writers, in so far as they speak of India, deal
+almost entirely with its physical description, its cities and rivers,
+its wealth of precious stones and metals, its spices and silks, and in
+particular its marvels and wonders. Of its religion we hear but little,
+and as to its literature we have only a few vague statements of
+Arrian,[1] Aelian[2] and Dio Chrysostomus.[3] When the last mentioned
+author tells us that the ancient Hindus sang in their own language the
+poems of Homer, it shows that he had no idea of the fact that the great
+Sanskrit epics, to which the passage undoubtedly alludes, were
+independent poems. To him they appeared to be nothing more than versions
+of Homer. Aelian makes a similar statement, but cautiously adds [Greek].
+Philostratus represents the Hindu sage Iarchas as well acquainted with
+the Homeric poems, but nowhere does his hero Apollonius of Tyana show the
+slightest knowledge of Sanskrit literature.[4]
+
+Nor do the classic authors give us any more information about the
+literature of Persia, though the Iranian religion received some
+attention. Aristotle and Theopompus were more or less familiar with
+Zoroastrian tenets,[5] and allusions to the prophet of ancient Iran are
+not infrequent in classic writers. But their information concerning him
+is very scanty and inaccurate. To them Zoroaster is simply the great
+Magian, more renowned for his magic art than for his religious system.
+Of the national Iranian legends, glimpses of which we catch in the
+Avesta (esp. Yt. 19), and which must have existed long before the
+Sassanian period and the time of Firdausi, the Greek and Roman authors
+have recorded nothing.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But Europe was not limited to the classic and patristic writers for
+information about the Orient. The points of contact between the Eastern
+and Western world were numerous even before the Portuguese showed the
+way to India. Alexandria was the seat of a lively commerce between the
+Roman Empire and India during the first six centuries of the Christian
+era; the Byzantine Empire was always in close relations, hostile or
+friendly, with Persia; the Arabs had settled in Spain, Southern Italy
+and Sicily; and the Mongols ruled for almost two centuries in Russia.
+All these were factors in the transmission of Oriental influence.[6]
+And, as far as Germany is concerned, we must remember that in the tenth
+century, owing to the marriage of the emperor Otto II to the Greek
+princess Theophano, the relations between the German and Byzantine
+Empires were especially close. Furthermore the Hohenstaufen emperor,
+Frederick II, it will be remembered, was a friend and patron of the
+Saracens in Italy and Sicily, who in turn supported him loyally in his
+struggle against the papacy. Above all, the crusades, which brought the
+civilization of the West face to face with that of the East, were a
+powerful factor in bringing Oriental influence into Europe. The effect
+they had on the European mind is shown by the great number of French and
+German poems which lay their scene of action in Eastern lands, or, as
+will be shown presently, introduce persons and things from India and
+Persia.[7]
+
+Of course it is as a rule impossible to tell precisely how and when the
+Oriental influence came into Europe, but that it did come is absolutely
+certain. The transformation of the Buddha-legend into the Christian
+legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, the migration of fables and stories, and
+the introduction of the game of chess furnish the clearest proofs of
+this.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But direct information about the East was also available. A number of
+merchants and missionaries penetrated even as far as China, and have
+left accounts of their travels. Such an account of India and Ceylon was
+given as early as the sixth century by Cosmas, surnamed Indicopleustes.
+The names of Benjamin of Tudela (about 1160 A.D.) and of Marco Polo
+(1271-1295) are familiar to every student of historical geography. The
+Mongol rulers during the period of their dominion over China were in
+active communication with the popes and allowed Western missionaries
+free access to their realm. A number of these missionaries also came to
+India or Persia, for instance Giovanni de Montecorvino (1289-1293),[8]
+Odorico da Pordenone (1316-1318),[9] Friar Jordanus (1321-1323, and
+1330)[10] and Giovanni de Marignolli (1347).[11] In the fifteenth
+century Henry III of Castile sent Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo as ambassador
+to Timur, and towards the end of that century several Venetian
+Ambassadors, Caterino Zeno (1472), Josaphat Barbaro (1473) and Ambrosio
+Contarini (1473), were at the Persian Court in order to bring about
+united action on the part of Venice and Persia against the Turks.[12]
+These embassies attracted considerable attention in Europe, as is shown
+by numerous pamphlets concerning them, published in several European
+countries.[13] In this same century Nicolo de Conti travelled in India
+and the account of his wanderings has been recorded by Poggio.[14]
+
+As we see, most of these travellers are Italians. We know of but one
+German, before the year 1500, who went further than the Holy Land, and
+that is Johann Schildberger of Munich, whose book of travel was printed
+in 1473. Taken prisoner while fighting in Turkish service against Timur
+at Angora, he remained in the East from 1395 to 1417, and got as far as
+Persia. His description of that country is very meagre; India, as he
+expressly states,[15] he never visited, his statements about that land
+being mostly plagiarized from Mandeville.[16]
+
+These accounts, however, while they give valuable information concerning
+the physical geography, the wealth, size, and wonderful things of the
+countries they describe, have little or nothing to say about the
+languages or literatures. All that Conti for instance has to say on this
+important subject is contained in a single sentence: "Loquendi idiomata
+sunt apud Indos plurima, atque inter se varia."[17]
+
+In these accounts it was not so much truthfulness that appealed to the
+public, as strangeness and fancifulness. Thus Marco Polo's narrative,
+marvelous as it was, never became as popular as the spurious memoirs of
+Mandeville, who in serving up his monstrosities ransacked almost every
+author, classic or mediaeval, on whom he could lay his hands.[18] In fact
+a class of books arose which bore the significant name of _Mirabilia
+Mundi_ and purported to treat of the whole world, and especially of
+India. Such are, for instance, _Les Merveilles de l'Inde_ by Jean
+Vauquelin, _Fenix de las maravillas del mondo_ by Raymundus Lullius, and
+similar works by Nicolaus Donis, Arnaldus de Badeto and others.[19] But
+the great store-house of Oriental marvels on which the mediaeval poets
+drew for material was the Alexander-romance of pseudo-Callisthenes, of
+which there were a number of Latin versions, the most important being
+the epitome made by Julius Valerius and the _Historia de Preliis_
+written by the archpresbyter Leo in the tenth century. The character of
+the Oriental lore offered in these writings is best shown by a cursory
+examination of the work last mentioned.[20] There we are introduced to a
+bewildering array of _mirabilia_, snakes, hippopotami, scorpions,
+giant-lobsters, forest-men, bats, elephants, bearded women, dog-headed
+people, griffins, white women with long hair and canine teeth,
+fire-spouting birds, trees that grow and vanish in the course of a
+single day, mountains of adamant, and finally sacred sun-trees and
+moon-trees that possess the gift of prophecy. But beyond some vague
+reference to asceticism not a trace of knowledge of Brahmanic life can
+be found. While the Brahman King Didimus is well versed in Roman and
+Greek mythology, he never mentions the name of any of his own gods. Of
+real information concerning India there is almost nothing.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+From what we have seen thus far we shall not expect in mediaeval
+literature conscious imitation or reproduction of works from Persian or
+Sanskrit literature. Whatever influence these literatures exerted in
+Europe was indirect. If a subject was transmitted from East to West it
+was as a rule stripped of its Oriental names and characteristics, and
+even its Oriental origin was often forgotten. This is the case with the
+greater part of the fables and stories that can be traced to Eastern
+sources and have found their way into such works as the _Gesta
+Romanorum_, or the writings of Boccaccio, Straparola and Lafontaine.
+Sometimes, however, the history of the origin is still remembered, as
+for instance in the famous _Buch der Beispiele_, where the preface
+begins thus: "Es ist von den alten wysen der geschlaecht der welt dis
+buoch des ersten jn yndischer sprauch gedicht und darnach in die
+buochstaben der Persen verwandelt,...."[21]
+
+Poems whose subjects are of Eastern origin are not frequent in the
+German literature of the middle ages. The most striking example of such
+a poem is the "Barlaam und Josaphat" of Rudolph von Ems (about 1225),
+the story of which, as has been conclusively proved, is nothing more or
+less than the legend of Buddha in Christian garb.[22] The well known
+"Herzmaere" of the same author has likewise been shown to be of Indic
+origin.[23] Then there is a poem of the fourteenth or fifteenth century
+on the same subject as Rueckert's parable of the man in the well, which
+undoubtedly goes back to Buddhistic sources.[24] Besides these we
+mention "Vrouwenzuht" (also called "von dem Zornbraten") by a poet
+Sibote of the thirteenth century,[25] and Hans von Buehel's "Diocletianus
+Leben" (about 1412), the well known story of the seven wise masters.[26]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The great interest which the East aroused in Europe, especially after
+the period of the first crusades, is shown by the great number of poems
+which have their scene of action in Oriental lands, especially in India
+or Persia, or which introduce persons and things from those countries.
+To indulge this fondness for Oriental scenery poets do not hesitate to
+violate historical truth. Thus Charlemagne and his paladins are sent to
+the Holy Land in the "Pelerinage de Charlesmagne"[27] and in the poem
+called the "Karl Meinet," a German compilation of various legends about
+the Frankish hero.[28] Purely Germanic legends like those of
+Ortnit-Wolfdietrich and King Rother were orientalized in much the same
+manner.[29] As might be expected, it is in the court-epic and
+minstrel-poetry (_Spielmannsdichtung_) where this Oriental tendency
+manifests itself most markedly. A typical poem of this kind is "Herzog
+Ernst." The hero, a purely German character, is made to go through a
+series of marvelous adventures in the East some of which bear a
+striking resemblance to those of Sindbad.[30] The later strophic version
+(14th century) and the prose-version of the _Volksbuch_ (probably 15th
+century) localize some of these adventures definitely in the _fernen
+India_.[31] Probably under the influence of this story the author of the
+incompleted "Reinfrit von Braunschweig" (about 1300) was induced to send
+his hero into Persia, to meet with somewhat similar experiences.[32]
+Heinrich von Neustadt likewise lays the scene of Apollonius' adventures
+in the golden valley Crysia bordering on India.[33] In the continuation
+of the Parzifal-story entitled "Der Juengere Titurel," which was written
+by Albrecht von Scharffenberg (about 1280), the Holy Grail is to be
+removed from a sinful world and to be carried to the East to be given to
+Feirefiz, half brother to Parzifal.[34] The meeting of Feirefiz with the
+knights furnishes the poet an opportunity of bringing in a learned
+disquisition on Prester John and his _dri India die witen_, and finally
+this mythical monarch offers his crown to Parzifal, who henceforth is
+called _Priester Johanni_. In the poem of "Lohengrin", of unknown
+authorship, the knight when about to depart declares he has come from
+India where there is a house fairer than that at Montsalvatsch.[35]
+
+Princes and princesses from India or Persia abound in the poems of the
+court-writers and minstrels. Thus in "Solomon und Morolf" Salme is the
+daughter of the King of _Endian_;[36] in Wolfram's "Willehalm" King
+Alofel of Persia and King Gorhant from the _Ganjes_ figure in the battle
+of Alischanz.[37] In Konrad von Wuerzburg's "Trojanischer Krieg" the
+kings Panfilias of Persia and Achalmus of India are on the Trojan
+side.[38] In the same poet's "Partenopier" the Sultan of Persia is the
+hero's chief rival.[39] In "Der Juengere Titurel" Gatschiloe, a princess
+from India, becomes bearer of the Grail; similarly in a poem by Der
+Pleiaere, Flordibel, who comes to the Knights of the Round Table to
+learn courtly manners, reveals herself as a princess from India.[40]
+According to a poem of the fourteenth century the father of St.
+Christopher is king of Arabia and Persia.[41] Even the folk-epic
+"Kudrun" knows of Hilde of India, Hagen's wife.[42]
+
+Again, wonderful things from India are abundant in this class of poetry.
+The magic lance which Wigalois receives, when he is about to do battle
+with a fire-spitting dragon, is from that land.[43] So also is the magic
+ring given to Reinfrit when he sets out on his crusade.[44] Wigamur's
+bride Dulceflur wears woven gold from the castle Gramrimort in
+India,[45] and in the "Nibelungen" Hagen and Dancwart, when going to the
+Isenstein, wear precious stones from that land.[46]
+
+To some poets India and Persia are a sort of Ultima Thule to denote the
+furthest limits of the earth, as for instance, when in the "Rolandslied"
+Ganelun complains that for the ambition of Roland even Persia is not too
+far,[47] or, when in the "Willehalm" King Tybalt, whose daughter has
+been carried off, lets his complaint ring out as far as India.[48]
+
+Examples might be multiplied. But they would all prove the same thing.
+India and Persia were magic names to conjure with; their languages and
+literatures were a book with seven seals to mediaeval Europe.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Indica, ch. 10.
+
+[2] Var. Hist. xii. 48.
+
+[3] De Homero, Oratio liii., ed. Dindorf, Lips. 1857, vol. ii. p. 165.
+
+[4] Apollonii Vita, iii. 19 et passim.
+
+[5] See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 8.
+
+[6] See Benfey, Pantschatantra, Vorrede, p. xxiv and note.
+
+[7] See Gaston Paris, La Litterature Francaise au Moyen Age, Paris,
+1888, p. 49 seq. A striking illustration of oral transmission is the
+origin of the tradition about Prester John, for which see Cathay and the
+Way thither, ed. Henry Yule, Lond. 1866, Hakluyt Soc. No. 36, 37, vol.
+i. p. 174 and n. 1.
+
+[8] Yule, op. cit. vol. i. pp. 165-167 and p. 197 seq.
+
+[9] Ib. pp. 1-161; Latin text in appendix i of vol. ii.
+
+[10] Mirabilia Descripta, ed. Henry Yule, London, 1863. Hakluyt Society,
+No. 31.
+
+[11] Yule, Cathay, vol. ii. pp. 311-381.
+
+[12] For their accounts see the publications of the Hakluyt Society,
+1859 and 1873. Nos. 26 and 49.
+
+[13] See Paul Horn, Gesch. Irans in Islamitischer Zeit, in Grdr. iran.
+Phil. II. p. 578 and note 4; also p. 579. See also Bibl. Asiat. et
+Afric. par H. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1841, under the years 1508, 1512,
+1514, 1515, 1516, 1535, 1543, 1579, 1583, etc.
+
+[14] English tr. in R.H. Major, India in the Fifteenth Century, London,
+1857. Hakluyt Society, No. 22.
+
+[15] Hans Schiltbergers Reisebuch ed. Val. Langmantel (BLVS. vol. 172)
+Tuebingen, 1885, p. 79: "In der grossen India pin ich nicht gewesen...."
+
+[16] Ibid. p. 164.
+
+[17] Friedr. Kunstmann, Die Kenntnis Indiens im 15^ten Jahrhunderte,
+Muenchen, 1863, p. 59; Major, op. cit. p. 31.
+
+[18] See Albert Bovenschen, Quellen fuer die Reisebeschreibung des Joh.
+v. Mandeville, Berl. 1888.
+
+[19] See Graesse, J.G.Th., Lehrbuch einer allgem. Literaergesch., 9 vols.,
+Dresd. u. Leipz. 1837-59, Vol. II. pt. 2, pp. 783-785.
+
+[20] Latin text publ. by Oswald Zingerle as an appendix to Die Quellen
+zum Alexander des Rudolf v. Ems in Weinhold Germ. Abhandl. Breslau.
+1885, pt. iv.
+
+[21] Das Buch der Beispiele der alten Weisen, ed. Wilh. Ludw. Holland,
+Stuttg. 1860, BLVS. vol. 56.
+
+[22] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 562-632. Joseph Langen, Johannes von Damaskus,
+Gotha, 1879, pp. 239-255, esp. p. 252, n. 1.
+
+[23] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 216-219.
+
+[24] Vetter, Lehrhafte Litteratur des 14. u. 15. Jahrhunderts (KDNL.
+vol. 12), I. pp. 496-499. For a bibliography of this poem see C. Beyer,
+Nachgelassene Ged. Friedr. Rueckert's, Wien, 1877, pp. 311-320. For a
+translation of the version in the Mahabharata see Boxberger, Rueckert
+Studien, p. 94 seq. A translation of a Buddhist sutta on the same
+subject is given in Edm. Hardy, Indische Religionsgeschichte, Leipz.
+1898, pp. 72, 73. Cf. also E. Kuhn, in Boehtlingks Festgruss, Stuttg.
+1888, pp. 74, 75.
+
+[25] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 531, 532. See also Hagen, Gesammtabenteuer, i.
+LXXXV and n. 2.
+
+[26] Edited by Keller, Quedl. 1841. See art. by Goedeke in Orient und
+Occident, iii. 2. pp. 385 seq.
+
+[27] See edition by Koschwitz, in Altfranz. Bibl., vol. ii. p. 7 seq.,
+and consult Gaston Paris, La Poesie du Moyen Age, Paris, 1887, p. 119
+seq.
+
+[28] See ed. Adelb. von Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 45), pp. 507
+seq. Cf. also Uhland's Koenig Karls Meerfart.
+
+[29] Jiriczek, Die deutsche Heldensage, Leipz. 1897, pp. 144, 153.
+
+[30] On this see Karl Bartsch, Herzog Ernst, Wien, 1869, Einl. p. cliii.
+
+[31] Bartsch, op. cit. p. 204 seq. and p. 279 seq.
+
+[32] See ed. Bartsch, Tueb. 1871 (BLVS. vol. 108), ll. 16749 seq.
+
+[33] Piper, H.E. iii. p. 389.
+
+[34] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 530 seq.
+
+[35] See ed. by Heinr. Rueckert, Quedlinb. u. Leipz. 1858, l. 7141 seq.
+p. 189.
+
+[36] Piper, Spielmannsdichtung, I. p. 215. See also ed. by Hagen u.
+Buesching in Ged. d. Mittel., Berl. 1808, i. l. 6.
+
+[37] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach (KDNL, vol. 5), I. p. 214.
+
+[38] See ed. v. Keller, Stuttg. 1858 (BLVS. vol. 44), ll. 24840, 24939,
+pp. 296, 298.
+
+[39] Piper, H.E. iii. pp. 299, 300.
+
+[40] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 325.
+
+[41] Piper, Die geistliche Dichtung des Mittelalters (KDNL. vol. 3), ii.
+pp. 71, 72.
+
+[42] See ed. Bartsch (KDNL. vol. 6), pp. 26, 27.
+
+[43] Piper, H.E. ii. p. 222.
+
+[44] See ed. Bartsch, l. 15067, p. 440.
+
+[45] See ed. by Hagen in Ged. d. Mittel. i. p. 46, l. 4462 seq.
+
+[46] Das Nibelungenlied, ed. Friedr. Zarncke, Leipz. 1894, p. 62, v. 3.
+
+[47] Piper, Spielm., p. 30.
+
+[48] Piper, Wolfr. v. Eschenbach, i. p. 208; cf. Dante's Paradiso, cant.
+29, ll. 100-102.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+FROM THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES TO THE TIME OF SIR WILLIAM JONES.
+
+      Travels to India and Persia--Olearius and his Work--Progress
+      of Persian Studies--Roger--India's Language and Literature remain
+      unknown--Oriental Influence in German Literature.
+
+
+Little can be said of Oriental influence on German poetry during the
+next three centuries after the Great Age of Discovery, and in an
+investigation like the one in hand, which confines itself to poetry
+only, this chapter might perhaps be omitted. Nevertheless a brief
+consideration of this influence on German literature in general during
+this period forms an appropriate transition to the time when the
+Oriental movement in Germany really began.
+
+After the Portuguese had sailed around Africa, direct and uninterrupted
+communication with the far East was established. Portuguese, Dutch,
+French and English merchants appeared successively on the scene to get
+their share of the rich India commerce. German merchants also made a
+transitory effort. The firm of the Welsers in Augsburg sent two
+representatives who accompanied the expedition of Francisco d' Almeida
+in 1505 and that of Tristao da Cunha in the following year. But
+conditions were not favorable and the attempt was not renewed.[49]
+
+Travels to India and Persia now multiplied rapidly, and accounts of such
+travels became very common; so common, in fact, that already in the
+sixteenth century collections of them were made, the best known being
+the _Novus Orbis_ of Grynaeus, and the works of Ramusio and Hakluyt.
+Among the more famous travellers of the sixteenth century we may mention
+Barthema, Federici, Barbosa, Fitch and van Linschoten for India, and the
+brothers Shirley for Persia. In the seventeenth century we may cite the
+names of della Valle, Baldaeus, Tavernier, Bernier and the German
+Mandelslo for India, while those of Olearius and Chardin are most famous
+in connection with Persia. And that books of travel were much read in
+Germany is attested by the number of editions and translations which
+appeared there. Thus among the earliest books printed there we have a
+translation of Marco Polo (Nuremberg), 1477,[50] reprinted repeatedly,
+e.g. at Augsburg, 1481, in the _Novus Orbis_, 1534 (Latin version), at
+Basle, 1534 (German translation of the preceding), while Mandeville's
+memoirs were so popular as to become finally a _Volksbuch_.[51]
+
+The account of Olearius is of special interest to us. It gives an
+excellent description of Persia, and above all it gives us valuable
+information on the literature and language. Olearius is struck by the
+similarity of many Persian words to corresponding words in German and
+Latin, and hints at the kinship of these idioms, though, looking only at
+the vocabulary and not at the structure, he supposes Persian to be
+related to Arabic.[52] He tells us of the high esteem in which poetry
+was held by the Persians, and notices that rhyme is an indispensable
+requisite of their poetic art. He also mentions some of their leading
+poets, among them Sa'di, Hafid, Firdausi and Nidami.[53]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+But what interests us most is the translation which he made of the
+_Gulistan_, published in 1654, under the title of _Persianischer
+Rosenthal_. True, it was not the first in point of time. As early as
+1634 du Ryer had published at Paris an incomplete French version, and
+shortly afterwards this version was translated into German by Johann
+Friedrich Ochsenbach of Tuebingen, but apparently without attracting much
+notice.[54] In 1644, Levin Warner of Leyden had given the Persian text
+and Latin version of a number of Sa'di's maxims,[55] while Gentius had
+published the whole text with a Latin translation at Amsterdam in 1651.
+But it was the version of Olearius that really introduced the _Gulistan_
+to Europe.
+
+The edition of Olearius, from which we have cited, contains also a
+translation of the _Bustan_, called _Der Persianische Baumgarten_, made,
+however, not directly from the Persian, but from a Dutch version.
+Besides this, the edition contains also the narratives of two other
+travellers, Juergen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, as well as an account
+of Persia by the French missionary Sanson. Iversen, in speaking of the
+Parsi religion, gives an essentially correct account of the Zoroastrian
+hierarchy, of the supreme god and his seven servants, each presiding
+over some special element, evidently an allusion to Ahura Mazda and his
+six Amesha Spentas, with the possible addition of Sraosha.[56] Sanson
+states that the _Gavres_ have kept up the old Persian language and that
+it is entirely different from modern Persian,[57] a distinct recognition
+of the existence of the Avestan language. The eighteenth century saw the
+discovery of the _Avesta_ by Anquetil du Perron, and its close found men
+like Jones, Revizky, de Sacy and Hammer busily engaged in spreading a
+knowledge of Persian literature in Europe.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+India, as far as its literature was concerned, did not fare so well. The
+struggles of European nations for the mastery of that rich empire did
+little towards promoting a knowledge of its religion or its language.
+Nor were the efforts of missionaries very successful. Most of their
+attention was devoted to the Dravidian idioms of Southern India, not to
+Sanskrit. We have the authority of Friedrich Schlegel for the statement
+that before his time there were but two Germans who were known to have
+gained a knowledge of the sacred language, the missionary Heinrich Roth
+and the Jesuit Hanxleben.[58] Even their work was not published and was
+superseded by that of Jones, Colebrooke and others. Most valuable
+information on Hindu religion was given by the Dutch preacher Abraham
+Roger in his well known book _De Open-Deure tot het Verborgen
+Heydendom_, published at Leyden in 1651, two years after the author's
+death. This book also gave to the West the first specimen of Sanskrit
+literature in the shape of a Dutch version of two hundred maxims of
+Bhartrhari, not a direct translation from the Sanskrit, but based on
+oral communication imparted by a learned Brahman Padmanaba.[59] As a
+rule the rendering is very faithful, sometimes even literal. The maxims
+were translated into German by C. Arnold and were published at Nuremberg
+in 1663.
+
+This, however, ended the progress of Sanskrit literature in Europe for
+the time being. Information came in very slowly. The _Lettres
+Edifiantes_ of the Jesuits, and the accounts of travellers like Sonnerat
+began to shed additional light on the religious customs of India, but
+its sacred language remained a secret. In 1785, Herder wrote that what
+Europe knew of Hindu literature was only late legends, that the Sanskrit
+language as well as the genuine Veda would probably for a long time
+remain unknown.[60] Sir William Jones, however, had founded the Asiatic
+Society a year before and the first step towards the discovery of
+Sanskrit had really thus been taken.
+
+But let us consider what bearing all this had on German poetry. In this
+field the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were desperately dreary.
+In the former century the leading thinkers of Germany were absorbed in
+theological controversy, while in the next the Thirty Years' War
+completely crushed the spirit of the nation. There is little poetry in
+this period that calls for even passing notice in this investigation.
+Paul Fleming, although he was with Olearius in Persia, has written
+nothing that would interest us here. Andreas Gryphius took the subject
+for his drama "Catharina von Georgien" (1657) from Persian history. It
+is the story of the cruel execution of the Georgian queen by order of
+Shah 'Abbas in 1624.[61] Nor is Oriental influence in the eighteenth
+century more noticeable. Occasionally an Oriental touch is brought in.
+Pfeffel makes his "Bramine" read a lesson to bigots; Matthias Claudius
+in his well-known poem makes Herr Urian pay a visit to the Great Mogul;
+Buerger, in his salacious story of the queen of Golkonde, transports the
+lovers to India; Lessing, in "Minna von Barnhelm" (Act i. Sc. 12)
+represents Werner as intending to take service with Prince Heraklius of
+Persia, and he chooses an Oriental setting for his "Nathan der Weise."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the prose writings of this period Oriental influence is much more
+discernible. In the literature dealing with magic Zoroaster always
+played a prominent part. The invention of the Cabala was commonly
+ascribed to him.[62] European writers on the black art, as for instance
+Bodinus, whose _De Magorum Daemonomania_ was translated by Fischart
+(Strassburg, 1591), repeat about Zoroaster all the fables found in
+classical or patristic writers. So the Iranian sage figures prominently
+also in the Faust-legend. He is the prince of magicians whose book Faust
+studies so diligently that he is called a second Zoroastris.[63] This
+book passes into the hands of Faust's pupil Christoph Wagner, who uses
+it as diligently as his master.[64]
+
+In all this folkbook-literature India is a mere name. Thus in the oldest
+Faust-book of 1587 the sorcerer makes a journey in the air through
+England, Spain, France, Sweden, Poland, Denmark, India, Africa and
+Persia, and finally comes to _Morenland_.[65]
+
+Of all the prose-writings, however, the novel, which began to flourish
+luxuriously in the seventeenth century, showed the most marked tendency
+to make use of Eastern scenery and episodes, and incidentally to exhibit
+the author's erudition on everything Oriental. Thus Grimmelshausen
+transports his hero Simplicissimus into Asia through the device of
+Tartar captivity. Lohenstein, in his ultra-Teutonic romance of Arminius,
+manages to introduce an Armenian princess and a prince from Pontus. The
+latter, as we learn from the autobiography with which he favors us in
+the fifth book, has been in India. He took with him a Brahman sage, who
+burned himself on reaching Greece. Evidently Lohenstein had read
+Arrian's description of the burning of Kalanos (Arrian vii. 2, 3). The
+_Asiatische Banise_ of Heinrich Anselm von Ziegler-Kliphausen, perhaps
+the most popular German novel of the seventeenth century, was based
+directly on the accounts of travellers to Farther India, not on Greek or
+Latin writings.[66] Other authors who indulged their predilection for
+Oriental scenery were Buchholtz in his _Herkules und Valisca_ (1659),
+Happel in _Der Asiatische Onogambo_ (Hamb. 1673), Bohse (Talander) in
+_Die durchlauchtigste Alcestis aus Persien_ (Leipz. 1689) and
+others.[67]
+
+The most striking instance of the Oriental tendency is furnished by
+Grimmelshausen's _Joseph_, first published probably in 1667.[68] Here we
+meet the famous story of Yusuf and Zalicha as it is given in the _Quran_
+or in the poems of Firdausi and Jami. The well-known episode of the
+ladies cutting their hands instead of the lemons in consequence of their
+confusion at the sight of Joseph's beauty is here narrated at
+length.[69] In the preface the author states explicitly that he has
+drawn, not only from the Bible, but from Hebrew, Arabic and Persian
+writings as well.[70] That he should have made use of Arabic material is
+credible enough, for Dutch Orientalists like Golius and Erpenius had
+made this accessible.[71] That he had some idea of Persian poetry is
+shown by his allusions to the fondness of Orientals for handsome
+boys.[72] On the other hand, what he says of Zoroaster in the _Musai_
+can all be found in Latin and Greek writers.[73] Here we get the
+biography of Joseph's chief servant in the form of an appendix to the
+novel, and the author displays all the learning which fortunately his
+good taste had excluded from the story itself. Of the Iranian tradition
+concerning Zoroaster's death as given in the Pahlavi writings or the
+_Shah Namah_[74] Grimmelshausen knew absolutely nothing; nor can we find
+the slightest evidence to substantiate his assertion that for the work
+in question he drew from Persian or Arabic sources.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the eighteenth century the Oriental tale was extremely popular in
+France, and thence it spread to other countries. The translation of the
+Thousand and One Nights by Galland (Paris, 1704-1712) and of the Persian
+Tales by Petis de La Croix called into being a host of similar French
+productions, which in turn found their way into German literature. The
+most fruitful writer in this genre was Simon Gueulette, the author of
+_Soirees Bretonnes_ (1712) and _Mille et un quart d'heures_ (1715). The
+latter contains the story of a prince who is punished for his
+presumption by having two snakes grow from his shoulders. To appease
+them they are fed on fresh human brain.[75] Of course, we recognize at
+once the story of the tyrant Zahhak familiar from Firdausi. The material
+for the _Soirees_ was drawn largely from Armeno's _Peregrinaggio_, which
+purports to be a translation from the Persian, although no original is
+known to scholars.[76] From these _Soirees_ Voltaire took the material
+for his _Zadig_.[77] In most cases, however, all that was Oriental about
+such stories was the name and the costume. So popular was the Oriental
+costume that Montesquieu used it for satirizing the Parisians in his
+_Lettres Persanes_ (1721). Through French influence the Oriental story
+came to Germany, and so we get such works as August Gottlob Meissner's
+tales of _Nushirvan_, _Massoud_, _Giaffar_, _Sadi_ and others,[78] or
+Klinger's _Derwisch_. Wieland used the Eastern costume in his _Schach
+Lolo_ (1778) and in his politico-didactic romance of the wise
+Danischmende. This fondness for an Oriental atmosphere continues even
+into the nineteenth century and may be seen in such works as Tieck's
+_Abdallah_ and Hauff's _Karawane_. But this brings us to the time when
+India and Persia were to give up their secrets, and when the influence
+of their literature begins to be a factor in the literature of Europe.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[49] See Kunstmann, Die Fahrt der ersten Deutschen nach dem
+portugiesischen Indien in Hist. pol. Blaetter f. d. Kath. Deutschl.,
+Muenchen, 1861, vol. 48, pp. 277-309.
+
+[50] For title see Panzer, Annalen d. aelteren deutsch. Litt., Nuernb.
+1788.
+
+[51] See Graesse, op. cit. ii. 2. pp. 773, 774.
+
+[52] Des Welt-beruehmten Adami Olearii colligirte und viel vermehrte
+Reise-Beschreibungen etc., Hamb. 1696, chap. xxv.
+
+[53] Ibid. chap. xxviii. p. 327 seq.
+
+[54] Olearius, op. cit., Preface to the Rosenthal. Full title of
+Ochsenbach's book in Buch der Beispiele, ed. Holland, p. 258, n. 1.
+
+[55] Proverbiorum et Sententiarum Persicarum Centuria, Leyden, 1644. In
+the preface the author says that he undertakes his work, "cum e genuinis
+Persarum scriptis nihil hactenus in Latinam linguam sit translatum."
+
+[56] Iversen in op. cit. chap. xi. p. 157 seq. Cf. Jackson, Die
+iranische Religion in Grdr. iran. Ph. iii. pp. 633, 634, 636.
+
+[57] Sanson in op. cit. pp. 48, 49.
+
+[58] Fr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, Heidelb. 1808, Vorrede, p. xi.
+
+[59] See preface to op. cit.
+
+[60] Ideen zur Phil. d. Gesch. der Menschheit, chap. iv. ed. Suphan,
+vol. 13, p. 415.
+
+[61] The story is given in Chardin's book, though this was not the
+source. See Andreas Gryphius Trauerspiele, ed. Herm. Palm, BLVS. vol.
+162, pp. 138, 139.
+
+[62] See Zoroasters Telescop oder Schluessel zur grossen divinatorischen
+Kabbala der Magier in Das Kloster ed. J. Scheible, Stuttg. 1846, vol.
+iii. p. 414 seq., esp. p. 439.
+
+[63] Widmann's Faust in Das Kloster, vol. ii. p. 296; Der Christlich
+Meynende, ibid. ii. p. 85.
+
+[64] Christoph. Wagners Leben, ibid. vol. iii. p. 78.
+
+[65] Ibid. ii. p. 1004.
+
+[66] Ed. by Felix Bobertag, KDNL. vol. 37, Einl. p. 8.
+
+[67] On this see Felix Bobertag, Gesch. des Romans und der ihm
+verwandten Dichtungsgattungen in Deutschland, Bresl. 1876, vol. ii. 2.
+pp. 110 seq., 140, 160.
+
+[68] In Der abenteuerliche Simplicissimus ed. Adalb. Keller, Stuttg.
+1862 (BLVS. vol. 66), vol. iv. pp. 707 seq.
+
+[69] Op. cit. pp. 759, 760.
+
+[70] Ibid, p. 710; again p. 841.
+
+[71] The Story of Joseph from the Quran was published in Arabic with a
+Latin version by Erpenius as early as 1617. See Zenker, Bibl. Orient.,
+Leipz. 1846, vol. i. p. 169, No. 1380.
+
+[72] Keller, op. cit. p. 742.
+
+[73] See Jackson, Zoroaster, Appendix V (by Gray).
+
+[74] See Jackson, Zoroaster, pp. 127-132.
+
+[75] Rud. Fuerst, Die Vorlaeufer der Modernen Novelle im achtzehnten
+Jahrhundert, Halle a. S. 1897. p. 51.
+
+[76] Some of the stories are undoubtedly Oriental in origin. The work
+appeared at Venice, 1557, and was translated into German, in 1583, by
+Johann Wetzel under the title Die Reise der Soehne Giaffers. Ed. by Herm.
+Fischer and Joh. Bolte (BLVS, vol. 208), Tueb. 1895.
+
+[77] Fuerst, op. cit. p. 52. The name is derived from the Arabic [Arabic]
+"speaker of the truth," as pointed out by Hammer in Red. p. 326. See
+essay L'ange et l'hermite by Gaston Paris in La Poesie du Moyen Age,
+Paris, 1887, p. 151.
+
+[78] Fuerst, op. cit. p. 154.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+HERDER.
+
+      Herder's Interest in the Orient--Fourth Collection of his
+      Zerstreute Blaetter--His Didactic Tendency And Predilection For
+      Sa'di.
+
+
+The epoch-making work of the English Orientalists, and above all, of the
+illustrious Sir William Jones, at the end of the eighteenth century not
+only laid the foundation of Sanskrit scholarship in Europe, but also
+gave the first direct impulse to the Oriental movement which in the
+first half of the nineteenth century manifests itself so strikingly both
+in English as well as in German literature, especially in the work of
+the poets. In Germany this movement came just at the time when the idea
+of a universal literature had taken hold of the minds of the leading
+literary men, and so it was very natural that the pioneer and prophet of
+this great idea should also be the first to introduce into German poetry
+the new _west-oestliche Richtung_.
+
+Herder's theological studies turned his attention to the East at an
+early age. As is well known, he always had a fervid admiration for the
+Hebrew poets, but we have evidence to show, that, even before the year
+1771, when Jones' _Traite sur la poesie orientale_ appeared, he had
+widened the sphere of his Oriental studies and had become interested in
+Sa'di.[79] Rhymed paraphrases made by him of some stories from the
+_Gulistan_ date from the period 1761-1764,[80] and, as occasional
+references prove, Sa'di continued to hold his attention until the
+appearance, in 1792, of the fourth Collection of the _Zerstreute
+Blaetter_, which contains the bulk of Herder's translation from Persian
+and Sanskrit literature, and which therefore will have to occupy our
+attention.[81]
+
+Of this collection the following are of interest to us: 1 deg.. Four books
+of translations, more or less free, of maxims from the _Gulistan_,
+entitled _Blumen aus morgenlaendischen Dichtern gesammlet_. 2 deg..
+Translations from the Sanskrit consisting of maxims from the
+_Hitopadesa_ and from Bhartrhari and passages from the _Bhagavadgita_
+under the name of _Gedanken einiger Bramanen_. 3 deg.. A number of versions
+from Persian, Sanskrit, Hebrew and Arabic poets given in the Suphan
+edition as _Vermischte Stuecke_.
+
+The first three books of the _Blumen_ consist entirely of maxims from
+the _Gulistan_, the versions of Gentius, or sometimes of Olearius, being
+the basis, while the fourth book contains also poems from Rumi, Hafid
+and others (some not Persian), taken mostly from Jones' well known
+_Poeseos_.[82] For the _Gedanken_ our poet made use of Wilkins'
+translation of the _Hitopadesa_ (1787) and of the _Bhagavadgita_ (1785),
+together with the German version of Bhartrhari by Arnold from Roger's
+Dutch rendering.
+
+As Herder did not know either Sanskrit or Persian, his versions are
+translations of translations, and it is not surprising if the sense of
+the original is sometimes very much altered, especially when we consider
+that the translations on which he depended were not always accurate.[83]
+In most cases, however, the sense is fairly well preserved, sometimes
+even with admirable fidelity, as in "Lob der Gottheit" (_Bl._ i. 1),
+which is a version of passages from the introduction to the _Gulistan_.
+No attention whatever is paid to the form of the originals. For the
+selections from Sa'di the distich which had been used for the versions
+from the Greek anthology is the favorite form. Rhyme, which in Persian
+poetry is an indispensable requisite, is never employed.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The moralizing tendency which characterizes all of Herder's work, and
+which grew stronger as he advanced in years, rendered him indifferent
+to the purely artistic side of poetry. He makes no effort in his
+versions to bring out what is characteristically Oriental in the
+original; on the contrary, he often destroys it. Thus his "Blume des
+Paradieses" (_Bl._ iv. 7 = H. 548) is addressed to a girl instead of a
+boy. The fourth couplet is accordingly altered to suit the sense, while
+the last couplet, which according to the law governing the construction
+of the Persian _gazal_ contained the name of the poet, is omitted. So
+also in "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (_Verm._ 6 = _Gul._ v. 18, ed. Platts, p.
+114) the characteristic Persian phrase
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "It is necessary to survey Laila's beauty from the window of
+     Majnun's eye"
+
+appears simply as "O ... sieh mit meinen Augen an."
+
+This exclusive interest in the purely didactic side induced Herder also
+to remove the maxims from the stories which in the _Gulistan_ or
+_Hitopadesa_ served as their setting. So they appear simply as general
+sententious literature, whereas in the originals they are as a rule
+introduced solely to illustrate or to emphasize some particular point of
+the story. Then again a story may be considerably shortened, as in "Die
+Luege" (_Bl._ ii. 28 = _Gul._ i. 1), "Der heilige Wahnsinn" (see above).
+To atone for such abridgment new lines embodying in most cases a general
+moral reflection are frequently added. Thus both the pieces just cited
+have such additions. In "Verschiedener Umgang" (_Ged._ 3 = Bhart.
+_Nitis._ 67; Boehtl. 6781) the first three lines are evidently
+inspired by the last line of the Sanskrit proverb: _prayena
+'dhamamadhyamottamagunah samsargato jayate_ "in general the lowest, the
+middle and the highest quality arise from association," but they are in
+no sense a translation.
+
+What we have given suffices to characterize Herder as a translator or
+adapter of Oriental poetry. His Eastern studies have scarcely exerted
+any influence on his original poems beyond inspiring some fervid lines
+in praise of India and its dramatic art as exhibited in _Sakuntala_,[84]
+which had just then (1791) been translated by Forster into German from
+the English version of Sir William Jones. Unlike his illustrious
+contemporary Goethe he received from the East no impulse that stimulated
+him to production. His one-sided preference for the purely didactic
+element rendered him indifferent to the lyric beauty of Hafid and
+caused him to proclaim Sa'di as the model most worthy of imitation.[85]
+Yet it was Hafid, the prince of Persian lyric poets, the singer of wine
+and roses, who fired the soul of Germany's greatest poet and inspired
+him to write the _Divan_, and thus Hafid became the dominating
+influence and the guiding star of the _west-oestliche Richtung_ in German
+poetry.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[79] See the edition by Meyer (KDNL. vol. 74) i. 1. pp. 164, 165.
+
+[80] Given by Redlich in the edition by Suphan, vol. 26, p. 435 seq.
+
+[81] We may state here that the work in question has been thoroughly
+commented on by such scholars as Duentzer and Redlich, and their comments
+may be found in the editions of Suphan and Meyer. The same has been done
+for Goethe's Divan by Duentzer and Loeper. The former's notes are in his
+Goethe-edition in the Kuerschner-series, the latter's in the edition of
+Hempel. In this investigation, therefore, the chapters on Herder and
+Goethe are somewhat briefer than they otherwise would be, as further
+details as to sources, etc., are easily accessible in the editions just
+mentioned. In all cases, however, the Sanskrit or Persian originals of
+the passages cited have been examined.
+
+[82] Poeseos Asiaticae commentariorum libri vi, publ. at London, 1774.
+Reprinted by Eichborn at Leipzig, 1777.
+
+[83] Compare, for instance. Hit. couplet 43 = Boehtl. 3121 with the
+rendering of Wilkins in Fables and Proverbs from the Sanskrit, London,
+1888 (Morley's Univ. Lib.), pp. 41, 42. And then compare with Herder's
+Zwecke des Lebens (Ged. 15).
+
+[84] Indien, ed. Suphan, vol. 29, p. 665.
+
+[85] "An Hafyz Gesaengen haben wir fast genug; Sadi ist uns lehrreicher
+gewesen." Adrastea vi. ed. Suphan, vol. 24, p. 356.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+GOETHE.
+
+      Enthusiasm for Sakuntala--Der Gott und die Bajadere; Der
+      Paria--Goethe's Aversion for Hindu Mythology--Origin of the
+      Divan--Oriental Character of the Work--Inaugurates the Oriental
+      Movement.
+
+
+In _Wahrheit und Dichtung_ (B. xii. vol. xxii. p. 86) Goethe tells us
+that he first became acquainted with Hindu fables through Dapper's book
+of travel,[86] while pursuing his law studies at Wetzlar, in 1771. He
+amused his circle of literary friends by relating stories of Rama and
+the monkey _Hanneman_ (i.e. Hanuman), who speedily won the favor of the
+audience. The poet himself, however, could not get any lasting pleasure
+from monstrosities; misshapen divinities shocked his aesthetic sense.
+
+The first time that Goethe's attention was turned seriously to Eastern
+literature was in 1791, when, through Herder's efforts, he made the
+acquaintance of Kalidasa's dramatic masterpiece _Sakuntala_, which
+inspired the well known epigram "Willst du die Bluete des fruehen," etc.,
+an extravagant eulogy rather than an appreciative criticism. That the
+impression was not merely momentary is proved by the fact that five
+years later the poet took the inspiration for his _Faust_ prologue from
+Kalidasa's work.[87] Otherwise it cannot be said that the then just
+awakening Sanskrit studies exercised any considerable influence on his
+poetic activity. For his two ballads dealing with Indic subjects, "Der
+Gott und die Bajadere" and "Der Paria", the material was taken, not from
+works of Sanskrit literature, but from a book of travel. The former poem
+was completed in 1797, though the idea was taken as early as 1783 from
+a German version of Sonnerat's travels, where the story is related
+according to the account of Abraham Roger[88] in _De Open-Deure_. There
+the account is as follows: "'t Is ghebeurt ... dat Dewendre, onder
+Menschelijcke ghedaente, op eenen tijdt ghekomen is by een sekere Hoere,
+de welcke hy heeft willen beproeven of sy oock ghetrouw was. Hy
+accordeert met haer, ende gaf haer een goet Hoeren loon. Na den loon
+onthaelde sy hem dien nacht heel wel, sonder dat sy haer tot slapen
+begaf. Doch 't soude in dien nacht ghebeurt zijn dat Dewendre sich
+geliet of hy stierf; ende storf soo sy meynde. De Hoere die wilde met
+hem branden, haer Vrienden en konde het haer niet afraden; de welcke
+haer voor-hielden dat het haer Man niet en was. Maer nadien dat sy haer
+niet en liet gheseggen, soo lietse het yver toestellen om daer in te
+springen. Op't uyterste ghekomen zijnde, ontwaeckte Dewendre, ende
+seyde, dat hy hem hadde ghelaten doot te zijn, alleenlijck om te
+ondervinden hare trouwe; ende hy seyde haer toe, tot een loon van hare
+ghetrouwigheyt, dat sy met hem na Dewendrelocon (dat is een der platsen
+der gelucksaligheyt) gaen soude. Ende ghelijck den Bramine seyde, ist
+alsoo gheschiet."[89]
+
+It will be seen that Goethe has changed the story considerably and for
+the better. How infinitely nobler is his idea of uniting the maiden with
+her divine lover on the flaming pyre from which both ascend to heaven!
+It may also be observed that Goethe substitutes Mahadeva, i.e. Siva, for
+Dewendre[90] and assigns to him an incarnation, though such incarnations
+are known only of Visnu.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The "Paria," a trilogy consisting of "Gebet," "Legende" and "Dank des
+Paria," was begun in 1816, but not finished until December, 1821. Even
+then it was not quite complete. The appearance of Delavigne's _Le Paria_
+and still more of Michael Beer's drama of the same name, spurred Goethe
+to a final effort and the poem was published in October, 1823.
+
+The direct source is the legend which Sonnerat tells of the origin of
+the Paria-goddess Mariatale.[91] Indirectly, however, the sources are
+found in Sanskrit literature. Two parts may be distinguished: The story
+of the temptation and punishment, and the story of the interchange of
+heads.[92] The former story is that of the ascetic Jamadagni and his
+wife Renuka, who was slain by her son Rama at the command of the ascetic
+himself, in punishment for her yielding to an impure desire on beholding
+the prince Citraratha. Subsequently at the intercession of Rama she is
+again restored to life through Jamadagni's supernatural power. The story
+is in _Mahabharata_ iii. c. 116 seq.[93] and also in the _Bhagavata
+Purana_, Bk. ix. c. 16,[94] though here the harshness of the original
+version is somewhat softened.[95]
+
+The second story is found in the _Vetalapancavims'ati_, being the sixth
+of the "twenty-five tales of a corpse-demon," which are also found in
+the twelfth book of the _Kathasaritsagara_.[96] It relates how
+Madanasundari, whose husband and brother-in-law had beheaded themselves
+in honor of Durga, is commanded by the goddess to restore the corpses to
+life by joining to each its own head, and how by mistake she
+interchanges these heads.
+
+The two stories were fused into one and so we get the legend in the form
+in which Sonnerat presents it. Goethe followed this form closely without
+inventing anything. He did, however, put into the poem an ethical
+content and a noble idea. Both the Indic ballads are a fervent plea for
+the innate nobility of humanity.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Here the influence of India on Goethe's work ends. The progress of
+Sanskrit studies could not fail to excite the interest of the poet whose
+boast was his cosmopolitanism,[97] but they did not incite him to
+production. For India's mythology, its religion and its abstrusest of
+philosophies he felt nothing but aversion. Especially hateful to him
+were the mythological monstrosities:
+
+    Und so will ich, ein fuer allemal,
+    Keine Bestien in dem Goettersaal!
+    Die leidigen Elephantenruessel,
+    Das umgeschlungene Schlangengenuessel,
+    Tief Urschildkroet' im Weltensumpf,
+    Viel Koenigskoepf' auf einem Rumpf,
+    Die muessen uns zur Verzweiflung bringen,
+    Wird sie nicht reiner Ost verschlingen.[98]
+
+Goethe classed Indic antiquities with those of Egypt and China, and his
+attitude towards the question of their value is distinctly expressed in
+one of his prose proverbs: "Chinesische, Indische, Aegyptische
+Altertuemer sind immer nur Curiositaeten: es ist sehr wohl gethan, sich
+und die Welt damit bekannt zu machen; zu sittlicher und aesthetischer
+Bildung aber werden sie uns wenig fruchten."[99]
+
+After all, Goethe's Orient did not extend beyond the Indus. It was
+confined mainly to Persia and Arabia, with an occasional excursion into
+Turkey.
+
+To this Orient he turned at the time of Germany's deepest political
+degradation, when the best part of its soil was overrun by a foreign
+invader, and when the whole nation nerved itself for the life and death
+struggle that was to break its chains. The aged poet shrank from the
+tumult and strife about him and took refuge in the East. The opening
+lines of the first Divan poem express the motive of this poetical
+_Hegire_.
+
+The history of the composition of the _Divan_ is too well known to
+require repetition. It is given with great detail in the editions
+prepared by von Loeper and Duentzer.[100] Suffice it to say that the
+direct impulse to the composition of the work was the appearance, in
+1812, of the first complete version of Persia's greatest lyric poet
+Hafid, by the famous Viennese Orientalist von Hammer. The bulk of the
+poems were written between the years 1814 and 1819,[101] although in
+the work as we now have it a number of poems are included which arose
+later than 1819 and were added to the editions of 1827 and 1837.[102]
+
+The idea of dividing the collection into books was suggested by the fact
+that two of Hafid's longer poems bear the titles [Arabic]
+i.e. "book of the cup-bearer" and "book of the minstrel," as well as by
+the seven-fold division which Sir William Jones had made of Oriental
+poetry.[103] For the heroic there was no material, nor were some of the
+other divisions suitable for Goethe's purpose. So only the _Buch der
+Liebe_ and the _Buch des Unmuts_ (to correspond to satire) could be
+formed. Other books were formed in an analogous manner until they were
+twelve in number. The poet originally intended to make them of equal
+length, but this intention he never carried out, and so they are of very
+unequal extent, the longest being that of _Suleika_ (53 poems) and the
+shortest those of Timur and of the Parsi (two poems each).
+
+The great majority of the Divan-poems are not in any sense translations
+or reproductions, but entirely original compositions inspired by the
+poet's Oriental reading and study. The thoroughness and earnestness of
+these studies is attested by the explanatory notes which were added to
+the _Divan_ and were published with it in 1819,[104] and which show
+conclusively, that, although Goethe could not read Persian poetry in the
+original, he nevertheless succeeded admirably in entering into its
+spirit.
+
+We have mentioned Hammer's translation of Hafid as the direct impulse
+to the composition of the _Divan_. It was also the principal source from
+which the poet drew his inspiration for the work. A single verse would
+often furnish a theme for a poem. Sometimes this poem would be a
+translation, e.g. "Eine Stelle suchte der Liebe Schmerz," p. 54 (H.
+356. 8); but more often it was a very free paraphrase, e.g. the motto
+prefixed to _Buch Hafis_, a variation of the motto to Hammer's version
+(H. 222. 9). As an example of how a single verse is developed into an
+original poem we may cite "Ueber meines Liebchens Aeugeln," p. 55, where
+the first stanza is a version of H. 221. 1, all the others being free
+invention. Other Persian poets besides Hafid also furnished material.
+Thus the opening passage of Sa'di's _Gulistan_ was used for "Im
+Athemholen," p. 10, where the sense, however, is altered and the line
+"So sonderbar ist das Leben gemischt" is added. A number of poems are
+based on the _Pand Namah_ of 'Attar, e.g. pp. 58, 60,[105] and two are
+taken from Firdausi, namely "Firdusi spricht," p. 75 (Sh. N. i. p. 62,
+couplet 538; Mohl, i. 84; Fundgruben. ii. 64) and "Was machst du an der
+Welt?" p. 96 (Sh. N. i. p. 482, coupl. 788, 789; _Red._ p. 58). But it
+was not only the poetical works of Persia that were laid under
+contribution; sayings, anecdotes, descriptions, remarks of any kind in
+books of travel and the like were utilized as well. Thus Hammer in the
+preface to his version of Hafid relates the _fatva_ or judgment which a
+famous _mufti_ of Constantinople pronounced on the poems of the great
+singer, and this gave Goethe the idea for his "Fetwa," p. 32.[106] In
+the same preface[107] is related the well known reply which Hafid is
+reported to have given to Timur, when called to account by the latter
+for the sentiment of the first couplet of the famous eighth ode, and
+this inspired the poem "Haett' ich irgend wol Bedenken," p. 133.
+Similarly "Vom heutigen Tag," p. 94, is based on the words of an
+inscription over a caravansery at Ispahan found in Chardin's book. The
+story of Bahramgur and Dilaram inventing rhyme[108] gave rise to the
+poem "Behramgur, sagt man," p. 153. And so we might cite poems from
+other sources, _Quran_, Jones' _Poeseos_, Diez' _Buch des Kabus_, etc.,
+but the examples we have given are sufficient to show how Goethe used
+his material.
+
+Throughout the _Divan_ Persian similes and metaphors are copiously
+employed and help to create a genuine Oriental atmosphere. The adoration
+of the dust on the path of the beloved, p. 23 (cf. H. 497. 10); the
+image of the candle that is consumed by the flame as the lover is by
+yearning, p. 54 (cf. H. 414. 4); the love of the nightingale for the
+rose, p. 125 (cf. H. 318. 1); the lover captive in the maiden's
+tresses, p. 46 (cf. H. 338. 1); the arrows of the eye lashes, p. 129
+(cf. H. 173. 2); the verses strung together like pearls, p. 193 (cf.
+H. 499. 11), are some of the peculiarly Persian metaphors that occur.
+Allusions to the loves of Yusuf and Zalicha, of Laila and Majnun and of
+other Oriental couples are repeatedly brought in. Moreover, a whole book
+is devoted to the _saqi_ so familiar to students of Hafid, and Goethe
+does not shrink from alluding to the subject of boy-love, p. 181.
+
+A great many of the poems, however, do not owe their inspiration to the
+Orient, and many are completely unoriental. Such are, for instance,
+those of the _Randsch Namah_, expressing, as they do, Goethe's opinions
+on contemporary literary and aesthetic matters. Again, many are inspired
+by personal experiences, and, as is now well known, the whole _Buch
+Suleika_ owes its origin to the poet's love for Marianne von Willemer;
+some of its finest poems have been proved to have been written by this
+gifted lady. Such poems, written under the impressions of some actual
+occurrence, were sometimes subsequently orientalized. Some striking
+illustrations of this are given by Burdach in the essay which we cited
+before and to which we refer.
+
+As the _Divan_ was an original work, though inspired by Oriental
+sources, Goethe did not feel the necessity of imitating the extremely
+artificial forms of his Oriental models. Besides, he knew of these forms
+only indirectly through the work of Jones. What Hammer's versions could
+teach him on this point was certainly very little. Perhaps he did not
+realize what an essential element form is in Persian poetry, that, in
+fact, it generally predominates over the thought, and this so much that
+the unity of a _gazal_ is entirely dependent on the recurrence of the
+rhyme. Instead of such recurrent rhyme he employs changing rhyme and
+free strophes. Only twice does he attempt anything like an imitation of
+the _gazal_, but in neither case does he satisfy the technical rules of
+this poetic form.[109]
+
+From all this we see that Goethe in the _Divan_ preserves his poetic
+independence. He remains a citizen of the West, though he chooses to
+dwell for a time in the East. As a rule he takes from there only what he
+finds congenial to his own nature. So we can understand his attitude
+towards mysticism. He has no love for it; it was utterly incompatible
+with his own habit of clear thinking. Speaking of Rumi, the prince of
+mystics, he doubts if this poet could give a clear account of his own
+doctrine;[110] the grades by which, according to Sufi-doctrine, man
+rises to ultimate union with the Godhead he calls follies.[111]
+Therefore to him Hafid was the singer of real love, real roses and real
+wine, and this conception of the great lyric poet was also adopted by
+all the later Hafizian singers.[112] Unfortunately it cannot be said
+that it is quite correct. For even if we ignore the mystical
+interpretation which Oriental commentators give to the wine of Hafid,
+we cannot possibly ignore the fact that the love of which he sings is
+never the ideal love for woman, but mostly the love for a handsome
+boy.[113]
+
+With the _Divan_ Goethe inaugurated the Oriental movement in German
+poetry, which Rueckert, Platen and Bodenstedt carried to its culmination.
+These later Hafizian singers remembered gratefully what they owed the
+sage of Weimar. Rueckert pays his tribute to him in the opening poem of
+his _Oestliche Rosen_, where he hails him as lord of the East as he has
+been the star of the West.[114] And Platen offers to him reverentially
+his first _Ghaselen_:
+
+    Der Orient sei neu bewegt,
+    Soll nicht nach dir die Welt vernuechtern,
+    Du selbst, du hast's in uns erregt:
+    So nimm hier, was ein Juengling schuechtern
+    In eines Greisen Haende legt.[115]
+
+The poetic spirit of the Orient had been brought into German literature;
+it was reserved for Rueckert and Platen to complete the work by bringing
+over also the poetic forms.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[86] Asia, Oder: Ausfuehrliche Beschreibung, etc. See Benfey, Orient u.
+Occident, i. p. 721, note.
+
+[87] See Duentzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz. 1882, p. 68.
+
+[88] This information is given by Duentzer in his Goethe ed. (KDNL. vol.
+82), vol. i. p. 167, note. The French ed. of Sonnerat, Paris, 1783, does
+not contain the story. The German version to which Duentzer refers has
+not been accessible to me.
+
+[89] Roger, De Open-Deure, Leyden, 1651, pp. 166, 167, chap. xi.
+
+[90] It is to be noted that in Sanskrit literature _devendra_ is an
+epithet of Siva as well as of Indra.
+
+[91] Voyage aux Indes et a la Chine, Paris, 1782, i. 244 seq.
+
+[92] See Benfey, Goethes Gedicht Legende und dessen indisches Vorbild in
+Or. u. Occ. i. 719-732. Benfey erroneously supposes the material of the
+poem to have been derived from Dapper.
+
+[93] Bombay edition; cf. also Engl. trans. of Mahabh. ed. Roy, vol. iii.
+p. 358 seq.
+
+[94] Nirn. Sag. Press ed. Bomb. 1898, p. 407 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. in
+Wealth of India ed. Dutt, Calc. 1895, pp. 62, 63.
+
+[95] For other Sanskrit sources see Petersb. Lex. sub voce _renuka_.
+
+[96] Nirn. Sag. Press ed., Bombay, 1889, p. 481 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr.
+by Tawney, vol. ii. p. 261 seq.
+
+[97] See for instance his discussion of Sakuntala, Gitagovinda and
+Meghaduta in Indische Dichtung, written 1821. Vol. 29, p. 809.
+
+[98] Vol. ii. p. 352.
+
+[99] Sprueche in Prosa, vol. 19, p. 112.
+
+[100] See also Konrad Burdach, Goethe's West-Oestlicher Divan, Goethe
+Jahrbuch, vol. xvii. Appendix.
+
+[101] More than 200 poems out of 284 date from the years 1814, 1815
+alone. Loeper in vol. vi. preface, p. xxviii.
+
+[102] Loeper, ibid. p. xv.
+
+[103] Poeseos, The Works of Sir William Jones, ed. Lord Teignmouth,
+London, 1807, vol. vi. chapters 12-18.
+
+[104] Based mainly on information contained in Hammer's Gesch. der
+schoenen Redekuenste Persiens, Wien, 1818.
+
+[105] Given in Fundgruben des Orients, Wien, 1809, vol. ii. pp. 222,
+495, in the French translation of de Sacy.
+
+[106] Op. cit. p. xxxiv.
+
+[107] Ibid. pp. xvi, xvii.
+
+[108] Red. p. 35; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, Torino, 1894,
+vol. i. p. 7. This story inspired also the scene between Helena and
+Faust. Faust, Act iii. See Duentzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz., 1882, ii. p.
+216.
+
+[109] In tausend Formen, p. 169; Sie haben wegen der Trunkenheit, p.
+178.
+
+[110] Noten u. Abhandlungen, p. 260.
+
+[111] Ibid. p. 264.
+
+[112] That Goethe knew of the mystic interpretation to which Hafid is
+subjected by Oriental commentators is evident from "Offenbar Geheimnis,"
+p. 38, and from the next poem "Wink," p. 39.
+
+[113] See Paul Horn, Was verdanken wir Persien?, in Nord u. Sued, Sept.
+1900, p. 389.
+
+[114] Rueckert's Werke, vol. v. 286.
+
+[115] Platen, Werke, i. p. 255.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+SCHILLER.
+
+      Schiller's Interest in Sakuntala--Turandot.
+
+
+While the Orient, as we have seen, cast its spell over Germany's
+greatest poet and inspired the lyric genius of his later years for one
+of its most remarkable efforts, it remained practically without any
+influence on his illustrious friend and brother-poet Schiller. If
+Schiller had lived longer, it is not impossible that he too might have
+contributed to the West-Eastern literature. As it is, however, he died
+before the Oriental movement in Germany had really begun. At no time did
+he feel any particular interest in the East. Once, indeed, he mentions
+_Sakuntala_. Goethe had drawn his attention to a German version of the
+_Gitagovinda_ and this reminded Schiller of the famous Hindu drama which
+he read with the idea of possibly utilizing it for the theatre.[116]
+This idea he abandons owing to the delicacy of the piece and its lack of
+movement.
+
+An attempt has been made to prove that to Kalidasa's drama Schiller was
+indebted for the motive of his "Alpenjaeger," but it cannot be said to
+have been successful.[117]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Though there was no direct Oriental influence on Schiller's poetry,
+there is one dramatic poem of his which indirectly goes back to a
+Persian source. It is _Turandot_. The direct source for this composition
+was Gozzi's play of the same name in the translation of August Clemens
+Werthes, which Schiller, however, used with such freedom that his own
+play may be regarded as an original production rather than a version.
+The Italian poet based his _fiaba_ on the story of Prince Kalaf in the
+Persian tales of Petis de La Croix.[118] Now, as has been pointed out
+by scholars,[119] the name of the heroine, who gives the name to the
+play, is genuinely Persian, _Turan-ducht_, "the daughter of Turan,"[120]
+and although the scene is laid in China, most of the proper names, both
+in Gozzi and Schiller, are not at all Chinese, but Persian or Arabic.
+The oldest known model for the story is the fourth romance of Nidami's
+_Haft Paikar_, the story of Bahramgur and the Russian princess, written
+1197.[121] Whether Schiller was aware of the ultimate origin of the
+legend or not, he certainly made no attempt to give Persian local color
+to his piece, but on the contrary he studiously tried to impart to it a
+Chinese atmosphere.[122] It is interesting nevertheless to notice that
+when _Turandot_ was given at Hamburg (July 9 to Sept. 9, 1802) its real
+provenence was recognized, and, accordingly Turandot was no longer the
+princess of China, but that of Shiraz, her father being transformed into
+the Shah of Persia and the doctors of the _divan_ into Oriental
+Magi.[123] At Dresden the same thing happened, and here even Tartaglia
+and Brigella, who had been allowed to retain their Italian names in
+Hamburg, were made to assume the Oriental names of Babouk and Osmin. The
+specifically Chinese riddles disappeared, and instead of Tien and Fohi,
+Hormuz was now invoked.[124]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[116] A Letter dated from Weimar, Feb. 20, 1802. Briefwechsel zwischen
+Schiller u. Goethe. Stuttg. (Cotta) s. A., vol. iv. p. 98.
+
+[117] W. Sauer in Korrespondenzblatt f. d. Gelehrten u. Realschulen
+Wuerttembergs, XL. pp. 297-304. Against this view Ernst Mueller in
+Zeitschr. fuer vgl. Litteraturgesch., Neue Folge, viii. pp. 271-278.
+
+[118] Les Mille et Un Jours, tr. Petis de La Croix, ed.
+Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, Paris, 1843, p. 69 seq.
+
+[119] Hammer, Red. p. 116; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, p. 429.
+
+[120] Cf. name of Mihrab's wife, Sinducht, Sh. N. tr. Mohl i. p. 192 et
+passim; Puranducht, daughter of Xusrau Parviz, Mirchvand tr. Rehatsek,
+vol. i. p. 403.
+
+[121] See Ethe, Gesch. der pers. Litt. in Grdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. p
+242.
+
+[122] See Albert Koester's essay on Turandot in Schiller als Dramaturg,
+Berl. 1891, p. 201.
+
+[123] Koester, op. cit. p. 212.
+
+[124] Ibid. p. 213.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+THE SCHLEGELS.
+
+      Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier--Foundation of
+      Sanskrit Study in Germany.
+
+
+We have now come to the period of the foundation of Sanskrit philology
+in Germany. English statesmanship had completed the material conquest of
+India; German scholarship now began to join in the spiritual conquest of
+that country. With this undertaking the names of Friedrich and August
+Wilhelm Schlegel are prominently identified. The chief work of these
+brothers lies in the field of philosophy, translation and criticism, and
+is therefore beyond the scope of this investigation. Suffice it to say
+that Friedrich's famous little book _Die Weisheit der Indier_, published
+in 1808, besides marking the beginning of Sanskrit studies and
+comparative grammar in Germany,[125] is also of interest to us because
+here for the first time a German version of selections from the
+_Mahabharata_, _Ramayana_ and the _Code of Manu_, as well as a
+description of some of the most common Sanskrit metres is
+presented,[126] and an attempt is even made to reproduce these metres in
+the translation. The work of August Wilhelm Schlegel as critic,
+translator and editor of important works from Sanskrit literature is too
+familiar to need more than mention.[127] It is well known that to his
+lectures Heine owed his fondness for the lotus-flowers and gazelles on
+the banks of the Ganges.
+
+On the poetry of the Schlegels their Oriental studies exercised very
+little influence. Friedrich translated some maxims from the _Hitopadesa_
+and from Bhartrhari;[128] August likewise translated from the same
+works, as well as from the Epics and Puranas.[129] There are only two
+original poems of his that have anything to do with India, and both of
+these were written before he had begun the study of Sanskrit. The first
+is "Die Bestattung des Braminen,"[130] a somewhat morbid description of
+the burning of a corpse. It was addressed to his brother Karl August,
+who had joined a Hanoverian regiment in the service of the East India
+Company. The second of these poems is "Neoptolemus an Diokles" (ii. 13),
+written in 1800, and dedicated to the memory of this same brother who
+had died at Madras in 1789.[131] As a matter of fact, there is really
+nothing Oriental in the spirit of the poem.
+
+Aside from translations, the only poems that are connected with
+Schlegel's Sanskrit studies, are the epigrams against his illustrious
+contemporaries, Bopp and Rueckert. Those against the former (ii. 234) are
+of no special interest here. With those against Rueckert, however, the
+case is different. It is worth while noting that towards the
+distinguished scholar-poet Schlegel assumed a patronizing attitude. To
+Rueckert's masterly renderings from Sanskrit literature he referred
+slightingly as "Sanskritpoesiemetriknachahmungen" (ii. 235). But when he
+hailed the younger poet as
+
+    Aller morgenlaend'schen Zaeune Koenig,
+    Wechselsweise zeisigkranichtoenig! (ii. 218),
+
+he came much nearer to the truth than he imagined at the time. For,
+while it will be conceded that Rueckert did not always sing with equal
+power, it also is indisputable that he is the leading spirit in the
+movement under investigation. But we shall not anticipate a discussion
+of this poet's work, which is reserved for a succeeding chapter.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[125] See Benfey, Gesch. der Sprachwissenschaft und orient. Philologie
+in Deutschland, Muenchen, 1869, pp. 361-369.
+
+[126] The _sloka_, the _tristubh_ and the _jagati_ metre are described,
+the last two, however, not by name. Narada's speech, p. 236, is in
+_sloka_, 16 syllables to the line; the first distich, p. 233, is in
+_tristubh_, 22 syllables to the line. Quantity of course is ignored.
+
+[127] See Benfey, op. cit. pp. 379-405.
+
+[128] Friedr. Schlegel, Saemmtliche Werke, Wien, 1846. vol. ii. p. 82
+seq.
+
+[129] Aug. W. Schlegel, Saemmtliche Werke. Leipz. 1846. vol. iii. p. 7
+seq.
+
+[130] Ibid. i. p. 82.
+
+[131] Friedr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, pref. pp. xii, xiii. See
+also prefatory remarks to the poem in question.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+PLATEN.
+
+      His Oriental Studies--Ghaselen--Their Persian
+      Character--Imitation of Persian Form--Translations.
+
+
+The first to introduce the _gazal_ in its strict form into German
+literature[132] was Rueckert, who in 1821 published a version of a number
+of _gazals_ from the _divan_ of Rumi.[133] Chronologically, therefore,
+he ought to have the precedence in this investigation. If we,
+nevertheless, take up Platen first, we do so because the _gazals_ of
+this poet were really the first professedly original poems of this form
+to appear in Germany (Rueckert's claiming to be versions only), and also
+because they constitute almost the only portion of his poetic work that
+comes within the sphere of this discussion. Moreover, the remarks which
+we shall make concerning their content, imagery, and poetic structure,
+apply largely to the _gazals_ of Rueckert and also to his _Oestliche
+Rosen_, if we except the structure of the latter.
+
+Platen became interested in the East through the work of Hammer, and
+still more through the influence of Goethe's _Divan_. He at once set to
+work studying Persian, and his zeal was increased when, on meeting
+Rueckert in 1820 at Ebern, and again at Nuernberg, he received
+encouragement and instruction from that scholarly poet. Above all, the
+appearance of the latter's versions from Rumi gave him a powerful
+stimulus, and in 1821 the first series of his _Ghaselen_ appeared at
+Erlangen. Others followed in rapid succession. The same year a second
+series appeared at Leipzig;[134] a third series, united under the title
+_Spiegel des Hafis_, appeared at Erlangen the next year;[135] and,
+lastly, a series called _Neue Ghaselen_ appeared in the same place in
+1823. A few _gazals_ arose later, some being published as late as 1836
+and 1839.[136]
+
+We shall confine our discussion to those _gazals_ that date from the
+years 1821 and 1822, the last series being Persian in nothing but form.
+
+The _Ghaselen_ are not at all translations. Like the _Divan_-poems they
+are original creations, inspired by the reading of Hafid, and, to use
+the poet's own words "dem Hafis nachgefuehlt und nachgedichtet."[137]
+They follow as closely as possible the Persian metrical rules, and make
+use throughout of Persian images and metaphors, so much so that we can
+adduce direct parallels from the poems of Hafid. Thus in 13[138] we
+read: "Schenke! Tulpen sind wie Kelche Weines," evidently a parallel to
+some such line as H. 541. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"_saqi_, come! for the tulip-like goblet is filled with wine." In 75 the
+words "Weil ihren goldnen Busen doch vor euch verschliesst die Rose" are
+an echo of H. 300. 2:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"like the rose-bud, how can its inward secret remain concealed?" (cf.
+also H. 23. 3). And again in 85 "Und nun ... entrinnet dem Herzen das
+Blut leicht, das sonst mir den Odem benahm" is to be compared with H.
+11. 9:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"the sorrowful heart of Hafid, which through separation from thee is
+full of blood." Furthermore in 81 we read:
+
+    Du fingst im lieblichen Trugnetz der Haare die ganze Welt,--
+    Als spiegelhaltende Sklavin gewahre die ganze Welt!
+
+For the first line compare H. 102. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"there is no one who has not been snared by that doubled tress," and for
+the second line compare H. 470. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"O, thou of whose beauty the sun is the mirror-holder!" In 86 the idea
+of the young men slain like game by the beauty of the beloved is
+evidently inspired by H. 358. 6:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+"in every nook thine eye has a hundred slain ones fallen like me," and
+the following lines in the same poem 86:
+
+    O welche Pfeile strahlt zu mir dein Antlitz,
+    Und es befreit kein Schild von deiner Schoenheit,
+
+remind us of H. 561. 7:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "thine eye causes the arrow (lit. poplar) to pass through the
+     shield of life."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Again and again we meet with allusions to the famous image of the love
+of the nightingale for the rose (35, 75, etc.) so common in Persian
+poetry, especially in Hafid. We cite only 318. 1:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"the whole thought of the nightingale is that the rose may be his
+beloved; the rose has in her thought how she may show grace in her
+actions." In 302. 1 the nightingale is called [Arabic] "the rose's
+bride."
+
+Besides this, the poems teem with characteristic Persian metaphors: the
+moth longing for the flame (37, H. 187. 7); the tulip-bed glowing like
+fire (67, H. 288. 1); the tulip-cheek [Arabic] (whence Moore's _Lalla
+Rookh_), | (70, H. 155. 2); the musk-perfumed hair |
+(73, H. 33. 4); the garden of the face (73, H. 33. 4); the pearl of
+Aden | (77, H. 197. 10 and 651); wine as a ruby in a golden cup
+(82, H. 204. 8 | "O thou, the golden cup is
+made full of ruby"); the eye-brows like the crescent-moon (82, H. 470.
+5 | "brow like the new moon"); the dust on his love's
+threshold (83, H. 497. 10 |); the sky playing ball with the
+moon (14, inspired by some such couplet as H. 409. 7); and the verses
+like pearls (43). For this compare H. 499. 11:
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+"like a string of lustrous pearls is thy clear verse, O Hafid." We
+might multiply such parallels, but those given bear out our statement in
+regard to the imitation of Persian rhetorical figures on the part of
+Platen.
+
+In the eagerness to be genuinely Persian, the poet was not content,
+however, with imitating only what was striking or beautiful; he
+introduces even some features which, though very prominent in Eastern
+poetry, will never become congenial to the West. Thus the utter
+abjectness of the Oriental lover, who puts his face in the path of his
+beloved and invites her (or him) to scatter dust on his head (H. 148.
+3), is presented to us with all possible extravagance in these lines of
+87:
+
+    Sieh mich hier im Staub und setze deine Ferse mir auf's Haupt,
+    Mich, den letzten von den letzten deiner letzten Sklaven, sieh![139]
+
+To the _saqi_ is assigned a part almost as prominent as that which is
+his in the Persian original. It was the introduction of this repulsive
+trait (e.g. 82) that gave to Heine the opportunity for the savage,
+scathing onslaught on Platen in the well known passage of the
+_Reisebilder_.[140]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Otherwise Platen, like Goethe, ignores the mystic side of Hafid, and
+infuses into his _Ghaselen_ a thoroughly bacchanalian spirit, taking
+frequent occasion to declaim against hypocrisy, fanaticism and the
+precepts of the _Quran_. The _credo_ of these poems is the opening
+_gazal_ in _Spiegel des Hafis_ (64), where the line "Wir schwoeren ew'gen
+Leichtsinn und ew'ge Trunkenheit" may be taken to reflect the sentiment
+of the revelling Persian poet, who begs the _sufi_ not to forbid wine,
+since from eternity it has been mingled with men's dust (H. 61. 4);
+who claims to have been predestined to the tavern (H. 20. 4); who asks
+indulgence if he turns aside from the mosque to the wine-house (H. 213.
+4); who drinks his wine to the sound of the harp, feeling sure that God
+will forgive him (H. 292. 5); who is above the reproach of the boasters
+of austerity (H. 106. 3); and who, finally, asks that the cup be placed
+in his coffin so that he may drink from it on the day of resurrection
+(H. 308. 8). But when Platen flings away the _Quran_ he certainly is
+not in accord with his Persian model, for, while Hafid takes issue with
+the expounders of the sacred book, he discreetly refrains from assailing
+the book itself.
+
+But perhaps the chief significance of these _Ghaselen_, as well as those
+of Rueckert, lies in the fact that they introduced a new poetic form into
+German literature. It is astonishing to see how completely Platen has
+mastered this difficult form. The _radif_ or refrain, so familiar to
+readers of Hafid, he reproduces with complete success, as may be seen,
+for instance, in 8, where the words "du liebst mich nicht" are repeated
+at the end of each couplet, preceded successively by _zerrissen_,
+_wissen_, _beflissen_, _gewissen_, _vermissen_, _Narzissen_, exactly in
+the style of such an ode as H. 100. In those odes called _Spiegel des
+Hafis_ the name _Hafis_ is even regularly introduced into the last
+couplet, in accordance with the invariable rule of the Persian _gazal_
+that the author's name must appear in the final couplet.
+
+Besides the _gazal_ Platen has also attempted the _ruba'i_ or quatrain,
+in which form he wrote twelve poems (_Werke_, ii. pp. 62-64), and the
+_qasidah_. Of this there is only one specimen, a panegyric (for such in
+most cases is the Persian _qasidah_) on Napoleon, and, as may therefore
+be imagined, of purely Occidental content.[141]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Of Platen's translations from Hafid we need not speak here. But we must
+call attention to the attempt which he made to translate from Nidami's
+_Iskandar Namah_ in the original _mutaqarib_-metre. The first eight
+couplets of the invocation are thus rendered, and in spite of the great
+difficulty attending the use of this metre in a European language, the
+rendering must be pronounced fairly successful. It is also faithful, as
+a comparison with the original shows. We cite the first two couplets
+from the Persian:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "O God, world-sovereignty is Thine! From us comes service, Godhead
+     is Thine. The Protection of high and low Thou art! Everything is
+     nonexistent; whatever is, Thou art."[142]
+
+Of other Oriental poems, not translations, we notice "Parsenlied,"
+dating from the year 1819, when Goethe's _Divan_ appeared, and it is
+quite possible that the _Parsi Nameh_ of that work suggested to Platen
+the composition of his poem.[143] His best known ballad, "Harmosan,"
+written in 1830, has a Persian warrior for its hero. The source for the
+poem is probably Gibbon's _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (chap.
+li.)[144]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[132] We might say into European literature. The only previous attempts,
+as far as we know, to reproduce this form were made by Jones, who
+translated a ghazal of Jami (Works, vol. ii. p. 501) into English, and
+by a certain Tommaso Chabert, who translated several ghazals of Jami
+into Italian (Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 16-19).
+
+[133] In Taschenbuch fuer Damen, which was already published in 1820,
+thus establishing Rueckert's priority over Platen. See C. Beyer, Neue
+Mittheilungen ueber Friedrich Rueckert, Leipz. 1873, p. 14; also letter to
+Cotta, ibid. pp. 113, 114.
+
+[134] Published in Lyrische Blaetter.
+
+[135] In Vermischte Schriften.
+
+[136] Platens Werke (Cotta), vol. ii. See p. 7, note, where information
+is given as to place and date of these poems.
+
+[137] Dedication of Spiegel des Hafis to Otto von Buelow, vol. i. p. 265.
+
+[138] We cite the Ghaselen by the number in vol. ii. of the edition here
+used.
+
+[139] Goethe protested against this Oriental feature. See Noten u. Abh.
+to his Divan, vol. iv. p. 273 seq.
+
+[140] Heines Saemtliche Werke, ed. Born (Cotta), vol. vi. pp. 130 seq.
+Goethe in his comments on his Saki Nameh (op. cit. p. 307) emphasizes
+the purely pedagogical side of this relation of saqi and master.
+
+[141] Kasside, dated February 3, 1823, ii. p. 60.
+
+[142] Lith. ed., Shiraz, A.H. 1312.
+
+[143] The Divan appeared August, 1819. Platen's poem is dated Oct. 28,
+1819.
+
+[144] See Studien zu Platen's Balladen, Herm. Stockhausen, Berl. (1898),
+pp. 50, 51, 53, 54.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+RUeCKERT.
+
+      His Oriental Studies--Introduces the Ghasele--Oestliche Rosen;
+      Imitations of Hafid--Erbauliches und
+      Beschauliches--Morgenlaendische Sagen und Geschichten--Brahmanische
+      Erzaehlungen--Die Weisheit des Brahmanen--Other Oriental
+      Poems.
+
+
+When speaking of the introduction of the _gazal_-form into German
+literature mention was made of the name of the man who is unquestionably
+the central figure in the great Oriental movement which is occupying our
+attention. Combining the genius of the poet with the learning of the
+scholar, Rueckert was preeminently fitted to be the literary mediator
+between the East and the West. And his East was not restricted, as
+Goethe's or Platen's, to Arabia and Persia, but included India and even
+China. He is not only a devotee to the mystic poetry of Rumi and the
+joyous strain of Hafid, but he is above all the German Brahman, who by
+masterly translations and imitations made the treasures of Sanskrit
+poetry a part of the literary wealth of his own country. To his
+productivity as poet and translator the long list of his works bears
+conclusive testimony. In this investigation, however, we shall confine
+ourselves to those of his original poems which are Oriental in origin or
+subject-matter. A discussion of the numerous translations cannot be
+undertaken in the limited space at our disposal.
+
+Like Goethe and Platen, Rueckert also owed to Hammer the impulse to
+Oriental study. His meeting with the famous Orientalist at Vienna, in
+1818,[145] decided his future career. He at once took up the study of
+Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit, and with such success that in a few years
+he became one of the foremost Orientalists in Europe.
+
+The first fruit of these studies were the _Gaselen_ which appeared in
+the _Taschenbuch fuer Damen_, 1821, the first poems of this form in
+German literature.[146] They have been generally regarded as
+translations from the _divan_ of Rumi, but this is true of only a
+limited number; and even these were probably not taken directly from the
+Persian, but from the versions given by Hammer in his _Redekuenste_.[147]
+As a matter of fact, only twenty-eight--less than one-half of the
+_Gaselen_,--can be identified with originals in Hammer's book, and a
+comparison of these with their models shows with what freedom the latter
+were handled.[148] Furthermore in the opening poem, (a version of _Red._
+p. 187, "So lang die Sonne") the last couplet:
+
+    Dschelaleddin nennt sich das Licht im Ost,
+    Dess Wiederschein euch zeiget mein Gedicht,
+
+is original with Rueckert, and clearly shows that he himself did not
+pretend to offer real translations. The majority of poems are simply
+original _gazals_ in Rumi's manner.
+
+    Dschelaleddin, im Osten warst du der Salbenhaendler,
+    Ich habe nun die Bude im Westen aufgeschlagen.[149]
+
+These lines, we believe, define very well the attitude which the poet of
+the West assumed toward his mystic brother in the East.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The series of _Ghaselen_ signed Freimund and dated 1822 (third series in
+our edition) are not characteristically Persian. Hence we proceed at
+once to a consideration of the fourth series (p. 253 seq.), which we
+shall discuss together with the poems collected under the title of
+_Oestliche Rosen_ (p. 289 seq.) from which they differ in nothing but the
+form. They were, besides, a part of the _Oestliche Rosen_ as published
+originally at Leipzig, 1822.
+
+These poems are free reproductions or variations of Hafizian themes and
+motives. The spirit of revelry and intoxication finds here a much wilder
+and more bacchanalian expression than in the _Divan_ of Goethe or the
+_Ghaselen_ of Platen. _Carpe diem_ is the sum and substance of the
+philosophy of such poems as "Einladung" (p. 287) and "Lebensgnuege" (p.
+293); their note is in thorough accord with Hafid, when he exclaims
+(H. 525. 7):
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+"to me, who worship the beloved, do not mention anything else; for
+except for her and my cup of wine, I care for none." We are admonished
+to leave alone idle talk on how and why ("Im Fruehlingsthau," p. 261),
+for as Hafid says (H. 487. 11): "Our existence is an enigma, whereof
+the investigation is fraud and fable." The tavern is celebrated with as
+much enthusiasm (e.g. "Das Weinhaus," p. 290) as the [Arabic] to which
+Hafid was destined by God (H. 492. 1). Monks and preachers are scored
+mercilessly (e.g. "Der Bussprediger," p. 255; "Dem Prediger," p. 295) as
+in H. 430. 7:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "The admonisher spoke tauntingly: Wine is forbidden, do not drink!
+     I said: On my eye (be it); I do not lend my ear to every ass."
+
+The characteristic Persian images and rhetorical figures, familiar to us
+from Platen, are also found here in still greater variety and number.
+Thus to mention some new ones, the soul is likened to a bird (p. 270,
+No. 29, cf. H. 427. 5: [Arabic]); the cypress is invoked to come to the
+brook (p. 336, cf. H. 108. 3: [Arabic] "the place
+of the straight cypress is on the bank of the brook"); the rose-bush
+glows with the fire of Moses ("Gnosis," p. 350, cf. H. 517. 2: [Arabic]
+[Arabic] "the rose displays the fire of Musa"); _Hafis_ is an
+idol-worshipper (p. 305, "Liebesandacht," cf. H. 439. 6, where
+[Arabic] "the idol of sweet motions" is addressed). We meet also the
+striking Oriental conception of the dust of the dead being converted
+into cups and pitchers. In "Von irdischer Herrlichkeit" (p. 257) the
+character "der alte Wirth" is the _pir_ of H. 4. 10 et passim, and
+when speaking of the fate of Jamsid, Sulaiman and Ka'us Kai, he says:
+
+    Von des Glueckrads hoechstem Gipfel warf der Tod in Staub sie,
+    Und ein Toepfer nahm den Staub in Dienst des Toepferrades.
+    Diesen Becher formt' er draus, und glueht' ihn aus im Feuer.
+    Nimm! aus edlen Schaedeln trink und deiner Lust nicht schad' es!
+
+This very striking thought, as is well known, is extremely common in
+Persian poetry. To cite from Hafid (H. 459. 4):
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "The day when the wheel (of fate) from our dust will make jugs,
+     take care! make our skull (lit. the cup of the head) full of
+     wine."[150]
+
+Some of the poems are versions, more or less free, of Hafid--passages,
+e.g. "Die verloren gegangene Schoene" (p. 290, H. 268), "An die Schoene"
+(p. 308, H. 160, couplets 2 and 5 being omitted), "Beschwichtigter
+Zweifel" (p. 310, H. 430. 6), "Das harte Wort" (p. 350, H. 77. 1 and
+2). Sometimes a theme is taken from Hafid and then expanded, as in "Die
+Busse" (p. 346), where the first verse is a version of H. 384. 1, the
+rest being original.
+
+Of course, reminiscences of Hafid are bound to be frequent. We shall
+point out only a few instances. "Nicht solltest du so, O Rose, versaeumen
+die Nachtigall" ("Stimme der Sehnsucht," p. 256) is inspired by a verse
+like H. 292. 2:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "O rose, in thanks for that thou art the queen of beauty, display
+     no arrogance towards nightingales madly in love."
+
+In "Zum neuen Jahr" (p. 260) the last lines:
+
+    Trag der Schoenheit Koran im offenen Angesicht,
+    Und ihm diene das Lied Hafises zum Kommentar
+
+are a parallel to H. 10. 6:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "Thy beautiful face by its grace explained to us a verse of the
+     _Quran_; for that reason there is nothing in our commentary but
+     grace and beauty."
+
+The opening lines of "Schmuck der Welt" (p. 260):
+
+    Nicht bedarf der Schmink' ein schoenes Angesicht.
+    So bedarf die Liebste meiner Liebe nicht
+
+are distinctly reminiscent of H. 8. 4:
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "Of our imperfect love the beauty of the beloved is independent.
+     What need has a lovely face of lustre and dye and mole and line?"
+
+Like Hafid (H. 358. 11; 518. 7 et passim) Rueckert also boasts of his
+supremacy as a singer of love and wine ("Vom Lichte des Weines," p.
+273). Finally in "Frag und Antwort" (p. 258) he employs the form of the
+dialogue, the lines beginning alternately _Ich sprach_, _Sie sprach_,
+just as Hafid does in Ode 136 or 194. The "Vierzeilen" (p. 361), while
+they have the _ruba'i_-rhyme, are not versions. Only a few of them have
+an Oriental character. Completely unoriental are the "Briefe des
+Brahmanen" (p. 359), dealing with literary matters of contemporary
+interest.[151]
+
+The Oriental studies which Rueckert continued to pursue with unabated
+ardor were to him a fruitful source of poetic inspiration. They
+furnished the material for the great mass of narrative, descriptive and
+didactic poems which were collected under the titles _Erbauliches und
+Beschauliches aus dem Morgenlande_, and again _Morgenlaendische Sagen und
+Geschichten_, furthermore _Brahmanische Erzaehlungen_, and lastly
+_Weisheit des Brahmanen_. We shall discuss these collections in the
+order here given.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The first collection _Erbauliches und Beschauliches_ (vol. vi.) consists
+of poems which were published between the years 1822 and 1837 in
+different periodicals. They appeared in collected form as a separate
+work in 1837.[152] The material is drawn from Arabic and Persian
+sources, only one poem, "Die Schlange im Korbe," p. 80, being from the
+Sanskrit of Bhartrhari (_Nitis_. 85).[153]
+
+With the Arabic sources, the _Quran_, the chrestomathies of de Sacy and
+Kosegarten, and others, we are not here concerned. Among the Persian
+sources the one most frequently used is the _Gulistan_, from which are
+taken, to give but a few instances, "Sadi an den Fuerstendiener," p. 57
+(_Gul._ i. distich 3), "Mitgefuehl," p. 52 (_Gul._ i. 10, _Mathnavi_),
+"Kein Mensch zu Haus," p. 52 (_Gul._ vii. 19, dist. 6, Platts, p. 139),
+"Gewahrter Anstand," p. 55 (_Gul._ iv. _Math_. 5, Platts, p. 96), as well
+as many of the proverbs and maxims, pp. 102-108. The poem "Die Kerze und
+die Flasche," p. 82, is a result of the poet's studies in connection
+with his translation of the _Haft Qulzum_, a fragment of Amir Sahi[154]
+being combined with a passage cited from Asadi.[155] "Eine Kriegsregel
+aus Mirchond," p. 73, is a paraphrase of a _mathnavi_ from Mirchvand's
+_Raudat-ussafa_.[156] In "Gottesdienst," p. 52, the first two lines
+are from Amir Xusrau (_Red._ p. 229); the remaining lines were added by
+Rueckert. The fables given on pp. 87-96 as from Jami are taken from the
+eighth chapter or "garden" of that poet's _Baharistan_; they keep rather
+closely to the originals, only in "Die Rettung des Fuchses" the
+excessive naturalism of the Persian is toned down.[157] One of these
+fables, however, "Falke und Nachtigall," p. 89, is not from Jami, but
+from the _Machsan-ul-asrar_ of Nidami ([Arabic] ed. Nathan.
+Bland, London, 1844, p. 114; translated by Hammer in _Red._ p. 107).
+
+Some of the poems in this collection are actual translations from
+Persian literature. Thus "Ein Spruch des Hafis," p. 59, is a fine
+rendering of _qit'ah_ 583 in the form of the original.[158] Then a part
+of the introduction to Nidami's _Iskandar Namah_ is given on p. 65. The
+translation begins at the fortieth couplet:[159]
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+     "Who has such boldness that from fear of Thee he open his mouth
+     save in submission to Thee?"
+
+This is well rendered:
+
+    Wer hat die Kraft, in deiner Furcht Erbebung,
+    Vor dir zu denken andres als Ergebung?
+
+As will be noticed, Rueckert here has not attempted to reproduce the
+_mutaqarib_, as Platen has done in his version of the first eight
+couplets (see p. 36).
+
+Some of the translations in this collection were not made directly from
+the Persian, but from the versions of Hammer. Thus "Naturbetrachtung
+eines persischen Dichters," p. 62, is a free rendering of Hammer's
+version of the invocation prefixed to Attar's _Mantiq-ut tair_ (_Red._
+p. 141 seq.) and Rueckert breaks off at the same point as Hammer.[160] So
+also the extract from the _Iyar-i-Danis_ of Abu'l Fadl (p. 68) is a
+paraphrase of the version in _Red._ p. 397.
+
+A number of poems deal with legends concerning Rumi, or with sayings
+attributed to him. Thus the legend which tells how the poet, when a boy,
+was transported to heaven in a vision, as told by Aflaki in the
+_Manaqibu'l 'Arifin_,[161] forms the subject of a poem, p. 37. A saying
+of Rumi concerning music prompted the composition of the poem, p. 54 (on
+which see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 241), and on p. 62 the great mystic is
+made to give a short statement of his peculiar Sufistic doctrine of
+metempsychosis.[162] In "Alexanders Vermaechtnis," p. 61, we have the
+well-known legend of how the dying hero gives orders to leave one of his
+hands hanging out of the coffin to show the world that of all his
+possessions nothing accompanies him to the grave. In Nidami's version,
+however, the hand is not left empty, but is filled with earth.[163]
+
+Finally there are a few poems dealing with Oriental history, of which we
+may mention "Hormusan," p. 25, the subject being the same as in Platen's
+more famous ballad. It may be that both poets drew from the same source
+(see p. 37).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the same year (1837) as the _Erbauliches und Beschauliches_ there
+appeared the _Morgenlaendische Sagen und Geschichten_ (vol. iv.) in seven
+books or divisions. In general, the contents of these divisions may be
+described as versified extracts from Oriental history of prevailingly
+legendary or anecdotal character. Their arrangement is mainly
+chronological. Only the fourth, fifth and seventh books call for
+discussion as having Persian material. The most important source is the
+great historical work _Raudat us-safa_ of Mirch, portions of which
+had been edited and translated before 1837 by scholars like de
+Sacy,[164] Wilken,[165] Vullers[166] and others.[167]
+
+Other sources to be mentioned are d'Herbelot's _Bibliotheque
+Orientale_,[168] de Sacy's version of the _Tarich-i-Yamini_[169] and
+Hammer's _Geschichte der schoenen Redekuenste Persiens_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The first poem of the fourth book goes back to the legendary period of
+Iran. Its hero is Gustasp, the patron and protector of Zoroaster.
+Rueckert calls him Kischtasp. He does not give the story directly
+according to Firdausi (tr. Mohl, iv. 224, 278-281) but makes his hero go
+to Turan, whence he returns at the head of a hostile army. At the
+boundary he is met, not by his brother Zarir, but simply by messengers
+who offer him Iran's crown. This he accepts and thus becomes king and
+protector of the realm he was about to assail.[170]
+
+Most of the other poems in this book deal with legends of the Sassanian
+dynasty. Thus "Schapurs Ball," p. 114 (_Mem._ pp. 282-285); "Die Woelfe
+und Schakale Nuschirwans," p. 115 (_Mem._ p. 381); "Die abgestellte
+Hungersnoth," p. 116 (_Mem._ pp. 345, 346); "Die Heerschau," p. 117
+(_Mem._ p. 373). The two stories about Bahram Cubin, pp. 119-122, are
+also in _Mem._ p. 395 and pp. 396, 397 respectively.[171] "Der Mann mit
+einem Arme," p. 124, is in _Mem._ pp. 348, 349. In the last poem
+"Yesdegerd," p. 126, Rueckert gives the story of the sad end of the last
+Sassanian apparently according to different accounts, and not simply
+according to Firdausi or Mirchvand.
+
+The sixth book opens with the story of Muntasir, p. 198, (from d'Herb.
+vol. iii. pp. 694, 695) and then we enter the period of the Saffarid
+dynasty. Its founder Ya'qub is the subject of a poem, p. 207 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459). "Zu streng und zu milde" and "Schutz und Undank," both p. 210,
+tell of the fortunes of Prince Qabus (Wilken, _Sam._ p. 181 and pp.
+79-81, 91, 198-200, n. 47). "Die aufgehobene Belagerung," p. 211, brings
+us to the Buyids (d'Herb. ii. pp. 639, 640). The story of Saidah and
+Mahmud, p. 212, is from Wilken's _Buj._ c. xii. pp. 87-90, but the order
+of the events is changed. Then we come to the history of the Ghaznavid
+dynasty, in connection with which the story of Alp Tagin is told in
+"Lokman's Wort," p. 214, according to the account of Haidar in Wilk.
+Gasnevid. p. 139, n. 1, preceded by an anecdote told of Luqman (d'Herb.
+ii. 488). "Die Schafschur," p. 215, gives a saying of Sabuktagin from
+the _Tarich-i-Yamini_ (on the authority of 'Utbi, de Sacy, _Notices et
+Extr._ iv. 365). In the story of Mahmud's famous expedition to
+Somanatha, p. 215, Rueckert has combined the meagre account of Mirchvand
+with that of Firista for the story of the Brahman's offer and with that
+of Haidar for the sultan's reply (Wilk. _Gasnevid._ pp. 216, 217, n.
+109). "Mahmud's Winterfeldzug," p. 216, is also from Wilken's book (pp.
+166-168, n. 38); in fact Dilchak's reply is a rhymed translation of the
+passage in the note referred to. From the same source came also the poem
+on the two Dabsalims, p. 219 (Wilken, _Gasnevid._ pp. 220-225). The
+familiar anecdote of the vizier interpreting to Mahmud the conversation
+of the two owls is told in Nidami's _Machsan-ul-asrar_ (ed. Bland, pp.
+48-50), where, however, Anusirvan is the sultan. The title reads:
+[Arabic].[172] "Abu Rihan" (i.e. Albiruni) is taken from d'Herb. I. 45 and iv. 697.
+
+Then follow stories from the period of the Saljuks: "Des Sultan's
+Schlaf," p. 224 (Vullers, _Gesch. der Seldsch._ pp. 43, 44); "Nitham
+Elmulks Ehre," p. 228 (ibid. pp. 228-230); "Nitham Elmulks Fall," p. 229
+(ib. pp. 123-125 and pp. 128-132); "Die unglueckliche Stunde," p. 232
+(ibid. pp. 153, 154). "Die unterthaenigen Wuerfel," p. 227, is from the
+_Haft Qulzum_ (_Gram. u. Poet. der Perser_, pp. 366, 367). The stories
+of Alp Arslan and Romanus, p. 225, and of Malaksah's prayer, p. 228, are
+not given by Mirchvand, but occur in the works of Deguignes, Gibbon,
+Malcolm and d'Herbelot.[173] The story of the death of Sultan Muhammad
+(in 1159 A.D.), p. 232, is in Deguignes, ii. 260, 261.
+
+Then we get stories from the period of the Mongol invasion. "Die
+prophezeite Weltzerstoerung," p. 237, the legend of Jingis Chan's birth,
+is in the _Tarich-i-Yamini_ (_Notices et Extr._ iv. pp. 408, 409). The
+material for the poems concerning Muhammad Xvarazm Sah, p. 237, and his
+brave son Jalal ud-din, pp. 240, 241, is found in the work of Deguignes
+(op. cit. ii. p. 274 and pp. 280-283). Finally we are carried even to
+India and listen to the story of the unhappy queen Raziyah, p. 255, who
+was murdered at Delhi by her own generals in 1239 A.D.[174]
+
+A few anecdotes about Persian poets are also given. Thus
+"Dichterkampf," p 233, gives the amusing story of the literary contest
+between Anvari and Rasid, surnamed Vatvat "the swallow" (Hammer, _Red._
+p. 121; David Price, _Chronological Retrospect_, London, 1821, ii. 391,
+392), and on p. 243 we are told how Kamal ud-din curses his native city
+Ispahan and how the curse was fulfilled. (Hammer, _Red._ p. 159.)
+
+The seventh book contains two of Rueckert's best known parables, the
+famous "Es ging ein Mann im Syrerland," p. 303,[175] and "Der Sultan
+laesst den Mewlana rufen," p. 305 (_Red._ p. 338).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+It will be noticed that the Oriental poems which we have thus far
+discussed were mainly derived from Arabic and Persian sources. We may
+now turn our attention to a collection in which Rueckert's studies on
+matters connected with India are also represented.
+
+This collection _Brahmanische Erzaehlungen_, published in the year 1839
+(vol. iii.), does not, however, as its title might lead us to suppose,
+consist exclusively of Indic material. Some of the poems are not even
+Oriental; "Annikas Freier," p. 217, for example, is from the Finnic. Of
+others, again, the subject-matter, whether originally Oriental or not,
+has long ago become the common property of the world's fable-literature,
+as, for instance, "Weisheit aus Vogelmund," p. 239, the story of which
+may be found in the _Gesta Romanorum_, and in French, English and
+German, as well as in Persian, fable-books.[176] Some are from Arabic
+sources, as from the Thousand and One Nights, e.g. "Der schwanke
+Ankergrund," p. 357,[177] "Elephant, Nashorn und Greif," p. 367,[178]
+"Die Kokosnuesse," p. 359.[179] The poem "Rechtsanschauung in Afrika," p.
+221, is a Hebrew parable from the Talmud and had been already used by
+Herder.[180]
+
+A considerable number of the poems contain nothing but Persian material.
+Thus "Wettkampf," p. 197, is from the _Gulistan_ (i. 28; K.S. tr. p.
+27); and from the same source we have "Rache fuer den Steinwurf," p. 219
+(_Gul._ i. 22; K.S. 21), "Fluch und Segen," p. 234 (_Gul._ i. 1), and
+"Busurgimihr," p. 225 (_Gul._ i. 32; K.S. 31). "Die Bibliothek des
+Koenigs," p. 405, is from the _Baharistan_ (K.S., p. 31; _Red._ p. 338).
+Three episodes from the _Iskandar Namah_ are narrated on pp. 214-217:
+the story of the invention of the mirror (_Isk._ tr. Clark, xxiii. p.
+247), the battle between the two cocks (ibid., xxii. p. 234 seq.), and
+the message of Dara to Alexander with the latter's reply (ibid. xxiv. p.
+263).[181]
+
+On p. 329 Rueckert offers a free, but faithful, even if abridged version
+of selected passages from the introductory chapters of Nidami's work
+(_Isk._ tr. Clarke, canto ii, p. 18 seq. and canto vii, p. 53 seq.). In
+"Kiess der Reue," p. 421, he paraphrases the episode of Alexander's
+search for the fountain of life from the _Shah Namah_ (tr. Mohl, v. pp.
+177, 178). The story of Bahramgur in the same work (tr. Mohl, v, pp.
+488-492) appears in "Allwo nicht Zugethan," p. 397. It is not taken from
+Firdausi, for it relates the story somewhat differently, and introduces
+a love-episode of which the epic knows nothing.[182] Again, "Der in die
+Stadt verschlagene Kurde," p. 229, is an anecdote which Rueckert had
+already translated in the _Haft Qulzum_ (see his _Poet. u. Rhet. der
+Perser_, pp. 72-74), while "Gluecksgueter," p. 233, may have been
+suggested by a story of Attar which he published afterwards (1860, ZDMG.
+vol. 14, p. 286). Some anecdotes of Persian princes or poets are also
+utilized, e.g. "Das Kuechenfeldgeraethe des Fuersten Amer," p. 226 (d'Herb.
+iv. 459; Malcolm i. p. 155), "Der Spiegel des Koenigs," p. 223
+(Deguignes, ii. 171), and the story of Jami and the mulla, p. 224 (M.
+Kuka, _The Wit and Humour of the Persians_, Bombay, 1894, pp. 165, 166).
+In one poem, "Ormuzd und Ahriman," p. 344, an Avestan subject is
+treated, the later Parsi doctrine of _zrvan akarana_.[183]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The great majority of the poems in this collection are concerned with
+India, its literature, mythology, religious customs, geography and
+history, and it will be convenient for our purpose to discuss them under
+these heads.
+
+In the first group, that which takes its material from Sanskrit
+literature, we meet with the story of the flood, p. 298, from the
+_Mahabharata_ (Vana Parva, 187) and the story of Rama's exploits and
+Sita's love, p. 268, from the _Ramayana_. Also a number of fables from
+the _Hitopadesa_ or _Pancatantra_ occur, e.g. that of the greedy jackal,
+p. 249, familiar from Lafontaine (_Hit._ i. 6; _Panc._ ii. 3), and that
+of the lion, the mouse and the cat, p. 250 (_Hit._ ii. 3). The story of
+the ungrateful man and the grateful animals, p. 252, is found in the
+_Kathasaritsagara_ (tr. Tawney, ii. pp. 103-108; cf. Pali version in
+_Rasavahini_, Wollheim, _Die National-Lit. saemtlicher Voelker des
+Orients_, Berl. 1873, vol. i. p. 370). "Katerstolz und Fuchses Rath," p.
+243, has for its prototype the fable of the mouse changed into a girl in
+_Pancatantra_ (iv. 9; cf. the story of the ambitious Candala maid in
+_Kathas._ tr. Tawney, ii. p. 56). King Raghu's generosity to Varatantu's
+pupil Kautsa, as narrated in the _Raghuvamsa_ (ch. v.), is the subject
+of a poem on p. 402. Two famous pieces from the _Upanisad_-literature
+are also offered: the story of how Jajnavalkya overcame nine contestants
+in debate at King Janaka's court and won the prize consisting of one
+thousand cows with gold-tipped horns, p. 247, from the _Brhadaranyaka
+Up._ iii. (see Deussen, _Sechzig Upan. uebers._ Leipz. 1897, p. 428
+seq.), and the story of Naciketas' choice, p. 403, from the _Kathaka
+Upanisad_. To this group belong also versions of Bhartrhari, p. 337
+(_Nitis._ 15) and p. 338 (_Nitis._ 67).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+In the mythological group we have two poems telling of the history of
+Krsna, as given in the great _Bhagavata Purana_. The first one, "Die
+Weltliebessonne im Palast des Gottes Krischna," p. 246, gives the legend
+of the god's interview with the Sage Narada (_Bhagav._ Nirnaya Sag.
+Press, Bombay 1898, Lib. x. c. 69; tr. Dutt, Calcutta, 1895, pp.
+298-302) with a close somewhat different from that of the Sanskrit
+original. The second one narrates the romance of the poor Brahman
+Sudaman, who pays a visit to the god and is enriched by the latter's
+generosity (_Bhagav._ x. c. 80, 81; tr. Dutt, pp. 346-355. For the
+Hindostanee version in the _Premsagar_, see Wollheim, op. cit. i. p.
+421). In the Sanskrit the story is not so ideal as in Rueckert's poem.
+The poor Brahman is urged on to the visit, not by affection for the
+playmate of his youth, but rather by the prosaic appeals of his wife;
+yet, though the motive be different, the result is the same. Besides
+these, we find the legend of Kama, the Hindu Cupid, burned to ashes by
+Siva's third eye for attempting to interrupt the god's penance, p. 266
+(_Ramay._ i. c. 23, _Kumaras._ iii. v. 70 seq.), and Rueckert manages to
+introduce and to explain all the epithets, _Kamadeva_, _kandarpa_,
+_smara_, _manmatha_, _hrcchaya_, _ananga_, which Sanskrit authors bestow
+upon their Cupid. We also have legends of the cause of the eclipses of
+sun and moon, p. 365, of the origin of caste, p. 347 (_Manu_ i. 87), of
+the fabulous mountain Meru in Jambudvipa, p. 285, of the quarrelsome
+mountains Innekonda and Bugglekonda, p. 321 (Ritter _Erdkunde_, iv. 2,
+pp. 472, 473). The winding course of the Indus is explained by a typical
+Hindu saint-story, p. 335, similar to that told of the Yamuna and Rama
+in the _Visnu Purana_ (tr. Wilson, ed. Dutt, Calc. 1894, p. 386).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Many of the poems describe religious customs practised in India. Of such
+customs the practice of asceticism in its different forms is one of the
+most striking and could not fail to engage the poet's attention. Thus
+the peculiar fast known as _Candrayana_, "moon-penance," is the subject
+of a poem, p. 278; so also "Titanische Bussandacht," p. 283, has for its
+theme the belief of the Hindus in the supernatural power conferred by
+excessive penance, as exemplified by the legend of Sakuntala's birth.
+The practice of _pancatapas_, "the five fires" (_Manu_, vi. 23. See
+Monier Williams, _Indian Wisdom_, Lond. 1876, p. 105) is the subject of
+the poem "Des Buessers Laeuterungswahn," p. 285. The selfish greed of the
+Brahmans (cf. _Manu_, vii. 133, 144; xi. 40) is referred to in two poems
+on p. 287. The supposed powers of _cintamani_, the Hindu wishing-stone,
+suggested the poem on p. 275 (cf. Bhartrhari, _Vair._ 33). Of other
+poems of this sort we may mention "Die Gottverehrung des Stammes
+Karian," p. 322 (Ritter, _Erdk._ iv. 1. p. 187), "Vom Genuss der Fruechte
+nach Dschainas Lehre," p. 307 (ibid. iv. p. 749), and "Die Schuhe im
+Tempel Madhuras," p. 301 (ibid. iv. 2. p. 4).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Again, many poems belong to the realm of physical and descriptive
+geography. Their source, in most cases, was undoubtedly the great
+geographical work of Ritter. To it may be referred the majority of the
+purely descriptive poems, e.g., "Das ewige Fruehlingsland der Tudas," p.
+301 (op. cit. iv. 1. 951), "Das Fruehlingsland Kaschmir," p. 315 (ibid.
+ii. 1142 and 630), "Die Kokospalme," p. 304 (ibid. iv. 1. 834 seq., 838,
+851, 852). The sun and moon lotuses, so famous through Heine's beautiful
+songs (see p. 58), are described on p. 343. Animal-life also comes in
+for its share, e.g. the ichneumon in "Instinctive Heilkunde der Tiere,"
+p. 336.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Lastly, we come to the historical group, poems relating to the history
+of India. The poem on the burning of Keteus' wife, p. 382, is evidently
+inspired by the reading of Diodorus Siculus (xix. 33). On page 311 we
+have a poem celebrating the valor of the Raja Pratap Singh, who held out
+so bravely against Akbar in the mountain fastnesses of Citor, 1567.[184]
+The heroic queen-regent of Ahmadnagar, Chand Bibi, and the romantic
+story of her struggle against Akbar, in 1596, is the subject of the poem
+on p. 353. Only the bright side is, however, presented; the tragic fate
+which overtook the unfortunate princess three years later is not
+referred to.[185] The famous battle of Samugarh, 1658, by which
+Aurangzib gained the Mogul Empire, is narrated on p. 310, according to
+the account of Bernier.[186] In this connection we may also mention "Das
+Mikroskop," p. 370, the familiar anecdote of the Brahman who refused to
+drink water, after the microscope had revealed to him the existence
+therein of countless animalcules (Ritter, _Erdk._ iv. 1. p. 749).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Besides the poems falling under the groups discussed above there are
+many of purely didactic or moralizing tendency, embodying general
+reflections. It would take us too far, were we to attempt to discuss
+them, even if their interest were sufficiently great to repay the
+trouble. We must, however, point out that even the Sanskrit vocabulary
+is impressed into service to furnish material for such poems. Thus the
+fact that the word _pada_ may mean either "foot," "step," or "ray of
+the moon or sun," is utilized for the last lines of "Vom Monde," p. 368.
+The meaning of the term _bakravratin_, "acting like a crane," applied to
+a hypocrite, is used for a poem on p. 363. Similarly the threefold
+signification of _dvipa_ as "brahman," "bird," and "tooth" suggests
+"Zweigeboren," p. 423, and more instances might be adduced. It is not to
+be wondered at that such poetizing should often degenerate into the most
+inane trifling, so that we get such rhyming efforts as that on p. 326
+with its pun on the similarity of _hima_ "winter" with _hema_ "gold,"
+_Himalaya_ and _himavat_ with _Himmel_ and _Heimat_, or that on p. 385
+with its childish juxtaposition of the Vedantic term _maya_, the Greek
+name _Maia_, and the German word _Magie_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+If the poems discussed in the preceding pages were found to be largely
+didactic and gnomic in character, the great collection called _Die
+Weisheit des Brahmanen_ is entirely so. The poems composing this bulky
+work appeared in installments during the period 1836-1839, and, while
+many of them, as will be shown below, are the outcome of Rueckert's
+Oriental studies, the majority simply embody general reflections on
+anything and everything that happened to engage the poet's attention.
+"Es muss alles hinein, was ich eben lese: vor acht Wochen Spinoza, vor
+vierzehn Tagen Astronomie, jetzt Grimms ueberschwenglich gehaltreiche
+Deutsche Mythologie, alles unter der nachlaessig vorgehaltenen
+Brahmanenmaske...."[187] These are the author's own words and render
+further detailed characterization of the work superfluous. It is well
+known that the sources for the great didactic collection, even for that
+part of it which is not composed of reflections on matters of
+contemporary history, politics and literature, or relating to questions
+of family and friendship, are more Occidental than Oriental.[188] In
+fact, the Brahmanic character of the wisdom here expounded consists
+mainly in the contemplative spirit of reposeful didacticism which
+pervades the entire collection. Nor is there anything Oriental about
+the form of the poems,--the rhymed Alexandrine reigning supreme with
+wearisome monotony.
+
+A detailed discussion of the _Weisheit_, therefore, even if it were
+possible within the limits of this dissertation, will not be attempted;
+the less so, as such a discussion, so far as the Oriental side, at
+least, is concerned, would be very much of the same nature as that given
+of the _Brahmanische Erzaehlungen_. A general Oriental influence,
+especially of the _Bhagavadgita_-philosophy or of Rumi's pantheism, is
+noticeable enough in many places,[189] but particular instances of such
+influence are not hard to find. We shall adduce only a few, taken from
+the fifth division or _Stufe_, called _Leben_. Of these there are taken
+from the _Hitopadesa_ Nos. 25 (_Hit._ i. couplet 179; tr. Hertel, 141),
+26 (ib. i. 178; tr. Hertel, 140), 111 (ib. i. couplet 80; Wilkins' tr.
+p. 56). From the _Gulistan_ are taken Nos. 290 (_Gul._ i. 13; K.S. dist.
+p. 42), 326 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S. dist. p. 230), 366 (ibid. vii. 20; K.S.
+p. 232). No. 60 was probably suggested by the fable of the ass and the
+camel in Jami's _Baharistan_ (tr. K.S. p. 179). No. 476 draws a moral
+from the fact that the Persian title _mirza_ means either "scribe" or
+"prince," according to its position before or behind the person's name.
+In No. 201 we recognize a Persian proverb: [Arabic] "little goat, do not
+die; spring is coming, you will eat clover." No. 364:
+
+    "Herr Strauss, wenn ein Kameel du bist, so trage mir!"
+    Ich bin ein Vogel. "Flieg!" Ich bin ein Trampeltier
+
+is also a Persian proverb and is absolutely unintelligible, unless one
+happens to know that the Persian word for "ostrich" is [Arabic], literally
+"camel-bird."
+
+Again, to cite from other _Stufen_, Firdausi's lines, already used by
+Goethe in his _Divan_ (see p. 25 above), furnish the text for a moral
+poem, p. 487 (18). The Persian notion of the peacock being ashamed of
+his ugly feet (cf. _Gul._ ii. 8, _qit'ah_) is put to a similar use on p.
+463 (162). Some poems are moralizingly descriptive of Indic customs,
+e.g., p. 157 (11), where reverence for the _guru_ or "teacher" is
+inculcated (cf. _Manu_ ii, 71, 228) and pp. 10, 11 (18, 19), where the
+conditions are set forth under which the Vedas may be read (cf. _Manu_
+iv. 101-126, or _Yajn._ i. 142-151). A comparison is instituted between
+the famous court of Vikramaditya and his seven gems, of which Kalidasa
+was one, and that of Karl August of Weimar and his poetic circle, p. 148
+(39).
+
+Trivial and empty rhyming is of course abundant in such an uncritical
+mass of verse, and we also meet with insipid puns, like that on the
+Arabic word _din_, "religion," and the German word _dienen_, p. 498
+(48).
+
+These examples, we believe, will suffice for our purpose. With the
+philosophical part of the _Weisheit_ we are not here concerned.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+A great many Oriental poems are scattered throughout the collection
+which bears the title of _Pantheon_ (vol. vii.). We may mention "Die
+gefallenen Engel," p. 286, the legend of Harut and Marut, "Wischnu auf
+der Schlange," p. 286, "Die nackten Weisen," p. 287, and others. Some
+poems in this collection are in spirit akin to the _Oestliche Rosen_,
+e.g. "Becher und Wein," p. 291, "Der Traum," p. 283, and the
+"Vierzeilen," pp. 481, 482. Besides this, the _gazal_-form occurs
+repeatedly, e.g. "Fruehlingshymne," p. 273. So fond does Rueckert seem to
+have been of this form, that he employs it even for a poem on such an
+unoriental subject as Easter, p. 189 (2).
+
+This collection is furthermore of interest from the biographical side,
+as often giving us Rueckert's opinions. Thus we find evidence that he was
+by no means onesidedly prejudiced in favor of things Oriental. Referring
+to the myth of fifty-three million Apsarases having sprung from the
+sea,[190] he states (p. 24), that if he were to be the judge, these
+fifty-three million nymphs bedecked with jewels would have to bow before
+the one Aphrodite in her naked glory. And again in "Rueckkehr," p. 51,
+the poet confesses that having wandered to the East to forget his misery
+and finding thorns in the rose-gardens of Persia, and demons, misshapen
+gods and monkeys acting the parts of heroes in India, he is glad to
+return to the Iliad and Odyssey (cf. also "Zu den oestlichen Rosen," p.
+153).
+
+Rueckert was evidently aware of his tendency to overproduction. He offers
+an explanation in "Spruchartiges," p. 157:
+
+    Mir ist Verse zu machen und kuenstliche Vers' ein Beduerfnis,
+    Fehlt mir ein eigenes Lied, so uebersetz' ich mir eins.
+
+And again to his own question, Musst du denn immer dichten?, p. 159, he
+answers:
+
+    Ich denke nie ohne zu dichten,
+    Und dichte nie ohne zu denken.
+
+Graf von Schack has aptly applied to Rueckert's poems the famous sentence
+which a Spaniard pronounced about Lope de Vega, that no poet wrote so
+many good plays, but none also so many poor ones.[191]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Whatever defects it may have, Rueckert's Oriental work is nevertheless
+indisputably of the greatest importance to German literature. More than
+any one else he brought over into it a new spirit and new forms; and it
+is due primarily to his unsurpassed technical skill that the German
+language is to-day the best medium for an acquaintance, not only with
+the literature of the West, but also with that of the East.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[145] See Beyer, Friedrich Rueckert, Fkft. a. M. 1868, pp. 101, 102.
+
+[146] Vol. v. pp. 200-237.
+
+[147] So Hammer himself thought at the time. See Rob. Boxberger,
+Rueckert-Studien, Gotha, 1878, p. 224. Such also was the opinion of the
+scholarly von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878, Nachwort,
+p. 117, note. A copy of the original _divan_ of Rumi has not been
+accessible to me.
+
+[148] Cf. for instance No. 8, in ii. with Red. p. 175, and No. 24 in ii.
+p. 235, with Red. p. 188.
+
+[149] Vol. v. ii. 25, p. 236.
+
+[150] Cf. Hafid, Saqi Namah, couplets 77, 78 for the three names
+mentioned above. The figure is most familiar to the English reader from
+Fitzgerald's version, Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam. Boston, 1899, p. 211,
+xxxvii. See also 'Umar Xayyam ed. Whinfield, London, 1883, No. 466.
+
+[151] They were published in Deutscher Musenalmanach, 1838, and do not
+belong properly to the collection here discussed.
+
+[152] See essay on this by Robert Boxberger in Rueckert-Studien, pp.
+210-278. Also Beyer, Neue Mittheil. vol. i. p. 213; vol. ii. pp. 201-204
+for the date of many of these poems.
+
+[153] Also a few of the Vierzeilen-Sprueche, pp. 102-108, e.g. No.
+30=Nitis. 31.
+
+[154] Friedr. Rueckert, Grammatik, Poetik u. Rhetorik der Perser, ed. W.
+Pertsch, Gotha, 1874, p. 187.
+
+[155] Ibid. p. 360.
+
+[156] Fr. Wilken, Hist. Gasnevid. Berol. 1832, p. 13, Latin p. 148.
+
+[157] Cf. transl. of Baharistan for Kama Shastra Society, Benares, 1887,
+p. 180. The Persian text of these fables appeared in 1805 in the
+chrestomathy appended to Fr. Wilken's Institutiones ad Fundamenta
+Linguae Persicae, Lipsiae, 1805, pp. 172-181.
+
+[158] This poem was mistranslated by Hammer in his Divan des Hafis, Tueb.
+1812, vol. ii. p. 553. Bodenstedt has given a version in rhymed
+couplets: Der Saenger von Schiras, Berl. 1877, p. 129.
+
+[159] For Nidami I have used a lithographed edition published at Shiraz,
+A.H. 1312. In Wilberforce Clarke's transl. of the Iskandar Namah,
+London, 1881, the couplet in question is the forty-third.
+
+[160] Cf. for Persian text Garcin de Tassy, Mantic Uttair, Paris, 1863.
+Also French transl. p. 1 seq.
+
+[161] See Jas. W. Redhouse, The Mesnevi of Mevlana (our Lord)
+Jelalu-d-din, Muhammed, er-Rumi, Lond. 1881, B. i. p. 19. For Rueckert's
+source see Boxberger, op. cit. p. 224.
+
+[162] See H. Ethe, Neupers. Litt. in Grdr. iran. Phil. vol. ii. p. 289.
+
+[163] Wilh. Bacher, Nizamis Leben u. Werke, Leipz. 1871, p. 119 and n.
+4.
+
+[164] Memoires sur divers Antiquites de la Perse, et sur les Medailles
+des Rois de la dynastie des Sassanides, suivis de l'Histoire de cette
+Dynastie traduite du Persan de Mirkhond par A.I. Silv. de Sacy, Paris,
+1793.
+
+[165] Mohammedi Filii Chavendschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Samanidarum
+Pers. ed. Frid. Wilken, Goettingae, 1808.
+
+Mohammedi Filii Chondschahi vulgo Mirchondi Historia Gasnevidarum
+Persice ed. Frid. Wilken, Berol. 1832.
+
+Geschichte der Sultane aus dem Geschlechte Bujeh nach Mirchond, Wilken
+in Hist. philos. Abh. der kgl. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, Berl.
+1837. (This work from 1835.)
+
+[166] Mirchonds Geschichte der Seldschuken, aus d. Pers. zum ersten Mal
+uebers. etc., Joh. Aug. Vullers, Giessen, 1837.
+
+[167] A complete list of the portions of Mirchvand's work edited and
+published by European scholars before 1837 may be found in Zenker's
+Bibl. Orient., Nos. 871-881. Nos 874, 875 and 879 have not been
+accessible to me.
+
+[168] A letter given by Boxberger in op. cit. p. 74 shows that Rueckert
+asked for the loan of this book.
+
+[169] Histoire de Yemineddoula Mahmoud, tr. par A.I. Silv. de Sacy in
+Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibl. Nat., tom. iv.
+
+[170] For a similar form of the story see Gobineau, Histoire des Perses,
+Paris, 1869, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10, where the story is given on the
+authority of a Parsi work, the "Tjehar-e-Tjemen" (i.e. Cahar-i-Caman,
+"the four lawns").
+
+[171] For the romance about this man see Th. Noeldeke, Tabari, pp.
+474-478.
+
+[172] Lithogr. ed., p. 23. See also Malcolm, op. cit. i. 196; Red. p.
+107.
+
+[173] Deguignes, Hist. Gen. des Huns, des Turcs, des Mogols, et des
+autres Tartares occidentaux, etc. Paris, 1756-1758, vol. ii. pp. 209,
+223; Malcolm, op. cit. i. pp. 211, 218.
+
+[174] See Elphinstone's Hist. of India, Lond., 1841, vol. ii. pp. 10-12;
+also Elliot, The History of India as told by its own historians, Lond.
+1867-1877, vol. ii. pp. 332-335, 337, where the story is not so romantic
+as in Rueckert's poem.
+
+[175] Taken from Red. p. 183, where it is given as from Rumi. See above,
+p. 6.
+
+[176] Gesta Roman. ed. Herm. Oesterly. Berl. 1872, c. 167. For
+bibliography of this fable see W.A. Clouston, A Group of Eastern
+Romances, 1889, pp. 563-566, pp. 448-452.
+
+[177] Book of the Thousand and One Nights, by John Payne, Lond. 1894,
+vol. v. p. 153.
+
+[178] Ibid. p. 168.
+
+[179] Ibid. p. 199.
+
+[180] In Juedische Parabeln, vol. 26, p. 359; see also Bacher, Nizamis
+Leben u. Werke, p. 117, n. 4.
+
+[181] These episodes are outlined in Hammer, Red. p. 118; see Malcolm,
+op. cit. i. 55, 56.
+
+[182] We call attention to the fact that the fourth division of this
+collection (pp. 392-439 in our edition) is made up of poems which really
+belong to the Weisheit des Brahmanen.
+
+[183] Jackson, Die iran. Religion in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. pp. 629, 630.
+
+[184] Elliot, Hist. of India, vol. v. pp. 160-175; 324-328.
+
+[185] Elphinstone, Hist. of India, vol. ii. pp. 229-301 and note, where
+the legend of the queen firing silver balls is given on the authority of
+Xafi Xan. Elliot, op. cit. vi. 99-101.
+
+[186] The History of the Late Revolution of the Empire of the Great
+Mogul, Lond. 1671, pp. 106-131. See also Elliot, op. cit. vol. vii. pp.
+220-224, and Elphinstone, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 425 seq., where a
+slightly different account of the battle is given.
+
+[187] Letter to Melchior Meyr, Dec. 25, 1836, cited by C. Beyer in
+Nachgelassene Ged. Fr. Rueckerts. Wien, 1877, pp. 210, 211.
+
+[188] Koch, Der Deutsche Brahmane, Breslau (Deutsche Buecherei, Serie iv.
+Heft 23), p. 22.
+
+[189] Ibid. pp. 18-22. For Rumi's influence see esp. in vol. viii. of
+the edition cited, pp. 544. 7, 566. 74 et al.
+
+[190] In Ramay. i. 45, where the story of their origin is briefly given,
+we read that sixty _kotis_, i.e. 600,000,000 (a _koti_ being
+10,000,000), came forth from the sea, not reckoning their numberless
+female attendants.
+
+[191] Schack, Ein halbes Jahrhundert, Stuttg. Berl. Wien, 1894, vol. ii.
+p. 41. See also Koch, op. cit. pp. 11-13; Rud. Gottschall, Fried.
+Rueckert in Portraits u. Studien, Leipz. 1870, vol. i. pp. 163-166; Rich.
+Meyer, Gesch. der Litt. des 19 Jahrh. Berl. 1890, p. 56.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+HEINE.
+
+      Becomes Interested in India through Schlegel--Influence of
+      India's Literature on his Poetry--Interest in the Persian
+      Poets--Persian Influence on Heine--His Attitude toward the
+      Oriental Movement.
+
+
+"Was das Sanskrit-Studium selbst betrifft, so wird ueber den Nutzen
+desselben die Zeit entscheiden. Portugiesen, Hollaender und Englaender
+haben lange Zeit jahraus, jahrein auf ihren grossen Schiffen die Schaetze
+Indiens nach Hause geschleppt; wir Deutsche hatten immer das Zusehen.
+Aber die geistigen Schaetze Indiens sollen uns nicht entgehen. Schlegel,
+Bopp, Humboldt, Frank u. s. w. sind unsere jetzigen Ostindienfahrer;
+Bonn und Muenchen werden gute Faktoreien sein."
+
+With these words Heine sent forth his "Sonettenkranz" to A.W. von
+Schlegel in 1821.[192] These sonnets show what a deep impression the
+personality and lectures of the famous romanticist made on him while he
+was a student at Bonn, in 1819 and 1820. Schlegel had just then been
+appointed to the professorship of Literature at the newly created
+university, and to his lectures Heine owed the interest for India which
+manifests itself in many of his poems, and which continued even in later
+years when his relations to his former teacher had undergone a complete
+change.
+
+He never undertook the study of Sanskrit. His interest in India was
+purely poetic. "Aber ich stamme aus Hindostan, und daher fuehle ich mich
+so wohl in den breiten Sangeswaeldern Valmikis, die Heldenlieder des
+goettlichen Ramo bewegen mein Herz wie ein bekanntes Weh, aus den
+Blumenliedern Kalidasas bluehen mir hervor die suessesten Erinnerungen"
+(_Ideen_, vol. v. p. 115)--these words, with some allowance perhaps for
+the manner of the satirist, may well be taken to characterize the
+poet's attitude towards India. Instinctively he appropriated to himself
+the most beautiful characteristics of Sanskrit poetry, its tender love
+for the objects of nature, for flowers and animals and the similes and
+metaphors inspired thereby, and he invests them with all the grace and
+charm peculiar to his muse. Some of his finest verses owe their
+inspiration to the lotus; and in that famous poem "Die Lotosblume
+aengstigt,"--so beautifully set to music by Schumann--the favorite flower
+of India's poets may be said to have found its aesthetic apotheosis. As
+is well known, there are two kinds of lotuses, the one opening its
+leaves to the sun (Skt. _padma_, _pankaja_), the other to the moon (Skt.
+_kumuda_, _kairava_). Both kinds are mentioned in _Sakuntala_ (Act. V.
+Sc. 4, ed. Kale, Bombay, 1898, p. 141): _kumudanyeva sasankah savita
+bhodhayati pankajanyeva_ "the moon wakes only the night lotuses, the sun
+only the day lotuses."[193] It is the former kind, the nymphaea
+esculenta, of which Heine sings, and his conception of the moon as its
+lover is distinctively Indic and constantly recurring in Sanskrit
+literature. Thus at the beginning of the first book of the _Hitopadesa_
+the moon is called the lordly bridegroom of the lotuses.[194]
+
+The splendor of an Indic landscape haunts the imagination of the poet.
+On the wings of song he will carry his love to the banks of the Ganges
+(vol. i. p. 98), to that moonlit garden where the lotus-flowers await
+their sister, where the violets peep at the stars, the roses whisper
+their perfumed tales into each other's ears and the gazelles listen,
+while the waves of the sacred river make sweet music. And again in a
+series of sonnets addressed to Friederike (_Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 65)
+he invites her to come with him to India, to its palm-trees, its
+ambra-blossoms and lotus-flowers, to see the gazelles leaping on the
+banks of the Ganges, and the peacocks displaying their gaudy plumage, to
+hear Kokila singing his impassioned lay. He sees Kama in the features of
+his beloved, and Vasanta hovering on her lips; her smile moves the
+Gandharvas in their golden, sunny halls to song.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Allusions to episodes from Sanskrit literature are not infrequent in
+Heine's writings. The famous struggle between King Visvamitra with the
+sage Vasistha for example is mockingly referred to in two stanzas (vol.
+i. p. 146).[195] His own efforts to win the favor of a certain Emma
+(_Neue Ged._ ii. 54) the poet likens to the great act of penance by
+which King Bhagiratha brought down the Ganges from heaven.[196]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Heine's prose-writings also furnish abundant proofs of his interest in
+and acquaintance with Sanskrit literature. In the opening chapters of
+the _Buch Le Grand_ (c. 4, vol. v. p. 114) he brings before us another
+vision of tropical Indic splendor. In his sketches from Italy (_Reiseb._
+ii. vol. vi. p. 137) he draws a parallel between the priesthood of Italy
+and that of India, which is anything but flattering to either. It is
+also not correct; he notices, to be sure, that in the Sanskrit drama (of
+which he knows only _Sakuntala_ and _Mrcchakatika_) the role of buffoon
+is assigned invariably to a Brahman, but he is ignorant of the origin of
+this singular custom.[197] In his essay on the Romantic School, when
+speaking of Goethe's godlike repose, he introduces by way of
+illustration the well-known episode from the Nala-story where Damayanti
+distinguishes her lover from the gods who had assumed his form by the
+blinking of his eyes (vol. ix. p. 52). In the same essay (ibid. pp. 49,
+50), he bestows enthusiastic praise on Goethe's _Divan_, and this brings
+us to the question of Persian influence upon Heine.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Starting as he did on his literary career at the time when Goethe's
+_Divan_ and Rueckert's _Oestliche Rosen_ had inaugurated the Hafizian
+movement in German literature, it would have been strange if he had
+remained entirely outside of the sphere of its influence. As a matter of
+fact, he took some interest in Persian poetry almost from the outset of
+his poetical activity, as his letters clearly show. As early as 1821, he
+mentions Sa'di with the epithet _herrlich_, calls him the Persian Goethe
+and cites one of his couplets (_Gul._ ii. 48, _qit'ah_; K.S. p. 122) in
+the version of Herder.[198] In April, 1823, he writes from Berlin that
+during the preceding winter he has studied the non-Semitic part of
+Asia,[199] and the following year in a letter to Moser[200] he speaks of
+Persian as "die suesse, rosige, leuchtende Bulbulsprache," and goes on to
+imagine himself a Persian poet in exile among Germans. "O Firdusi! O
+Ischami! (sic for Jami) O Saadi! Wie elend ist euer Bruder! Ach wie
+sehne ich mich nach den Rosen von Schiras." Such a rose he calls in one
+of his _Nordsee_-poems "die Hafisbesungene Nachtigallbraut" ("Im Hafen,"
+vol. i. p. 218).
+
+Yet, judging from the familiar epigrams of Immermann, which Heine cites
+at the end of _Norderney_ (_Reiseb._ i. vol. v. p. 101) as expressive of
+his own sentiments, he seems to have held but a poor opinion of the
+West-Eastern poetry that followed in the wake of Goethe's _Divan_. He
+certainly never attempted anything like an imitation of this poetry, and
+Oriental form appealed to him even less. In the famous, or rather
+infamous, passage of the _Reisebilder_ (vol. vi. pp. 125-149), where he
+makes his savage attack on Platen, he ridicules that poet's _Ghaselen_
+and speaks derisively of their formal technique as "schaukelnde
+Balancierkuenste" (ibid. p. 136). It is probable, however, that he judged
+the _gazal_ form not so much on its own merits as on the demerits of his
+adversary. It is certain at any rate that he has nowhere made use of
+this form of versification.
+
+Persian influence is not noticeable in his earlier poems;[201] his _Buch
+der Lieder_ shows no distinctive traces of it. His later poems, _Neue
+Gedichte_ (1844) and _Romanzero_ (1851), on the other hand, show it
+unmistakably. The Persian image of the rose and the nightingale is of
+frequent occurrence. In a poem on Spring (_Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 26) we
+read:
+
+    Und mir selbst ist dann, als wuerd' ich
+    Eine Nachtigall und saenge
+    Diesen Rosen meine Liebe,
+    Traeumend sing' ich Wunderklaenge--.
+
+The image recurs repeatedly in the _Neue Gedichte_, e.g. _Neuer
+Fruehling_, Nos. 7, 9, 11, 20, 26; _Verschiedene_, No. 7, and in
+_Romanzero_ (vol. iii.), pp. 42, 178, 253. Even in the prose-writings it
+is found, e.g. _Florentinische Naechte_ (vol. iii. p. 43), _Gedanken und
+Einfaelle_ (vol. xii. 309).
+
+Again, when Heine speaks of pearls that are pierced and strung on a
+silken thread ("Kluge Sterne," _Neue Ged._ vol. ii. p. 106), he is
+intensely Persian; still more so when he calls Jehuda ben Halevy's
+verses (_Romanz._ vol. iii. p. 136):
+
+    Perlenthraenen, die, verbunden
+    Durch des Reimes goldnen Faden,
+    Aus der Dichtkunst gueldnen Schmiede
+    Als ein Lied hervorgegangen.
+
+The Persian fancy of the moth and candle-flame seems to have been in his
+mind when he wrote ("Die Libelle," vol. ii. p. 288):
+
+    Knisternd verzehren die Flammen der Kerzen
+    Die Kaefer und ihre liebenden Herzen....
+
+Still another Persian idea, familiar to us from a preceding chapter, is
+the peacock ashamed of his ugly feet ("Unvolkommenheit," _Romanz._ vol.
+iii. p. 103).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The Persian manner is even employed, and very cleverly, for humorous
+effect, for instance, in the poem "Jehuda ben Halevy," cited before. In
+this Heine asks Hitzig for the etymology of the name Schlemihl, but
+meets with nothing but evasive replies until:
+
+    Endlich alle Knoepfe rissen
+    An der Hose der Geduld,
+
+and the poet begins to swear so profanely that the pious Hitzig
+surrenders unconditionally and hastens to supply the desired
+information. This image of the "trousers of patience" reminds us
+strikingly of such Persian phrases as [Arabic] "the cowl of
+meditation" (_Gul._ ed. Platts, p. 4), [Arabic] "the carpet of desire"
+(ib. p. 113), etc., which are a particular ornament of the highly
+artificial rhymed prose, employed in works like the _Gulistan_ and
+_Baharistan_. In the latter, for instance, we read of a youth whose
+mental equilibrium had been impaired by the charms of a handsome girl:
+[Arabic] "he tore the garment of prudence and put on the rags of
+disgrace."[202]
+
+The description of a countess in words like those which Heine puts into
+the mouth of a Berlin chamber-musician: "Cypressenwuchs,
+Hyacinthenlocken, der Mund ist Ros' und Nachtigall zu gleicher Zeit," ...
+(_Briefe aus Berlin_. No. 3, vol. v. p. 205) furnishes another instance
+in point.
+
+And lastly, we must mention one of the best known of Heine's poems, the
+trilogy "Der Dichter Firdusi," the subject of which is the famous legend
+of Mahmud's ingratitude to Persia's greatest singer and his tardy
+repentance. We may add that scholars are not inclined to accept this
+legend as historical in all its parts; certainly not in its artistic and
+effective ending. This, of course, has nothing to do with the literary
+merit of the poem, which is deservedly ranked as one of Heine's happiest
+efforts.[203]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+After all, however, it is clear that Heine is in no sense an
+orientalizing poet or a follower of the Hafizian tendency which became
+the vogue under the influence of Goethe, Rueckert and Platen. With him
+the Oriental element never was more than an incidental feature, strictly
+subordinated to his own poetic individuality, and never dominating or
+effacing it, as is the case with most of the professedly "Persian"
+singers,--those "Perser von dem Main, der Elbe, von der Isar, von der
+Pleisse"--who thought, as has justly been remarked, that they had
+penetrated into the Persian spirit by merely mentioning _guls_ and
+_bulbuls_. Heine had no use for such trivial superficiality. The singer
+of the "Loreley" sang as he felt, and in spite of so many apparently
+un-German sentiments in his writings he had a right to say (_Die
+Heimkehr_, vol. i. p. 131):
+
+    Ich bin ein deutscher Dichter,
+    Bekannt im deutschen Land;
+    Nennt man die besten Namen,
+    So wird auch der meine genannt.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[192] Printed as Nachwort in the Bemerker, No. 10, Suppl. to
+Gesellschafter, No. 77. See also H. Heines Leben u. Werke, Ad.
+Strodtmann, Hamb. 1883, vol. i. p. 78.
+
+[193] Similarly Bhartrhari, Nitis. 74.
+
+[194] _Atha kadacid avasannayam ratrav astacalacudavalambini bhagavati
+kumudininayake candramasi_.... (ed. Bomb. 1891, p. 7). "Once upon a time
+when the night was spent and the moon, the lordly lover of the lotuses,
+was reclining on the crest of the western mountain...." Of other
+allusions to this lotus we may cite Vikramorvasi, Act 3. ed. Parab and
+Telang, Bomb. 1888, p. 79; Sak. Act iii. ed. Kale, p. 81, and Act iv.
+ib. p. 96.
+
+[195] The episode occurs in Ramay. i. 51-56. It had been translated as
+early as 1816 by Bopp in his Conjugationssystem der Sanskritsprache.
+
+[196] Mahabh. iii. 108, 109; Ramay. i. 42, 43; Markandeya Pur. and other
+works. Heine's acquaintance was due undoubtedly to Schlegel's
+translation in Indische Bibliothek, 1820. (Aug. Schlegel, Werke, iii.
+20-44.)
+
+[197] See article on this subject by M. Schuyler, Jr., in JAOS. vol. xx.
+2. p. 338 seq.
+
+[198] Letter to Friedr. Steinmann, Saemmtl. Werke, Hamb. 1876, vol. xix.
+No. 7, p. 43.
+
+[199] Ibid. No. 15, p. 80.
+
+[200] Ibid. No. 38, pp. 200, 201.
+
+[201] One poem of his earliest period, Die Lehre (vol. iii. p. 276),
+published in Hamburgs Waechter, 1817 (Strodtmann, op. cit. i. 54), does
+seem to show it. In this the young bee, heedless of motherly advice,
+does not beware of the candle-flame and so "Flamme gab Flammentod." We
+at once recognize a familiar Persian thought, and are reminded of
+Goethe's fine line, "Das Lebend'ge will ich preisen das nach Flammentod
+sich sehnet." (Selige Sehnsucht, ed. Loeper, iv. 26.)
+
+[202] O.M. v. Schlechta-Wssehrd, Der Fruehlingsgarten von Mewlana
+Abdurrahman Dschami, Wien, 1846. Persian text, p. 38.
+
+[203] For a discussion of the legend see Noeldeke in Grdr. iran. Phil.
+vol. ii. pp. 154, 155, 158.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+BODENSTEDT.
+
+      Lieder des Mirza Schaffy--Are Original Poems--Nachlass--Aus
+      Morgenland und Abendland--Sakuntala, a Narrative Poem.
+
+
+The Hafid tendency was carried to the height of popularity by Friedrich
+Martin Bodenstedt, whose _Lieder des Mirza Schaffy_ met with a
+phenomenal success, running through one hundred and forty editions in
+Germany alone during the lifetime of the author, besides being
+translated into many foreign languages.[204] These songs have had a
+remarkable career, which the author himself relates in an essay appended
+to the _Nachlass_.[205]
+
+According to the prevailing opinion, Mirza Schaffy was a great Persian
+poet, a rival of Sa'di and Hafid, and Bodenstedt was the translator of
+his songs. Great, therefore, was the astonishment of the European, and
+particularly the German public, when it was discovered that the name of
+this famous poet was utterly unknown in the East, even in his own native
+land. As early as 1860, Professor Brugsch, when in Tiflis, had searched
+for the singer's grave, but in vain; nobody could tell him where a
+certain Mirza Schaffy lay buried. At last, in 1870, the Russian
+counsellor Adolph Berge gave an authentic account of the real man and
+his literary activity.[206] Two things were clearly established: first,
+that such a person as Mirza Safi' had really existed; second, that this
+person was no poet. On this second point the few scraps of verse which
+Berge had been able to collect, and which he submitted in the essay
+cited above, leave absolutely no doubt. So, in 1874, when Bodenstedt
+published another poetic collection of Mirza Schaffy, he appended an
+essay wherein he explained clearly the origin and the nature of the
+original collection bearing that name.
+
+According to his own statements, these poems are not translations. They
+are entirely his own,[207] and were originally not an independent
+collection, but part of the biographical romance _Tausend und ein Tag im
+Orient_.[208] This should be kept in mind if we wish to estimate them at
+their true value.
+
+Nevertheless the poems are genuinely Oriental and owe their existence to
+the author's stay in the East, particularly in Tiflis, during the winter
+1843-44. But for this residence in the Orient, so Bodenstedt tells
+us,[209] a large part of them would never have seen the light.
+
+In form, however, they are Occidental--the _gazal_ being used only a few
+times (e.g. ii. 135, or in the translations from Hafid in chap. 21: ii.
+70=H. 8; ii. 72=H. 155, etc.) In spirit they are like Hafid. "Mein
+Lehrer ist Hafis, mein Bethaus ist die Schenke," so Mirza Schaffy
+himself proclaims (i. p. 96), and images and ideas from Hafid, familiar
+to us from preceding chapters, meet us everywhere. The stature like a
+cypress, the nightingale and the rose, the verses like pearls on a
+string, and others could be cited as instances. Other authors are also
+laid under contribution; thus the comparison of Mirza Schaffy to a bee
+seems to have been suggested by a maxim of Sa'di (_Gul._ viii. No. 77,
+ed. Platts; K.S. p. 268), where a wise man without practice is called a
+bee without honey, and the thought in the last verse of "Die Rose auch"
+(vol. ii. p. 85), that the rose cannot do without dirt and the
+nightingale feeds on worms, is a reminiscence of a story of Nidami which
+we had occasion to cite in the chapter on Rueckert (see p. 43). In one
+case a poem contains a Persian proverb. Mirza Schaffy criticises the
+opinions of the Shah's viziers in the words: "Ich hoere das Geklapper
+einer Muehle, doch sehe ich kein Mehl" (i, 85), a literal rendering of
+
+     [Arabic]
+
+Of course the _mullas_ and hypocrites in general are roundly scored,
+especially in chapter 27, where the sage, angered by the reproaches
+which the _mustahid_ has made to him for his bad conduct and irreligious
+poetry, gives vent to his sentiments of disgust in a number of poems
+(vol. ii. p. 137 seq.). Bodenstedt undoubtedly had in mind the
+persecutions to which Hafid was subject, culminating in the refusal of
+the priests to give him regular burial and giving rise to the famous
+story of the _fatva_.
+
+The tavern and the praise of wine are, of course, bound to be prominent
+features. In the same _credo_ where Mirza Schaffy proclaims Hafid as
+his teacher he also proclaims the tavern as his house of prayer (i. p.
+96), and so he celebrates the day when he quit the mosque for the
+wine-house (i. p. 98; cf. H. 213. 4). The well known poem "Aus dem
+Feuerquell des Weines" (i. p. 106) is in sentiment exactly like a
+quatrain of 'Umar Xayyam (Bodl. ed. Heron-Allen, Boston, 1898, No. 78;
+Whinfield, 195); the last verse is based on a couplet of Sa'di (_Gul._
+i. 4, last _qit'ah_, Platts, p. 18) which is cited immediately after the
+poem itself (i. p. 107).
+
+A collection of Hafizian songs would scarcely be complete without a song
+in praise of Shiraz. This we get in vol. ii. p. 48, where Shiraz is
+compared to Tiflis; and just as the former was made famous through
+Hafid, so the latter will become famous through Mirza Schaffy. Little
+did the worthy sage of Ganja dream that this would come literally true.
+Yet it did. The closing lines of the poem--
+
+    Beruehmt ist Tiflis durch dein Lied
+    Vom Kyros bis zum Rhein geworden--
+
+are no empty boast; they simply express a fact.
+
+None of Bodenstedt's later poetic publications ever attained the success
+of the Mirza Schaffy songs, and, it may be added, none of them equalled
+those songs in merit. In 1874 the author resolved once more to try the
+magic of that name and so he launched forth a collection called _Aus dem
+Nachlasse Mirza Schaffy's_, and to emphasize the Persian character of
+these poems the Persian translation of the title, [Arabic], appeared
+on the title-page. In spite of all this, however, the Orientalism in
+these poems is more artificial than natural; it is not felt as something
+essential without which the poems could not exist. The praise of wine,
+which is the main theme of the second book,--for the collection
+is divided into seven books,--is certainly not characteristically
+Persian; European, and especially German poets have also been very
+liberal and very proficient in bibulous verse. The maxims that make
+up the third and a portion of the fourth book are for the most
+part either plainly unoriental, or else so perfectly general, and, we
+may add, so hopelessly commonplace, as to fit in anywhere. Some,
+however, are drawn from Persian sources. Thus from the _Gulistan_ we
+have in the third book, Nos. 8 (_Gul._ Pref. p. 7, last _qit'ah_), 9
+(ibid. p. 6, first three couplets), 12 (ibid. iii. 27, _math_. p. 89) and
+36 (saying of the king in _Gul._ i. 1, p. 13). No. 31 is from the
+introduction to the _Hitopadesa_ (third couplet).[210] "Die Cypresse,"
+p. 103, is suggested by _Gul._ viii. 111 (K.S. 81).
+
+The Oriental stories which form the contents of the fifth book are of
+small literary value. Some of them read like versified lessons in
+Eastern religion, as, for instance, "Der Sufi," p. 111, which is a
+rhymed exposition of a Sufistic principle,[211] and "Der
+Wuestenheilige," which enunciates through the lips of Zoroaster himself
+his doctrine that good actions are worth more than ascetic
+practices.[212] On p. 121 Ibn Yamin is credited with the story of the
+poet and the glow-worm, which is found in Sa'di's _Bustan_ (ed. Platts
+and Rogers, Lond. 1891, p. 127; tr. Barbier de Meynard, Paris, 1880, p.
+163). The famous story of Yusuf and Zalicha, as related by Jami and
+Firdausi, is the subject of the longest poem in the book and is told in
+a somewhat flippant manner, p. 135 seq. The stories told of Sa'di's
+reception at court and his subsequent banishment through the calumny of
+the courtiers, pp. 123-128, seem to be pure invention; at least there is
+nothing, as far as we know, in the life or writings of the Persian poet
+that could have furnished the material for these poems.[213]
+
+In 1882, still another collection of Bodenstedt's poems, entitled _Aus
+Morgenland und Abendland_, made its appearance. Like the _Nachlass_ it
+also has seven divisions, of which only the second, fourth and sixth are
+of interest for us as containing Oriental material.[214]
+
+One poem, however, in the first book, "An eine Kerze," p. 5, should be
+mentioned as of genuinely Persian character. The candle as symbolical of
+the patient, self-sacrificing lover is a familiar feature of Persian
+belles-lettres (cf. H. 299. 4; 301. 5; or Rueckert's "Die Kerze und die
+Flasche," see above, p. 43). The last line reminds us of a verse of
+Jurjani, cited by Jami in the _Baharistan_ (ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p.
+111), exhorting the ruler to be like a flame, always pointing upwards.
+
+The second book brings another contribution of sententious wisdom, most
+of which is neither new nor Oriental. Of Oriental sources the _Gulistan_
+is best represented. From it are taken Nos. 8 (_Gul._ ii. 4, last
+couplet), 9 (ibid. i. 1), 41 (ibid. i. 21, prose-passage before the
+_math_. p. 33; K.S. p. 55), 43 (ibid. i. 17, coupl. 4, p. 29; K.S. p.
+49), 52 (ibid. i. 29, coupl. 2; K.S. p. 66). No. 47, which is credited
+to Ibn Yamin, is from the _Baharistan_ (tr. K.S. p. 46; _Red._ p. 338).
+No. 49 is a very free rendering of a quatrain of 'Umar Xayyam (Whinf.
+347; _Red._ p. 81).[215]
+
+The fourth book offers stories, all of which, except the first two, are
+from Persian sources. Thus from the _Gulistan_ are "Die Berichtigung"
+(_Gul._ i. 31; K.S., p. 67) and "Der Koenigsring" (_Gul._ iii. 27, last
+part, p. 92; K.S. p. 157). "Nachtigall und Falk" is from Nidami, as was
+pointed out before (see above, p. 43). "Das Paradies der Glaeubigen" is
+from Jami (_Red._ p. 324; given there as from the _Subhat ul-abrar_) and
+"Ein Bild der Welt" is from Ibn Yamin (_Red._ p. 236).[216] The longest
+story of the book is "Dara und Sara," which gives the legend of the
+discovery of wine by King Jamsid, told by Mirchvand in his _Raudat
+us-safa_.[217] Besides changing the name of the king to Dara, in
+order to make the poem more romantic, we find that Bodenstedt has made
+some decided alterations and has considerably amplified the legend. Thus
+in his version the motive of the lady's attempt at suicide is despised
+love, while in the original it is only a prosaic nervous headache. In
+both cases, however, the sequel is the same.
+
+Finally, the sixth book offers very free paraphrases of poems by Rumi,
+Sa'di, Amir Mu'izzi and Anvari, who, oddly enough, are termed "Vorlaeufer
+des Mirza Schaffy." The source for most of these poems was evidently
+Hammer's _Geschichte der schoenen Redekuenste Persiens_. To realize with
+what freedom Bodenstedt has treated his models, it is only necessary to
+compare some of the poems from Rumi with Hammer's versions, e.g. "Glaube
+und Unglaube" (_Red._ p. 175), "Der Mensch und die Welt" (ibid. p. 180),
+"Des Lebens Kreislauf" (ibid. p. 178), "Wach' auf" (ibid. p. 181). "Die
+Pilger," p. 188, attributed to Jami, is likewise from Rumi (_Red._ p.
+181; cf. Rueckert, _Werke_, vol. v. p. 220). The poems from Sa'di can
+mostly be traced to the _Gulistan_; they are so freely rendered that
+they have little in common with the originals except the thought. No. 1
+is _Gul._ ii. 18, _qit'ah_ 1, to which the words of Luqman are added;
+no. 2 is from _Gul._ iii. 10, couplet (p. 76; K.S. p. 129); no. 3 is
+_Gul._ iii. 27, _math_. (p. 89; K.S., p. 151); no. 4 is _Gul._ iii. 27,
+_qit'ah_ (p. 91; K.S., p. 154) and no. 5 is _Gul._ i. 39, _math_. The
+poem "Heimat und Fremde" is taken from Amir Mu'izzi,[218] the court-poet
+of Malak Shah, who in turn took it from Anvari. It is cited in the _Haft
+Qulzum_ to illustrate a kind of poetic theft.[219] "Unterschied" is from
+Jami (_Red._ p. 315, given as from _Subhat ul-abrar_), "Warum" from Ibn
+Yamin (_Red._ p. 235); "Die Sterne" and "Die Zeit" are both from Anvari
+(_Red._ pp. 98, 99).
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+So far, Bodenstedt had taken the material for his Oriental poems from
+Persia, but now he turned to India and in 1887 appeared _Sakuntala_, a
+romantic epic in five cantos. In the main it follows the story of
+Kalidasa's famous drama, but the version in the _Mahabharata_ is also
+used, and a considerable number of episodes are invented. Even where the
+account of the drama is followed, changes of a more or less sweeping
+nature are frequent. We cannot say that they strike us as so many
+improvements on Kalidasa; they certainly often destroy or obliterate
+characteristic Indic features. Thus in the drama the failure of the king
+to recognize Sakuntala is the result of a curse pronounced against the
+girl by the irascible saint Durvasas, whom she has inadvertently failed
+to treat with due respect, and the ring is merely a means of breaking
+the spell. All this is highly characteristic of Hindu thought. In
+Bodenstedt's poem, however, remembering and forgetting are dependent on
+a magic quality inherent in the ring itself,--a trait that is at home in
+almost any literature.[220]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+There are, besides, many minor changes. The _vidusaka_, or fun-making
+attendant of the king, is left out, and so the warriors express the
+sentiments that he utters at the beginning of Act 2. Dusyanta does not
+bid farewell to his beloved in person, but leaves a letter. Again, after
+he has failed to recognize her, she returns to the hermitage of Kanva,
+whereas in the drama she is transported to that of Kasyapa on the
+Hemakuta mountain. So, of course, the aerial ride of the king in Indra's
+wagon is also done away with.
+
+In many places, on the other hand, the poem follows the drama very
+closely. For instance, the passage in the first canto describing the mad
+elephant (pp. 14, 15)[221] is a paraphrase of the warning uttered by one
+of the holy men in Act 1. Sc. 4 (ed. Kale, p. 40). The discourse of
+Sakuntala with her friends (pp. 37, 38), the incident of the bee and
+Priyamvada's playful remark (pp. 38-40) are closely modelled after the
+fourth scene of Act 1. Many passages of the poem are in fact nothing but
+translations. Thus the words which the king on leaving, writes to
+Sakuntala (p. 78):
+
+    Doch mein Herz wird stets zurueckbewegt,
+    Wie die wehende Fahne an der Stange,
+    Die man vollem Wind entgegentraegt--
+
+are a pretty close rendering of the final words of the king's soliloquy
+at the end of Act 1:
+
+      _gacchati purah sariram dhavati pascad asamstutam cetah cinamsukam
+      iva ketoh prativatam niyamanasya_
+
+     "my body goes forward; the mind not agreeing with it flies backward
+     like the silken streamer of a banner borne against the wind."
+
+A large part of the whole poem is pure invention, designed to make the
+story more exciting by means of a greater variety of incident. Such
+invented episodes, for instance, are the gory battle-scenes that take up
+the first part of the fourth canto, the omen of the fishes in the fifth,
+and the episodes in which Bharata plays the chief role in that canto.
+Some of the things told of this boy, how he knocks down the gate-keeper
+who refuses to admit his mother, how he strikes the queen Vasumati who
+had insulted her, and how he slays the assassin whom this jealous queen
+had sent against him, are truly remarkable in view of the fact that the
+hero of all these exploits cannot be more than six years of age (see pp.
+112, 113). The account in the _Mahabharata_, to be sure, tells of
+equally fabulous exploits performed by the youth, but there we move in
+an atmosphere of the marvelous. In Bodenstedt's poem, however, the
+supernatural has been almost completely banished, and we cannot help
+noticing the improbability of these deeds.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[204] Hebrew by Jos. Choczner, Breslau, 1868; Dutch by van Krieken,
+Amst. 1875; English by E. d'Esterre, Hamb. 1880; Italian by Giuseppe
+Rossi, 1884; Polish by Dzialoszye, Warsaw, 1888. See list in G. Schenk,
+Friedr. Bodenstedt, Ein Dichterleben in seinen Briefen, Berl. 1893, pp.
+246-248.
+
+[205] Aus dem Nachlasse Mirza Schaffys, Berl. 1874, pp. 191-223.
+
+[206] In ZDMG. vol. xxiv. pp. 425-432.
+
+[207] With few exceptions, pointed out by Bodenstedt himself, e.g.
+"Mullah rein ist der Wein" is from the Tartaric. Nachlass, p. 208.
+
+[208] Friedr. Bodenstedts Gesammelte Schriften, Berlin, 1865, 12 vols.
+Vols. i and ii. All references to the Lieder des M.S. are to this
+edition.
+
+[209] Nachlass, p. 193.
+
+[210] Or else a saying of Muhammad exactly like it, cited by Prof.
+Brugsch in Aus dem Morgenlande, Lpz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. 3151-2, p. 57.
+
+[211] Cf. Bodenstedt's remarks on Sufism in Nachtrag, p. 198 seq.
+
+[212] See my article on Religion of Ancient Persia in Progress, vol.
+iii. No. 5, p. 290.
+
+[213] A complete history of Sa'di's life, drawn from his own writings as
+well as other sources, is given by W. Bacher, Sa'di's Aphorismen und
+Sinngedichte, Strassb. 1879. On the relation of the poet to the rulers
+of his time, see esp. p. xxxv seq.
+
+[214] We cite from the third edition, 1887.
+
+[215] Translated more closely by Bodenstedt in Die Lieder und Sprueche
+des Omar Chajjam, Breslau, 1881, p. 29.
+
+[216] Schlechta-Wssehrd, Ibn Jemins Bruchstuecke. Wien, 1852, pp. 138,
+139.
+
+[217] Tr. David Shea, Hist. of the Early Kings of Persia, Lond. 1832,
+pp. 102-104; Malcolm. i. p. 10, note b.
+
+[218] Ethe in Grdr. iran. Phil. ii. p. 260; Pizzi, Storia, vol. i. pp.
+88, 215.
+
+[219] Rueckert, Gram. Poet. u. Rhet. der Perser, p. 363.
+
+[220] Cf. the story of Charlemagne and the magic stone given to him by a
+grateful serpent. Grimm, Deutsche Sagen, 1. 130.
+
+[221] We cite from an edition publ. at Leipzig, no date.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+THE MINOR ORIENTALIZING POETS.
+
+      SOME LESS KNOWN POETS WHO ATTEMPTED THE ORIENTAL MANNER.
+
+
+To enumerate the names of all the German poets who affected the Oriental
+manner would be to give a list of the illustrious obscure. Most of them
+have only served to furnish another illustration of Horace's famous
+_mediocribus esse poetis_. A bare mention of such names as Loeschke,
+Levitschnigg, Wihl, Stieglitz and von Hermannsthal will suffice.[222]
+The last mentioned poet gives a striking illustration of the inanity of
+most of this kind of work. He uses the _gazal_ form for stories about
+such persons as the Gracchi and Bluecher,[223] and, what is still more
+curious, for tirades against the Oriental tendency.[224] A poet of
+different calibre is Daumer, whose _Hafis_ (Hamb. 1846) for a long time
+was regarded as a translation, whereas the poems of the collection are
+in reality original productions in Hafid's manner, just like Rueckert's
+_Oestliche Rosen_.[225] Their sensuous, passionate eroticism, however, is
+not a genuine Hafid quality, as we before have seen. The same criticism
+applies even much more forcibly to Schefer's _Hafis in Hellas_ (Hamburg,
+1853).[226] Special mention is due to the gifted, but unfortunate,
+Heinrich Leuthold, whose _Ghaselen_ deserve to be placed by the side of
+Platen's. Like Platen and Rueckert, he too proclaims himself a reveller:
+
+    Zur Gottheit ward die Schoenheit mir
+    Und mein Gebet wird zum Ghasel.--
+
+But these _Ghaselen_ do not attempt to be so intensely Persian as to
+reproduce the objectionable features of Persian poetry. Thus Leuthold
+sings:
+
+    Vor allem ein Lebehoch dem Hafis, dem Patriarchen der Zunft!--
+    D'rum bringe die liebliche Schenkin das Gold gefuellter Becher
+            hinein![227]
+
+Evidently the poet sees no necessity for retaining the _saqi_, but makes
+the poem more acceptable to Western taste by substituting a "Schenkin"
+for Platen's "Schenke."
+
+The Oriental story was cultivated by J.F. Castelli. Many of the subjects
+of his _Orientalische Granaten_ (Dresden, 1852) had already been used by
+Rueckert. Another Oriental storyteller in verse is Ludwig Bowitsch, whose
+_Sindibad_ (Leipzig, 1860) contains mostly Arabic material. Friedrich
+von Sallet has written a poem on _Zerduscht_[228] which gives the
+Iranian legend of the attempt made by the sorcerers to burn the newborn
+child.[229] It would, however, lead us too far were we to mention single
+poems on Oriental subjects or of Oriental tendency.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Head and shoulders above all these less known poets towers the figure of
+Count von Schack, who, like Rueckert, combined the poetic gift with the
+learning of the scholar, and who thus stands out a worthy successor of
+the German Brahman as a representative of the idea of the
+_Weltlitteratur_. A discussion of his work is a fitting close for this
+investigation.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[222] On these see Paul Horn, Was verdanken Wir Persien, in Nord u. Sued,
+Heft 282, p. 386 seq.
+
+[223] Ghaselen, Leipz. Recl. Univ. Bibl. No. 371, pp. 96, 99.
+
+[224] Ibid. pp. 49-54. An einen Freund.
+
+[225] See von Schack, Strophen des Omar Chijam, p. 117.
+
+[226] Horn in article cited, p. 389; Emil Brenning, Leopold Schefer,
+Bremen, 1884, p. 135.
+
+[227] Gedichte, Frauenfeld, 1879, p. 144 (xvi).
+
+[228] Gesammelte Gedichte, Leipz. Reclam. Nos. 551-3, p. 128.
+
+[229] See Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 29.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+VON SCHACK.
+
+      His Fame as Translator of Firdausi--Stimmen vom
+      Ganges--Sakuntala compared with the Original in the
+      Mahabharata--His Oriental Scholarship in his Original
+      Poems--Attitude towards Hafizian Singers.
+
+
+As an Orientalist, von Schack's scholarship is amply attested by his
+numerous and excellent translations from Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit.
+His _Heldensagen des Firdusi_, as is well known, has become a standard
+work of German literature. In fact, we may say that his reputation rests
+more upon his translations than upon his poems.
+
+Though we have consistently refrained from discussing translations, it
+is felt that the _Stimmen vom Ganges_, which is a collection of Indic
+legends from various sources, especially from the _Puranas_, cannot be
+left entirely out of consideration.[230] In many respects these poems
+have the charm of original work. The models moreover are used with great
+freedom. To cite von Schack's own words: "Fuer eigentliche Uebertragungen
+koennen diese Dichtungen in der Gestalt, wie sie hier vorliegen, nicht
+gelten, da bei der Bearbeitung bald groessere bald geringere Freiheit
+gewaltet hat, auch manches Stoerende und Weitschweifige ausgeschieden
+wurde; doch hielt ich es fuer unstatthaft, am Wesentlichen des Stoffes
+und der Motive Aenderungen vorzunehmen. In Gedanken und Ausdruck haben,
+wenn nicht der jedesmal vorliegende Text, so doch stets Indische Werke
+zu Vorbildern gedient."[231]
+
+A brief comparison of any one of these poems with the Sanskrit original
+will show the correctness of this statement. Let us take, as an
+illustration, the second, which gives the famous legend of Sakuntala
+from the _Mahabharata_ (i. 69-74; Bombay ed. i. 92-100).
+
+Schack leaves out unnecessary details and wearisome repetitions. Thus
+the elaborate account of the Brahmans whom the king sees on entering the
+hermitage of Kanva and their different occupations (_Mbh_. 70, 37-47) is
+condensed into fourteen lines, p. 36. Again, in the original, when
+Sakuntala tells the story of her birth, the speech by which Indra urges
+Menaka to undertake the temptation of Visvamitra is given at some length
+(_Mbh_. 71, 20-26); so also the reply of the timid nymph (ibid. 71,
+27-42); the story of the temptation itself is narrated with realistic
+detail in true Hindu fashion (ibid. 72, 1-9). All this takes up
+thirty-three _slokas_. Schack devotes to it barely five lines, p. 38;
+the speeches of Indra and Menaka he omits altogether. Again, when the
+king proposes to the fair maid, he enters into a learned disquisition on
+the eight kinds of marriage, explaining which ones are proper for each
+caste, which ones are never proper, and so forth; finally he proposes
+the Gandharva form (_Mbh_. 73, 6-14). It is needless to say that in
+Schack's poem the king's proposal is much less didactic and much more
+direct, pp. 40, 41.
+
+On the other hand, to see how closely the poet sometimes follows his
+model we need but compare all that follows the words "Kaum war er
+gegangen," p. 42, to "Dem sind nimmerdar die Goetter gnaedig," p. 47, with
+the Sanskrit original (_Mbh_. 73, 24-74, 33).
+
+Minor changes in phrases or words, advisable on aesthetic grounds, are
+of course frequent. Similes, for instance, appealing too exclusively to
+Hindu taste, were made more general. Thus in Sakuntala's reply to the
+king, p. 51, the faults of others are likened in size to sand grains,
+and those of himself to glebes. In Sanskrit, however, the comparison is
+to mustard-grains and bilva-fruits respectively. A few lines further on
+the maid declares:
+
+              "So ueberragt mein Stamm denn
+    Weit den deinen, wisse das, Duschmanta!"
+
+which passage in the original reads: _avayor antaram pasya meru
+sarsapor iva_, "behold! the difference between us is like that between
+a mustard-seed and Mount Meru." In the same speech of Sakuntala the
+Sanskrit introduces a striking simile which Schack omits as too
+specifically Indic:
+
+    _murkho hi jalpatam pumsam srutva vacah subhasubhah
+    asubham vakyam adatte purisam iva sukarah
+    prajnas tu jalpatam pumsam srutva vacah subhasubhah
+    gunavad vakyam adatte hamsah ksiram ivambhasah_
+                                      (_Mbh_. 74. 90, 91.)
+
+     "The fool having heard men's speeches containing good and evil
+     chooses the evil just as a hog dirt; but the wise man having heard
+     men's speeches containing good and evil chooses the worthy, just
+     as a swan (separates) milk from water."[232]
+
+We believe that these illustrations will suffice to give an idea of the
+relation which Schack's poems bear to the originals.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+His fondness for things Oriental finds also frequent expression in his
+own poems. In _Naechte des Orients_ (vol. i. p. 7 seq.),[233] like Goethe
+before him, he undertakes a poetic Hegira to the East:
+
+    Entfliehen lasst mich, fliehn aus den Gewirren
+    Des Occidents zum heitern Morgenland!
+
+So he visits the native towns of Firdausi and Hafid and pays his
+respect to their memory, and then penetrates also into India, where he
+hears from the lips of a Buddhist monk an exposition of Nirvana
+philosophy, which, however, is unacceptable to him (p. 111). The
+Oriental scenes that are brought before our mind, both in this poem as
+well as in "Memnon" (vol. vii. p. 5 seq.), are of course portrayed with
+poetic feeling as well as scholarly accuracy. The _haji_ who owns the
+wonderful elixir,--which, by the way, is said to come from India (p.
+33),--and who interprets each vision that the poet lives through from
+the standpoint of the pessimistic sceptic, shows the influence of 'Umar
+Xayyam. In fact he indulges sometimes in unmistakable reminiscences of
+the quatrains of the famous astronomer-poet, as when he says:
+
+    Wie Schattenbilder, die an der Laterne,
+    Wenn sie der Gaukler schiebt, voruebergleiten,
+    So zieht die bloede, willenlose Herde,
+    Die Menschheit mein' ich, ueber diese Erde. (p. 55.)
+
+This is very much the same thought as in the following quatrain of 'Umar
+(Whinf. 310; Bodl. 108):
+
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+     [Arabic]
+
+which stands first in Schack's own translation of the Persian poet and
+is thus rendered:
+
+    Fuer eine magische Laterne ist diese ganze Welt zu halten,
+      In welcher wir voll Schwindel leben;
+    Die Sonne haengt darin als Lampe; die Bilder aber und Gestalten
+      Sind wir, die d'ran vorueberschweben.[234]
+
+In his _Weihgesaenge_ (vol. ii. p. 149) Schack sends a greeting to the
+Orient; in another one of these songs he sings the praises of India
+(ibid. p. 232), and in still another he apostrophizes Zoroaster (ibid.
+p. 133). A division of this volume (ii.) bears the title _Lotosblaetter_.
+The sight of the scholar's chamber with its Sanskrit manuscripts makes
+him dream of India's gorgeous scenery and inspires a poem "Das indische
+Gemach" (vol. x. p. 26).
+
+Oriental stories and legends are also offered, though not frequently.
+"Mahmud der Gasnevide" (vol. i. p. 299) relates the story of the great
+sultan's stern justice.[235] "Anahid" (vol. vii. p. 209) gives the
+famous legend of the angels Harut and Marut, who were punished for their
+temptation of the beautiful Zuhra, the Arabic Venus.[236] Schack has
+substituted the old Persian name of Anahita (mod. Pers. _nahid_) for
+the Arabic name, and has otherwise also altered the legend considerably.
+
+Schack never attempted to write original poems in Oriental form. The
+Hafizian movement did not excite his enthusiasm, and for the trifling of
+the average Hafizian singer he had no use whatever. In a poem by which
+he conveys his thanks to the sultan for a distinction which the latter
+had conferred on him he says:
+
+    Waer ich, so wie Firdusi, paradiesisch,
+    Ich bohrte dir die Perlen der Kaside
+    Und schlaenge dir das Halsband der Ghasele;
+    Allein wir Deutschen singen kaum hafisisch,
+    Und wenn wir orientalisch sind im Liede,
+    Durchtraben wir die Wuesten als Kamele. (Vol. x. p. 106.)
+
+Even for Bodenstedt's Mirza Schaffy songs he has no great admiration:
+
+              Gar viel bedeutet's nicht, mich duenkt!
+    Dem nur, was Rueckert laengst schon besser machte
+    Und Platen, bist du keuchend nachgehinkt. (Vol. x. p. 47.)
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[230] Stimmen vom Ganges. Eine Sammlung Indischer Sagen, 2 Auflage,
+Stuttgart, 1877. The first edition appeared in 1857. There the eleventh
+story was Yadu's Meerfahrt (from Harivamsa). In the second edition this
+was omitted and an imitation of the Nalodaya substituted as an appendix.
+The sources for each poem are given by the author himself in Nachwort,
+p. 215, note.
+
+[231] Op. cit. p. 216.
+
+[232] See Lanman, The Milk-drinking Hansas of Sanskrit Poetry, JAOS.
+vol. 19. 2, pp. 151-158. Goose would be a better translation of the word
+_hamsa_ than swan.
+
+[233] We cite from the edition mentioned on p. vii.
+
+[234] Strophen des Omar Chijam, Stuttg. 1878. The translation itself
+dates from an earlier period than the year of publication. The author,
+speaking of the delay in bringing it before the public, states that
+Horace's nonumque prematur in annum could be applied in threefold
+measure to this work (p. 118). Hence the translation was made about
+1850, or a little later.
+
+[235] Herder, Briefe zur Befoerderung der Humanitaet, x, ed. Suphan, vol.
+18, p. 259; Deguignes, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 172; Francis Gladwin, The
+Persian Moonshee, Calcutta, 1801, Pers. and Engl. pt. ii. p. 3.
+
+[236] See Hammer, Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 7, 8.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+
+Now that we have come to the end of our investigation, it may be well to
+survey briefly the whole field and to summarize the results we have
+reached.
+
+We have seen that to mediaeval Europe India and Persia were lands of
+magic and enchantment; their languages and literatures were utterly
+unknown. Whatever influence these literatures exerted on that of Europe
+was indirect and not recognized. Nor did the Portuguese discoveries
+effect an immediate change. It was only by slow degrees that the West
+obtained any knowledge of Eastern thought. The _Gulistan_ and _Bustan_
+of Sa'di, some maxims of Bhartrhari and a few scattered fragments were
+all that was known in Europe of Indic or Persian literature before the
+end of the eighteenth century.
+
+Then the epoch-making discoveries of Sir William Jones aroused the
+attention of the Western world and laid the foundations of a new
+science. New ideas of world-wide significance presented themselves to
+the European mind. Nowhere were these ideas welcomed with more
+enthusiasm than in Germany, the home of philological scholarship. Herder
+pointed the way, and by means of translations and imitations tried to
+introduce the treasures of Oriental thought into German literature. That
+he did not meet with unqualified success was due, as we have seen, to
+his one-sided didactic tendency. To him, however, belongs the credit of
+the first impulse. Then Friedrich Schlegel founded the study of Sanskrit
+in Germany, while at the same time Hammer was busily at work spreading a
+knowledge of the Persian poets in Europe. The effect of the latter's
+work was instantaneous, for, as has been pointed out, it was his
+translation of Hafid that inspired the composition of Goethe's _Divan_
+and thus started the Oriental movement in Germany.
+
+We have examined the share which Rueckert, Platen, Bodenstedt and Schack
+had in this movement and have touched briefly on the work of some of the
+minor lights. It will be noticed that the Persian tendency found a far
+greater number of followers than the Indic. And this is but natural. It
+was far more easy to sing of wine, woman and roses in the manner of
+Hafid, such as most of these poets conceived this manner to be, than to
+assimilate and reproduce the philosophic and often involved poetry of
+India. Add to this the charming form and the rich rhyme of Persian
+poetry and we can readily understand why it won favor. But we can also
+understand readily enough why most of the so-called Hafizian singing is
+of very inferior quality. Those men who did the most serious work for
+the West-Eastern movement in Germany, men like Rueckert and Schack, were
+not one-sided in their studies. It was their earnest intention to offer
+to their countrymen what was best in the literatures of both India and
+Persia, and that they have carried out this intention nobly no one who
+has followed this investigation will be disposed to deny.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+It only remains to say a few words on the question of the value of this
+Oriental movement to German literature. We are not inclined to put too
+high an estimate on the poetry that arose under its influence. In fact,
+we do not think that it has produced what may be called really great
+poetry. It is significant that the fame of most of the poets considered
+in this investigation does not rest on that part of their work which was
+inspired by Oriental influence. We cannot possibly agree with the view
+that would place Goethe's _Divan_ side by side with the master's best
+productions. We do not believe that he ever would have become famous
+through that. Platen's _Ghaselen_ have neither the merit nor the
+reputation of his sonnets or his ballads. Even among the _Ghaselen_ and
+_Oestliche Rosen_ of Rueckert, the finest poems, such as "Sei mir
+gegruesst" and "Du bist die Ruh," both immortalized by the genius of
+Schubert, are precisely those that are least Oriental, and we think it
+is safe to say that the _Liebesfruehling_ exceeds in fame any one of
+Rueckert's Oriental collections, including the _Weisheit des Brahmanen_.
+The exception to the rule is Bodenstedt. His reputation rests almost
+solely on the Mirza Schaffy songs; but it will scarcely be pretended
+that this is great poetry.
+
+From what has been said it may be inferred that the chief value of the
+Oriental movement does not consist in its original contributions to
+German literature, but rather in the reproductions and translations it
+inspired. For it was through these that the treasures of Eastern thought
+were made the literary heritage, not of Germany alone, but of Europe. As
+far as the literature of Germany itself is concerned, this movement was
+of the greatest significance, in that it introduced the Oriental element
+and thereby helped powerfully to impart to German letters the spirit of
+cosmopolitanism for which men like Herder and Goethe had so earnestly
+striven. The great writers of ancient Greece and Rome had long since
+been familiar to the German people; Shakespere, Dante and Calderon had
+likewise won a place by the side of the German classics through the
+masterly work of the Romanticists; and now the spirit and form of a new
+literature--light from the East--was brought in by the movement which
+has been the subject of this investigation and assumed its place as a
+recognized element in the literature of Germany. The fond dream of a
+_Weltlitteratur_ thus became a reality, and the German language became
+the medium of acquaintance with all that is best in the literature of
+the world. The Oriental movement is the clearest proof of that spirit of
+universality, which is at once the noblest trait and the proudest boast
+of German genius.
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes
+
+There are many spelling and capitalization inconsistencies in the
+original of this text. These have been retained in this version, except
+those noted below.
+
+  Page vi: Changed Beharistan to Baharistan.
+  Page 2: Added marker for Footnote 2.
+  Page 6: Changed fourteeth to fourteenth.
+  Page 7: Changed "ferren India" to "fernen India."
+  Page 44: Changed "Iskandarnamah" to "Iskandar Namah" in Footnote 159.
+  Page 52: Changed "Pratap Sinh" to "Pratap Singh."
+  Changed "d' herb" to "d'herb" where it occurs.
+  Normalized spelling for "Hafid" throughout the text.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Influence of India and Persia on
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